EXPLORING THE RACIAL GAP IN STUDY ABROAD PARTICIPATION AT U.S. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES THROUGH A MIXED-METHODS ANALYSIS OF STUDENT INTENTION By Ming Lei A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Educational Psychology and Educational Technology—Doctor of Philosophy 2022 ABSTRACT EXPLORING THE RACIAL GAP IN STUDY ABROAD PARTICIPATION AT U.S. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES THROUGH A MIXED-METHODS ANALYSIS OF STUDENT INTENTION By Ming Lei The study abroad experience is an important fixture of American higher education, with politicians, institutions, and mainstream media calling for increased participation. Participation in study abroad can potentially benefit students’ personal, academic, and career development. However, historical educational data have shown that some groups, such as Students of Color, have been underrepresented in study abroad participation at American colleges and universities. To better understand the racial gap in study abroad participation, this study combined the Theory of Planned Behavior and critical race theory to explore the intersections of race and racism with factors (i.e., attitude, subject norm, perceived behavioral control) that predict students’ intention to study abroad and explored the role of social and non-social environmental influences on these factors. The results indicated that for attitude, Students of Color thought both their race and racism would affect their personal experience and viewed racism as a built-in aspect of the study abroad experience, where White students generally thought neither would affect them. For subjective norm, White students generally did not believe racism affected the kinds of support they received. In contrast, there was evidence of exclusion for Students of Color, such as being ignored by advisers and by campus recruiters promoting study abroad. Students of Color also evaluated the usefulness of information from supportive figures based to the racial identity of the source as a proxy for the ability to understand the nuance of race while studying abroad. For perceived behavioral control, White students thought their racial identity would make it easier to study abroad and did not think racism would affect their ease of studying abroad. Overall, the Theory of Planned Behavior accurately predicted White students’ intentions to study abroad, where their positive perceptions of study abroad, support to study abroad, and fewer barriers were generally correlated with their intentions to study abroad. In contrast, Students of Color demonstrated greater behavioral intention to study abroad even though they had negative expectations about their experience, especially with racism, a lack of support from advisers and greater expectations of racism as a potential barrier. In drawing on the lived experiences of Students of Color, these findings suggest that racism may not be well modeled by the traditional patterns described by decision-making theories like the Theory of Planned Behavior. Similarly, the framework does not address the potential moderating role of racial identity. For example, for subjective norm supportive figures like advisers engaged in supportive behaviors as theorized by the framework, but for Students of Color, they were served more as barriers. This study also found that students’ beliefs were found to be influenced by both social and nonsocial factors, such as social media and advertisements, the discovery of how race and racism may be intertwined with students’ decisions about study abroad creates potential opportunities to improve recruitment strategies that address the beliefs of diverse students. More research is needed to better understand how students make decisions despite potential barriers, as well as the ways in which sources influential to students’ beliefs about study abroad may be used to increase the accessibility of study abroad and increase the participation of underrepresented groups. Copyright by MING LEI 2022 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The last several years have been a winding road of adventures and challenges and my progress has only been possible due to the support of those nearest and dearest to me, for which I am deeply grateful. The most pivotal person throughout my journey has been adviser and dissertation committee chair, Dr. David Wong, to whom I am indebted and boundlessly thankful. Dr. Wong has generously shared his wisdom to foster my growth as a scholar and has taught me to keep a critical mindset. Next, I am grateful for the constructive feedback and criticism from my dissertation committee members: Dr. Dorinda Carter Andrews, Dr. Jack Smith, and Dr. Chezare A. Warren for having shown me the importance and value of continuously asking questions, especially in my own scholarship. I am also grateful for the students who participated in this research, especially my interviewees. Their thoughtful perspectives have helped me to better understand the ways in which the college experience may be improved to be more inclusive. I am also thankful for the Educational Psychology and Educational Technology Program, the Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education, the College of Education, and the Graduate School for providing the financial support for my development as a researcher and in the design and implementation of this dissertation research. I am particularly thankful for Dr. Jennifer Schmidt and Dr. Cary Roseth for their encouragement and support throughout my doctoral training and my dissertation research. I am infinitely appreciative for the encouragement and support of Dr. John Bell in learning to follow through on research ideas. Finally, I am grateful for my friends, family, and students who have encouraged me throughout this journey. Thank you. v TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... ix LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 1 The Importance of Study Abroad in the United States ............................................................... 1 The Potential Benefits of Studying Abroad for Students ........................................................... 1 Defining Study Abroad ............................................................................................................... 2 The Racial Gap in Study Abroad Participation in the United States .......................................... 3 Modeling Students’ Choices to Study Abroad ........................................................................... 3 Purpose........................................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................................ 5 Research on the Racial Gap in Study Abroad Participation ....................................................... 5 The Theory of Planned Behavior as a Conceptual Framework for Students’ Choices to Study Abroad ........................................................................................................................................ 7 Attitude as a Predictor of Intention to Study Abroad ............................................................. 8 Subjective Norm as Predictor of Intention to Study Abroad ................................................ 12 Perceived Behavioral Control as a Predictor of Intention to Study Abroad ......................... 14 Behavioral Intention as a Predictor of Actual Behavior ....................................................... 16 Race and the Predictors of Intention to Study Abroad ............................................................. 16 Race and Attitude .................................................................................................................. 16 Race and Subjective Norm.................................................................................................... 18 Race and Perceived Behavioral Control ............................................................................... 20 Critique of the Prior Research on Race, Racism, and Study Abroad Participation .................. 22 Prior Research Has Not Thoroughly Described the Experiences of Students of Color........ 22 Comparative Research Predominantly Utilizes Survey Research ........................................ 