A COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SAN JUAN SUE, A FEASANT COMMUNITY, AND ATIRRO, AN HACIENDA COMMUNITY LOCATED IN COSTA RICA, CENTRAL AMERICA ByReed Madsen Powell A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1951 Copyright by Reed Madsen Powell 1952 TABLE OF-CONTENTS CHAPTER I. PAGE BACKGROUND AND OCCASION FOR THE S T U D Y ...................... Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences . . . . 1 4 Contractual arrangement between the Institute and Michigan State College ............................... Community Study Project Sociological and Anthropological Sub-Project Methodology and procedure 6 . . . . . . 10 . . . 11 17 Training of the i n t e r v i e w e r s .......................... 19 Schedule interviewing .................................... 20 PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVES OF S T U D Y ............................. 22 ........... 22 Importance of the s t u d y • 23 M e t h o d o l o g y ........... ............... . . . . % ........... 24 Definition of terms used 25 ............... Organization of the remainder of the thesis IV. • ............. Objectives of the study III. 5 ............... Schedule and schedule instructions II. . ........... 30 .GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN S U R ........... 31 O r i e n t a t i o n ................................................. 31 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n .......................................... .. 41 Pattern of s e t t l e m e n t ...................................... 44 House types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 COMMUNITY DELINEATION OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN S U R ......... 55 iii CHAPTER PAGE Conceptions and definition of community . ............. 55 I-Iethodology............................................... * 62 Presentation of data • . .......... . .. ................... 65 Economic needs Clothing . . . . . . . . ........... . . . . . . . ................................... .. 66 . . . . 66 . . . . . . . . . 75 Staple foods Fresh vegetables and fruit ......... Fresh m e a t .......... 76 I-iilk....................................................... Bakery items • ............................... Hardware items . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... . . . 61 65 68 Footwear . . . . . . . . . ............................... 91 Drug and medical supplies .................. 95 B a n k ....................................................... 98 Postal service ............... ................. 101 Telegraph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 Train ............................................. 107 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 C a n t i n a ................................................ 113 M o v i e ............. ............... .. 116 Bus Social needs Informal visiting Educational needs ............. ..................... .. 119 . . . . . 119 . . . . . ................................... 123 Elementary s c h o o l ................................... .. 123 iv CHAPTER ' PAGE secondarj' s c h o o l ............. . . . . . . health n e e d s ..................... • . .• .............. . • Unidad Sanitaria .............................. Social Security Hospital .................... Private dentist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 132 136 ................................... 139 ........................ 141 Part e r a .................................................. 144 Curandero . . . . . . . . . . ... 148 P h a r m a c i s t ................................... 151 Private obstetrical nurse . . . ......... Religious n e e d s ............................................ Accion Catolica . . . . . . Church . . . . . . ......... ............... Summary and interpretation V. 129 ... Private doctor ............. 127 . . . . . . . . . 154 . . . . . . . . . . 156 . . . . l6l . . . . . . THE people; and their i n s t i t u t i o n s ........... Family group 2.5k .. 170 . . . . . . 170 Size of the family and fertility r a t i o .................. 170 Number of dead in the family 174 ............... Type of f a m i l y ............................................ 177 Civil status of family j e f e ........... 178 Length of time the family has lived in the community .» • Land t e n u r e ..................... House tenure . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 184 .................... Bio— social groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 191 - L J. PAGE secondary school Health needs . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 . . . . . . 129 ....................................... 129 .............. Unidad Sanitaria Social Security Hospital ............. . .............................. 132 ............... 136 Private d o c t o r ................. 139 Private obstetrical nurse . ............................ 141 P a r t e r a ............. -.................................. 144 Curandero ...................................... 148 P h a r m a c i s t ............................................. 151 Private dentist Religious needs . . . . . . . . Accion Catolica . . . . . . . . . . . 154 . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Summary and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .............................. l6l Church ... ................... 154 ................... THE PEOPLE AND THEIR I N S T I T U T I O N S ............. ............... Family group ............................................... Size of the family andfertility ratio 170 170 . . . . . . . . . 170 .......................... 174 Type of f a m i l y .............................. ............ 177 Civil status of family jefe . . .......................... 178 Length of time the family has lived in the community 181 Number of dead in the family • . Land t e n u r e ................... ................... 184 House t e n u r e ............................................. 189 Bio-social groups ........................................... 191 V CHAPTER PAGE Racial ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s .................................. . 191 Age and sex g r o u p i n g s ................ . 192 Income and occupational groups ............... 199 Major economic activity of the family h e a d .............. 199 Occupational classification of the family h e a d .......... 201 Income distribution 205 E d u c a t i o n ................. ................................ Age and grade of schoolpupils .................... 211 213 Number of grades of school completed by male and female heads . . . . . . . .............................. Number of persons who can read and w r i t e ................ 217 220 Number of families without persons of reading and writing abilities .. Number of books owned by the Religion ................ VI. family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222 223 225 Political o r g a n i z a t i o n ..................................... 229 INTERPERSONAL R E L A T I O N S ..................................... 231 Cliques and congeniality g r o u p s ............ 231 I m p o r t a n c e ............................................... 231 Characteristics ........... ....................... 234 ....................... 236 Procedure and analysis Clique l e a d e r s ............................ ............... 236 Prestige leaders . 238 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Interpretation of the F i g u r e s ............................ 248 vi PAGE CHAPTER Visiting . . . . . . . . . . Fiesta invitations .......................... • 248 ......... • . • • • ............ 263 Sick calls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271 Families consulted in c o n f i d e n c e .................. 281 Borrowing patterns .................... . . . . . . . . . 292 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 .............................. 306 Summation of analysis VII.SOCIAL CLASS ANALYSIS Methods employed . . . . . . . . . . ........... . . . . . 307 Analysis of visiting relations according to social class as indicated b y the judges'ratings 312 Atirro ......... 312 ... . . . . . . . . . . . San Juan Sur 319 A comparison of the social class structures of Atirro and San Juan Sur 325 Marriage and social class 329 VIII. C O N C L U S I O N S ......................................... 340 B I B L I O G R A P H Y ..................................................... 351 APPENDIX A. Key to sociograms ofAtirro and San Juan Sur . . . . 357 APPENDIX B. Supplementary data 368 APPENDIX C . Schedule and instructions 385 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1. PACE Rural Houses, Central District, Canton of Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1 9 4 8 .......... .• ...................... . . . • 2. 14 Settlements of the Sociological and Anthropological SubProject Stratified According to Location for the Purpose of Drawing a Random Sample ........... . . . . . . . . . . 16 3. Sketch Map of Atirro, Costa R i c a ........................ 45 4. Sketch Map of San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ............. .. 49 5. Age and Sex Pyramids of Atirro and San Juan Sur, Costa Rica. 6. Visiting Patterns of the Families Living in Atirro, Costa R i c a .......................................................... 7. .............................. .................................. 272 Families Making "Sick Calls" to Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ............ 12. 268 Families Making "Sick Calls" to Families Living in Atirro, Costa R i c a ................. 11. 264 Families Receiving Fiesta Invitations from Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ............ 10. 256 Families Receiving Fiesta Invitations from Families Living in Atirro, Costa Rica 9. 250 Visiting Patterns of the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica S. 193 276 Families Consulted in Confidence by Families Living in Atirro, Costa R i c a ......................................... 282 viii FIGURE 13. PAGE Families Consulted in Confidence by Families Living in San Juan Sua*, Costa Rica 14. .................................. ................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . ................... 313 Visiting Relationships of the Families in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica According to Social Class . . . . . . . . . . . IS. 297 Visiting Kelationships of the Families in Atirro, Costa Rica According to Social Class 17. 293 Families from Whom the Families Borrow in San Juan Sur, Costa Hica 16. 2&5 Families from Whom the Families Borrow in Atirro, Costa Hica 15. ................. . 320 A Comparison between the Social Class Structures of San Juan Sur, a Peasant Community, and Atirro, an Hacienda Community, as Related to the L. Warner Class System ... 326 LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1. PAGE Distribution of Families in Atirro according to Means of Transportation Used, Median Time Required, Median Dis­ tance, and Types of Road Utilized in Traveling to Those Outside Localities Most Frequently Visited for the Sat­ isfaction of Social, Economic and Physical Needs . . . . • 2. 40 Distribution of Families in San Juan Sur According to Means of Transportation Used, Median Time Required, Me­ dian Distance, and Types of Road Utilized in Traveling to Those Outside Localities Most Frequently Visited for the Satisfaction of Social, Economic, and Physical Needs . . « 3. 43 Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to the Type of House Lived in 4. 52 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Clothing Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa R i c a ....................... * 5» 67 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Clothing Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica • . • • • • » . • 6. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Staple Food Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica.................. 7. 71 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Staple Food Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica............... 8. 67 71 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Fresh Vegetable and Fruit Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica. » • 76 X PAGE TABLE 9. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Fresh Vegetable and Fruit Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a .......... 10. 76 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Fresh Meat Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica 11. 79 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Fresh Meat Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica . • • • • . . 12. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Milk Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica 13. 79 ................. 82 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Milk Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ..................... 1A. 82 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Bakery Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . . 15. 86 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Bakery Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ................. 16. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Hardware Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica . . . . . . 17. 86 ......... • 89 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Hardware Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 89 18. . Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Footwear Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa R i c a ............... 19. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Footwear Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 20. 92 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Drug and Medical 92 3d. TABLE PACE Meeds by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica. . . . . . . 21. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Drug and Medical Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa 22. 96 Rica . . . . Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Bank by the Families of Atirro, Costa liica.................... 23. 99 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Bank by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 21. ........ .... 102 . 105 place and Frequency of Utilization of the Telegraph Service by theFamilies Living in 27. 102 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Postal Service by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 26. 99 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Postal Service by the Families Living in Atirro, Costa R i c a ...... 25. 96 Atirro, Costa Rica • Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Telegraph Service by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 2o. 108 Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica . . . . 108 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Bus Service by the Families 31. livingin Atirro, Costa R i c a ...... Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Train Service by the Families 30. 105 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Train Service by the Families 29. ....................................... living in Atirro, Costa Rica .......... Ill Flace and Frequency of Utilization of the Bus Service by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Ale O- * * * • 111 xii PAGE TAILS 32. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of "Cantina" Needs .............. by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica 33. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of "Cantina" Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 34. . . . . . . . ................ 11.7 Place and frequency of Satisfaction of Movie Needs by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a .................. 36. 117 Place and Frequency of Participation in Informal Visit­ ing Activitj.es by the Families of Atirro,Costa Rica . . . 37. 114 Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Movie Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa Rica 35. 114 120 Place and Frequency of Participation in Informal Visit­ ing Activities by the Families of San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ....................................................... 38. Place and Frequency of Satisfaction of Elementary School Needs by the P'amilies of 39. Atirro, Costa Rica . . . . . . . the P’amilies of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica . . . . 128 Place and Frequency of Ss/tisfaction of Secondary School Needs by 42. 125 Place and P’requency of Satisfaction of Secondary School Needs by the Families of Atirro, Costa H i c a .............. 41. 124 Place and P’requency of Satisfaction of Elementary School Needs by 40. 120 the P’amilies of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica .... 128 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the "Unidad SaniTaria" Services by the Families Living in Atirro, Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............ . • 130 xiii PAGE TABLE 43. Place and Frequency of Utilization of the "Unidad Sani­ taria” Services by the Families laving in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 44. ................... 130 Place and Frequency of Utilization of Social Security Hospital Services by the Families Living in Atirro, Costa Rica . ............... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 45 • Place and Frequency of Utilization of Social Security Hospital Services by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 46. .................... 133 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of Private Dentists by the Families Living in Atirro, .............. Costa Rica 47. 137 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of Private Dentists by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 43. ...................................... 137 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of Private Doctors by the Families Living in Atirro, Costa R i c a ............................ 49. 140 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of Private Doctors by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 50. .......... 140 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of a Private Obstetrical Nurse by the Families Living in Atirro, Costa Rica ...................... • 142 xiv TABLL 51. PAGE • , Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of a Private Obstetrical Nurse by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ......... * ..................... . 52. Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of a "Partera" by the 53. 142 Families Living in Atirro, Costa Rica . . 145 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of a "Partera" by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa R i c a ....................... . ............................. 54* Place and Frequency of Utilization of'the Services of a Curandero by the 55. 146 Families Living in Atirro, Place and Frequency of Utilization of Costa Rica . * the 149 Services ofa Curandero by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 56. ......................... Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of a Pharmacist by the FamiliesLiving in Atirro, 57. 149 Costa Rica . 152 Rica ..................................... . . . . . . . . . 152 Place and Frequency of Utilization of the Services of a Pharmacist by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa 58. Place and Frequency of Participation in the Activity "Accion Catolica" by the Families Living in Atirro, Costa R i c a ............................................... 59. 155 Place and Frequency of Participation in the Activity "Accion Catolica" by the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica . . . . . . . . ................ . . . . . 155 XV PAGE TABLE 60« Place and Frequency of Attendance at Church by the Fam­ ilies of Atirro, Costa Hica 61. Sur, Costa Rica .................. ............................... . ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 178 Distribution of the Heads of Families in Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Civil Status 66. . . . . . . . . . Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Type 65. 171 Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to the Number of Dead Members 64. 157 Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Size 63. 157 Place and Frequency of Attendance at Church by the Fam­ ilies of SanJuan 62. .................. . . . . . . . . 179 The Family Informants of Atirro and San Juan Sur Distri­ buted According to Length of Time They Have Lived in the Locality 67. .............. 183 . . . . . . ........... 188 Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Forms ofLandTenure 68. . • Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Forms of House Tenure . . . . . . . 69. .................... 194 Age and Sex Distribution of the Population of San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 71. 190 Age and Sex Distribution of the Population of Atirro, Costa Rica 70. ......... ............................ Distribution of the Heads of Families of Atirro and San 195 xvi TABLE PAGE Juan Sur According to Type of Major Economic Activity 72. . • Distribution of the Heads of Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Major Occupation . . . . . . . . . . 73• 202 Income Distribution of the Families Living in Atirro and San Juan Sur, Costa Hica 74. 200 209 Distribution of the Pupils Attending the Elementary Schools of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Age and Grade 75. • • • . . • • • • • .............. .......... • 214 Number of Grades of School Completed by the Male and Female Heads of Families in Atirro and San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 76. 218 Distribution of the Male and Female Heads and of the Other Members of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Whether or not They 77. canRead and Write . 220 Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Whether or not They Include Persons of Reading and Writing Abilities 78. • ••.-••.. . . . . . . Number of Books Owned by the Families Residing in Atirro and San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 79. ................. 248 A comparison of Sociometric Questions No. 1 and 9 in San Juan Sur.......................................... .. 81. 224 A comparison of Sociometric Questions No. 1 and 9 in A t i r r o .......................................... ..... 80. 223 Observed and Expected Inter and Intra-Class Visiting 2U8 xvi table page Juan Sur according to Type of Major Economic Activity 72, . * Distribution of the Heads of Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Major Occupation • . • • • ........ 73* 202 Income Distribution of the Families Living in Atirro and San Juan Sur, Costa Rica . .............. 74. 200 209 Distribution of the Pupils Attending the Elementary Schools of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Age and Grade 75. .............................. 214 Number of Grades of School Completed by the Male and Female Heads of Families in Atirro and San Juan Stir, Costa Rica . . 76. ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 Distribution of the Male and Female Heads and of the Other Members of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Whether or not They can Read and Write 77. . 220 Distribution of the Families of Atirro and San Juan Sur According to Whether or not They Include Persons of Reading and Writing Abilities 7S. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Humber of Books Owned by the Families Residing In Atirro and San Juan Sur, Costa Rica 79. 80. . • • • • 224 in A t i r r o ............................................... 248 A comparison of Sociometric Questions No. 1 and 9 A comparison of Sociometric Questions No. 1 and 9 in San Juan Sur 81. 223 .......................... Observed and Expected Inter and Intra-Class Visiting 248 xvii TABLE PAGE of the Families in Atirro, Costa Rica 82. o . . . . . . . . . 317 Observed and Expected Inter and Intra-Class Visiting of the Families Living in San Juan Sur, Costa Rica . . . . 322 CHAPTER I BACKGROUND AND OCCASION FOR THE STUDY Peoples of the American countries are distinguished by wide dif­ ferences in levels of living, and the trend appears to be toward an even greater diversity of living standards. Those of the United States who enjoy the opportunities and advantages of a general and comparatively high standard of living are envied by those in the neighboring Latin American countries where life is a harsh existence devoid, in many in­ stances, of even the barest necessities. Such primary interrelated factors as poverty, political insta­ bility, technical backwardness, low degree of productivity, lack of ac­ cumulated capital, and the prevalence of poor health and malnutrition all contribute to a correspondingly low level of living among the inhabitants of the Latin American countries. Other factors which contribute to this retarded level of living are: (1) Geographical diversities. Certain geographic conditions are modifiable by human effort such as increasing soil fertility or clearing and adapting land to the best possible usefulness; but unmodifiable characteristics such as temperature, humidity, rainfall, altitudes, ocean currents, and prevailing winds have a tempering effect upon living conditions and degree of development. Marked variability in these geographic characteristics is found even in small areas such as Costa Rica where the climatic conditions and vegetation are diversified by altitude and by the contrast between the wet Caribbean and the drier Pacific side of the isthmus.^ These dif­ ferences and contrasts, some of which occur within short distances, make local developments so varied that there is serious limitation as to what can be accomplished in less favored areas. (2) 2 The relatively small population. The land lying south of continental United States in the Western Hemisphere is equivalent to eight million square miles. This represents 19 per cent of the world's total area of inhabited continents, but the approximate one hundred and thirty million people living in this region compose only about 6 per cent of the world's population. Even areas of concentrated settlement in Latin America have a relatively low population density and only a few of these regions have rural densities in excess of one hundred and twenty-five people per square mile. 3 Most inhabited areas have a rural density of less than one hundred per square mile, and in many cases, less than twen­ ty-five.^ (3) The pattern of settlement. The European village pattern of settlement is evidenced throughout Latin America. The people are grouped together into clusters, areas of concentrated settlement which remain dis- Preston E. James, Latin America (New York: The Odyssey Press, 1942), p. 710. 2 Chester Lloyd Jones, Costa Rica and Civilization in the Caribbean (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1935)* p. 146. 3 4 T James, op. cit., pp. 3-4. Ibid.. p. 5* tinct and somewhat isolated from one another. Within these clusters there is an urban core and relative to the degree of isolation there is very little overlap between the territory served by one city and that served by a neighboring one. These rural settlements tend to focus their economic, social and political phases of life on one large and centrally located city. 5 As an urban nucleus it is metropolitan and innovatory, with national energy and pride emanating from it like the radiants of a fixed and central star. The attraction of this urban center is such that the people living in the rural areas are predisposed to move in towards this central zone instead of exploring and expanding the frontier regions.^ (4) Kacial and cultural diversity. The population clusters, com­ mon to Latin America, are composed cf racial and cultural combinations. The three major racial elements are Indian, Negro, and White (which includes people born in America or of European ancestry), with the Mestizo 7 being the most common racial type. tion differs from one area to another. of Costa Rica ations which isnoted g The predominant racial composiEven in the diminutive country for its racialhomogeneity there are in the predominateracial composition. vari­ In the highlandcentral plateau region 91 per cent of the people are White and 8 per cent are Mestizosj in the Caribbean lowlands, 56 per cent are Negroes and 33 per ^ L°c « cit. ^ L o £« cit. 7 A Mestizo is, in Latin America, a person of White and Indian ancestry. 8 James, op. cit., pp. 8-17* 4 cent White; and in the Pacific coastal region, 50 per cent are White and 46 per cent are Mestizos. 9 This heterogeneous racial and concomitant cultural milieu lend to a state of underdevelopment in the country. The distinctive racial char­ acteristics, ethnocentrism, and the deeply imbedded cultural traits of the different racial groups result in a mutual lack of understanding which finds expression in non-cooperation and sometimes hostility between these groups. INTER-AMERICAN INSTITUTE CF AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES The low level of living in the lesser developed countries of Latin America has become, in recent years, a source of increasing concern to the American peoples. As a step toward alleviating the general and vary­ ing degrees of backwardness a remedial action was begun in 1941 among the Pan American nations to determine a cooperative means through which major agricultural problems could be worked out to the benefit of all participants. Evolving as a consequence of these discussions, an Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences was founded in 1944, by convention agreement among the American Republics. The Institute was established as a part of the Inter-American system and was given the Governing Board of the Pan American Union to serve as its Board of Directors.^ Financial 9 Ibid.. p. 716. ^ "Inter—American Co-operation in the Social Sciences at Michigan State College," School and Society. Vol. 66 (Pennsylvania: The Society for the Advancement of Education, Inc., 1947), p. 293• 5 support was arranged through cpiota funds to be received from member countries and based upon population. 11 Special grants from such organiza­ tions as the Rockefeller Foundation, the American Cacao Research Committee, the Standard Oil Development Company, etc. that are interested in carry­ ing on research work in tropical and semi-tropical areas also augment the monetary support of this Institute. The Institute functions primarily as a research and educational center which incorporates research activity, post-graduate instruction, and agricultural extension work. These activities fall within four de­ partments— Plant Industry, Animal Industry, Agricultural Engineering, Agricultural Economics and Rural Welfare. Because of geographic advantages and diversities, it is located at Turrialba, Costa Rica, near the geographic crossroads of the Americas and covers an area of 2,500 acres. 12 CONTRACTUAL ARRANGEMENT BETWEEN THE INSTITUTE AND MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE As the Institute expanded and developed, an idea was conceived which began as a recognition of the importance of a socio-economic analysis of Costa Rican life In better orienting programs of research and extension. Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Panama, Honduras, El Salvador, Venezuela, Mexico, Guatamala, the Dominican Republic and the U. S. are participat­ ing member nations. (Loc. cit.). 12 , "Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences," (unpub­ lished announcement of the study program, 1947), p. 1* In view of the success achieved in other areas by this means, 13 a plan was initiated which was designed to be experimental in nature and an integral part of the Institute's research program* In conjunction with the plan the services of specialists in soci­ ology and anthropology were secured under a cooperative agreement arranged between the Institute and Michigan State College. This agreement was signed in the fall of 1947 and under the terms stipulated, Michigan State College became the central cooperator in the field of sociology and anthropology for the United States. 14 Acting in this capacity Michigan State College is responsible for supplying all service or personnel as required for investigational work by the Institute. Unless unobtainable the personnel will be either staff members or graduate students from Michi­ gan State College and they will have the opportunity, in exchange, of conducting research investigations in Latin American communities. 15 COMMUNITY STUDY PROJECT Dr. Charles P. Loomis, the administrator for Michigan State College met in conference with the officials of the Institute and in cooperation with them began the plan of action. Several months of planning resolved into actual work under the cooperative venture. In the beginning the 13 Charles P. Loomis, Studies of Rural Social Organization in the United States „ Latin America. and Germany (Michigan: State College Book Store, 1945), pp. 1 et sqq. ^ ”Cooperative Agreement between The Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences and the Social Research Service of Michigan State College" (Unpublished), 1947, pp. 1-3. 15 T Loc. cit. 7 general objective of the program was to ascertain, through the study of peor.le and their ways, the best possible means of effectuating agricul­ tural extension in Latin America. The problem was to induce farmers and stockraisers to adopt improved agricultural practices, specialize in more productive crops, and invest in better breeding stock as research in tropi­ cal agriculture at the institute and similar organizations progresses along these lines. 16 As the program was enlarged-and developed, the objective assumed a broader perspective which included not only agricultural extension work but the whole problem of raising the level of living through the intro­ duction of innovations, and the acceptance of these innovations by the populace. It was decided to confine the area of research to the community. The community being more or less self-contained, tends to be a naturally divided section of the whole society which in many aspects is the society in exiguity. 17 By this it can be hypothesized that the basic problems of a nation can be attacked through a careful administration of scientifically designed programs in the transversion of communities with­ in a country'. National projects involving a re-education of the people operate as a composite of community programs since a country is usually too large, A. T. Hansen, "Rural Sociology and Anthropology in Latin Americ (unpublished paper, n. d.), pp. 1-3. 17 Thomas Wilson Longmore, "Possibilities of Agricultural Coloni­ zation in Peru with Reference to Persons of European Origin," (unpub­ lished Doctor’s dissertation, Michigan State College, East Lansing, 1950). 8 diverse, and unwieldy a unit for effective research. 18 Although a com­ munity may differ basically in characteristics and problems from other communities, the closer spatial relationships which lend to a certain homogeneity within communities affords an interplay of basic human na­ ture from which intrinsic principles may be drawn and molded into adapt­ able methods and devises usable in the study of any community. The program, b y being pointed at the community level quite natu­ rally assumed the title "Community Study Project." Being experimentally designed, the project is to educe the effectiveness of certain methods and techniques that could be used in furthering similar programs in other areas having either a greater or lesser degree of development. As con­ ceived by Dr. Loomis and those of the Institute, the Community Study Pro­ ject will be comprehensive in approach and will go forward under an intense scientifically guided program of education. Stress will be laid upon sim­ plicity in methodology or the formulation of simple devices with a set of minimal instructions which may be manipulated by an intelligent person not technically trained or those persons upon whom most communities must depend for guidance and leadership. 19 The objectives of the Community Study Project are: A. General 1. To ascertain the most effective means of improving the level 18 J. 0. Morales, "An Economic and Social Study of a Community," (unpublished paper, Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Department of Economics and Rural Welfare), 194&, p. 2. 19 Hansen, loc. cit. of living of a community. B. Specific 1. Establish bench marks of social and economic conditions from which past and future changes can be measured. 2. To determine the existing social organization in order to channel properly the educational program. 3. To appraise the real needs — both the felt needs and those of which the people are ignorant or disregard. This will be used as a basis for assigning priorities useful in drafting the educational program. 4. To study the institutional and ecological structure of the area, thus enabling the project leaddrs to determine spheres of institutional development which seem to be below standard as compared to similar areas of comparable cultures• 5* To study the evolutionary aspects of the educational pro­ gram, and its results in bringing about the desired ob­ jectives: a. Revealing the need for shifts in emphasis in the various phases of the action and educational program through time. b. Revealing relative effectiveness of the effort devoted to individual programs in contributing to the attainment of the general objective of the project. c. Revealing the evolution of the whole program with a 10 view to ascertaining the most effective over-all 20 pattern. Because of the magnitude of the program, the Community Study Pro­ ject has been divided into a series of sub-projects which will engage specifically the services of sociologists, anthropologists, social psy­ chologists, physicians, nutritionists, home economists, agricultural economists, agricultural extension agents, geographers, and other sci­ entists in general. Each of the sub-projects will formulate its own set of specific objectives from within the basic frame of reference set up for the Com­ munity Study as a whole, and will focalize its action program upon achiev­ ing its established goals as complementary to the success of the total project, SOCIOLOGICAL AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL SUB-PROJECT Basic to the total program is the sociological and anthropological sub-project. Upon suggestions from Dr. Loomis, the following objectives for this sub-project were formulated: A. 21 To find out what constitutes the community of Turrialba (de­ lineation) . B. To study the ecological structure of the community. Morales, op. cit., pp. 3-4, 21 The author was the first to go to Costa Rica tinder the co­ operative agreement and, as the pioneer, contributed in large part to the program’s Inception. 11 C. To analyze the institutional structure of the Turrialba com­ munity and the effectiveness of the services rendered. D. To discover the association patterns of the informal prestige and congeniality groupings using a sample procedure. E. To analyze the class structure of the community. F. To examine the effects of the educational program upon the 22 titudes and opinions of the people* at- A year was spent in Turrialba developing and carrying out, in co­ operation with the Institute's Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Welfare, a study designed to achieve objectives A, C, D, and E of the sociological and anthropological sub-projectj and by so doing, to provide the basic information requisite to the maximal effectuation of the other sub-project programs* Methodology and procedure * In an effort to accomplish more fully the objectives of the study, a combined sociological and anthropological approach was utilized involving a system of note-taking and the use of a formalized schedule. At Michigan State College, immediately preceding the trip to Costa Rica, and in anticipation of the work there, studies 23 were reviewed that have been carried out both in Latin America and this country which were 22 Reed M. Powell, "Application of Sociometric Techniques, (un­ published seminar paper given at the Inter-American Institute of Agri­ cultural Sciences, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 194S), pp« 1-2* 23 Loomis, loc. cit* (see bibliography for other sources)* 12 in l:’ne with the broad general objectives of the community study project. Through a combination of this information, previous experience among Latin American people, and helpful criticism from Dr. Loomis and Dr. A. T. Hansen, then a member of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Lichigan State College, an empirical schedule was formulated for the pur­ pose of tentatively studying the areas of proposed investigation and the type of questions to be used. Synchronous with the schedule, instructions were drafted to serve as a guide and subject to the same degree of revision, addition, or elim­ ination as the schedule might undergo in. the light of existing conditions and local cultural features. Upon arrival at Turrialba, Costa ilica, an informal survey of the surrounding area was made for an orientation to the proposed area of study and at the same time for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the people and their local institutions. Notes were taken on observations and con­ versations for the combined purpose of adapting the preliminary schedule, determining the fringe area of settlements surrounding Turrialba, and supplying information that would be supplementary to the proposed schedule data. Specifically the investigation touched upon the services offered by the Turrialba area both in the town and in the surrounding caserios and barrios (settlements); and the educational, political (executive and judicial), health (Social Security Hospital and Unidad Sanitaria), and religious (Catholic) institutions present in the area and their performance. This accomplished, and in collaboration with the head of the Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Welfare, the area including and surrounding the central district of Turrialba was chosen as the labora­ tory for the Community Study Project. Proximity, diversity in rural communities, and antithetic climate and land use were the factors that influenced this decision. Selection or elimination of the settlements to fall within this area was determined by whether or not the localities could possibly fall within the community service area of Turrialba. All Settlements encir­ cling Turrialba that evidenced the contingency of service utilization in Turrialba were included as well as enough area beyond this point to insure the establishment of a definite boundary line. With this as the criterion of selection, twenty-four localities and three highway sections consti­ tuted the focus for the work accomplished in the sociological and anthro­ pological sub-project. Figure 1 is a map of the central district of Turrialba. Although it does not include all of the selected localities, it does show a large proportion of them. It should be mentioned further that Atirro and Pueblo Nuevo, both part of the same finca and two of the twenty-four localities included in the study, do not fall within the central district, but were added to the original map in cooperation with Paul C. Morrison. A survey of the population in the proposed area of study revealed that from the standpoint of time and money, the area was too large for complete coverage in the administration of the formalized schedule. Also, in keeping with the experimental objectives of the Community Study it was desired to attempt devices which would reach masses of people with expedience ALtcdi,\,4t ' AS Vv t AH I S .* • * jlS w S r w W APIA j— .1 . ' ■ L _•_.* -^L|* "X V*? \ \T£ .4 \\Jt HIT ** RE p i 5 TC (SKlMLOt . 'Y^A LA RONCMA vJX Y ^N ^A O O R iS A* LA JU L IA ' y vDOMlR'CA EL PA S T O R - T* ' •TURRIALBA COLORADO C O TO L Ci T f rum i» * RURAL CENTRAL LA M U L tR A J ^ . HOUSES D IS T R IC T . T U R R IA L B A C O S T A R IC A CANTON NOCHf 1948 PAUL C M AR O O R -H IC M lO AN STATE C O LLlO t PRELIMINARY « 0 * K •» J O A C l L I OR M O AUVINAL VA i£R iO i n t i r - a m e r ic a n in s t it u t e o r a g r ic u l t u r a l s c ie n c e s lECCNO • "OuSE 4 SCHOOL M O MOU3C • TOO PAMIIT MOUSC ’ •M U L T IP L E PAMIIT (NUMBER INDICATES • I 4 t COPPII BENCPOO SUAAR TRAPlCHC ■ C SUAAR | HOUSC PATIO ROAO URlTSt — CIRTRAL RIACMUELO ROAO (IN M S I CASCS IK H S S U L I BY AUTOMOBILE) — - RAILROAD RiVtR ARPVOItMATC •« U IMPROVED ROAO — - lA tT N A IC n O X W4P fa i. l CHURCH AIN.A; S U ll •. .h if m S-CNARN B« I LiN-CtM gtO*JI§ FIGURE 1 H •p- and economy. Therefore, a sample procedure was needed which would effec­ tuate, by sociometric methods, programs of extension and education. For­ merly,, similar studies employing sociometric techniques have been carried out over predetermined areas either by complete coverage or the random sample procedure which covers every nth house. Although such an arbitrary selection will usually give a representative sample there are limitations in the likelihood of bias in the basis of arrangement. . For example, "if the entry is by community, or alphabetical, the systematic selection may pi not yield a random sample." A mechanical method such as the drawing of numbered capsules from a container in which they have been thoroughly mixed eliminates this nossibility of bias. Consequently, it was decided to try this type of random sample which requires that the population be numbered consecutively and represented by beans, capsules, or tickets bearing their number. There­ fore, after the proposed area of study had been stratified into three separate zones, a random sample was drawn from within each of these at the level of the locality. As indicated in Figure 2, the size of the samples drawn varies from one-half to one-eighth— the first zone have one-eighth, the second zone hav­ ing one-fourth, and the third zone having one-half sample coverage. Using this variation for comparison, the size needed to study effectively the patterns of informal association by socicanetric techniques could be determined The first zone includes the central city of Turrialba and Aragon, ni George W. Snedecor, Statistical Methods (Iowa: College Press, 1948), p. 2. The Iowa State CARRETERA A SANTA CRUZ EL BANCO RIO CLARO AQUIARES LA ISABEL SANTA ROSA REPASTO AZUL LA DORIS LA RONCHA LA JULIA DOMINICA EL PASTOR LA MARC OT COLORADO ZONE 3 ZONE 2 E S LA B O N EL COYOL TURRIALBA ZONE ARAGON CARRETERA A JUAN VINAS CARRETERA A LA SUIZA NOCHE BUENA SAN JUAN NORTE CENTRAL AZUCAREI PUEBLO NUEVO FLORENCIA ATIRRO SAN JUAN SUR PAVAS FIGURE 2 SETTLEMENTS OF THE SOCIOLOGICAL AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL SUBPROJECT STRATIFIED ACCORDING TO LOCATION FOR THE PURPOSE OF DRAWING A RANDOM SAMPLE I 17 the second incorporates those settlements situated contiguous or readily accessible to the city, while the third zone is comprised of the three highways and those localities surrounding the settlements in zones one and two. Schedule and schedule instructions. Schedule revision and adapta­ tion to suit the local condition and the general situation followed in sequence to the categorization of the area according to size sample. Knowledge gained from observations of and conversations with the people as well as information obtained from the survey and investigational work provided the basis for revising the original schedule. In addition, 25 advice and criticisms were obtained from persons within the culture, and those persons constituting the "team" similarly engaged in work on the Community Study Project* Seven complete drafts were made before the schedule assumed its final fora. After each draft, it was tested in the field to ferret out the faults and weaknesses. Comprising the schedule are sections centering on general demographical data, interpersonal relations (which places emphasis on deduc­ ing the prestige and congeniality groupings), community delineation, an analysis of socio-economic status, and social class structure in general* The schedule was reconstructed to enable the interviewer to es­ tablish rapport with his informants before entering into questions of a Such persons as Mrs. Josefa E. Hardin of the Servicio Tecnico Interamericano de Cooperacion Agricola who is a veteran field worker and who was able to give valuable criticisms and assistance on schedule con­ struction and interviewing techniques. 18 personal nature, and to facilitate administration* Although the schedule is lengthy, it may be successfully administered in thirty to sixty minutes. The sociometric questions, being the most difficult, were placed so as to evolve out of preceding questions* For example, after the interviewer had received the information relative to the number of dead in the family, he would sympathetically inquire as to whom the informant would turn to first in the event of other such crises or if another death should occur whom would be the first persons he would invite to the vela* 26 Information obtained by the schedule was accomplished by three methods— indirect questioning, direct questioning, and observation* As an example of the indirect approach used, the enumerator would ask, flWhat was the name of the Catholic Father who married you?” The answer given by the unsuspecting informant would indicate whether or not their civil status was that of legal marriage or "conviviente.” In filling in the socio-economic status section, the enumerator would successfully and yet informally maneuver himself into the living room of the home and while administering the questions, or informally visiting, he could fill in those sections requiring only observation. For example, he would have the people show him the family snapshots and while listening to their explanations of these pictures, he not only counted the number and type, but also the number of saints in the room. In addition to filling in the desired information, the enumerators 26 At a vela, groups of individuals gather to keep watch over a deceased loved one or friend during the night immediately after his death and before he is buried. 19 maae explanations or notes pertinent to the study on the backs of the schedule pages. As the schedule arrived at the point of completion, instructions were developed by setting up limits, categories, and definitions as a means of giving consistent direction to the interviewers and simplifying problems of analysis. Within the instructions are complete and uniform general direc­ tions with reference to the ma.nner in which the study should be presented to the informants, the methods to follow in formulating questions, the best procedure to follow in filling in those sections of the schedule requiring indirect questioning or observation, taking additional perti­ nent notes, and the materials the enumerator should take with him. Specific instructions include operationally defined terms and concepts— defined for the purposes of the study at hand— so that the enumerators could be constantly aware of the specific objectives around which the schedule was constructed. Extensive and explicit instructions concerning sociometric tech­ niques and community delineation provide a basis for consistent and ob­ jective analysis of these phenomena* Training of the interviewers> Being long and somewhat difficult, it was recognized that the schedule would require skillful administra­ tion. There were four enumerators including the author, all of whom had excellent language facility, were familiar with the culture, and were highly trained and experienced persons. 27 Each enumerator studied thoroughly and understood completely the schedule before going into actual field work. beginning v/ith each taking his turn. All went together at the In this way good ideas were adopted and exchanged in making the schedule administration as effective as pos­ sible . After the enumerators started going separately, periodic visits were made with each of them in order to check on the techniques they utilized to obtain the data. As a further check, some of the homes were revisited- and the families interviewed a second time. Schedule interviewing. Tenseness of feeling, the imprisoning of political antagonists, and the display of arms resulting from the then current revolution made the people both wary and suspicious of strangers. As a means of combating the difficulties imposed by the armed con­ flict, a visit was made to the Catholic Church parrochial headquarters in Turrialba and La Suiza, and the nature and purposes of the study were ex­ plained to the Catholic Fathers in charge. Upon requesting their coopera­ tion and support of the undertaking, both Catholic Fathers generously complied by writing letters of introduction with copies for each enumerator. 27 Miss Marta Coll-Camalez took her master's degree at Cornell and has had considerable experience at schedule administration. She assisted on Lydia Roberts' comprehensive study of Puerto Rican family life, and Spanish is her mother tongue. Mr. Antonio Arce took his college degree in Costa Rica, has had thirteen years of school teaching, the last four years of which were as principal, and is a veteran at field work of this type. Kiss Nancy Hatch took her degree at Columbia and has had a life­ time of experience in India and Mexico. 21 These letters were directed to the people explaining the study and in­ structing them to contribute the information asked of them with com­ plete assurance. In addition, the Curas (parrochial heads) announced to the people in Sunday mass the forthcoming field work and of the Church*s desire that they assist willingly. Serving as a forerunner, this valu­ able indorsement prepared the way and actual interviewing began. Each enumerator as a part of technique made a special effort to establish excellent rapport with his informants. Distinct emphasis was placed upon the establishment of good will not only as vital to the suc­ cess of the immediate study, but for creating substantial avenues of communication for succeeding sub-projects. CHAPTER II PURPOSE AMD OBJECTIVES OF STUDY After a preliminary survey of the settlements comprised within the sociological and anthropological sub-project study, the author selected two contrasting communities from among these for the purpose of making a comprehensive sociological and anthropological comparative analysis with reference to a major variable— land tenure* These communities displayed the characteristics most ideally suited for the purposes of this study, which included such factors as relative isolation, size, physical charac­ teristics, and purity of type. Both communities, being somewhat isolated, are comparatively free from the influences of neighboring localities. From the standpoint of families, both are comparable— sixty families in Atirro and seventy-five families in San Juan Sur— and large enough to permit certain statistical manipulation of data. Physical characteristics of the two tend to fall within the middle range when compared with the other settlements comprised within the sociological and anthropological sub-project. Atirro is com­ pletely an hacienda type community with the entire settlement situated upon and owned by one large hacienda* San Juan Sur is a peasant-farmer type community with the majority of families dependent completely or in part upon the production of their small land holdings. Objectives of the study. The comparative analysis of these two communities is centered around the following specific objectives; 1. To find out, through the process of community delineation, the 23 extent to which these settlements are distinct communities. 2. To analyze the institutional structure of each locality and the effectiveness of the services rendered by these institutions. 3. To discover the association patterns of the informal prestige and congeniality groupings based upon a complete coverage of all families. 4. To analyze the social class structure as it exists in each settlement. Importance of the study. The significance of this comprehensive comparative analysis is twofold: (1) Investigations such as this, will provide information basic to the resolution of the problem of introducing and bringing about the accep­ tance of innovations in the underdeveloped areas of the Americas with greater rapidity and success. Studies of this type should be helpful to the social sciences in developing basic principles of guidance for those individuals, groups, or nations interested in accelerating the rate of change and progress in underdeveloped areas, and in their efforts to for­ mulate and effectuate educational and action programs. (2) Inasmuch as the settlements of Atirro and San Juan Sur are in many respects exemplary of other hacienda and peasant-type communities found in Costa Rica and throughout much of Latin America, a comparative analysis of the social organization, and social class structure in each is of considerable importance because of the role each plays in democratic societies. Costa Rica, long considered as the country of the peasant proprie­ tors, now appears to be in a state of transition in which the peasant 24 holdings are gradually being supplanted by the large fincas and corpora­ tions, thus reducing the status of the people from that of peasantry to peonage. Increasingly larger numbers of people are becoming "jornaleros" and are working for a subsistence wage as peons for the large land owners, what, then, might be expected if the country continues in the present trend toward a peon-patron type of system? For example, what are the living conditions of the peons of the hacienda as compared to those of the peasant farmers? How do the social classes in these two settlements com­ pare— is there really a larger lower class on the hacienda than in the peasant community? How do the classes in these two s ituations compare with society at large? Especially important is the influence this trans­ mutation may have upon the possible acceptance of communism or other ways of life by the rural people who have been and are being forced to accept the status of peonage,"*' Methodology, This study represents a concentrated elaboration of the sociological and anthropological sub-project carried out on the basis of complete coverage in the rural villages of Atirro and San Juan Sur, In addition to the methodological procedures carried out with reference to the sub-project, the author, acting as a participant observer, became fa­ miliar with the culture, as exhibited in these two settlements. Through visiting and interviewing, he became personally acquainted with all the families in both localities, and was wholeheartedly accepted into community ^ Charles P. Loomis and Reed M. Powell, "Sociometric Analysis of Class Status in Rural Costa Rica— A Peasant Community Compared with an Hacienda Community,11 Sociometry, XII (February - August, 1949), 144 - 153, 25 life as attested by many overt acts of friendship and by the complete con­ fidence which the people placed in him* Aside from the sub-project schedule, notes were taken on conversa­ tions and observations. house type were gathered. Descriptions of communal events, festivities, and In short, all information that was at all rele­ vant to the objectives of this study, or that might lend to a better under­ standing of the social organization and of the people. Being supplemen­ tary to the schedule, these notes provide the basis for a more meaningful analysis and interpretation of the data. Definition of terms used in this study. "Accion Catolica.1' Accion Catolica is a Catholic auxiliary organization composed of such branches as the Juventud Obrera Catolica (the Catholic youth organization) and the Liga Obrera Catolica (Catholic Workers League). "Age." Age is based upon years completed if the individuals are more than one year old, and upon months, weeks, or days completed if less than one year old. "Agricultor." An agricultor is a peasant farmer. "Ascendencia." Ascendencia refers to nationality relative to family line. "Cedido." Cedido with reference to land tenure is a loan (free of charge) for either a specified or unspecified length of time* "Colono." A person who, not possessing land of his own contracts (on a yearly basis) with a land owner to cultivate and exploit a piece of land. For example: In aquiares, the colonos contract with the landowner under the following conditions: 26 "The 'Colono* has to cultivate, harvest, replant etc. a lot of coffee ( 1 - 2 hectares) and hand it over to the farm for fixed amount per fanega specified in the yearly contract• The 'Colono* gets a house, plantains, and feed from the lot. Some 'Colonos* have separate lots to produce fruits and vegeta­ bles, for home consumption or for sale. At the end of the crop the landowner pays the 'Colonos' the amount of coffee bought at the fixed amount deducting the weekly advances furnished throughout the year. The 'Colono' is under obligation to work for a wage on the farm when it is necessary, especially during the harvest season. Besides the yearly payment the 'Colono' does not receive any extra money for working his lot. The work is supervised by farm employees, and should be done according to the regulations. The average extension of the lots (including plantings of food crops) is around 7 acres and varies from 2 - 2 0 acres. "Compadre or commadre." Compadre (male) and commadre (female) de­ notes the relationship between those persons that present a child of an­ other family for confirmation or baptism in the Catholic Church and the parents of that child. "Conviviente." Conviviente is a state of being as husband and wife without having been united by civil or religious law. "Curandero." A curandero is a herb doctor who, untrained and with­ out a license, attends cases of ili health, prescribes, and administers medicine. "Familia." By familia is indicated a person or persons who consi­ der themselves and are considered by others as members of a particular family group. Usually it consists of a person or group of people who in­ habit the same vivienda and who are united by blood, natural, or legal bonds. p Jorge Leon, (unpublished notes, Inter—American Institute of Agri­ cultural Sciences, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1948), p. 1. 27 "Absent members of the family." Those absent at the time of the interview and who have been away for more than six of the preceding twelve months are considered as absent members unless the absence is permanent. In the event a family has lived in the community less than a year, those members living away at the time of the interview are also considered as absent members if the absence is not permanent. "Family income." For the purpose of family income only, those absent members having no economic ties with the family group (i.e., those who neither receive from nor contribute to the family’s income) are to be considered as units apart. When it is not known whether or not absent members have economic ties with the family group, they, too, shall be considered as units apart. In both cases the income of the absent members will not be included as part of the family income. If it is indicated that there are economic ties between absent members and the family group, the known incomes of the absent members will be included in the total fam­ ily income. "Farmaceutico." A farmaceutico is a person who is educationally prepared, licensed, and authorized to prepare medicants or medicines. "Ferreteria." "Finca." The ferreteria is a hardware store. A finca is one or more pieces of land having a total ex­ tension of five or more manzanas which is managed by the owner, adminis­ trator, or renter. When a person or company possesses various extensions cf land in the same district and these are administered separately, each one is considered as a finca provided its area is equivalent to five manzanas or more. "Finquita." A finquita is one or more pieces of land with a total 28 extension of less than five manzanas and with a minimum area of one-fourth of a manzana. when the finquita is "cedida," the total profits or bene­ fits accruing from the cultivation and exploitation of the land go to the one operating it unless some provision has been made to include the owner of the land. "Fogon.” A fogon consists of iron bars laid across the top of loosely stacked bricks. The cooking utensils are placed upon the metal bars and an open fire using either wood or carbon is kindled beneath. No chimney is provided for the smoke which fills the room at mealtime and finds its own exit through the crevices and fissures in the roof. Fogones may be constructed upon a piece of sheet metal on the floor of the kitchen or upon a sheet-metal covered table top. "Jefe de la familia.” The jefe is that person who considers him­ self (or herself) and who is considered by the other members of the family as the head. ”Jornalero.” A jornalero is a day laborer. '’Kilometer.” A kilometer is the chief unit of long distance in the metric system. It is the distance of 1,000 meters or about five-eighths of a mile. "Lugar.” Lugar is the Spanish equivalent of place. It is a geo­ graphical division recognized as such. "Manzana.” A manzana is a unit of area measurement. One manzana is equivalent to 1.73 acres. "Menor.” A menor is an individual less than fourteen years old. "Nacionalidad.” sent status. Nacionalidad is nationality with reference to pre­ 29 "Occupation.1' That type of occupation at which the individual spends the major portion of his time is to be considered as his major type of occupation. In the event that the individual's time is divided equally between two different occupations, that occupation from which he obtains the greater proportion of his sustenance is to be considered as the major one. "Operational." Terms, Concepts, or definitions referred to as operational are those that have been adapted to the needs of this study. "Parasitos." Parasitos are those persons who establish their la­ bors, usually of an agricultural nature, upon another's property without permission. "Partera." "Pasear." A partera is a midwife. A chief social pastime occuring usually on weekends, holidays, on special celebrations, and during the early evening hours. The women walk in one direction and the men walk in the other, as they pass, friendly greetings are exchanged. The interaction is completely inf ormal. "Peon." "Piezas." A peon is a day laborer. Piezas are independent bedrooms beneath the same roof. "Servicios y actividades." Servicios and actividades are those functions in which the individual participates and cooperates with other members of the society in order to satisfy the social, economic, and physical necessities of life. All of these services and activities are defined by using as a base the "lugar" where the people satisfy these needs. For example: A man who has a cow and sells milk to his neighbor is considered in the same category as a dairy that produces milk on a . 30 larger scale. Organization of the remainder of the thesis. The remainder of the thesis will be specifically concerned with community delineation, an analy­ sis of the people and their institutions, clique and congeniality groups, and social class structure with reference to a comparative analysis of the two communities. CHAPTER III GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF ATIRRO k ND SAN JUAN SUR ORIENTATION Just beyond the eastern boundary of the central district of the can­ ton of Turrialba spreads the 4,312 acre hacienda of Atirro.'1' Located on the Atlantic (eastern) side of the continental divide of Costa Rica, the hacienda falls within the Province of Cartago and is approximately 55 kilo­ meters, on a straight line, from the Atlantic Ocean.^ Seventy-five degrees fahrenheit is the average temperature and the altitude from the house of the hacienda owner is 615 meters above sea level.2 Three large rivers cut through the hacienda— the Reventazon which is the largest and bounds the finca on its western end, the Atirro which threads its way through the southeastern portion, and the river Tuis which runs along the northern confine. According to historical records, Atirro was, at one time, an impor­ tant indigenous center through which the Spanish conquistador, Don Diego The finca Atirro was purchased November 4, 1947, by the Associa­ tion, Hacienda Atirro Limitada, for the sum of $220,000. This association is composed of four brothers and their brother-in-law. They have various holdings throughout the country with each of them having the responsibility for a specific enterprise. The finca Atirro became the responsibility of Alvaro Rojas Quiros who, for the purposes of this study is considered as the finca owner. p * This distance is the author's estimate* 3 Taken from the author's notes recorded from conversations on September 18, 194S, with Carlos Manuel Rojas Quiros, associate owner of the finca. 