24 Prior Research Has Not Thoroughly Described Influential Sources for Predictors of Intention to Study Abroad ..................................................................................................... 25 Critical Race Theory as an Analytical Framework for Students’ Choices to Study Abroad.... 26 Study Abroad as a Potential Tool for Maintaining White Supremacy ................................. 27 The Use of Counter-storytelling to Challenge the Dominant Narrative in Prior Research on Study Abroad ........................................................................................................................ 30 Using a Comparative Study Design to Explore the Process Associated with the Outcomes of Study Abroad Participation ................................................................................................... 31 Research Questions ................................................................................................................... 32 CHAPTER 3: METHODS ............................................................................................................ 35 Overview of Methodology ........................................................................................................ 35 Sample ...................................................................................................................................... 37 Survey Participant Recruitment ............................................................................................ 37 Survey Participants ............................................................................................................... 39 vi Interview Participant Recruitment ........................................................................................ 42 Interview Participants ........................................................................................................... 43 Data Collection ......................................................................................................................... 44 Survey Administration Procedure ......................................................................................... 44 Survey Design ....................................................................................................................... 44 Demographic Information ................................................................................................. 46 Attitude ............................................................................................................................. 46 Subjective Norm ............................................................................................................... 47 Perceived Behavioral Control ........................................................................................... 47 Behavioral Intention.......................................................................................................... 48 Race, Racism, and the Independent and Dependent Variables ......................................... 48 Sources of Attitude ........................................................................................................... 49 Sources of Subjective Norm ............................................................................................. 50 Sources of Perceived Behavioral Control ......................................................................... 50 Interview Administration Procedure ..................................................................................... 50 Interview Design ................................................................................................................... 51 Demographic Information ................................................................................................. 51 Attitude ............................................................................................................................. 51 Subjective Norm ............................................................................................................... 52 Perceived Behavioral Control ........................................................................................... 52 Behavioral Intention.......................................................................................................... 52 Race, Racism, and the Independent and Dependent Variables ......................................... 52 Sources of Attitude ........................................................................................................... 53 Sources of Subjective Norm ............................................................................................. 53 Sources of Perceived Behavioral Control ......................................................................... 53 Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 53 Survey Analysis .................................................................................................................... 53 Analyzing Predictors of Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad ....................................... 53 Analyzing Sources Influential to Students’ Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control ............................................................................................................ 55 Interview Analysis ................................................................................................................ 58 CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS ............................................................................................................ 60 Overview ................................................................................................................................... 60 Results for Research Question 1: What Ways, if any, are Race and Racism Related to Predictors of Students’ Intentions to Study Abroad?................................................................ 60 Overview of Findings ........................................................................................................... 60 Survey Data for Factors Related to Behavioral Intention ..................................................... 62 Interview Data for Factors Related to Behavioral Intention ................................................. 67 Students of Color Think Racism Is a Part of the Study Abroad Experience .................... 67 Students of Color View Racism as a Part of Barriers to Studying Abroad ...................... 68 White Students Expect New Career Opportunities from Studying Abroad ......................... 68 White Students View Work Obligations as a Barrier ....................................................... 69 White Students’ Egalitarian View of Study Abroad Opportunities .................................. 69 Both Students of Color and White Students Identified Parental Pressure as Influential to Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad .............................................................................. 70 vii Both Students of Color and White Students Had Uncertainty about the Impact of Racism ........................................................................................................................................... 71 Similarities in Perception That Racism is Destination-Specific ....................................... 71 Both Students of Color and White Students Talked about Racism as a Real Barrier for Others ................................................................................................................................ 72 Results for Research Question 2: What Ways, if any, are Race and Racism Related to Sources Influential to Predictors of Intention to Study Abroad? ........................................................... 73 Overview of Findings ........................................................................................................... 73 Survey Data for Influential Sources ...................................................................................... 75 Influential Sources for Attitude ........................................................................................ 75 Influential Sources for Subjective Norm .......................................................................... 76 Influential Sources for Perceived Behavioral Control ...................................................... 78 Interview Data for Influential Sources .................................................................................. 79 Influential Sources for Attitude ........................................................................................ 79 White Students Did Not Think Race was Influential on Their Attitude ........................... 85 White Students Did Not Think Racism Was Influential on Their Attitude ...................... 86 Influential Sources for Subjective Norm .......................................................................... 87 Influential Sources for Perceived Behavioral Control ...................................................... 90 White Students Did Not Think Race was Influential to Perceived Behavioral Control ... 94 White Students Did Not Think Racism was Influential to Perceived Behavioral Control 95 The Influence of Race on Behavior Intention ................................................................... 95 The Influence of Racism on Behavioral Intention ............................................................ 96 “Once-in-a-Lifetime” Messaging was Positively Correlated with Behavioral Intention for Students of Color .............................................................................................................. 97 CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ................................................................... 99 Why do Students of Color Intend to Study Abroad When They Feel More Threatened by Racism? ..................................................................................................................................... 99 Possible Explanation 1: The Goals of Students for Study Abroad May Be More Important 99 Possible Explanation 2: Vicarious Experiences from Students of Color Who Have Studied Abroad Are Helpful ............................................................................................................ 100 Possible Explanation 3: Students of Color Have Been Dealing with Racism All Their Lives ............................................................................................................................................. 102 Students’ Stories Show How Race and Racism May Be Related to Students’ Intentions to Study Abroad .......................................................................................................................... 103 Example 1. Stories Show How Race and Racism Affect Students’ Expectations About Their Personal Experiences Studying Abroad .............................................................................. 103 Prior Direct Experiences with Racism May Lead Students of Color to Expect More Racism in the Future. ...................................................................................................... 103 Students May be Actively Involved in Forming Expectations About Racism as a Part of Study Abroad. ................................................................................................................. 104 Colorism is a Part Students’ Expectations About Racism When Studying Abroad ....... 104 Example 2. Stories Show How Race and Racism were a Part of Students Interactions with Groups that Influenced Their Perceptions of Studying Abroad.......................................... 105 Students of Color were mostly influenced by Social Media Personalities Who Focused on Issues of Race and Racism as Part of Their Travels ....................................................... 105 viii Students of Color Interested in Study Abroad May be Mistreated or Ignored by School Figures............................................................................................................................. 106 Limitations .............................................................................................................................. 107 Contribution to the Current Body of Knowledge ............................................................... 109 CHAPTER 6: IMPLICATIONS ................................................................................................. 111 Social Support and Vicarious Experiences to Support Students’ Interest in Study Abroad... 111 Research on Study Abroad Intention and Participation Should Use Stories of Students’ Experiences to Understand their Decision-Making ................................................................ 114 APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................ 116 APPENDIX A: Sample Study Abroad Participation Data ..................................................... 117 APPENDIX B: Data Screening .............................................................................................. 118 APPENDIX C: Survey Instrument ......................................................................................... 122 APPENDIX D: Interview Instrument ..................................................................................... 125 APPENDIX E: Codebook ....................................................................................................... 126 APPENDIX F: Test of Normality of Residuals for Model 1 .................................................. 134 APPENDIX G: Follow-up Regression Models for Detailed Survey Questions Related to Attitude, Subjective Norm, Perceived Behavioral Control, and Behavioral Intention ........... 135 APPENDIX H: Frequency of Behavioral Types for Behavioral Intention ............................ 137 APPENDIX I: Sources Influential to Attitude ........................................................................ 138 APPENDIX J: Between-Group Differences in Sources Influential to Attitude ..................... 140 APPENDIX K: Between-Group Differences in Frequency of Sources Influential to Subjective Norm ....................................................................................................................................... 142 APPENDIX L: Between-Group Differences in Exposure to Vicarious Experiences ............ 143 APPENDIX M: Between-Group Differences in Frequency of Sources Influential to Perceived Behavioral Control .................................................................................................................. 144 APPENDIX N: Between-Group Differences in Ways to Make Studying Abroad Easier...... 145 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 146 ix LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Postsecondary Enrollment and Study Abroad Participation by Race for School Year 2018-2019 Reported by NAFSA .…………………………………………………………………5 Table 2. Summary of Data Collection Methods ....………………………………………………36 Table 3. Summary of Data Analysis Methods …………………………………………………...37 Table 4. Demographics of Survey Participants by Age ………………………………………….40 Table 5. Demographic of Survey Participants by Gender ……………………………………….40 Table 6. Demographics of Participants by Race and Ethnicity ………………………………….41 Table 7. Demographics of Participants by Grade Level …………………………………………41 Table 8. Demographic of Survey Participants by Academic Major ……………………………..42 Table 9. Summary of Demographic Information of the Interview Participants …………………43 Table 10. Example Indicators from Prior Research for Behavioral Intention, Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control from Study Abroad Research Using the Theory of Planned Behavior ..……………………………………………………………………………….45 Table 11. Descriptive Data for Attitude, Subjective Norm, Perceived Behavioral Control and Behavioral Intention, and Results of Kruskal-Wallis Test of Mean Ranks ……………………...63 Table 12. Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for Students of Color and White Students ………………………………………………………………………………64 Table 13. Frequency of Messages Reported by Students of Color and White Students ………...77 Table 14. Enrollment and Study Abroad Participation Data for Students of Color Reported by Murray and Brux (2010) ..