32 Gutierrez passed in his conquests and persecution of the Indians„A It later became a cattle finca and commencing with the last century a large portion of the land was cleared of its virgin forests for the planting and cultivation of crops. Bananas and coffee were planted in quantity. Later, however, the bananas were attacked by disease and ceased to be a major cultivation of the finca. They are now used primarily as shade for the coffee trees. In 1947, 1800 fanegas^ of coffee and 5,500 tons of sugar cane were harvested from the finca. By 1948, only 1,7&3 acres carried virgin growth, 609 acres were planted in coffee, 200 acres were put in sugar cane, and 1,740 acres were turned into pasture land*^ Although the major agri­ cultural work connected with planting, tending, and raising crops is done 7 by machetes' the finca owns a tractor, and six plows. Other farm equip­ ment includes two trucks and twelve ox carts. Of the poultry and animals maintained by the finca, there are 20 high-quality well fed chickens which are for the use of the finca owner and his family, 275 head of cattle (including 72 dairy cows and 57 oxen), 18 sheep and 25 horses. The horses are utilized by the finca personnel and the sheep are raised for meat since mold, resulting from the humidity, v destroys the wool. Cattle raising involves numerous problems some of ^ Taken from unpublished notes compiled by Paul C. Morrison. C J A fanega is equivalent to 200 pounds. ^ Author1s notes from Carlos Manuel Rojas Quiros, o£. cit. 7 A machete is a large heavy knife used for agricultural work. 33 which are directly and indirectly related to the warm humid climate. Emerging from combinations of environmental factors which flourish in areas of tropical weather, the cattle are subject to such afflictions as intestinal parasites, torsalos, garrapatas, Texas fever, anthrax, black leg and other malignities. Only certain limited types of animals can sur­ vive these conditions. Indian cattle brought from the S. many years ago, Criollo cattle brought by the Spanish, and the Cebu have been the hardiest animals* In­ terbreeding of these three types and crosses with such types as Holstein, g Guernsey and Jersey are found on the finca.. Dairy cows, though of sturdier strain, are less productive than the dairy herds in the United States. Eighteen cows milked the day be­ fore the census data was taken produced 60 bottles (10 gallons) of milk* An cattle important function is a sawmill which is of the finca aside from raisingcrops and owned and operated by the finca. Approxi­ mately 100 carretadas (ox-cart loads) of virgin wood was hauled and 60,000 inches of wood was sawed in 1947* The wood from the sawmill takes care of construction and repair work as it is needed by the finca. To have been do the work on the finca, laborers with or withoutfamilies, brought in which has resulted in three settlementswithin the finca's boundaries— Atirro, Pueblo Nuevo, and El Canada. Atirro, the largest of the three, lies in the heart of the hacienda and is situated on the foothills of a mountain which rises to the east and is compassed g Author's notes from Carlos Manuel Rojas Quiros, op, clt. 34 by the river Atirro on the west. The land is damp with numerous small streams seeping down through the network of closely grouped houses. This condition is slightly aggravated during the rainy season which usually ex­ tends from April to December, and is alleviated very little during the dry season which includes the remaining months of the year. 9 hundred inches is the estimated annual rainfall. Ninety-five to a Those in the community, although majorly occupied in labor for the finca, devote a portion of their time to small scale crop cultivations. Thirteen of the families have plots of land cedida to them by the finca owner, and the other families have only the small lots upon which their houses stand. The crops they produce are almost all subsistence crops and are mainly for the consumption of the family. There is some marketing among the neighbors and occasionally a small quantity of produce is sold outside of the caminunity. Of these products raised 176 cajuelas^ or over 12. 8g fanegas of corn, 38 cuartillos or over a fanega of beans, 19 quin12 tales of yuca, 11,380 chayotes, 155 stocks of platanos, 42 stocks of ba1 1 nanas, Ig ox cart loads of sugar cane, and 7s quintales of tiquisque were produced. Other produce raised for home consumption are small amounts of such items as ayote, papaya, tomate pequeno, chile picante, chile dulce, and malanga. g Based upon a calculated average of annual rainfall in Turrialba during the period of 1942 - 47 inclusively taken from the U. S. D. A. (Hulera) records. 10 A cajuela is equivalent to 10 pounds. A cuartillo is equivalent to 6£ pounds. 12 A quintal is equivalent to 100 pounds. 35 The animals owned by the peon families (not included in the number belonging to the finca) are limited to two cows and a calf owned by one family who may sell an occasional bottle of milk to a neighbor. families must depend upon the finca for the purchase of milk. The other There are, however, three hundred and thirty-seven chickens which are economically easy to maintain since they forage their own food. There is very little egg production, but the chickens provide a good source of meat and a small income when sold. San Juan Sur stretches out over sloping, heavily vegetated moun­ tainous terrain for a distance in length of five kilometers and extends in some places to a width of two kilometers. The mountain on which this com­ munity is situated overlooks the valley of the Reventason River in the southern end of the central district of the Canton of Turrialba which falls within the Province of Cartago. At an estimated altitude of between 900 to 1,100 meters above sea level, San Juan Sur is a line type settlement.^ It is composed largely of small land-owner farmers who have established themselves along the main ox cart road and branching subsidiary mountain­ ous trails. Exact data concerning the average temperature of the community is lacking* Nevertheless, it can be stated with certainty that it is cooler than the valley floor r e g i o n . T h e malaria mosquite which frequents the Turrialba valley is not found in the cooler atmosphere of San Juan Sur. ^•3 This altitude is the author's estimate. Based upon the author's notes and observations. Throughout the community there are quehradas ranging from large to small through which excess water from rainfall is drained down the mountain which, along with an absorbent soil, keeps the land comparatively dry. The quebradas provide the community with its water supply. Water is carried to the dwellings for drinking or cooking, but washing and bathing are done at the quebrada. In 1890 there were about eight families living in the San Juan Sur area. According to legend, the climate was much cooler then than at the present time with heavy rains lasting as long as two months. Because of this there was very little exploitation of the land, a large proportion being virgin jungle forests and pasture land; and, as related by an anci- 16 ano of the present community, the only cultivation consisted of between one-quarter and one-half manzana of sugar cane. The people pastured the few animals they had in what is now San Juan Sur and cultivated land at a point further down in the valley known as Palmar and which, at the present 17 time, is part of the finca Florencia. Communication was limited to trails leading to Pavas, Turrialba, and San Juan Norte. Considerable change and expansion took plaqe during the years intervening between 1890 and the present. During this period, the people, by supporting political candidates secured national aid for many of the improvements needed for the community. 15 Bridges were constructed A quebrada is a ravine or deep pass which may or may not have water in it. 16 17 An anciano is an old person. Taken from the author's notes. 37 across the quebrada streams, the ax-cart road to the Turrialba-San Jose highway was completed , and the elementary school building was erected. With some of the original families forming the nucleus, the popu­ lation grew to the size of seventy-five families and 446 persons. At the present time in San Juan Sur there are 150^ manzanas of land planted into coffee, sugar cane, and subsistance crops. Approximately one half of this amount (76^ manzanas) is taken up in the cultivation of coffee, one fourth (37 1/8 manzanas) is utilized for growing sugar cane, and a quarter (37 l/8 manzanas) of the land serves for the cultivation of various subsistence crops. In addition there are 224 3/4 manzanas of clean pasture land, 102 7/8 manzanas of brush pasture, and 6 J,/8 manzanas of rastrojo (stubble ground) in the a r e a , ^ On the land belonging to the resident families, it can be calculated that only 84 manzanas of forest land remains. These data are necessarily conservative estimates since there are 28 f inquit as ranging in size from one-fourth to one manzana that were not included in the figures above. Of the preducts harvested, coffee is the most important as is in­ dicated by the 552 4/5 fanegas*^ (55.28 tons) marketed in 1947* There is a lesser degree of fluctuation from year to year in the price of coffee than in the price of other foodstuffs. Each family retains only enough coffee to meet their own needs until the next harvest and the remainder is sold, San Juan Sur is considered to be one of the finest coffee pro— These statistics are from the Turrialba trial census of 1948« ducing areas in the region and the highest prices are paid for this coffee* Sugar cane is another remunerative crop from which returns are achieved either by raising or in hauling it to the sugar mill in Aragon* In 1947 there were 436 3/5 tons of sugar cane cut and hauled* 20 Subsistence crops of San Juan Sur are grown chiefly for home con­ sumption* Some families are able to grow a considerable proportion of their food on their own small land holdings, others raise these crops in quantities sufficient to meet the yearly needs of the family as well as to sell in the markets of Turrialba, Cartago, and Liraon. In 1947, the products harvested which were both consumed at home and marketed included approximately 36 3/10 fanegas of beans, 33 1/10 fanagas of c o m , over 40,000 chayotes, 345s quintales of yuca, 2,412 pineapples, 1,163 stocks of bananas, and 1,562 stocks of platanos. 986 stocks of gineos harvested were eaten or fed to the animals. The Other produce harvested and utilized at home in 1947 were 10,400 oranges, 1,000 pejivalles and smaller quantities of zapote, bread fruit, tiquisque, balu, oi ; chile picante, achiote, malanga, and repollo. In spite of the fact that most of the land holdings are small with only a limited amount of pasture land, a number of the peasant farmers maintain cattle. Two or three families have comparatively large tracts of pasture land and receive a considerable portion of their income from raising and selling cattle. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. In 1947 the number of cattle totalled 224* 39 Of these 91 were cows and heifers over two years of age. There were 58 horses and auules, the large majority of which were horses. Those farmers having milk cows supply the needs of their own families and sell the excess to relatives, friends, or neighbors at the price of approximately 30 centimos (.05$) a bottle. relatively little milk. In San Juan Sur as in Atirro the cows produce Twenty-five cows milked the day before the cen­ sus was taken produced 85 bottles or some 17 gallons of milk. Oxen, pigs, and chickens also proportionately improve the economic status of the families owning them. work oxen and 16 carretas (ox carts). Within the community there are 38 The carreta if purchased new re­ presents an investment of approximately 600 colones ($100.) and is used extensively for hauling produce, wood, and other items. For example, there were 857 carretades (cart loads) of wood gathered and hauled in 1947.^ The oxen are used to pull the carreta as well as to do other work requiring pulling or weight. Families possessing carretas, oxen, or both have the opportunity, in addition to accomplishing their own work, of earning a service fee from families who do not own them. There are 11 pigs in the community which provide a source of .meat and an additional income if sold. Pigs, chickens, and other fowl are easily maintained since they eat whatever they can find. There are 922 chickens and the total number of turkeys, duck, and other yard fowl total 23* These fowls are either marketed or saved for propagation and home consumption. 22 Ibid. 40 TRANSPORTATION The community of Atirro is connected to the Turrialba-La Suiza highway by a dirt road that is passable for automobiles throughout the year* This highway runs parallel to the northern border of the finca at a distance of five kilometers from the community at the point of junction. Turrialba is nine kilometers west and La Suiza three and a fraction kilo­ meters east of this point. From an analysis of Table 1, it is evident that walking is the major means of transportation. Of the sixty families in Atirro, fifty- nine travel to Turrialba and fifty-six travel to La Suiza. Walking, as the mode of travel, is the means used by 77.97 per cent of those going to Turrialba, and 92.86 per cent of those going to La Suiza. Most of this walking is done on the week end to purchase supplies, attend Sunday mass, and to paseo. In the villager's trip to Turrialba, he passes over trails, an earth road, an improved road, and a paved road. The median time re­ quired to reach Turrialba is three hours on foot, one hour on horseback, approximately forty minutes by bus, truck, or car, and one and a half hours when the person walks from Atirro to the Turrialba-La Suiza highway and travels from there on the bus. As is shown on the table very few in the community travel to San Jose, Alajuela, and Pejivalle. The trip to Pejivalle must be accomplished over a trail and requires one and a half hours. The one person who tra­ vels there visits his former home and relatives. Expense and time are prohibitive factors for the peon in going to San Jose and Alajuela, and he never or rarely gets to the national capital TABLE 1 DISTRIBUTION OF FAMILIES IN ATIRRO ACCORDING TO MEANS OF TRANSPORTATION USED, 'NYHAN TT'?E REQUIRED, ’ED IAN DISTANCE, AND TYPES OF ROAD UTILIZED IN TRAVELING TO THOSE OUTSIDE LOCALITIES NCST FREQUENTLY VISITED FOR THE SATISFACTION OF SOCIAL, ECONO.,HC, AND PHYSICAL NEEDS Median Time Required Means of Transportation a « On foot Horse back Car, bus Combina­ Total or truck tion of foot and car, bus or truck No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. Locality No. Pet. Turrialba b6 77.97 1 1.69 7 11.86 5 52 92.86 1 1.79 3 No. Pet. On foot In hours Median Types of dis­ Road On horse Car, bus Combina­ tance Utilized or truck tion of in foot and kilo­ car, bus meters or truck In hours In hours In hours 1 2/3 1 1/2 1/2 1/3 £9 99.99 3 5.36 56 D O .00 1 1/2 San Jose 3 100.00 3 100.00 3 68 Alajuela 1 100.00 1 ICO.00 5 91 La Suiza # Pejivalle 1 100.00 8.U7 1 100.00 1 1/2 * The median distance is the author’s estimate in this instance. liuO 8.it 6 Trail Earth Road Improved Rot Paved Road Trail Earth Road Improved Rot Paved Road Earth Road Improved Rot Paved Road Earth Road Improved Rot Paved Road Trail sixty-sight kilometers away. The three families that do visit San Jose are those of the finca owner, the commissary owner, and the father of the commissary owner none of whom are peons. The person recorded on Table 1 that travels to Alajuela is the accountant of the finca who goes there to visit family and friends. Table 1 also indicates that the community of Atirro is comparatively isolated from other centers in consideration of road type and means of tra­ vel. The peons feel that the expense of bus fare to Turrialba which is approximately a colon (.17$) is beyond their means* San Juan Sur presents a different situation from that of Atirro rela­ tive to transportation. The community of San Juan Sur is much closer to the outside service center most frequently used, but the ox: cart road over which the people must pass to reach the Turrialba-San Jose highway is very irregular and becomes almost impassible at times during the rainy season. Even when the road is at its best it requires skill to drive an ox cart over it. This factor tends to make the community relatively isolated. For example, the first time the community was entered by a the children ran in fright. jeep, some of After explaining, coaxing, and reassuring, these children warily approached the first vehicle they had ever seen. But the time consumed in digging the wheels out of the mud, and straining over treacherous and very steep inclines made this mode of travel imprac­ tical and it was soon abandoned in favor of horseback. As revealed in Table 2, whether 'the peasant farmer travels to Turri­ alba, Florencia, Pavas, or even Cartago, he travels over trails and an ox cart road. All the fami3-ies have members who travel to Turrialba, 92 per TABLE 2 DISTRIBUTION OF FAMILIES IN SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO MEANS OF TRANSPORTATION USED, MEDIAN TIME REQUIRED, MEDIAN DISTANCE, AND TYPES OF ROAD UTILIZED IN TRAVELING TO THOSE OUTSIDE LOCALITIES MOST FREQUENTLY VISITED FOR THE SATIS­ FACTION OF SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AID PHYSICAL NEEDS ■ • Median Time Required On foot Horseback : Median : Distance Combination: in of foot and: kilometers car or train in hours in hours in hours Means of transportation On foot Horseback No. Pet. No. Pet. 6 Combination of foot and car or trairi No. Pet. 8.00 Total No. Pet. 75 100.00 1 1 Turrialba 69 92.00 # Florencia 3 100.00 3 100.00 Pavas 2 100,00 2 100.00 Cartago 1 100.00 1 5/12 1 100.00 * The median distance is the author’s estimate in this instance. lu5 Trail Ox cart road Paved Road Trail Ox cart road h Trail Ox cart road 6.3 1/h 3 1/2 Types of Roa Utilized 59.9 Trail Ox cart road Paved road cent travel on Toot and the remaining 8 per cent go on horseback. A median time of one hour is required to travel to Turrialba over a median distance 23 of 6.3 kilometers• It is interesting to note that those who travel on horseback require a longer median time to reach Turrialba than those who go on foot. tory factors which may account for this are: Explana­ (l) San Juan Sur is a line type settlement which at its nearest point is 3.3 kilometers and at its farthermost point is S.3 kilometers away from Turrialba. Those who go by horseback live in the farthermost sections of the locality. (2) The ox­ cart road is treacherous and must be traveled slowly while on horseback especially if produce is being taken to market. Turrialba is by far the most popular outside service center. three families travel to Florencia, t\vo to Pavas, and one to Cartago. Only The person who travels to Cartago goes to Turrialba first in order to take a bus. Walking for those in ban Juan Sur, as in Atirro, is the chief means of transportation. It is a common sight on the week end to see men, women, and children carrying such items as eggs, chickens, and produce to Turrial­ ba where they hope to sell or barter in the market. PATTERN OF SETTLEMENT A review of Figure 3, the author's sketch map of Atirro, reveals a highly concentrated pattern of settlement with the entire population and 23 The data are consistently based on the trip from the communities (Atirro and San Juan Sur) to the outside settlements, and the distances were recorded from the jeep's mileage reading. □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ H O □ □ ! □ □) R □ □ PUENTE □ □□ ESCUSLA Y CAPILLA m n m m □ PILA L OMISAR1ATO CARNICERIA CASA AOMIMSTRADOR PLAZA BENEFICIO OE CAPE ATIRRO. COSTA RICA LEGEND FAMILY HOUSES PIEZA I OF1CMA Y CAS i DEL JEREMTE iiiiiiia iii la ia im a ii EARTH ROAD RIVER TRAIL BRX>GE (PUENTE) O aj □□□□£?□ DISPEMSAR10 / □ □ ' FIGURE 3 SKETCH MAP OF ATIRRO, COSTA RICA □ \□ 46 their local instituitions aggregated into a village cluster. A considera­ tion of the fact that the twenty-one-house section, "cincc republicas,11 has been abandoned reveals the existence of an even more highly concen­ trated pattern of settlement than may be first observed, the entire popu­ lation of 296 people being limited to the area south of this section. The large two story house (oficina y casa del gerente) which serves as the residence of the finca owner, is the official nerve center of the community. Here, the work orders are issued, the men are paid, and all other matters between the men and the finca are transacted. This building, and the house of the administrator (casa administrador) constitute the administrative section of the finca. Standing bet’ween the administrative and peon section of the community is the large commissary and dispensary building. This and the butcher shop (camiceria) compose the shopping center of the village. needs are satisfied. At this center a major portion of all the peon's Among the numerous items offered for sale at the com<- missary are groceries (including a small supply of canned food), some hard­ ware, a few items of clothing, limited medical and drug supplies, and even a few toilet articles. The butcher shop is open on Fridaj’- afternoons and Saturdays. The dispensary, 24 is separate from the commissary and is operated by one of the school teachers who also acts in the capacity of a nurse in the absence of the doctor. Facing the commissary and butcher shop is the plaza which is a large 24 The dispensary is a room equipped with medical supplies and facilities for the treatment of the sick. 47 rectangular area, that serves as a center for limited recreational activi­ ties and informal interaction. Behind the commissary and dispensary build­ ing is the combination school and chapel (escuela y capilla). Although the chapel section is very seldom used, the school which is composed of grades one to four meets regularly. South of the school and chapel and separated by a pila is the jail which is seldom used, and then only for cases of minor offenses. Within the peon section of the community, the houses are closely spaced and are joined by a series of trails. All of the houses have been constructed fundamentally the same with reference to style and material* The only distinction is between single—family houses and the multiplefamily units which are not proportionately as large. Interspersed among the houses are four pilas which were originally constructed to serve as the clothes washing centers of the community, but are now used for most washing and bathing purposes. The pila is the center of informal association among the women as well as the transmitting station of information and gossip. Lasting friendships are formed there. The numerous small streams and the many outside toilets constructed over them have created a damp unsanitary condition from which stems sick­ ness and disease. Proximity of the houses and the great amount of inter­ action among the people tend to induce epidemics in times of sickness. During the course of this study an epidemic of diarrhea and fever was witnessed which resulted in a number of deaths. The cemetery is located on the finca at some distance from the com­ munity and consequently does not appear on the map* 48 San Juan Sur is a rural community characterized by a spatial separa­ tion of families so that there is no important cluster of dwellings. There are, instead, a series of minor groupings and a number of isolated home­ steads. Figure 4 gives an exaggerated view of the community which is under­ standable in view of the fact that there is a distance of five kilometers, as the road goes, from the northern end of the community to the southern end. Actually, the dwellings are much more dispersed than they appear. Figure 4, a sketch map was made to indicate propinquity of the casas and ranchos to the mountain streams. The people settle as near as possible to both the road and the water supply while yet remaining on their own small land holdings. During the time the schedules were being admin­ istered, one family who had settled near bad water tore down their house, moved the materials and reconstructed it in a location near good water. The shopping center of the community is composed of the local pulperia 25 and comercio. 2 A large proportion of the community's food needs are supplied from the small comercio as well as a limited quantity of medicines, tobacco, and other miscellaneous items. The pulperia specializes in cerveza (beer), cheap white peon cane whiskey, and carries as a side line, bread, cookies, and cakes. Both these service institutions provide gathering places for the people, and informal interaction takes place. However, most of the informal visiting of the community is done in the homes and on the road. ^ A pulperia is a retail store licensed to sell intoxicating beverage;.; and grocery items. ^ A comercio is a retail store where grocery items and other household provisions are sold. T * * ii TO P A V A S ._QXJD> p A A ___ A D D U iC3R c-- T H A IL T O • * « JU A M ttOHTC |PULP£RIA V9.a D pl«. aI^o OMERCIO □ ' a !□ A - ^ = I CEMETAR10 f l U t l . TO A H U O N SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA LEGEND CASA □ RANCHO A MOUNTAIN STREAM PAVED ROAD OX CART ROAO BRIDGE FIGURE 4 SKETCH MAP OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA 50 Located in the central portion of the community is a small, yellow school house with a tiled porch surrounding three sides of the structure. The school has two rooms, one serves as the residence of the school teacher and her family, and grades one to three are taught in the other. The plaza of San Juan Sur is located on a rolling hump of the moun­ tainside. As in Atirro, there are no paseos, nor band concerts, and it is not a center for the usual numerous informal activities. It is used primar­ ily by the young men of the community for playing football. The cemetery occupies a central position in the community and the procedure of taking care of the dead ;is the same as in Atirro— 3imple and ritualistic. Contrasting characteristics of the two patterns of settlement are obvious in the topography of both localities. In Atirro, for example, 36 to 60 per C9nt of the families live within 100 yards, as the trails go, from the commissary which is centrally located. per cent live within 200 yards of the commissary. The remaining 24 or 40 In San Juan Sur, the greatest concentration of settlement lies between the cemetery and the school which constitutes a distance of 850 yards. are 15 families or 20 per cent of the community. Living within this area Other contrasts such as the places and amount of social interaction, and the difference in the extent of recreational activity in the plaza are governed by the settle­ ment pattern. Although the majority of social interaction is done within the home in both communities, there is a very great amount of informal association among the women at the pilas and among the men at the service center in Atirro which is not possible in San Juan Sur because of the 51 distance involved. Similarly the plaza of Atirro is used more frequently than that of San Juan Sur because of its greater accessibility to the people. In both communities the people are unified by common participation in a homogeneous cultural milieu. In both areas, community life is marked by daily visits and a continuous round of eating, sleeping and working. HOUSE TYPES As revealed in Table 3> forty-seven or 78.3 per cent of the families in Atirro live in one-family type houses. The size of the families living in these single units is in all cases more than one member. There are eight or 13.3 per cent of the families living in two-family type houses. Although those families living in these units usually consist of more than one member, there is one instance where two individual member families share a unit in one of these two family dwellings. The three families living in the multiple-family type units (rows of joined houses) and the two families occupying piezas represent 8,3 per cent of the total and are all individual-member families. These persons being single and without cooking facilities beard with other families. One hundred per cent of the families in San Juan Sur live in onefamily type houses. Similar to Atirro there is one case of two families living in a single family unit— an individual-member family who pays board and room with another family. A comparison of the two communities reveals that San Juan Sur has a considerably higher percentage of one—family type houses than does Atirro, 52 though in both communities this type of house predominates. TABLE 3 DISTRIBUTION OF THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO THE TYPE OF HOUSE LIVED IN Atirro Kind of house lived in No. Pet. ! 1. One-family house 47 73.33 : 2. Two-family house 8 13.33 3. Row of joined houses 3 5.00 [ 1. Patios : 5. Piezas 2 3.33 6C 99.99 ; Total No. San Juan Sur : Pet. : 75 100.00 I 75 100.00 ‘ .Vhile San Juan Sur is completely lacking in other types of dwelling units, ‘itirro has 21.6 per cent of its families living in houses other than the one-family type. The houses of the campesinos in rural Costa Rica fall into two basic categories— "casa," and "rancho.” The casa type house usually has a zinc roof, walls and floors of rough wooden planking, and window open­ ings protected by wooden shutters. The most popular campesino casa has three rooms— living room, kitchen, and bedroom. Characteristic of the rancho are walls of tree branches or bamboo, a thatched roof made of sugar cane leaves, and a har'd packed earth floor. Ir.side there is generally a partition dividing the area into two small rooms— combination living room and bedroom, and kitchen. The open door A 53 and clacks in the walls provide the main sources of light and air for many ranchos. shutters. Others may have small window openings with crudely constructed Neither the ranchos nor the casas have chimneys. Smoke from cooking fills the dialling and finds its own exit through the cracks and rafters of the walls and ceiling. All dwellings in Atirro are of the specifications attributed to the case, and in addition are provided with running water and electric lights. Fifty, or two thirds of the homes in San Juan Sur are casas and the other twenty-five or one third are ranchos. For a better understanding of the casas and ranchos that house the families of Atirro and San Juan Sur, one of each has been selected for specific description. The campesino casa selected for description is in San Juan Sur, has a zinc roof, no chimney, boards. Between some of the It and walls of tvi.de, roughly finished wooden boards there are crevices through which light and air penetrate, and there is no ceiling other than the sheet metal roofing and the rafters beneath it* Across the front of the house is a narrow porch. The house has a dirt floor, which is not usually characteristic of the casa. Within the house there are three small rooms that measure no more than four yards to a side— living room, bedroom, and kitchen— which are separated by partitions made of rough boards. Furnishings consist of a roughly made table, a banco, two escanos, andone trunk. On the walls are a few magazine pictures, and two pictures of Catholic saints placed in improvised, home-made frames. In the bedroom, there are only two large wooden bedsj one is covered 54 with a mat, and the other is bare. In the kitchen is a grinder used for ^rinding corn and hanging on the wall are a few cooking utensils. Two gourds filled \vith drinking water are in the comer, and for the cooking, there is an elevated fogon. The rancho selected for description is also in San Juan Sur, six meters long and four meters wide with a dirt floor, It is vails are made of slender, roughly hewn tree trunks and branches that are placed upright one against another much in the same manner as that of a stockade. The roof is composed of matted sugar cane leaves that extend down, well beyond the edges of the walls, V/indows are neither provided nor needed for ventila­ tion since air and light enter through the walls. When the wind blows, the air seems to enter on all sides causing it to become chilly. Inside, the area is divided into two rooms by a partition in the middle which is con­ structed of the same material as the walls. One of the rooms serves as a bedroom and living room furnished with two large beds. The beds consist of two wooden horses at opposite ends with planks laid over them, A mat is placed over the planks and the sides of the beds provide the only seats available in the room. The kitchen has an elevated fogon, a few cooking 27 utensils, and a small banco. 07 The description of these two dwellings is based on notes taken fcy ^r, Antonio Arce, one of the enumerators, and upon data from the schedules. CHAPTER IV COMMUNITY DELINEATION OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR A comparative analysis of the two settlements, Atirro and San Juan Sur, logically extends next to community delineation from which may be determined the extent to which these localities are distinct communities apart from neighboring community centers— particularly the city of Tur­ rialba • CONCEPTIONS AND DEFINITION OF CCMhUNITY In attempting to ascertain the status of these settlements as com­ munities, it is necessary to define the term community. "Community," is a term that has been used in a variety of ways and its meaning is often confused. "In the broadest sense, community is the mutual awareness among members of a social group of their reciprocal or interdependent, relationships, and is limited only by the strength of this 'consciousness of kind1 or 'we-feeling.1 It may be extended to 'One World 1 or limited to the boundaries of a small neighborhood." "Frequently neighborhoods are built up around a single organization such as a country school or a mill, but the community is formed around 2 common interests and the means of satisfying needs or interests." In substantiation of the foregoing Lowry Nelson states, "In general 1 Harry Elmer Barnes and Green M. Ruedi, The American ‘ Nay of Life (New York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1950), p. 672. 2 Kimball Young, Sociology (New York: American Book Co., 1949), p. 240. 56 the term community refers to a group of people inhabiting a limited area who have a sense of belonging together and who through their organized relationships share and carry on activities in pursuit of their common interests. It is a locality group whether the term is used to describe a neighborhood, a town, a city, or even a nation. In common usage the 3 term is applied to the relatively small aggregates of population*” It appears generally conceded, then, that a community is charac­ terized by a ’’feeling of belonging” or identification in which there are common interests and responsibilities. One of two general approaches used in delineating the community is the use of the service-area method. The concept of community as em­ bodied in this method defines it as consisting of a center in which there are various social and economic institutions, and those families who largely satisfy their needs at this center. By this method all those families utilizing a common service center for the satisfaction of a particular need are considered as a part of the natural community with reference to this need. According to the methodology employed by Sanders and Ensminger, the service area for each service center is mapped separately. Then the areas for all services are superimposed upon one map and a composite area 4 for each center is drawn. All families living within this composite 3 Lowry Nelson, Rural Sociology (New York: 1946), p. 71. 4 American Book Company, Irwin T. Sanders and Douglas Ensminger, ’’Alabama Rural Communities Study of Chilton County," Vol. XXXIII, No. 1A (Bulletin Published quar­ terly by Alabama College, July, 1940), pp. 74-8. a boundary are considered as constituting a part of the natural community— natural in that it is not confined to the political boundaries. Another concept of community which is somewhat more inclusive than the service area approach is that presented by Sanderson. This concept considers the aspect of association (interpersonal relations) as a basic criterion in the delineation of what constitutes a community. Sanderson became aware that if the community was to be made the local unit for social organization a somewhat definite, tangible, and uniform usage of the term was desirable. In accordance with this, he defined the geographical basis of the rural community "as a rural area within which the people have a common center of interest, usually a village, and id.thin which they have a sense of common obligations and responsibilities. Sanderson recognized that there are sociological and psychological aspects of the rural community which also must be considered— that the real community is a "form of association."^ Wherever there is a true community, the people must associate in several of their more common interests or chief concerns of life. The degree to which they voluntarily act together measures the degree of com­ munity consciousness for wherever there is a community the people must 7 act together. While people associate in churches, schools, and stores, the - Dwight Sanderson, "Locating the Rural Community," Bulletin 413 (Cornell Extension Bulletin published by the New York State College of Agriculture at Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 1939)> pp. 3-6. 6 constituency of any one of these is not necessarily a community. But when several of the chief human interests find satisfaction in the organ­ izations and institutions which serve a fairly definite local area tribu8 tary to them there is a true community. Sanderson finds the definition given by Dr. Robert E. Hieronymus to be one of those most suggestive of the true community. states: Hieronymus "A community consists of a group or company of people living fairly closely together in a more or less compact contiguous territory 9 who are coming to act together in the chief concerns of life." Sanderson points out, however, that whether or not the people live closely together will depend upon the geographical character of the ter­ ritory in which they live.^O in fact, in some small communities situated in hilly or mountainous regions, even the trade or business center is not always the same as the center of the chief social activities of the people and hence may not be the community center. It is not unusual in such a community for the church, school, and perhaps a lodge hall to be the nu­ cleus of an open country community which does its business at a railroad station village some distance away. In communities of this type where the church, store, and school are at some distance from each other in dif­ ferent parts of the community, there appears to be no real center, but if these or other institutions draw their constituency from practically 59 the same area, the boundary of the community may be determined by a com­ il posite of the boundaries of the areas of these institutions. The concept of community as envisioned by Sanderson and Hieronymous involves more, then, than where the people go to buy their groceries, to school, or to see the doctor. This latter concept includes the important factor of association— that the people act together to satisfy their chief human interests. In rural Costa Eica especially is this latter concept the more fea­ sible. Among the rural settlements there are hacienda communities of the European village type, and peasant land owner type communities which in their geographical setting are very similar to the open-country community described by Sanderson. Some of these peasant land-owner communities seem to have no real center, and the few service institutions are situated in various sections of the settlement, but they nevertheless draw their con­ stituency from practically the same area. In communities of this latter type, a simple delineation of the settlement according to the service area method may result in an erroneous classification of a more or less distinct, well integrated local unit which is characterized by a high degree of community consciousness as a part of a larger multi-service center. Therefore, any definition of the rural community should take into consideration not only the economic services and social activities which provide the physical needs and the secondary or more formalized associations Ibid.. p. 8. 60 of the people, but also, the informal primary relationships which satisfy other basic social needs. Accordingly, the rural Costa Rican community is viewed as a local unit through whose facilities and in which the residents largely satisfy 12 their chief concerns of life and to which they consciously identify themselves as members, being bound together by common interests and respon sibilities. In the rural Costa Rican settlement the size of the service center is usually comparatively small, being limited to those services that pro­ vide the most essential, elementary needs of the people. The larger number of "secondary services" (secondary in that they are not considered as essential to the sustenance of life) are found in strategically located multi-service centers, such as Turrialba. The large majority of the peons or peasants seldom if ever are in a position to utilize most of these secondary services. These services are, therefore, usually found only in the larger towns that serve people from a considerable surrounding area. Perhaps only 15 or 20 people in a small rural community will ever purchase shoes making the maintenance of a shoe store impossible, but a town that draws its customers from twenty such rural settlements can adequately sustain this service. Because of the simplicity of life among the masses of rural Costarricenses and their limited elementary needs, it would seem that the 12 Chief concerns of life, for the purposes of this study, are evaluated in terms of frequency of use. Those services and activities in which needs are satisfied at a correspondingly high rate of frequency are of greater value and concern to the people. 61 delineator of any rural Gosta Rican community could not apply the service area method as it has been largely applied in the United States and expect to correctly delineate the natural community. In the first place, it is not logical to assume that a service which the delineator feels is essential, is actually important to the lives of the people living in the particular area he is delineating unless he has been a long-time resident of that area. For example, to the delineator's point of view a hospital and its staff of doctors must certainly consti­ tute a basic elemental service, and an excellent institution for use in the delineation of a community, but this service to the people of rural Costa Rica may not be important at all because they either do not care to utilize it or their economic conditions are such as to make this ser­ vice unavailable to them, so they turn to home remedies or the local curandero for treatment in times of sickness. The importance of any particular service or activity is directly proportional to the usage made of that service by the people. A service that is never used is no more important than if it were nonexistent ex­ cept in its potential usefulness. The delineator should, therefore, take into consideration the number of people utilizing each particular service and the frequency with which they use it. Moreover, the delineator should not delineate on the basis of only a selected number of services. In the same manner that specific treat­ ment is needed for certain illnesses so should the delineator's methods suit the area. Therefore, as nearly as possible, all services and activities 62 present in the region should be taken into account and the frequency of use employed in determining the importance of these institutions toward the delineation of the natural community. METHODOLOGY The social and economic institutions existing in the town of Turrialba and its surrounding region, and the possible spheres of influence iind attraction of each of these were studied in accordance with the fore­ going basic assumptions relative to the delineation of the natural com­ munity. A complete list of all the services and activities offered by the town was compiled and the extent of their influence was probed by means of a questionnaire which was administered to several of the local mer­ chants. This questionnaire listed the various communities found in the surrounding region and the merchants were asked to indicate the extent to which people from these outside areas frequented their establishments in Turrialba. From the indications gained by this survey, Turrialba!s sphere of influence was tentatively measured. Next, a list of services and activ­ ities offered by the town of Turrialba was made and the people in the outlying regions that fell within Turrialba1s sphere of influence were asked which of the services and activities offered they had utilized at one time or another during their lifetime. As a result of this questioning, it was determined that there were certain services and activities utilized so infrequently and sporadically 63 by the large majority of people living in the surrounding areas that their inclusion in an instrument designed to delineate the natural community was superfluous• All the other services and activities were included in the com­ munity delineation section of the schedule. The specific items included are classified into five major areas— economic, social, health, education, and religion. Informants from each family residing in the communities of San Juan Sur and Atirro were asked to state where they and the other members of their family group participated and satisfied specific activities and needs. In the event they had never utilized a particular service or ac­ tivity they were asked where they would go in case the need arose thus giving an indication of the "potential service center." When the informant did not know where he would go in this hypo­ thetical situation this answer was recorded. Where a family participated or would participate in these services and activities in more than one place, the names of all centers were listed as (a), (b), (c), etc. in accordance with the order of their importance as indicated by the fre­ quency of use. Thus, if, for example, a family in San Juan Sur satis­ fied its fresh vegetable and fruit needs in (a) Turrialba, (b) Pavas, and (c) San Juan Sur, all three of these were written down with their corresponding frequency of use. After having indicated the place where a particular service or activity was or would be satisfied, the informant was then asked to in­ dicate the frequency with which his family had utilized this particular 64 service or activity during the twelve months previous, and this answer was listed in the frequency columns. In the event a family had utilized this service in years previous, but not during the specified twelve­ month period, this response was posted. If the members of the family had never participated in a particular service or activity this reply was similarly indicated in the frequency columns. The families were asked to indicate those items produced at home. It was reasoned that items produced at home for family consumption were important for consideration in view of the following factors: (1) If these items were not accounted for, the proportion accruing to the centers listed would be conceivably distorted by implication. (2) Interaction with neighbors is stimulated both from the standpoint of visiting while working with the cultivations and selling the excess that might be pro­ duced. (3) Any items produced at home that contribute to the maintenance of life lends to the independence of the family or families within a set­ tlement who otherwise would have to utilize an outside service center should there be no service of this kind in the locality. In delineating the communities of San Juan Sur and Atirro one of the first things that needed to be determined were the boundaries of the two communities. This was relatively simple in Atirro, the village-type settlement, in which the families are grouped closely together, and the settlement is set off at some distance from other villages. In San Juan Sur, however, it was necessary to investigate. To do this, the families living on the fringe areas of the locality were asked 65 the question, "what is the name of this place?" to determine with what locality the peorle identified themselves as members. Then the schedule was administered to ascertain if their associational patterns and other social and economic contacts substantiated their statements of identifi­ cation. The boundaries of San Juan Sur were found to be clearly defined in the minds of the people living both in and outside the settlement and that, in general, this was corroborated when their contacts were deter­ mined. PRESENTATION CF THE DATA The following rules were formulated for the analysis and presenta­ tion of the data: 1. In the event that a family currently utilizes two or more service centers in the satisfaction of a particular need, the one which is used most often was considered. 2. Where a family states that they would now satisfy a particular service or activity at a certain center should the need arise, and when that center is among those utilized in years previous but not within the twelve-month period, this was the one listed as the place of satisfaction. 3. Some families say they would utilize a service in a particular center should the need arise. They have not as yet, however, utilized it in that center, but in years previous utilized it in a different center or centers. In this event, the center where the service was actually utilized was listed. ’Where there were two or more such centers, the center most frequently utilized was listed. If these centers were utilized with equal frequency, 66 then the one most recently used was listed. 4. When family members have never utilized a particular service, but state that they would do so at a particular center should the need arise, this center was listed, and is referred to in the analysis as the "potential service center." If the service has ever been used, the place where this occured was listed. 5. When the frequency indicates equal current usage of tx%ro or more centers, that center nearest the community being analyzed was listed. 6. For the purpose of clarifying the terms "activities," "ser­ vices," and "needs," which are used throughout the analysis, all items except "infomal visiting," and "Accion Catolica" are considered as ser­ vices, and the tv/o exceptions as activities. The word "needs" is opera­ tionally used as a general classification for the physical and psychical gains that accrue from the utilization of services and activities• In accordance with the above mentioned rules the data was tabulated and is herein presented in the following tables and analysis: ECONOMIC NEEDS Clothing. Table 4 indicates that while the families of Atirro satisfy their clothing needs at several different service centers, Tur­ rialba is the primary center in this respect as indicated by the fre­ quency of use. It is interesting to note, that of the 60.01 per cent of the fam­ ilies who satisfy this need in Turrialba, 53*34 per cent do so only oc­ casionally. As a matter of fact, the peon laborers of Atirro are generally TABLE b .'La CE AhLi FR^U'EhCY UF SAT1SF ACTION OF CLOTHING NEEDS 3Y THE FAKLLIBS OF ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : :Satisfied Satisfied but not Weekly : Monthly : within Daily within (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo):past year : :(lyr-6yr) past year • • No* : Turrialba : Atirro : La Suiza : San Jose : Ala.iuela : Total Pet. No. 1 1 Never Satis­ fied Total • * Pet. No. 6.67 Pct.:No. Fct,.:No. Pet. No. 1.67: 3 5.00:2S 46.67 4 '•2 3.33:12 20.00 :2 3.33: 3 5.00 :1 1.67: 3 5.00 :1 1.67: 1.67: 9 15.00:4<3 76.67 4 6.67 Pet. No. Pet. 36 60.01 14 23.33 5 . 8.33 4 6,67 1 1,67 60 100.01 TABLE 5 PLACE AMD FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF CLOTHING NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : : :Satisfied:Satisfied: Daily : Weekly : Monthly : within : but not : Never (4wk-dly):(3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo) :past year: within : Satis: : :(lyr-6yr):past year: fied No. : : : : Turrialba San Jose Cartaso Total Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pct.:No. :3 4.00:15 20.00:54 72.00: 1 . :........ :..... . : 1 1-33:. :1 1.33: :3 4.00:15 20.00:56 74.66: 1 Pct.rNo, 1.33: . . 1.33: Total : Pet. No. Pet.: 73 97.33: 1 1.33: 1 1.31: 75 99.99: 68 poorly dressed by American standards, and even their "Sunday'1 clothes are little bettei' than one would expect to see on an American manual laborer at his daily work. '//hen the people buy wearing apparel it is many times purchased in the form of yardage goods (for women’s and children's clothing). The amount of clothing purchased by a family during the year is very small and a large percentage of the families satisfy this need on a yearly basis while a few satisfy it even less frequently. Though most families satisfy their clothing needs in Turrialba, largely on a yearly basis, there are a significant number (23.33%) who satisfy these needs in Atirro in spite of the fact that they 3re procur­ able only through the general commissary which understandably is extreme­ ly limited in both amount and variety of clothing items handled. La Suiza functions as a minor center (8.33^) in the satisfaction of the peon families' clothing needs, while San Jose (6.672») and Alajuela (1.67^) attract the economically favored families. Although the frequency of satisfaction in all these centers hovers for the majority around a yearly basis, one family (l.67^>) satisfies it weekly, while four families have not done so within the twelve-month period. The families of San Juan Sur depend almost exclusively upon Tur­ rialba for the satisfaction of their clothing needs as is revealed in Table Of the 97.33 per cent who satisfy this need in Turrialba, 72.00 per cent have done so between one to a maximum of six times during the twelve-month period. A large number of these families purchase clothing on a yearly basis as is indicated by the response of one informant represent­ ing a family of eleven members. According to her the clothing of all fam­ ily members is purchased at the same time, once a year, at a cost of ap­ proximately 800 colones ($133»00). For the many families in less favorable economic circumstances, purchases of clothing consist of a sporadic procurance of a badly needed garment . San Jose and Cartago are minor centers for the satisfaction of this need, each frequented by one family (1.33^) for this purpose. San Juan Sur is not listed as there is no place within the community where these items can be purchased. When the two settlements are compared both San Juan Sur and Atirro are observed to be largely dependent upon Turrialba for the satisfaction of the clothing need— Atirro much less so than San Juan Sur. While San Juan Sur offers no such service, the limited items offered at the Atirro commissary supply the needs of almost one-quarter of the families living there. ’While both localities are largely dependent upon Turrialba with reference to this service, for most of the families clothing purchases are infrequently and sporadically made, usually on a yearly basis. Among the families of both settlements the clothing purchases are made to a large extent in the form of yardage goods from which the local seamstresses or the housewives themselves fashion their garments. In both areas the cloth­ ing of the people reflect their troubled economic situation as will be revealed to a greater extent as their utilization of other services is made manifest through the data. 70 Staple foods. As is indicated in Table 6, of Atirro (96.15$) satisfy their staple food own finca commissary. 14 13 almost all the families needs most frequently at their While a number of these same families do occasionally frequent Turrialba and La Suiza for this same purpose, they are primarily dependent upon Atirro. Only two families (3.64$) primarily frequent an outside center for the satisfaction of this need. Of those satisfying this need largely in Atirro, most of them do so daily (63.46$), and the remainder (34.61$) pur­ chase weekly. One of the two families traveling to Turrialba for the purpose of procuring these items does so on a weekly basis, while the other satisfies it monthly. Che explanation for the concentrated satisfaction of this need at the Atirro commissary is the distance to outside centers. Perhaps a second explanation is causally associated with the low economic status of the families living there. Their income limits them appreciably in the amount and variety of foodstuffs they are able to purchase. The diet of the average peon consists essentially of black coffee, beans, rice, corn tortillas, dulce, an occasional fresh vegetable or fruit, and a little meat. This means that his food needs can be chiefly satisfied by a general commissax This table is based upon the responses of 52 families inasmuch as eight of the family units board with other families in the community. The same applies to the other tables dealing with the satisfaction of food needs— Tables 8, 10, 12, 14. 14 Staple foods include all food products except those that fall under the classification of fruit, vegetables, fesh meat, milk, and bakery. TABLi c PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF STAPLE FOOD NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO, CGSTa RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : Atirro : Turrialba : Total Satisfied:Satisfied: 'within : out not : Never Weekly : Monthly Daily (3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo) Total : (4wk-dly) past year: within : Satis:past year: • * • • No, Pet, No. Pct.:No. Pet. No. Pct.:No. Pet.:No. Pet. No. Pet,: • • • • 50 96.15: 33 63.46 17 32.69: • • • • 1 1.92: 1 1.92 2 3.84: • • • 1.92 12 99.99: 33 03.46 IS 34.61: 1 • • * TABLE 7 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF STAPLE FOOD NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of - Satisfaction : San Juan Sur : Turrialba : Florencia : Total Satisfied Satisfied but not Weekly Daily Monthly : within (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year within :(lyr-6yr) past year No. Pet. No. Pet. No. U 14.36 23 31.03 34 45.95 2 _4_ 5.41 11 14.36 61 32.44 2 Pct.;No. 2.70: 2.70: Pet. No. * Never Satis­ fied Pet. No. Total : Pet. No. Pet.; 34 45,94:. 36 48.65: 4 5.41: 74 100.00: 72 such as the one in Atirro which carries a relatively limited variety of stock. A second economic factor operating in Atirro as well as in other haciendas of the region is the commissary credit system. The life of the peon is mainly one of day to day existence in which he must work consistent ly if he would eat regularly. Having no opportunity to build up an eco­ nomic surplus places him in a difficult situation. When a new peon family moves to Atirro for example, it usually has little or no money. They start to work at the finca but must eat until the end of the first week when their pay check is received, so they open a charge account at the commissary. By the end of the week when they receive their pay, the food bill has mounted to such proportions that most of their earnings are spent in getting out of debt. This process is repeated week after week causing many people to purchase at the finca when they might have otherwise sought out cheaper prices elsewhere. The case of Atirro is regarded as singular when com­ pared to other haciendas in that the peons consider the commissary owner to be very humanitarian in his relations with them. He is known to have carried some sick and disabled families for weeks and then to have for­ gotten at least a part of their bills. He prides himself in keeping prices equal with those of Turrialba. All these are factors conducive to trading at the local commissary from the standpoint of the resident peon family. As revealed in Table 7, the families of San Juan Sur frequent their own service establishments (45.94$) and those of Turrialba (48.65$) in 73 about equal numbers for the satisfaction of their staple food needs. While a slightly higher percentage frequent Turrialba primarily in the satisfac­ tion of this need, those that utilize San Juan Sur primarily do so with much greater frequency. As indicated in the Table, 14.66 per cent of this latter group frequent the local service establishments on a daily basis while none of the group going to Turrialba attained this frequency. A third center which is utilized with reference to this need is Florencia. This usage occurs chiefly as a result of families who have members working at that Finca. As these persons return home from their labors they bring groceries with them. It is possible that the credit system is a factor operating in determining where these families working in Florencia primarily satisfy this need. When the two localities are compared it is observed that of the two ' Atirro is most independent with respect to the satisfaction of this need. While almost all those families living in Atirro primarily satisfy this need in their own community, approximately one-half the residents of San Juan Sur do so in their community. Those of San Juan Sur side primarily in its satisfaction, satisfy it within who travel out­ do soless frequentlythan those who the settlement. With reference to Turrialba, Atirro may be considered as almost completely independent while San Juan Sur is partially so. Although there are various factors operating in Atirro to induce the family to buy their staple foods at that center, these same factors are not apparent in San Juan Sur. To the contrary, there is at least one factor mitigating against the purchase of foodstuffs within that locality— the price. The local store­ keeper in order to pay for the expense of hauling all supplies up over the rugged mountain cart trail to his store charges a penny or so extra for freight. Many of the people prefer to go to Turrialba rather than pay this extra charge. The pattern in many instances is for the people to make large pur­ chases in Turrialba when they go to attend church or for some other func­ tion, and to utilize the local store to buy the smaller items, and amounts needed. 75 Fresh vegetables and fruit. According to Table 8, the fresh vege­ table and fruit needs for the people of Atirro are satisfied in the major­ ity of cases (78.85$) within their own settlement. These people supplement their staple food diet with fresh vegetables and fruits of which there is almost an unlimited variety. Some families cultivate a few fruit and vegetable plants around their houses, in the back yard, or on small plots of land specifically loaned to them by the finca owner for this purpose. Others purchase these items from their neigh­ bors within the community and still others procure them in outside centers such as Turrialba either from the venders in the streets or the more per­ manently established markets. Of the families (78.85/0 satisfying this need within the community, 63.46 per cent procure these items from others on a weekly basis while 9*62 per cent obtain them primarily from their own cultivations. This latter group appears on the Table as having satisfied this need at home. The other 5.77 per cent supply these needs from others at a frequency of monthly or less. Of the 15.39 per cent who satisfy this need primarily in Turrialba, 5.77 per cent do so on a weekly basis, 5.77 per cent on a monthly basis, and 3.85 per cent have done so at some time within the twelve-month period. La Suiza is a third center utilized in the satisfaction of this need, but is used primarily by only two families (3 .85$) who do so on a weekly basis. Only one family (1.92$) in the entire community stated that they had never utilized vegetables at some time during the period of their lives. TABLE 8 F L iC S A © FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF FRESH VEGETABLE AND FR U IT NEE)S BY THE F aM IL IE S OF ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : : :Satisfied:Satisfied: Daily : weekly : Monthly : within : but not : Never (4wk-dly):(3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo):past year: within : Satis: : :(lyr-6yr):past year: fied • « • ' • • • * • • No. : Atirro : Turrialba : La Suiza : Total Pct,:No. Pct.:No. :33 63.46: 2 :3 5.77: 3 : 2 3.85: :38 73.08: 5 Pct,:No* 3.85: 1 5.77: 2 : 9.^2: 3 Pct.:No. 1.92: 3.85: : 5.77: Pct.:No, :1 : :1 Satis- : fied at : Total home : Pet* No. 1.92 5 1.92 5 Pct,:No. Pet. 9.62:42 8O .77 :8 :2 3.85 9.62:52 100.01 TABLE 9 PUCE AND FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF FRESH VEGETABLE AND FRUIT NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : : Satisfied Satisfied Daily : Weekly : Monthly : within : but not (4wk-dly):(3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo):past year: within : : :(lyr-6yr):past year • No. : San Juan Sur 1 : Turrialba : Total 1 • Pct,:No, Pct,:No. 1.35:27 34.49: 3 : 2 2.70: 1.35:29 39.19: 3 # Pct.'.No. 4.05: : 4.05: Never Satis­ fied Satis- : fied at : Total home : • Pct.:No, : : : Pet. No. Pet, No, Pct,:No, Pet. 41 55.41:72 97.30 : 2 2.70 41 55.41:74 100.00 o 77 In San Juan Sur, as revealed in Table 9, the overwhelming majority (97.30,") of the families satisfy their fresh vegetable and fruit needs primarily within the locality. Of these, 41.B9 per cent obtain them from others and 55.41 per cent depend chiefly upon their own cultivations for the satisfaction of this need. Of those who procure them from others, the majority (36 .49$) do 30 on a weekly basis. There are only two families (2.70$) who frequent Turrialba to Satisfy this need. Both of these utilize that center on a weekly basis for this purpose. In comparison, although both communities are mainly self-sufficient in these items, San Juan Sur shows a higher percentage of independence with more than half the families supplying their own needs. Those of Atirro, having less land and means than San Juan Sur to raise their own, must depend more upon purchases from others. In San Juan Sur a kind of barter system is oftentimes put into op­ eration. When the chayote vine of one family is producing in abundance, a part of the excess is taken to neighbors who later on may give, in re­ turn, a hand of platanos when these ripen. This is true of many food items to a degree, but it is particularly time of fruits and vegetables of which there is greater abundance. 7a Fresh meat. Each Friday, peons from Oriente, a nearby settlement, bring in the week's meat supply, and a local peon becomes the community butcher for the remainder of that day and Saturday morning. This meat, usually a quarter or half of beef or pork provides 80.77 per cent of the families of Atirro, as illustrated in Table 10, with their primary source of .meat supply, 78.85 per cent of whom satisfy it on a weekly basis. Although there are a number of butcher shops in Turrialba open regularly, only 15*38 per cent of the families utilize this center. All those who frequent Turrialba do so on a weekly basis. La Suiza is a third center utilized in the satisfaction of this need, but serves as the primary source for only two families, (3 .85$)• The families of San Juan Sur, according to Table 11, are all pro­ vided with their primary source of meat by the butcher shops of Turrialba. Of these 97.26 per cent satisfy this need on a weekly basis and 2.74 per cent do so monthly. While the families of San Juan Sur are primarily dependent upon Turrialba for the satisfaction of this need, they have other important sources. Practically every family in the community raises a few chickens and a large number have pigs, turkeys, cattle, or some other domesticated animals which serve as additional sources of meat. The killing of a large animal is an event both socially and economically in the community. Early in the week the word goes around that one of the families is going to kill a pig, and that there will be plenty of meat available. On the day the animal is killed, the children gather early to watch it being cleaned and prepared. Later on the adults arrive and visit before making their pur- TABLE 10 rxtj^UEi'jCl Of ohilSF/iOTI'ji'i 0? FRESH MEAT ;vELA3 PY THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : cf : Satisfaction Daily Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) No. : : : : Atirro Turrialba La Suiza Total Pet. No. Pet. 41 78.35 8 15.38 2 3.85 51 98.08 :Satisfied:Satisfied Monthly : within : out not Never Satis­ Total : (7yr-2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year fied • • • * No, ?ct,:No, Pct.:No. Pet. No. Pet, No. Pet.: 1 1.92: : 42 80.77: : ; 8 15.33: t t 2 3.85: 1 1.92: : 52 100.00: TABLE 11 PLACE AND FREQUENCY CF SATISFACTION OF FRESH MEAT NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : Turrialba : Total : : :Satisfied:Satisfied: Weekly : Monthly : within : but not : Never Daily (4wk-dly) (3:no-3wk): (7yr-2mc) :past year: within : SatisTotal : : :(lyr-6yr):past year: fied • • • • » • • • No. Pet. No. Pct.:No. Pet,:No. Pct.:No. Pct.:No* Pet. No, Pet,: 73 100.00: 71 97.26: 2 2.74: : : 73 100.00: 71 97.26: 2 2.74: : : 80 chases. A favorite spot is the barrel where the fat is boiled and young and old alike wait to taste the rendered "cracklings." One such occasion was combined with a wedding. The newlyweds enter­ tained friends inside and the larger group mingled outside around the bar­ rel of boiling fat. When the two localities are compared, Atirro is observed to be largely independent of other centers in the satisfaction of this need while San Juan Sur is apparently completely dependent upon Turrialba. There are a number of families in Atirro (19.23$) who utilize out­ side centers. The families of San Juan Sur, though wholly dependent upon Turrialba for their primary source of fresh meat, have animals of their own which upon occasion provide the setting up of a temporary economic service and also the satisfaction of basic social needs as well. 81 Kilk. As indicated in Table 12, the milk needs of the families of Atirro are wholly satisfied within the locality itself. It is interesting to note that while 96.15 per cent of the families are utilizing this ser­ vice or have utilized it at one time or another in their lives, only 9.62 per cent satisfy the need at home. In other words, only five families of the settlement have cows to provide milk— these families being those of the finca owner, the commissary owner, the commissary owner's semi-re­ tired father, and two peon families. The milk needs of practically all those who utilize itare by the numerous cows belonging to the finca owner. supplied He maintains a dairy on the finca and sells unpasteurized milk to the residents for 40 centimos a botea (approximately 6.7 cents for one-fifth of a gallon). Slightly more than one-half the families satisfy this need on a daily basis while 19.23 per cent utilize it weekly and 7.69 per cent do so monthly. There are two families (3.85$) who state that they have never used milk at all. Some of the people commented that they were unable to buy sufficient milk even for their babies' needs, and on the other hand, the finca owner's wife stated that the peons refused to purchase the milk at a price which they considered to be reasonable. peon laborer is 4.15 colones.