………………………………………………………………………117 Table 15. Examples of Unusual Start and End Times of Survey Responses from Email Recruitment During Data Screening ……………………………………………………………118 Table 16. Codebook of Themes for Attitude …………………………………………………...126 Table 17. Codebook of Themes in Messages Shared by Influential Sources …………………..128 Table 18. Codebook of Themes in Perceived Behavioral Control ……………………………..130 ix Table 19. Codebook of Themes for Influence Sources on Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control …………………………………………………………………..131 Table 20. Codebook of Themes in Behavioral Intention ……………………………………….133 Table 21. Initial Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for Students of Color ……………………………………………………………………………………………134 Table 22. Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for Students of Color Using Specific Indicators of Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control ….135 Table 23. Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for White Students Using Specific Indicators of Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control ….136 Table 24. Chi-square Tests of Difference of Proportions Frequency of Behavioral Intention (e.g., Effort Behaviors) Reported by Students of Color and Their White Counterparts ……………...137 Table 25. Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test Results for Significance of Sources Influential to Attitude for Students of Color and White Students ……………………………………………………...138 Table 26. Kruskal-Wallis Test Results for Significant Differences in Sources Influential to Expectations About Studying Abroad for Students of Color and Their White Counterparts …..140 Table 27. Chi-square Test of Difference of Proportions in Frequency of Sources of Pressure Reported by Students of Color and Their White Counterparts …………………………………142 Table 28. Chi-square Test of Difference of Proportions in Frequency of Messages Shared by Supportive Figures Reported by Students of Color and Their White Counterparts ……………143 Table 29. Chi-square Test of Difference of Proportions of Frequency of Sources of Influence on Perceptions of Ease to Study Abroad Reported for Students of Color and White Students ……144 Table 30. Chi-square Test of Difference of Proportions in Frequency of Ways to Make Studying Abroad Easier Reported by Students of Color and Their White Counterparts …………………145 x LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. The Theory of Planned Behavior Model ………………………………………………..8 Figure 2. Overview of Stages of Data Collection and Analysis in the Study Design……………36 Figure 3. The Theory of Planned Behavior with Social and Non-social Sources that May Influence the Predictors of Behavioral Intention ………………………………………………...49 Figure 4. Flowchart of Data Screening and Filtering …………………………………………..121 xi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION The Importance of Study Abroad in the United States Study abroad has been an important fixture of higher education in the United States, garnering endorsement from a range of stakeholders. As part of President Obama’s “100,000 Strong Initiative” that aimed to increase study abroad participation and the representation of Students of Color in American study abroad programs, First Lady Michelle Obama was quoted in a White House official public statement to have said: “Studying in countries like China isn’t only about your prospects in the global marketplace. It’s not just about whether you can compete with your peers in other countries to make America stronger. It’s also about whether you can come together and work together with them to make our world stronger. It’s about the friendships you make, the bonds of trust you establish, and the image of America that you project to the rest of the world” (Office of the First Lady, 2011). At my own institution, the Office of Education Abroad encourages students to study abroad for the opportunity to gain credit for their programs, gain knowledge in their field of study, and to engage with the local community at their program destination (Michigan State University, 2021b). Similarly, college preparation companies like The Princeton Review (2021) writes on their website about the possibility of adventures to “reinvent yourself,” to “push personal limits” and “changing your perspective.” In addition to society’s emphasis on studying abroad, prior research has also highlighted potential benefits for studying abroad. The Potential Benefits of Studying Abroad for Students Participation in study abroad has the potential to support students’ personal, academic, and professional growth. This can include a better understanding of one’s own culture (Dwyer, 2004) and increased appreciation for the arts (Chieffo & Griffiths, 2004). Participants may 1 develop intercultural knowledge, like being able to read a foreign newspaper, and greater physical and political geographic knowledge (Cisneros-Donahue et al., 2012). Participation has been positively associated with GPA (Luo & Jamieson-Drake, 2015). For community college students, study abroad participants have higher one-year and two-year retention, higher degree and certificate completion, and higher rates of enrollment at a university (Raby et al., 2014). Study abroad participation may boost employment competitiveness on the job market due to developing cross-cultural communication skills, and adaptability in different environments (Franklin, 2010). The development of foreign language competency can help students create more competitive resumes and job interview responses (Orahood et al., 2004). Although the benefits are not guaranteed for each individual student, the trends in the prior research suggest that study abroad generally has positive effects for students who study abroad in comparison to their nonparticipant counterparts. Defining Study Abroad In the present study, I define study abroad programs as a group of academic programs in higher education that involve a “temporary sojourn of pre-defined duration, undertaken for educational purposes” (Kinginger, 2009, p. 11). Under this definition, there are many types of study abroad programs, such as dual-degree, exchange, extended field trip, extension, internship, service-based learning, and research abroad (Parkinson, 2007). For example, internship-focused study abroad programs focus on real world practice specific to a discipline, for example, preservice educators may teach abroad after completing their own domestic teaching internship (Marx & Moss, 2011). Alternatively, inter-campus partnerships enable American students to take courses abroad, such as U.S. students taking a month-long course on second language acquisition in Mexico (Palmer & Menard-Warwick, 2004). At my own institution, students can take 3-4 2 courses at a university in Australia and live on campus with other students at the host institution (Michigan State University, 2021a). Students studying abroad may visit multiple places, with prescribed exposure to cultural differences, such as visiting Beijing, Xi’an and the Yangtze River in China, with 10 hours of field time (Lumkes Jr et al., 2012). The Racial Gap in Study Abroad Participation in the United States In the United States, study abroad program participation has been increasing over the last two decades, but a racial gap persists. In the 2000-2001 school year, 154,168 American students participated in study abroad (de Brey, 2021). By the 2018-2019 school year, 347,099 American students participated in study abroad (Institute of International Education, 2020). At the undergraduate level, it has been estimated that nearly 11% of all students in the United States will study abroad at some point in their degree program (Redden, 2019). However, Students of Color have been consistently underrepresented in study abroad in the United States. For the remainder of this manuscript, I use the term “Students of Color'' to describe “persons of African American, Latino, Asian American and Native American ancestry” (Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998, p. 221). Students of Color account for almost half of annual national college enrollment at U.S. universities and colleges but account for less than a third of annual national study abroad participants (Institute of International Education, 2020; de Brey et al., 2021). When taking into consideration the benefits of studying abroad, this disproportionate underrepresentation of Students of Color implies a potential opportunity gap for obtaining the benefits of studying abroad. Modeling Students’ Choices to Study Abroad To understand the racial gap in study abroad, it is necessary to examine students’ decision-making. One robust model used for studying students’ decision-making behaviors is the 3 Theory of Planned Behavior. In this model, behavioral intention or effort made by students to study abroad is influenced by three factors: attitudes (evaluations of study abroad or expectations of one’s personal experience), subjective norm (social pressure to study abroad), and perceived behavioral control (perceived ease of studying abroad) (Ajzen, 1991; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). The Theory of Planned Behavior has been used to model study abroad participation (see Bobbitt & Akers, 2013; Fitzsimmons et al., 2013; Goel et al., 2010; Loh et al., 2011; Presley et al., 2010; Schnusenberg et al., 2012; Yang & Wang, 2018), which has consistently shown that attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control are important predictors of behavioral intention to study abroad. The previous research has also identified some between-group differences that indicate race and racism may influence students’ choices to study abroad (Bryant & Soria, 2015; Lingo, 2019; Mashburn & Brown, 2000; Sánchez et al., 2006; Small et al., 2016). However, there has been little empirical work that comprehensively examines how race and racism are related to students’ attitudes, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control as part of their intention to study abroad Purpose The purpose of this project was to improve understanding of the racial gap in study abroad, with a specific focus on identifying what effects, if any, race and racism have on students’ intention to study abroad. Additionally, this project also aimed to contribute to understanding students’ decisions about studying abroad by examining the relationships between social and non-social influences on the major predictors of study abroad intention, i.e., attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control. 4 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW Research on the Racial Gap in Study Abroad Participation The national trend has shown that Students of Color have been disproportionately underrepresented in study abroad programs. In the 2016-2017 school year, about 71% of study abroad participants were White, even though they only made up about 57% of total college enrollment (IIE, 2018; National Center for Education Statistics, 2020; de Brey et al., 2021). There has been variance within Students of Color as well. In the 2018-2019 school year, the two most underrepresented groups in American study abroad programs were students who identified as African American or Black, and students who identified as Hispanic or Latino American (see Table 1) (NAFSA: Association of International Educators, 2021) Table 1. Postsecondary Enrollment and Study Abroad Participation by Race for School Year 2018-2019 Reported by NAFSA. Race Percentage of Percentage of National National Study Postsecondary abroad Participation enrollment African American/Black 13.4 6.4 Asian/Pacific Islander 7.3 8.9 Caucasian 55.2 68.7 Hispanic/Latino American 19.5 10.9 Multiracial 3.9 4.7 American Indian/Alaska 0.7 0.4 Native Multi-institutional studies have also shown similar trends of underrepresentation found in the national data. Using data from the Student Experience in the Research University (SERU) survey, Bryant and Soria (2015) analyzed the responses of 19,715 undergraduate students from eight large public research universities using logistic regression and dummy-coded data. The results indicated that Asian students (N = 3104) were 21.9% (p < .01) less likely to study abroad 5 through their institution compared to non-Asian students. They did not find any statistically significant findings for the subsample of Black students (N = 1030), Hispanic students (N = 2273), or students of “other” and “unknown” race (N = 887). However, Bryant and Soria did find that Black students were 21.4% (p < .05) less likely than non-Black students to travel abroad for service learning, volunteer, or work experience, and 35.9% (p < .001) less likely to travel abroad for cross-cultural experiences or informal education. Similarly, Asian students were 16.9% (p < .01) less likely than non-Asian students to travel abroad for cross-cultural experience or informal education Several studies have shown underrepresentation of Students of Color at the institutional level. In one analysis of admissions data from University of Wisconsin River Falls in the 2007- 2008 school year conducted by Murray Brux and Fry (2010), they found 95.3% of the 386 study abroad participants were White students, and none were African American students (see Appendix A for full enrollment data). At the University System of Georgia, Whatley (2017) identified that several groups of students were less likely to participate in study abroad using data from more than 31,000 students from 2001-2008. Using dummy coding and logistic regression, Whatley (2017) found that Asian students were 5.9% less likely to study abroad (p < .001), African American students were 34.3% less likely to study abroad (p < .001) and mixed-race students were 9.6% less likely to study abroad (p < .05). As with other studies, Luo and Jamieson-Drake (2015) used logistic regression with dummy-coded data for a sample of 3,500 freshman that revealed that Asian students were 36% less likely (p < .05) than Caucasian students to study abroad, but they observed no significant 6 differences between Caucasian students and any of the other groups of Students of Color (i.e., African American, Hispanic). At Elon University, a mid-sized private institution in North Carolina, patterns in study abroad participation reveal overrepresentation of White students and underrepresentation of Black students (Elias, 2018). In the 2016-2017 school year, 80.6% of the total student body was white and 5.3% were Black. In contrast, 90.3% of the study abroad participants were white and 3.6% were Black. Between the 2015-2016 and 2016-2017 school years, study abroad participation for Black students increased from 3.0% to 3.3% even though total enrollment increased by 8%. In summary, prior research has shown that the racial gap has been a persistent challenge in the higher education system in the United States. Consequently, Students of Color may have fewer opportunities to access the personal, academic, and career benefits associated with studying abroad. The Theory of Planned Behavior as a Conceptual Framework for Students’ Choices to Study Abroad This study used The Theory of Planned Behavior to model behavioral intention to study abroad, a framework used by many prior studies of study abroad (Bobbitt & Akers, 2013; Fitzsimmons et al., 2013; Goel et al., 2010; Loh et al., 2011; Presley et al., 2010; Schnusenberg et al., 2012; Yang & Wang, 2018). The Theory of Planned Behavior predicts behavior through behavioral intention, or “how hard people are willing to try, or how much of an effort they are planning to exert, in order to perform the behavior” (Ajzen, 1991, p. 181; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). Under this definition, behavioral intention involves formulating conscious plans to engage 7 in that behavior (Warshaw & Davis, 1985). In this framework, the predictors of behavioral intention are attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control (see Figure 1). Figure 1. The Theory of Planned Behavior Model Attitude as a Predictor of Intention to Study Abroad Attitude has been defined as “the degree to which a person has a favorable or unfavorable evaluation or appraisal of the behavior in question” (Ajzen, 1991, p. 188). In the Theory of Planned Behavior, the first predictor of intention to engage in a behavior are attitudes. For studying abroad, students’ attitudes toward a behavior are defined as their evaluations of what studying abroad would be like for them personally. This focus on expectations and perceived value has connections to other theories of choice, such as Expectancy-Value Theory (Eccles et al., 1983; Wigfield, 1994). First developed to model the motivation of children, this framework presents a positive relationship between