^ The average daily salary of a good 15 If this laborer has a wife and a number 15 This qualifying term was added inasmuch as the less productive laborers do not receive this salary which has been stipulated as minimal by national law. 16 Twenty-four colones comprise the weekly earning with social a••curl by taxes taken out. This is equivalent to JN Of DRUG AND MEDICAL NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF .-Ei’IERG, COSTA RIG a Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : : : : : : Atirro Turrialba La Suiza Ala.juela San Jose Total Satisfied Satisfied Daily but not Weekly Monthly within {4wk-dly} (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo) past year within (lyr-6yr) past year No, 1 1 Pet, No. Pet. No. Pet• No. 1.6? Id 26.67 20 33.33 4 1 1.67 6 10.00 5 1.67 1 1 1.67 1 2. 3.33 1.67 18 30.01 29 48.33 10 Pet. No. 6.67 8.33 1.67 16.67 Never Satis­ fied Pet. No. 1 1 1 1.67 1.67 1 Total Pet. No. Pet. 1.67 42 70.01 12 20.00 3 5.01 2 3.33 1 1.67 1.67 ~6c 100.02 TABLE 21 PU CE AND FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF DRUG AND MEDICAL NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTa RICA Frequency of Satisfaction • • : Monthly {7yr-2mo) • • • • Pet. No. Pct.iNo. Pet, 28 37.33:33 44.00 :3 4.00 28 37.33:36 43.00 t Place • of Daily Weekly : Satisfaction 1,4wk-dly) ;3mo-3*rk) : No* : Turrialba : San Juan Sur : Total Satisfied Satisfied but not within past year within (lyr-6yr) past year No. 7 1 8 Pet. No. 9.33 3 10.66 3 Never Satis­ fied Pet. No. 4.00 4.00 Total : Pet. No, Pet.: 71 94.66: 4 5.33: 75 99.99: VO Ov 97 All the families in San Juan Sur have used this service as is in­ dicated in Table 21, although only a few of them (5-33^) have done so primarily within the locality itself because of the limited number of medical supplies procurable from the general store. For the large ma­ jority of families, Turrialba provides the main source for the satisfac­ tion of this need, with 94.66 per cent primarily satisiying it at one time or another in that center. The majority of those who utilize the service do so on a monthly basis (48.00;ij), although a considerable number do so weekly (37-33^)When the two localities are compared it is observed that the fam­ ilies of atirro depend largely upon the medical supplies offered at their community commissary for the satisfaction of this need. living in San Juan Sur chiefly go to Turrialba. Those families With reference to this service, Atirro may be considered as largely independent and San Juan bur as being primarily dependent upon Turrialba. In both localities the botica is widely used as indicated both by the frequency of use and by the fact that all families in San Juan Sur have utilized it and only one family in Atirro has never used it. 9$ Bank. the According to Table 22, approximately one-half (48*33%) of families living in Atirro have utilized the bank in one of three out­ side centers. Inasmuch as there is no service in Atirro, those who uti­ lize this service depend primarily upon Turrialba (43.33$) and secondarily u^on San Jose (3.33$), and Alajuela (1.67$). The usage by the people of these services is infrequent with the majority of them (36.67$) utilizing it at some time within the twelve­ month period or less (8.33$). Only two families utilize it weekly— those of the finca owner and the commissary owner. Of the 51.67 per cent who have never utilized the banking service, 50.00 per cent of them indicate Turrialba to be their potential service center. As revealed in Table 23, the families of San Juan Sur have no bank­ ing service within their locality consequently the 46.66per cent who utilize it must travel to outside centers. Of these, Turrialba is used by the most families (45.34$), and San Jose is utilized by 1.33 per cent. Kore than half (53.33$) of the families have never utilized this service and of those who have, the majority have utilized it only infre­ quently— usually at some time within the twelve-month period. A number of the farmers in San Juan Sur are in the process of pay­ ing for their finquitas and some of these are financed through the bank. Others obtain loans to enable them to carry on the production of coffee. ./hen the coffee is harvested the loans are repaid. A comparison reveals that in both settlements a little less than half the families have utilized the banking service. The percentage of - .'M TAELS 22 PLACn, AND FREQUENCY v? UTILIZATION OF THE BANK BY THE FAMILIES oF ATIRRO, CGSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction :Satisfiea Satisfied: Monthly : within : but not : Never Daily : Weekly (4wk-dly):(3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within : Satis:(lyr-6yr):past year: fied ♦ • No. : : : : | Turrialba San Jose Ala.iuela Total Pct,:No. :2 . :2 Pet. No. 3.33 3.33 • « Pct.:No, Pct.:No. :21 35.00: 3 : :2 : 1 1.67: :22 36.67: 5 • • : : : Total : : : : : « « « « Pct,:No, Pct.iNo. Pet.: 5.00:30 50.00:56 93.33: 3.33: 1. . 1.6?: .3. 5.00: : : 1 1.67: 8.33:31 51.67:60 100.00: TABLE 23 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE BANK BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction Place : of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied: Monthly : within : but not : Never : Daily Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within : Satis- : Total :(lyr-6yr):past year: fied : • • No. : Turrialba : San Jose : Total \ Pet. No. * • i • « • : : • • Pet. No. Pct.iNo. Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pet.: .3 - 4.00:21 28.00:10 13.33:60 53.33:76 98.66: . 1. 1.33: : : :1 1.33: .A. 5.33:21 28.00:10 13.33:60 53.33:75 99.99: 100 those who have not utilised it is slightly higher in San Juan Sur than Atirro, While both depend on different outside centers for the satis­ faction of this service, in each case Turrialba is the primary place of satisfaction. Although both settlements utilize Turrialba with reference to this service the infrequency of use confines its importance. 101 Postal service. It becomes apparent from an analysis of Table 24 that the majority of the families (78.33$) living in Atirro primarily satisfy the postal service within the settlement. Those few who travel to outside centers in the satisfaction of this need utilize Turrialba (8.33$), La Suiza (1.67$), and Pejivalle (1.67%) • There are 13.33 per cent of the families who have never used the service. When this group is combined with those who satisfy the service primarily within the set­ tlement it becomes evident that 91.66 per cent of the families are in­ dependent of outside centers. The majority of users have done so during the twelve-month period at a frequency of between one to six times (31.67$) . The next most sig­ nificant group (21.67$) utilize the service monthly, 16.67 per cent satis­ fy the need weekly. There are 13.33 per cent who have used it in years previous to the twelve-month period, and 3.33 per cent use it daily. In dan Juan 3ur, as indicated by Table 25, 89.05 per cent of the families have utilized the postal service at one time or another in their lives, 64.39 per cent of the families primarily satisfying this need in dan Juan Sur. (1.37/-0. Other centers utilized are Turrialba (23.29$) and Pavas When the percentage of those who have never utilized the ser­ vice (10.96$) is combined with those who utilize it primarily within the community it becomes apparent that 75.35 per cent of the families are in­ dependent of outside centers with reference to the satisfaction of this service. The majority of those utilising the service have done so at some time during the specified twelve-months. A significant proportion have TABLE 24 Plu-iLxj AND j. ' Y CT U'lILI^/illL-N OF THE POSTAL SERVICE BY THE FA-ilLIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Satisfied Satisfied Monthly : within : but not V/eekly Daily Uwk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: vdthin :(lyr-6yr):past year « • : : : : : Atirro Turrialba La Suiza Pe.iivalle Total No* 2 2 Pet* No* Pet. No. Pet.:No. 3.33 10 16.67 13 21.67:17 :1 :1 : 3.33 1C 16.47 13 21.67:19 Never Satis­ fied Total « ■ Pct.:l«o. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. 28.33: 5 8.33 6 10*00 53 88.33 8,33 1>7: 2 3.33 2..3.33 5 1.67: 1 .. 1.67 :1 1.47 1 1.67 31.67: 8 13.33 3 12123, 60 100.00 TABLE 25 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE POSTAL SERVICE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : : :Satisfied Satisfied: Daily : Weekly : Monthly : within but not : Never (4wk-dly):(3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo):past year within : Satis: : :(lyr-6yr) past year: fied i • No* : : : : San Juan Sur Turrialba Pavas Total Pct.:No. : 5 : :5 « • i • Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pet. No. 6.25:13 17.81:24 32.88 5 : 5 6.85:11 15.07 1 : :1 1.37 6.85:18 24.66:36 49.32 6 • • : : : Total : 0 ^ Pet.:No. Pct.:No. Pet. 6.85:7 9.59:54 73.98 1.37: 1 1.37:18 24.66 : J 1 1.37 8.22: 8 10.96:73 100.01 103 utilized it monthly (2 4 .66,0), minor groups of families have utilized it weekly (6.85p) and at some time during their lives but not during the past year (8.227a) • When the two localities are compared, both are observed to be chiefly independent of Turrialba and other outside centers with reference to the utilization of this service. Of the two, Atirro appears to be somewhat more independent having both a larger percentage of those who utilise it within the community and a larger percentage of those who have never used it. The majority falls within the same frequency category— sometime during the twelve-month period— for both localities. 104 Telegraph. Table 26 illustrates that 70.00 per cent of the fami­ lies of atirro have never utilized the telegraph service. There are 30 per cent using it in spite of the limited correspondence among the people. There are various reasons which could account for this such as: (1) The comparative low cost of sending telegrams around the country, (2) the rapidity of this type of service compared to letters, and (3) the facility it affords to those with reading and writing difficulties. Moreover, in many instances when the people do correspond, it is usually because of an urgent matter. Of the centers utilized for more sending telegrams, Atirro is slightly popular than Turrialba and LaSuiza according to the frequency, but there is no difference in the percentage of families utilizing the three centers, 10.00 per cent in each case. La Suiza is the most important potential service center with 30.00 per cent indicating this center as compared to 23.33 per cent for Atirro and 13.33 per cent for Turrialba. According to Table 27* 44*00 Surutilise Turrialba as the center per cent of the families of San Juan for sending telegrams. While this is the only center utilized, more than half (56.00^) of the people have never utilized this service and those that have, use it very infrequently. For a number of the families the telegraph was utilized years ago on anurgent occasion, but has not been used since. Pavas was selected by one family (1.33%) as the primary potential service center. A comparison of the two localities reveals that more than one-half the families in both areas have never used this service— Atirro having the TABLE 26 PLAGE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE TELEGRAPH SERVICE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : :Satisfied Satisfied: but not : Never Weekly : Monthly : within Daily (4wk~dly) (3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo):past year within : Satis: :(lyr-oyr) past year: fied • • No. : : : : : : Atirro Turrialba La Suiza Pe.iivalle No Lo Saben Total Pet. No* Pct,:No. : 1 :1 : 1 : 3 Pct*:No. 1.67: 4 1.67: 3 1.67: 2 5.01: 9 Pet* No. 6.67 1 5.00 2 3.33 3 15.00 6 Pct.:No* 1.67:14 3.33: 8 5.00:18 : 1 :1 10.00:42 : : : Total * . Pct.:No. Pet. 23.33:20 33.34 13*31=1^ 21.33 30.00:24 40.00 1.07: 1 1.67 1.67: 1 1.67 70.00:60 100.00 TABLE 27 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE TELEGRAPH SERVICE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Satisfied:Satisfied: Weekly Monthly : within : but not : Never Daily (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk): (7yr-2mo):past year: within : SatisTotal : « * :(lyr-6yr):past year: fied • * • • No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pct.:No. Pct,:No. Pct.iNo. Pet. No. Pet.: :18 24.00:15 20.00:41 54.67 74 98.67: __ :1 1.33 1 1.33: :18 24.00:15 20.00:42 56.00 75 10Q.Q0: 105 : Turrialba : Pavas : Total i i 106 1'U’£or percentage. Those who do utilize it in Atirro do so with greater frequency than those in San Juan Sur. However, in both cases it is only occasionally d by the majority of users. San Juan Sur depends upon Turrialba as its telegraph center, but the families of Atirro are largely independent having telegraph facilities within the locality which is used somewhat more .frequently than that of Turrialba, 107 Trai n. As indicated in Table 28, 96.67 per cent of the families 17 of Atirro have utilized the train. These families must all travel to outside centers in the satisfaction of this need since there is no rail­ road at Atirro. Of the centers utilized, Turrialba serves as the primary place of satisfaction for the majority of the families (89.99)2). There are four other centers utilized, each serving as the place where one fam­ ily (1.67)2) primarily satisfies this need. The majority of all those utilizing th i s service have done so at some time within the twelve-month period, but a considerable percentage (33.33)2) have utilized it with even less f r eq uen cy (not within the spec­ ified twelve months). The families living in San Juan Sur have all utilized the train at some time as is indicated in Table 29. For the majority of them, the cen­ ter of primary satisfaction is Turrialba (60.81$). Of the other centers utilized, Pavas is next in line of importance with 28.38 per cent, and Florencia with a percentage of 10.81 per cent. Only a small percentage of the families utilize this service on a weekly basi 3 (5.41$) or even a monthly basis (6.76$). The majority have utilized it at some time within the specified twelve months. seven There are families (9.45$) who utilize it with even less frequency. These people may have utilized the service at "some t i m e years ago, but have not -- Note: With reference to t h e usage of the tr a i n — that center vrnere the individual pays his fare and boards the train is t h e one con­ sidered. It is from where they go and not to where they arrive with w h ic h this study is concerned. TABLE 28 P U C E Al'CJ FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE TRAIN SERVICE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA : Place of : Satisfaction Frequency of Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied Weekly Monthly : within : but not Daily (4wk-dly) (3ino-3wk) (7yr- 2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year * « No, : : : : : : Pet. No, Turrialba Pavas Oriente Pe.iivalle Peralta Total Pet, No, 2 2 * Never Satis­ fied Total : • • Pct.-.No, Pct.iNo. Pet. No. 3.33:32 53.33:20 33.33 2 : 1 1.67: : 1 ijfii : 1 1.67: : 1 1.67: 3.33:36 60.01:20 33.33 2 Pet. No. Pet.: 3.33 56 93.32: 1 1.67: 1 1.67: 1 1.67: 1 1.67: 60 100 .00: 3.33 TABLE 29 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE TRAIN SERVICE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Turrialba Pavas Florencia Total 4 4 5.41 1 k 5^*1 5 « . • * • • • • 5.41:38 51.35: 3 :14 18.92: 3 1.35: 6 8.11: 1 6.76:58 78.33: 7 4.05 4.05 1.35 9.45 Never Satis­ fied Total 45 : 60.81: 21 2^. 3$: 8 10.31: 74 100.00: 108 : : : : •.Satisfied: Satisfied Monthly : within : but not Daily Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2rao):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year : 109 used. it within the twelve-month period. when the W o localities are compared both are observed to be large­ ly dependent upon Turrialba in the satisfaction of this service, Atirro much more so than San Juan Sur. In both settlements the service has been widely utilised as is indicated by a large majority of families. Although the service has been widely used in both areas it has not been used with any marked degree of frequency. The percentage of families using it on a weekly and monthly basis is negligible in both instances. The majority have used this service at some time within the twelve­ month period. There is a substantial proportion, particularly in Atirro, who have utilised it at some time but not within the twelve-month period# 110 Dus. The bus as a means of transportation is or has been xviaely usea by the families of Atirro as is indicated in Table 30* Of the 89.99 >or cent of the families who have at one time utilized this service the i.r.Jority do so on a monthly basis (45.00#) with a considerable number uti­ lizing it occasional!;/ during the year (25.00#) and a lesser percentage utilizing it weekly (15.00#). Of the several places utilized, the one of primary importance is La Cruzada with 53.35 per cent of the families utilizing it. The pattern is for* the people to walk from Atirro, a distance of 5.2 kilometers, to La. Cruzada and from there to take the bus to wherever it is that they are young. 18 Turrialba (16.67#), Atirro (13.33#), La Suiza (5.00#), and Santa Rosa (1.67#) are other places utilized in the satisfaction of this ser­ vice, but compared to La Cruzada are all of minor importance. As indicated by Table 31, a little over one-half (58.67#) of the families living in San Juan Sur utilize the bus. Since San Juan Sur is inaccessible to ordinary vehicles such as the bus, this service must be utilized in outside centers. Cf the centers utilized, Turrialba ranks highest as the place of satisfaction which is evidenced by the 50.66 per cent of the families who listed this center. y 19 San Jose is used by some (5.33#) and La Cruzada and Utilizing the bus is defined in terms take passage — not the place where they arrive. 19 of where the people go to This La Cruzada is different from that utilized by the residents ofAtirro. It is situated on the Turrialba-San Jose highway in the vicinity of Jan Juan our. TABLE 50 PLACE ALL FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE BUS SERVICE BY THE FAMILIES LIVIHI IN ATIRRO, COSTA RIGA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction :Satisfied Satisfied but not Weekly : Monthly : within Daily (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk): (7yr-2aio) :past year within t :(lyr-6yr) past year • • No. : : : : : : La Cruzada Turrialba Atirro La Suiza Santa Rosa Total 1 1 Total • » Pet,:No* Pct,:No« Pet. No. 5.67:13 21*67:14 23.33 1 1 1.57: 8 13.33: 3.33: 5 8.33: 3.33: 1 1.67: : :1 1.67 9 15.00:27 45.00:15 25.00 Pet. No. 4 1 1.57 2 2 1,67 Never Satis­ fied Pet, No. 1.57 4 1.57 1 Pet. No. Pet. 6.57 36 60.01 1.67 11 18.34 8 13.33 4 5.67 1 1.57 i 1.67 6 10.01 60 100.02 TABLE 31 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE BUS SERVICE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied Monthly: within : but not Daily Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year • • No. Turrialba San Jose Cartago La Cruzada Total Pet. No. 3 1 1.33 1 1.33 : : • * Pet. No. Pct.:No. Pet.: 9.33 31 41*33:69 91.99: 1.33 : 4 5.33 = : 1 .1,33: • 1 l 3ft* : 1 1.33: .31 / . I ' i ' i •'ic. QQ OO4.00:32 42.66; ft 10.66 Pct.:No. Pct,:Ko. 4.00:28 37.33: 7 : 3 4.00: 1 • • 3 Never : Satis- : Total fied. : • * 111 : : : : : Pet. No. 1 112 0'irt:v;o by one family each (1.33a ). The large majority of those utiliz- :nr this service in these places do so infrequently— perhaps once or twice a year. Some 41.33 Per cent the families have never had any of their members utilize this service. A comparison of the two localities reveals San Juan Sur to be much more independent of the two with reference to this service. The bus is a major means of transportation for the people of Atirro as is indicated by the percentage of people utilizing it and by the frequency x-riLth which it is -used. San Juan Sur, however, shows a much smaller proportion of families utilizing the bus and these do so very infrequently. While San Juan Sur is chiefly dependent upon Turrialba for the use of the bus, Atirro is largely dependent upon La Cruzada. e the cantina go primarily to La Suiza (51.72%). ro The remaining 27.59 per cent use this service in Turrialba• There is no cantina in A.tirro since Tinea regulations Torbid the sale of liquor and beer. There are twelve families (20.68%) who state they have never utilized this service. La Suiza is the potential service center. For the majority of these, One family stated that they have never utilized this service and don't know where they would go to utilize it should they ever have occasion to do so# As is indicated by Table 33 3 two centers are visited by the families of Ann Juan our in the utilization of the cantina. Of the two, Turrialba is most important with 50,00 per cent of the families being orimarily de­ pone ont upon it. dan Juan Sur does, however, supply primarily the needs of fifteen families (20.27%). There are twenty-two families (29.73%) who have never used this service at any time. The primary potential service center for this lat­ ter group is also Turrialba (28.38,a) with the secondary center being Pavas (1.35%). When Atirro and San Juan Sur are compared it becomes apparent that Incy are both largely dependent upon outside centers in the satisfaction of this need. Because of finca regulations, the people must go outside of the settlement to use this service. Those satisfying this need are oriented primarily to La ouiza and secondly to Turrialba, Because of the strong objection of the Institute staff against this question, do attempt was made to ascertain the frequency of use. TABLE 32 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF "CANTINA" NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Yes No : Total • • • : : : : La Suiza Turrialba No Lo Saben Total No. Pet. No. Pet.:No . Pet. ,30 51.72 8 13.79:33 65.51 16 27.59 3 5.17:19 32.76 l 1.72 1.72: 1 46 79.31 12 20.68:58 99.99 TABLE 33 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF SATISFACTION OF "CANTINA" NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : : : : Turrialba San Juan Sur Pavas Total Yes No Total No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. 37 50.00 21 28.38 58 78.38 15 20.27 15 20.27 1 1.35 1 1.35. 52 70.27 22 29.73 74 100.00 115 While oar: Juan Sur has a cantina possessing a limited stock of alcoholic beverages, the majority of those who purchase them do so in Turrialba. In Both communities there is a significant proportion of the populace who have never utilized this service— the proportion being highest in San Juan Sur. When the percentage of those in San Juan Sur who have never uti­ lised this service (29.73^) are combined with those who have utilized it primarily within the locality (20.27,3), it becomes apparent that 50 per cent oft he people do not leave the community in the primary satisfaction of tills service. 116 Movie. -is revealed in Table 34, slightly over half (51.67/0 of J- . families of Atirro have never attended the movies. Of the 4S.33 per cent who have utilized this service at one time or another, the majority (3b.01%) have indicated Turrialba to be the primary center of satisfaction. Jan Jose is next in importance with 10.01 per cent of the families primaril; satisfying this need there. Other minor centers of satisfaction are Peji- valle (3.33%), Tres Rios (1.67/0 , Heredia (1.67%), and Gartago (1.67%). One family who has never utilized this service lists Atirro as their po­ tential service center. This may be a reflection of the family's com­ plete detachment from movies since they are not shown in Atirro although the ncv/ finca owner has expressed hope that this service can be brought to the settlement soon. The majority of those who do attend the movies do so infrequently as indicated by the frequency section of the table. The few who do uti­ lize it fairly frequently are generally those of more means and facilities for trznsportation. For example, the one family who attends the movie •weekly is that of the commissary owner. The finca owner*s family, and that of the supervisor o f t h e coffee boneficios are two of the few who utilize it monthly. For the people of the community generally and particularly for the peon population this service is comparatively unimportant. Table 35, which reveals the movie habits of families living in San Juan bur shows that the large percentage of families (74.67%) have never attended a movie. The few families who have at one time or another uti­ lized it do so largely in Turrialba (22.66%), though Limon (1.33%), and 117 TABLo 34 PLA C E M L FREQUENCY OF S A T IS F A C T IO N OF M O V IE NEEDS BY TH E F A M IL IE S OF A T IR R O , CO STA R IC A Fr equency of Satisfaction : Place : : : of : Daily : Weekly : Sat isfact ion :(4wk-dly):(3mo-3wk) • • • • • • : :No. Pct.:No. Pet. : Turrialba : :1 1.67 : San Jose : : : Pejivalle : : : Tres Rios : : : Heredia : : : Cartago : : : Atirro : : : Total : : 1 1.67 • • • * :3atisfied:Satisfied Monthly : within : but not (7yr-2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year • • • * No. 4 1 Never Satis­ fied Total • • Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pet. No. Pet. No . Pet.: 6.67: 9 15.00; 4 6.67 30 50.00 48 80.01: 1.67: 4 6 10.01: 1.67: 1 6.67 : 2 2 .3.33: 3.33: : 1 1 1.67: 1.67: :1 1.67: 1 1.67: 1.67: : 1 1 1.67: ; 1.67: 1 1.67 1 8.34:15 25.01: 8 13.34 31 51.67 60 100.03: • • 5 TABLE 35 PL A C E AND FREQUENCY OF S A T IS F A C T IO N OF M OV IE N EED S BY TH E F A M IL IE S OF SAN JUAN S U R , COSTA R IC A Frequency of Satisfaction Place of Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied Daily Vveekly Monthly : within : but not (4wk-dly) (3ino-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):pas t year • N o. Turrialba Liraon Cartago Total Pet. N o . Pet. No. Pct.:No. : 7 : 1 : Never Satis­ fied Total • Pct.:No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet. 9.33:10 13.33 56 74.67 73 97.33 1 1.33 1.33: 1 1.33 : 1 1.33 75 99.99: 56 74. 118 Cartago (1.333) are minor centers. The various families who attend the movies do so very infrequently with only 10.66 per cent utilising it at all during the specified twelve-month period and with the larger propor­ tion (11.663) utilising it with an even lesser frequency. When San Juan Sur and Atirro are compared it becomes apparent that the movies do not constitute an important service in the lives of the m a ­ jority of the families living in both localities. over half the families have never been to a movie. In both settlements, Of the two, San Juan Sur is the most independent of this service as is indicated by the con­ siderably greater proportion of families having never used it and by the greater infrequency of usage on the part of those who do use it than those in Atirro. While Turrialba is the center where most families of both com­ munities who satisfy the need do so, the proportion is nevertheless negli­ gible. Both communities— especially San Juan Sur— are, for the most part, indenendent of this service. 119 S OC IAL I'jBEDS Informal Visiting. An analysis of Table 36 concerning the infomal vl si tin:: 03'- families living in Atirro reveals that all but one family en­ ter Into this activity (93.33^), and that of these, 96.66 per cent pri­ marily participate in this activity within the settlement itself. Only f - :ily (1.67/j), that of the finca owner, is oriented outward in their vi sit.1.n g :%at terns. The large majoritjr (88.33%) of those visiting within the settlement do so daily, while the remainder of those visiting within the locality (9.33, j) , and the one family visiting in Turrialba (l.67w) do so on a week­ ly basis. The head of the one family who reported no visiting stated that he was very humanitarian, but very much apart from the rest of the people, he further stated that he did not enjoy talking or visiting with anyone, nut that he liked and found diversion in work. A short time after he had ex pressed this opinion, other peons reported that he had become so mentally ill tint hospitalization was required. Some months later he was released and returned to the finca. Informal visiting serves a major function in the village of Atirro. It is not only the most vital form of communication, but is the major means up whjch the neople divert and entertain themselves. The tyrdcal day, fr-w: early morning until time for retiring at night, is filled with con­ versation ’ which acts as an integrating force. As revealed in Table 37 no less than 100.00 per cent of the families living in dan Juan Sur carry on their informal visiting primarily within r'LACii .-ii'iLi FRE.) has a daughter attending school in Cartago. Ctf all the young people of secondary school age in the community, she is the only one in school at the present time. The difficulties connected with providing this educational opportunity for a child make it prohibitive for all but a few peons living in outlying communities such as Atirro and San Juan Sur. The fact that 91.67 per cent of the families had never had any of their members attend the secondary school anywhere amply illustrates this point. In San Juan Sur, as revealed by Table 41, only one family has had a member attend secondary school and that occurred in San Jo3e. The other 98.67 per cent of the families do not include any of their members as hav­ ing had this experience. Neither San Juan Sur nor Atirro provide facilities for secondary education and therefore do not appear on these Tables. Yet an analysis of the two communities does not reveal them to be particularly dependent upon Turrialba for the utilization of this service. Although members of tvro families from Atirro have satisfied this need in Turrialba in the past, no one in ban Juan Sur has ever done so. Turrialba, in this particular instance, is important only as a po­ tential service center. rL.nOi AND FREQUENCY OF SATlsFAOTIOi* OF SECONDARY SCHOOL NEEDS BY THE F /JULIES OF ATIRRO, COSTa RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Satisfied:Satisfied: within : but not : Never Vieekly : Monthly Daily (Awk-dly) (3mo-3wk;:(7yr-2mo) past year: within : Satis(lyr-6yr): : fied • • No. • • 1.67 : 1 . 1.67 « Pct.:No. Pet. No. Pet. 3.33:53 88.33 55 91.&T 3 5.00 » • 1 1.67 :1 1.67 1 .1.6.7 6.66:55 91.67 60 100.00 E>« r—1 Pct.tNo. , :2 : 2 i—1 1 Pet. No. • Turrialba San Jose Cartago Heredia Total Fct.:No. • • 0^ : : : : : Pet, No. Total TABLE 41 PLACE AND FR&JJSNCY OF SATISFACTION OF SECONDARY SCHOOL NEEDS BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction Place : of : Satisfaction :Satisfied Satisfied but not Daily Weekly Monthly : within (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2’no):past year within :(lyr~6yr) past year [ Never Satis­ fied Total : • Nn/ : San Jose : Turrialba : Total Pet. No. Pet. ilo. .Pet.:No. • • • Pet. Mo. Pet.. No. Pet. No.. Pet.: 1 1.33: 1. .1.33 74 98.67 74 98.67: 1 1.33 74 98.67 75 100.00: 129 HEALTH NEEDS Unidad Sanitaria. Table 42 indicates a limited usage of the Unidad Sanitaria by the families of Atirro, though in most of these cases this u.; t;y. is infrequent. Only two families (3*33a>) utilize it monthly in Tur- rialba, while 16.67 per cent have used it with still a lesser frequency during their lifetime but not within the specified twelve-months. This service was utilized in Tres Rios and Limon by only one family in each case (1.67$) and that usage was infrequent. It is significant to note that more than half of the families in Atirro (56 ,67$) have never used this service. .One reason Unidad in Atirro, but for this is that there is no unit of the there is a dispensary given to theusage of doctors from the Social Security Hospital who visit the finca twice monthly. The laborers of the finca furthermore are all insured under the Social Security Law and are entitled to receive this latter service without £ additional expense thus removing the necessity of traveling out to seek the aid of the Unidad As is revealed in other communities. in Table 43, the families of San JuanSur frequent Turrialba exclusively for the satisfaction of health needs through the Unidad Sanitaria; a major reason for this is that there i3 no other Unidud close to San Juan Sur. While members of approximately two-thirds of the families have uti­ lized the Unidad, this usage has been infrequent and sporadic. Some 36.00 per cent have utilized it at some time or other during the twelve-month period, but their frequency has not approached what could be termed monthly. The other 29*33 per cent have not utilized it during the twelve-month period 1."vBLij 42 PViCii aNb rrtir^UiivCI Or UTILIZATION OF THE "UNIDAD SANITARIA1Sl RVICl S BY IKE FAMILIES LI VII.G IK ATIRRC, CCSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : Satisfied Satisfied: Daily V/eekly : Monthly : within : but not : Never (4wk-dly) (3n,o--3v/k) :(?yr-2mo) :past year: within : Satis: :(lyr-6yr):past year: fied • * No. : : : : Pet. No. Turrialba Tres Rios Limon Total • * Pct.:No. :2 : : :2 * Total • • Pct.iNo. Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pet. No. Pet. 3.33:10 16.67:12 20.00:34 56.67 58 96.67 :1 1.67: : 1 1.67 : 1 1.67: : 1 1.57 3.33:12 20.01:12 20.00:34 56.67 60 10C.01 TABLE 43 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE “UNIDAD SANITARIA" SERVICES BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place of : Satisfaction Satisfied Satisfied: Daily within : but not : Never Weekly Monthly (4wk-dly) (3mo~3wk) (7yr-2mo) past year: within : Satis(lyr-6yr):past year: fied ♦ • No. Pet, No. • • Pet. No. Pct,:No, Pct,:No. Pct,:No. Pet. 27 3^.00:22 29.33:26 34.67:75 100.00 27 36.00:22" 29.33:26 34.67:75 100.00 130 : Turrialba : Total Pet. No. : : : Total : 131 but have had occasion to do so at some time in their lives. Slightly over one-third of the people have never used this service (3A.673) in spite of the fact that the expenses connected with it are de­ frayed by the government. In comparison then, both Atirro and San Juan Sur are to a degree dependent upon Turrialba for the satisfaction of this service, though the usage is infrequent in both instances with large numbers of families hav­ ing never used it. Somewhat greater usage is made by the people of San Juan Sur than by those of Atirro. This is explained in view of the fact that many of the independent farmers are not entitled to free care under ■ rt jul itions of the government social security law. 132 Social Security H o s p i t a l . As is indicated in Table 44, the Social ..ccurity Hospital services have bee n utilized at some time in t he lives of 75.CO per cent of the families living in Atirro. While this percentage night, at first, appear high, it is not unusual since all the p e o n families of Atirro are insured by the Social Security Law, a nd under its provisions, are entitled to free m e d ic a l care, i n d u c i n g free medicants. But when this is considered a long with t he fact that the social security doctor makes trips to Atirro twice m o n th l y to see the sick, it becomes significant that in spite of this, 55.00 p er cent of the families have never in their l i f e ­ time utilized this service. Although the regional Social Security Hospital is in Turrialba, the finca, nevertheless, provides a dispensary in w hi ch the doctors m a y re­ ceive and treat their patients w he n the y make t h e ir visits t o the settle­ ment. However, the m a j o r i t y of the families utilize this service in T u r ­ rialba (45.00/u') rather t h a n in Atirro (25.00^). may account for this: There are factors which (l) While the doctor visits the finca twice m o n t h ­ ly he stays only for a n hour or two in the afternoon. The limited time he spends in the settlement restricts his contacts wit h t h e patients while there. (2) There are only limited facilities available in the settlement and a number of the patients do not report illnesses until t h e y have reached such an advanced stage as t o require a mor e complete treatment and perhaps hospitalization. (3) The p e o p l e fs illnesses are not confined to the peri­ ods v;hen the d octor visits the fines, and in his absence, they seek aid from the staff at the hospital in Turrialba. San Jose is the center utilized primarily by two families (3 ,33 %) Frequency of Satisfaction : Plac e : of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied Daily Monthly : within : but not Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2ino) :past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year * • No, Pet, No. : : : : Pet, No, Pct,:No, : : : • • Pct,:No, 2 3.33:21 35.00: 4 7 11,67: 8 13.33: : 2 3.33: : 1 1.67: 9 15.00:32 53.33: k Turrialba Atirro San Jose Limon : Total Never : Satis- : Total fied : Fct, No. Pct.:No. Pet,: 6,67 13 21.67:40 66.67: 2 3.33:17 28.33: : 2 3.33: _____ : 1 1.67: 6.67 15 25.00:60 100.00: TABLE 45 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF SOCIAL SECURITY HOSPITAL SERVICES BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied Daily Monthly : within : but not Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year « • No. : Turrialba : San Jose : Total Pet, No. 2 2 Never Satis­ fied Total : • • Pet, No. Pct.:No. Pct.:Ko. Pet. No. Pet. No. Pet.: 2.67 9 12.00:23 37.33:11 14.67 24 32.00 74 98.67: : :1 1.33 1 ...1.31?. 75 100.00: 9 12.00:28 37.33:12 16.00 24 32.00 2.67 134 and Linon was u s e d at one tim e w i t h i n the t w e l v e - m o n t h p e r i o d b y one f a m i l y (1.673). The f a m il i es who u t i l i z e this ser vi c e d i d so c h i e f l y w i t h i n the specified t we l v e - m o n t h p er io d as is i nd ic a te d b y t h e large p e r c e n t a g e of 53.33 per cent. Of t h o s e v/ho uti li z e it o n a m o n t h l y basis, the m a j o r i t y (11.673) s a t i s f y the nee d i n Atirro, w hile t ho se w h o have u t i l i z e d it i n previous years but not d u r i n g the t w e l v e - m o n t h p e r i o d (6.673) hav e don e so e xc lu s iv e ly i n Turrialba. In S a n J u a n Sur, as ind ic a te d i n T able 45, a p p r o x i m a t e l y o ne -t h ir d (32.003) of the families have n e v er u t i l i z e d this service. A p a r t i a l ex­ planation for this b e i n g that b e c a u s e of t heir o c c u p a t i o n a l status as p e a s ­ ant fanners w h o c ul ti v at e t h e i r o w n lands i n s te a d of w o r k i n g f o r hire, a number of the fam il i es d o not fall u n d e r the S o c i a l S e c u r i t y L a w a n d c on ­ sequently arc d e n i e d its h o s p i t a l a n d m e d i c a l care ben ef i ts . Of those w h o u t i li z e t h i s service the m a j o r i t y (66.673) do or have in the p a s t done so i n 'Turrialba. The o n l y other c en te r u t i l i z e d i n its s atisfaction is d a n Jose, u p o n w h i c h one f a m i l y (1.333) is p r i m a r i l y d e ­ pendent. d a n Juan Sur is not listed i n a s m u c h as the s o c i a l sec ur i ty d o c ­ tors fail to v i s i t t h e community. W i t h reference t o t hi s fact, one of the p r e s t i g e leaders o f the com ­ a hard-working, c o m m u n a l l y m i n d e d farmer, t o l d of h o w he had taken munity, it upon h i m s e l f t o s t u d y the S o c i a l S e c u r i t y L a w a f t e r its passage and i n reading he found that t he s oc i a l s e c u r i t y doctors w e r e referred to as ’’d o c ­ tors of the p e o p l e ” and that in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e lav; t h e y were supposed to m ak e a trip to San Juan S u r once a m o n th to see the sick. waited The informant and no d o c to r s came, so f i n a l l y he w e n t d o w n to Tur ri a lb a and, 135 “brought the d o c t o r u p b y the a m " t o S a n J u a n Sur. the That is t h e o n l y time :octor has e v e r v i s i t e d t he s et t l e m e n t . T hose w h o t r a v e l t o T u r r i a l b a a n d S a n Jos e t o u t i l i z e t h i s s e r v i c e have l a r g e l y done so a t s ome time w i t h i n the t w e l v e - m o n t h p e r i o d at a f r e ­ q uency of f r o m o ne to s i x v i s i t s (37.33J>). The p r o p o r t i o n of t h o s e w h o have u t i l i z e d t h i s ser vi c e b o t h m o r e or less f r e q u e n t l y t h a n this, are found t o be i n a p n r o x i m a t e l y e q u a l n u m b e r s — 1 4 . 6 7 p e r cent h a v i n g u t i ­ lised it mor e f r e q u e n t l y , a nd 1 6 . 0 0 p e r cent less f r e q u e n t l y . W h e n t h e two l o c a l i t i e s of A t i r r o a nd 3 a n J u a n b u r a r e compared, it becomes a p p a r e n t t h a t w h i l e t he f a m i l i e s i n e a c h l o c a l i t y s a t i s f y this need in more t h a n one center, i n b o t h i ns t a n c e s t h e f a m i l i e s are l a r g e l y d e ­ pendent u p o n T u r r i a l b a f or its s a t i s f a c t i o n . Of the two, however, S a n Juan S u r is t he m o s t d e p e n d e n t u p o n o u t s i d e c e n t e r s b e c a u s e of t h e d o c ­ t o r s 1 f a i lu r e to v i s i t t h e s e t t l e m e n t , A c o n s i d e r a b l e p o r p o r t i o n of t h o se who s a t i s f y the need i n A t i r r o d o so w i t h i n t h e i r o w n l oc al i ty , e s p e c i a l l y those w h o s a t i s f y it m o r e f r e q u e n t l y . In b o t h l o c a l i t i e s a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p o r t i o n o f the f a m i l i e s have never u t i l i z e d t h e service, a l t h o u g h i n S a n J u a n S u r t he p r o p o r t i o n is s omewhat l a r g e r t h a n i n Atirro. The f r e q u e n c y of u s a g e s e c t i o n i n d i c a t e s that w hile t he t w o s e t t l e ­ ments m a y b e l a r g e l y d e p e n d e n t u p o n T u r r i a l b a i n the s a t i s f a c t i o n of thi s n e e d , their v is i t s to that c e n t e r f o r t h i 3 p u r p o s e a r e not of s uf f i c i e n t f re qu e nc y to s erve as a m a j o r f o r ce in b r i n g i n g about a basic i n t e g r a t i o n bet we e n these l o c a l i t i e s a n d T u r r i a l b a , 136 Pri va t e d e n t i s t . of ..tirro go T h e r e a r e v a r i o u s p l a c e s t o "which t h e f a m i l i e s w h e n u t i l i z i n g the s e r v i c e s o f a p r i v a t e d e n t i s t . Of these T u r r i a l b a is m o s t i m p o r t a n t as i n d i c a t e d i n T a b l e 46 w i t h 3 3 * 3 4 p e r cen t of the f a m i l i e s h a v i n g o b t a i n e d t h i s s e r v i c e t he r e . - The u s a g e o f t his s e r ­ vice has b e e n v e r y i n f r e q u e n t , h o w e v e r , w i t h t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e s e p e o p l e (21.67/5) not h a v i n g u t i l i z e d it d u r i n g the t w e l v e - m o n t h p e r i o d . Services such as this m a y be u t i l i z e d o n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y i f e v e r i n t h e l i f e t i m e of a person. d a n Jose, C a r t a g o a n d L i m o n are o t h e r s e r v i c e c e n t e r s t h a t have a l s o o c c a s i o n a l l y b e e n u t i l i z e d i n the s a t i s f a c t i o n o f t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s er vi c e. Ti;c n u m b e r of f a m i l i e s v i s i t i n g t h e s e c e n t e r s a r e v e r y f e w a n d t h e i r v i s i t s infrequent. M o r e t h a n h a l f .(56.67/0 of t he f a m i l i e s i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e y h av e n e v ­ er u t i l i z e d t h i s s e r v i c e , b ut i n t he e v e n t t h e y did, T u r r i a l b a w o u l d be the place t o w h i c h t h e m a j o r i t y (55.00/5) w o u l d g o t h u s m a k i n g it t h e i r p o ­ t e n ti a l s e r v i c e cen te r . The f a m i l i e s o f b a n J u a n b u r as i n d i c a t e d i n T a b l e 4 7 u t i l i z e t o some ex t e n t t he s e r v i c e s of p r i v a t e d e n t i s t s . Since there are no dentists In S a n J u a n bur, this n e e d is w h o l l y s a t i s f i e d i n o u t s i d e c e n t e r s . Tur - r : .lba is w h e re m o s t p eo p l e go a s i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e 5 6.00 p e r c ent w h o h !.vc s a t i s f i e d t h i s n e e d t he re , b u t t h e i r u s a g e h as b e e n v e r y i n f r e q u e n t . This is i l l u s t r a t e d b y t he f a c t t h a t 4 0 . 0 0 p e r c e n t of t h o s e u t i l i z i n g the service h a v e n ot d o n e so w i t h i n t h e t w e l v e - m o n t h p e r i o d and t h e r e m a i n i n g 1 6 . 0 0 p e r cen t h a v e u t i l i z e d it o n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y d u r i n g this time. b a n Jose a nd C a r t a g o are m i n o r c e n t e r s s e l d o m u s e d a n d b y o n l y t hr ee TABLE A6 :LACS Aiw FEE^UPlCi OF UTILIZATION OF THE SERVICES OF PRIVATE DENTISTS BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Satisfied:Satisfied: Daily : Weekly : Monthly within : but not : Never (4wk-dly):(3nio-3wk):(7yr-2mo) past year: within : Satis(lyr-6yr):past year: fied • • No. : : : : Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Turrialba San Jose Cartago Limon : Total Total • • Pet. No. Fct.iNo* Pct.iNo. Pet. No. Pet. 7 11.67:13 21.67:33 55.00 53 . 88,344 6.66 2 3*33: 2 3*33: : 1 l.o7: 1 1.67 2 3*34 : 1 1.67: 1 .1.67 60 100.01 9 15.00:17 28.34:34 56.67 TABLE 47 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE SERVICES OF PRIVATE DENTISTS BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied: Monthly : within : but not : Never Daily Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within : Satis:(lyr-6yr):past year: fied • » No. Pet. No. » • Pct.:No, Pct.:No. Pct.iNo. Pet. No. Pet. :12 lo.OC:30 40.00:29 38.67 71 94.67 4.00 : :2 2.67: 1 1.33 3 1 1.33 : :1 1.33: •TO nn .00 11 nr\.o r\ ir\ nn .ne n,r\ /ir\ 137 : Turrialba : San Jose : Cartago Pet. No. Total 138 families (4.00). A substantial proportion of the families (40.0Cto) have :l .vu'c utilized this service but 38.67 per cent indicate Turrialba to be their potential service center. In a comparison of these two settlements, the effect of the Social Security Hospital is again apparent. Although both localities have size- 1 able numbers of families who have never utilized the service, the percent­ age is somewhat higher (16.67i> more) in Atirro than in San Juan Sur. The reason the families in San Juan Sur utilize the private dentist to a greater extent is at least partially explained by the fact that they are not pro­ tected by the Social Security Health Plan. Both San Juan Sur and Atirro must depend upon outside centers for the satisfaction of this need inasmuch as the service does not exist in their ovm localities. While Turrialba is the most popular of these out­ side centers, yet only one-third of those in Atirro and little more than one-half of those in San Juan Sur have ever utilized it and these only in­ frequently . 139 Private doctor. As indicated in Table 48, the large majority of the families living in Atirro have never utilized the services of the private doctor (8 1 .67/0 • For the few families who have or do utilize this service, Turrialba is the principal center of satisfaction (10.00$), dan Jose is a secondary center (6.67/0 > and Cartago is a minor center (1 .67,0 • Ahile 6.66 per cent have utilized the service within the twelve­ month period, the greater proportion (1 0 .01$) have used it even less fre­ quently. An observation of Table 49 reveals that approximately one-half (49.33,0 of the families in San Juan Sur have never utilized the services of a private doctor. For those who have satisfied this need the majority have done so principally in Turrialba. (41.33$)* Other centers of minor importance in its satisfaction are Cartago (5.33/0 > Paraiso (2.67$), and Jan Jose (1.33/0* The majority of the families using this service (26.67$) indicate that they have done so only previous to the twelve-month period. The only other significant group (2 2 .66$) indicate usage of the service during the specified twelve-months indicating very infrequent usage. Alien the two localities are compared, both are observed to be large­ ly independent of Turrialba. The distinction is one of degree, with Atirro having a significantly larger percentage of families who have never uti­ lized the service at all. In both instances those families who do utilize it must travel outside since it is not available in their own locality. This travel to outside centers is largely infrequent as indicated by the Tables with the majority of families in both cases having satisfied the need prior to the twelve-month period. PLACE .--LD FKC/.JJEKCY L'F UTILIZATION jF THE SERVICES OF PRIVATE uGCIORS BY THE F.-CfELXaS LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : cf : Satisfaction Satisfied:Satisfied Monthly within : but not Daily Weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo) past year: within (lyr-6yr):past year No. : : : : Turrialba San Jose Cartago Total Pet. No. Pet. No. 1 1.67 1 1.67 Pet. No* 2 2 4 Never Satis­ fied Total Pet. :No. Pet. No. Pct. No. Pct. 3.33: 4 6.67 48 80.00 54 90.00 3.33: 1 1.^7 1 8.34 1.67 5 : 1.1.67 1 1.67 6.65: 6 10.01 49 81.67 60 100.01 TABLE 49 PLACE aiYB FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE SERVICES OF PRIVATE DOCTORS BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTa RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place of : Satisfaction Satisfied:Satisfied Weekly Daily Monthly within : but not (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo) past year: within (lyr-6yr):past year No. : : : : : Turrialba Cartago Paraiso San Jose Total P„t. No. ’ Never Satis­ fied Total : Pct, XM0 . Ppt . No. Pct.:No. Pct. No. Pct. No, Pct.: ._1. 1.33 16 21.33:14 18.67 36 48.00 67 89.33: 4 5.33: ..... :4 5.33 2 2767: :2 2.67 2.66: 1 1.33: 1 1.33 2 1 1.33 17 22.66:20 26.67 37 49.33 75 99.99: 141 Private obstetrical nurse. The data in Table 50 indicate that the large majority of the families living in Atirro (SC.OCjj) have never made use of the services of a private obstetrical nurse in childbirth. There are various reasons for this: (1) Being insured under the Social security Health Plan they are enabled to go to the hospital in Turrialba to have their babies born. (2) The inaccessibility of and expense con­ nected with the utilization of an obstetrical nurse restricts this ser­ vice for many. (3) Many women are accustomed to having babies alone or v/ith the assistance of a trusted partera and do not particularly feel the need of having an obstetrical nurse attend them. (4) In Atirro there are seven bachelor families who naturally would have no need of this service. Those who do utilize a private obstetrical nurse must seek outside of Atirro as there are none in the village. Several outside centers are utilized in this respect with Turrialba being only slightly favored (6.67/0 over the other centers, particularly San Jose (5*00;£). When all these centers are considered together only 20.00 per cent of the families have •ver utilized private obstetrical nurses and this usage has been very in­ frequent as is indicated by the 18.35 per cent of the families who have not utilized them during the twelve-month period, and for some of these families several years have elapsed since they were utilized. In Table 51, the extent to which the families in San Juan Sur uti­ lize the private obstetrical nurse is indicated. In this locality only 10.67 per cent of the families have ever utilized the service and in the majority of these cases it has been some time since its utilization. two families have made use of it within the twelve-month period. Only Turrialba 142 TABLE 50 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE SERVICES OF A PRIVATE OBSTETRICAL NURSE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction Place : of : Satisfaction 9 9 : Daily Neekly : Monthly (Awk-dly) (3mo-3wk):(7yr—2mo « Satisfied:Satisfled: within : but not : past year: within : (lyr-6yr):past year: • • No. Pct. No. • • Pct.:No. • • • • Turrialba : San Jose : Pe.iivalle : Tres Rios : Alajuela : Limon : Cartago : So Lo Saben : Total : Pct No. 1 • : Pct.:No. 1.67: 3 _• 3 : 1 :1 : 1 : 1 : 1 • • 1 1 .67:11 Never Satisfied Tota ♦ • Pct.:No. Pct. No . p 5.00:43 71.67 47 73 5.00: 1 1.67 4 6 5 1.67: 2 3.33 3 1 1 1.67: 1 1 1.67: 1 1 1.67: 1 1 1.67: 2 2 . : 2 2,33 1 8 .35:48 80.00 60 100 TABLE 51 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE SERVICES OF A PRIVATE OBSTETRICAL NURSE BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction Place of Satisfaction Satisfied:Satisfied: within : but not : Weekly Monthly Daily (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo) past year: within : (lyr-6y r ):past year: « No. Turrialba Ho Lo Saben Total Pct. >10. Pct. No. Pct. No. 2 2 Pct.rNo. 2 .67: 6 : 2.67: 6 Never Satisfied Total . Pct..-No. Pct No. Pc 8 .00:66 88.00 74 98. 1.. : 1 1.33_ 1 8.00:67 89.33 75 100.1 Is the unchallenged service center utilized in this respect. This may be partially explained by the absence of an obstetrical nurse in San Juan Sur and the greater distance of other centers that could compete with Turrialba. Some basic reasons why more families in San Juan Sur have not uti­ lized this service are: (l) insufficient funds, (2) the inaccessibility of the obstetrical nurse, (3) some are able to enter the Social Security Hospital of Turrialba, and (4) there are experienced parteras living in the locality. When the two localities, Atirro and San Juan Sur, are compared it is to be noted that neither utilize the private obstetrical nurse to- any marked degree. While neither settlement have such persons within their group and must consequently seek them from outside centers, the extent of their* dependency upon Turrialba or other centers is minimal because of the infrequency of use. In this respect San Juan Sur is the most independent of the two communities with 89.33 per cent having never utilized the ser­ vice as compared to 80.00 per cent in Atirro. However, in cases of utili­ sation, Gan Juan Sur i3 more dependent upon Turrialba for the satisfaction of the service than Atirro. 4 144 partera. That the partera is widely utilized by the families liv­ ing in Atirro is clea.rly shown in Table 52. In the United States it is customary for the mother to stay with the daughter and help with the work, but in Atirro the mother, some other female relative or close friend comes to serve as a partera. This partially accounts for the wide variety of places from which parteras are secured. Aside from this fact some families have a great deal of faith in a partera and will have her travel some dis­ tance to serve in this capacity. Of the families living in Atirro, the majority 62.62 per cent have utilized the partera. Of the many places from which these have been pro­ cured, Atirro itself is the most prominent both from the standpoint of numbers (27.11,0), and frequency. Although the partera is utilized infre­ quently because of the birth process, nevertheless, the size of many fam­ ilies would indicate a regularity of utilization. Many of the 37.26 per cent who have never utilized a partera have had only the assistance of their husbands during the birth of their chil­ dren, while still others have had no assistance. This is aptly illustrated by ‘the comment of one Atirro woman who states that she had given birth to fourteen children without assistance from anyone, and that "not even my husband has paid any notice to the events." All but 17.34 per cent of the families living in San Juan Sur have utilized the partera at one time or another, as is illustrated in Table 53. Of those 82.66 per cent who have utilized this service, the large majority have done so in San Juan Sur (64.00^). Aside from San Juan Sur, some minor utilization is made of San Juan Norte (6 .67/S), Florencia (2 .66/0) and other centers (1.33% each) in this respect. T^BL1 5 2 PLACE A F R ^ C a NCY OF UTIl I^ATIu N Or Td SERVICES OF A "FAFvTlEA1* BY TKd FAMILIES LIVING IB a TIRRU, GOSTA RIGa Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Satisfied Satisfied but not Daily Weekly : Monthly within (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk):(7yr-2mo) past year within (lyr-6yr) past year No. Pct. No. Pct. No. 5 1 1 1 8 Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct. 8.47 11 18.64 7 11.86 1.69 1 1.69 1.69 1.6? 1 2 2 3.39 1 1.69 1.69 1 1.69 1 1.69 1 1.69 1 1.6? 1 1.69 1 1.69 1 1.6? 1 1.69 1 1.69 1 1.6? 1 1.6? 1 1.6? 1 1.69 5 8.47 2 3-3? 1 1.69 5 _8.47_ 49.08 2? 13.54 22 3Zi26 _ Total No. Pct. 23 38.97 2 3.38 2 3.38 2 3*3? 2 3-3? 3.38 2 2 3-3® 1 1.69 1 1.69 1 i«6? 1 1:6? 1 1.69 1 if6? 1 1.69 1 1.69 1 lt$? 1 1.69 1 1.69 8.47 3 2 3-39 1 1.69 8.47 5 99.88 39 145 : Atirro : Tuis : La Linea Vie.ja : Oriente : Florencia : Pe.iivalle : Pueblo Nuevo : Tres Rios : Juan Vinas : Limon : San Jose : Tobosi de Castago : Navarro de Castago : Pavas de San Jose » r : La Doris i » : Cartago : San Rafael de Heredia : Eslabon : Turrialba : La Suiza : Tuccurrique. : No Lo Saben : Total Pct.:No. Never Satis­ fied TABLE 55 PLhCS and frequency of utilization of the SERVICES OF A "PARTERA" BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IK SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction Place of : Satisfaction Satisfied Satisfied within but not Weekly Monthly Daily (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo) past year within (lyr-6yr) past year No. Pct. No. : San Juan Sur : San Juan Norte 1 : Florencia : Tucurrique : Repasto : Pacayas : El Zapato : La Hacienda Vie.ia : Aragon : : Sabanilla De Montes De Oca : No Lo Saben : Total 4 4 4 Pct. No. Never Satis­ fied Total Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct. H 14.67 37 49.33 11 14.57 59 7?-) seeking cures for their ailments. Other centers visited for the satisfaction of this service are Cartago and Heredia (1.33/5 each). Turrialba is the primary potential service center (37.33/a) for those 58.6? per cent of the families who have never consulted a curandero; while Paraiso and San Juan Sur are next (2.67;t each). There were some 14.67 per cent of the families so completely detached from the use of this service that they stated they did not know where they would go to find a curandero in the event they decided there was a need for one. When the two localities are compared it is observed, that of the two, the curandero is much more widely utilised in San Juan Sur than in Jtirro. In fact in Atirro the usage is so minor as to be considered neg­ ligible. While over half of the residents of Sari Juan Sur have never con­ sulted a curandero, there ar. nevertheless a number of families who do uti­ lize this service. Atirro is almost completely independent of La Juiza, 'Turrialba or any other outside center in the utilization of this service; but those of •an Juan Jur who utilize it do so mainly in two outside centers, Turrialba and Paraiso. In both communities there are various families who are completely detached from any use of this service, never having used it and not know­ ing where they would go to do so; but the number of families in this situa­ tion is greater in Atirro than in Jan Juan Sur. 151 Pharmacist* Table 56 reveals that 79.31 per cent of the families 21 of Atirro utilize the services of the pharmacist. In rural Costa hiea the pharmacist is in many instances "the poor man's doctor." People from all around the countryside come to him with their diseases ana infirmities and will oftentimes travel large distances to seek counsel and preparations which will produce a cure. The practical knowledge of the pharmacist has proven to be bene­ ficial to many. An example of this is the large number of families who travel from Atirro to La Suiza for this purpose. As indicated in the Table, the majority of those families living in Atirro who utilize the pharmacist's services do so in La Suiza (56.89/2). Ten families (17.24/2) prefer Turrialba, two families (3.44/2) prefer San Jose, and one family (1.72/S) selected Alajuela. The majority of those utilizing it have done so at sometime within the twelve-month period (49*99/2). A significant percentage (IS.97/2) have utilized it even less frequently (not within the twelve-month period), while 8.62 per cent utilize it monthly and 1.72 per cent satisfy it weekly. In San Juan Sur 86.67 per cent of the families have at some time in their lives utilized the services of the pharmacist. The large majority of these have primarily satisfied this need in Turrialba (85.33/2) as is indicated in Table 57. The only other center utilized primarily by any family is Cartago (1.334). The majority of those families who have visited the pharmacist have The pharmacist is considered as separate from the drugstore be­ cause of his function as a counselor and advisor to the sick. TABLE 5b PUCE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE SERVICES OF A PHARMACIST BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction Place : of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied Monthly : within : but not Daily weekly (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year • • No. ; : : : : La Suiza Turrialba San Jose Alajuela Total Pct* No. 1 Pct. No. 1.72 4 1 1 1.72 5 [ Never : Satis- : Total fied : : • • Pct.:No. Fct.:No, Pct. No. Pct.:No. 6.90:20 34.48: 8 13.79 2 3.45:35 : 8 13.79: 2 3.45 10 17.24:20 1.72: :1 1.72 ..... : 2 :1 1.72: :1 8.62:29 49.99:11 18.96 12 20.69:58 Pct. : (io.34: 34.48: 3*44: 1.72: 99.98: TABLE 57 PUCE AND FREQUENCY OF UTILIZATION OF THE SERVICES OF A PHARMACIST BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied: Monthly : within : but not : Never Daily Weekly Total : (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within : Satis:(lyr-6yr):past year: fied • • ♦ • No. Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct.:No. Pct.:No. Pct.iNo. Pct. No. Pct.: 1 1.33:48 64.00:15 20.00:10 13.33 74 98.66: :1 1.33: . .. ..: .... 1 . 1*33: 1 1.33:49 65.33:15 20.00:10 13.33 75 99.99: # 152 : Turrialba ; Cartago : Total 153 done so between one to six times during the twelve-month period (65.33^)• dome 20.00 per cent have utilized the service at sometime during their life­ time, but not ouring the specified twelve months♦ Only one family uti­ lises the service on a monthly basis while 13.33 per cent have never uti­ lised it. V/hen the two localities are compared it becomes apparent that the majority of the families in both have utilized this service. The place of satisfaction differs however, with Atirro being largely dependent uron La dui'/a while ban Juan Our is almost exclusively dependent upon Turrialba• Both h ve a number of families v/ho have never utilized this service— the percentage is somewhat higher in Atirro, possibly because of the free Social Security Hospital and medical services. The f requency of usage in both localities ranges largely from betv.'ocn one to six times during the specified twelve months, and a significant proportion have utilised it in both areas with even lesser frequency thur. this. 154 RELIGIOUS LEEDS Accion Gatolica. According to Table 56, the activity Accion Jatolica is little enjoyed by the families of Atirro as is indicated by the 93.34 per cent who stated that they had never participated in it. The few families who have participated or are participating in this activity have done so in various centers. • Of those utilized for this se, La Luiza is most often frequented and by a slightly greater per­ centage of families (5.00,'j) than Turrialba which has been used very in­ frequently by only one family (l.67/0 » As illustrated in Table 59> the families of 3an Juan Sur name Turrialba as the only potential center for the Accion Gatolica, but no .nu lias ever participated in it. When these two localities are compared, it is evident that the activity Accion Gatolica has almost no influence on the lives of the people, heither of the localities their boundaries. has this activity organized within San Juan Sur stands completely independent and Atirro is not dependent upon outside centers to any significant degree. TABLE 53 ela CE All) FREQUENCY GF P.JiTlCIP.JIUN IK THE ACTIVITY "ACOIuN GATOLICA" BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IE rtTIREGa COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction Satisfied Satisfied but not within weekly Monthly Daily (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo) past year within (lyr-6yr) past year No. : La Suiza : Turrialba : San Jose : Santa Rosa : Total Pct. No. 1 ' 1 Pct. No. 1.57 2 Pct. No. 3.33 1.57 2 3,33 Pct. No. i l TABLE Never : Satis- : Total fied : : : : Pct, No. Pct.iNo, Pct,: 10 16.67:13 21.47: 1.5? 44 73,33:45. _75.00: 1 1.67: 1 1.67: 1 1.67: 1 1.47: 1.57 54 93.34:40 100.01: 59 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF PARTICIPATION IN THE ACTIVITY "ACCION CATOLICA" BY THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUE, COSTA RICA t * Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction :Satisfied:Satisfied Daily Weekly Monthly : within : but not (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo)ipast year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year • • No. Pct. No. Pct.iNo* • « • • Pct.:No« • • • « • • 4 • Never : Satis- : Total fied : : : • • • • Pct. No. Pct.iNo. Pct.: 75 100.00:75 100.00: 75 100.00:75 100.C0: 155 : Turrialba : Total Pct, No. • • ’ 156 Church. As indicated in Table 6C, the families of Atirro depend largeip upon outside centers in their attendance at church. While there oxisto within the settlement itself a small chapel, in conjunction with the school building, it is unused except when the Catholic Father makes his yearly visit to the settlement. This accounts for the small percent­ age (6 .67/^) of families who primarily satisfy this need there. The finea and settlement of Atirro form a part of the parroquia of La Luisa. In a discussion with the parochial head, it was brought out that the residents of Atirro had been drifting away from the church, and needed a good deal of stimulation. The Catholic Father blamed this upon the former owners of the finca who would do nothing to help the priest in his endeavors to carry on religious services there. However, the church lor.dc” was optimistic about the future, pointing out that since the new cwacrs had taken possession he had been enabled to start his yearly visits again and that as soon as the new chapel which had been promised was com­ ic Led he hoped to make frequent visits to the settlement. In bringing these people back to the church, this Catholic Father offered to perform marriages free of charge for those unable to pay the fee. He expressed the hope that this would bring some of the couples liv­ ing as convj.vientes out of sin by sanctifying their unions. The majority of those who attend church primarily in outside centers do so in La Luiza (65.00^). Turrialba is of significant but nevertheless secondary importance with 26.67 per cent of the families utilizing it as the center for this service. San Jose is the only other center utilized ana serves the primary needs of one family (l.67/o). TABLE 6C PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF ATTENDANCE AT CHURCH BY THE FA M ILIES OF aT IR rtU , C O SiA R lC a Frequency of Satisfaction : Place : of : Satisfaction : La Suiza : Turrialba : Atirro : San Jose : Total :Satisfied:Satisfied Weekly : Monthly : within : but not Never Daily (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk):(7yr-2ao):past year: within Satis­ : :(lyr-6yr):past year fied • « • No. Pet. No. Pct.:No. Fct.:No. ?ct.:No. Pet. No. Pet. 6 10.00:24 40.00: 7 11.6?: 2 3.33 2 3.33: 4 6.67: 9 15.00: 1 1.67 : :4 : :1 1.67: 8 13.33:28 46.67:21 35.01: 3 5.00 Total No. Pet. 39 65.00 16 26.67 4 6*6? 1 _ 1.6? 60 100.01 TABLE 61 PLACE AND FREQUENCY OF ATTENDANCE AT CHURCH BY THE FAMILIES OF SAN JUAN SUE, COSTA RICA Frequency of Satisfaction Place : of : Satisfaction Satisfied Satisfied Daily Weekly Monthly : within : but not (4wk-dly) (3mo-3wk) (7yr-2mo):past year: within :(lyr-6yr):past year • No. Pet, No. Pet. No. Pct.:No, _43_. 57.33 26 34.^7: 5 :1 43 57.33 26 34.67: 6 Never Satis­ fied Total : • Pct.:No» Pet. No, 6.67: . . 1.23 :....... 8.C0: Pet. No. Pet.: 74 98.67: 1 1.33: 75 100.00: 157 : Turrialba : San Jose : Total ) Of all the families that have utilized this service, the major orLion of them do so on a monthly basis (46.67,0), with the next largest percentage (3 5 .01^) utilising it sometime within the twelve-month period, those utilizing it on a weekly basis account for 13.33 per cent of the fam­ ilies and those who have utilised it in years previous but not during the specified twelve months account for 5.00 per cent. An analysis of Table 61 reveals that the families living in San Ju.'.n our depend almost completely upon Turrialba for attendance at church (9o.67.,>). The only exception is that of one family (1.33a>) who attended primarily in San Jose. As illustrated in the frequency section every family in the locality lias attended church at least once during the twelve-month period, and the majority of these do so on a weekly (57.33A>)> or a monthly (3 4 .67/0 basis. The frequency is derived from the practice of many families of arising early Sunday morning and walking to Turrialba for morning mass before returning home again about noon. One informant reported that she and her husband arose at 2:00 a. m. in order to arrive in time for the first morning mass. Vhort- c-re a small number of protectant believers who walk to Turrialba on furmay mornings for Sunday School services. These persons though few in number arc regular in their weekly church attendance. from the Table the impression is given that the settlement of San •r,.r..n our is completely dependent upon outside centers, particularly Turri.'.lna, for the satisfaction of its religious needs. This, however, is not the case. The families in dan Juan bur have long had their own devotion which 159 is the ...•acred Heart of Jesus. One informant who come to the community as a ysunr nan soma sixty years ago stated that he found the devotion in the settlement when he arrived. The devotion consists of a saint representing the Aacrcd Heart of Jesus mounted and enclosed in a frame and glass case­ ment . The various Catholic families of the settlement belong to this de­ votion and refer to themselves as being "asociados del apostolado del corozon de Jesus." The male head of one of the families is appointed by tht.- Jati.olic Parochial Priest in Turrialba as being in charge of the care and distribution of the saint and is called the "selvador." Under his direction the saint is passed from family to family month after month. All th=.- families are listed and each knows from whom he is to receive the saint and to whom he is to give it. A member of the family having it the day piwious brings it to the family whose turn it is next. In the late after­ noon and evening all those living in the house gather ana recite the ro­ sary to the saint. The families read and recite little messages and prayers th .t -re published by the church and sent along each month with the saint by the selvador. although not considered in the Table, this religious practice is important to the people and should be considered in analyzing where the people gratify their religious needs. In San Juan Sur it has created a si -nixie .nt bonu which serves to further integrate and unify the families living within the settlement. Then the two localities are compared, it is observed that both are largely dependent upon outside centers when it comes to attendance at 160 c:.ur:h. i ...... ..fcirro is chiefly dependent upon La Suiza, and a n Juan our upon . ~’ ... - -U .- « Then it corr.es to a consideration of religious worship, however, the situation changes. Though it is indicated by the frequency section of Table 60 that the majority of the families of Atirro do not attend church from Sunday to Sunday, and in fact many of them attend only occasionally •whig the twelve months, they nevertheless do worship in their homes. In San Juan our, on the other hand, the people attend church in Turrialba v;ith considerably greater frequency than the people of Atirro. They also have a highly developed, if seni-informal, religious institution built up in the form of a devotion which provides them with a major source of religious satisfaction within their own community. Finally it is significant to note that all families in both com­ munities do attend or have attended church somewhere at some time during th. 5r lives . / 161 SUKKAir/ AND nmSftPriilTATICN la determining the e:ctent to which Atirro and San Juan our are dis­ tinct communities, the definition of community was formulated in general, agreement with the concept held by Sanderson. Delineation methods were ad■ptod to the Costa iiican scene and the resulting data, consistent with the definition, would seem to substantiate the supposition that Atirro arid dan Juan 3ur are determinate communities bound by bonds of interper­ sonal relationships. .v. review of the analysis with reference to Atirro reveals that: 1. The actual needs of the peon families who comprise the majority of those living in the settlement are limited. 2. The majority of the families living in Atirro primarily satisfy the major portion of their chief concerns of life within the settlement. This is indicated by their greater dependency upon Atirro in the satisfaction of their social, educational, and economic needs. I n t h e satis­ faction of their religious needs they are oriented primarily toward La.Suiza, hi th reference to the major portion of the health services, the largest percentage of families either have never utilized or have satisfied these needs primarily within the community. The two outside centers utilized most, in the satisfaction of these needs are: 3. La Luiza, and Turrialba. Those services and activities which the majority of the families living in Atirro have utilized or participated in at one time or another, and in the present satisfaction of which they are primarily dependent upon outside centers are largely infrequently used (at some time within the 162 twelve—nonth period) . 4. One-half of all those services and activities for which the peo'le depend primarily upon outside service centers have never been uti­ lised by the majority of the families living in Atirro. 5. The major portion of all services and activities are satisfied by the families of Atirro primarily within the settlement itself and are utilised by the majority of the families at a frequency of either daily or weekly. 6. The outside service center of most significance to the people of atirro from the standpoint of satisfaction of services and activities is Turrialba. From this it may be readily observed that while Atirro has only a Limited service center with which to satisfy the needs of the people, the majority of them nevertheless do satisfy the major portion of these needs within the settlement. This is effectively illustrated by comparing the total monthly income of all the peons of the settlement for the month of do tomber 1948 with the gross income of the commissary for that month. The ^eons were paid 11,965.65 colones in wages and comprised the bulk of those who spent 7,696.55 colones at the commissary. The commissary owner stated that the income for this month was below normal, the average monthly income being 8,000 colones. He calculated that more than 90 per cent of the groceries purchased by the people are obtained at the commissary. As tin; figures illustrate, the major part of every colon recieved by the peons •goes back into the finca commissary, leaving little remaining for all the other necessities of life. 163 The degree to which the social needs of the people are satisfied thin the settlement is even more pronounced. For 96.66 per cent of the families, Atirro is the center primarily utilized in the satisfaction of social needs. One might suspect that the majority of the families who only recently moved to atirro (within the specified twelve months) would still be outward oriented, but they have established friendships with other fallies in the community and are well in the direction of becoming integr-ted into the pattern of informal community social life. As a re­ sult of the integration process, families new and old feel a sense of belonging to the community and consciously identify themselves with it. The peon families of the settlement especially are bound together by several factors which have tended to produce this integration in spite of the relatively short length of time a number of them have lived there, dome of these far ors are: (l) the close physical rroximity of all the dwelling units, (2) the spatial isolation of the community with reference to other settlements, (3) the common socio-economic status shared by most f ailles which serves as a basis for common interests and responsibilities, and (A) the community pilas which serve as gathering p laces for the women ana children; and the commissary and football field which provide a meet­ ing lace for the men and older boys. A summation of the analysis with reference to where the families of 1 ;r. Juan Jur satisfy their needs reveals the following: 1. The actual needs of the peasant farmer and peon families living in dan Juan fur arc very limited. 2. When evaluating v/here the families of dan Juan bur satisfy their 164 ohio'' concerns of life, it becomes apparent that the;/ are dependent uoon their own settlement in the primary satisfaction of their social, educa­ tional, and approximat ely one-half of their basic economic needs. They are largely dependent upon Turrialba in the satisfaction of ar>•ro:ci mat ely one-half their basic economic, and in their other economic and religious needs. With reference to health, the oata indicates that in one-half of these services the largest proportion of families have either never utilized them or have satisfied them primarily in San Juan Sur, while the other 50.00 per cent are chiefly satisfied in Turrialba. 3. Of those services and activities which have been utilized at one time or another by the majority of the families, and in the utiliza­ tion and participation of which they depend primarily upon outside ser­ vice centers, 66.67 per cent are infrequently used (at some time within the twelve-month period or less) by the majority of the families. 4. All the services and activities satisfied by the families liv­ ing in dan Juan bur are utilized by the majority of them, with the major rart. o t h o s e services and activities being used chiefly on a daily or we only basis. As is evidenced in the analysis the majority of the families living :n an Juan bur leave the community in the primary satisfaction of one- i .if their needs. The service center consists essentially of a local school, a cantina, and a general store. A center of such limited pro- •ortiwns cannot meet all the needs of the people though these needs be i in number. It is important to note, however, the large extent to vaich this elemental service center does satisfy a number of the basic 165 needs of the people. It. the instance of staple foods, for example, although 18.65 per cent satisfy the need primarily in Turrialba. weekly or monthly, 45-94 per cent utilize the services in 3an Juan Sur daily or weekly. While the community appears to be at least partially oriented out- v/ard vrlth reference to the satisfaction of a number of the services, the primary social needs of every family (lOO.CO/o) are satisfied within the community. The distance between the houses have little deterring effect upon these social relationships— they have formed a basic part of the lives of those living in the community for a long time. 8an Juan bur is largely a community of peasant farmers— small land owners— who have lived in the settlement for many years farming their lands uk; associating -with others in the locality. The majority of the family informants have lived there twenty years or more and only one family has lived there less than one year. As a re­ sult of this long period of association, the p eople of the community have achieved a great degree of integration and unity. Their common interests, responsibilities, and problems over the years have served as an additional -integruting force lending to the development of a tightly knit, cohesive social organization. Some of the factors which have tended to produce this depth of in­ tegration and cohesion and which at the same time have served to strengthen the bonds of interpersonal relationship are: (1) The cooperative effort of the people upon the death of one in 166 tcommunity. After the death of a member, the news spreads rapidly 22 three.-bout the community. Neighbors, friencs ana relatives living in the loc lity set to work helping the family of the deceased, dome of the men go to the ceraetnry to dig the grave, while others assemble lumber and construct the burial box. The women gather to help in the housework and to prepare the body for burial. Nev/s of the ueath brings groups of mourn­ ers in the evening for the "vela" a number of whom stay until daybreak visiting, comforting and sympathizing with the deceased's loved ones. 23 The next day at a prearranged hour, the people gather and follow the pallbearers as they slowly thread their way through the community to the cemetary. interred. At the cemetary a few prayers are offered and the body' is This is all accomplished within a twenty-four hour period as a result of group effort. (2) outside world. The voluntary'- cooperation in maintaining the cart road to the There is only one road— a poorly constructed ox-cart trail— over which the people must travel and haul produce such as coffee to the coffee receiving station and sugar cane to the Aragon sugar mill. During the rviny season, the road becomes very dangerous and travel over it is exceedingly difficult. The vital importance of this transportation artery 22 The rapidity with which this and other types of information travel through a community stretching out over several miles of rough mountainous terr-’in connected only by' a cart trail and paths, reveals the existence of a well org.ani.zad system of communication based on word-of-mouth transmission. :oath notices have traveled the entire length of the community in a matter of a few hours. 23 This is known as "vela de defunto" and is characterized by grief and sorrow in direct contrast to the "vela de angel" described in Chapter V. 167 i3 ;;ud that the men voluntarily form into work groups and together keep the road in partial repair. r (3) The community saint. 7/hiie the families travel to Turrialba to attend dunday church services, religious observances wjthin the cornnun:ty ouch as those centering around the ’’saint" form a basic part of lhe eorle’s religious experience. The degree to which the people identify themselves as members of the community and the in-group feeling which exists is evidenced in the j .n xru of the families over others living within the settlement. Upon hearing that one of their members had been jailed in Turrialba for com­ mitting larceny, a large number of the other members in the community or­ ganic,ed themselves into a group anti prevailed upon the authorities in that ity to free him. A second illustration might be drawn from the reaction of the rco-lo during the tense days of the revolution. There were those in dan Juan Gur who held strong beliefs on both 'ides of the revolutionary issue, but in spite of this difference of opin­ ion, they placed their personal regard for the individual first. In this inst- nee, there is the case of one man in the community who was a strong supporter of one of the two conflicting groups struggling for the presi­ dency of the country. He was taken from the community as a political pris­ oner, and although many of the settlement were in direct opposition to the f rnl w'n v.lth which this man had aligned himself, they came together as a you- and secured his release. The -average family of Gan Juan our has lived in the community for many years and looks forward to spending the rest of his life there, host 168 of t,h<: families arc anticipating the day when they can buy a riece of land or or,!urge the holdings they now have. Life is busy, simple, and regular, •with the monotony of work being broken by informal visiting, the festivals accompanying marriage, the Christmas celebrations, ana the velas of "angels," to mention a few. When the two communities are compared it becomes apparent that the needs of the families in both are very limited with a large number of ser­ vices which we would consider as essential being irrelevant to them. In both localities the service centers are elemental but nevertheless udoc u.ite in enabling the people to satisfy a large number of their chief concerns of life. Not only are the social and educational needs provided lor bp the settlements, but many of the economic needs as well. Atirro is chiefly independent of outside centers with reference to the primary satisfaction of most services and activities, and in the event a: outside center is used, either Turrialba or La Suiza are the places the f.allies must often go. dan Juan Sur presents somewhat of a different situationthan that of atirro. It is closely analogous to the open-country community of the britod States which Sanderson has described. In San Juan Sur as in the u. b. there is a small service center which forms the nucleus of the com­ munity. Turrialba, a railroad station town is next in importance to the people of dan Juan Sur as a service center in the satisfaction of needs. The families of San Juan Sur enjoys stronger integration, have de­ veloped a greater degree of "community consciousness," and possess a more pronounced unity arising from cooperative effort than those living in 169 Atirro. This nay be explained in part by their -renter hom oge n e i t y of or:- in and relatively greater lack of mobility. Both San Juan Sur and Atirro appear to be f a i r l y discrete social ur.itj in which the residents satisfy a large number of the ir chief con­ cerns of life and to w h ic h they c ons cio usl y ia e n t i f y themselves as members, being bound toget her by comm on interests and responsibilities. CHAFTcil V THE PEOPLE AND THEIR INSTITUTIONS FAMILY GROUP Community analysis is accomplished by a study of the families through, whom structure and function is manifested. dize of the family and fertility ratio. A knowledge of the size of the families and fertility ratios of Atirro and Can Juan Sur will give a possible index of the solidarity exhibited by the two communities as well as lay a base for further comparisons. In atirro as an analysis of Table o2 will show, there is a wide distribution in the size of the fam­ ilies. For example, 15.CO per cent consist of only one-member, 11.67 per cent are composed of five members, and 13.33 per cent have ten members or more. The modal family in Atirro would appear to have just two members with 16.6? per cent of the total number of families being of this size. This figure has relatively little significance, however, because of the even and wide distribution of sizes. When the arithmetic mean is calcu­ lated, it is found that the mean number of members per family in Atirro is 4.27. A review of the figures in Table 62 concerning the size of families in dan Juan Sur reveals a wide and fairly consistent distribution. The smallest percentage of families is 5.33 per cent consisting of one-member families, while two-member families comprise only 6.67 per cent of the total. The most popular size of family consists of four members and com­ prises 17.33 per cent of the total. TABLE 62 LIS Trt1BUTI UN OF THE F hFiILIES OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO SIZE : Humber of Mem: bers in F,imily Atirro San Juan Sur No. Pet . : Ho. Pet. : ; 1 9 15.00 U 5.33 ; ; 2 10 16.67 5 6.67 : : 3 6 10.00 8 10.67 ; ; h 5 8.33 13 17.33 ; : 5 7 11.67 5 6.67 ; ; 6 7 11.67 8 10.67 ; ; 7 3 5.00 <7 9.33 : : a 1 1.67 9 12.oo ; : 9 h 6.67 7 9.33 1 8 13.33 9 12.00 ; 60 100.01 75 10 or more ; Total 1 i o o .o o ; 172 A calculation of the arithmetic mean reveals the mean number of members uer family in ban Juan Sur to be 5*95* ,\lien the two communities are compared, the average family of San Juan Sur is found to be larger in size by 1.68 members. A further consideration of the Table discloses that while 31*67 ner cent of the total number of families in Atirro are one and two-mem­ ber families, only 12.00 per cent of the families of San Juan Sur ax’e of these sizes. This comparison elicits the greatest difference in family sira: between the two communities • Four, five, and six-member families in ban Juan bur total 34*67 per cent and 31*67 per cent of the families of Atirro fall within this range. A somewhat larger difference may be observed when families comprised of seven members or more in the two communities are compared— Atirro has only 26.6? per cent of the families in this category while ban Juan Sur has a total of 42.66 per cent. It is, therefore, through the one and two-member families of Atir­ ro and through the proportionately greater number of families in the mul­ ti tde-member groups that San Juan Sur achieves the distinction of having the largest families generally. as has been indicated in this analysis, those of San Juan Sur are characterised by a relatively higher birth rate. The rate at which the populations 01 the tv/o localities are repro­ ducing is probably best indicated through the use of the fertility ratio. This ratio measures the rate of reproduction, expressing the relationship 173 between the number of children under five years of age in the locality .n; the number of v/omen in their productive period (15-44) The fertility ratio of 741 for Atirro is very high. A ratio of this magnitude serves to indicate both a high birth rate and a probable rapid population increase. When the fertility ratio of 1150 for San Juan Jur is compared with that of Atirro., however, the significantly greater r .te of reproduction is sharply illustrated. The birth rate of San Juan Sur as indicated by this ratio is extremely high. Just how high is best brought out by a com"arison not only with Atirro, but with the country of dostu Aica as a whole and with several of the other Central American Nations. An analysis of the 1927 Costa Rican census data for the whole country revealed the fertility ratio to be 687. Census data for the neighboring country of Nicaragua taken in 1940 gives a fertility ratio of 719 , while the ratio of Guatemala for the same year was 722. Honduras, another neigh­ boring country has a ratio of 712 as revealed by the 1945 census data, and the 1947 census estimates of Mexico indicates a fertility rate of 630, 2 From a comparison of these rates, it is evident that the variation is from 630 to 722. .Although the rates for entire countries might be ex­ pected to be somewhat lower than for two rural agricultural communities bee..use of the consideration involving both urban areas and the upper so­ cio-economic grouns which generally have a lower birth rate, they nevertheless Charles P. Loomis, and J. Allan 3eegle, Rural Social Systems (dew York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950), pp. 91-2. 2 United Nations Demographic Yearbook (Lake Success, New York, 1948). provide a basis for 5one comparison. .men /itirro is related to the various other areas, its fertility ratio of 741 is found to be somewhat higher, but not significantly so, particularly with reference to Nicaragua, Guatamala, Honduras, and even the country of Costa Hiea as a whole. dan Juan bur, however, with its ratio of 1150 clearly illustrates a considerably higher rate than those of any other group herein considered. Humber of dead in the family. Whenever analysing the family, partic­ ularly with reference to size, a point of significance lies in the number of dead. From data gathered with reference to dead family members on the number, sex, age, date, and place of death, a wiae distribution among the families of both communities was found. In Atirro nineteen families had no dead members and four families had ten or more dead members. A calculation of the mean reveals that the average number of dead per family in Atirro is 2.60. In San Juan Sur, the average number of dead members per family is 2.12. The data on Table 63 , supported by the calculation of the mean, inuic'.te that the families of Atirro do have a somewhat higher percentage of dead members though the difference between the two communities is not a l.-rge one. The difference actually is larger than the data indicate when tic number of one-member families in each of the two communities is comy red. Tn Atirro, for example, 15.00 per cent of the families are of this 0" o while in dan Juan Sur the percentage is only 5.33 per cent. Of these cme-ueniber families, a number are single, adult individuals who have no dead, members, ,,'ith the one-member families eliminated in the calculation TABLE 63 DISTRIBUTION OF THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO THE NUMBER OF DEAD MEMBERS San Juan Sur Atirro Number of Deacl Members : No. Pet. No. Pet. : None 19 31.67 21 36.00 ; 1 10 16.67 16 21.33 ; 2 7 11.67 10 13.33 ; 3 7 11.67 6 8.00 ; A 5 6.33 6 8 . oc ; 5 4 6.67 3 4. CO ] 6 2 3.33 3 4 .o o ; 7 8 2 3.33 3 4.00 ; 4 6.67 1 1.33 : 60 100.01 75 9 9 .9 9 ; 9 10 or more Total 176 of t' c r e an, the average munbsr of dead members t er family in Atirro be- A .A-,' and the number in dan Juan bur changes to 2.15. Atirro is a community of siorty families with 296 living members and 156 do .d members. dan Juan bur is a settlement of seventy-five families with 446 living members and 159 dead members. These figures contribute to a sore distinct comparison of families with Atirro havjng one-third less population than dan Juan bur and yet only three less dead members. It would appear from the above statistics that the number of dead members in the family may partially account for the difference in family si re. ho definite data uas gathered relative to the causes of death in ej thor community. A further comparison of the rate of mortality in the two localities is facilitated by a measure known as the crude death rate which is the ratio between the number of individuals who die in a given interval of tm-.e and the number of individuals alive during the same interval. 3 In S utilising this measure, the average number of deaths (averaged from the deaths occurring during the previous ten-year period) occurring in a year '.-‘■r divided by the total population. Although this method of calculation may tend to give a conservative ArAic: lion of the death rate, it nevertheless should affect both communities equally and thereby provide a fairly reliable (if conservative) indication as a means of comparison. A calculation of the crude death rate of Atirro reveals a rate of 3 Kimball Young. Sociology. Second idition, (New York: Book Company, 1949), p. 194. American 177 i ' which r.:eans 16.6 deaths per 1000 population during the year. c The crude death rate of San Juan our is 12.1 (12.1 deaths per 1000 po-illation during the year). When compared to the 1947 ueath rate of 10.1 ;'or the United States, the rates of both communities are higher, especially Atirro which approaches the death rate of the U. S.. (18.0) during the in4 fiuenza epidemic of 1918. A comparison of the tv/o communities reveals Atirro to have a signi­ ficantly higher rate than San Juan Sur which may account, in part, for its lower fertility ratio. Type of family. Inasmuch as the community is almost wholly influ­ enced by the families comprising it, an analysis of the types there are and in what proportion each is found is pertinent to an understanding of the community, its orientation and problems. In both Atirro and ban Juan Sur, as revealed in Table 64 , the fam­ ilies having both parents and children compose the majority of the family units. In Atirro, 63.33 per cent of the population are of this type, while 13.33 per cent are husband and wife only, and 15.00 per cent are individual- ember families. When San Juan Sur is compared with Atirro, it is found to possess a nigher percentage (S1.33w) of families having both parents and children, while at the same time having a considerably smaller percentage of husband 4 Ibid. p. 196. 178 TABLE 64 DISTRIBUTION OF TKL FA1.ILD.J OF AT DIR 0 AND SAD JUAK SUR ACCORDING TO TYPE : Atirro Type of family Mo. Pet. Ban Juan Sur : No. Pet. : 3s 63.33 61 81.33 i One parent and children 3 5.00 6 8.00 : : Husband and wife only 8 13.33 2 2.67 1 : Individual 9 15 .CO 4 5.33 ! : 5. Other 2 3.33 2 2.67 i : Total 60 99.99 75 100.00 : : 1. Both parents and children : 2. and v/ifc only (2.67;£), and individual-member families (5.337-0 • One-fourth or 20.37 par cent of the total number of families in Atirro are of these U.o latter types while in San Juan Sur their combined percentage amounts to only 8.00 per cent. This may be a factor to consider in accounting for the difference in fertility ratio. The percentage of one parent and chil­ dren families, as is indicated in the Table, is comparatively small in loth communities with very little difference between them. Civil status of family .jefe. Another important consideration in the analysis of families is the civil status of the family head which gives an indication of the social organization and stability found within a com­ munity. Of the seven classifications listed in Table 65> only five— exclud­ ing separated and conviviente— are recognized by the civil lav/ of Coata Rica. 179 TABLE 65 1 Ic'i'.iId’ JTIOL OF THE HEADS OF FAMILIES Iri ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO CIVIL STATUS : Atirro Civil status of family head No. : 1. Kinor : 2. Single = Larried ?• : A. Pet. San Juan Sur No. Pet. 6 .10.00 3 ^9 65.00 62 82.67 8.33 5 6.67 4.00 ./idow (er) . 4.00 Divorced ! 6. Senarated 2 3.33 3 : 7. Conviviente 8 13.33 2 : Total 60 99.99 ____ 2.67 71.. 100.01 For the purposes of this study, however, and since they are socially recognivvid states, all are taken into consideration. The status of conviviencia though vigorously condemned by the Cath­ olic Church is generally semi-accepted if not condoned by the rural campesino and by the lower social classes throughout the country. Because of the difficulty, expense, and moral stigma involved, there ire very few legal and virtually no religious divorces in Costa Rica. When a marriage does not work out well, the married couple enter into a state of permanent separation. They may unite with other individuals as convivientes and raise families, but they rarely ever obtain a legal divorce. In both communities there are cases where individuals, legally married, have sepa­ rated and united with other persons as convivientes. An analysis of Table 65 discloses that in both communities, the ma­ jority of the heads of families are lav/fully married. In Atirro 65.00 per cent of the total number of heads are legally married, 13*33 per cent are convivientes, 10.00 per cent are single, S.33 are xviaows or widowers, and 3.33 Ter cent are separated. In San Juan Sur 82.67 per cent of the heads are legally married, 6.67 per cent are widows or widowers, 4.00 per cent are single, 4.00 per cent are separated, and 2.6? per cent are living as convivientes. Alien the data of these tx/o communities are compared it may be noted that there is a substantial increase in the number of married heads in San Juan our and a sharp decline in the number of conviviencias. This may be an indication of a greater breakdown in the religious mores in Atirro than in Jan Juan Sur. A further indication of this breakdoxvn is revealed in the following e:;nei*ience which occurred in Atirro. A young man from a family of great prestige among the peons had married a girl from another community in the church. Mis marriage did not borne time later he was in conviviencia with her. turn out well, so heand his wife separated. attracted to a young girl of Atirro and lived Soon after, his new wife, who was one of the most attractive girls of the community, become interested in another man and -went to live xvlth him as a conviviente in another section of the com­ munity. Finding that she did not like this new husband she separated from hin and returned to her first conviviente husband. Both seemed very happy m d the people stated that they felt it was a good match. no word of crit­ icism nor unfavorable comment was ever made by theother peons of the finca. 181 The degree of social disorganisation suggested by this incident ,,0 0 0 1 0 a distinguishing characteristic when the community of Atirro is compared with San Juan Sur. ./hile the conviviencia state is recognized in San Juan Sur, it would apuear to be less socially acceptable to the people there than in Atirro, More social pressure is brought to bear upon the individual mem­ bers by the community in this respect. According to one informant, for example, "When people unite without being married by the church they are criticized by the rest of the people and it is said of them that they are *de mal vivir.f^ In time some of these couples get married legally while others do not,” dan Juan our has a comparatively smaller percentage of single heads of families and a somewhat lower percentage of widows and widowers when compared with Atirro. This factor combined with a lower death rate would be hd'luential in bringing about a higher fertility ratio in San Juan Sur* While both cammunities have a small percentage of separated heads of families, the difference between them is inconsequential, Neither locality has a divorced person nor a minor as the head of a family. Length of time the family has lived in the community. Not only i3 Li.o stability and social organization of a community reflected in the types oi- civil statuses of families, but also in the length of time individuals 5 De mal vivir refers to living sinful lives* 182 have lived ir. the community. Trie informant from whom. this data vras recorded was always either the jofe or his wife (usually the jefe) and it was found in interviewing, t h l in the large majority of cases, the length of time this informant had lived in the community was synonymous with the length of time the family had lived there. An analysis of Table 66 reveals that in Atirro the majority of the people have been residents for a comparatively short length of time. In fact, 20.00 per cent or one-fifth of all the informants have lived there less than six months, 43*33 per cent have spent less than five years in the locality, and 63*33 per cent have lived in the community less than ten ye :ry. Of the 10.00 per cent who have lived there thirty years or more, none of these have spent as much as fifty years in the locality. Jan Juan 3ur presents a very different picture. Only 1.33 per cent of its informants have spent less than six months in the community, 9*33 per cent less than five years, and 17*33 per cent less than ten years, -vs is indicated in the Table, the modal category for Jan Juan Sur is twen­ ty to twenty-nine years, with almost half (44*00^) of the people falling into this group. Of the total number of informants, 69*33 per cent have lived in the community for more than twenty years, with 8.00 per cent of this number having been residents for fifty years or more. Although the majority of the informants have lived in Atirro for It:ss than ten years, the major proportion in Jan Juan Jur have been resi­ dents of that locality for more than twenty years. In fact, in Atirro there is a greater percentage of the informants who have lived there less TABLE 66 THE FAMILY INFORMANTS OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR. DISTRIBUTED ACCORDING TO THE LENGTH OF TIME THEY HAVE LIVED IN THE LOCALITY : Length of Time : Lived in Locality No. [ Less than 6 mos. * ! ' 6-11 mos. San Juan Sur Atirro Pet., No. Pet. : 12 20.00 1 1.33 ; 2 3,33 1 1.33 ; 1-4 years 12 20.00 5 6.67 ; 5-9 years 12 20.00 6 8,00 ; 10-14 years 4 6.67 8 10.67 ; 15-19 years 4 6.67 2 2.67 ; 20-29 years 3 13.33 33 44.00 ; 30-39 years 4 6.67 7 9.33 ; 40-49 years 2 3*33 6 e .o o ; 6 8 .o o ; 1 50 years and over | : Total 60 100.00 75 i o o .o o ; 184 than six months (2O.OO;0 than there is of those in San Juan Sur who have lived there for less than ten years (17.33/0 • Land tenure of the family. An important factor influencing the length of time persons will remain in-a locality is land tenure. This factor is distinguished by the preponderant importance of agriculture in the economic life and welfare of the people. Every family in both communities is either directly or indirectly dependent upon the land and its oroduce for their livelihood. In medieval European society, from which the present land tenure system evolved, "one's relation to the land determined whether or not one could marry, and under what conditions, what services and payments one had to render, and under what conditions one could leave the estate. In fact, most of the rights, duties, and activities were determined by tenure status." While the tenure system today is somewhat modified when compared to medieval European times, it is, nevertheless, still a powerful factor in determining one's place in his society. Costa uica has been generally recognized as a country of peasant prenrietors— small landowning farmers. Having one's own little finquita is the main ambition of many campesinos not only from the standpoint of economic return but also of social prestige. The men will work hard as jornaleros to obtain their land little by little while their wives and children help to farm the land already procured. Charles P. Loomis, and J. Allan Beegle, Kural Social Systems (Lew York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950), p. 146. t 185 The Biesanz report reveals that in 1933, 71.7 per cent of the heads of families were listed as proprietors, and that of 313,549 registered farms, 37 per cent were not taxed because they were worth less than 7535. 7 This 'would appear to substantiate the country's claim to being the home of the peasant landowner. In recent years, however, there have been changes in the land owner­ ship, 'with many peasant farmers losing their equity and becoming peons of the larger haciendas that have taken over their lands. The following quota­ tion from an Heredia housewife in the Beisanz report indicates the feeling of the people concerning the change in their land tenure status. "I remember twenty years ago when I used to walk the two miles north to Barba, there was one little house after another with its couple acres of ground. Then the fanners had plenty of eggs, their own cow or two, their own pig for lard and meat. Now all that land belongs to three or four cof- g fee planters and the others are reduced to peonage." This absence of peasant proprietors in substantial proportions re­ sults in a culture being characterized by a "peon-patron" relationship. In rural society generally where the family farm is not the prevailing unit, evidences reveal the following effects: (l) The differences in socio-economic status becomes more pronounce accompanied by a decrease in community solidarity. Charles P. Loomis and Reed M. Powell, "Sociometric Analysis of Class Status in Rural Costa Rica— A Peasant Community Compared with an hacienda Community," Sociometry. Vol. XII, February-August, 1949, p. 146. s John and Kavis Biesanz, Costa Rican Life, (New York: university Press, 1944), p. 40. Columbia 186 (2) The recognized advantages offered by the f a m family in the levoio'raent of personality and of individual initiative and responsibility Z.3 lOS t . (3) The high respect for workers and the dignity of labor char­ acteristic in communities of farm families decreases as the farmers are forced into peonage. (4) The greater efficiency of the family fanning unit in the pro­ duction of food and fiber is sacrificed. (5) The birth rate tends to drop. Family fanning areas have higher birth, rates than comparable areas of large-scale operations. (6) The people are characterized by greater mobility which is con9 ducive to a breakdown of social control. In Costa Rica as this change in tenure status from peasant farmers down to peonage has continued to take place, the campesinos have become increasingly concerned. a h i g h e r Inthe Turrialba region, which today has possibly percentage of its land owned by haciendas than any other region in Costa Rica., large numbers of workers have enlisted in a growing labor movement. The two labor unions in Turrialba— the Rerum Novarum, sponsored by the Catholic Church; and the Vanguardia Popular, reportedly communistic and banned after the successful entry of the revolutionary forces into Turrialba on April 21, 1948— grew strong as a result of a marked insecurity felt among the Increasing numbers of peons. Loomis and Powell, og. cit.. pp. 145-57. 187 /vs examples of this increasing peon-patron and decreasing peasant farmer type of relationship in land tenure, the communities of Atirro and dun Juan Sur evidence relative purity of type through the following data as r-. vc-.led in Table 67. The large majority (73.33/0 of the families of Atirro fall into the propertyless peon class who have no land holdings of any kind. These fam­ ilies work upon the finca as jornaleros and derive their sustenance 3olely by this means. the An additional 21.67 per cent of the families arc also of eon group, but differ in that they have been the recipients of small tracts of land, loaned to them by the finca for their cultivation and ex­ ploitation during the period of time they live and work on the finca. The individuals in these families work as peons of the finca during the day and then occasionally in the evenings and on weekends work on their cedida finquitas. Only 2 (3.33/0 of the families in Atirro own fincas— one of whom is the owner of Atirro. The other belongs to the father of the commissary owner and his family and is situated in another section of the Canton of Turrialba. One family (1.67/0 owns a finquita which is also situated at come distance from the boundaries of the finca Atirro. Of the seventy-five families in San Juan Sur, the majority (64.OO/0 are owners of either fincas or finquitas, A consideration of the remain­ ing families shows that 16.CC per cent have finquitas cedidas, one or 1.33 per cent rents a finquita which is cultivated and exploited for both home cor.sumr tion and commercial purposes, and 18.67 per cent have no land hold:r.gs equaling one-fourth of a manzana or more* 188 TABLE 67 DISTRIBUTION OF THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO AND SAW JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO FORMS OF LAND TENURE : Forms of Land Tenure ] 1. Owns a "finca" San Juan Sur Atirro : Pet. : No. Pet. No. 2 3 .3 3 21 2 8 ,o c ; 1 1 .6 7 27 3 6 .0 0 * 2. Rents a "finca" [ 3. Owns a "finquita" ' . Went3 a "finquita" [ 1 1 .3 3 ; * 5. Has a "finquita cedida" 13 2 1 .6 7 12 16.00 ; * 6. Does not own, rent, or : have "cedida", a "finca" : or "finquita". 44 73 .3 3 14 18.67 ; ; Total 60 1 00.00 75 lo o .o o ; Note: "Colonos" and "Parasitos" (see definitions) are two other legitimate forms of land tenure in Costa Rica. They are not present, however, in either of the above communities. 189 Those families in this latter group depend largely upon work outside of Lae community where they labor as jornaleros on the large haciendas or xt the Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences. 7/hen the families of the two coramunities are compared, the large dif­ ference between them with reference to land tenure status is readily apparent. In Atirro 5.00 per cent own fincas or finquitas, as compared to 6A.00 per sent of the families in San Juan our. are 7/hiIs in both communities there number of families v/ho have finquitas cedidas, there- is an important difference between the two groups. In Atirro, all the thirteen finquitas cociidac are loaned to the peons by the finca owner. He allows them to culliv -te and exploit the land for the period of their employment providing they do not misuse it and contingent upon the finca*s need of the land. In dan Juan our, on the other hand, eleven of the twelve finquitas cedidas are tracts of land given by parents to their children. Although the • 'rents retain the title to the land, it is expected that eventually the 1 nd will become the property of the children who currently cultivate and exploit it. The other finquita cedida Is a tract of land loaned by a fanner to his good friend and relative. Of the scventy-five families in San Juan Sur, sixty-one or 81.33 ■■a- cent may be considered as peasant farmers vino cultivate and are at Ac ;t partially sustained by the produce ox' their lands. house tenure. The contrast in land tenure between Atirro and dan fun. Jur is reflected again in the house tenure of the families. A reviev,r of Table 63 concerning house tenure status reveals the difference between Atirro and dan Juan our to be even more pronounced than 190 TABLE 68 DISTAIBUTI0T,‘ OK THm, FALILILS OF ATIiin.0 AiTD SAIT JUAH SUii ACCORDING TO FGSMS OF HOUSE TEIIUHE : no. Pet. San Juan Sur : no. Pet. : 1 1.67 62 82.67 : 1 .... 1.33 i 11 14.67 : 1 1.33 i 75 100.00 : Forms of house tenure : 1. Pro-da : 2. Aonted : 3. Cedida : 1. Other : Total Atirro 59 98.33 60 in the instance of lend tenure status. 100.00 In Atirro, fifty-nine or 98,33 per cent of the families neither own nor rent their homes; rather, they live in Louses cedida to them by the hacienda. The only family in the entire community owning their own home is that of the hacienda owner. The strong desire of the camnesino to own his own home expresses L:f:1f j.n dan Juan Sur, however, with 82.67 per cent of the families liv­ ing in their own homes. A comparison of this percentage with that of land tenure reveals an oven higher proportion of the people owning their own ;cram; than own fincas or f innuitas • There are 14.67 per cent of the families living in houses cedidas, out as in the instance of land tenure, a large proportion of these houses vre loaned between relatives, although the percentage is not as high. One ; use, the pulperia, is rented and one individual-meiaber family who appears in the Table under "other" boards and rooms with another family. Vlhile the majority of the resident families of Atirro work the lands 191 c: the fine;-, as jornaleros, and live in borrowed houses situated on another's land, the major portion of the residents of oan Juan bur arc peasant fanners living in their ovm homes on their own plots of land. In a number of in­ stances, over, those who have no small farms and are forced to work as jorna­ leros, ovm their own homes and so achieve a measure of independence unknown to the peon family of Atirro. BIO-SOCIAL GROUPS Racial characteristics. Relative to the study of the families with­ in the communities of Atirro and dan Juan Sur is an analysis of the popu­ lation composition. r.acial homogeneity is a major factor distinguishing Costa Rica from n<-i ph.boring Latin American nations. The majority of the Latin American countries have populations composed of large segments of diverse racial stocirs, but Costa Rica is made up largely of one racial group, which is r--furred to by the people as "Oostarricense." The racial stock of this Oostarricense group is a combination of ■■■a;;1sh ana Indian, with the Spanish element generally predominating as 11vi'icr.ced by physical characteristics. In both Atirro and ban Juan Sur this racial homogeneity is evidenced ■d th the large majori ty of the people in both communities considering them­ selves to be of Oostarricense descent. Out of the 10S jefes and wives in V. irro, 1C A (?6.29g) considered themselves as belonging to the Oostarricense group. Of the remain:ng four individuals, one claimed to be of Spanish de­ scent, another stated his ancestry to be Oostarricense and Ricaraguenza, 192 from Italian and Oostarricense ancestors, while the fourth .escor.ded fror.t dost ar ri cons e and forth American progeiiitors . Information relative to race desceadancy was obtained from 39 jefes ar.I wives in dan Juan our. Of this total, 134 or 96.10 per cent stated their ancestry as being Oostarricense. Two of the remaining five indi­ viduals claimed Costarricence and English ancestry, one claimed Oostarricense .mu German progenitors, and one was of pure English ancestry. 'Then these two communities are compared, it is readily evident that they are both highly homogeneous with reference to racial stock. There vaaj only one individual in each community who did not claim at least partial Jost-.rrj cense descent, while in both localities 96 per cent considered them­ asbeing entirely of this descent. selves no cleavages were found in either locality based on racial charac­ teristics . Age and sex groupings. In order to provide further insight as to cho composition of the populations of Atirro and San Juan Sur, an analysis was made in terms of age and sex groupings. As indicated in Figure 5, the i.e-sox pyramids of the two communities are fairly normal, but there are some differences which should be noted. As illustrated in the pyramid of Atirro, there is a slight excess of m.-les (52.39,0 in the population. This is especially true in the upper o. ;e br.-.ckots (45-79) in which 7.44 per cent arc males and 2.37 per cent are females. Two factors which may be related to this are: (l) Atirro is an ATIRRO SAN JUAN SUR 75-79 70-74 II 10 ^ 8 7 I £ 4 m MALE I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 I 0 I I I I I 0 FEMALE rtt 6 5 4 3 2 MALE rnrn rr FEMALE KEY MEMBERS AT HOME m ABSENT MEMBERS □ FIGUiiE 5 AGh AND SEX PYit-iMlDS Ur’ AT jL uiO Ai) of the population is under fif­ teen years of age. It is interesting to note that the excess of males does not extend to this grouping. over males (20.95^)* Instead, there is an excess of females (25.00,J) This excess is particularly noticeable in the cate­ gory including those less than one year to four years of age with 5.74 per cent males and S.78 per cent females. There are 53.42 per cent of the people in the productive age period (15-64). These are comprised of the family heads and older children. this group the younger group depends largely for Its support. Upon There is no res:onsibility for the aged in Atirro as this latter group is limited to two males (.68,:), one of which is supported by the finca, and the other occupies the position as "mandxaor" of the finca, earning a very adequate i n c :o :::e . It is in this productive age grouping that the most significant dif­ fer nee with reference to proportion of males ana females is noted. The p arcent.--.ge of m .les is 30.76 per cent while that of the females is 22.66 per cent of the total population. As previously indicated, urnttached male jornaleros partially account for this difference. As expressed in the Figure, the number of absent members in Atirro 197 i.;j very limited (3.40,-j) . Of this group, 2.33 per cent are mules and 1.02 ;ur cent ;.re females. host of the absent members arc found in the early productive period (15-29) for whom work opportunities in outride service centers and other haciendas arc most plentiful. The age-sex pyramid of Jan Juan Sur indicates a slight excess of lcs (52.45t) over females (17.52,3) in the population with this excess being distributed fairly uniformly throughout the ago distribution. Approximately one half (49.78/-0 of the population is under fifteen j'- rs of ago. Of tins group, 26.02 per cent are males and 23.76 per cent are females. In the productive ago period (15.64) the only other large •opulation grouping is found (47.073>). Here again the slight excess of dies (24.42,1) over females (22.65,^) is evidenced. The -aged group comprises 3.12 per cent of the total porulation, with 2.01 per cent males and 1.11 per cent females. In comparing the three groupings, the large number of children and young people in their early adolescent years becomes apparent. This is the largest group in the community, comprising one half (49.73,3) of the total population. Of the remaining proportion of the population, the over­ whelming majority of peorle are in the productive age period (47.07/j) with the nuneer of aged being relatively small (3.1230 . Because of the limited sice of this latter group, they present no real dependency problem. Though the sice of the children's and young adolescents’ group is such as to con­ stitute a real problem in this respect, their dependency is minimized through their productive efforts which begin at an early age. Children barely five and six years old are starting to nick coffee, and help with 193 the housework. The number oT absent members in ban Juan our is very small (2.45a>), with all of them being from the productive-period age group. The per­ centage of absent female members is slightly larger (1.34/&), than for the absent male members (1.11b). When the two localities are compared, both ax*e found to possess a slight excess of males. In Atirro this excess is noted among the aged, and particularly among those in the productive period age groups, while among the children and young adolescents, the opposite is to be noted— a slight excess of females, especially in the 0-4 age category. In San Juan Sur, on the other hand, the larger proportion of males is fairly evenly distrib­ uted throughout the three different age groupings. While there are a large number of children and young adolescents in both communities, the proportion of them in San Juan Sur is greater in re­ lation to the rest of the population than in Atirro. When considering those in the productive age period, the trend is reversed, with San Juan Sur hav­ ing the lesser nrorortion in this group. As is indicated by the comparative heights of the pyramids of the two communities, San Juan Sur has a larger proportion of its population in the aged group than does Atirro, and those in the aged group are older. In both the proportion localities the number of absent members is very small v/±th being slightly higher in Atirro than in San Juan Sur. nun Juan Sur all the absent members are In in the productive age period, and in Atirz'o the majority also falls into this group. In Atirro the major part of absent members are males, while in San Juan Sur the major part are 199 females. A factor which is partially responsible for the greater percent­ age of female absent members in ban Juan our is the utilization of the girls as servants by the economically well-to-do in the larger outside centers. INCCUE AND OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS Major economic activity of the family head. The response to the question as to what type of economic activity the head of the family was primarily engaged in revealed, as might be anticipated in an analysis of rural communities, that the large proportion of the heads are engaged principally in agriculture. This, however, was not the only economic activity primarily engaged in, as is indicated by an analysis of Table 71. As revealed in the Table, 83.33 per cent of the heads of families living in Atirro are chiefly engaged in agriculture, including livestock. Of the remaining economic activities listed for this community, 6.67 per cent of the family heads are in construction, 6.67 per cent are engaged in commerce and trade, and 3-33 per cent are working in transportation. The large majority (86.67$) of the heads of families living in San Juan Sur are engaged in agriculture, including livestock. The economic activity next in importance is domestic service, as indicated by the 6.67 per cent for whom it is the primary activity. The reason for this lies in the number of widowed or single women who are family heads. In these cases the incomes of the women are usually supplemented by the earnings of the other family members. The economic activity in which they are engaged aside from their major one of domestic service is agriculture. 200 TABLE 71 DISTRIBUTION OF THE HEADS OF FAMILIES OF aTIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO TYPE OF MAJOR ECONOMIC ACTIVITT Type of Major Economic Activity Atirro No, Pet, San Juan Sur No. Pet. 50 83.33 65 86.67 4 6.67 1 1.33 ! A. Transportation 2 3.33 * 3* Commerce and Trade 4 6.67 1 1*33 1 1.33 5 6.67 2 2.67 75 100.00 . 1. Agriculture, including Livestock ‘ 2. Construction ] 3. Manufacturing | 6. Public Service and : Administration * 7. Professional S. Domestic Service * 9. Other '10, Unoccupied ; Total 60 100.00 One family head (1.33/0 is engaged primarily in construction, one in commerce and trade, one in public service and administration,^ and two (2.67/0 were unoccupied. When the two localities are compared, the family heads in both are observed to be very largely engaged in agriculture as their primary eco­ nomic activity. While construction, commerce and trade rank second in im­ portance in Atirro, there is only one family head engaged in each of those activities in San Juan our. On the other hand the second ranking activity of domestic service is not engaged in primarily by any family head in Atirr The other activities engaged in are of very minor importance, each being utilized primarily by only one or two family heads. It is interest­ ing to note that neither community has any family heads engaged mainly in professional or manufacturing activities, and that while all are engaged in some economic activity in Atirro, two family heads in San Juan Sur are unoccupied— one being 82 years old and too feeble to work, and the other bedfast with cancer. Occupational classification of the family head. An analysis of the specific occupations of those engaged in the various types of major eco­ nomic activity, as indicated in Table 72, reveals that the large majority (75-OO/S) of the family heads in Atirro are jornaleros. The other five fam­ ily heads (8.35/0 engaged in agricultural type occupations are evenly distributed -with one head (l.67A>) engaged primarily in each of the various oc­ cupations listed. The family head engaging primarily in this activity aces so as an employee of the United Fruit Company in Ajuepos. TABLE 72 DISTRIBUTION OF THE HEADS OF FAMILIES OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO MAJOR OCCUPATION Major Occupation : Agriculture, including Livestock : 1. Agrieultor : 2 • Mandador : 3. Encargado del Eeneficio de CaTe : 4. Zncargado del Ganado : 5. Vaquero : 6 , Capataz : 7. Leehero : 3, Jornalero : Commerce and Trade : 1, Merchant : 2. Accountant : 3* Sales Clerk : Construction : 1. Ebanista 2, Carpenter : 3. Carpenter's Helper : Transportation : 1, Chauffer : Public Service and Administration : 1, Inspector de Higiene : Domestic Service : 1. Housework : Unoccupied : 1, Unemployed : Total Atirro No* Pet. 1 1 1 1 1 1.67 1,67 1,67 1.67 1.67 45 75.00 1 1 2 1.67 1.67 3.33 1 2 1 1.67 3.33 1.67 San Juan : Sur : No. Pet. : 29 36.67 : 1 .1 34 1.33 : 1.33 : 45.33: 1 1.33 : 1 1.33 * l 1.33 5 6.67 : 2 75 99.99 : _ 2.. 3.33 _ 60 100.02 2.67 : There are three family heads (5.>00%) working in the finca commissary— the owner (merchant), and two sales clerks. These together with the finca accountant comprise the various occupations engaged in under the commerce and trade type of economic activity. On an hacienda such as Atirro there is always construction and repair work to be done. This is largely handled by the two finca carpenters (3*33$) and a carpenter’s helper (1.67JS). The other family head engaged in construc­ tion work is an ebanista (furniture maker). While he works occasionally as a carpenter of the finca, his major work is in building furniture. The fam­ ilies from Atirro and other communities place their orders with him and while tending the babies at home, he constructs the various pieces of fur­ niture desired. He lives on the finca because of his wife’s position as a school teacher. In the operation of a large finca there necessarily occurs a division of labor in which various of the peons are instructed in the performance of certain tasks and the manipulation of mechanical equipment. Two of the neons (3.33a>) have been taught, therefore, how to drive the trucks and work as chauffeurs daily transporting men, equipment and produce to meet the needs of the finca. The family heads of San Juan Sur are very largely engaged in agri­ cultural type occupations, with 45.33 per cent primarily engaged as joroaleros, 38.67 per cent majorly working their own lands as ’’agricultores,1' and with one family head (1 .33/2) occupied as a dairyman, and one (1 .33/2) as a "capataz" (overseer). A comparison of Table 67 concerning forms of land tenure, and the 204 number of heeds of families in Table 72 who are primarily engaged as agri•:uI tores reveals what might at first be regarded as an inconsistency. When, as revealed in Table 67, ol.33 per cent of the families in San Juan Sur either ovm, rent or have fincas or finquitas cedidas, one might expect to find the large majority of the family heads occupied primarily as agricultores instead of the 38.67 per cent indicated. The reason for this difference is accounted for partially by the small sice of a number of the landholdings, and partly through the efforts of the wives and children. In San Juan Sur many of the family heads go to work on large haciendas in surrounding localities, or work for those with­ in the community possessing the larger holdings. While they are at work their wives and children toil at home working their ovm land holdings. '..'hen the family head returns home in late afternoon he works his land many days until dark. This system works very well for the major part of the year. Only during the coffee picking season or harvest time for the sugar cane does the family head fins it necessary to take a few days or weeks off, as the size of the harvest may demand, and work full time on his ovm land. There are thirty-one (41.33^) of these family heads, who primarily pursue occupations other than that of "agricultor” but who, neverthless, receive scsne income or produce from their own lands. This group together with that of the agricultores constitute 80.00 per cent of the family heads. One family head (1.33/j) is occupied primarily as the merchant of the local general store, while another family head (L*33^>) pursues the occupa­ tion of carpenter. The carpenter is the owner of the cantina, but he is 205 considered as a carpenter inasmuch as his h e r e ; and h e v n f e ana family run the busi- r>rimurily practices his trade. rive family heacis (6 .6?/&) are occupied chiefly in housev/ork activi­ ty on, one (1 *33%) works as a health inspector in iguepos, Costa iiica, and two (2 .o7t) are unemployed. When the tv/o communities are compared, the much larger percentage of .jornaleros in Atirro, and the greater proportion of agricultores in San Juan Sur at once becomes apparent. is f t h e nrr? l y n o n e finca owner. The only agricultor in the finca Atirro It may be noted that v;hereas there are a number of heads in San Juan Sur occupied t> rimarily with housework, there are in Atirro, and while all are gainfully employed in Atirro, there are two unemployed heads in San Juan Sur. The somewhat greater division of labor in Atirro is evidenced in the greater variety of occupations pursued when compared with San Juan Sur. In both localities the lack of professional and manufacturing type occupations is significant. The majority of the occupations listed in both communities call for a minimum of skill. Income distribution. Basic to any comparison of two different type communities such as Atirro and San Juan Sur is an analysis of income. The importance of income is illustrated by its relationship to the level of liv— generally, in a money economy, the higher the income of a people, the higher their level of living. Income directly influences the family's satisfaction of its basic economic needs— the extent to which the family members are adequately clothed, housed, fed, and their health needs cared for. Socially it is a factor Recognizing the difficulty of obtaining complete and accurate in­ f o r m tion concerning the incomes of people generally, emphasis was placed upon, mi considerable time spent in ascertaining the incomes of the fam­ ilies living in the two localites. In Atirro where nearly all are day workers, the daily rate of pay combined with the number of days worked a week was first ascertained to calculate the weekly wage. ,/hen the worker indicated he had been employed consistently during the ".receding twelve-month period, and at the daily rate of pay currently being received, the weekly income was multiplied by 52 in order to ascertain his yearly income. If he had worked for only a portion of the stated twelve-month pe­ riod, his income was calculated according to the number of weeks actually worked. Although calculation such as this tends to give an optimistic es­ timate of the income, when the hacienda payroll sheets were checked for different weeks during the specified twelve-month period, the workers' rites of pay were found to be the same as the informants had indicated, and their weekly pay checks were very little less than indicated by the calculations based upon the information obtained from the families. All other -possible sources of family income such as the net gain which accrued from the sale of produce raised by some of the families on their little "finquitas cedidas" v/ere investigated, and added to the income 207 11 received from the hacienda. With those families in 3an Juan bur who pursue the occupation of jurnalero the sane method of determining income was used as that described for Atirro. For the considerable proportion of agricultores and those of other occupations, however, different approaches had to be utilised. While the technique utilized in Atirro tended to give slightly opti­ mistic estimates, the farmers of San Juan Sur were somewhat conservative in estimating their incomes— not through hesitancy to state their incomes but in remembering the various sources of income. To counteract this, a method was devised which consisted of making up. a list of all the various farm products raised in the region and the types of domesticated animals found there. 'With every family that had any animals or agricultural cultivations, the list was used in asking for each item: (l) If the family had produced any during the preceding twelve-month period, (2) if they had sold any portion of that produced, (3 ) the income received from the portion sold, and (4) the expenses involved in its produc­ tion and marketing. From this information, the net income was ascertained for each item and a summation of these resulted in the total income from the farm prod­ ucts marketed., The incomes of those engaged in occupations other than joraalero urd ugricultor, in both communities, were determined by the use of tech­ niques most readily applicable to the particular situations. 11 This method of determining income in Atirro was adopted after con­ siderable experimentation as to which was the most effective and accurate method. A 208 An analysis of Table 73 with reference to the distribution of ino?y. of families living in the two different localities reveals a con­ siderable degree of similarity between the incomes of those living in the t;;o c onuriunitj.es. i3oth communities represent a fairly wide distribution with families falling into nearly every level of income from 0 to 499 to 10,000 and above. In actuality, the disparity of income between the top and bottom groups is much greater in Atirro than Kan Juan Sur. There is no one in San Juan Sur v/ho arr'-where near approaches the wealth of the finca owner and commissary owner. The most well-to-do people in San Juan our dress in a similar man­ ner and live in the same tyne of dwelling as other peasant farmers in the community. In both localities, the category in which the greatest number of fam­ ilies are found Is that from 1,000 to 1,499. A calculation of the median ~•:como for each community reveals the same similarity with the median in­ come of the families living in ban Juan Sur being 1,993*48 colones. While the income distribution itself shows a remarkable equality of income of the families living in the two localities, there are other fac­ tors that should be noted in evaluating the economic status of the fam­ ilies such as: The fact that 81.33 per cent of the families in ban Juan bur (1) el r,her own, rent, or have cedida fine s or fincuitas compared to 26.67 per c<.-nt in Atirro. trxe people• These land holdings provide food, as ’well as income for In ban Juan bur, the major -art of the families 3upply a large proportion of their food needs at home through the fooastuffs they produce TABLE 73 INCOME DISTRIBUTION OF THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA ; Level cxf Income San Juan Sur Atirro * No. Pet. No. Pet. : ; 0-499 1 1.67 1 1.33 ; ; 500-999 2 3.33 4 5.33 ; ; 1,000-1,499 16 26.67 23 30.67 ; ; 1,500-1,999 11 18.33 10 13.33 ; 2,000-2,499 6 10.00 11 14.67 ; ; 2,500-2,999 7 11.67 8 10.67 : ; 3,000-3,999 8 13.33 9 12.00 ; j 4,000-4,999 3 5.00 4 5.33 ; ; 5,000-5,999 2 3.33 ! 