the likelihood of engaging in a behavior with two factors: the perceived value of that behavior (i.e., value) and the expected outcome of that behavior (i.e., expectancy). Many types of expected benefits may be associated with students’ attitude toward study abroad, which then are also associated with behavioral intention. These 8 may include expectations of academic benefits, career benefits, and the opportunity for new experiences. Many studies have studied the relationship between attitude in the form of expectations and intention to study abroad. These expectations may focus on career benefits. For instance, in a sample of 471 students enrolled in a summer undergraduate business course, those who perceived career value of study abroad were more likely to engage in a study abroad program regardless of whether they have high or low acceptance levels of risk or uncertainty (β = .576, p < .027) (Relyea et al., 2008). In another study, students who perceive study abroad as beneficial to their graduate studies may be 50% more likely to want to study abroad (Luo & Jamieson- Drake, 2014). Interis et al.’s (2018) study of 1255 undergraduate students representing multiple majors from a public land-grant university in the Midwest region of the United States found that students were more interested in going to study abroad when they felt the programs would very likely help their careers based on the results of their logit regression model (B = 1.30, S.E. = 0.36, p < .01). Perceptions about the development of soft skills beneficial to one’s career is positively related to students’ willingness to participate in both short-term (β = .495, t = 8.182, p <.001) and long-term study abroad programs (β = .362, t = 5.636, p <.001). In a structural equation model tested by Goel et al. (2010) with a sample of 113 business students, perceived importance about the career benefits of studying abroad was a significant predictor (B = .48, p < .001) of intention to study abroad. The expectations associated with intention may also be related to academic benefits. Using survey data collected from 282 undergraduate students enrolled in a first-year seminar course at a small liberal arts college in the Southwestern region of the United States, Kim and Goldstein (2005) identified that students who were interested in learning languages tend to be 9 more interested in studying abroad (β =.35, p < .001). More broadly, students who had positive expectations of studying abroad (e.g., enjoy studying in a new country, to be able to meet interesting people) were 1.06 times more likely (p < .021) to participate in a study abroad program (Goldstein & Kim, 2006). Another attractive aspect of studying abroad has been the expectation of personal benefits, such as an opportunity for adventures in the unknown and experiencing the self with the cultural other (Doerr, 2012). Consequently, a common predictor of students’ interest in studying abroad was their expectations of being able to have new experiences and to meet new people. Therefore, students who feel positively toward this opportunity are more likely to study abroad. This has been shown by the results of the Wabash National Study on Liberal Arts (WNS). Using a sample of 3,824 students and logistic regression, Lingo (2019) identified that students who were open to diversity were 1.138 times more likely to study abroad than those who were not. In this sample, the participants were predominantly white (73.2%), with the remainder being African American (5.8%), Asian (4.8%), Latino (4.9%), and 11.2% classified as “Other.” However, they did not stratify their results by race. Salisbury et al., (2011) performed a similar analysis, but reported their findings by racial group. In their study, White Students (N = 5,321) who were open to cultural diversity were 1.358 times more likely to study abroad (p < .001), but this openness was not a significant predictor for African American, Asian American, or Hispanic students. Those students who have positive feelings toward experiencing new things have a greater desire to study abroad when high study abroad desire students were compared to low study abroad desire students using MANOVA (F(1,426) = 8.48, p < .01) (Li et al., 2013). Using data collected on a survey as part of the Cooperative Institutional Research Project (CIRP), a national longitudinal study of higher education in the United States, Stroud (2010) 10 found students who want to understand other cultures are almost twice as likely to want to study abroad. This finding was obtained with a sample of 2,258 students who responded during the new student orientation in 2007 at a large public university in the northeastern region of the United States. Using logistic regression, Stroud found that students who wanted to understand culture were 1.974 likely to intend to study abroad (B = .680, S.E. = .058, p < .001). Similarly, in a sample of 193 undergraduate students recruited from five business courses, Nonis and Relyea (2014) found students who were likely to travel abroad for a volunteer project (x̄ = 4.47) had higher diversity seeking than those who maybe likely to travel abroad (x̄ = 4.08), and those who were maybe likely had higher diversity seeking than those were unlikely (x̄ = 4.00), differences that were significant at the p < .01 level for all three group comparisons. The fun factor, characterized by the expectation of enjoyment and pleasure, has been a strong predictor of intention to participate in studying abroad. In a diverse sample of 49 students studying at an American university who represented 10 countries, a structural equation modeling revealed that their desire to have fun, increase enjoyment, and to have a more exotic life comprised a factor that was positively predictive of intention to study abroad (coefficient = .253, t = 2.181, p < .01) (Fornerino et al., 2011). Using a sample of 188 undergraduate students recruited from a business course from a mid-sized public university in the east coast of the United States, Wang et al., (2016) found that students’ expectations to gain a new perspective on the world, expectation of fun, and expectation on a good experience were significant predictors of their attitudes toward studying abroad (β = .66, p < .01). Additionally, in this study, attitude toward studying abroad was a significant predictor of intention to study abroad (β = .55, p < .01). Students who are more adventurous and want to broaden their horizons also seek out longer duration programs, as well as more immersion, such as studying at a foreign campus with foreign 11 faculty and living with a host family or off campus in comparison those who do not seek adventure based on the results of a cluster analysis of 205 students from a major state university in the United States who had shown interest in studying abroad within the preceding three months (Janda, 2016). Subjective Norm as Predictor of Intention to Study Abroad Subjective norm has been defined as “perceived social pressure to perform or not to perform the behavior” (Ajzen, 1991, p. 188) but recent research using the Theory of Planned Behavior has focused on subjective norm in the form of social support and encouragement (Fitzsimmons et al., 2013; Presley et al., 2010). This has included support to study abroad they receive from social groups who are important to them, such as parents, significant others, friends, professors, coaches and sponsors, and future employers. In a study with a sample of community college students from suburban, urban, and rural communities, constructive interview data collected from Amani and Kim (2018) discovered that most students felt parents and faculty were important to their decisions to participate in a study abroad program. Within the sample, 58.3% referenced support from family members such as parents and spouses). Similarly, 62.5% referred to faculty as critically influential, with one participant sharing a story about how their history professor, due to their consistent discourse about study abroad opportunities, was the person who “really persuaded [her] to go” (Amani & Kim, 2018, p. 685). Similarly, in a sample of 187 college students majoring in business and accounting, Presley et al. (2010) found that the combined support of parents, friends, and