6,000-9,999 2 3.33 3 4.0° 2 3.33 2 2.67 ; 60 99.99 75 loo.oo : 10,000—and above j Total ; 210 and the animals they raise. In Atirro the situation is very different for Lin large majority of families, as this group must purchase everthing they consume. Therefore, while the distribution of actual cash incomes for familie: living in the two communities appear to be roughly equivalent, those in San Juan Sur enjoy the economic advantage of having a larger proportion of theia food supplied at home than do those living in Atirro. This becomes an es­ pecially important consideration in the realization that the majority of the r.eon family's income is spent for food. (2) The income estimates for those families living in Atirro w somewhat more optimistic than for those living in San Juan Sur. From a further observation of the Table one becomes aware of the large proportion of families having low incomes. Fifty per cent of the families in both localities have annual incomes of less than 1999 colones (v333.33). An income of this size necessarily imposes severe limits upon the families' satisfaction of even their most basic needs. This is aptly illustrated by a conversation with the head of a peon family living in Atir­ ro. According to the Informant, "a peon with a wife and five children need the following in order to have two average sized meals of rice, bean3 dulce, and tortillas a day; Kice — Beans Dulce Corn — 2 2 1 2 pounds ... 1.30 pounds 1.30 atado ...... 90 cuartillo .. .90 4.AO colones colones colones colones colones This amounts to 4.40 colones a day and 30,80 colones a week. The average peon makes only 4.00 colones a day or 24.00 colones a week, after the fifteen centavos is taken out daily for his social security benefits. 211 This still leaves the peon with such essential items as millc, lard, salt, o ..-.'ilea, soap, garlic, meat, clothing, and medicines to purchase*" Of the remaining 50 per cent of the families living in both local­ ities, 43 per cent in each instance have moderate incomes, 2,000 to 5,999 col canes, while 7 per cent have incomes that are very adequate 6,000 to 10,000 colones and above, from the standpoint of enabling the families to provide for the economic necessities of life. EDUCATION In making a comparison, it is important not only to understand the economic functioning of the communities, but also the educational achieve­ ments of the families as well. When people in other countries think of Costa Rica perhaps one of the first thoughts which flashes through their minds is: "Costa Rica, the country with more school teachers than soldiers." Of this fact the Costa Itican people are very proud. They have long emphasized education, and through the years have developed an educational system that is reputedly one of the finest in Central America. While the large majority of the people may not have what we would consider to be any considerable amount of formal education, a large number of them have at le ist started to attend school at some time or another in their lives. A3 might be expected, it holds true to a much greater extent in urban centers M a n in rural villages. In accordance with the constitutional laws of Costa Rica, the af­ fairs of the different school districts are administered by district boards 213 the school in Atirro i n d u c e s only graces one to four -while that of San dur : ■ncludos grades one to three. In some schools such as that of San Juan Sur which are handicapped by lack of sufficient teachers, the three grades are not taught every year, If i;i a given year in a small community there are more students that are ready to enter the third grade than the second grade, they will teach the third grade, and put the ones that would have been in the second grade b ck into the first grade where they receive a second year of training wlclc v/aiting. The following year, the second grace will be taught. This practice is followed because the authorities do not want the children to lose any tr .-.ining while waiting for the second grade, and at the same time it is felt that they gain considerably by talcing the first grade over again. In Atirro, the educational situation has been much improved since the new finca owners took over a year previously. who share the classroom responsibilities. They have two teachers These are paid by the finca as v.-cll as bjr the state and are qualified individuals. Age and grade of school pupils. As is revealed in Table 74, there arc forty-one children attending the school of Atirro with the majority of them (60 .98,0) being enrolled in the first grade. As might be expected, the proportion of children in the different grades decreases with each ad­ ditional grade. There are in the second grade, 24.40 per cent of the stu­ dents with 12.20 per cent being enrolled in the third grade, and 2.44 per cent comprising the fourth grade class. The age of those enrolled in the first grade varies from seven to TABLE 74 DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUPILS ATTENDING THE £LEi€KTARY SCHOOLS OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO AGE AND GRADE Atirro : Age San Juan Sur 1st Grade 2nd Grade 3rd Grade 4th Grade No. Pet, No. Pet. No. Pet. No. Total Pet. No , Pet. No. ; 6 • n1 3 7.32 1 2.44 4 : 8 6 14.63 1 2.44 7 17.07 : 9 4 3 7.32 i io 7 17.0? 2 4.88 ! ii 2 4.88 2 4.88 2 4.88 ; 12 3 7.32 1 2.44 1 : ^ Total 25 Q ril. /»I 60.98 10 24.40 1st Grade 2nd Grade 3rd Grade 9.76 Pet. Pet. No. Total Pet. No . Pet. 2 3.77 2 3.77 4 7,55 4 7,55 Q/ 16.98 2 3.77 11 20.75 19.52 n 13.21 1 1.89 8 15.10 9 21.95 3 5.66 4 7.55 1 1.89 8 15.10 7 17.08 3 5.66 6 11.32 2 3.77 11 20,75 2,44 5 12,20 1 1.89 3 5.66 2 3.77 1 2.44 1 1 1.39 2 3.77 5 12.20 56.61 18 33.96 1 8 2.44 1 1 2.44 2.44 2.44 41 100,02 30 6 11.32 3 5 5.66 9.43 53 100.00 215 twelve years, with the largest single age grouping being these ten years rid. The ago range of those in the second grade is the same (7-12) as for the first grade group with the largest single group being nine years old. When the median age of the two groups is calculated, however, those in the second grade are found to be generally somewhat older as indicated by their mean age of 9.60 years compared to a mean age of 9.32 years for those in the first grade. The age range of those in the third grade varies from nine to thirteen with the group having a mean age of 11.20 years. The one student who is attending the fourth grade is eleven years of age. In San Juan Sur, there are fifty-three children in attendance at school with the majority (56.61^') being enrolled in the first grs.de, Of the remaining proportion 33*96 per cent are in the second and 9.43 per cent are in the third grade. The small number in the third grade could well be taking the second grade over while awaiting the third grade course of study. They differ from the secona grade students in that they have already successfully com­ pleted the requirements for advancement to the third grade, whereas those in the second grade are barely commencing this course of study. The age of those enrolled in the first grade varies from six to thirteen with the largest single group (16.98^) being those of eight years. The mean age of this group is S.77 years. The age range of those in the second grade is eight to thirteen, with their modal age being eleven years, m d their mean age being 10.72 years. The age range of the qualified third graders is ten to twelve, with the largest groups being the eleven and twelve-year olds (3.77>° each) and the mean age for all in the third grade 216 category being 11.20 years. When the two localities are compared -with i’jforcnce to ago and grade of school children, it becomes apparent that in both, the majority of the students are enrolled in the first grade with the second most significant group in the second grade. V/hile 90.57 per cent of the students in San Juan Sur fall into these two levels, there is a slightly lesser proportion (85.35J) of the Atirro school children in these grades; though of the two localities, .tirro has the largest proportion of students in the first grade. The difference is due to the significantly larger proportion (9.56m more) at­ tending the second grade in ban Juan bur than in Atirro. The third grade of Atirro is proportionately somewhat larger than that of ban Juan Sur, and there is one student matriculated in the Atirro fourth grade while the school in San Juan Sur does not extend beyond the third grade. The age of those enrolled in the various grades in both communities varies considerably. While the age range for those in the first grade is somewhat greater in San Juan Sur than in Atirro, this is reversed in grades two and three with Atirro having the wider variance of ages in these grades. The mean age of those in the first grade in Atirro (9.60 years) is somewhat higher than in San Juan Sur (8.77 years), though in both communi­ ties the children appear somewhat old to be in the first grade. It i3 in­ teresting to note that as one moves from the first to the second grade in .-vtirro, the mean age actually decreases (9.32 years) rather than increases as might be expected. This is in direct contrast to San Juan Sur, where the mean age rises by two years (10.72 years) above that of those in the 4 217 le mean third gra.de age of children in both cornunities is ■raue being 11.20 years humbcr of grades of school completed male and female heads. An analysis of Table 75 reveals that while the majority of both the male and fenale heads of families in Atirro have completed at least one grade of school, their education for the most part has been limited. Approximately one-third of both the male (35*59;-j) and female (33 •33/-') family heads have not completed a single gra.de of school. This does not necessarily mean Lh .t they have never attended school, but that they have never completed e. i. of th reference to the percentage having never completed a grade ct:ool, but also with those having completed one, two, three, and four hilo the percentage of male heads who have completed five and of school (6.7C.J for each grr.de) is greater than for the female each grade), the proportion of female heads v.'ho have completed s of schooling or more (6.24#) is greater than for the males chcoiiiig or loss, while 93*21 per cent of the female heads fall into this c'-t' i;ory. lie ono male head who has completed more than six years of schooling ovmcr, and the three female heads who are also classified into Ir. San Juan Sur, the education of the male and female heads as indicated I 218 TABLE 75 NUMBER OF GRaDES OF SCHOOL COMPLETED BY THE MALE AND FEMALE HEADS OF FAMILIES IN ATIRRO AND SAL' JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Number of Trades of :'Chool Coraplet ed Atirro San Juan Sur Male Head Female Head Male Head Female Head No. Pet. No. No. No. Pet. 21 35.59 16 33.33 26 37.63 21 30.00 1 8 13.56 8 16.67 7 10.14 7 10.00 2 9 15.25 9 18.75 14 20.29 16 22.86 3 9 15.25 8 16.67 12 17.39 21 30.00 A 3 5.08 2 4.17 7 10.14 1 1.43 5 4 6.78 1 2.08 3 4.35 2 2.36 6 4 6.78 1 2.08 1 1.43 1 1.69 1 2.08 1 1.43 11 1 2.08 12 1 2.08 48 99.99 70 100.01 None Pet. Pet. n I s 9 10 Total 59 99.98 69 99.99 219 by the number of grades of school completed is surprisingly similar, heurhly one-b'nird of the male heads (37.o8;t) and the female heads (30.00;^) have not completed a single grade of schooling, though as the percentages indicate, the number of females in this category is somewhat les3 than for the males. There are approximately equal percentages of male ana female herds who have completed one and two grades of school, with a greater percentage of females having completed grade three ana a larger propor­ tion of males finishing grades four and five. Of the heaus of families, all of the males (99.99.>) have completed five g rades of school or less, while 97.13 per cent of the females are in this group. One female head has completed six grades of schooling, and another female head (the local school teacher) has completed nine grades. >Tnen the two communities are compared, it becomes apparent that they are v uite similar in many respects, with reference to the number of grades of school completed by male and female heads of families, such as: (1) In both settlements, the majority (rouglily two-thirds) of both the male and female heads of families have completed at least one grade of schooling. (2) In both communities, while there are a few noteworthy differences betv.een the education of the male and female heads, they are in the large, surprisingly similar. (3) The two communities are not only similar with respect to the level of education of male and female heaus but, when they are compared 'with each other, the large majority of the heaus are found to have very comnaruble educations. 220 (4) The vast majority in both areas have limited educations, as irtuic led by those in Atirro who have completed six years or less, and in baa Juan our by those who have completed five years or less of schooling. (5) The more educated individuals, (those who have completed nine ; ; r of school or more) in both communities are the educators, with the e:-:cfv-'tj on of the Atirro finca owner and his wife. lumber of persons who can read and write. As revealed in Table 76, slj."htly less than two-thirds (62 .71f») of the male heads of families in -Jxlrro c .n both read and write. TABLE 76 blETiubUTIOH OF THE KALE AND FEMALE HEADS AND Ob’ THE OTHER MEMBERS OF THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO WHETHER OR NOT THEY CAN READ AND WRITE • : Locality No. Pet.:No. • :Atirro • • • • • Male head : Female head : Other members : Able to :unable to:Able to :Unable torAble to :Unable to: read and :read and :read and :read and iread and :read and : write :write :write :write :write iwrite : 37 62*71:22 • :dan Juan Sur 43 62.32:26 Pet.:No. Pet.:No. • 37.29:23 • 37.68:44 Pet.:No. • 47,92:25 • 6 2 .86:26 Pet.:No. • SZ.Os's^ • 37.14:99 Pet.: • • 28.57:135 71.43: • • 32.25:208 67.75: Trie percentage of female heads who can read and write is 47.92 per 13 cent or roughly one half. It is interesting to note that while the male 13 In this Table only those individuals who have both reading and writing abilities are considered as "able to read and write.41 There was only one instance where and individual was found who could read but could not write. This v/as a female family head in Atirro and in the Table she arrears as not possessing these qualities 221 and female heads were relatively similar in the number of grades of school completed, a significantly lesser proportion of the women can read and write. An explanation for this may be in the greater usage made of their schooling by the male heads. They generally have many more occasions to util;! 7e thoir reading and writing abilities. A frequent explanation given by the female heads over their failure to read and write was the many years ol‘ lack of practice since their school days. When all other members of the families are considered, 28.57 per cent arc able to read and write. This percentage is necessarily low be­ cause it includes all the young children between the ages of 0 to 6, as well as those that are now attending school and have not yet mastered the art of reading and writing. In San Juan Sur the number of male heads (62,32;j) who can read and write differs from the number of female heads (62.86%) by one individual. As indicated, the majority of both male and female heads possess these abilities. When the other members of the families are considered, however, those who can read and write are in the minority (32.25%)• The same factors are in operation here as described for this group in Atirro to make the percentage necessarily lovr. V/hen the reading and writing abilities of the people living in the two communities are compared, a number of differences become apparent, such zis ; (l) While there is little difference in the educational levels of family heads of the two communities as measured through the number of grades of school completed, there are significant differences in reading and writing 222 abilities of the female heads. While in San Juan Sur the proportion of a l e and female heads (as might be expected from an analysis of Table 75) who can read and write is almost identical. In Atirro, however, the per­ centage of females possessing these abilities drops. (2) With reference to the “other members” of the families ban Juan bur oossesses a higher percentage who can read and write. This difference becomes still more meaningful v/hen it is realised that there is a greater proportion of children between the ages 0 to 5 (20.63% of the total population in ban Juan bur than in Atirro (14.52/b* of the total population) thus tend­ ing to lower the percentage to a greater extent than it would be lowered in Atirro. (3) In view of the limited formal education of the majority of the people in both communities, the proportion who can both read and write is Gui'prisa n g . Humber of families ivithout persons of reading and writing abilities. revealed in Table 77> 80.00 per cent, or four-fifths of the families in Atirro possess a member or members who can read and write. Of the families living in San Juan Sur, 90.67 per cent possess a member or members with these abilities. A simple comparison of the two localities reveals that one-fifth of the families of Atirro must depend upon sources outside their family group in the exercise of these important functions, while slightly less than 10 per cent of the families in San Juan Sur must turn to outside sources for this purpose. 223 TABLE 77 ;To 1EIBUTI0N OF THE FAMILIES OF ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR ACCORDING TO WHETHER OR NOT THEY INCLUDE PERSONS OF READING AND V/RITING ABILITIES Locality Families with Families with a/or person(s) of a/or person(s) of reading and writ­ reading and writ­ ing ability ing ability No. Pet. Total No. Pet. No. Pet. Atirro 4s 80.00 12 20.00 60 100.00 Can Juan Sur 68 90.67 7 9.33 73 100.00 Number of books owned by the family. An analysis of the number of books owned by the families living in the two localities serves to give a somewhat further insight into the educationals tatus of the people. 14 In Atirro, as indicated in Table 78, two-thirds of the families own no books 'whatsoever, while another 21.67 per cent possess from one to three books. Of the remaining families, two (3 •33/a) possess four to six books, one (1. 67#) possesses seven to ten books, one (1.6?#) the finca owner’s fam­ ily possesses twenty-one to forty, and one (1.67/i) the finca accountant possesses more than forty-one books. In San Juan Sur less than one-half (43•33/0 of the families own no books although 33.33 per cent have one to three books in their possession. Devon families (9.33#) possess four to six books, while five (6.6?#) possess seven to ten, one (1.33A-) possesses eleven to fifteen, one (1.33#) possesses sixteen to twenty, and two families (2 .67 #), possess twenty-one to forty books. + The books counted do not include the children’s school books which are loaned to them by the school during the period of their matriculation. 224 TABLE 78 LUMBER OF BOOKS OWNED BY THE FAMILIES RESIDING IN ATIRRO AND SAN JUAN SUR : : Uumber of books owned by family Atirro No. Ban Juan Sur Pet. : No. Pet. : 45.33 i : None 41 68.33 34 i 1-3 13 21.67 25 ; 4-6 2 3.33 7 9.33 .! : 7 - 10 1 1.67 5 6.67 : : 11-15 1 1.33 I 16 - 20 1 1.33 :* 2 2.67 : - JZ5 99.99 ..s : 21-40 1 1.67 : 41 - above 2 .... 3 .33 : Total 60 100.00 .. 33.33 .** . A comparison of the two communities reveals that of the two, Atirro has a significantly greater proportion of families who own no books. This may perhaps partially explain for the decline in the female family heads' reading abilities in Atirro as contrasted with t he lack of decline in San Juan Sur. Atirro appears to be divided into two well defined segments with reference to the ownership of books as well as in other phases of education already discussed. The peon group of the finca, which comprises the vast majority of the populace is largely without any books whatsoever or has only a very limited number. The finca owner and finca accountant families, on the 225 other hand, have a relatively large number of books. In San Juan Sur no such distinct division occurs. There is a grad­ ual decline in the number of families listed as the number of books oivned increases. Generally, not only does the percentage of families owning books in San Juan Sui- emceed that of Atirro, but also the number of books owned by families in San Juan Sur tends to be greater than in Atirro. While 90.00 per cent of the families in Atirro own no books, or possess from one to three books, 7S.66 per cent of those in San Juan Sur fall into this category, and while 5.00 per cent of the families in Atirro possess from four to twenty books, IS.66 per cent of the families of San Juan Sur fall into this category. While it is recognized that just because a family has books, it is not an indication that they read then, at the same time, when families who have as little money to spend as do those living in Atirro and San Juan our, and when they spend it on books, it is an indication of the value placed upon that book. RELIGION Although educational achievements and advantages of the families contribute to the functioning of a community; another general function is religion which, because of its importance to the lives of the people, provides a further basis for analysis and comparison. Catholicism is the state religion of Costa Rica, and is embraced by the vast majority of the people. Through the long period during which it has been the dominant religion of the country, it has become highly institutionalized and both its dogma and customs have permeated the laws, and traditional mores of the people. Today, evidences of its influence may be observed in the black cloth­ ing worn in times of mourning; in the holidays, which are nearly always of religious significance; in the homes where pictures of saints and other holy objects adorn the walls; at Christmas time v/hen the "portal" is erected depicting the holy scene; in the language expressions of the people; in the schools where compulsory religious education (Catholic) is taught; and in the laws of the country concerning marriage, which recognize only Catholic and civil marriages. From this it would appear that the influence of the church upon the peonle would be considerable— especially in rural agricultural villages, such, as Atirro and San Juan Sur, whei‘e the Costa Rican people themselves consider the church to have the greatest strength. There are, however, evidences that the religious dogma as expressed by the people, is not as effective a source of social control as might be expected. While the people m y know 'what the doctrine is, many of them express little reluctance to violating some of the more rigid regulations. An example of this was related by an informant living in oan Juan our, who is one of the oldest Catholics in the coirmunity. He stated that those couples who live together without hiving their unions sanctified by a church marriage are criticized by the people and are considered to be living in sin. He further stated that, "the Father tells us not to visit these couples, and warns us that when one of these persons becomes seriously ill to go and leave them alone, so that -when the devil comes to take their 227 souls, he will not seize ours as well." The informant stated that he has heard this all his life but has never once seen it occur— the bonds of kinship and affection are stronger than the teachings of the church in this respect. The comments of this informant indicate the informal social forces operating to deter couples from living together without being married in the church. Yet, though they are critized somewhat, first hand observa­ tions of the social interaction between those couples living as convivientes ana the other members of the community revealed no apparent ostracism. The people rlace their regard for the individual above the doctrine of the church in this respect as is indicated in the case of one person who was listed as a prestige leader of the community by the other families in spite of his conviviencia state. While all the families living in atirro profess the Catholic faith, there are three families in San Juan Sur who have joined the Protestant church. At first there was considerable criticism of this, but it finally died ciown ana regular visiting occurs between them and the other Catholic families of the community. A factor in this, however, may be the blood or m rital I'elationships as a large part of the visiting is done with their kinfolk. Today, possibly more important than the fear of being condemned to hell as a form of social control, are the customs themselves, which exert considerable pressure ur>on the people to conform, and a number of the peonle adhere to the regulations of the church not so much out of convic­ tion, as for fear of what others will think and say. 228 Of the two localities considered in the present study* the influence of roll~ion up ears to be of greater significance in San Juan Sur than in Atirro. As Indicated by Tables 60 and 61 concerning church attendance, trie Majority of the families living in San Juan Sur attend church more fre- ruontly than do those living in Atirro. Another indication is the greater number of convivientes in Atirro and the almost complete absence of criticism about them, while those in San Juan Sur do react in a critical manner. Still a third indication is the "devotion” to the "sacred heart of Jesus" which exists in San Juan Sur and of which Atirro possesses no counter­ part . The velas, the celebrations surrounding the day of the natron saint, the holy week ceremonies, ana the festivities surrounding the traditional Christmas celebration with its "portal," all provide opportunities for considerable social interaction, and are of social as well as of religious significance to the families living in both communities. An example of this -is the "vela de angel." When a child dies who lias been baptised but has not yet reached the age of responsibility (seven ye._rs), the people gather in the evening in the home of the deceased for the- vela of the angel. At this vela all have a good time. Some olay music, others sing, and the young folk may dance and play games. The songs, music, and games ire all cheerful and gay in spirit— but why shouldn’t they be, for the child who died has gone straight to heaven and it is said he is now an ngel. So it is fitting and proper that the people rejoice. 229 POLITICAL ORGANIZATION While indirect moral control is achieved through religion, the political organization through law enforcement guarantees the civil rights of the people. Politically, Costa Rica is divided into four major divisions: inces, cantons, districts, and caserios. prov The Canton of Turrialba, which is rart of the Province of Cartago, is divided into five districts one of 15 which is Atirro. In Atirro, as in the other districts, the affairs of the people are watched over by an "Agente Principal de Policia" (principal police agent). This agent is paid by the state at the rate of 150 colones a month and his duties consist of: (1) Seeing that everything is always in order. (2) Keeping the civil register (recording all births, marriages, deaths, etc.). (3) Notifying the general director of police monthly of the events which have transpired in the district. The superior of the Agente in Atirro is the Jefe Politico in Turri ilb 1 who holds the position of chief executive officer in the Canton. San Juan Sur politically is considered as a caserio,^ situated The district of Atirro includes besides the village of Atirro itself, pueblo Nuevo, La Cruzada, and La Lsperanza. ^ A caserio is considered to be a number of houses of citizens living together in a specific geographical area, watched over by a justice of the peace or a comisario. When the caserio is larger, but still lesser in size than a district, it is watched over by an auxiliary police agent. 230 in the central district of Turrialba. Because of San Juan Sur’s classifi­ cation as a large casario it has an "Agente Auxiliar de Policia" (auxiliary police agent) who is paid a salary of 118 colones a month, and is charged with the responsibility of maintaining order in the community. Aside from the principal police agent in Atirro and the auxiliary police agent in Turrialba there is no other political organization in either of these two communities. Though these officials constitute what might appear to be very lim­ ited executive branches of government within the two localities, it appears to be adequate for the maintenance of law and order. The mores and folksways serve as a basic regulatory force in San Juan Sur. While this force is of somewhat lesser importance in Atirro, the houses are grouped so closely together that the local police agent can easily keep an eye on most of the village. The tiny jail in Atirro has reputedly been used on rare occasions to lock up a disorderly drunk until he been little need for it. sobers, but beyond that Ban Juan Sur has no jail. is needed, Turrialba is used for that purpose. there has In the rare event one CHAPTER VI INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS CLIQUES AND CONGENIALITY GROUPS The informal groupings herein discussed may be variously referred to as clique, congeniality, friendship, or mutual-aid groups. They are small, very intimate groups of individuals who interact and participate together frequently in informal activities.^- They are fraternal in-groups, in which a consciousness of kind is felt among the individual members to a greater or lesser degree, depending upon their depth of integration in­ to the group. Importance. The eminent social scientists Cooley, Mead, and Sherif are but a few among the many who have recognized the importance of informal-association groups generally in shaping the personality and conduct of their members. Cooley, for example, considered primary groups (which included the family, the children's play group, and the neighborhood or community group of elders) to be the nursery of human nature. According to him, they are first both in time and importance, and serve to give the child sentiments of loyalty, fair play, ambition, and sympathy, which make 2 him truly human. 1 (Chicago: 2 Davis, Allison; Gardner, Burleigh; and Gardner, Mary, Deep South, University of Chicago Press, 1941), p. 138. Charles Horton Cooley, Social Organization, (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1922), pp 23-4» Charles 232 Mead sees the informal association between the individual and his family, in play, and other congeniality groups as being essential to the development of the individual's "awareness of self" and his ability to 3 take the role of the other (specific and generalized). Sherif points out that in the individual's interaction with the other members of his group, norms will arise, which when once established, will determine or alter the individual's experience and behavior in situa­ tions, whether group or individual. The individual's standards, attitudes, and status aspirations stem from and are related to his "reference groups" (groups to which the individual relates himself— for example, his family, 4 clique or gang, economic class, college, club, union, etc.). Social scientists generally have long recognized, and placed great emphasis upon the importance of the family as the basic social force in molding and controlling human behavior; but only in relatively recent years has there been a recognition of or any sizeable proportion of systematic research in other informal associations— clique and congeniality group­ ings— relative to the motivating and influencing of individual human be­ havior . These research efforts have been rewarding in illustrating the in­ fluence of these groups. (1) For example: Roethlisberger and Dickson's study of the human relations in 3 George H. Mead, Mind, Self, and Society (Chicago: of Chicago Press, 1948), pp. 135-222. 4 The University / Kuzafer Sherif, An Outline of Social Psychology (New York: and Brothers, 1948), p. 105* Harper 233 the Hawthorne Works division of the Western Electric Company. This study resulted in invalidating many of the previous basic assumptions held by management— specifically, that the worker was motivated only by the de­ sire for economic gain. The study revealed the importance of the small informal groups existing at all levels of the hierarchy in stimulating or discouraging "worker incentive," and in providing or failing to pro5 vide the worker with a satisfactory work experience. (2) Arnsberg and Kimball's study of the rural Irish community. This study describes the "old fellows" clique as being a tightly knit group of males of similar interests and tastes who served as the clear­ ing house of information and the court of opinion in which the decisions of the community were reached and the traditional knowledge of the peasantry was applied and disseminated. (3) 6 Loomis' study of the Dyess Colony in Arkansas. This study illustrated the effect of clique affiliations upon the morale of the in­ dividual families and upon their decisions of whether or not they should 7 move from the colony. (4) Sherif's experimental study of inter-group relations. This study of two groups of boys at a summer camp, experimentally selected and 5 F. J. Roethlisberger and William J. Dickson, Management and the Worker (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1939)j pp. 40-188. 6 Conrad M. Arensberg, and Solon T. Kimball, Family and Community in Ireland. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940), pp. 181-201. 7 Charles P. Loomis, Studies of Rural Social Organization in the United States. Latin America. and Germany (East Lansing: State College Book Store, 1945), pp. 51-7* 234 segregated, represents an attempt to include within a single experimental design the study of in-group properties and inter-group relations. This study illustrates the rise of hierarchical positions and roles in newly formed groups followed by a group structure which tends in time to generate norms peculiar to the group; and that in-groups thus formed when brought into functional relationships exhibit attitudes and actions, in relation to the out-group, relative to the harmony or friction between Q the goals of the two groups. Characteristics, The importance of these groups in setting norms of behavior for the individual members is directly related to the individ­ ual's feeling of identification with them. They are the only groups to which he has a strong feeling of belonging outside the family, and therefore, are, together with the family, largely responsible for the formation of the individual's personality, and control of his behavior. bound to his clique by the strongest of ties. The individual is 9 In case of misfortune, members of his clique are.the first to offer assistance or consolation, and in the event of achievement or good fortune, they are the first to give sincere congratulations and praise. Death of a member, or a member's grief will cause real sorrow among those of the 10 clique or congeniality group. - John H. Rohrer and Kuzafer Sherif, Social Psychology at the Cross­ roads, (New York: Harper and Brothers, 195l)> p. 397. 9 Davis, Allison; Gardner, Burleigh; and Gardner, Mary, Deep South (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), p. 169. 10 , Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural Social Systems (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950), pp. 133-4. Cliques and congeniality groups are examples of informal associa­ tion as is indicated by the following: (1) There are no rules governing the obligations and privileges of members or the methods of entrance and exit. (2) There is no regular time or place of meeting. (3) The group has no elected officers or leaders. (4) There is usually no specific stated purpose of the group. (5) custom rather than formal lav/s govern the relations Rules of 11 of the members. People are not born into cliques as they are into social classes. Their entrance into these informal groupings depends upon their desire to belong, and the willingness of the other members to accept them. The members of cliques and congeniality groups do, however, generally belong to the same societal sub-group and follow the same life pattern, with the activities of the groups varying according to the social class position 12 of their members. While the activities of cliques and congeniality groups may vary, there is expressed in all of them the solidary, converging interests, and short face to face communications which bind the individual to his group. Their most important characteristic is the unlimited responsibility of one for all and all for one. 13 11 W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Social Life of a Modern Community. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1941) , 'p. 351. 12 Davis, Gardner, and Gardner, op. cit. p. 147, and 169. 13 X _____ 236 PROCEDURE AND ANALYSIS With the essential characteristics of clique and congeniality groupings in mind, ways and means of analyzing the systems of inter­ personal relations in Atirro and San Juan Sur were considered. Clique leaders. As a means of getting at clique and congeniality 14 groupings, as has been done in other studies, the visiting patterns of the people had to be determined. From the standpoint of consistency and simplicity, it was decided to restrict this analysis to family visiting. 15 An indication of the predominance of visiting based on family as­ sociation is evidenced in the patriarchal type of family organization in which the husband may direct his wife in her associations with others as well as in the other phases of her life. When queried, one housewife in Atirro said that she never talked to anyone, even her closest neighbors when her husband was away. In fact, she stated that he had forbidden her to leave the house in his absense and according to her own statements she obeyed him implicitly. However, it was found that while the male is dominant in the family relationships, and many of the men place restrictions upon their wives, extreme cases such as this are the exception rather than the rule. Charles P. Loomis, Studies in Applied and Theoretical Social Science (East Lansing: Michigan State College Press, 1950), pp 85-14^• 15 With reference to the multiple-member families (two or more mem­ bers), visiting was considered to be family visiting if both parents partic pated, or if one parent and at least one other family member were involved. In a large proportion of instances, the family visiting, indicated in the sociograms, involved both parents as well as other family members. 237 To determine the extent and nature of family visiting, sociometric questions were used, some of which were the same as those used by Loomis— family visiting and borrowing— in similar studies, 16 and others were form­ ulated and adapted to the rural situation of Atirro and San Juan Sur. Different questions were formulated in an attempt to determine the extent to which the clique relations of the families extended through the various types of social situations. It was reasoned that if the families generally have one basic clique to which they belong, the names given in response to the different questions covering the various types of situations involving social interaction, would be essentially the same with the de­ viations being characteristic of the particular situation. All questions were carefully tested, and revised several times to insure their usefulness before their inclusion in the final schedule. These questions as they appear in the schedule are: 1. Which of the families do you visit most frequently? 2. In the event that you were to give a fiesta who arethe families you would want to invite first? 3» If you were to become ill who are the first families that would come to see you? 4. Who are the families in whom you have complete confidence and with whom you would feel free to discuss your personal problems? 5. Who are the families from whom you would borrow should the need arise? Charles P. Loomis, Informal Groupings in a Spanish-American Vil­ lage (Sociometry, A Journal of Inter-Personal Relations, Vol. IV, No. 1, February, 194^ pp. 36-51. 238 These questions served to single out the clique leaders and group­ ings when charted sociometrically. These clique groupings are centered around their informal clique leaders who in relation to their followers, exercise a disproportionately large influence in motivating group and in­ dividual behavior. Factors partially accounting for this greater influence of leaders are their personal qualities, value orientations, ability, and their greater number of contacts with their followers. Prestige leaders. 17 Although the fore-mentioned questions search out the clique leaders by indicating the number of visits families receive, they do not determine the prestige leaders of the community. In order to ascertainthese, the question utilized by Loomis 18 con­ cerning the people's selection of individuals to represent them on a com­ mittee was adapted to the rural culture under study. The adaptation (sociometric question No. 9 in the schedule) which proved most effective after considerable testing was the construction of a hypothetical situation in which the informants were asked, "Let us sup­ pose that here in San Juan Sur (or Atirro) a problem arose which affected all of your lives, and was of such a nature as to make your situation un­ bearable." "So you decide to meet with all the other community members and select from among your group three persons to represent you on a commission ^ Loomis and Beegle, op. cit.. p. 161. ^ Loc. cit. charged with the responsibility of doing something about the situation." "V/ho are the three individuals you would select to form such a commission?" After the names w ere given by the informant, then he was asked, "Now, which of these three persons is your first, second, and third choice?" A second question (sociometric question No. 1 in the schedule) for the same purpose— finding the prestige leaders— was composed following the results of an investigation among the rural people in the Turrialba region outside of Atirro and San Juan Sur from which were gathered the qualities these people felt their leaders should possess. This question represents an attempt to employ a different type of approach in singling out the pres­ tige leaders— being based on the local norms and value attitudes. In this question the informant was asked, "Among the persons with whom you are acquainted, who are the ones you consider to be the most capable, honorable, and active, and who concern themselves most over your difficulties and those of the rest of the people living in this area? These two questions concerning the prestige leaders as well as those concerned with the informal interaction patterns of the people were stra­ tegically placed throughout the schedule and were integrated with questions of other types in such a manner as to eliminate any tendency toward a mean­ ingless repetition of the names first given by the informants. As the clique leaders exercise informal influence in the daily lives of the various members of their clique groupings, the prestige leaders uti­ lize their positions of status in times of tension and crises to influence the community members as to ways and means of solving their communal prob­ lems . 240 The example of Maximino (No. 66 in the sociograms) of San Juan Sur who is the foremost prestige leader in the community' will serve to illus­ trate this point. When the seventy-five families living in San Juan Sur were asked which three individuals in the community they would select to represent them on a commission designed to resolve a community problem, fifty-nine of them selected Maximino, with fifty-four of this group list­ ing him as their first choice. While the man had a type of personality to which many objected, and though he stood strongly for one side of the controversy during the revolutionary crisis, and though he was not a major clique leader, never­ theless the various families listed him as their foremost prestige leader. To Maximino, the people give credit for obtaining their school house which they prize so highly, and for many of the other improvements that have been made from time to time in the community. He has been known to travel to San Jose to see the President of Costa Rica about matters per­ taining to the improvement and welfare of the community. As one informant stated, "Maximino is a very good man. When I had puerperal fever the night my twins were born he went from house to house gathering the people together to take me to Turrialba, then they carried me in my bed all the way down to the hospital." 19 Another informant who had lived in the community for forty-eight years stated, "I was reared in this pueblo and have found that Maximino and Angel (No. 39) are the only ones that concern themselves for the dif- This woman lived seven kilometers from the hospital. 241 ficulties of the people.11 Still a third informant remarked, "Maximino is the guayacan 20 of San Juan Sur— the man in whom the whole world has most confidence.” That Maximino concerned himself over the affairs of the community became readily apparent upon first entrance into the village. The first contact with the people was made in mid-afternoon at one end of the com­ munity. By nightfall the news had traveled all the ivay across the set­ tlement to Maximino (a distance of five kilometers) and the next morning he traveled on foot to Turrialba in order to find out the purpose of our appearance in San Juan Sur. The influence this prestige leader has exerted in times of com­ munity decision was evidenced in the 1944 national election. Maximino felt that Mr. Picado, one of the candidates for president, was a good one and vrould help the people of San Juan Sur in obtaining the new bridge they needed for their ox cart road. they vote for this man. Picado and 1 against him. He, therefore, recommended to all that That year the vote of the people was 158 for Mr. They subsequently got their bridge. Four years later in 1948 when the aid of Maximino was again solic­ ited in the campaign of Mr. Picado and his successor Dr. Calderon Guardia, he refused to have anything to do with the campaign or to vote as he felt the political situation was too corrupt. In this latter vote, the Picado- Guardia party failed completely in San Juan Sur. 20 Guayacan (Guayaco) a sturdy tree that grows in the region. This phrase is used to indicate that the individual is a stalwart pillar of society. 242 The oth ;e lu: ders of San Juan Sur indicated in the socio- [r-as received 2L} 18, 12, and 9 selections respectively. l/hile in San Juan Sur one prestige leader supercedes the others to a considerable degree, in Atirro there are two prestige leaders of fore­ most importance. The one, Karcelino (No. 68 in the sociograms} received 32 selections and was listed .by 15 of these as their first choice. The other, Anastasio (No. 88) received 29 selections with 8 of them being first choices. The other prestige leaders indicated in the sociograms received 20, 17, and 14 selections respectively. It is of significance to note that the families of these two major prestige leaders in Atirro are also the major clique leader families of the village with No. 68 having not only a somewhat greater prestige but also being the slightly more popular clique leader family of the two. In an effort to gain a better insight into why the various indi­ viduals chosen as prestige leaders in the two communities were selected, a number of families in each locality (10 in Atirro and 11 in San Juan Sur) were asked to state their reasons why they had selected the individuals whose names they had given in response to the question concerning the form­ ing of a commission. Their replies are listed as follows: No. of informants____________________ Responses of informants in Atirro 9 Honorable and respectable 9 Concerned for the welfare of others— the people and the community 6 Active and hard-working 3 Intelligent and capable 2 Carry out in good faith responsibilities encharged 243 to them 2 Serious, genuine, proper (fomales) 1 Are not hypocrites 1 Sincere 1 Progressive 1 Have greater contact with the rest ofthe people 1 Are correct in their manner of thinking acting and 1 Serviciales (ready to lend a willing hand) 1 More refined social manners 1 Are not charletanes (idle talkers) 1 The whole world turns to them when in time of major need No. of Informants_______________ Responses of informants in San Juan Sur 11 9 Honorable and respectable Concerned for the welfare of others— the people and the community 4 Progressive 4 Serviciales (ready to lend a willing 4 Intelligent and capable 2 Have superior preparation (schooling 3 Serious, genuine, proper 2 Are not hypocrites 2 Active and hard working 1 Charitable towards the people 1 Religious persons of good conscience with every­ one hand) etc.) 244 1 Will do no harm to anyone, but desire good for all 1 Young and healthy 1 Loyal 1 Humble 1 Treat all people equally 1 Possess the spirit of companionship— will always accompany one 1 Do not expect monetary recompense for their services to the people 1 More affable with the people 1 Have the facility and time for serving 1 Do not molest anyone in any way 1 Are not charletanes (idle talkers) 1 Have sufficient resources which enable them to give their time to an activity of the community 1 They have already served on commissions for the people and have done well 1 They are the principal persons in San Juan Sur It may be assumed from these responses of the various inforaants in both localities that their reasons for selecting certain individuals as prestige leaders are very largely in terms of the qualities which the individuals themselves possess. In both communities the informants placed a high value upon the ’'honorableness and respectability" of the individuals as is indicated by the fact that nine of the ten families informing in Atirro indicated this to be a factor in their selection, while all eleven families in San Juan Sur listed this as a consideration. Another quality 245 of almost equal importance in both communities -was "the concern for the welfare of others— both the people and the community'." These two characteristics were required of their prestige leaders by nearly all of the families informing, and constitute the major basis of selection for many. Other relatively important qualities in Atirro were active and hard working (6 families selecting); and intelligent and capable (3); while in San Juan Sur the qualities were progressive (4); serviciales or ready to lend a willing hand (4); intelligent and capable (4); and serious, genuine, proper (3)» It is of significance to note that in neither community did in­ telligence and capability rate anywhere nearly as high as being honorable and being concerned with the welfare of others. The informants emphasized these two qualities elucidating with reference to each of them. A difference of interest, is the relative importance placed upon "progressive" by informant families in the two communities. In San Juan Sur where the majority own their own homes and small plots of land and where community affairs are in the hands of the respective families, four informant families listed "progressive" as a factor in determining their selection of persons to serve on a commission encharged with the community welfare, while in Atirro where the entire community is owned by the finca owner and where community affairs are largely in his hands, small emphasis is placed upon "progressiveness" as is indicated by the fact that it was listed by only one family. While those of San Juan Sur place somewhat greater emphasis upon progressiveness than those in Atirro, there is a much larger consideration given to active, hard-working individuals in Atirro (6) than in San Juan our (2) as a consideration in prestige leader selection. In San Juan Sur two families listed superior preparation (schooling, etc.) as being im­ portant in the determining of a leader while there were none in Atirro w ho even considered this as a factor in leadership. This is interesting in view of the fact that there is a slightly higher percentage of children in school (elementary), a higher percentage of persons who can read and write, a greater proportion of the people who have been provided with their education, and a higher per cent of the people who own books in San Juan Sur than in Atirro. One other point of considerable interest is the lack of influence of religion in the selection of prestige leaders. Not one family in Atirro listed the '’religiousness" of the individuals as a factor in their selec­ tion, while only one family in San Juan Sur was concerned with this factor. This is further illustrated when considering the fact that one of the pres­ tige leaders in Atirro was, according to Catholic Church standards, born in sin (born of parents who were unwed), and one of the prestige leaders in San Juan Sur is living in sin (living with a woman to whom he is not legally wed). While neither of these two individuals were the foremost prestige leaders of the communities they were nevertheless men of consider­ able respect and stature. The positions that the various prestige leaders occupy in the com­ munity social structure seem to be determined to a large extent by the degree to which they manifest, in their individual behavior, the norms of their social group. The qualities listed above upon which the various 247 informants based their selection of the men to represent them on a com­ mission represent their own values and standards, and insofar as these are the same as those of the rest of the families in the localities, they represent the group standards, values, or norms. These prestige leaders are those who most perfectly uphold and manifest the norms of their social group. Personality factors do not enter into the selection of prestige leaders nearly to the extent that they do with reference to the clique leaders. This is partially due to the different nature of the needs these two types of leaders fill. While the clique leaders fill the more specific needs— needs of his particular clique, the prestige leaders fill general needs— those of the whole community— and do not have the personal contact in their leadership functions that the clique leaders do. That the value norms of the families living in Atirro and San Juan Sur, as represented by the above informant families, are also the norms of those living in the other rural settlements of the Turrialba region is in­ dicated by the effectiveness of the prestige question No. 1— ’’Among the persons with whom you are acquainted, who are the ones that you consider to be the most capable, honorable, and active, and who concern themselves most over your difficulties and over those of the rest of the people living in this area?"— in finding the same prestige leaders of the two communities as question No. 9. The extent of the agreement between this question (No. 1) and the other sociometric question concerning the selection of a commission (No. 9) is indicated by a comparison of the two with reference to the prestige 248 leaders appearing in the sociograms* TABLE 79 A COMPARISON OF SOCICMETRIC QUESTIONS NO. 1 AND 9 IN ATIRRO Prestige leader family number : Sociometric question number 1 Number of selections Sociometric question : number 9 : Number of selections ; *. 68 27 32 1 : 88 28 29 : : 86 23 20 : : 1 19 17 : : 76 17 14 : TABLE 80 A COMPARISON OF SOCICMETRIC QUESTIONS NO. 1 AND 9 IN SAN JUAN SUR 9 • : : Prestige leader family number Sociometric question number 1 Number of selections Sociometric question : number 9 : Number of selections : • :* 66 60 59 S • • : 61 23 24 : • • 1 39 .... 16 18 : • • . i 23 10 12 47 11 9 : ..... I INTERPRETATION OF THE FIGURES Visiting. Visiting provides the families of both communities with 249 their chief social activity, and their major form of diversion in life. It goes on almost continually throughout the various situations in Vtiiich the family members find themselves during the course of a day. A large part of this visiting is carried on by the family groups visiting in one another's homes. Analysis of Figure 6 reveals that in Atirro the large proportion of visiting is carried on between friends. There is comparatively little social interaction of this type betv/een relatives (blood or by marriage) and conpadres. This is partially explained by the considerable mobility in and out of the settlement with fourteen or 23.33 per cent of the fam­ ilies having been residents of the community less than one year at the time of schedule administration. There is, consequently, a relatively si mil number of related families, either church or kinship. Of the 174 visits graphically depicted in the sociogram, only eight or 4.60 per cent are outwardly oriented indicating a remarkable degree of integration considering the length of time a number of families have lived in the settlement. In the case of Atirro, however, the factor of geographical isolation must be taken into consideration when considering ''' talent of integration. The village itself is situated deep in the heart of the finca at a distance of 14.C kilometers from Turrialba and o.4 kilometers from La duiza which presents a barrier of distance to any large degree of visiting in these outside centers. There are other outside settlements— Fejivalle, Oriente, and Pueblo L'aevo, which though situated somewhat closer to Atirro than Turrialba and La duiza, hold little attraction for the majority of the families. Only ,PEJivi^tt_ Hr ■€) V * - r, #AM-. •C 5 V'vTf o ch uh cm P ^ i N T i Tc «El Hu i.f.< , . r> i T l : ...... .... r K 'S 'fS P t fl TI * H t o ; V 5 t5 Pf.M M O W T H — C R “ i -V4s:ioci:v.#.vs,2^ f i z isr O FIGURE 6 VISITING PATTERNS OF THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA 251 those who may have previously lived in these smaller villages and developed strong bonds of friendship or who have relatives there, are interested in visiting in these settlements. As indicated by the Figure, the various families comprising the comrnuni ty are aggregated into eight cliques oriented around and composing the two major polar bodies whose centers are families Ho. 68 and 88. There is also one small clique composed of three families, that of the finca owner (No. 99)3 the commissary owner (No. 93), and the commissary owner’s father (No. 41). As indicated by the visiting relationships, the third ranking clique leader family of the community is No. 42 who shows mutual visiting with 68 and though, with his followers, comprises a portion of this larger clique is nevertheless a clique leader of some importance. The associations of these latter families are largely directed out­ side of the community. Their social interrelationships within the communi­ ty are with each other, and the only informal social contact of this type that they have with the rest of the community is provided by family No. 11 who visits the commissary owner family. This visiting relationship is not reciprocal, however, as is indicated in the Figure. There is only one family in the entire community who is completely isolated from visiting contact with others (No. 67). It was the head of this family who explained that he remained apart from the rest of the people, and who was later confined for some time in the hospital for the mentally ill in San Jose. Another family (No. 37) who is almost a complete isolate as indicated by the fact that they receive visits from no one and visit only one family— 252 the informant's brother-in-law (No. 68) who is one of the major prestige and clique leaders in the community. The wife of this family further in­ dicated their lack of acceptance and integration into the community social life when she stated, "We are afraid to visit because the people here are very eccentric." In the system of social interrelations, as indicated by this socio­ gram, family No. 92 while being neither a prestige or clique leader family, occupies a strategic position. In any program of directed social change this would be a key family as is indicated by their patterns of visiting. The three families they visit (68, 88 and 86) are the three top prestigeleader families of the community, while two of these (68 and 88) are also top and the third is one of the more important clique leaders of the vil­ lage (86). One of the families visited, (88) are the parents of the fam­ ily head and this visiting is reciprocal. Family No. 88 is one of the two central cores of the community, forming the nucleus of three different cliques and being visited by mem­ bers of other cliques for whom family No. 68 is the nucleus. The head of this family is Anastasio, a quiet, unassuming, hard-working peon 55 years old who has worked in Atirro for 30 years. While he has had no formal edu­ cation and cannot read or write, he has by his own efforts learned the trade of carpentry and is employed by the finca in that capacity. He has acquired a couple of manzanas of land in El Sitio and in addition to his work as a carpenter of the finca he farms this "finquita" with the help of his sons, as well as another manzana of land which the finca owner has loaned to him for his use. 253 The people look to him as a friend and a man of respect and honor* Ho adverse comment was ever heard about Anastasio while there was some criticism of some of the other leaders. Although Anastasio was the leader, the influence of his wife should not be underestimated. Together they form a family unit that is congenial and popular among the other families. The wife being a shy, retiring woman did not appear to have too wide a circle of friends in the community, but is very well liked by the neigh­ borhood women. Family No. 68 is the main clique and prestige family of Atirro. The male head of the family is the leader both from the standpoint of prestige and clique but in this latter respect, again as in the instance of family No. 88, the wife also contributes to their popularity. Y/hile Marcelino like Anastasio manifests the norms of the group in his behavior he is in his personal characteristics a very different type of person. He is a confident, well appearing progressive man of 43 years. He is more affable in his manner than Anastasio and newcomers to the set­ tlement tend to become acquainted with him somewhat more readily. He lives at a crossroads in the central section of the community while Anastasio lives at one extreme end of the settlement. of schooling and can read and write. He has completed three grades He places great emphasis upon edu­ cation as is indicated by the sacrifices he and his wife are making to put their daughter through the secondary school in Cartago. She is the only child in Atirro currently attending the secondary school. Marcelino like Anastasio is a carpenter of the finca and like Anastasio he has a piece of land loaned to him by the finca (two manzanas) upon which he cultivates essential foodstuffs. 254 In addition, he is the newly appointed policeman of the settlement, the electrician of the finca, the local agent for the three national newspapers of Gosta Rica, and more recently became the local agent for Readers Digest Magazine of which he sold ten copies his first month and figured to sell twenty-five copies a month from then on. The first introduction to Marcelino*s family crone quite by accident shortly after entrance into the settlement. The people of the community as a whole were cool and suspicious; but by chance, however, one of the first houses visited was Marcelinos where friendliness and welcome were extended. Inside a man was eating breakfast and Aurora explained that he was a peon that had come to the finca looking for work that morning. Although neither she nor her husband officially had responsibilities with reference to these people, she took the man in, gave him breakfast and when he left, she gave him a colon to help him along his way. It was later found that thi3 incident was not singular for while she and Marcelino were struggling peons themselves they were known throughout the community as friends of the sick and those in distress. Aurora expressed the same vitality ex­ hibited by Marcelino, caring for her children, feeding three boarders, and taking care of their cow and calf. Her special ability was talking. It was soon found that if it was desireable to spread news rapidly about the community a word to Aurora would be sufficient. At the pila in the morning while washing with the ladies and during her daily visiting the news would spread. . A review of the sociogram with reference to frequency of family 255 visiting reveals that for most families in the settlement it is a daily, or at least a w eekly occurrence. no visits. Those circles without shading receive As the shading goes from light to dark the frequency of visit- ing received increases, as is indicated in the Figure by the clique leader families 86, 76, and 68 who were visited d a i l y b y a majority of their clique followers. With reference to 86 and 76 particularly, all but one of their follower families in each instance visited them daily. An analysis of Figure 7 reveals that in San Juan Sur the large ma­ jority of the visiting is between relatives— conjugal or consanguinal. While visiting between friends outnumbers that of "compadres," the compadre re­ lationships are nevertheless of significance. Of the 225 visits graphical­ ly depicted in the sociogram, only 19 or 8.4 per cent are oriented outward, indicating a well integrated social system. Of the seventy-five families comprising the community, only one family (1.33$) has lived there less than one year. The majority of the families are long-time residents of the community as indicated by the fact that over half the family informants had resided in the community for twenty years or more at the time of sched­ ule administration. There is ample opportunity for visiting over the mountain crest in dan Juan Norte, or down the valley in Turrialba since the distance to San Juan Norte is but two kilometers, and the people frequently go t o Turrialba on business or to attend churchj yet there is very little visiting carried on in either of these outside localities. As is indicated in the sociogram, the social structure of the com­ munity is composed of twelve cliques ranging in size from three to ten 42 64 76 - 49 48 » JT . 40 v 44 * 4 VM , 341 58 60 46 ftjjUAKVINAS 29 •30 *'*f* 70 27 f4W>UESViSj W tS V G t l £*DE*>5 —^ > v i »JT» i « « t L A T l O f t t » iM l&AJIOV AOWT} TOfAMlUCS VUITCOl Ki«SMI» (iLOOO 0« MARKIA4C) CMU4CH N I l A T l O M M P l 1 *0 » * 5 T5 »!«■ iHClj'v » f ------i n * i f *» i c i visits n « * o * t h — O* ! vi$(T» H» IXMTm to i vtiitt ft It w l t m — 4 V*SiT* »tl* TO MILT — _______ — H* O ro FIGURE 7 VISITING PATTERNS OF THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA \_n o 257 families each. The largest and most important of these clique groupings is that led by clique leader family No. 41. As is indicated by the socio- gram, not only is this clique large and in a strategic position in the system of interrelationships, but with one of its followers being a leader of still another clique, and through other interrelationships between the member families of the two groupings, there is actually a clique within a clique. If the clique of family No. 41 is considered in this larger sense it comprises fourteen families instead of ten. The "leader" in clique-leader family No. 41 is the female head, a woman of fifty-five named Ramona who has had no formal education and can­ not read or write. In a community where there are wide differences in the personal qualities of some of the strategic families, Ramona is the leaven­ ing influence. While some of the families may dislike others Ramona and her husband Juan like and appear to be liked by everyone. One of the hardest tasks at the time of schedule administration was to succeed in separating Ramona from her friends long enough to talk with her. The people would literally appear to stream in and out of her house during certain periods of the day. Mothers would come and bring their children to visit. As one mother reported, "the children love to go to Ramona's house and do so much more often than we do." Ramona's house is literally a center of the community, and aside from the visiting activities, other communal-type functions are carried on there. One day, for example, upon visiting the house it was found to be swarming with women and children. Upon inquiring as to the reason for such a gathering, Ramona explained that they had all gathered to make 258 tommies and before the day was over they had made hundreds of them. lianona has the only outside bake oven in the community and v/hen she bakes (once every two weeks), she starts early in the morning and with the help of neighbors bakes rolls and pan aulce (sweet bread) by the dozens. On these days particularly, the children collect at her home. Ramona is described as a lovable, kind, active, helpful elderly woman who is always helping others especially in times of birth, sickness, and death. Juan, her husband, is a sort of amateur curandero (herb doctor) who provides various of the families with remedies from time to time, while kamona is the main partera (mid-wife) of the community and has brought many of the babies into the world. That they are loved and respected by many of the other families is manifested in their selection as the god parents of approximately fifty children in the community. Family No. 39, while forming a part of the clique for which Ramona and Juan are the leader family, is a leader family in its own right. The male head, Angel, is one of the leading prestige leaders of the community as well as forming, together with his wife, a clique leader family. His wife is the community school teacher and together with her husband forms one of the most progressive family units in the community. Aside from the influence they wield among their own clique followers, their general prestige is considerable. When a new type of ant killer was introduced into the community, this was one of the first families to become interested. Their interest rapidly spread to others, and in a short time Angel had been delegated by a number of the families to travel to the Institute to buy 259 ant killer. So great was the demand that the available supply was soon exhausted. Family Wo. 34 while being a clique leader of considerable conse­ quence is also important from the standpoint of its strategic position in the social system. Though there are a comparatively small number of families primarily drawn into this clique, (4 follower families) the in­ fluence of this family extends to several of the other major clique group­ ings as is indicated in the sociogram. The number of different families visiting Wo. 34 (10 families) is second only to those visiting No. 41 (12 families). The predominance of visiting among relatives is particularly mani­ fested in an analysis of the two cliques whose leaders are families No. 72 and No. 48. In the first of these two cliques the in-group visiting is particularly intense as is indicated by the large number of lines running between the families. It is of particular interest to note that of the 22 in-group visits 21 of them are between relatives and the other is a compadre relationship. In the latter of the two cliques for which family No. 48 is the clique leader there is again considerable in-group visiting, and in this instance all visits made within the clique are between relatives. The male head of family No. 66 is the prestige leader Naximino who has already been described. In addition to being a prestige leader, Maxi­ mino is also a clique leader— among his own relatives. His clique is con­ fined to that group, however, and a close observation of the sociogram will reveal that the only outside clique with whom the members of his clique visit, is that led by family No. 72. They receive visits from members of 260 this clique and from one other family, who is a member of the clique led by ho. AS. As revealed by the sociogram there exists a basic cleavage be­ tween this clique of Kaximino's and a number of the other clique groupings of the community, insofar as visiting is concerned. The two smallest clique groupings in the community, that are lead by family No. 57, and the one centered around family No. 13 account for almost half of the outwardly oriented visiting in the community. Of the 19 visits outwardly oriented seven families in these two cliques account for eight of them. It may be further noted that all eight of these out­ wardly oriented visits are with relatives. A review of the sociogram indicates that the large proportion of all. family visiting carried on within the community is done on a weekly basis, 117 visits (57.35$). Of the remainder, 70 visits (34.31$) are daily, visits (6.86$) are monthly, and 3 visits (1.47$) are yearly. 14 It is in­ teresting to note that the majority of the daily visiting is in-group visit­ ing while the weekly and monthly visiting is primarily inter-group visit­ ing. It is of further significance to note that, in proportion to their numbers, visiting among relatives is g enerally carried on at a greater rate of frequency than that visiting which is between friends. A comparison of the visiting patterns in the two communities, re­ veals that in both, the preponderant majority (over 90$) of the families carry on their visiting activities within the confines of their own lo­ cality, thus indicating the presence of an apparently homogeneous, well integrated social system in both settlements. 1/hen considering the lack of outwardly oriented visiting in Aiirro, however, the relative geographical 261 isolation of the community should be considered as a possible factor serv­ ing to reduce somewhat the extent of outside visiting by the resident fam­ ilies . In San Juan Sur, on the other hand, the people have outside centers much more readily accessible to them. In fact, their business and religious activities frequently take them to Turrialba. Yet in spite of this greater accessibility of outside centers, the families visit very largely among those of their own settlement, thus evidencing a high degree of integra­ tion in a functioning social system. In Atirro, the majority of all visiting (120 or 68.97^) is among friends, while in San Juan Sur the major proportion (l6l or 71«56/») is among relatives— consanguinal or conjugal. A related factor is the greater mobility and resultant greater heterogeneity of origin of the families living in Atirro, when compared with those of San Juan Sur. Compadre relationships are not of too great importance in either community, but they are of somewhat lesser importance in Atirro (6 com­ padre relationships out of 174 visits) than in San Juan Sur (13 compadre relationships out of 225 visits). In comparison to visiting among rela­ tives and between friends, compadre relationships constitute the smallest of the three types. In Atirro the social structure is comprised of eight interacting cliques of families forming into two major polar bodies, with one group of five cliques being oriented around prestige and clique leader family No. 68 and the other group of three cliques being centered around the pres­ tige and clique leader family No. 88. The male heads of these two families 262 are the two strongest prestige leaders in the community, while they and their families also constitute the most powerful clique leader families in the settlement. While these two families do not visit each other, the multiple inter-groun visiting relationships between various of the fami­ lies in each of their clique groupings serve to knit them together into an integrated, functioning social system. In contrast to this, is the social structure of San Juan Sur which is comprised of 12 cliques ranging in size from 3 to 10 families each. The largest clique is of considerable importance not only because of its greater size, but also because of its powerful clique location in the functioning social system. While in Atirro there were two families which provided both the top prestige leaders and clique leaders, in San Juan Sur one family (No. 41) is foremost as a clique leader while another family head, (No. 66) is the most powerful prestige leader. In San Juan Sur the greater integration of the families into the system of interrelationships, when compared with Atirro, is indicated in that every family had at least one visiting relationship established within the community, while in Atirro there were three families who were completely outwardly oriented in their visiting and still another family was a com­ plete isolate, receiving visits from, and visiting no one. In Atirro as in San Juan Sur the leadership, both clique and prestige, is apparently a function of needs and norms within a particular given situa­ tion. The various leaders manifest the norms or standards of their groups to a high degree in their individual behavior which pertains to their 263 relationships with the other members of their groups. With reference to needs satisfaction, the prestige leaders satisfied the more general needs of the people while the clique leaders satisfied their specific needs. Where both types of needs were satisfied by one individual he became both the clique and prestige leader. The relative proximity of the houses in the two communities appears to be a factor affecting the frequency of family visiting within the com­ munity as is indicated by the fact that in Atirro where the houses are all grouped closely together, the majority of the visiting is on a daily basis (53.01$), with the remainder being done weekly (39.76$), and monthly ( 7*22$). In contrast to this, the major proportion of those families living in and visiting within the community of ban Juan Sur, where the houses are spread out covering a considerable area, do so weekly, (57.35$) although a considerable percentage participate in this activity on a daily basis (34*31$), and a few do so monthly (6.86$), and yearly (1.47$). Fiesta invitations. The responses of the families in Atirro to the question, “In the event that you were to give a fiesta, who are the fam­ ilies you would invite first?” indicates, as revealed in Figure 8, that the social structure of the community remains basically the same as for visiting, with some changes. The families remain oriented around their two basic prestige and clique leaders, with five clique groupings center­ ing around family No. 68 and three groupings around family No. 88. When the 166 visiting relationships occurring among the families living within the settlement are compared with those for fiesta invitations, it is revealed that 123 (74.39$) of these are exactly the same. From this 26 4 t.V''' 62 [47 f. 66 92V ias) 45 Vv* r>? h*))■i >#/ J74; ( ■f v*v Xs) 9 e v fa ♦j '' (i/f"• * F B < v- 'a .« » ua *o v >sj raa»<.'«n » i ■■■»«» fco O Q QB a t m i i i . C*W»CB BClA?'<»»t 44 / 46: 41 .60 34 • 56 30) 29 67l 70 ^ *0»ff ju » » « * * t i ^ 3 PAMILCS VISITEO 3 ov«» PRESTIGE le a d e r s -6 0 3 •5 -O ■ 2 FIGURE 9 FAMILIES RECEIVING FIESTA INVITATIONS FROM FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA 269 relationships are revealed to be exactly the same for both social situa­ tions. Forty-one of the seventy-five families comprising the community exhibited no changes in their social relationships, while another twentythree families indicated only one change. Only two families in the com­ munity varied to any large degree from their visiting patterns in their fiesta selections. These were family No. 33 with three changes, and family No. 34 evidencing five changes. Family No. 33 was listed by three other families as being among those they would visit most frequently, yet none of the families selected it with reference to a fiesta invitation. Family No. 34 was visited by ten fam­ ilies, but was selected by only six with reference to a fiesta invitation. A factor of significance, which appears to be at least partially responsible for the changes occurring in the social structure when visit­ ing patterns and fiesta invitations are compared, is the even greater im­ portance of relatives in this latter type of situation. Although visit­ ing is largely carried on among relatives, 71.56 per cent of the total re­ lationships, an even greater proportion of fiesta invitations are to this group (76.79$). The number of contact among friends, on the other hand, decreases from 50 (22.22$) visiting associations, to 36 (16.07$) fiesta invitations. There was only small change exhibited in the compadre re­ lations with the fourteen visiting relationships being slightly exceeded by the sixteen fiesta selections. Another aspect of the change occvirring beti^een visiting and fiesta invitations is the greater number of selections that are outwardly oriented, 13.39 per cent in contrast to 8.44 Per cent of the total visiting relations. 270 Of the twenty-eight outside selections, twenty-six of them are with rela­ tives, which again emphasizes the importance of this group with reference to selection as recipients of fiesta invitations. It should be noted, however, that not one family in the entire com­ munity is completely outwardly oriented in its fiesta invitations. A comparison of the fiesta-invitation sociograms for the two com­ munities, reveals essentially the same social structures as were noted in the visiting patterns. In Atirro, the families remain clustered around the two basic prestige and clique leader families, with No. 68 providing the focal point for five groupings while No. 88 fulfills this function for three groups. In San Juan Sur on the other hand, the various families are again arrayed into twelve different cliques with the followers of family No. 41 comprising the largest group. There have been some changes in the social structure of both com­ munities, however, which are the same for both communities with Atirro showing the greater degree of change. In Atirro 25.61 per cent of the fiesta invitation relationships varied from those observed with reference to visiting, while in San Juan Sur the p ercentage of change was only 23.79 per cent. In both communities the influence of relatives appeared more im­ portant in relation to fiesta invitations than with visiting. Although in Atirro the majority (61.33^) still Indicated friendship to be the only bond between them and their fiesta selections, the proportion of invita­ tions going to relatives (33.15^) was noticeably higher than for visiting (27.59#). 271 The same held true for San Juan Sur, where the families had already indicated a large majority (71.56/j) of their visiting relationships to be among relatives, by exhibiting an even greater proportion of associations occurring among this group with reference to fiesta invitations (76.79^)• Another aspect of change for both communities lies in the number of outwardly oriented associations. It should be noted, however, that while in both settlements there was a limited increase in outside associa­ tions, none of the families in San Juan Sur were completely oriented out­ ward in its fiesta invitations, while in Atirro there were four families. The percentage of increase in outward movement in Atirro, moreover, was significantly larger than for San Juan Sur. This may be partially ex­ plained in terms of greater mobility and lesser degree of integration in Atirro than San Juan Sur. Newly arrived families in Atirro may strike up acquaintances rather quickly because of the geographic isolation of the community, but when it comes to such an important event as holding a fiesta in celebrating the birth of a baby, or a child's first communion, etc.,. these people would turn first to their relatives in issuing invitations even though they may live at some distance in outside centers. In San Juan Sur, where the people, in comparison with those of Atir­ ro, have comparatively ready access to outside centers, this factor operates to a much more limited extent. Sick calls. As indicated in Figure 10, the responses of families in Atirro to the question, "If you were to become ill, who are the first 58 82 63 47 59) 60 36, .49 88 70 8t C91y K.\ 8b 44 77 84 90 72 98 76 F A M *.iE S V IS IT E D 9 - owe* PRESTIGE LEADERS 6-8 3• 5 0 - _ m 2 „> »Ck«r*o«SMPt (AJtAOV TQ M M L < 1 < IV M O «>*«*•>» ra u > o o o « » c m w h c m »ct Ano«i$M»e« i FIGURE 10 FAMILIES MAKING "SICK CALLS" TO FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA 273 fa; dlies who would come to see you?" reveal the social structure to be essentially the same as that evidenced with reference to visiting, and fiesta invitations. While there are some changes occurring in the lines of relationship, 68 and 88 remain the two core families ax-ound which the cliques are clustered. Here again, as in visiting, the relative isolation of the small finca owner and commissary owner clique grouping in the com­ munity's system of interrelations is made manifest. A comparative analysis of these sick-call relationships with those pertaining to visiting reveal that 74.30 per cent of all patterns of as­ sociation between the various individual families remain the same in the two social situations. Generally speaking, those whom the people visit most frequently are the ones who come first to see them in times of sickness. Of the sixty families, thirty-one (51.67/0 evidenced no change in any of their relation­ ships for the two situations while another eighteen (30.005$) indicated only one change. There was only one family in the entire community (No. 68) who evidenced more than two changes between the two situations. manifested here were largely in the nature of an increase. The changes Twelve fami­ lies indicated family No. 68 to be among those they visited most frequently while fifteen indicated that it would be among the first to come and see them in tames of sickness. This fact tends to substantiate Harcelino and Aurora's reputation as being "friends of the sick and of those in distress." Family No. 88 and the three cliques for whom it is the central lead­ er exhibit little change in their relationships with each other. Eleven families indicated that this family would be among the first who would come to see them in tines of sickness, while twelve families included it among those they visit most frequently. It is of interest to note that family No. 92, who in the t\^o pre­ vious sociograms concerning visiting and fiesta invitations consistently visited clique leader family No. 68 and occupied a strategic position in the community’s system of association, did not indica.te that family No. 68 v/ould be among the first to come and see them in times of sickness. This would tend to confirm previous evidences of a somewhat one-sided relation­ ship. The visiting and fiesta invitations were both from 92 to 68 without reciprocation on the part of 68. This combined with the fact that 68 was among the first families to call on fifteen families in the community (onefourth of the total number) in times of sickness, one of which was not 92, is also indicative of the nature of the relationship between the two fam­ ilies . Family Mo. 67, the complete isolate with reference to visiting, in­ dicated that families 68, 45, and 70 would come to call on them in times of illness, but none of the other families indicated that 67 would be among the first to pay them a sick call. The degree of integration of the various families into the communi­ ty’s social system with reference to sick calls is indicated in that of the 182 lines of relationship, 14 are oriented outward, with the remaining 168 being among those of the community. While this contact with those living in outside centers is somewhat more than for visiting (8), it is less than for fiesta invitations (22). In all three instances, the overwhelming pro­ portion of relationships are among those of the community. 275 The sick-call relationships, 92.31 per cent of which are satisfied within the community tends to emphasize the integration of the majority of the families into the local system of interrelationships in this partic­ ular situation. None of the families in the community are completely oriented outward with reference to sick calls, though one small clique, that of the finca and commissary owner is largely, as a group, outv:ardly oriented in this respect. The majority of all sick calls (65,38%) are made among friends. This is somewhat less than the percentage of visiting occurring among this group (68.97%) hut larger than the percentage being invited to a fiesta (61.33%)• The number of sick calls being made among relatives (28.57%) is slightly in excess of the percentage of visiting occurring among this group (27.59%)> while the number of relatives being invited to a fiesta exceed both these groups in proportion (33»15i*>). Compadre relationships play a relatively minor role here as in the other types of social situations de­ scribed with their number constituting 3.45 per cent of the total relation­ ships . An inspection of Figure 11 with reference to the sick calls made by the families of San Juan Sur, reveals the social structure of the com­ munity to be substantially the same as has already been indicated with ref­ erence to visiting and fiesta invitations. The importance of family No. 41 and its clique is amply portrayed by the sociogram. That it is the cen­ tral grouping in the system of interrelationships here, as in the previous sociograms, is illustrated not only by the number of families comprising its group, but also by the interrelations of those belonging to this clique 40 64 «6 /*• 36 30 ^ (2 0 ) 70 ^ 74 69 FAM iLtS VISITED 9 ovta -60 3 5 •02 PRESTIGE LEADERS _ nviNMpom mii ionotfi t« ro n u m c i iww «D000* C m*a* Q FIGURE 11 FAMILIES MAKING "SICK CALLS" TO FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN S U R , COSTA RICA with families in the various other cliques that compose the social system, 7,Tien this sociogram. is compared to that of visiting with reference to changes or similarities as indicated in their structures, it is re­ vealed that of the 206 lines of interrelationships compared, 155 (75.24$) remained the same for the two different types of social situations. There were 41 (54.67$) of the seventy-five families who evidenced no changes in their interrelationships while an additional twenty-two families (29,33$) indicated only one change. Of all the families in the community, only two evidenced more than two changes. The family revealing the greatest change was clique leader family No. 34, who was listed by ten families as one of those they visited most frequently, but who was indicated by only six families to be among those first calling to see them in times of sickness. This change, as illustrated by the sociograms, reveals not only a change in the size of its clique but also a concomitant shift in its position as a key family in the system of relationships. While it is still important in this respect, it does not hold the central position it did with reference to visiting. It is no longer directly connected with the size­ able clique of family 48 or with that of family 17, The variations (3) expressed by the other family, No. 68, was partial­ ly because of a change in size— seven associations in relation to visiting and six with reference to sick calls— and partially because of change in those families with whom it maintained contact in the two different situa­ tions . Intensive in-group association, particularly as it is evidenced in the cliques centering around families 70, 48, 65, 17, and 41 becomes apparent. 278 As is indicated by the sociograms, the large majority of this in-group interaction is among relatives. These cliques differ only in degree, however, from the interrelationships evidenced throughout the social structure of the community. Of the 225 associations, 75*11 per cent are among r- latives, 20.00 per cent among friends, and 4.89 per cent are with compadre relations. '.•/hen these percentages are compared with the sociograms for visiting and fiesta invitations the proportion of visiting among relatives is found to be somewhat higher than among the former (71.56/5 visiting) and slightly less with reference to the latter (76.79$ fiesta invitations). The in­ terrelations between compadres varies little, being highest for fiesta invitations (7.14$), folloitfed by visiting (6.22$), and sick calls (4.89$). The amount of association among friends varies proportionately with the changes evidenced among relatives and compadres being of least con­ sideration in relation to fiesta invitations and of greatest importance with reference to visiting. The degree to which the various families are integrated into the community's social system with reference to sick calls, is indicated by the very large proportion of relationships (90.22$) of this type, satis­ fied within the community. Although twenty-two sick calls are made to the families of San Juan Sur by other families living outside the community, not one of the resi­ dent families is completely dependent upon outside families in this re­ spect. When the three sociograms (visiting, fiesta invitations, and sick I 279 calls) are compared, the greatest degree of outside selection comes with reference to fiesta invitations (30 )> folloxved by sick calls (22), and visiting (19). The relatively small number of outwardly oriented selec­ tions in all three sociograms, combine in substantiation of the degree of integration achieved by the families of the community. When Figures 10 and 11 are compared it is revealed that in both Atirro and ban Juan Sur the social structure remains essentially the same as in the case of visiting and fiesta invitations, with substantially the same differences occurring in each case. With reference to sick calls, both communities reveal more outward movement than for visiting and less than that occurring for fiesta invitations . Both communities show a lesser percentage of the relationships being among friends in the instance of sick calls than for visiting, and greater than that occurring for fiesta invitations. Although the degree to which these differences occur from one to the other of these social situations may vary somewhat between the two communities, the changes, nevertheless are the same. With reference to sick calls Atirro is again oriented around the two core prestige and clique leader families with the position of No. 68 being somewhat further enhanced in this instance by the even greater num­ ber of selections it received. In San Juan Sur, the clique of family No. 41 remains centrally located from the standpoint of size and position in the social system. The clique leader family 41 appears to be of even somewhat greater im­ portance with reference to sick calls than in the other two types of so­ cial situations previously discussed. A point of significance lies in 280 « the fact that family No. 68 in Atirro and family No. 41 in San Juan Sur, both of whom illustrate a larger number of selections with reference to sick calls, have identical reputations as being friends of the sick and of those in distress. Each family in its own way attempt to help others less fortunate than they to the best of their ability. In both communities there is only a limited and approximately equal degree of ch -nge in the lines of interrelationshin when compared with visit­ ing as Is indicated by the percentages of all associations that remain the same for the two different situations— 74.30 per cent in Atirro and 75.24 per cent in San Juan Sur. Even from the standpoint of families, 51.67 per cent in Atirro as compared with 54.67 per cent in San Juan Sur remain ex­ actly the some through both types of social interaction. In both communities, the various families appear to be well integrated into the fabric of the locality's social structure with relation to sick calls, as is evidenced by the fact that over 90 per cent of all the inter­ relationships are in each instance among those families living within the settlement. >Jhile in each community there are a few families who are large­ ly outwardly oriented with reference to this type of association, there is not a single one of these families who is completely dependent upon those from outside localities in this instance. A large difference which has been consistently noted between the communities with reference to visiting and fiesta invitations, is the proportion of associations carried on among friends and relatives. In Atirro the majority of the relationships (65.36^) are among friends, while in San Juan Sur most of the association is between relatives (75.11/Q. In 281 both communities, however, the importance of compadre relations is relaIjvely minor with little difference appearing between them in this respect. Families consulted in confidence. The responses of the families in Atirro to the question "Who are the families in whom you have complete confidence and with whom you would feel free to discuss your personal problems?" indicates, as revealed in Figure 12, a social structure which, in its major aspects, is similar to that of the community ascertained from an analysis of visiting, fiesta invitations, and sick calls, yet which varies markedly from the preceding sociograins in a .number of instances. A comparative analysis of this sociogram with that of visiting re­ veals that out of 166 relationships 102 (61.45a>) remain the same for the two different types of social situation, nineteen families exhibit no change in their relationships while an additional twenty-five families evidence only on». variation. There are three families out of the sixty living in the community who evidence more than two changes in their re­ lationships. These are families 84 with three changes, 88 with four changes, and V* wi th nix changes. The changes manifested by family No. 84 are in the nature of an in­ crease. Only one family indicated No. 84 to be among those they visit most fre juently, but four families indicated that it was this family in whom they had complete confidence. The changes exhibited by family No. 88, which is one of the two most p rominent prestige and clique leader families in the cona unity, were largely a decrease in the number of families indicat­ ing them -when compared with visiting. Twelve families indicated this fam­ ily to be among those they visit most frequently yet only nine families 282 02 > -- 45 60 *0, 67 52 70] 44 86 85 48 86 73 77 VJ1' 90 72j 43 70i (9 9 V PRESUGE LEADERS FIGURE 12 FAMILIES CONSULTED IN CONFIDENCE BY FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA u * . selected it as one in whom they could express complete confidence. This same situation is evidenced with reference to family No. 68, the other major prestige and clique leader of the community, who is visited by four­ teen families and in whom only ten have complete confidence. Here, as in the foregoing sociograms, the greater stability of the clique relations of family 88 is made manifest, when compared to family No. 68. This is especially true with reference to the comparison of visit­ ing and fiesta invitations, and visiting and sick calls where in both in­ stances 68 expressed four changes while 88 expressed only one change in its relationships. These three families 34*88, and 68 manifest to a somewhat greater degree the change which is found to a minor extent among thirty-eight ad­ ditional families in the community. Family No. 88, for example, has only one clique that is definitely oriented around it with reference to con­ fidence, while there were three cliques in relation to visiting. Also to be noted is the greater independence of the cliques surrounding family No.68, As r> vealed in the sociogram there are a series of small nuclear groupings of confidence in the community. When the proportion of outwardly oriented associations are compared with those noted with reference to visiting, fiesta invitations, and sick calls, it is observed to be larger than in all the preceding. Seven fam­ ilies in the community are completely outwardly oriented with reference to families of complete confidence, while eleven others are largely out­ wardly oriented in this respect. It is of especial interest to note that the two major prestige and clique leaders are among this latter group. 284 The importance of the family in Costa Rican society, and of the familial relationships generally, is indicated in the tendency of a number of the families living in Atirro, to indicate relatives living in outside centers, some of which are at considerable distance from the finca, as the families in whom they have most confidence, and with whom they would feel free to discuss their personal problems. Though a number of these families evidence their "belonging” to local clique groupings, with reference to the other types of social situa­ tions discussed, their relative lack of complete integration into these groupings is revealed in their hesitancy to take the other members of their group into their confidence and to discuss personal matters with them. The importance of relatives to those who are partially or completely oriented outward, as families of confidence, is revealed in that of the 54 associations directed outside the community, 40 of them were to relative families. In spite of this increase in the number of associations among relatives, the relationships among friends remain for the community as a whole the most important type of interrelations (50.81$), though visiting among relatives has assumed its greatest importance here for any of the four relationships discussed (43*78$). Compadre relationships a re of ap­ proximately the same importance with reference to families consulted in confidence (5•41$) as for the other types of social situations already analyzed. An analysis of Figure 13 reveals that the social structure of ban Juan Sur remains very much the same a3 that evidenced for the other types of social situations previously analyzed* As indicated in the sociogram, 285 VT>0 MATA tA»T»«0 l°* fa M iL ie S « ' ■fO, V IS IT E D S 'A iria *« • | l « H O « 1 i n ' 1 IAMUW »Q f i a v f l V M ’ fCt •IMlH# Ml r>00 c** M M l « M | FIGURE 13 FAMILIES CONSULTED IN CONFIDENCE BY FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, C06TA RICA 286 the clique of family 41 is still the largest and most strategic grouping in the community, while the other eleven clique groupings occuny essentially the same positions in the system of interrelationships as in the other type situations. A comparative analysis of this sociogram with that of visiting, re­ veals that of the 206 lines of relationship occurring within the community, 160 (77.67%) remain exactly the same for the two different types of social situations. Of the seventy-five families, 43 (57>33%) evidence no change in their relationships while an additional twenty-four families (32.00^) experience only one variation in their relationships. In fact, the degree of change manifested when this sociogram is compared with that of visit­ ing, is the smallest of the three comparisons (fiesta invitations and visit­ ing, sick calls and visiting, families consulted in confidence and visit­ ing) . There are only four families in the entire community who have had more than two changes occur— No. 34 (5 changes), No. 35 (3 changes), No. 36 (3 changes), and No. 68 (3 changes). It is interesting to note that No. 34 has been the family evidencing the greatest degree of change in all the comparative analysis made thus far. V.liile it is a clique leader familv, its clique followers constitute a rather mobile group, with some associating with it in one type of situation, and others in another. This clique leader and his clique stand in contrast to the rest of the community’s families who manifest a remarkable degree of stability in their relationships as is evidenced in their relative lack of change when analyzed with reference to the different social situations. 287 In this particular instance, the changes observed in the relation­ ship of this family are partially because of a decrease in the number in­ dicating it to be a family in whom they have complete confidence (7), when compared to the number of families indicating it to be among those they visit most frequently (10). As an inspection of the sociogram will reveal the family has re­ gained its strategic position in the system which it held in relation to both visiting, and fiesta invitations, but partially lost with reference to making sick calls. It again serves the function of directly uniting a number of the more important cliques of the community, and of indirectly uniting still others. Family No. 68, previously mentioned with reference to the comparison of visiting relations and sick calls again manifested three changes in re­ lationships. These are largely in the nature of a decrease in association as is evidenced by the fact that seven families" indicate it to be among those they visit most frequently while five list it as a family in whom they have complete confidence. The changes occurring in families 34 and 35 are also, at least partially, as a result of a decrease of those list­ ing them as familj.es in whom they have complete confidence compared to those listing them as being among the families they visit most frequently. Generally, the comparatively limited degree of change manifested in response to this question, of such crucial importance jLn determining the degree of integration of the families into the community's social system and into their clique groupings, serves only to substantiate further the evidences previously mentioned of the stability of the clique groupings 288 and of their importance to the lives of the individual family members• The families of 3an Juan our chiefly evidence, that the families they visit most frequently, would invite to a fiesta first, and who are the first to make sick calls, are the same as those whom they would feel free about consult­ ing in confidence concerning their personal matters if and when the occasion should arise. The importance of relatives in relation to the families consulted in confidence is illustrated by the fact that of the four situations ana­ lyzed thus far, the proportion of association among relatives is highest with reference to this one (77.33^)• The influence of relatives is ex­ hibited further by an analysis of the outwardly oriented relationships* While the number of these relationships has increased somewhat in relation to visiting, fiesta invitations, and sick calls, with a percentage of 13.78 per cent, twenty-nine (93*55%) of the thirty-one contacts are with rela­ tives . The amount of association among compadre relations changes little from that indicated in the previous sociograms and remains, here, as in the other situations of relatively minor importance (5*33%)* A comparison of the two communities with reference to families con­ sulted in confidence reveals the most marked contrast in the degree of dif­ ferences evidenced thus far in the analysis. In Atirro, the social struc­ ture still remains, in its major aspect, basically similar to that mani­ fested in the previous sociograms. Of the 166 relationships considered, when this sociogram is com­ pared to that of visiting, 61.45 per cent remain the same for the two 289 situations. The same clique leaders are in evidence here as in the other sociograms, and the same families, 68, and 88, provide the polar bodies for those clustered into the various cliques within the social system. As the 3 0ciogram reveals, however, in spite of its basic similarity to the preceding Atirro sociograras, greater changes have occurred here than in any of the others. The number of changes in the lines of relationships, when compared with visiting, are g reatest, and whole cliques have shifted their positions. The number of outwardly oriented associations have increased, and particularly is it interesting to note that even the two basic prestige and clique leader families, No. 68 and No. 88, indicate that two out of the three families with whom they would consult in complete confidence live in outside settlements. In San Juan Sur, when the social structure, as indicated from an analysis of families consulted in confidence, Figure 13, is related to those characteristic of the other type social situations, it is found to be very similar. The clique leaders appear to be the same as those evi­ denced in the other situations, and the clique structure of the community remains roughly equivalent. The position of family 41 and its clique both with relation to size and their interrelationships with the other cliques is the same as that evidenced previously. When the lines of relationship for this sociogram are compared to that of visiting their similarity is revealed to be greater than for any of the other sociograms by 77.67 per cent. Of the seventy-five families, 57*33 per cent evidence no change in their relationships. While in Atirro the change is greatest in relation to the comparisons made thus far (38.55;^)3 in San Juan our it is the smallest (22.33,;}. The differences revealed here are important. While the sociograms relating to visiting* fiesta invitations, and sick calls, have revealed the ercLstence in both communities of clique groupings and of the tendency for these different clique relations to remain largely the same through the various types of social situation, when the relationships with ref­ erence to families consulted in confidence are analyzed, there occurs con­ siderable change in Atirro with a very significant increase in the number of families outwardly oriented largely to relatives, while the amount of change in San Juan Sur is even less than with reference to the other situa­ tions . This fact is important because the question hero analyzed measures th" depth of integration of an individual family into its grouping. V/hile in San Juan Sur the families further indicated the stability of their clique relations, and their degree of integration into their clique groupings by indicating generally that these were families in whom they held complete confidence and with whom they would feel free to discuss their personal problems, in Atirro a number of the families indicated a general hesitancy to interact upon such intimate terms with the members of their cliques. This is no doubt partly because of the greater hetero­ geneity and mobility of the people in Atirro, when compared to San Juan Sur, and in turn, serves as a further evidence of the greater homogeneity, and integration evidenced by the families living in San Juan Sur. In Atirro it is interesting to note that clique leader family No. 88 appears to have a much more stable and integrated relationship with his clique followers, as evidenced in the relative lack of change, than clique leader family Ho. 68. In the three comparative situations No. 68 has been notable in that within each situation the changes occurring in its rela­ tionships are the largest for the community, while No. 88 appears in only one instance to have more than t\^o changes in its relationships. While the cliques in San Juan Sur generally evidences more stability and in­ tegration as indicated by the lack of change, a strikingly parallel situa­ tion is observed. The relationships between clicue leader family No. 41 and their large group of clique followers are remarkably stable as is indicated by the fact that in none of the three comparative situations was there ob­ served more than two changes out of all the various lines of relationship. Clique leader No. 34 on the other hand who has a smaller group of followers, and who in most instances occupies a strategic position in the system of relationships, is singular in that in all three comparisons the changes occurring in its relationships with followers are the greatest for any family in the community. This family appears to occupy a peculiar po­ sition having a portion of its clique grouping changing with each of the different types of social situations. When the extent to which the people are integrated into their com­ munity’s social system with reference to this particular social situa­ tion is considered, it is revealed that in Atirro a significantly larger proportion of the relationships are outward oriented (29.19^) than in San Juan Sur (13 .78,2) • Of the families living in Atirro 11.67 per cent are completely outwardly oriented in this respect and 30.00 per cent are either 292 completely or majority dependent upon outside contact. In San Juan Sur, on the other hand, only 1.33 per cent of the families depend completely upon outside associations and only 8.00 per cent are either completely or primarily dependent upon relationships outside the community. A comparison of the relative importance of the various types of relationships existing within the two communities reveals that in both the proportion of association among relatives is greater than for any other social situation thus far analyzed but they differ in that in spite of the greater importance of association among relatives in this respect, in Atirro the majority of relationships is still among friends. In San Juan our where the major part of the associations have consistently been between relatives the percentage is even slightly higher. It is interesting to note the effect of the trend on the part of the families in both communities to turn to outside relative families in confidential consultations upon creating a greater proportion of visiting among, relatives. In San Juan Sur the effect is negligible but in Atirro it is of considerable importance. The proportion of campadre relations is approximately equivalent for the two communities and remains negligible in both instances. Borrowing patterns. An analysis of the responses of families liv­ ing In Atirro to the question "Who are the families from whom you would borrow should the need arise?" reveals the social structure of the com­ munity to be basically the same as for the other types of social situa­ tions discussed. As may be noted in Figure 14, the clique leaders in this as in the other sociograms are the same generally, with families No. 68 293 97' 56 63 82 V8v 49] 66 m 36 / /.© fSot 73 65 74 33 90 53, 98 P P f 5 T iG f I f a :t FIGURE 14 FAMILIES FROM Mia: THE FAMILIES BORROW IN ATIRRO, COoTA RICA 294 and 88 occupying the central positions in the two major groupings that comprise the community’s social system. There has occurred, however, a number of alterations in the clique groupings as a result of changes in the interrelationships between the individuals comprising these cliques. When this sociogram is compared with that for visiting patterns, it is revealed that out of the 168 relationships occurring within the community, 112 (66.67a>) remained the same for the two different types of situations. There were twenty-five families who exhibited no change, and an additional twenty-Wo families evidencing only one variation. Of the seven families evidencing more than two changes in their relationships, six displayed three alterations each, and one, No. 68, revealed four vari­ ations . It is of interest to note that in the analysis thus far, the clique of family No. 68 has exhibited the greatest degree of change in each situ­ ation. A certain amount of this variation is to be expected because of the large size of its clique groupings. W henthis clique leader family and its grouping is compared with family No. 88 and its clique, however, the latter family is found to have an almost equally large, but nevertheless more stable group of followers. The changes occurring in the clique relationships of family No. 68 with reference to borrowing when compared to visiting do not lie so much in either an increase or a decrease of relationships, but rather a change within the clique itself with certain clique member families being replaced by others. It may be observed that in borrowing as in visiting, only one family 295 disturbs the isolation of the small clique composed of the finca owner, the commissary owner, and the commissary ov/ner1s father by visiting the commissary owner• The isolation of this clique with reference to borrow­ ing is interesting in that it is the only grouping in the community that has a large number of items which could be loaned. The positions of families 68 and 88 with reference to borrowing can be understood not only in terms of their position of leadership among the people, but also because of a slightly superior economic standing in comparison to the majority of the peon families. A number of the families in Atirro are sensitive about borrowing as is indicated by the following comment of one informant, "I have not borrowed, nor would I borrow from anyone. I would prefer to sell some of my belongings first, and I have done just that on various occasions." This hesitancy to borrow by some is further substantiated by the fact that some of the families indicate they would borrow from only one or two other families in the entire community. As might be expected very little borrowing is carried on with fam­ ilies living outside the settlement. Of the five outside contacts, four of them are from the small clique of the finca owner, commissary owner, and commissary owner*s father, and only one is from the peon family groups. This is understandable in view of the facility afforded these families— the finca owner and the other two members of his clique— to associate in clique groupings, and maintain contact with families in outside centers. Kost of the borrowing by this group is theoretical, however, for when these families need something they usually purchase it. The value of their in- 296 dications lies in further substantiating the general orientation of the group and of its comparative lack of integration into the community's social system. An analysis of reveal the bonds existing between those families borrowing that the large majority of all such association is among friends (73.Sl;i) with a comparatively smaller percentage .of contacts among relatives (22.62^), and compadre relations (3-57^)• When the borrowing associations are compared with those in relation to the other types of social situations, it becomes evident that the percentage of relationships among friends is highest and the proportion of association among relatives lowest with ref­ erence to this type of social situation, while the compadre relationships vary little from that An analysis of exhibited in the other situations. Figure 15 with reference to the borrowing patterns of the families in San Juan Sur, reveals that a significant proportion of the relationships have changed from those evidenced consistently throughout the preceding sociograms. When a comparison is made between this socio­ gram and that of visiting, it is revealed that of the 206 relationships occurring within the community, 116 (53.40/£) remain the same for the two situations. There were tv/enty-one families who displayed no changes in their relationships, wiiile an additional thirty families exhibited only one variation. There were, on the other hand, thirteen families who evi­ denced more than two changes with the maximum number of variations (4 ) being exhibited by five of this latter group. When analyzing the borrowing relationships of the families in San 28 ) (201 13 V*. ' 32 i59 3 9 J>-- •*( 2 3, ! 64 72 74 V.; 70 PRESnot LEADERS r^v. FIGURE 15 FAMILIES FROM WHOM THE FAMILIES BOfLRCW IN SAM JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA <6 0 298 Juan Sur, the influence of the geographical setting of the community at once comes into focus* The family houses, as previously described, are spread out along the main ox-cart road traversing the community, and along the auxiliary trails which are connected to it. In borrowing, a large number of families do contact members of their own cliques, as is indicated by the fact that slightly over one-half of all the relationships remained the same as those evidenced for visiting. On the other hand, however, much borrowing is carried on among neighbors who may or may not be clique mem­ bers. Borrowing, therefore, might tend to provide an indice of clique relationships in San Juan Sur, particularly where the clique members live fairly close together, but it does not necessarily measure clique relation­ ships. The crucial factor is distance. In a homogeneous, stable community such as this, where the majority of the informants have maintained residence more than twenty years, people know each other well, and though the closest neighbor family may not have membership in one's clique, they are the persons from whom it would be easiest to borrow. While there exists to some extent a sensitivity about borrowing in San Juan Sur, the homogeneity and stability of the community provides a background generally conducive to borrowing from a fairly wide circle of families. If it is a matter of borrowing from a neighbor 200 yards away or a clique member 4 miles away, the family in San Juan Sur vd.ll more than likely borrow from its neighbor. As a review of the sociogram will reveal, the importance of clique leader family No. 41 has decreased to some extent, with reference to 299 borrowing, while the influence of families Mo. 70 and. Mo. 34 has increased. A number of the cliques have remained very nearly the same in their internal social structure, but their interpersonal relations with members of other cliques have brought about modifications in their positions in the social system. That the families are well integrated into the social structure of the community with reference to borrowing is indicated by the lack of out­ side contacts for this purpose. Of the 216 borrowing relationships oc­ curring, 207 (95.83;°) are among families living in the community. None of the families are primarily dependent upon others outside the- community in this respect. When the amount of association occurring within the com­ munity, with reference to borrowing, is compared to that of the previous sociograms, it is revealed that of the five different types of social situations analysed, the families are least outwardly oriented in their borrowing patterns. Here as in the previous sociograins of San Juan Sur, the majority of all borrowing takes place among relatives (65.28^), though in compari­ son -with the preceding, the percentage is significantly les3. The pro­ portion of friends associating with reference to the borrowing activity, is greater than for any of the other types of social situation, while the compadre relationships vary little from that previously evidenced, and account for a comparatively small proportion of the total relationships (4.63/1). A comparative analysis of the borrowing patterns of the families living in the two communities reveals that in Atirro a significantly larger 300 proportion of the relationships remain the same as they were for visit­ ing ’./hen compared with San Juan Sur. While there were a number of changes in Atirro, the families generally tended to borrow more from those in their own cliques than the families in San Juan Sur as evidenced by the greater similarity of this social structure with that of the foregoing types of social situations. Two significant factors in this change which occurred within the tv/o communities relative to borrowing are geographical setting and mobility. In Atirro, where all the houses are grouped closely together facilitating borrowing from any family in the community from the standpoint of distance, the families tended largely to borrow from those other families compris­ ing their cliques. The fact that there is considerable mobility in the community operates as another factor in inducing a greater degree of clique borrowing. In Atirro, where the people are generally quite sensitive about borrowing at best, there is greater hesitancy on the part of a family to borrow anything from a new neighbor family even though their houses may be only ten feet apart. In San Juan Sur, on the other hand, there have been fundamental changes with reference to borrowing when compared with the other socio­ grams. Although slightly more than half of the lines of relationship re­ main the same as they were for visiting, the factor of distance becomes predominate. The houses (families) are numbered more or less consecutively going mainly from neighbor to neighbor throughout the community. The socio­ gram illustrates this consecution as it is aggregated into groups and goes from group to group in the spatial arrangement of the community. This, combined with the greater homogeneity and stability of the population are 301 forces operating to bring about a greater degree of borrowing from neigh­ bors. Because of these pertinent factors— geographical setting and degree of integration, the borrowing patterns of the families living in Atirro tend to provide a more accurate indice of clique relationships than those of San Juan Sur. The lack of outwardly oriented association in both communities with reference to borrowing is significant. The proportion of such outside contacts in each community is lowest for the five types of situations analyzed. This integration of the families in this situation is further occasioned particularly in the case of Atirro, by the distance to outside centers. The proportion of association among relatives in both settlements is smallest when compared to the other types of social situations. Although in dan Juan Sur, the majority of all relationships are still among rela­ tives, the percentage is lowest for the five situationsj and in Atirro where contacts among relatives have always been in the minority, the percentage, even so, decreases to its lowest point in this situation. Compadre relationships remain fairly constant in this as in the foregoing social situations and is true of both communities. This type of relationship has been comparatively insignificant throughout the analysis. SUMMATION OF ANALYSIS The analysis of the two communities Atirro and San Juan Sur, with reference to interpersonal relations has revealed that: (1) The social structures of the two communities, as indicated by the relationships of the families in the different types of social situations 302 analyzed, are significantly different. In Atirro, the large majority of the families are clustered into a series of eight clique groupings that form around the two chief prestige and clique leader families of the community to comprise the two polar bodies which in their interrelationships constitute essentially the com­ munity’s social system. The only other clique grouping in the community is a small clique composed of three families— the finca owner, commissary owner, and com­ missary owner’s father. This group remains largely apart from the re­ mainder of the community in their social relations, and are in the ma­ jority of cases oriented outward. The largest number of all relationships between the families in Atirro are among friends, with fewer being among relatives, and the least amount being among compadres. In San Juan Sur, in contrast to Atirro, the families are clustered into twelve cliques of varying sizes which are characterized by intense in-group interaction, and a lesser degree of inter-group association. '.ihile a number of the cliques are of considerable importance in the com­ munity, the central one, both from the standpoint of size, and strategic position in the social system, is the clique of family No. 41. The large majority of all associations in San Juan Sur are among relatives, fewer are among friends, and the least, similar to Atirro, are compadre relationships. It is to be noted that the proportion of associa­ tion between relatives and friends in San Juan Sur is opposite to that found in Atirro. 303 (2) While the social structures of the two communities are sig­ nificantly different when compared with each other, the interrelationships of the families in the different types of social situations remain fairly constant, particularly in San Juan Sur, and give evidence in both com­ munities of a social structure that exhibits no major variation in the majority of the social situations analyzed. The families of the two communities generally have one basic clique grouping to which they belong, and toward which they are oriented in re­ sponse to different types of social interaction. This is true to a greater degree in San Juan Sur where the stability of the community is emphasized by the constancy of the clique relations. In both settlements, the variations occurring relative to the dif­ ferent types of social situations were characteristic of the particular situation. When the four types of social situations— visiting, fiesta invitations, sick calls, and families consulted in confidence— were ana­ lyzed with reference to the constancy of the clique relationships, it was revealed that in Atirro, 30 per cent of the families exhibited no change in their relationships. For AO per cent of the families, 66.67 per cent or more of the relationships remained the same, and for 68.33 per cent of the families, 50 per cent or more of their associations remained unchanged. When San Juan Sur is compared with Atirro, an even greater degree of consistency is evidenced as revealed by the fact that 36 per cent of all families exhibited no change when the relationships for the four types of situations were compared, while 60 per cent evidenced that 66.67 per cent of all their relationships remained the same in the different situations, 304 and 82.67 per cent of all families indicated, through their responses that 50 per cent or more of their relationships remained the same. A factor which contributes largely to this overall difference in the degree of stability of the clique relationships in the two communities is the wide contrast between the localities with reference to discussing matters of confidence. In Atirro, as evidenced by the three other socio­ metric analyses and the analysis of borrowing relationships as well to a somewhat lesser degree, the families form into clique groupings that evi­ dence a marked degree of stability. When, however, the families were asked to indicate the families in whom they had complete confidence and with whom they would feel free to discuss their personal problems, the more mobile and heterogeneous background of the families living in Atirro became ap­ parent as indicated by the lack of sufficient integration of families into their clique groupings to enable many of them to associate with other clique families on such an intimate basis. Instead, the tendency was to turn to relatives in outside centers. In San Juan Sur, not only do the families evidence a marked degree of integration into their clique groupings with reference to visiting, fiesta invitations, and sick calls, but also in relation to families con­ sulted in confidence. The greater degree of integration evidenced by the families in their clique groupings resulting largely from a more homo­ geneous and stable background, is indicated by the fact that the families, generally, revealed that they would consult in confidence the same fam­ ilies with whom they visit most frequently, etc. The sociometric question concerning borrowing relationships, does 305 not disclose the clique groupings accurately in San Juan Sur. This is accounted for by two factors— distance and lack of mobility. (3) The large amount of social living \vithin the two interaction occurring among those communities, and the minor degree of outward orien­ tation are indicative of the extent to which these families have become integrated into their communal social organization. A CHAPTER VII SOCIAL CLASS ANALYSIS As an outgrowth of interpersonal relationships, an analysis of social class structure reasonably follows in the wake of clique and con­ geniality groupings. The purpose of such an inquiry is to determine the extent to which a class structure exists, the nature of it, and the man­ ner in which it varies for the two communities. As evidenced in the preceding analysis of interpersonal relations, the large majority of the families cluster into distinct clique groupings within which there is exhibited a considerable amount of social inter­ action. The number of relationships existing between these groupings is decidedly less, in most instances, than that occurring within, thus in­ dicating the existence of cleavages. The extent to which these cleavages exist varies with the different clique groupings. Insofar as social classes are considered as groups of individuals betv/een whom there exist barriers to intimate association, but within which there occurs considerable social interaction of this type, the evi­ dences provided from an analysis of the informal social structure of the two communities would appear to reveal the presence of a stratified so­ cial organization in each. The importance of an analysis of the interpersonal relations of the people as an essential criteria in describing the social class struc­ ture is indicated by Warner who in his Newbury Port Study*’ found that a 1 (Chicago: W. L. Warner, M. Meeker, and K. Ells, Social Class in America Science Research Associates, Inc., 1949)* 307 man's social class is determined by the company he keeps— that is, by his participation or association groups as reported by his acquaintances. Loomis found in his studies that kinship and friendship groupings (cliques) are composed of individuals of approximately the same social 2 status. Warner and Lunt in their study of Yankee City discovered that next to the family, the members of a clique are most likely to become members of the same social class. Although the differences in class status among members of a clique are more pronounced when compared with the fam3 ily, the cliques themselves draw fairly sharp class lines. In Yankee City, while the large majority of the families had but one class represented in their membership,^ the clique participation tended to be in one or two classes. 5 Their study revealed that clique membership ordinarily held an individual in his own class, or permitted relationships with a class above or below.^ They found, however, that cliques do allow upward mobile people to form intimate associations with those above them and thereby improve their chances of climbing. Methods employed. 7 From the foregoing, the importance of analyzing 2 Charles P. Loomis, Studies of Rural Social Organization in the United States, Latin America, and Germany (East Lansing: State College Book Store, 1945), p. 386. 3 V/. Lloyd Warner, and Paxil S. Lunt, The Social Life of a M o d e m Community (Mew Haven: Yale University Press, 1941), P • 90. ^ Loc. cit. 5 Ibid. p. 353. 6 Ibid. p. 355. 7 Loc• cit• 308 interpersonal relations as an essential criteria in describing social class status in a community is indicated. Although the statuses of those families occupying varying positions in the hierarchical class structure depend upon a series of factors, it has been observed that persons of similar social status in most cultures, carry on informal visiting or other types of social activities in clique or congeniality groupings composed of persons of approximately the same social status. In order to describe the class structure of the two communities considered in the present analysis, therefore, sociometric techniques were utilized in order to determine the actual patterns of social interaction. After a year's acquaintanceship, the social class structure could have been described from a knowledge of the people gained through continuing association, but being concerned with more objective and operational meth­ ods which might be utilized elsewhere, sociometric techniques were employed to reveal the status groupings existing within the two communities. While friendly visiting and other informal social activities tend to be participated in largely by those who consider themselves and are con­ sidered by others to be equals, thu3 serving as an operational means of ascertaining whether or not social classes exist, they do not serve to indicate which of the larger groupings (social classes) are ranked by the members of the community in socially superior and inferior positions, which is an essential part of the concept of social class. In an effort, therefore, to ascertain which of the families and Charles P. Loomis, Studies in Applied and Theoretical Social Sci­ ence (East Lansing: Michigan State College Press, 1950), p. 90. 