teachers were positively related with intention to study abroad in their multiple regression model (B = .686, S.E. = .121, t = 5.689, p <.001). Likewise, In Fitzsimmons et al.’s (2013) study of 204 12 undergraduate business students in the Midwest region of the United States, their multiple regression model showed that perceived social support was strongly and positively related to intention to participate in both short term study abroad programs (B = .77, p <.01) and long-term study abroad programs (B = .57, p <.01). Using structural equation modeling, Schnusenberg and de Jong (2012) tested the indirect influence of family expectations on students' intention to study abroad, mediated by their willingness to pay (i.e., family expectations→ willingness to pay→ intention to participate). With their sample of 254 students from an introductory business course, they showed that family expectations positively predicted willingness to pay (B = .21, p < .001), and willingness to pay positively predicted intention to study abroad (B = .17, p < .001), with their overall model explaining 58.6% of the variance in behavioral intention. Conversely, a lack of support was revealed as a barrier in a sample of 471 business students based on an online survey data collected by Naffziger et al., (2008). Their factor analysis revealed that social pressure not to study abroad was negatively related to openness toward and consideration of studying abroad (r = -.22, p < .001). Two sample indicators that formed this factor included “Family preferred that I not go abroad” and “Significant other did/would not want me to go” (Naffziger et al., 2008, p. 46). In an open-ended questionnaire, Kelleher et al. (2016) collected free-response data from 25 nursing students about their beliefs about studying abroad. Within this sample, 100% of the participants were white, and 96% were women. Within the sample, 60% of respondents reported family support as positively influential to their intention to study abroad, the most frequently identified group. The second most positively influential group, reported by 40% of the respondents, was college lecturers. 13 Perceived Behavioral Control as a Predictor of Intention to Study Abroad Perceived behavioral control has been defined as the “perception[s] of the ease or difficulty of performing the behavior of interest” (Ajzen, 1991, p. 183). For study abroad, many factors are related to students’ perceptions about the ease of studying abroad. Students may find it difficult to study abroad if they have concerns about safety. Both perceived risk to physical and psychological safety can be a barrier to students. In a sample of 155 undergraduate students from a medium sized university from diverse majors, 32.9% reported some personal concerns about safety as a barrier to studying abroad (Vernon et al., 2017). However, 67.74% of the sample shared that their families had concerns about their safety while studying abroad, demonstrating greater concerns at the family unit level than the student level. Conversely, lower perceived risk results in greater interest in studying abroad. In a cross-national comparison study, the subgroup of 100 American students who had the lowest perceived psychological risk would study abroad due to a desire for new experiences (β = .467, p < .039), a pattern also observed in the French sample but absent in the Chinese sample (Sánchez et al., 2006). Having relatable peers as part of the study abroad program was viewed as making study abroad easier for as many as one out of six students in a study by Amani and Kim (2018). A lack of programs that are beneficial or appeal to students’ interests and goals is a potential barrier for students. In a survey of sophomores studying education in an honor’s college at state university in the Midwest region of the United States, destination was ranked in the top 3 most important factors that determine their ability or desire to study abroad for 63% of the sample, behind cost, which was in the top 3 most important factors for 87% of the sample (Arens et al., 2018). Similarly, with Naffziger et al.’s (2008) sample described in the previous section, having relevant curriculum was positively predictive of study abroad interest (r = .25, p < .001) 14 (Naffziger et al., 2008). Using conjoint analysis with 210 email survey respondents collected from undergraduate students in the college of business at a large public university in the Midwest region of the United States, the location of a program was the number one most important attribute for students’ decisions to study abroad, followed by price, and the duration of the program (Garver & Devine, 2008). When the desired destinations seem to focus on one area, such as Europe (Needy et al., 2012), a lack of programs that are hosted in those areas may then emerge as a barrier. Similarly, language may be a barrier as indicated by students’ preferences for English-speaking destinations (Garver & Devine, 2008; Hackney et al., 2012; Mashburn & Brown, 2000). Lastly, one of the most frequently discussed barriers to studying abroad has been the cost of studying abroad. This pattern has been reported for students at American institutions in multinational surveys as well. As part of The Magellan Exchange, a non-profit consortium of institutions from around the world that focus in the area of business, 80% of American respondents said the financial cost was somewhat of a barrier to studying abroad, while 20% said it was not at all a barrier (Gordon et al., 2014). For a sample of 51 engineering students at public land grant university in the southeast region of the United States, finances were a barrier for 82% of students who wanted to study abroad and 47% of students who did not want to study abroad, and 64% of the total sample reported they needed 80-100% of their program costs covered by financial aid to participate (Needy et al., 2012). Curtis and Ledgerwood’s (2018) sample of two universities found 73% and 85% of students reported cost as a constraint to their participation in study abroad. The structural equation model by Schnusenberg and de Jong (2012) described in the preceding section also indicated that affordability was positively and significantly directly predictive of intention to participate in study abroad (β = .70, p < .001). 15 Behavioral Intention as a Predictor of Actual Behavior Behavioral intention has been found to be related to actual behavior. According to a meta-analysis by Sheppard et al. (1988) that included a sample of 23 studies and 2,328 total participants, Sheppard et al. (1988) reported a .56 for the frequency-weighted average correlation between intention and actual behavior. Other meta-analyses have shown that behavioral intention has a medium to large effect on actual behavior. In one study, the effect size of behavioral intention on actual behavior reported by Hausenblas et al.’s (1997) meta-analysis of 32 studies was 1.09 (95% C.I. = 1.23 - .96), suggesting a large effect of intention on behavior (Cohen, 1992). In another meta-analysis, Gollwitzer and Sheran (2006) examined 94 tests reported by 63 studies and reported behavioral intention had an effect size of .65 (95% C.I. = .60 - .70) on actual behavior. Therefore, behavioral intention has been useful for understanding patterns in study abroad participation, specifically the racial gap. Race and the Predictors of Intention to Study Abroad In addition to the racial gap in study abroad participation, the prior research has indicated that race and racism may play a role in the major predictors of intention to study abroad, including students’ expectations about studying abroad (i.e., attitude), the support they receive to study abroad (i.e., subjective norm), and their perceptions about the ease or difficulty of studying abroad (i.e., perceived behavioral control). Race and Attitude Prior research has shown that race and racism may be a part of the attitude toward studying abroad for Students of Color. One of the most direct relationships has been the expectation of racial discrimination as part of attitudes toward study abroad held by Students of Color. For instance, Simon and Ainsworth (2012) recruited 21 college students for semi- 16 structured interviews to collect stories about