309 friendship groupings occupied the different levels in the hierarchical class structure* and from a knowledge of the families living in the two communities as nearly as possible an equal number of competent judges were selected from each of the social classes existing in the two settlements. A total of ten judges were selected from each community. These per­ sons* separately and privately* were given a set of cards covering every family in their community. Upon each card appeared the name of a family jefe along with that of his esposa (wife) . had no mate* the one name appeared. In the event that the jefe Upon occasions the judge's v;ife or husband was present and at such times the resultant rating was usually the summation of their combined judgements. In such instances the names of both individuals were placed on the rating sheet. After a preliminary explanation had been made as to what was desired, each judge was asked to go through the cards and sort them into as many different basic social groups as he or she felt existed in the community ana to indicate the position of these groups in relation to the rest. After the judge had completed the procedure* he was asked to check through the cards again in order to insure proper placement of each fam­ ily. After each judge had classified the people of his community into what he considered was their proper grouping and had also identified him­ self in the classification, the ratings were placed on his rating sheet containing the complete lists of names appearing on the cards. The bot­ tom social group in each instance was considered as class 1 with the number of the group increasing as it moves upward through the hierarchical 310 class structure. It is of considerable interest to note that the ten judges in each community were all in remarkable agreement as to the number of classes that existed in their locality. It is of further significance to note that in Atirro eight of the ten judges placed themselves into the same social class in which they were placed by the majority of the other judges. With reference to the other two, one judge, a clique leader, rated himself as being in the second class. In this particular instance, however, the family is actually upward mo­ bile as is indicated by the fact that three of the judges besides himself placed him and his family into this group, while the other six indicated him to be a member of the bottom class. The other case in question is rather singular in that five judges placed this judge and her family in class three, four judges (including herself) placed the family in class four, while the tenth judge placed them half-way between classes three and four with the explanation that the marriage was unequal. The wife, a relative of the finca owner, belonged definitely in the fourth class, but her husband, according to thi3 judge was distinctly of the third class, and because of this he could never con­ sider the family as being quite equal to that of the finca owner. In San Juan Sur, nine of the ten judges placed themselves in the same class into which they had been placed by the majority of the judges. The tenth judge, family No. 41* who is the foremost clique leader in the community, placed herself in the third class while the other nine judges placed this family into the second class. The ratings of the various judges are graphically indicated in 311 Figures 16 and 1?. As indicated by the legend, those families who were designated by all ten judges of the community to be of class one (the lowest class) are solid black. The extent to which any family circle is filled in with a specific class marking represents the pronortion of the judges placing the family within a particular social class. Thus, for example, Family No. 60 appearing in Figure 17 was placed by six judges in the bottom class and by four judges in class two. Number 38 of the same Figure was placed in class three by eight judges and in class two by the ether two judges. In the Latin American countries, the strongest barrier to intimate association existing between the different social classes is that surrounding marriage. There is tremendous pressure exerted, particularly among those of the upper classes, against mareying beneath one's ovm class. This bri rier to intermarriage between the different classes becomes less strin­ gent as one moves down through the various classes in the hierarchical structure. Inasmuch as intermarriage tends, therefore, to be a crucial test as to the cod.stonce and strength of social classes, an analysis of this phenomena was effectuated in conjunction with the sociometric and rating technic ties. A3 each of the ten judges in both communities terminated the pro­ cess of classifying the families into the various classes which they felt u.is bod within their community, they were asked, "Now, let us sup use for a moment that you have a daughter who is about 17 years old and ready for marriage, into which of these groups of families would you like to see her 312 tarry for her happiness?" After the judges had dene this, they were asked why they had made this selection. Following this ansvar, they wore next asked to state why they had not selected one of the other classes, which they had previously indicated to be existent in the community. All answers as well as other pertinent comments were recorded verbatim as nearly as possible on the backs of their rating sheets. ANALYSIS OF VISITING RELATIONS ACCORDING TO SOCIAL CLASS AS INDICATED BY THE JUDGES' RATINGS Informal visiting has been selected as the type of social relation­ ship' most significant in revealing the actual interaction patterns in which families of similar social status participate. That visiting behavior on the whole is class typed, particularly among kinfolk, has already been in­ dicated by Warner and Loomis in their studies.^ Atirro. An analysis of Figure 16 reveals that the social structure of Atirro is comprised of four classes with the large majority of the fam­ ilies, 47 or 73.33 per cent falling into the bottom group. When this socio­ gram is compared with that of Atirro visiting patterns in Chapter VI, it is observed that though the spatial positions of the various cliques and clique members have changed, no less than six of the nine clique group­ ings comprising the community's social structure have remained completely intact -within the same social class. It is of especial significance to note that the two chief prestige 9 Jarner and Lunt, on. cit. p. 90 J; " l i * ylKO*WltQ , social , :las FAMI LI ES V I S U E O 2•Qvf -^-ST.OELEADERS * , . s .’ i n 5 * £ l a t i o * sm ips Cl a s s P ' V S jOn * s i t j roHyivic* yiiiTioi + K» indicated that they would prefer to have a daughter marry into what they consider to be their own social class groupings. There was only one discrepancy ob­ served be W e e n the rankings given the judges as to class status, and the rankings they gave themselves. This exception occurred with reference to one of the judges, a relative of the finca owner, who is considered gen­ erally as being of equal status with the finca owner, but whose husband is not. This judge considered herself to be of the top class, and indi­ cated that she wanted her daughter to marry within this same group, bhe did not consiuer her family, though most of the judges disagreed, as be­ longing to class three. One of the seven judges who inuicated that he would prefer to have his daughter remain in the same class stated at first that he didn’t care into what class she married, but later stated that while this was true, perhaps she had better marry into her own group for though she might suf­ fer hunger and lack of many accomodations, she would live much more happily. 333 Of the remaining three families, tv/o indicated that they would pre­ fer to have a daughter marry above their class, while one in class three indicated a desire to have his daughter marry one group below into class tv/o. One of the two families desiring to h /ve their daughter marry above their class was a class one peon family who desired more culture for the daughter, and the other family was upward mobile. It is interesting to note the recognition on the part of the judges in classes one and two of the barrier existing between them and the fam­ ilies in classes three and four. Wlille a number indicate in a wishful manner that they would like such an intermarriage, the large majority of the judges in these two groups feel that such a thing is next to impossible, and/or improper. This feeling is best described by the comment of one judge who said, "it would be wonderful, but it is impossible." That marriage in Atirro tends to be structured in a manner closely analogous to visiting is indicated by the fact that marriage above or be­ low one's class is usually limited to the classes immediately adjacent, and to be generally in one or tv/o classes, bven where judges indicated that they preferred the marriage of their daughters to be within their own class, a number looked upon marriage into the next higher status group­ ing with a degree of tolerance if not favor. The feeling of the judges against their daughters marrying be­ neath their own class is expressed by six out of the seven, who are found in classes other than that at the bottom. The responses of the ten judges in San Juan Sur as to which of the social class groupings they would like to see their daughter marry into 334 appears as f ollows: 1. A judge in class one would prefer that, his daughter marry into his own class, "los bajitos," because she would be happier in this group. He would permit her to marry into class two, but he would not be happy about it. 2. The same applies to class three— he would not approve of it. Another judge in class one would like her daughter to marry into the second class "el grupo mediano." Her second choice would be that her daughter marry into class three, "el grupo de los primeros." Abe would prefer that her daughter not marry in class one. 3. A third judge from class one would like to have her daughter marry into class one because that is the group in which she would be most happy. would If the daughter were in agreement, and if she would be happy, it be all right for her to m a n y into class two or three. 4* A judge in class two would like to have her to class three. daughter marry in­ Under no condition would she want her daughter to marry into class one, "because these persons have tarnished reputations— they are not people of confidence." It would be all right if her daughter married into class two, but she would prefer the third class. 5. Another judge from class two would like to have their daughter (this is a combined rating from both parents) marry into their own class because she would be more contented and happy. It would be all right if she married into class three, but they would not like her to marry into the bottom group. 6. A third judge from class two would like his daughter to marry into this same class. If, however, the daughter wanted to marry into class three it would be all right, but he feels that perhaps it would not v/ork out as well, and that it would be better for her to marry in her own group. He prefers that his daughter not marry into class one. 7. A judge in class three would prefer that his daughter marry in­ to class three. He definitely does not want her to marry into class one, but feels that if she wants to marry into the middle group (class two) it would be all right. 8. Another judge from class three would prefer that his daughter marry into class three because he believes she would get along better in this grouping. He would permit her to marry into class two, but by no means would he want to see her marry into class one. 9. A third judge from class three, a combined rating, would pre­ fer that their daughter marry into class two because they believe that the characteristics of this class are such that their daughter would be happiest muri'ied into this group. They state, "one looks for her line (class) that comes through her inheritance, and if she attempts to marry into a higher category, she would find that the life, customs, and preparation would be different and not conducive to her having a happy life. Their daughter could marry into class three, but for her background, it would be best to marry into class two. They do not want her to marry into class one. Such a thing would be very disturbing to them. 10. The last judge from class three would not like to have his daughter marry into any of the classes that exist in San Juan Sur. He would like to provide her with a little more education and have her marry a good, honest, hard-working, middle class man of the outside. In the 336 event that she married within the community of ban Juan 8ur, he would, like to have her marry into class three. He would not want her to marry into either of the two lower groups. An analysis of the responses of the judges in San Juan Sur re­ veal that the major proportion (6) indicated they would like to see their daughter marry within what they considered to be their own class. The -1 rankings which the majority of the other judges gave each individual judge, and the ranking that judge gave him or herself corresponded in all but one instance. This exception indicated that she felt her family unit to be a part of class three, while the majority of the other judges placed this family into class two. This judge indicated that she would want her daughter to marry from among the eligible miles of class three, and inasmuch as she had already ranked herself as a member of this grouping, her response is included among the seven who indicated their desire to have their daughter mai*ry within their own class* There were two judges who indicated they would like to have their daughter marry above her class while one judge evidenced a desire to have the daughter marry into a lower grouping. One of those desiring to have their daughter marry above her present class was a family in class one, while the other was of English descent who didn't feel that any of those living in the community were quite good enough for his daughter, and would prefer that she marry some good middle class man from the outside* The family who preferred that their daughter marry into a lower class was ranked by the majority of all the other judges and ranked themsleves as being of class three. This family philosophically indicated why 337 their daughter should marry into class two for her own happiness be­ er,use of a background which was more suited to those in class two than to those in class three. Marriage relations in San Juan Sur tend to be similar to visiting relations as is indicated in the fact that the both types of phenomena arc largely in one or two classes. While the majority of the ten judges indicate that they would prefer their daughters to marry into their own class, a significant number of these indicated that if their daughters should want to marry into the upward class adjacent to theirs, it would be all right. The three families who preferred that their daughters marry into a different class indicated adjacent classes to be their choices. The feeling of the various judges against their daughters marrying beneath their ov/n class is indicated by a consideration of the responses of the seven judges who are above the bottom class in their status po­ sitions. daughters The three judges in class two definitely do to marry into class one.The three judges the same as those in class two. Two of desire a marriage below their group not -wanttheir in class the judges in three feel class three do not but would permit it. A comparative analysis of the judges responses for the two com­ munities reveals that in both, the large majority (70%) would prefer to have their daughters marry into their own social class grouping. Generally, when they desired that she marry into another class, it was to one ad­ jacent to their own. The evidence would appear to indicate the similarity between visit­ ing relations and marriage relations in each settlement, with both being 338 class-typed (tending to be in one or two classes). The marriage pref­ erences of the judges and their accompanying comments serve to provide additional evidence of the existence, and strength of barriers to in­ timate association existing between the classes. In both communities a number of the judges indicated an inner desire to have their daughters marry up into the top class, but recognised the difficulty, or even im­ possibility of such a union. The great social distance between certain of the classes was partic­ ularly evidenced in Atirro. It is partially explainable through the wider divergence between the top and bottom classes when compared with San Juan 3ur. Another factor involved in the greater emphasis of the judges in atirro upon the status distinctions occurring is the comparative lack of upward mobility, particularly among those of the bottom group, in re­ lation to San Juan Sur. As indicated by the judges comments, in both communities, though the majority favor the marriage of their daughters into their own class for the daughters* happiness, they would generally not oppose a marriage into an upper class if the occasion arose. A number of the families in­ dicated their reactions by stating that their first choice would be for a daughter to marry into their own group and their second choice would be for her to marry into the social class above and adjacent to theirs in the hierarchical structure. The large majority of judges in both com­ munities were definitely not in favor of their daughters' marrying be­ neath their social class. There appears, however, an interesting difference between the com­ munities in this respect. In Atirro the judges generally oppose the idea of their daughter marrying beneath their own social class, while in dan Juan bur although the judges in the second and third classes generally oppose marriage with those of the bottom group, two of the four judges in the top class (class three) indicated that while they would prefer that their daughters marry into the top group, it would be all, right if they married into class two. In fact a judge and his wife in class three inuicated that they would actually prefer to see their daughter marry into class tv/o and that class three would be their second choice. In general, however, the findings in dan Juan bur and Atirro, as Indicated by the judges responses, agree with those of darner and Lunt, that in a class system, "a positive sanction is placed on bettering one­ self, making a 'fine marriage,' and a negative sanction on the opposite of 'lowering oneself1 or 'marrying beneath oneself.'" 15 The responses of the various judges, insofar as they may be rep­ resentative, reveal the desire of the people generally to be upward mobile, and to improve their status positions, but at the same time recognizing the existence of class barriers to this upward movement. By virtue of the fact that they express a recognition of these barriers, they inad­ vertently indicate cleavages that exist as a result of them. 15 Warner and Lunt, op. cit. p. 92. CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS Concordant with the objectives of this study, the data analyzed distinguishes the following: 1. That Atirro and San Juan Sur are determinate communities, bound by bonds of interpersonal relationships, in which a large number of the chief concerns of life are satisfied. They are communities to which the people consciously identify themselves as members, and through which there is a sharing of common interests and responsibilities. 2. That the institutional structure of both communities pertinent to the present study, consists essentially of the family, education, re­ ligion, and political organization. The family has been studied under three main classifications~as a family group, as a bio-social group and as an income and occupational group* As a family group it was determined that in Atirro the families were smaller in size and had a significantly higher death rate than those in dan Juan Sur. Also in Atirro there was a lower percentage of families having both parents and children, a greater proportion of individual mem­ ber families, a lower percentage of family heads being legally wed, and a significantly higher percentage of convivientes than in San Juan Sur. These facts are suggestive of a more loosely knit, and unstable society in Atirro when compared to dan Juan bur. In considering the families with reference to the length of time they have lived in the community and the types of land and house tenure, 341 the evidences of instability and stability as it is found in Atirro and ban Juan Sur are further substantiated. Roughly one-fourth of all the informants had lived in Atirro for less than one year at the time of schedule administration* while over 60 per cent had lived there for less than ten years. This is in contrast to San Juan Sur where approxi­ mately 3 per cent were new to the community within the twelve-month pe­ riod and where 69 per cent had been residents for twenty years or more. This significantly greater mobility of those living in Atirro is a key factor in accounting for the degree of instability characteristic of that communlty• One of the most effective influences affecting the degree of mo­ bility* other than that of interpersonal relations* and the basal root from which stem the major differences in Atirro and ban Juan Sur* is land ten­ ure. The large majority or 93*00 per cent of the families in Atirro are propertyless peons who work upon the finca as jomaleros. Only two fam­ ilies in Atirro own fincas and one family owns a finquita. In San Juan Sur the majority of the families own either fincas or finquitas. Of the seventy-five families in San Juan Sur, sixty-one or 81.33 per cent may be considered as peasant farmers. Relative to the contrasts of land tenure between the tv/o communities is house tenure. In Atirro the only family owning its own home is that of the finca owner. The houses in which the rest of the families live are loaned to them for the length of time they work on the finca. Whereas in San Juan Sur, 82.67 per cent of the families live in their own homes. As indicated by the data, actually more families in San Juan Sur own homes than own land which is indicative of the strong desire of the campesino to have his own little ,'casita.“ When the families were categorised into bio-social groups, dis­ tinguishing elements were found only in the age and sex analysis. The high degree of racial homogeneity found in both communities is evidenced by the 96 per cent of the families in each settlement who are of Costarricense stock (Indian and Spanish ancestry). The differences brought out by the age and sex analysis of the bio­ social groups are characteristic of the particular community. In Atirro where there are greater work opportunities and free lodging, the migratory unattached men are attracted and help to boost the proportion of males in excess of females in the upper age brackets. This would also affect the number of children and young adolescents of which there are prop­ ortionately less in Atirro than in oan Juan Sur. Concomitantly there are more persons in the productive age period in Atirro than San Juan our. In the more stable, less mobile environment of dan Juan Sur there is a larger proportion of its population in the aged group and those in this group are older. When the families were compared according to income and occupation, it was found, as would be expected, that the large majority of families in both communities are engaged principally in agriculture. In the opera­ tion of a large finca, however, there naturally occurs a division of labor which requires a greater variety of occupations than would be found in a peasant farmer community. The majority of the occupations listed in both localities need only a minimum of skill. 343 The cash incomes of the families living in Atirro and dan Juan Sur were found to be roughly equivalent. Nevertheless, the large majority of those in San Juan Sur have material advantages such as land holdings, animals, and home-produced foods not commonly found in Atirro. The educational institutions in both communities operate within a framework set up by national lav/ and are more or less comparable in serving the needs of the people. The school provided in each community is limited to elementary instruction. Religion, chiefly Catholic, in both communities may be described as only quasi-effective, though in comparison, its influence is somewhat greater in San Juan Sur than in Atirro. Catholicism as the state re­ ligion of Costa Rica has become highly institutionalized and both its dogma anu customs have permeated the traditional mores. As a means of social control, however, it is, to a large degree, ineffectual particu­ larly in Atirro, and the people of both communities stretch even the most stringent regulations. The relatively higher percentage of convivientes and the lack of criticism concerning them in Atirro as compared to San Juan Sur is in­ dicative of the greater breakdown in the religious mores thus relegating religion to a comparatively unimportant position as an effective means of social control. The stronger influence of religion, both Catholic and Protestant, over those living in San Juan Sur is indicated by the frequency with which they attend church, and by the "santo" which is passed among the member families. The families in both settlements have pictures of saints in 3hU their homes to which they pray and show reverence. The political organization as it exists in Atirro and San Juan Sur is also an expression of national controls instituted for the safe­ guard of the civil rights of the people. In Atirro, which has been po­ litically designated as a district, there is a principal police agent whc- sees tc it that order is maintained, keeps a recorG of al 1. births, marriages, deaths, etc., and sends a monthly report in to the political chief of the canton. San Juan Sur politically is considered as a caserio and as such has one auxiliary police agent who is encharged with maintaining order in the community. Though the executive branch of government in both localities is comprised of only one policeman, this is apparently adequate for the r.eeas of the people. 3. That the Interpersonal relations, as studied in five differing types of social situations remained essentially the same in the majority o: cases for both communities, with substantially similar differences being manifested between the communities in the various situations. The relationships in Atirro unveil two major clique leaders around whom are clustered a series of eight clique groupings. in this inst .nee, are also prestige leasers. Trie clique leaders# The only clique not grouped around the major leaders Is largely detached from the community, and is composed of the finca owner, commissary owner, and the commissary owner's father In Atirro, the largest number of associations are among friends 315 olicwed by those occurring between relatives, with the interaction r connure relutionshios being of least significance. San Juan Sur, on the other hand, discloses twelve cliques of varynr sizes characterised by intense in-group interaction and a lesser deree of inter-group association. The large majority of the associations are between relatives, olicwed in order of importance by friendship relations and finally comacre relationships. The degree of change exhibited by both communities in each of the ocial situations were characteristic of the situation ana the coEsaunity, rsd provided further evidence of the instability of Atirro in relation c the more stable society of San Juan Sur. 4. That tlu'ough the use of sociometric techniques combined with he judges rating techniques, the social class structure, as it exists r. .-.sirrc- and Ian Juan Sur is well defined in both instances. As indicated by the data, there are four classes existing in time, a:.a three in ban Juan Sur. It is of significance to note that ue ratings of the juages were in reaarkable agreement as to the number i classes existing within their community. The major prestige arid' clique leaser families in atirro tend to o cecas ^1^0 n*^ca as tne ms-ghest status grout an ".e - of the finca are found. The major torsion of those families classes three and four tera to be detached from the remainder of the mx*unity in their associations. By far the largest class grouping of :e ccmrnirisy is the bottom class (class one) which com;.rises the majority * 346 of all families living there. In 3an Juan our, the largest group comprising over half the com­ munity’s families in class two* Three of the four top clique leaders fall into this class with the other one being in class three. Out of the five prestige leaders, four appear as members of class three and one falls into class two. Although the statuses of the major clique leaders in the two communities are not generally as high as those of the urinary prestige leaders, the data suggest that in relation to their fol­ lowers, the clique leaders are those who usually tend to hold the rela­ tively higher status nositions just as the prestige leaders tend to be those who hold the higher statuses with reference to the whole community. The significance of a study such as this should be in providing information relevant to the successful introduction of desirable innova­ tions in underdeveloped areas of the Americas with facility and effective­ ness. Among other things, an empirical study of this type attempts to construct new techniques from basic and nroven principles, and to com­ pare the results with those ascertained through utilizing methods that have been effective in other similar studies. The methodology employed in this study could well be adapted to other cultures and environments for like nurposes— inducing change. In addition, the present studysharply outlines the differences between an hacienda and a peasant-farmer community with reference to a major variable— land tenure. The facts, as they appear, clearly indicate to some extent the role each plays in a democratic society. 347 The conclusions of this study tend to corroborate the contention held by Loomis and others concerning the sociological changes which occur when a people undergo the change in land tenure from peasant farmers to day laborers such as: 1. Pronounced differences in socio-economic status. There are four social classes in Atirro with the majority of families falling in the lowest class. In San Juan Sur there are three social classes with the large majority falling into the middle class. Economically, the peons of Atirro find themselves in severe finan­ cial straits, earning barely enough to eke out a meager existence. While the families living in San Juan Sur have cash incomes comparable to those of Atirro, they generally have the advantage of being able to supply a greater or lesser proportion of their food needs from their own cultiva­ tions and domesticated animals. 2* Development of personality and individual initiative is lost. In Atirro the dependency of the families largely upon the two chief pres­ tige and clique leader families seems to parallel their dependency with reference to life generally on the finca. The conditions of f inca life orovide little opportunity for progress or achievement, which results in a general decrease in incentive and interest. The peon family head can perhaps once remember When he was working towards the owning of his own little casita and finquita— but that is in the past. Now there is just the task of working to keep alive. In San Juan Sur on the other hand, there is the general incentive to increase one’s land holdings, and the opportunity to initiate the ways 3A8 and means to do so. There is a greater feeling of independence which also is paralleled by the larger number and substantially more independ­ ent clique groupings. There are none in Atirro to compare -with the initiative exhibited by the prestige leader Maximino in San Juan Sur in bringing about improve­ ments for the common welfare of the community, nor do the people in Atirro form into work groups for the purpose of alleviating pressing communal situations such as occurs in San Juan Sur. 3. The high respect for workers and the dignity of labor decreases. Tliis is illustrated by the low status and prestige of the majority liv­ ing in Atirro as contrasted to the comparatively higher status and pres­ tige enjoyed by those in San Juan Sur. Cheap labor such as that furnished by the peons cannot be esteemed nor can there- be any measure of independence where all but the clothing on one's back and a few personal belongings are owned by one individual. 4. The greater efficiency of the family farming unit in the pro­ duction of food and fiber is lost. To illustrate the differences that arise from utilizing or lack of utilization of what is learned, either from the standpoint of farming methods or from education generally is clearly shown in a comparison of Atirro and ban Juan bur. The education­ al systems of both communities are comparable with Atirro having one more grade of elementary school than ban Juan Sur. Yet, because of a greater need to use this education in managing their own small farming enterprises, there is a higher percentage of persons in ban Juan bur who have not for­ gotten how to read and write. While the peon of Atirro may have to know 349 only how to make an "x", the peasant farmers in dan Juan Sur may be re­ quired. to exercise both his reacting ana writing abilities on various oc­ casions during the year. Furthermore, there is a larger proportion of families in San Juan Our who own books thus facilitating further reacting. 5. The birth rate tends to drop. As is indicated in the analysis, there is a much higher birth rate in San Juan Sur than Atirro. 6. The people are characterized by greater mobility which is con­ ducive to a breakdown of social control. being the case in Atirro. This is sharply illustrated as In all phases of the study, the evidences point to the greater degree of mobility characteristic of the families in this community, when compared with San Juan Sur. The higher percentage of "convivientes” with a concomitant lack of criticism by others of this be­ havior is but one example of the effect of this mobility, in contributing to a breakdown of social control. The above indications coalesce to bring into contrast the relatively mobile and disorganized social situation evidenced in Atirro, and the mere stable, and integrated social organiza­ tion characteristic of San Juan Sur, and it eloquently bespeaks the pos­ sible trend of Costa Rican society, or Latin America generally for that matter, if the change from a peasant farmer type of rural economy to con­ trol of the land holdings by large haciendas continues. A low level of living, which seems to be intensified by the peonputron type of relationship, is strongly evidenced in the lesser developed countries of Latin America. In an attempt to scientifically analyze the problems connected with this backwardness, and to alleviate this critical 350 situation, the Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences eventually became established. This study, which was carried out as a by product of the sociological and anthropological sub-project of the community study program being launched by the Institute, should be useful to the further­ ance of the Institute’s program for the following reasons: 1. It provides empirical data concerning two basic types of land tenure system— the hacienda as compared to the peasant farmer. 2. New approaches and techniques were employed which may be use­ ful to future studies directed along this line. 3. The methodology by virtue of its being adapted to the rural Costa Rican setting may, in like manner, be adapted to other areas and environments . A. It provides an insight into the needs of the people as well as the means by which to get at these needs— through the natural channels provided by leadership-followership patterns. 5. It provides an understanding of the culture and the people which is essential in any program designed to help and work with them. 6. It leaves room for further analysis along these same lines. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Aguero, Fernando Aguilar, Leyes I Reglamentos Usuales. Rica: Imprenta Nacional, 1944. 651 pp. Tomo I; Costa Aguero, Fernando Aguilar, Leyes Y Regiamentos Usuales. Rica: Imprenta Nacional, 1944. 1328 pp. Tomo II ; Costa Arensberg, Conrad M., and Kimball, Solon T., Family and Community in Ireland. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940. 322 pp. Barnes, Harry Elmer, and Ruedi, Oreen M., The American Way of Life. New York: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1950. 931 pp. Beegle, J. Allan, Michigan Population— Composition and Change. Special Bulletin 342; East Lansing: Michigan State College Agricultural Experiment Station, Section of Sociology and Anthropology, November, 1947. 103 pp. Biesanz, John and Mavis, Costa Rican Life. Press, 1945. 272 pp. Cooley, Charles Horton, Social Organization. Sons, 1922. 436 pp. New York: New York: Columbia University Charles Scribner’s Davis, Allison; Gardner, Burleigh; and Gardner, Mary, Deep South. University of Chicago Press, 1941. Chicago: Direccion General De Estadistica, Division Territorial Administrativa de la Republica de Costa Rica. San Jose, Costa Rica: Imprenta Nacional, 1942. 80 pp. Firey, Walter, Loomis, Charles P., and Beegle, J. Allan, The Fusion of Urban and Rural Gibson, D. L., The Clientel of the Agricultural Extension Service, quarterly Bulletin; Vol. 26, No. 4. East Lansing: Michigan Agricultural Experi­ ment Station, (May, 1944)» 10. Hansen, A. T., ’’Rural Sociology and Anthropology in Latin America." published paper, n. d. Un­ Hoffer, C. R., A Study of Town-Country Relationships. Special Bulletin No. 131; East Lansing: Agricultural Experiment Station of Michigan State College, 1928. 20 pp. Hoffsommer, Harold C., Relation of Cities and Larger Villages to Changes in Rural Trade and Social Areas in Wayne County, New York. Bulletin 582; New York: Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, 1932. 61 pp. 353 Janes, Preston E., Latin America. New York: The odyssey Press, 1942. Jennings, Helen Hall, Leadership and Isolation. Longmans, Green and Co., 1950. Second Edition; Lew York: 359 pp. Jones, Chester Lloyd, Costa Rica and Civilization in the Carribbean. ison: University of Wisconsin, 1935. Mad­ haufrnan, Harold F., Prestige Classes in a New York Rural Conununity. Memoir 260; Lew York: Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Published by Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Pub­ lished by Cornell University, March, 1943* 46 pp. Kolb, J. H., Rural Primary Groups— A Study of Agricultural Neighborhoods. Research Bulletin 51; Madison: Agricultural Experiment Station of the University of Wisconsin and United States Department of Agriculture Cooperating, 1921. 81 pp. Leonard, Olen E., Pichilinque. Foreign Agriculture Report No. 17; 'Wash­ ington: Office of Foreign' Agricultural Relations, U. S. D. A., March, 1947. Leon, Jorge, "Land Utilization in Costa Rica," The Geographical Review. New York: The American Geographical Society of New York (July, 1948), 444-56. Longmore, Thomas 'Wilson, "Possibilities of Agricultural Colonization in Peru with Reference to Persons of European Origin." Unpublished Doctor’s dissertation, Michigan State College, East Lansing, 1950. jLcnginore, T. Wilson, "A Matrix Approach to the Analysis of Rank and Status in a Community in Peru," Sociometry, a Journal of Inter-Personal Re­ lations, Vol. XI, No. 3 (A ugust, 1948), 192-206. Linton, Ralph, The Cultural Background of Personality. New York: Century-Crofts, Inc., 1945. Appleton- Loomis, Charles P., Studies of Rural Social Organization in the United States, Latin America, and Germany. East Lansing: State College Book Store, 1945. 392 pp. Loomis, C. P., Beegle, J. A. and Longmore, T. W., Critique of Class as Related to Social Stratification. Sociometry Monographs No. 19; ITew-York: Beacon house, 1948. Loomis, Charles P., and Beegle, J. Allan, Rural Social Systems. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950. 873 PP. 354 Loomis, Charles P., and Beegle, J. Allan, "A typological Analysis of Social ^yst eias— D eraonst rat i on of a leans for Integra ling Sociometrv, Sociology, and Cultural Anthropology," Sociometry, a Journal of Inter-Personal Relations, Vol. XI, No. J (August, 1948), 147-91. Loomis, Charles P., "Political and Occupational Cleavages in a Hanoverian Village, Germany," Reprint from Sociometry. A Journal of Inter-Personal Relations, Vol. IX, Ho. 4 (November, 1946). Loomis, Charles P., "Informal Groupings in a Spanish-American Village," Sociometry, A Journal of Inter-Personal Relations, Vol. IV, No. 1 (February, 1941) 36-51. Loomis, Charles P., "The Most Frequently Chosen Sociogram" or "The Se­ duction of Rural Sociologists by the Neighborhood Theory," Sociometry, A Journal of Inter-Per3onal Relations, Vol. XI, No. 3 (August, 1948), 230-4. Loomis, Charles P., Studies in Applied and Theoretical Social Science. Last Lansing: Michigan State College Press, 1950. 183 pp. Loomis, Charles P., and Powell, Reed M., "Sociometric Analysis of Class Status in Rural Costa Rica— A Peasant Community Compared with an Hacienda Community," Sociometry, A Journal of Inter-Personal Relations, Vol XII, Nos. 1-3, 1949. Lundbergh, George A., Social Research. 1942. New York: .Lead, George H., Mind, Self and Society. Chicago Press, 1948. 400 pp.. Chicago: Longmans, Green and Co., The University of Miller, Paul A., and Beegle, J. Allan, The Farm People of Livingston County, Michigan. Last Lansing: Extension Service Department of Sociology and Anthropology, June, 1947, 40 pp. Morales, J. 0., "An Economic and Social Study of a Community." Unpublished paper, Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Department of Economics and Rural Welfare, 194#. Nelson, Lowry, Rural Sociology. New York: American Book Company, 1943. Powell, Reed M., "Application of Sociometric Techniques." Unpublished seminar paper given at the Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1948. cuinn, James A., Human Ecology. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950. Aedfield, Robert, The Folk Culture of Yucatan. of Chicago Press, 1941. Chicago: The University 355 Rohrer, John H., and Sherif, mzafer, Social Psychology at the Crossroads. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1951# 437 pp. Roethlisberger, F. J., and Dickson, William J., Management and the Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1939. worker. Sanders, Irwin T. and Ensminger, Douglas, Alabama Rural Communities— A Study of Chilton County. Montevallo: Alabama College Bulletin pub­ lished in cooperation with Bureau of agricultural Economics, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1940. Sanderson, Dwight, Locating the Rural Community. Bulletin 413; Hew York: Cornell Extension Bulletin, published by the New York StateCollege of Agriculture at Cornell University, 1939. 100pp. Sanderson, Dwight, Rural Social and Economic Areas in Central New York. Bulletin 614> New York: Published by the Cornell University Agri­ cultural Experiment Station, 1934* 99 pp. Sewell, William H., "fhe Restandardization of a Sociometric Scale," A Reprint from Social Forces, Vol. 21, No. 3 (March, 1943). Sewell, William H., The the Measurement of Technical Bulletin Mechanical College Construction and Standardization of a Scale for the Socio-Economic Status of Oklahoma Farm Families. No. 9; Stillwater: Oklahoma Agricultural and Agricultural Experiment Station, 1940. Sherif, Muzafer, An Outline of Social Psychology. Brothers, 1943. 479 pp. New York: Smith, T. Lynn, Brazil: Her People and Institutions. Louisiana State University Press, 194^. Harper and Baton Rouge: Smith, T. Lynn, Rodriguez, Justo Diaz, and Garcia, Luis Roberto, Tabio. Washington: United States Department of Agriculture, 1945. oinith, T. Lynn, Notes on Population and Rural Social Organization in El Salvador. Abstract, Louisiana State University. Smith, T. Lynn, The Sociology of Rural Life. Brothers, 1947. 634 pp. Snedecor, George W», Statistical Methods. Press, 1943. New York: Iowa: Harper and The Iowa State College Thaden, J. F., The Lansing Region and Its Tributary Town— Country Com­ munities . Special Bulletin No. 302; East Lansing: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1940. 356 /.arner, «v. Lloyd, and Lunt, Paul S., The Social Life of a Modern Community. Lew Haven: Yale University Press, 1941. 460 pp. ..arner, n . L» j Meeker, i4.j and dlls, K., oocial Class in -merica. cago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1949. Chi­ ■ L Jose Francisco Castro Perez — jefe Maria Trinidad Castillo Caritto - esposa 7 Juan Gregorio Chacon Fallas - jefe Isolina Cordoba Alfara - esposa 8 Juan Rafael Campos Bermudez - jefe Carmen Solano Montoya - esposa 9 Jesus Israel Barquero Fonseca - jefe Clarisa Flores Montoya - esposa 10 Jose Francisco Barquero Fonseca - jefe Zeneida Montoya Castro - esposa 11 Alfredo Loaiza Aroya - jefe Coralia Loaiza Otarola - esposa 12 Basilia Sclano Fuentes - jefe 13 Arturo Loaiza Araya - jefe Selmira Loaiza Otarola - esposa U Casa Desocupada 15 Rafael Meneses Camacho - jefe 16 Felix Nunez Fuentes - jefe Joaquina Torres Alvarez - esposa 17 Odilio Flores Montoya — jefe Blanca Calderon Solano - esposa 364 SAN JUAN EUR (Continued) House Number Type of House N am e 18-A Maria Piedaaes Solano Araya - Jefe Rancho 18—B Raul Flores Gamboa - jefe Rancho 20 Francisco Solano Gutierrez - jefe C a m e n Sanchez Rodriguez - esposa Casa 19 Armando Flores Gamboa - jefe Rosalia Camacho Vasquez - esposa Rancho 21 Benjamin Solano Gutierrez - jefe Anita Arias Brenes - esposa Casa 22 Delfino Brenes McLean— jefe Maria Isabel Rivera Araya - esposa Casa 23 Emilio Solano Hidalgo - jefe Hortensia Montoya Molina - esposa Casa 24 Anastasio Garro Tames - jefe Casa 25 Miguel Rivera Garcia - jefe Francisca Araya Rivera - esposa Casa 26 Casa desocupada Casa 27 Cayetano Flores Araya - jefe Margarita Montoya Molina - esposa Rancho 28 Pastor Flores araya - Casa 29 Antonio Brenes Nunez - jefe Marcelina Calderon Solano - esposa Casa 30 Abelardo Picado Brenes - jefe Elvira Torres Jimenez - esposa Casa 31 Antonio Camacho Vasquez - jefe Elida Ramos Cordero - esposa Casa 32 Eduardo Chives Rees - jefe Leticia Vasquez Jimenez - esposa Casa 33 Teresa Loaiza Loaiza - jefe Rancho 34 Teofilo Monge Cordero - jefe Maria Luisa Barrientos Jimenez - esposa Rancho jefe 365 SAN JUAN SUR (Continued) Hous Numb Type of House Name 35 Enrique Solano Gutierrez - jefe Carmen Mora Obando - esposa Casa 36 Misael Campos Delgado - jefe Maria Cristina Mora Obando - esposa Casa 37 Manuel Solano Gutierrez - jefe Flora Alfaro Vasquez - esposa Casa 38 Modesto Solano Carranza - jefe Matilda Gutierrez Gutierrez - esposa Casa 39 Angel Brenes McLean - jefe Maria Carmen Loaiza Zuniga - esposa Casa 40 Jenaro Meneses Camacho - jefe Josefa Vasquez Trejos - esposa Casa 41 Juan Meneses Cedeno - jefe Ramona Camacho Martinez - esposa Casa 42 Mercedes Chavez Cambronero - jefe Casa 43 Eernabe Navarro Solano - jefe Francisca Camacho Monge - esposa Casa 44 Silvano Brenes Zuniga - jefe Eloisa Meneses Camacho - esposa Casa 45 Omar Mora Calderon - jefe Margarita Ramirez Sanchez - esposa 46 Joaquin Kora Cambronero - jefe Felicitas Calderon Aguero - esposa Casa 47 Rafael Obando Sanchez - jefe Hortensia Sanchez Fernandez - esposa Casa 48 Magin Molina Mora - jefe Pastora Calderon Calderon - esposa Casa 49 Claudio Molina Calderon - jefe Carmen Camacho Gonzalez - esposa Casa 50 Pedro Rojas Zuniga - jefe Angela Rodriguez Barrantes - esposa Rancho " Casa 366 SAN JUAN SUP. (Continued) House Number Name Type of House 51 Ricardo Molina Calderon - jefe Josefa Sanchez Molina - esposa Rancho 52 Gonzalo Solano Fernandez - jefe Buenaventura Molina Calderon - esposa Casa 53 Jesus Maria Ramirez Mendez - jefe Odilia Molina Calderon - esposa Rancho 54 Amado Tenorco Martinez - jefe Stelvina Molina Calderon - esposa Rancho 55 Felix Mora Ramirez - jefe Rancho 56 Jose Mora Obando - jefe Margarita Solis Sanchez - esposa Cesa 57 Rafael Mora Ramirez - jefe Angelica Obando Sanchez - esposa Casa 58 Rafael Mora Obando - jefe Liduvina Castro Amador - esposa Casa 59 Celimo Loaiza Garcia - jefe Ramola Brenes Loaiza - esposa Casa 60 Rosendo Meneses Cedeno - jefe Virginia Trejos Calderon - esposa Rancho 61 Arestides Vasquez Fernandez - jefe LuzmiLda.Fuentes Trejos - esposa Casa 62 Alfredo Vasquez Fernandez - jefe Herminia Jimenez Erenes - esposa Casa 63 Bernardo Loaiza Garcia - jefe Juana Octarula Contreras — esposa Rancho 64 Trinidad Vasquez Trejos - jefe Maria Amelia Calvo Camacho - esposa Casa 65 Fulgencio Alavarez Valverde - jefe Etelgive Torres Jimenez - esposa Casa 66 MaxLrrdno Torres Alvarez - jefe Marta Picado Brenes - esposa Casa SAN JUAN SUR (Continued) DUS J J T lb 67 6e 6S Name Salvador Morales Vega - jefe Delfina Camacho Gonzalez - esposa Odilio Meneses Camacho - jefe Jeronima Flores Montoya - esposa 69 Antonio Camacho Meneses - jefe Sofia Navarro Solano - esposa 70 Maria Concepcion Camacho Martinez - jefe 71 Luis Torres Madrigal - jefe Angela Elizondo Valverde - esposa 72 Jesus Camacho Gonzalez - jefe Alvina Picado Brenes - esposa 73 Adilio Picado Brenes - jefe Juana Barrientos Solano — esposa 74 Higinio Picado Araya - jefe Amalia Brenes Nunez - esposa 75 Jose Camacho Menese3 - jefe Francisca Gonzalez Trejos - esposa 76 Ventura. Morales Camacho - jefe Luz Molina Calderon ~ esposa APPENDIX B 369 SUPPLEMENTARY DATA The Figures of Chapter VI and their interpretations are based upon the following data: VISITING PATTERNS OF THE FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Family Number Faiwj 1ies Visiting 1 ......................................... » 11, 76, 2, 70 2 ........................................... 81, 1, 3, 36 3 86, 2 4 45, 9 6 . ... 4, 35, 7, IS, 82 35, 1 1 , 4 , 6 7 . ..................... 9 ............................... ........................... 11 35, 7 18 33 33 ........................................................... 35 .......... .............................. . 18 36 46 37 ........................................................... 41 93 42 5 6 , 77, 93, 75, 44, 70, 6 8 , 43, 82 43 44 45 ........................................ '6 8 , 36/4, 91, 52 4 6 ............................................... 6 3 , 58, 59, 47 47 ........................................... 46, 58 48... ........................................... 49, 47 49 53 51 52 , 53 , 9, 49 52 53............................................................... 56 51 58 59.............................................................. 61 ........................................................... 62 71, 90 63............................................ . 46, 58 6 5 A ........................................... 48, 79 6 5 B ........................................................... 67.............................................................. 68 . . 53, 37, 65A, 49, 65B, 3 6 , 45, 92, 43, 42, 44, 70, 18, 3 70 . ............................................ 71 72 , 90, 62 , 61 I 370 Family Number 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 SI 82 83 84 85 36 87 38 90 91 92 93 97 98 99 Fgmjlies Visiting . ....................... 33, 33, 84, .......................................... 31, 73, 75, 93, 93, 79, 87, 1, 6, 74, 76, ............................................ 65A, ................................. 74 , 63 , 2, 78 97, 43, 37, 47, 6, 62, 35, 74, 33, 71 cl 33 42 78 72 81 76 42, 33 84, 73 73 91 48 , 37, 92 , 88, 6, 79, 65A 86 52, 51, 65B, 97, 36, 77, 92, 90, 33, 73, 84, 35 ........................................ 91, 56, 72, 71, 62 85 65B, 88 56, 75 ............................................................. ......................................... . 11, 41, 99 98 VISITING PATTERNS OF THE FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUE, COSTA HICA Family Number Families Visiting 1 ....................................................................... T O C ~ * • • >> 5 3 1, 62, 31, 2 4... ........................................... 3, 2, 5, 47 5... ......................................... . 2, 4, 6, 47 o 6 .................................................... 7 6 3.. .......................................... ............. 9 27, 11, 8 10 ............... 11 13 12 10 13 10 , 11 15 . 6 16 ............................................................. 17 29, 18A, 27, 9 1 8 A 29, 17, 21 . 371 Family Number Families Visiting 133 19 183, 28, ^ISA 20 21 38 22 25 23 8, 21, 24 24 25 ......................................... . 22 27 23 29 18B 30 66 31 32 33 63, 34, 32 34 36, 25, 9, 32, 3J2, 34, 49, 31, 42, 33 35 .......................................... 20, 38, 58, 33, 36 36 ......................................... . 35, 57, 34, 33 37 ........................................... 20, 38 33 39 ................................ 23,.24 , 22 , 32 , 42 , 46 , 45 40 • » • ■ • • • • •••••• • • » • • • » o0, 41, 44, 43, 64 41 .............. 44, 16, 46, 29, 45, 17, 39, 60, 34, 31, 40, 43 42 ........................................................... . 43 ............................................ 44, 41 44 16, 23, 41, 40, 42, 43 45 46, 40, 39 46 ............................................ 45, 50 47 48 49, 52, 51, 76, 54, 61 49 ............................................ 48, 52 50 ............................................................. 51................... ............................................ 52 43, 51, 53 53... ............................................ 52, 51 54 59 55... ............................................................. 56 57 57 56, 55, 58, 47, 4, 53, 36, 35 58 57 59... ............................................................. 60 ........... 61 ......................................... 63, 54, 62, 64, 50 62 64, 61, 63 63... .......................................... 62, 59 64 50 65 71, 66, 30 66 ......................................... 71, 65, 30, 53, 74 6? 72 63 61,73, 27, 67, 7 69... ......................................... 15, 75, 67, 68, 40 372 Family Number Families Visiting 70 69, 15, 75, 68 , 56, 60, 71 71 66, 65 72 ?6 , 49, 74 , 73 , 70 , 69 , 67, 75 73 74, 12 , 72 74 72, 73, 30 75... ............................................................. 76 4S FAMILIES RECEIVING FIESTA INVITATIONS FROM FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Fam~i ly Number 1 2 3 4 6 7 9 11 18 33 35 36 37 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 51 52 53 56 53 Families Inviting 31 2 , 86, 93 ........................................ . * ........................................ 35, 18, 4, 32 , 7, 67 11, 4 ............................................................. 35, 7 33 ............................................................. 18 ............................................................. ................................................... 93 82 , 70 , 68, 44 , 56, 77, 93 , 75 44 68, 45 4, 67, 52, 37, 36 46, 58 47 53 67 * ............. . * . . . . 61, 47, 97 . 61 a2 63 ............................................................ 71, 90 58, 46 79, 48 65 ............................................................. 67............................................................... 373 Famlly Number Families Inviting 63 65A, 70, 44, 13, 36, 653, 45, 92, 51, 37, 63 70' ............................................ 1, 63 71 62 , 72 ,90 72 71 73 2, 34 , 61, 83 , 88 74 75 42, 93 ............................................ 79, 1, 6 76 77 72 78 81, 74, 76 79 31 78, 2 , 63 , 74 82 48, 87, 6, 83, 97 83 73, 84, 62, 85 34 35... ................................................................. 86 6, 92, 88, 65B, 43, 65A, 79 37 86 88 73 , 83 , 34 ,77, 1, 92 , 36 , 97 , 51, 52 , 85 90 72, 71, 62, 56 91 85 92 93 56, 75, 74 97 .............................................................. 98 43, 37, 11, 41 99 families receiving fiesta invitations FROM FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA Family Number 1 o Q > 4 5 A . 9 • Families Inviting 1 3 5 1, 2, 19, 31, 6l,*62 2, 5, 47 .. 47, 4, 2, 6 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 15 3, 11, 27 13 73, 10 10 , 11 6 16 l rr f • 9, 27, ISA, 29 81,78 374 Family Taunber Families Inviting 1 8 A .......................................... ............................................... 19 2C ................. 21 22 23 24 27 28 .......................................... 29, 17, 34 19,23 ISA, 37 33 3, 24, 2 1 25, 39, 23 6 8 , 9, 28, 17 29 30 18A, 18B, 17 31 32 33 34 3 35 36 .......................................................... . . .. .............................. 33, 12, 7, 31, 32, 42 2 0 , 33, 53, 36, 33 57, 34, 33 37 ............................................. 20,. 33 38 39 40 41 42 23, 24, 25, 22, 32, 46, 42 44, 43, 41, 6 0 , 64 39, 29, 45, 34, 6 0 , 4 6 , 4 0 , 43, 44, 16 .......................................................... 43 ............................................................................................................. 44 ........................................ 42 , 23 , 41, 43 , 4 0 . ...................................... 39, 40, 46 45 W. 46 47 .......................................................... 49, 76, 5 2 , 53, 51, 54 50 51 .......................................................... *2 53 .......................................... 4 8 , 51, .53 ................... ................... . 52, 51 .......................................................... ..................... ................................. 48 49 54 55 57 53 59 \\\\\\\\ \\\\ \ \ \ \ W, W, 55, 5 8 , 4 7 , 3 6 , 35 .......................................... 57 .......................................... 63 60 61 21, 3 , 62, 62 63 li 65 66 67 70 : : : : ..................................... * ’ * ! ’ . ! . 63, 6 4 , 50 61, 64, 63 59 62, 32, 50 30, 6 6 , 71 71, 65, 30 75, 15, 69, 71, 6 8 , 60, 56 375 Family Number Families Inviting 65, 66 72 73, 7 0 , 75, 6 7 , 7 6 , 49, 74 73 74, 1 2 , 72 74 73, 72, 30 75............................................................ 76 43 71 FAMILIES MAKING "SICK CALLS" TO FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA Family Number Families Receiving "Sick Calls" 1............................................. 65A, 2, 3, 11, 70 2 3, 1, 86 3 2 4 ............................................ 7, 45, 9 6 . . . ..................................... 18, 7, 35, 4, 32 7 . 11, 4 Q 14 *7, 35 18 33 33 ............................................................. 35 18 36 46 37 ............................................................. 41 93 42 43 , 44 , 75 , 63 , 93 , 77 , 35 , 82 43 44 44 68 45 67, 35, 4, 91, 52, 36, 68 46... .......... ................................. 47, 63, 58, 59 47 46, 58 43 47, 49 49 53 51 49, 52, 53, 9 52 ............................................ 9, 51, 53 53 ............................................................. 5£ 58 ! 47,’ 59,* 61,* 97* 59 .................... ...................................... . 61 ......................... 62 90, 71 63 46, 58 6 5 A 79, 48 6 5 B ............................................................ . 67 .......................................................... 68 . 59, 63, 37, 65A, 13, 36, 70, 44, 67, 43, 49, 45, 65B, 36, 51 70 1, 67 376 F amlly Number 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 73 79 31 32 33 34 85 36 37 88 90 91 92 93 97 98 99 Families Receiving "Sick Calls,r 71 70, S3, 34, 61, 83 76, 78, 33, 81, 75, 93 42, 93 78, 33, 74, 6, 87, 1, 79 79, 42, 72 ......................................... 31 ................. ....................... 76 73, 76, 2, 63, 74 97, 48, 87, 6, 42, 92, 83 85, 73 90, 73, 61 ......................................................... 65A, 6, 88, 92, 65B, 87, 48 . ........... 86 ............... 52, 84, 73, 33, 85, 77, 92, 65B, 36, 97, 51 . . 56, 72, 71, 84 . ..................................... 85 88 74, 75, 56 ......................................................... 41, 11, 99 .... ................................ 98 FAMILIES MAKING "SICK CALLS" TO FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN 3UR, COSTA RICA Famlly Number Families Receiving "Sick Calls" 1 ............................................................. 2 1 ° 5 3 ! 1 2, *1, 62, 61, 1 9 ^ 3 1 4............................................... 2, 3, 5, 47 5... ............................................ 2, 4, 6, 47 £ 7 1 I !!!!-! I I ................ 6’ 8 ............................................................. 9 ! ! *11, *8,* 27 10 . 11 13 12 10, 73 13 10, 11 15 16 17 6 , 10 ......... 27, 9, ISA, 29 377 Family Number IBS 19 20 21 Families Receiving "Sick Calls" . 23 24 25 27 28 29 20 31 32 33 34 35 36 2Q» 3-9 28, ISA, IBB, 31 18A 33 25 ! ’ •! 21, 8, 24 23, 25, 39 22 17, 28, 9, 68 19, 18B 17, 13B 66 3 37 ............................................ 32, 34 12, 33, 25, 42, 39, 7 20, 33, 36, 57, 53, 33 33, 34, 35 37 ................................. ......................................................................................................................................................................................... . 20, 33 38 37, 21, 20, 35 39 22, 24, 23, 32, 42, 46, 45 40 41, 60, 43, 45 41 29, 39, 34, 32, 31, 60, 46, 44, 16, 40, 43, 45, 37 ............................................................. 42 43... ............................................ 41, 44 44 42, 23 , 41, 40, 43, 16 45 ............................................ 40, 46 46 50 >■7 . . ............... 4.8 51, 49, 76, 53, 52, 54, 64 49 • •48 50 ................................................ ............. 51... ............................................ 52, 54 52 .................... .................... 51, 64, 50, 43, 53 53 49, 51, 52 54 59 55 • 56 57 57 53, 35, 36, 58, 56, 55, 47, 5, 4 5* 57 59 ............................................ 60 • ;« 61 50, 63, 62 62... ........................................... 61> 65 63 59 64 .. . 6?' 65 65 64, 30, 66, 71 4 ' 71, 65, 74, 30 In ’i 49, 72 68 69, 70, 27, 373 I N Aa 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Familios Receiving "Sick Calls” .......... 75, =>?, 75, 67, 63, ............ . . . . 74, 73, . . . . . . . 67, 63, 70, 15 56, 60, 15, 71 66, 65 70, 75, 67, 49 74,12,72 30, 73, 72 43 FAMILIES CONSULTED IN CONFIDENCE BY FAMILIES LIVING IN ATIRRO, COSTA RICA r Nl 1 2 A 4 6 n oJ 11 IS 33 35 36 qn -/ » Families Consulting . 70, 65A, 11, 76 53, 52, 1, 31 7, 9, 45 IS, 35, 7, 32 11, 4 4 41 42 43 44 45 47 43 49 51 52 53 56 58 59 61 62 63 65> 65* 67 68 35 18 ........ 93 75, 93, 77, 56, 82, 70, 44 68 G 2, 52, 4, 67 58, 46 9, 52 9, 51 97, 61 90 58, 46 48, 79 65A, 653, 44, 67, 70, 45, 18, 46, 63, 37 gamily Number Families Consulting 70 1, •67 71 72 71 73... .............................................. 61, 84, 83 74 81, 33, 75, 93 75 76 79, 6, 1, 74, 78 77 72 78 ....................... ....................... 33, 76, 31 79 33 81 .............................................. 63, 74, 78 82 97, 48, 78, 6, 42, 83 83 .............................................. 73, 84, 85 84 90, 61, 58, 73 ..................... ........................................... 35 86 87, 65A, 6, 43, 65B, 79 87 86 83 -............................ 65B, 84, 73, 83, 35, 92, 97, 36, 7 90 56, 72, 71, 62 91 85 92 33 .............................................. 74, 75, 56 93 97 ..................................................... .. 98 ................. ............................................... 99 FAMILIES CONSULTED IN CONFIDENCE BY FAMILIES LIVING IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA F ami]LZ Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 Families Consulting ................................................................ 3, 5 1, 2, 31, 19, 61, 62 2, 5, 47‘ ......................... 2,4,6, 47 ....................................................... 7 8 6 ........................................................... 9 3, 27 10 * 11 v> 13 15 16 17 I S A . . . ...................................... 13 10, 73 10, 11 6 1 9, 27, 29, 18A 17, 21, 29 A 380 Family Number Families Consulting; 1 S B .......................... 28 19... ............................................ 28, 1SB 20 37 21 35,38 22 . .......................................... 25 23... ............................................ 21, 8, 24 24 . '........................................... 23, 39, 22, 25 25 22 27 68, 9, 28, 17 28............................................... 18B, 19 29 ............................................ 17, 18B 30 66 31 3, 19 32 37 33 34 34 7,12,ISA,33, 32, 42, 35... ............................................ 57, 58, 38 36 18A, 33 37 38, 20 38 20, 37, 35, 21 39 22) 24, 32, 36, 23, 42, 45, 46 40 41, 60, 44, 64, 43 41 39, 29, 33, 34, 60, 31, 44, 40, 43, 45, 46 42 43 41 44 42 , 23, 41, 40, 43 , 62 45 ............................................ 39, 46, 40 46 50, 45 47 5 48 .......................................... 54 , 49 , 76 , 52 , 51 49 48 50................................................................ 51 52 52... ............................................ 48, 51, 53 53 51, 52 54..................... ........................................... 55 .............................................................. 56 57 57 58, 35, 56, 55, 47, 4, 53, 36 53 57 59 63 61 64, 50, 63, 3, 62 62... ............................................ 61, 63, 64 63 59 64 32, 50 65... ............................................ 30, 66, 71 66 71,65,30,34, 54, 53, 67 .'............. 72 68 15, 69, 70, 9, 27 381 Family Number 69 70 71 72 no 74 75 76 Families Consulting 70, 75, 67, 15, 63 £c, 71, 75, 69, 15, 63, 56 66 76, 49, 73, 74, 70, 69, 75, 67 no ........................................... (2, 12, 74 72, ^73 43 FAMILIES FROM WHOM THE FAMILIES BORROW IN ATIRRO, COSTA RIGA Family Number 1 2 Families Borrowing 70, 3, 2, 76, 49, 63 ........................................... 3, 1, 81 I ::::::::::::::::::::::: ,.„J 6 ............................................ 13, 35, 7, 11, 4 7 ........................................... 35, 11, 4 9 ........................................................... II ................................................. 7,35 ........................................... 33 IS ............................................... 33 35 ........................................... 13, 11 36 .............................................. 37 ............................................... 98 41 .......................................... 42 75 , 70, 44 , 63 , 43 , 8; 56, 77, 93 43 ........................................... 44 44 ........................................... 4; 42, 43, 68 36,, 4 ........................................... 45 46 37, 4' 63, 58, 59 53, 46 47.............................................. 43 ........ .................................. 47, 49 49 ........................................... 53 51.............................................. 9, 53, 52 Q-1 53, 51 52.............................................. 53 .......................................................... 56 ............... .......................................... 58 ........................................... 47, 59, 61, 97 59.............................................................. 61 ........................................................... 62 71 63 .......................................... 46, 58 65A ................................................ 48,79 6 5 B .......................................................... 67 ............... .......................................... 382 FmpiTigs Borrowing 69 70 71 72 no i^ 74 75 76 77 78 79 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 90 91 92 93 97 98 99 . . . 65B, 46, 37, 654, 86, 13, 70, 67, 45, 36, 44, 42, 43 ........................................ 67, 1 ........................................ 72 ............................ 71 ......................... 63, 92, 61, 33, 84, 83 > . . ............................. 81, 33 , 77, 93 , 75 , 59 ...................................... . 74, 93 ............................... . . . . . 79, 78, 6, 77 76, 72 65A,33,76 2,63, 78 .................. 97, 78, 6, 48, 42, 83, 91 ........................... 73, 82, 84, 85, 62 7 3 , 90, 61 ............ .............. ., 82, 49 87, 79, 1, 6, 92, 65B, 48, 65A 97, 36, 86, 65B, 92, 76, 90, ............ 72, 86 73, 74, 71, 62, 83, 84, 85 56, 88, 91 90, 85 88 74,75,76 3, 99, 41 98 FAMILIES FROM WHOM THE FAMILIES BORROW IN SAN JUAN SUR, COSTA RICA £ 1 1 2 3 4 5 Families Borrowing 4, 5, 3, 1 1, 2, 62, 31, 19 6, 3, 2, 5, 47 47, 4, 6, 2 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 6 7, 9 8, 13, H , 27 9, 13 10 9, 11 11, 10, 7 27, 18A 383 Family Number Families Borrowing 1 8 B ........................................... ................. •19 2.0 29 21 23, 38 22 25 23 24 ........................................... 23, 39, 25, 22 25 22 27 17, 28 28 19, 18B, 29 29 . 17, 28 30 66 31 ......................................... 42, 39, 34, 15, 37 32 33 34, 35, 36 34 25, 42, 12, 15, 31, 33, ISA, 36 35 36, 38 36 34, 15, 35 37 38 38 ........................................... 37, 21, 20,35 39 ..................................... 23, 41, 45, 24, 32, 22 40 ....................................... . . 37, 41, 45, 43 41 40, 29, 16, 39, 44, 46, 45, 43 42 32 43 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........ . 44 44 ......................................... 40, 43 , 41, 16, 42 45 40, 46 46 50 47 4 48 ......................................... 51, 54, 61, 49, 52 49 52, 53 50............................................................... 51 54 52 53 54 59 55... ............................................................ 56 55, 57 57............................................ 56, 55, 47, 53, 53 58 55, 56, 57 59 63 60 64 61 62, 48, 50 62 63, 60, 61 63 59 64 ......................................... 65, 60, 62, 50, 32 65 66 67 68 ..................................... 69, 70, 76, 73, 46, 27 18B,3 8 51 49 30 30 68 384 Family Number 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Families Borrowing 75, 67, 70, 68 75, 67, 68, 69, 76, 56, 64, 71, 61 65, 66 ......................................... 75, 67, 76, 73, 74 ........................................ . 12 , 72 , 74 72 , 73 , 30 ............................................................ 48 . . APPENDIX C T ur r ia l b a , A los F e l i g r e s e s de la P a r r o q u i a 26 de J ul i o, de La 1 94 8 Suiza: E s t a c a r t a es p a r a h a c e r l e s v e r qu e la p e r s o n a que lo s e s ta v i s i t a n d o t r a b a j a en el I n s t i t u t o de T u r r i a l b a y que e s t a h a c i e n d o u n e s t u d i o de los di~ f e r e n t e s l u g a r e s de este ca n to n p a r a c o n o c e r como v i v e la g e n t e y c u a l e s son sus d i f i c u l t a d e s • Y o t e n g o s e g u r i d a d de que e s s e s t u d i o g r a n d e s b e n e f i c i o s p a r a todos en el f u t u r o , sera de C o m o la p e r s o n a que los es ta v i s i t a n d o tiene m u y b u e n d e s e o de a y u d a r l e s , yo l e s pido, co m o sac er dote, que lo a y u d e n c o n t e s t a n d o l e t o d a s las p r e g u n t a s que el les haga, p u e s yo t e ng o fe en que t o d o s los n o m b r e s y d a t o s que u s t e d e s le de n seran u t i l i zad o s p a r a un e s t u d i o y que n a d i e m a s que el y sus compafieros en el I n s t i t u t o los v e r a n . AgU3tin Kreitz Cu ra de L a Suiza T urrialba, C. R. Julio 7, 191^8 A los F eligreses do la P a r r o q u l a de Turrialba; E l p ortador de e s t a n o t a estli. p a r t i c i p a n d o e n u n estudio sobre Tu r r i a l b a * E l es mle m b r o d e l p e r s o n a l del Instituto* E l p r o p 6 s i t o de este estudio es puramente cientlfico. Sus result a d o s s e r & n beneficiosos t a n t o para Turrialba como para C o s t a Rica* Por lo tanto, es m i deseo que ustedes contesten las preguntas que el portador les haga, conf iando que no h a y la me nor p o s i b i l i d a d de que estos datos p u e d a n ser usados p a r a p e r j u d l c a r a las p e r ­ sonas m e ncionadas, y a que son e strict anient e confidenciales* Q U , Pbro* Alfonso H o e f f e r C u r a de la Parroqula de T u r r i C l b a G-encralidade s : Informante Debe infornacion caso de que tarse de la bajo n in g un informacion* LA tratarse por todos los medics posibles, obtener la direct ament e del jefe de familia. Solaucnte en este se' encuentro ausonte de la casa, po dra soliciesposa, la inforraacion desoada© E n n ingun caso y concepto, debe interrogarse a los nifios para, obtener Pr escntacion Para explicar al jefe de la familia el proposito del e s ­ tudio y para podirle su coopcracion, el enumerador debe planear su prcsent a ci o n teniendo en mente los siguientes puntos de vista 1. 2. 3* Ip* 5. 6. 7. Indicar que es m i em b ro del Instituto Ex plicar que se tra ta de llovar a cabo un estudio Dejar traslucir on la convorsacion que otras personas tales como el Sr. Cura de esta parroquia y otros vecinos importantos de la localidacl nos estan ayudando© Ex p licar que alrcdedor do 6o0 familias seran tomadas en cucnta para el estudio cue so desca llevar a efecto. Adverti r qxae toda infor macion que sum inistren es absolutamente c o n f i d c n c i a l , No hacerles croer que so va a ayudar diroctamente a la familia sino que tales estudio3 favorecen a las conunidades socialas, al enfocar sus problemas y sus nccesidades* Y finalmonto podir ayuda y coopcracion al jefe de la familia cntrcviseado. rlotodos a soguir al formular l a s preguntas Las respu estas ne cosarias p u o d e n obtenerse por medio directo, indirccto, o de obsorvacion. Para obtener una informa** cion fided igna y para mantener una actitud favorable durante toda la entrovista, el enumerador dobo cscoger el metodo mas adecuado para obtener la informacion, t omando e n cucnta la naturaleza de cada pregunta y los problemas cspocificos inherentes a cada caso an particular. 3omo dobo llenarse 1. 2. 3. ii. 5* 6, el cuestionario Loa y ostudic cuidadosamonte cl cuestionario. Este seguro do proguntar todos I 03 datos pedidos. Escriba con claridad. No use abroviacionos oxcepto dondo se pido e s p c c i a l m e n t e . Si para alguna pregun ta no nay rcspuesta, trace una raya en cl cspacio c o r r o s p o n d i o n t c • Use lapiz. Si comete un error, pase una linoa sobrc lo cscrito y oscriba lo corrocto on otro lugar del cspacio. Tratc do no borrar. Cuando no es posiblc conscguir alguna inforrnacion, debe escribirse una nota breve cicclicando ol m ot i vo por el cual -2- 389 no se pudo obtener* Los espacios d e b e n llenarso dado, para r o ducir el n umoro de c o r r o c c i o n e s * con cui- Modo do tomar notas Cualquier inforraac ion adicional que se considero do im­ port ancia para aclarar las respuostas obtenidas, d o b e n anotarse al reverso de cada p&gina. Sicmpre qua sc croa conveniento anadir notas aclaratorias sobre alguna contostacion, debe hacersorsc un clrculo alredodor del nur.icro o la letra do la pregunta cn cuestion, y anotar el numero o la letra co rrespondionte a 6 sta al reverso do la pagina, inmodiatamente antes de la aclaracion* Revisi on de formula Ropase la fo r mu l a despues de cada entrovista, para ascgurarse do que se h a n contestado todas las preguntas y do que las conte3taciones y notas son coapletas, Reviso ostas antes ic saliP de la casa para quo las omisioncs o orrorcs, si I03 hubieae, p u cd a n sor corrogidos* Materiales que debe 11cvar ol enumerador 1* 2, 3. I;.* Croquis del sogmcnto dondo va a trabajar esc dia* Suf icientes formulas para ol trabajo del dfa. T a blilla para oscribir (clip board). Lapices No* 2 o 2fj# instruccionos ospccificas Enumerador - Es c riba su nor.ibro y apcllido on el espacio corro spondiento * umcro do la formula - Este cspacio sc dejara on bianco para sc'r 11 on a do m a s tardo* ugar - Indiauo en cl ospacio corrospondiento ol nombro del lugar dondo osta situada la casa. Por ‘'lugar” 3c ontcndcra la divisi5:i gcografica mas poquofia quo ol inf ormante rc o oneco c o:ao talj ;cha - Indiquo on el cspacio corrcspondicnte dia, mcs y afxo* la f ccha conpleta* >nbrc del jefe do la familia Debo cscribir 30 primoro ol nombro y los apollidos del fo do la familia; en cl caso do personas de unico apellido cscribiran los dos apcllidos do la inadro • So tonara como fo do la familia, la per sona considerada como tal, por los ros miombros de la familia* G-eno r a 1 id a d o s : Informante Debe Informacion caso de que tarse de la bajo n i n g u n informacion* tratarse por todos los medios posibles, obtener la clire ct ament e del jefe de familia. Solarjiente en este se' encuentre ausonte de la casa, podra s o l i d esposa, la informacion d e s o a d a 0 E n ni ngun caso y concepto, debe interrogarse a los nifios pa ra obtener Ldt Presentacion Para explicar al jefe de la familia el proposito del e s ­ tudio y para pedirle su c o o p c r a c i o n , el en umerador debe planear su prese nt a ci o n teniendo en ment© los siguientes puntos de vista 1. 2. 3. 5* 6. 7. Indicar que es m i em b ro del Instituto E-xpelicar que se trata de llcvar a cabo un estudio Dejar traslucir on la convex'1sac ion que otras personas tales como el Sr. Cura de esta pa r roquia y otros vocinos importantes dc la localidad nos estan ayudando* Explicar que alrcdedor de 600 families seran tomadas en cucnta para el cstuclio cue se desca llevar a efecto* Advertir que toda i nformacion quo suministren es absolutamcnte c o n f I d c n c i a l * ITo hacerles crcer que so va a ayudar diroctamente a la familia sino quo tales estudios favorccen a las comunidades socialos, al enfocar sus pr oblemas y sus necesidades* Y finalmentc pedir ayuda y c o operacion al jefe de la familia cntrcvistado. Hctodos a soguir al f o r m ular las pro gunt as Las respuestas necesarias p ueden obtenerso por medio dirccto, indirccto, o do observacion. para obtener una Informa** cion fidedigna ir para mantenor unaactitud favorable durante toda la entrovista, el enumerador debe escoger el metodo mas adecuado para obtener la informacion, to mando e n cucnta la natura le z a de cada pregunta y los problemas cspcclficos inherentes a cada caso cn part i c u l a r , Como debe llenarse 1. 2. 3» JL. 6. el cuestionario Lea y estudio cuidadosamontc ol cuestionario. Este seguro do proguntar todos los datos pedidos. Escriba con claridad. Ho use abrcviaciono3 excepto donde se pidc e s p e c i a l m o n t e . Si para alguna pregunta no hay rcspuosta, trace una raya en cl cspacio c o r r o s p o n d i e n t © • Use lapiz • Si cometc ,un error, pase una llnea sobrc lo escrito y cscriba lo corrccto cn otro lugar del cspacio. Trato do no borrar. Cuando no es posiblc conscguir alguna inforr.iaci5n, debe escribirsc una nota breve cxolxcando ol m o t i v o por el cual -2- no se pudo obtener* Los espacios d e b e n llenarse dado, para r e d u c i r el numero de c o r r c c c i o n e s , 389 con cui* Modo do tomar notas C ua l quier informacion adicio nal que se considers de im«» portancia p a ra aclarar las r e s p u e s t a s obtenidas, d e b e n anotars© al reverso de cada p&gina, Sicnpre que se crea convcnicnto anadir notas aclaratorias sobre alguna contestacion, debe hacersorsc un circulo al r edodor del nur.icro o la letra de la pregunta cn cuest ion, y anotar ol nu ne ro o la le t ra corr espondicnte a esta al re verso de la oagina, inmodiatancnte antes de la aclaracion. Revision de formula Rcpase la f o r m u l a despues dc cada entrovista, para ascgurarsc dc que se h an contestado todas las preguntas y do que las contestaciones y notas son completes. Revise cstas antes de salir de la casa para quo Ids oralsiones o orrorcs, si I 03 hubiese, p uc d an sor corrogidos, Materia les quo debe 11cvar ol enumerador 1, 2, I Croquis del segncnto dondc va a trabajar esc dia* Suficionte3 formulas para el trabajo del dia, Tablilla para oscribir (clip board). Lap ices No, 2 6 2-jV* Instruccioncs ospecificas Enumera dor Es c r i b a corro s p o n d i e n t e , su nombro y apollido en el espacio Numero do la formula - Este cspacio sc dcjara cn bianco para scf iioriaclo ina 3 tardo, Lugar - Indiaue en cl cspacio correspondiento ol nombro del lugar dondc esta situada la casa, Por nl u g a r ,! so ontcndor a la d i v i s i o n goografica ivA s pequofia quo el informant c r 0 eonocc como talj Focha - Indiquo cn cl espacio correspondicnte la f c c h a conplcta, dia, m c s y afio, Nombro del jefe do la familia Debo oscribirse primcro ol nombro y los apellidos del jefe do la familia; en el caso do personas de unico apollido se escribiran los dos apellidos do la m a d r e . Sc tor.iara como jefe dc la familia, la persona c o n s i de r ad a como tal, por los otros mio mbro3 de la familia. 390 3" N ombro doI informanto E s c r i b a on cl c s p a c i o c o r r e s p o n d i c n t e cl n o m b r o c o m p l e t o do la p e r s o n a que s u m i n i s t r a la i n r o m a c i o n . Si cl in­ f o r m a n t c 03 ol jofo do la f a m i l i a , puodc c s c r i b i r s c la p a l a b r a "nisno", p a r a i n d i c a r quo es ol n i s n o 'jefe q u i c n i nf o rm a . E n cl caso dc dos o r.ias i n f o r n a n t o s , so c s c r i b i r a n los n o n b r o s dc t o d o s o lios. Informacion General I* L o c a l i z a c i o n de la. v l v i o n d a Por o l t o r m i n o nv i v i e n d a ,r so e n t i e n d o , u n c u a r t o o g r u p o do c u ar t o s , c n los c ua T cs vivo liabitualmcntc u n a f a m i l i a . Para scr c o n s i d o r a d o s como v i v i o n d a d e b e n t e n o r cocina, sa l i d a i n ­ depo nd icntc a la calle, o a m b a s cosas a la voz. Por 'familia,r so e n t i e n d o la p o r s o n a o g r u p o de p e r s o n a s quo h a b i t a n "cri \iria r.isma v i v i o n d a , u n i d a s po r p a r o n t o s c o n a t u r a l o le ga l, y a q u c l l a s quo sin t e n o r las os do p a r c n t o s c o h a n sido adopt ados como m i e m bros por cl jofo del gr up o. S i b a j o ol m i s n o t o c h o h a y u na p e r ­ sona o g r u p o de p e r s o n a s a ouicnc s no los une t a l e s la zos, ni t i o n o n i n t c r c s o s c o n u n o s co n ol r o s t o de la f a m i l i a , d o b o n c o n sidorarsc como f a n i l i a s I n d o p e n d i o n t c s . U na p o r s o n a pusde o s t a r ausent.o do la v i v i o n d a , y sor t o d a v i a c o n s i d e r a d o como m i o m b r o do la f a m i l i a , si s u a u s o n c i a no es p e r m a n e n t © . Por ej o np l o , una h i j a quo e s t a e n los E s t a d o s U n id o s c n l a ' e s c u c l a , o u n hi jo quo t r a b a j a f u o r a del l u g a r e n quo viven, 3 e r & n c o n s i d o r a d o s como micrnbros do la f a m i l i a a u n q u o e s t e n a u s e n t o s , s i ompro quo su a u s o n c i a sea t e m p o r a l . A. N u n e r o do la caaa L l c n e s o esto e s p a c i o c o n ol n u m e r o c o r r o s p o n d i e n t o a la ca3a, de a c u e r d o c o n la n u m c r a c i o n i n d i c a d a bn e l c ro q ui s que como y a se dijo, d o b o r a l l c v a r cl e n u m e r a d o r . C u a d r o 1 . D i s t a n c i a a-los c o nt r o3 p r i n c i p a l o s do sc-rvicios y a c t i v i d a d o s , claso do canino y m o d i o s dc t r a n 3 p o r t e quo so u s a n c o n m a y o r frocuoncia. Col. (1) A n o t e n s e la p r i n e r a c o l u m n a , los n o m b r o s do I 03 c c n t r o s do s o r v i c i o 3 y a c t i v i d a d o s quo la f a m i l i a f r o c u o n t a . Col. (2.6) Clase de c a m i n o . E n e st a s co l u m n a s ponga una marca ( ) en ol e s p a c i o c o r r e s p o n d i c n t e a el t i p o de c a n i n o que h a do t r a n s i t a r ©1 c n t r e v i s t a d o pa ra t r a s l a d a r s o de su casa, a t a l c s cc ntros do s c r v i c i o s y a c t i v i d a d e s . C u a n d o so U 3 a n v a r i o s tipos do c a n i n o , se p o n d r a u n a m a r c a ( ) on la c a s i l l a c o r r o s p o n d i e n t o , si la d i s t a n c i a que d o b o n r e c o r r o r c n c a d a tipo de canino, p a s a de 100 vara3. Si so u s a s o l a m o n t e u n ' t i p o de camino, so m a r c a r a esta sin t o m a r o n c u e n t a la d i s t a n c i a . 391 Col* (7*&) Dista.n o la.-, Pans lo ar.otao5.cn dc la distancia,, tornese cl dato del tuompo quo mvjsrtc-n corrionbementc las personas entrcvistadas para rcc:rrerlo„ h ac iendo la a no t ac i on en horas y doceavos de hora; os decir, on fraccioncs no menores' de cinco minutos, asimilandolo a cinco cuando soa tres o cuatro^ do3preciando la f r a c c i o n c ua nd o 's e a do una o don, Anotc a esta r.iisma infor macion en kilomotro3, o f ra ccion de kilonotro ponien« do la distancia en el numero do decametros que r.ias so aproxina, Para convertir varas y r.ietro3 a fracciones de kilometres, co nsultese la "Tabla de I,Todid a s 11 en la p a g i n a 22 . Ejemplo: Un a fa m il i a quo tarda 15 m in u to s en llegar a un centro que qucda a 850 varas do su casa, apareccria e n las colunnas 7 y S cono siguc: f : \ D i st a nc i a Horas (7) 10.13 * (8) 3/12 7*1 To" _______ .. Para familias quo t a r d e n monos do 5 minutos para llegar a un centro, la distancia en horas apareccria como de l/l2# E n ol caso dc familia quo vi van a m o n o 3 de cien varas do u n centro, la distancia en kilonotros aparcceria como .8 . T D Col» (9) • Medio de T r a n s p o r t e * Indique los medi os do trans«* porte quo la f a m i l i a usa mas corrientcmente, para ir del hogar a cada uno do los ccntros* — II* Informacion sobro la f a m i lia. A*B.I* N a c i o n a l i d a d * Indique do que pais es ciudadano cl jefe do la familia; si es do origcn c o s t a r r i c e n s e , es criba costarric'ons o ; si es naturalizado, es criba el nombre del pais do” origcn' seguido de la p al a b r a natviralizado* Para los extranToros, cxpre se s implement c su nac ionalidad": chino, polaco, alenan, etc* Rcpita este procodimiento para obtener la informaci on sobro la osposa, pcro si es costarricense de origen, por ley, opta c o n el matrimo n io por la cuidadanxa del marido* A.B.2. A s c c n do n ci a * Indique on los espacios correspondientcs los nonbre's de Tos paisos donde n a cieron los antepasados del jefe de la familia, si es qvic el lo sabo * El enurierador debe preguntar si ha habido oxfcranjoros on la familia, si fuera neccsario aclarar cl significado do la pregunta* E l proposito' de esta- pr egunta es determiner si la famifia se siente que pcr-» tenece a u n grupo particular, por ojotnplo alemanes, polacos, chinos, R e p i t a este proccdiinicnto para obtonor la informacion sobro la esposa. 392 C, Cuanto tior.ipo ha vivido Ud, cn este lugar? Indique on afios, lncUcs o sc_y.iana'5’/' cT~~t xomp’o "que c-I ihfovvTauio ha vivido cn ol '’l u g a r 11 on quo habit a cn'la actualiaad-, E n cases de mas dc un informante, por cjcnplo, ol jofo 7 otra persona, o la c 3 no 3 a 7 otra persona, ol tiompo siempre sc roficro al jofo o a la csposa, ^uando quionos informan son ol jefe 7 la c s p o s a , cl ticmpo sienpro sc reflore al jofc* En la primera colunna anotc los nonbros completos (con dos a pc i Txdes; s xci.inro"’quo sea posiblc), o n el ordcn quo h a n sido escogidos nor cl informants, E n ol caso dc personas dc unico apollido, so r e p o t :Iran los apellidos matornos. Si cl informante no rocuorda ol sogundo apollido do la persona a quien so esta ref iriendo, trace una rays. 1 reno d i a t an c nt o al lado del primer apollido 7 ponga un signo dc ir.torrogac ion para indicar quo no sc conocc cl segundo apollido ( ? )« En esta pregunta, como on las donas dc ostc tiro, cuando la persona entrov.ist ad a da o l 'ncrur--' a.' nno persona, cscrxbalo cn ol cspacio corrcspondier.tc D o s p m .c prr gev'to si la persona nombrada os ol jefe do aouclla f t:. a y s 1 no es, oscriba tarn­ 'sion ol nombro del j ofo do le. I'm j i " per dotras do la pagina 0 on ol cspacio quo quc.de. a la j.?iquiorde. do la pregunta, Cuando la progunta so refiore o s p c i f i**.ai:•...nte a familxas, siempre oscriba cl nombro del jofo do la familia. cn ol cspacio corrospondiento, En la sogunda columns. indique si ostao personas son paricntos, coiipa'drca1, anijgd?.; 0 ' conocidos • For ol tcrmirio parientcs so entiendo p a m n t o a c o c ohs ar.guinc o o oolit i c o , Do bora and— tarsc c:1 parcntosco (hi jo, cunado, pr i m o , t xo politico, etc,) siempre.: cn ro lac ion cori ol jefe do la familia, Por cl tornino "eonpadren o "comadron, sc qnt iondo la rolacxon quo existe cntrc a que xla per s ona' quo' present o a uno do los hijos de la familia a la c o n f i r m o al bautizo, y los padre a dc la persona bautizada. For ahijado o nhijadn sc cntionde cualquior persona rospocto a c>u s j>mdrvu 10 3 ,t ' Por podrjno o madrina sc entiendo la persona quc'prcscnta a otra a r> r:.:'i'Fnr” la *oo.nvxrmacion, bautizo o casamicnto* Er. In colnrrm n a n oro tree, anotc ol nombro del lugar •ionde viler"X.-m* y r i ' r n ^se’ogTdas por la familia cntrevistada, 01 - sL'xe personas vivon on cl nisnio lugar quo la familia cntrc— vi siada, escribe, cl nombro do ostc 7 cl numero dc la casa, si i'uor.i p o r iblo ccnscguirlo on ol croquisj por ojcr.iplo Aquiaros En case dc quo las familias o personas cscogiclas, viv'ah on otro lugar, o 3 criba s ol ament c cl noir.bro ; por cjcmplo La Doris, bi no es posiblc obtener cl nuncro dc la casa durante la jntro vista, do io un csnacio on blar.ee para scr lion ado mas c cm la informacion correct a; por ejcnplo A q u i a r c-J> "Kr • -6- 393 En esta pregunta, asx cor.io en las otras de este tipo, se rcfiere a las personas quo anbos conyuges escogorian. En hogaros donde falta uno do los conyuges, la pregunta se refiere a las personas que el jefe y otro miembro (preferiblc adulto) de la familia cscogerlan. La rcspuesta a esta pregunta debe obtenerse por notodo directo, D. Indique en cl espacio correspondicnte el nombro dol lugar donde vivia cl informante, (cuyos datos aparcccn bajo nC B ) inr.icdiatamento antes do vcnir a vivir a este "lugar”# Si ol inf ormante ha vivido on este mis mo lugar durante toda s u vida, siempre se cscribira cl nombro del lugar cn el espacio corres­ pond icnte . E m Ponga una marca ( / ) cn el espacio correspondicnte a la contestacion quo so aplica al caso. Por el tcrmino "codido" se entiendo quo la casa quo ocupa la familia les ha 3.ido dada on pros tamo, para su uso, por ol patron o por cualquicr otra pe r ­ sona. F« Ponga una marca (/) cn cl cspacio corrcspondiento a la contestacion que sc aplica al caso. Por "solar", so cntiondcse cl tcrrcno que ocupa la casa y cl que esta a su alredcdor por uno de sus lado3, siempre quo sea menor dc un cuarto de manaana. Cf, Ponga una marca (/) on el espacio correspondicnte la contestacion corrccta quo sc aplica al caso. a 3. Hilcra dc casas unidas: S c e n t i c n d e por este tdrmino una serio de casas cbntigua's que cstan ba jo un mi3mo techo. Ip. Piezas: Sc entiendo por ostc terr.iino, cuartos dormitorios indcpcridientos, bajo un misno techo. 5# Patios: So entiendo por este terr.iino un grupo dc casas quo tienen un solar corriun para 3us scrvicioa interiorcs. Genoral mcnto son una sorio dc casas dc hilcra, localizadas en cl cen­ tro de la manzana y 'quo no cstan contiguas a la callc. H. Ponga una marca (^) c n cl espacio o espacios corrcspondicntcs a la contestacion quo sc aplica al caso. Sc cnticn— de por "colono o inquilino" la persona quo por no posocr torreno propio, paga alquilcr o C3ta autorizado por cl ducrio dol torrcno para cultivarlo o cxplotarlo* Por "finca" entiondosc una^o r.ias pcrcelas dc tcrrcno, con una extension total dc cinco o mas manzanas, las cualos puodcn sor uanejadas por cl ducfio, a dm i nistrador, a r r o n d a t a r i o • "Parasitos" son aquollos quo, gcncralncnte sin advortirlo, cstable ccn sus trabajo3 dentro dc una propicdad incrista. ~7 394 Cuando una persona o cor.ipaflia poscc varias cxtensioncs do tcrrcno del misr.io distrito y ostas son administradas separad amcntc, cada una dc cllas so considcrara como una finca# Si una propiodad ticnc parte dc su extension e n un distrito y par-to cn uno o nas distritos contiguos, sc tomara cn aauel distrito cn quo este la casa dc habitacion, Si no la hubicro, sc tomard on cl distrito por donde so sacan los productos. Entiondcso por ’’finquita'* una o mas parcclas de tcrrcno, con una extension que no alcanza a cinco manzanas, Cuando la finquita os codida, se entiendo quo la c x plotacion se llcva a cabo en bcncficio cx c lu — 3 i v o de la persona quo la oxplota, sin que ol duono do la p r o ­ piodad participo on forma alguna dc I 03 bcn cficios de esta, E n ol caso dc una persona que sea eluena o tcnga alquilado un tcrrcno, cuya ex t en s io n sea r.ienor de cinco manzanas, la p a — labra finca cn H1 y H2 (sogun cl caso) debe tacharso y cscribirse cncima la palabra finquita# E n cualquior caso c n quo sc oncuontrcn familias con torrcnos, debe anotarsc o n la parte dc atras do la pagiha la extension y dotallcc importantos dc oso o osos tcrrenos, para podor hac^r r.ias tardo la clasif icacion con toda facilidad# Repltaso cl procodinionto scguido on la pregunta -1— (pagina) Esta pregunta sc rcficrc a personas quo no vivan en la casa cn— trevistada y a quioncs do jar Ian oneargados sus asuntos en caso do ausoncia# Cuadro 2# Caractorist icas dor.iograf icas # Col# (1) Anotc los nombros do los nicmbros dc la familia quo viven cn la casa# Col# (2) (Parentcsco con ol jofo dol h o g a r ) # E n cstd colur.ma so cscribira ol grado dc parcntcsco dc cada nienbro, con cl gefo dc la familia (hijo, csposa, sobrina, etc#) o la condicion bajo lacual vivo la persona cn la casa (hijo adoptivo, etc,) Col# (5) So debe usar la inicial "If' para indibar scxo masculine y la inicial ,rF ri para indicar scxo fcmcnino# Col# (Ip) Indique en ol espacio corrcspondicntc la cdad dc los d'istintos m i e m b r o 3 do la familia, cn afios cunplidos, si son nayoros do u n aho, o en ncses o dias 3 i son ncnorcs do un ado, Ejcmplo: E n ol caso do un nino dc tros noses, sc cs c r i ­ bira tree ncscs y en cl caso do un hombrc dc Ip2 ahos y 11 mcscs, sc cscribira Ip2. SI sc trata dc ahos so cscribira sole la cantidad. Si sc- rcficrc a mcscs o dias, sc cscribira la cantidad aconpafiada dc la palabra mcscs o dias. Ejcmplo: 8 noses# Col, (5 ) Indique cl nombrc del lugar dondo nacio cada n ie r.ibro’'"do "1a" fan ilia# Si nacio cn cl extranjero indique solamcntc cl nombrc dol rrg/— r~*as 0 3 3on e s -Uad o 3 3 0 C e cl /*'r? poro la ley c IVV n no los reconocc ^9 Para avoriguar on una forr.a indirect a sin hc-rir susccptibilidadcs, si una pareja es corr/iv l e n t o , proguntesc 'al inforso cicv.ipo ha quo con cr a jor on iau r isonio , a IV: f on o' cull f''c o 3 PC or deb c ease, Fucdo scr c[uc los p 0 P.lorcn asados nodran r non’ . c u s ar on X tier.po que 1 V,->r» lo dir a4 cl nor.br c del -cadre 3 p re nir. ml t>o n un sac i-+ .3 X n 1. 10do 3 abcr si ado •-** . Col. (7 ) Indique la religion a ere rentenocon los dis i m a c r o s dc la fanilin, ir.bicar auc :lieos u s c 1 a abr c v i at ur a ? ?! !r ^*! ■l• Tv--,a v.jC v f j o t n i t O 3 VI3 O 1 a nbr o v i at ur a nF 11• Col. (8 ) Indique ol v.lt ir..o ;;rndo do c sc ue la curs ado por cada mcaiDro ac la f aril la. Sc indie era con MF 11 pr in nr ia , 'MS ,r c ur.d af i a , HU ,r univ .rc.lt nr in v cl u': cro do ales curaados, Por ejovplo, si liego has ba c ?...; 1 c v e r v e r r a l o do p r i; l a r i a •’ 1 1 . go l.asia .1 final del segundo dc em d a r i a "1-2 , I cur so el -piint o do univcrs it aria n35 * • i J f o ' el. (9 ) User lb a P :Ln, ci cl nionbro do la fariilia esta 1 a e s'cue 1 a , ar si cl .iler.ibro de la far.iilia . an la e:cue;; ol. (1C) obtener esta inf c m a c ion dc un nodo live ir-fct'c- bvfilute lurm t. la entrovista. I puedc avcriguar (per cjcnplo) ;i les varios niorsbros dc lo. far.iilia saben leer pof moatrarlcs .a carta dol Padre Catolico para quo olios lo lean. Para saber quiencs saben cscribir puedc dejarsc llenar ur.os blances del c uost ionar io con las contcstacioncs do las proguntas. ' iin el caso do una persona que lee y no escribe o vice versa, haga una exp licacion on la parte do atras dc la papina, Solanento o n ult ir.io recur so dobo haccrsc la pro gun gunta -n una forrua direct a. India ue ,fsj o "no ", Col. (11) Indie; ui la clase dc acoiviaaci a qu< sc d c d i c a , * este os, ar;r a c ult ur a , caneroid, ir.dv stria (fabrica) , capitalisba, sorv.cio publico, prcf o 3 ionr.I, 'scrvic io dcr.vost.ico, sorvicio p e r ­ sonal, sin a c t ividad oco.ncuica. etc. . Col. (12) S lore a'la ocosacion oo p r o f c s io n q ue ^ -u:vo la persona, por clouplo, si os doctor, carpintero, obanista, nac stra, j o rn a l o r o , etc. 31 una ncrnona tlone varios oficios per o j u n l o . si es i M3 i0 ' a:r/«;ara o 1 of icio en / Mi -5- 396 que la pe r so n a t r ab a ^ a la m a y o r i a del tiempo* % Col* (15) Indique el oficio o p r o f o s i o n que ejecutaba cada m iem bro de la familia inmediatamente antes de conseguir el trabajo que tiene e n la actualidad* Col* ( I I l - 1 7 ) Indique el ingreso aproximado que aport6 cada m iembro cie la fa m il i a dura nte los ulti mos 12 meses* Puede obtenerse es ta i nformacion por varios raetodoa. Si se consigue el ingreso por dia, semana o mes, se debe preguntar quo part© del ario pa sa do trabajo y si rocibio ol mi s mo suoldo durante los ultimos 12 moses* Usando osta informacion sepuede doterminar ol ingreso anual aproximado durante este periodo, T a m b i e n debo tomarse cn c o n s i d o r a c i o n cualquier ingreso adicional quo hay a recibido la familia, por ejeraplo, u n premio do lotoria, ingreso por concepto de tra bajos hochos durdnte horas no laborablcs, pagos de cesantia y pre.avisos, otc. M i e m b r o 3 A u s e n t e s : Cons±d£ ranse como tal aquellos miembros ' do la familia que estan ausentes del hogar al t iempo de la e ntrevista y quo h a n vivido fuera del hogar mas de la m i ta d del tiem** po,durante los ultimo3 doce meses, So entiendo que los hijos casado3,'si v i v c n f u e r a del hogar, no se t om a ra n como mi embros ausentes, y a que f o r m a n una far.iilia aparte, Repitase el procod.ir.iicnt o soguido en la pregunta Cuadro 5 , -( Pagina--) Miombros muertos do la f a m i l i a * Col* (1 ) E n esta colu mna indique el sexo d© cada uno de los miombros do la familia* Ponga nF w para indicar femenino y ,JM n para indicar mas culino* Col* (2) Indique cn ol ospacio correspondicnte la e d a d Quo tqnta 'ca'da uno de ostos miembros dc la fam i l i a al morir* SI ©ran m o n o r e s do u n aflo al morir, indique la edad o n m eses o d ia s c u ra p lid o s j s i e r a n m ayor© s d a un afL 6* in d iq u e l a e d a d a n iflot {$) Indique o n o l espacio o o r r e s p e n d i o o n quo m u r i o c a d a yno do los miombros falloc idos# C o l* n te e l a flo Col* (I4.) Indique e n osta col u m n a el lugar donde v i v l a n los distint os miom b r o s fallocidos do la familia al tlompo de su auortc* A l h a b la r do m iom bros m u e rto s de l a f a m i l i a no se tooarSgfc * e n e u e n ta l a s p e r d ld a s qtlo h a y a t o n id o l a o s p e s a . p u s s re a lm © p a r a los ofoetoa civilos* osos hijos no h A n n a c i a o y p o r o o x t M i m 9 guiento n o puodon h a b o r muerto* Rcpitaso ol mismo proccdimicnto soguido o n la pagina png*— 10C uadro Ij., 397 D e l i n e a c i o n dc la Comunidad Col, (1) Serviclos y acti vidades , E n esta columna se encuentra una list a dc los scrvicios y a ctividados que sc han doterminado como de imioor t anc ia s uT i c i nte, para son incluidos en esta s e cc i on dc la d e l i n e a c i o n de la comunidad. La impor tancia so detcrmino dc acuerdo con el uso que un numero de farailias c n t r c v i s t a d a s , h acia dc ostos scrvicios* Los scrvicios y actividados climinados, f u e r o n usados tan e s p o r a d i c a m e n t e , que no sc considcro nccosario incluirlos on la lista final. Por "scrvicios y act ividadc s *' so e n t i e n d e n aque llas funci ones on las cuales el individuo p a rt i ci p a y coopcra junto con otros iniombros dc la sociedad, para satisfaccr difcrcnto3 ncccsidados de aspocto sociales y cconomieos dc la vida, Todos los sorvicio3 y actividados scran dcfinidos usando como base cl lugar'dondc las personas satis faccn ostas n c c o s i d a d e s . Por ejcmploj si un hombro ticnc una va ca y vende la Icchc quo 6s^-*» a produco, o a sus vocinos, sc considerara, para ol proposito do ostc estudio, igual quo una lechoria quo produce locho cn gran oocala. Dc la rnisma. nancra, una t i e n d a quo vondo pan. considerara igual qua una panadcria quo hacc y vende pan y otros productos talcs como pastclo3, gallet a s , etc. Si por ejcmplo, un hombrc c n Aquiaros conpra pan on cl conisariato, V C CO, a la somana, y compra otros productos on la panadoria dc Turrialba, dos vcccs al mo a la informacion dobora aparcccr como siguc: C i ' C :Scrvicio3 y !actividadc s i |f. Fanadcria Col, (2) i Lugar dondo p ar t ic i -j P r c c u o n c i a conquo pa r ti c i p & n pan o partoe i n n r 1an dc cstos scrvicios y actividad dc cstos scrvicios y D'iar'ia- . Voces ,'.Voc'os V c c c , mo nt o por j por act ividadc s por ! Sc ma na P C S aflo b. 2 Aquiarcs a, b. 'Turrialba Lugar dondo partlci p an o pa r ti c ip a ri a n dc ostos scrvicios y actividados. Indiquo los lugarcs dondc la fa mi l ia participa o partici-' Si hay mas dc un lugar, paria dc cstos scrvicios y act ividados. anato los nonbros dc cstos cn or don de importancia cuando osto 30a posiblc. P a r a ‘proposito dc idcntificacion narquo cada'lugar (a), ( b ) , (c), (d), dc acuordo con cl ordon dc importancia. Jose, T ur r ia l ba Ejernplo: una fas:;ilia quo comp.ra su ropa cn y L a Suiza, comprando la mayor parto on Turrialba y la ncnor cn La Suiza, apcreccra como siguc: (a) Turrialba (b) San Jose, (c) La Suiza, Si la fa m i l i a no participa de cstos scrvicios y actividadcs, anotc cl lugar dondc olios indican quo partic i pa r la n do 6stos on caso do n o e o s i t a r l o s , ‘y si la far.iilia no sabo dondo irian para part icipar dc cstos, apuntosc '‘no lo saben*' o n la columna numero d o s « Col. (5-6) F r c c u e n c i a con quo p a r t i c i p a n do cstos ser- vicios y a c t i v i d a d o s . Indique la f r o c u o n c i a con que la far.iilia ha usado durante los ultimos doce meses, cada uno do los scrvicios cnumorados o n la columna numero u n o . Si los ha u3ado d i a r i a m c n t o , ponga una marca (y) cn ol cs pacio cor rospondiento* E n los otros casos indique las voces por scmana, mes o aho que la f a m i l i a us6 C3tos scrvicios. Si o n la c o lumna nu m er o dos se anoto mas do un contro, indique on las columnas tree a sc is la frocu on c ia con quo la familia uso cada centro* 7TT 'KacerTo, use la m i s n a letra que identifica al centro o n la columna numero dos. Ejcmplo : Si la fami lia conpro ropa cn (a) T ur r i a l b a una vcz al r.ies, o n (bj San Jose dos v o c e s al aho y cn (c) La Suiza una vcz al ailo, aparoccra c n la columna tros como sigue: F rc c ue n c i a on ol uso D i a r iamcnto (2) V o c e 3 por s o ma n a UiO Voces por mos (5) Voces por ano (6) (a) 1 (b) 2 (c) 1 1 ___ -- ---------— — _____ Si los mi embros dc la f a milia han participado c n los servicios y actividados cnumorados-c n la columna nu m er o uno'duranto afios antcriorco pcro no durante los ultimos doce meses, escriba en ol espacio correspondicnte "no lo ha n usado". Si los miombros dc la fa milia n un c a h a n pa rticipado do cstos scrvicios y actividade3, cscriba o n bl cs p ac i o correspondicnte "no lo usan", Si al conte star la c ol u mn a nunoro (2) con r e f e r e n d a al lugar dondc parti cipan o p a r t i c ip a ri a n de los distintos scr­ vicios y a~tividades, como por ejcmplo, cn cl caso de vordulorla, la f a mi l ia informa quo p ro d uc e n toda3 las hortalizas c n la casa, sc icbora o3cribir c n las columnas 3-6 con r c f c r o n c i a a la frecucncia cn cl uso i:producido on la c a s a ”. Si la fami lia conpra algunas hortaliza.s una voz a la soraana on Aquiarcs y produce cl rcsto on la casa, llcnc las columnas 3-6 como siguc: -12- (Scrvicios y jnet ividadc s 399 i L u g a r d o n d o partici-q D i a r i n - : Voces ( V o c e s j V oces , yi p a n o part ic ioor Ia n i monies ; por * no r i nor dc o s t o s servxeic ■ornrrj mo ano y actividados iC « Vordulor xa Aquiarc (I'o dona:'j p r o d u cido o n H a casa) E n e l c a s o do u n a far.iilia quo ha v i v i d o m o n o s dc un aflo *cn ol lugar quo h a b i t an o n I.e. a c t u a l id ad, sc I'icnnra ol Cue.dro .'i., como 3 i g u e : (1) E n c u d n t o a t o d o s los cor vie los y a c t i v i d a d o s quo o c u p a n d i a r i a n c n t o , nor su-mana o y>or i.icc,--3i la far.iilia ha vi vido cn cl pro sente l ugar por nSu dc un a scr.iana o nos- - , se a p u n t a r a n j.os n o n b r o c los ccntros que c s t a n f r o c u o n t a d o o ' quo f r c c u o n t ar:tan car a .s f r u t a r do c s t o s s c r v i c i o s y a c t i v i daden, o n la c o l u m n a dos; c o n la f r o c u o n c i a c o n quo p a r t i c i p a n o par t ic I pari an do o cTTdT; , c n las c.o lurnas 5 ~ b m (2) E n cl ca so do los s c r v i c i o s y a c t i v i d a d o s que se o c u p a n u n a 3 c u a n t a s voces al. a h o , - - o per me s o soma n a o n ol caso de una f a m i l i a quo no ha v i v i d o per r.ias t icmpo e n ol lugar e s c r i b a e n ia c o l u m n a doc, los n o m b r o s de los c c n t r o s que f r c ­ cuont a n o f r e o u e n t a r i a n ~ n la a c s u a l i d a d para p a r t i c i p a r do ostos s c r v i c i o s y act. i v i d a d c s . Si f u c r o n a o s t o s m i s m o s c e n ­ tres Tiara p a r t i c i p a r do cs tos, n i o n t r a s quo v i v i a n c n otro lugar o luga res d ondo h a n v i v i d o d u r a n t o los u l t i m o s doce me e s ; sc p u d on llenar las c o l u m n a s q-6 c on la f r o c u o n c i a e n cl uso i n c l u y e n d o todo el u l t i m o a hoi, E n o l c a s o do quo los ccn t r o s quo olios o c u p a r o n m i e n eras v i v i c r o n c n c l luga r o l ugares a n t c r i o r c s scan d i f c r c n t 03 do los quo c s t a n o c u p a n d o c n la a c t u a l i d a d , a n o t e s o al r e v e r s o de la uagi.na, s i g u l o n d o las i n s t r y c c i o n o s dad as o n las G e n e r a lidadcs b a j o ol p a r r a f o 'ilodo do t o m a r n o t a s y los nor.ibrcs dc los c c n t r o s quo fro c ue nt aro'n 'ant o'ifj y la Trocuenc.i.a cn ol uso, durante c s a parte d e l u l t i m o ah o quo la f a m i l i a v i v i o e n el lugar o l u g a r e s a n t o r lores y v i s i t a r o n los ce n t r e s indie a d o c . (5) E n c u a n t o a loc s o r v x e i o s y a c t i v i d a d o s quo la f a ­ m i l i a no h a usado d u r a n t e lbs ult imo 3 doce r.!03C3j pero quo si h a n o c u p a d o a l g u n a vca d u r a n t e s u vida, se a n o t a r a c n la c o l u m n a d o s , cl lugar dondo olios p a r t i c i p a r i a n c n la a c t u a l i d a d do tal es s crvicios y act i v i d a d c s . e s c r i b l e n d o on las c o l u m n a s 3-6, las p a ­ l abra s "no lo h a n usado*1. so 400 13- E n el c a s o de que la. f a m i l i a n u n c a h a y a o e u p a d o t a l e s s c r v i c i o s y a c t i v i d a d e s , so es crib I r a n las pala'oras 11no lo u s a n ” c u b r i e n d o las c o l u n n a s 'j- 6 , si n a It o r ar la c o Ivanna dos. E n el caso de que los s e r v i c i o s y act ivirlade s quo no se h an u s a d o d u r a n t e el u l t i m o afio, p e r o que se u o a r o n a n t e r i o r a ent o e n el m i s m o l u g a r e n quo se us ar i a n ahora, no h a y n c c o sidad de h a c e r n i s g u n a a e l a r a c i o n , mas, si el l u g a r e n que se part io ion do t a l e s s c r v i c i o s y a c t i v i d a d e s , no es ol r.iismo que se frocu.entaria e n la a c t u a l i d a d , se a n o t a r a e n e s a f o r m a al r o v e r s o do la p a y i n n . I• C e n t r o do Ilegocios g* Ferreterxa: Se e n t i e n d o por f e r r e t e r i d la t i e n d a que sc especTaTiza" e n la vents, do art Icu l o s t a l e s como: i n s t a l a c i o n o s , r.iaquinariao, hc rr a m lent as y e q u i n e pars, ol ho ea r y la f i n c a • E n c a s o do que la famil.-a e or/pre a i r ’'.nos do o s t o s art i c u l o s o n una f e r r e t o r l a de u n pucbl o , y o t r o s c n la fo r r o ­ tor ia de una l o c a l id ad dif or n it e , so us b e n a n o t n r los n o m b r o s do a mbos p u e b l o s , c o n la c o r r o s p o n I i o n i e f r o c u o n c i a c n el u s o on c a d a c a so. Cantina: E s t a no s p u e s t a dobo o b t e n e r s c po r m c t o d o s indiroctos*! bo do bo tr a t a r so do c o n s o m t i r Ic. f r c c u e n c i a , p c r o si sc debe tre.tar do c or.se guir iui'crmcoion sobro si us a este o c)r v 1 c i o o n o . Renitaso 11 • ol pr ooud.iuient o soguido c n la p r e g u n t a -1- (Pagina ) A c 1 1 v id ad c s d o c 1 a lo s. Visitus: Pa r a o b t e n e r i n f o r m a c i o n sobro este t 6 p i c o , ' s e hs.ee no co car io o r p l i c a r a la f a m i l i a que como r e g i a g e n e r a l , h a y dos t i p o s dc v i s i t a s , las vis itas do c u m p l i d o y o t r a s v i s i t a s informales, a, V i s i t a s do cmrpTxcTol Aque-Llasvisitas para las c u a l o s la f a m i T i a " o "oTgimos m x c m o r o s do ostc. sc v i s i t e n , so a r r c g l a n , y sac a n t i c mpo o ope c ialraontc , c o n cl p r o p o s i t o 'de v i s i t a r a a l g u n c o n o c i d o , como por ejor.iplo, c n caso de n a c i m i e n t o , m u e r t o , o por i n v i t a c i o n e s p e c i a l . E s t a s v i s i t a s se h a c e n de a c u e r d o c o n ur. p l a n p r c n e d i t a d o . C u a n d o sc c n c u o n t r a quo la f a m i l i a no ha h o c h o v i s i t a s de c u m p l i d o d u r a n t e ol u l t i m o aho e s c r i b a "no lo h a n h c c h o ” , " 3i n u n c a h a n h o c h o t a l c l a so do vis ita e s c r i b a "no lo h a c c n " . b. Or.rcs v i s i t a s inf o r m a l e s • Este tioo dc v is it a s sc r d f i e r e a la c o s t u m b r e dc ir ’a" vcr a u n c o n o c i d o o a u n par l e n t o , para c o n v e r c o r y p a r a r o l a c i o n a r s c c o n l a 3 p e r s o n a s 'mas Intimas, G o n o r a i m e n t c , el c o m p a h c r i s m o os cl o b j e t i v o dc la visita; p or e j o m p l o , ir a la ca s a de u n amigo o p a r i o n t o a c h a r l a r o a p a s c a r por la t a r d e , o inv it ar unos a m i g o s p a r a quo v o n g a n de caseo. 401 ._ . ac io CO c • nuv.ar -:i0o r r s. u rn i o n c o n m i l sue en e rr •'s :-r.c.:.oino .u y, 1ol 1 e Sl. o■;ao a. _I1 :111 or Er 0 s u e n c i a 0 1 jol *0 *> V i n , s.noi 0 3 V.'J Cu'T. .„ O It io .A i > i r . p D * j V ~ i .ion o s la "" P a' -* • a, l a c . a l l e , -L-- c a s a d e 1 ol c oral.s c u i c t o , etc# -1 ^ '3 III. V .’ Id ue ac i on, a.fc . E c c u c l a ( p r i nari a y o o m p l c m o nt aria) # ' In d i q u e c n cl c c cc.cio ooroo.'porn ::.cntc on la. c oli iima n u m e r o dee, ol l u g a r d ondc par t io l o a n o pa r t ic i can acm do ostos s o r v l c i o s H Si h a n u s a d o osloe; s c r v i e Los dvro.ets la v i d a do cua.loccuier c i e e b r o s dc la' 1’am i lia, ps.ro no loo h a n u s a d o durante los u l t i m o s doce me sc 3 , e s c r i b a "no Io n a n u s a d o " . n'..me.a. h a n u s a d o 03 Los s c r v i c i o s o s or i ba "n o 1 o u s a n"* E n cl gs.go do quo olios a s ' s t i o r o n a la o s c vs la r r i m r i a o e o n p l c u e n t a r ia o n ados art or :•ovo:: , p^nc no d u ' c u c los ult imos \1Cjr\^ Vl.0s c s i L■1 ‘ liqoor r> luy n r o s dor.de r,art re r par on de ostos LI-j-0V IO 1 0 3 , no a c l :::i;:ro d m . d o part ic :1m a r i a n a h o r a , e s c r i b a on l a colui;ina ol c e n t r o J c 2ids p a r t ^ c i p u l o n a h o r a de ostos, y or. 3. S CO .Lui.i s i-6 o s c u s P a !;uo lo d u n u sado". Entonces on ia nar 1 0 do t r •is'lt. Ic. pa rna anoto ol l u n a r d o n d o e n l a act ua].Id ad us a n o j '.oo ; n : u . r : i o n lV-h'fi 'Vjao "otras v ■ D.djo r e ;run ^:-.a"* g/untaa oclr 0 V (II a. 0 . ) p e.r a lb~6~) con r v;d a 1; ii’'•1-a -1- (r ■ n-a ni.a 3 d r<.d -re al tipo de vis it a c l a s i f i c a d o " t m . " e.u la e c ion do act ividadc 3 s o c i a l e s (lib), in: v. "......ta: u n t o do spins do h a b o r h o c h o las proL a s , o n la ;rco ion do a c t i v i d a d e s soci a l e s 1r - o 1 c jitr o v r:t a Lo c ont ostc ar.'.ba 3 pr c gunt a 3 0 v '.as al n r s u o r :so de visits. E n osta pro■..is;, o o r o c e d a m i o n t o s o g u i d o o n la p r e g u n t a c 0 1 . (i - L de l a ~ .liaras x ia curcrcvisie.de. v.. s jt a n a las f a m i l i a s cuyos h o m ­ eros sips.re 0cn osst a pinfaia'u . Ji lo ha co n d i a r iamcnto, pen,;;a u n a r.isir c ( ) 1 o n 3.c s o1ro s c as o 3 and ique las v o c o s po r ::0.u a nna so: a ,, no n o s 0o aho quo la ramr.lxa vis it a a est as T a m i l i a n * IV. qu- 3 al n d ; a r. U n id - ci'rr sc""T ~ . "i.->. i .-:.t OS O 3 Io 3 V j j f>iv.\ ■r;vi‘ .-r:. o'.:.s*■ n i n c l u y e e at a , todos los s c r v i c i o s xr , d e n t i s t a, o n E o r n e r a , firao.c ia • ? i; .e 00p u r o C ocicd ; xncluyo este terr.iino :o s -:y n oEroeo o .b.ospit al; d o c t o r , d o n t i s t a , r aca, E . e r n o i a y h o s p i t a l i s a c ion. *c .c # blslo, D o c t o r y Enl’an.iora O b c t c t r i c a " p a r t i c u l a r " ; par el t l r u ;ino" p a r t ic u!iar"sr. Vs'nt'aorde quo o'silo's pr oics ion. ale's t r ao a j Oil t O 0 v ;T~n/"o 0''y'-qu:c 1 t iompo i n d o p o n d i c n t c m e n t o dol d suit al do. c* e So-: ial dc 'Inid ad S a r a s aria y q u o gone — J -15ralmen te co b ra n honor arios por sus servicios* Enfcrracra Obstetrica: por este t er m in o se entiende und persona quo e's't a aut'or'izadn of ic ialmonte para atender partos# f. Partera: por este termino sc en t iendo una pe rsona que sin teher T i c e n c i a quo la autorice a p ra c t i c a r esta funcion, atiende partos. g. Curandcro: por este terr.iino se entiende una p er s on a quo sin tenor p r o p a r a c i o n a ca d cn i ca quo lo capacitc, ni licen— cia que lo autoricc a practical1 la ncdicina, toma la r o s p o n s a b ilidad de aten der casos y r ccctar ncdici na s . h. F a r m a c c u t I c o : por este terr.iino sc entiende una persona que es ta d obicTamcnte p r o p a r a d a y que tiono l i ce n ci a que lo a u t o r i c e n a p r cp a r a r nod.icancnt.os, A d e m a s , clebido a sus conocImlontos sobrc f a r m a c i a , la yehto acude a cl e n b u s c a dc rccctas y conscjos. Al proguntarlo al informanto si v i s i t a n al f a r m a c c u t i c o , so enti ende quo os c o n cl fin de que los cure de alguna doloncia y no u n i c a m c n t c 'a conprar nc dicinas, puos cso sc co n testa cn I, i, del Cuadro hr. «7" Ropiita cl mismo proccclimiont o soguido en la p r eg u nt a - 1 - (PaginaV. R el i gi o n Ac c i o n C a t o l i c a : o r g & n i z a c i o n r o l i g i o s a que esta compucsta por vari os ramos talcs como Juvcntud Obrc ra Catolica, Liga Obrc ra Catolica, y otras. 1. Lugar dondo t r a b a j a U d . Indique el lugar donde trabaja oT jof c do la fa n fi x a. Si el jefe no trabaja, indique ol lugar donde tr abaja cl pr incxpal sostcn dc la familia. Cuadro 5* _Alimentos y otros art iculos vendidos. Si la familia produj o art ic uioc para la Vontaj proc cda a contestar esta prp— gunta. Si no produjo cstos artxculos, trace una ray a' a lo l a r­ go de los espacios en bianco. Col, (1) Enur.icrc los distintos articulos quo la f a mi l ia vcndio duranto los ultimos doce m cscs. Col. (2) Indique doce mcscs do" aqucllos la cantidad vendida durante los ultimos articulos cn umorados cn la Col. (1). Col. (p) art i c u l o s . cl lugar dondc Indique la f am i l i a vondio cstos 2. Si la fam ilia produjo articulos principalmentc para corsuno en ol hogar, cnumore cstos cn el c s p a c i o correspondicnte. - 16- 403 Trace una ra ya a lo l a r g o do loo cspacios on bianco, si la far.iilia no pr o du j o a r t i c u l o s p a r a consume on cl hogar. Por npr i n c i p a l n o n t c so ont ionic mas dc la mit ad dc la cant idad proHuci’d'a, 3* Ponga una m a rc a cn o l ’espacio corros p en d io n to c o n t e s ta c io n quo aplica al caso. .8- R o p i t a ol mismo p r o c o d i n i c n t o soguido a la on la p r eg u n t a -1- (P&gin C end ic ion Ec onov.iic o-Soc ial 1. I n d i q u e o l r.umero de c a r t e s (r.posontos) en la casa incluyendo d o r m i t o r i o s , coeinou , c u a r l o s do bafio, etc. quo ost e n bajo el m i s m o toe ho. I n d i q u e el n ii c ro total do person as quo vivon on la ca s a ^m c l u y c n d o s a r v d enter y otras personas quo du ermcn c n la c a s a ) . Si al g un mi embro de Is. f a m i l i a ha osts.do ausento dol h o g a r por mas do ocis do los ultimos doce noses, para p ro p os i to do osta pr e gu n ta no sc inc luira on oi numero total dc personas qao vive en la casa* 2. Indique cl n u m e r o total dc sirvlcntcs q u c ' t r a b a j a n on la casa. Incluya lavandora, jardincro, nihcras, sirviOntcs, etc., siempre que t r a b a j c n tcdo cl tiompo para la familia. 3* Indique SI lo. fa chada do l a casa e s t a pintada, encalada o sin pintar. Por ’min'tada’* sc e n tiendo que se ha u s a d o ' pintura do aceitc o pintur'a"cfcf"aua• Por ’’d n c a l a d a ’' se c n t i o n de que se ha usado una mo sole, do cal y agua* I4.. Ponga una m a r c a on cl cspacio correspondicnte para dicar si la f a milia tiono o no run radio. 5. ya solanctto pro st a d o s . O bt c n g a esta I n f o r ma c io n dc un n o d o indirccto. los libros quo p c r t o n e c o n a la f am i l i a y no los 6-7* No haga c stas preguntas, ya quo la In f or m ac i on corr ospondiento so obtonclra on otra s e ccion dol cuestionario. C uando este r.iuorto cl c s p o 3o, o la csposa, o cuando no ha ya ninguno do cllos, trace una raya o n el bianco corresp o ndicntc para Indicar quo no h a y t al persona cn la vi vionda. En caso do quo ha y os poso o csposa c n la v i vi o nd a poro no h a n cursado ni un grado e n la c s c u c l a ponga un ”0 ” on ol bianco corro s p o n d i o n t o . Estas preguntas son aplicablos no solarnonto c n cl caso dc m atrimonios legales y ma t r i m o n i o s co nvivientes sino t a m b i o n on aquollos casos cn quo una m u j e r d e c l a r a que es soltcra pcro tiono hijos y ’ia establecido u n hogar. E n este ult ir.10 caso se I In 404 dc b o c o n t c s t a r la p r o y u n t ? ( 1 c-ma ro f c r o n c i a a la c d u c a c i o n dc la m u j c r quo u: '■o: u idorud-u aomo j o f c de la f a m i l i a * , List a ur c runt a doce c o n t e s t a r s e r e f i r i e n d o s o c ua r t o de ba ne d<- u.. j :.r eatogcs.ria o n la c a s a 0 8 al a, C o m r l r o : y n o d o r n o : ?c e n t i e n d o p o r t a l , u n c u a r t o do p a r a d e s ac~ir777Tool c o n t o d as las i n s t a l a c i o n c s y a c c c s o r i o s d e m a t e r i a l . i m p o r t a d o ( or ora ..do s ) y quo 'g e n e r a l n c n i c c o n s t a d c t o d as l a s pier?.;; o o o o u r i a ; . ( I a v . o r . m s , j a b oner*, a. c d c u s a d o s , a s p e r s i o n y v inc.. t x \ l U r o ; ot--* 0 ) bn A sport:: on, p„u od ' ; 0 0 ?.or.ee c a Inc r sc e n t i e n d e por t al uIT‘'cuur"'7.; "77~~t~o~~d 1 3 ~u7~ Tl:-a. •rb ^ * " ”0 '7 in v ~ e'uyas inst a.lac 1 one s y nt m s ■j ios I a n cia „ .y oho 3 r ;•! pul;; ’’do 1 ■•-•.tor i a l galvanlz a d o ) , c. Aspersion.. <:■'u pui-ac: de -u.lwr: ; sc , on ..uor ,0 eY'vcr ■;e u n cuarto qn-7 17-'' e • 7117 n a d o a lo ■J J3L 1”*V '.8 JL.\Js d Ia ;o c a n a , Parte dc la s aia Cj parte do 1 a "sulk caancfS la fee cilia cocina hah it ualmo nt c en la sala* d.„ Cand±7o -> Se entiende- por tal, una construc.cion junto a la ca ”a~''7ons isterd e do un to olio y goncralncnfco sin parod.es l a t o m l c s , que sirvo de co c i n a a 11. Facxlido.des para c o c m a r <-• Las clasps dc cocina se han c 1 a's'ifxca'do do acuorclu "con “los tipos de combustible que usan, S s t o con el p r o p o s i t o de iacilitar la clasificacion de los varios tipos dc cocina quo so hallcn. Ponga una marca on ol espacio co rrespondicnte par a indicsr la clasc de cocina y combustible que usa la familia. TO — —_u 405 Lc iia (3-i|.) Fogonco: diPcrencio ©ntre Po goncs colocados un a m a z o n y T o s’ colocados dircctaacnto on ol suclo* b* sobre Carbon (1) A n a r r o : h o rn i ll a pcqucfia para cocinar co n carbon. c* “C a n f i n ” (1) Cocina quo usa k cr osina cono conbustible y quo os co nstruxda dc hierro* d. E l e c t ri c i da d (2) Calentador: lla cloctrica. Sc onticnde por cstc to rnino una h o r n i ­ 12* Ponga una riu:bca on cl espacio corrospondiontc contestacion quo aplica a ! caso* a la 15. Indiquc on ol cspacio corrospondiontc si algun nion bro dc la far.iilia cluome cn la sala h a b i t u a l n o n t c » II4., Equipo pa r a d o m i r cn la sala - Conteste osta pregunta aPirma ti valiento o n " c T caso ’do" quo" c o t 6 a la vista on la sala algun mucblc para doruir, t a l cono: c a m , catre, hamaca, tijcrcta, otc, Contcoto csta progunta solo por obscrvacion* 15* Piso dc la sala - Ponga una marc a en el e 3pacio correspond iVrnto por a ihd'i'car quo clasc do piso hay o n la casa -do la Pamilia cntrcvi.sto.da* b. T a b l a s 'asporas - So rcfiere cstc tornino al piso do t ablas s in' pul xr , c* Tablas lisas y uniforncs. So rcfioro al piso de tablas b i c n pul Idas, ni'vola'das y bi cn t c m i n a d a s • So diforo n ci a dc las tablas asporas, no on cl tanafio sino cn ol acabado y la calidad dc la madora* c.f . Ladrillo y Mosaico - Sc difero nc i an estos tcrminos on quo cl 1 adrillo gciicralr.i'crit'c es dc un solo color, la superPicic cs r.ias aspcra cspccialnonte cn las orillas y su torminacion es do poor calidad, sichdo monos uniiorno quo ol mosaico* El mosaico, por cl contrario, cs gcneralncnte dc d i 3cfios de varios colorcs y su t o m i n a c i o n cn general c s dc mas alta calidad. g. Tablas finas — Sc cntiende por csto tornino, el tipo do tablonci'lTos 'do maderas Pinas cono laurel, ccdr.o* otc* quo h a n sido construxdos tor.iando cn co nsidcracion quc cl piso Porrac una supcrPicic bicn niv clada y sin griotas. 406 /• .o • a. .1 - u o OJ- Juc laja calidad « S o ont iendb por tal, un juogo dc sillas' rurtTcT.3 dd“ i“cTa construccion, con su nos a dc contro, Son hcchos e n :.oraiuonto do m a d e r a blanca cnccrada y n u n c a son t apizados• 1„ 2„ I!.:liana calidad ~ Se onticnde por tal, un juego dc sillas 'no 1*Ll“ ’ p u± id a 5^ Farniza d as 'o n cd i o charoladas, y gen c ra l r. i cn t he •:h'* s d c nadora, ( codro, laurel) con su me s a do centre. A v T l o . Vc do s taoneu as Lent os t apizados, pcro gonoralneix'c c in rccorc cs p. /-.lea calidad « Sc onticnde por tal, un juego do sillas b i c n " FactrutcTas con su ncsa dc centro y otros r.iuoblcs tales como c sqv.inoros , lamp or as , no s it as pcquonas, etc. Son hechas de nadcras T in a s bicn cliaroladas, generalncnto tapizadas cn cuoro legitino o gcnero florcado dc alt a calidad y siempre con rosortcs cn los asientos# Las sillas p uc d cn scr conplctanontc tapizadas o coi.ioinac ion do tapicoria y charol# b# hue b 1 c S G UP 1 1 O 3 1.- Banco:] - Sc onticnde por tal, un as icnto do nadcra sin r c sr,aj.ao"“oii cl cual gencralmcntc puedc scntarso una persona sol ar.icnt o « 2. Escanoe — Banco con o sin'rcspaldo y capaz de quc en cl so sacnrcn“dos o r.ias personas# 3* Sillas rnelicas - 3c entiende por tal, sillas mal constriiida~l"iio‘/71n goiioralnontc de r.iadora b la n ca y ter-' tuinadas c o n una capa dc cera solancnte. Nunca son tapizadas# •° Sj Id as f i n a s - S e o n t i c n d e p o r t a l , s i l l a s d o b u c n a con.t^ai.TTlon, K c c h a s d c m a d e r a t a l c s c o n o c c d r o a n a r g o c c d r o dvje.:. l a u r e l , e t c . , b i c n c h a r o l a d a s # Genorali.iento t i c n o n a s a ‘net o s 't a p i z a d o s c o n c u o r o l e g i t i m o o g c n e r o f l o r o a d o do alt a c a l i d a d . Los asientos 5# B u t a c a s - 3e o n t i c n d e p o r t a l , u n a s i l l a n a s quc l a a n t e r i o r y c o n b r a z o s . T i c no c l a s i c n t o t a p i z a d o c o n m i t a c o n dc c u c r o o g e n c r o s f l o r c a d o s y p u o d c o no l l o v a r rosorotcs* U s u a l n c n t e o s t o n b i o n c o n s t r u i d a s y s o n hechds con n a d c r a s t a l c s cono ccdro, l a u r e l , etc., m e d i o c h a r o l a d a s # ancha 17 — T o c a d o r r u s t i c o — Sc e n t i e n d e p o r c s t c t o r n i n o u n a t a b l i l l a c n c s a ' c 11 l a 'cual sc h a c o l o c a d o u n e s p e j o y varios acccsorios para cl aseo personal, talcs cono peinlllo, polvos, jabon, etc# •■:.c,- W 18 - Cuadros on la solr - E n csta prcgunta p onga ol numero do cuoo:-:*:”* quc.- in cinch cn la sala, ya scan originales, r c p r o d u c c i o n c s , retra.tos, calcndarios, etc. Si no ti c n c n cuadros cn la sala, ponga :i cn cade, uno de los cspacios corrospondiontcse . ______ a. Originalos ~ Por cstc tcrmino so onticnde pinturas ya Sea acuarcTa', d i e o , pastel, etc* o dibujos al carbon, lapis, otc., cn los cualcs sc roconocc cicrto valor artlstico. b. Hoproduceijoncs - Por cstc tornino sc entiende copias dc obrac orig. 'no Ye 'J~, cuadros rccor tados do re v i s t a s , pcriodicos, etc., inc luye :ido los cus.dros dc «ant os . (2) Marcc rastico *-» Sc entiende un narco inprovisado quc pucdo ccnslTqi? do nadora, bantu., papol cngortado, tola, etc. y quc ha sido hocho por una persona no dicstra. c* (2) Retrat os ~ Sc rclierc a cualquicr fotogralla. Marco r u s t l c o ; vca d cf i ni c io n l8 b (2). 19# Vent anas do la sala - Ponga una m a rc a ( ) on cl cspacio “corrcspondTonTTo al ETpo do vcntana prodoninantc cn la sala, b. Vo nt a n a s in r.-.oId t e a , cs un hueco cortado c n la pared. c. Vcntana con Moldura, cs un huoco cortado cn la pcro con moIcTura 011'la p a r g o - ext or i or . pared, d. Vcntana con h o j a s : igual a la anterior pero quo osta pro visa a dc un r.ioc ahisrao do r.iadcra ad junto quc porr.iit c abrirla y ccrrarla. c. V o nt ana dc v idr ic r a , u n tipo de vcntana cn ol cual ol mecanisnio quc sc usa para""abrir y ccrrar o quc cubrc cl hueco con la pared consistc dc vidrio. 2 o. Indiquc cn cl cspacio corrcspondicntc cl numoro dc cstatuns y reprod uceionos de cuadros dc santos quo hay cn la sala. c o^tinas c n la s a l a ; a. Cortinas y Colgaduras - Sc entiende por c cn cstc caso, oT 1 lenzo transparonto quc cubrc la vcntana y por colgaduras la tela mas pcaada quo cuolga alrcdodor de la vcntana. b y e . C o r t i n a s dc alta y b a j a c a l i d a d - Sc e n t ie nd e por c o r f i n a cl l i e n s o quo puedc o ho scr trarisparonto y quc se usa p ar a cubrir v e n t a n a s o puorto.s. Sc c o n s i d c r a r a n dc alta hP8 calidad, l a s _c o r t i n aa quo cs tan bi c n p r o p o r c i o n a d a s , cuyos plioguos c stan b i c n n o ch op , y q u c nan s’id'o pucs'to's cn forma air a ct i v a , Si l a s ” ccru’iilas n o t ic n en todas cstas c a r a c t e r 1s t icas so c o n s i d er o ra n dc b a ja calidacl» 2 2 . Frcgunte a quc organisacioncs p cr t cn c c c n los micn-» bros do la familia. Cor.iprucbe csta infornacion ridncionando los nonbrc s do las or ganisacioncs dc la conunidad. Si la fa~ inilia n cn ciona ol nonibro dc una or ganizacion que no ha sido inclulda cn la lista dcbo ahadirso a csta. 9- Rcpita cl pro ccdinicnto scguido an la progunta -1- (Pagina--) R. Powell i oo ~.id~ 409 Varas Metros IM’.lor.io t r o s 100 ..................................................... 8 5 . 6 0 ....................................................G / 1 0 150 ..................................................... 1 2 5 .1 * 0 .............................................. 200 1 6 7 .2 0 1 .5 /1 0 1 .8 /1 0 2 p 0 ............................ 2 0 9 ........................................................................................... 2 . 1 / 1 0 500 ............ .. 2 5 0 .8 0 550 ....................................................... i[-00 »••«•«*«. . . . . . . . o.. . . . . . . . . o . . ........ .. .............. 2 9 2 ,6 c . . 2 .5 /1 0 ..................................................................... ^1-0 00 500 ............................... .. 550 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . s . / 5 9 * C' 0 k l3 p . 'j/1 0 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . /,2 /l0 ...aoa-icc...... 6 /1 0 6 0 0 ....................................... ................. 5 0 1 .6 0 . c . o . o o ..................... 650 5 .-2 -- o.ea.oo. o. 2 .5 /1 0 5 .1 /1 0 5* k / l o 700 ........................ .. 585*20 ............ 5 .8 /1 0 750 ........................... .. 627 ............................... 6 .2 /1 0 663 , Go ............................... 6 .7 /1 0 800 .......................................... ■850 ....................................................................................................................................................... 7 1 0 „6c 900 ..................................................... 752 , i ;.0 ............................... 7 . 5/10 960 ............................................ 796 ............................... 100 0 10 5 O O . . . . n . o . . » . O 9 . . . . u . . 9 0 . n . . . . p . p . o C . . . . 856 877 . . A • 80 . . o c . . . . 9 o a . . o . . . . r . . * . . . . . . . . . 0 . . . 7 .V 1 0 . . * 0 . . 7 .9 /1 0 3 .^ /1 0 3 * 7/ l O 1100 ......................................... 9 1 9 .6 0 ............................... 9 .2 /1 0 1150 ..................... . ............................. 9 6 1 „ko .......................................... 9 .6 /1 0 1200 ............................................ .. 1 0 0 5 .2 0 ..................... .. .............. 1 0 /1 0 4 IcIcCcAc- McScCc E ST U DI O DE LA C O M U N I D A D . S UB-PROYECTO DE S O C I O L O G I A Y l E T R O P O L O G I A CU ESTIONARIO No. Enumerador 1. Planilla N s ' Lugar _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___ Fee ha____________________________ _ Nombre del Jefe de la f a m i l l a Nombre del informanto ' I n f o m a c i o n General I. Lo calizacion do la viv ionda A. Numero de la casa___________________________________ _ Cuadro 1, D ls t o n c i a a los centros principnlcs de scrvicios y activldados, clasc do car.iino y modi os dc transporte quo so u s a n con mayor frecuoncia. Clasc de cam:’no Medio de Transporte •p. Horos O Kms -P (B) II# Informacion sobre la familia: A. B. 1• Nacionalidad del 2. Asce ndencia 1. Nac ionalidad de la esposa 2. Ascendencia .iefe “ - All C, AC uanto tio: lpo ha vivido Ud, en estc lugar?__________ -1 - 6 Entre las personas que Ud, conoce, son las mas capaces, honradas, quienes consi dera Ud, que activas y que so p r eo cupan mas por las dificultades de Uds, y de la gcnto de estos lugares? Nombre Grado y clase do re lacion Dirocc i6n 2, 3. D, L -Donde vivia Ud, antes de venir a oste lugar? ' E, T e n o n c i a dc la casa: 3» Cedi da F, G, 0tr.o3, e specif ique___ ____________ T o ne n ci a dol solar: 3» Codido Tipo de casat 1 , Propia_________ 2, Alqv.ilada_ 1, Fropio_______ 2, Alqi.i.ilado^ jp, r.tro.'j t Qspeclf i q p o ; _________ 1 • De u n a f a mi l i a ___________ milias_____________ 2, De dos fa* 3* Ilileras de casaa unidas___________ Ip, Pie?.as__i __________ S. Patios________ 6, Otros, especifiquo H, Formas de oxplotacion do l a tiorra: 1, Es due no do Tinea______________ lad a___________ pa T r a b a j a f inquit a___________ 2, Tieno Tinea alqui- en agriculture y poseo una !p, Trab aja en agriculture y tieno Tinquita codida_______________ 5» Trabaja en agriculture y no tieno f inquit a____________ 6, “Par As it os “ agriculture.___________ 2- I Si Ud, t u v i o r a que salir por unos dies, encargados n trabaja en .8, Colonia a q u i e n le do j aria 3u.s a s untos? Nombre 1. 7« _. Grado y close dc ro l ac i on D i re c c l o n Miembros rv> o 03 ■>3 Ol O'! p U-['■ ro tsl o & 3 c1 ' Hi O 412 © ausentes o *n Hj o P P* 3 3© b O © 3 sro —■* H* »->H M c+ H* P C_l. ©© P © o o O o S p o c+ © *3’ © C+ H* C> P U ~d © 3 © o 3 p I—1 © VM P G X O CO .ft—Ed ad ^.Lucar do XJ1 naeimiento crdost ado w civil -J Religi o n coGrados w cursados Co’ -Todavia or la oscuela P Sabe loer 2 y o sor ibJP W b o p o H* S* o b p & o ro o 6 p o rf O 4 P* W C* o § a CO © B o ft h Clasc dc actividad O o r* * 3 £Oficio o p o profcsion H* O* p Ocupac i6n 3 ^ anterior H O* P © £.Dia ^ Somana ON Mo 3 o W o P Afio J •4 9 Cuadro 2, Qaractcristicus demo^raiicas Educac ion Caracteristicas personales Nonbre Parentesco con el jefe de la famiiia (D Jelo 1 (2) o o ce (5)! n d n r--1 O -P O C •G O •H u e ci *H to o Z d P « .15) Ociipacion t c r-l ' J?i fc & O *° S3 'd 'G ■H o ’ O P k! £ *0 d Pi O H ° H w 'ci1*r J O H P o 03 O to O d* TJ h d H •H T3 to! d o o cn -d <3 d u\ GS > rH o d cJ Cl «H O -S li Eh H i 00 r^s P C K 6; (?) (8) !(9) ( I f ) 1 I a a 1 I O 'O o > n *H d -p H O o d 'O ^ •H •H O O 01 O .H. d •H O O P. o •H O 2 G3 2, i. 1 _ _ i i -53- A quienes invita Ud, a los bautizos, fiestas de Navidad, 414 matrimonios, o cualquier otra fiesta? Nombre 1 G r ad o y. clase de r e l a c i o n . D ire colon __________ 2. __________________________________________________________________ 5. _____________________________________________________________ C uadro 5* Miembros mu ertos de la fami lia i No. Sexo (D Edad al morir (2) ' Pe c ha de defuncion (5) -— r I/ugar de d ef u ncion Ui.) 1 2 3 k 6 _ 7 8 9 10 4-- E n caso de duelo en la familia, N om b re 1. 2, a quienes avisaria Ud, primero? Grado y cla3e de re l a c i o n P i r o ccion Cuadro lu ■7 Sorvicios y actividadcs m * Ie Centro do negocios an* De l l n e a c i o n de- la Coreunidad _L v JL U . V Lugar donde participar Frccuencia conque participan de cstos sorvicios o participarian dc osv actividadcs tos sorvicios y acti- DiariaVoces por Veccs por Voces por vidades mento semana aho mos (2 ) (k) (3 )_____ (31..... -.(6.) a c Tienda de ropa b, Tienda do comostiblos c. Vorduloria d Carniccria o. Lechoria fa Panadcrla go Ferrctcria ha Zapatoria i* Botica je Cantina -5“ La usa? St . TJo. Indiquo las families a las cualcs los pcdirla prcstado si tuvicra ncccsidad; Hombrc Grado y clasc dc relacion Diroccion Cuadro iu Servicios y actividades (1) II. Actividades sociales (Continuacion) Lugar donde participar o participarian de estos servicios y acti­ vidades (2) ______ Frecuencia conquc participan de cstos servicios y actividadcs Diariamente (3) Veces por semana (k) Veces por mes ... (5) ! Veces por ano (o) " a. Visit as de cum.plido b. Otras visitas c. Lugar de reunion con amifcos-. ospecifiquo: d. Cine , e. Football III. Educacion a. Escuela primaria b. Escuela complementaria .*6- A que familias vis it a Ud# mas a menudo? Nombre Grado y clase de relacion Direccion Voces Veces Diaria- por por mento semana mes '(1) (2) (3) Vcce3 por ailo (il) vicios y Actividadcs d) i;* Salud a, Unidad Sanitaria b. Hospital de Scguro Social c. Dentista (particular) d. Doctor (particular) c, Enfermcra obstctrica (particular) f, Partcra g, Curandcro h, Farmaccutico C uadr o iu (C ont inua c ion) Lugar donde partiFrccucncia conque participan dc estos sip an. o participaservicios y actividadcs rian do cstos ser­ vicios y activi­ Vcccs por Voces- por Voces por Diariadadcs semana mes alio mcntc (6) (2) (5) (3) ik) “7“ 6 Si Ud, sc onfcrma quicnos son los primoros amigos o familiarcs quc vicn'en a vcrlc? Nombre 1. 2, 3 Grado y clasc dc relacion Direccion "9~ Guad.ro p.. Ics 7 actividades (1) V , Religion (C'.r.o ir.uacl on) Frecuencia conquo participan de estos Lugar donde participan o participarian servicios y actividades de estos servicios DiariaVeccs por Voces por I Veces por y actividades mente sernana mes ano , .16) . ( 2 ) ..... . .. ...(3) . (5).. ih). .... . a, Iglcsia b 0 Accion Catolica VI, Servicios publicos a. Banco b, Corroo c, Tolografo d, Porrocarril c. Camion 1, 1 Lugar dondc trabaja Ud; No. 1 2 3 k 3 . Art iculos 11) Cuadro 5c' Aliment os y otros articulos vcndidos Cantidad vondida Lugar donde los vendio 12) 419 -102, Ailmentos producidos principalmentc para cl consuao do la f a m i l i a 0 EspocifIqup;_______________________________________ 3, Considera Ud. que consume en la-casa o v e n d e __ _________ la mayor parte de todo lo que produce? -8- I Quienes son las personas a quienes Ud. trata con toda conf ianza y con quienes Ud. discuto Nombre Grado y clase de re lacion D lrcccion _______________________________________ 1 2 sus problemas personales? .________________________________________ 3«_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Gcndicion E c on o nico-Social 1. Proporcion entre cuartos y personas: numero do cuartos____________ nuraoro do porsona3 ...... 2. Numero dc slrviontos cn la casa $. Fachada de la casa: ................. a, pinto.da....... ................................ ...... •• b, oncalada, c, sin p int ar ......... . ................................. [{.* Radio: 5« Numero aproximado do l±bro3 quo posoo la f a m i l i a . ..... 6. Inst.ruccion do la e s p o s a : ______ ol_______________ no_______________ grados cursados on la o s c u c l a . ....................._____ 7* Instruccion del csposo: grados cursados en la escuela*..,...... ............ .... -II8. Cuarto do bafio: a. d om p lc t o y m o d c r n o . ••. , b. aspersion, ccn paredes de concr e te 0 zinc.. c• as persion, con pare des de raadera,•••••••••. d tina rustica . 0. 9, 10o 11. 2+20 n in g un o R e f r i g e r a d o r a y nevoraj ...... • • • • • • ........ . a. ninguna, b* novcra Co refrigoradora d# r c f r i g e r a d o r a o l o c t r i c a . • • • • • • • • • ...... . ..... . "canf ,in,r. •••••••••••••• ••••• • Cocina: a. cuarto o s p e c i a l de la ..... bo0 cuarto apartc do la casa Co parte dc la sala do caodlzo ..... •••»••• ..... • F a c i l i d a d c s p a ra cocinar: a. Iona (1 ) cocina do hierro f u n d i d o (2 ) cocina dc hicrro (i m p o r t a d a ) .. (hocba totalmonto con laminas dc motal)..***#*********#**#.**. b. (5 ) f o g o n sostcnido por u n a r n a z 6n » « ........ _ (I4.) f ogon on cl suclo ca rb on (^ ) c. •••••••••••••••••••••_ anai’rc ••••••*. ........ •'canl'in” (korosina) ~12~ a, 12# o l oc t ri c id a d 2^21 (1) cocina c l c c t r i c a . (2) calentador ...... . ••••»••••••• • •• • •• • •• • •• • •• • •• • • •________ Paredes do la sala: a* pintadas b. tapizadas • • . • • • • • • • • • . .......... (empapeladas) c • encaladas •••••••••••• ......... _ _ _ _ _ _ _ • . d# fcrradas con periodicos, rovistas o a n u n c i o s . e. sin n a d a .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . . . . .. . .. . .. . .. . n o _____________ 15* D u e r m e n en la sala? 111-. Eq u i p o para dormir e n la sala? 15* Pi3o de la sala: 16, •__ ______ si a. t i e r r a ....... • b« tablas asperas c. tablas lisas y un iformes d, cemento. e« ladrillo f, mosa ico g. tablas finas at no ... ......... . ___ . .•••»•••• •___ ...... ............. ...... ..... Muebles de la sala: a. ,juep:o3 (1) b a j a calidad (2) medians c a l i d a d (5) alta calidad b. muobles ..................• » • • • • • • ......... 3uelto3: ........... ... ..... _____ •- nfraero (1) cajones — (2) ban cos y /o escario3------------------------------- ------- i 422 -15- u s t i c (5 ) sillas r (I4.) sillas f i n a s (5 ) b u t a c a s ______________________________________________ _ T o ca d or r u s t i c o en la sala: 18. Cuadros en l a s a l a : or i gl n al e s b» reproducciones c• s ..... .......... 17« a. a nu mero s • •• • •• • •• • •• «________ si__________ n o " nu m e r o ......_ _ _ _ _ _ (1 ) con m a r c o »•••••••«.,«• • •••••• •_______ (2 ) marco rustico (5 ) sin m a r c o ...... ......... _______ ...... . r ct ratos (1 ) con m a r c o .................................. (2) m a r c o ru s t i c o (5) 19* sin m a r c o ...... . d. ca l e n d a r i o s ....... ........................ e* otros a e specifique: ( )________ Ventanas e n la sala: a# n in g u n a b. v entana sin m o l d u r a , c• ventana con m o l d u r a , d. v en t an a con hojas e. v entana de v i d r i e r a 20. N u m e r o de santos en la 21* Cortinas «« , sala on la sala: a. cortinas y c ol g ad u ra s . b« cortinas de alta calidad -111.- 22. c. c o r t i n a s de b a j a d• ninguna Organizaciones a# calidad ...... . ...0 a que p e r t e n e c e n t rellp;iosas (1) Hi'as d e M a r (2) J u v e n t u d O b r o r a C a t o l i c a , ••••••• (5) Liga Obrera C a t o l i c a (If.) A p o s t o l a d o do la O r a c i o n (5) C o f r a d l a de la V i r g o n del C a n n o n '6) i a »•*.,,, ..... . ••••••• _________________ __________________ __________ (7)__ ___________; • 8) ________________________________________________________ b , economicas (1) Confedorad(5n do T r a b a j a d o r o s (2) __________________________________ (5)__ __________________________________ c • s oc ialo s d» (1) Club D e p o r t i v o ...... {2) Club Rancho (5) ___________________________________ (k) __________________________________________ (5) ___________________________________ ••• < civicas (1 ) Cl ub de I,oones •••••••••••••«•••• (2) C&rnara do Coraercio (3) Kasones •• • •• • • • • • • • • • • ( i f . ) ____________________________________________ ( 5 ) ________________________________ - 15424 - 9- 4 Q u l p e r s o n a s e s c o g e r i a U d , p a r a que l o r e p r e s e n t a r a n a Ud, y a las p e r s o n a s do e s t o s l u g a r e s e n u n a c o m l s i o n ? 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