students’ experiences with study abroad. Of the sample, 10 participants expressed interest but did not participate in study abroad. Within this subgroup, six of them were black students, who voiced worry about how their racial identities will affect how they are treated when traveling abroad. This concern has been identified in focus group data collected by Murray Brux and Fry (2010) with a sample of students who were members of the Black Student Union at the University of Wisconsin River Falls. These students had considered studying abroad but had not gone, with one primary deterrent being expectations of racism. Leaders of study abroad programs in higher education have also voiced their awareness about the concern of potential racism shared by Students of Color (Dessoff, 2006). This concern has also been reported by parents and guardians of Students of Color (Cole, 1991). These attitudes deserve attention because prior research has shown that Students of Color do encounter racial discrimination while study abroad. In a sample of 15 graduate African and Caribbean students studying abroad, they reported being asked to take remedial classes, and being treated as “Third World looking” (Beoku-Betts, 2004, p. 132). Students of Color traveling abroad can also face being misidentified as a member of a certain ethnic group as illustrated by the experiences of one Chinese student studying abroad in Spain, where they were repeatedly treated as though they were Japanese by the local community (Van Der Meid, 2003). Despite these diverging patterns in expectations espoused toward study abroad, the current research on expectations about studying abroad specifically among Students of Color has not been well developed. In a case study focusing on the experiences of a Black American student studying abroad in Spain, he reported feeling he was discriminated against because of his appearance, where he 17 wrote in an email to the researcher: “My experience in Spain was so different than everyone else was because I was Black and a male.” (Goldoni, 2017, p. 333). At one point in the program, he described being profiled by police who approached him in two instances: “I was in the corner with my group and the cop drove by, and he said, ‘come here’ and I went towards him, and he said you know where’s your passport?... Then the next night it was a different cop, so I was walking I was with another student, and I had my hat under my shirt… The cop stopped me again and he said ‘what’s under your shirt? What is that? What is that?’” (Goldoni, 2017, p. 333). In another study by Talburt and Stewart (1999), they shared the experience of the one African American student who went to Madrid, Spain in a group of about 35 undergraduate students as part of a multi-institution consortium of research, regional, urban and private liberal arts colleges. During this program, racism had been a barrier for their experiences, and at the conclusion of the trip, reflected racism as being something to be expected, and something they had to live with. In another study, interview data collected from 19 Black women who studied abroad in Europe and Africa described patterns of being the target of racial microaggressions by in-country hosts as well as their peers, as well as racialized sexual harassment from native people they meet in public in the host country (Willis, 2015). Race and Subjective Norm Prior research has shown that race and racism may be a part of the social pressure students receive to study abroad. Within a diverse sample of Students of Color organized into focus groups, both Asian American and African American students both expressed family obligations as a common barrier to studying abroad despite having the interest in studying abroad (Murray Brux & Fry, 2010). Likewise, in a study conducted at a large public research university 18 in the mid-Atlantic region of the United States, a sample of five Latina women and four Latino men was selected for semi-structured interviews to enable the collection of meaningful individual narratives. With this sample, familial obligations similarly emerged as a barrier to planning for studying abroad in advance: “I can’t say for sure six months from now, ‘Yes, I’m going to be able to go on this trip,’ because with me there’s always something that happens: my grandmother dies, or my cousins are building a house and they need me” (McClure et al., 2010, p. 374). In Van Der Meid’s (2013) study of Asian students, one interviewee reported family support as a practical limitation to not studying abroad. This lack of familial support may also be linked to parental concerns about racism on behalf of their children. For instance, At the 43rd International Conference on Educational Exchange, the then president of Spelman College, Johnnetta Betsch Cole, described a common concern of Black parents as the potential risk of racism of their student’s encountering racism while abroad (Cole, 1991). Students of Color may also not be getting sufficient support from advisers and faculty to study abroad. This concern has been acknowledged by administrative leaders in higher education, such as study abroad program leaders, who acknowledge that faculty may have limited experience and study abroad programs may not be organized well enough to effectively recruit Students of Color (Brown, 2002). However, advisers can also potentially offset barriers faced by Students of Color. For one student in McClure et al.’s (2010) study of Latino and Latina students, their adviser helped them to plan a domestic alternative to studying abroad to help them manage their concerns about cost, completing graduation requirements on time, family expectations, and citizenship requirements for traveling. An indirect measure of low support is also suggested by the lack of awareness of study abroad offerings and their benefits among Students of Color (Dawson, 2000; Hembroff & Rusz, 1993). A low level of support has also 19 implied by the kinds of interventions proposed to increase participation among Students of Color, which focus on raising support from faculty and advisers (Brokaw, 1996; Hembroff & Rusz, 1993) as well as peers (Nguyen, 2014; Nguyen & Corywell, 2015). Support from faculty may also be a uniquely important factor for Students of Color. The presence of program leaders who were viewed by Students of Color as role models greatly influenced on decisions to actually study abroad (Lu et al., 2015). Similarly, Acquaye and Crewe (2012) highlighted the importance of having faculty mentors to boost African American student participation in international programs. Race and Perceived Behavioral Control Prior research has shown that race may be a part of perceived behavioral control for Students of Color. One way race has been relevant has been the comparatively lower levels of awareness and access to study abroad programs and financial aid opportunities by Students of Color. This has been indicated by calls for increasing outreach and support for Students of Color in higher education (Brokaw, 1996; Hembroff & Rusz, 1993). This has also been documented in empirical studies. In Carter’s (1991) survey of 150 Students of Color at a large private university in the United States, only 23% cited financial concerns, but 55% said they were not aware of any study abroad programs at their school. In addition to encountering Students of Color who were “out of the loop” regarding study abroad opportunities, one faculty coordinator of study abroad programs reported meeting many students among a group of 80 prospective Students of Color were also unaware of financial aid opportunities to support study abroad and the potential benefits of developing career skills (Dawson, 2000). Hembroff and Rusz (1993) who found that African American students were less aware of study abroad opportunities than their White 20 counterparts. This lack of awareness was also described by participants in the focus groups of diverse Students of Color held by Murray Brux and Fry (2010). They may face some more common barriers than their White counterparts, such as familial obligations (McClure et al., 2010; Murray Brux & Fry, 2010). Moreover, racism can also be an obstacle to participating in studying abroad for Students of Color (Kasravi, 2009). One resource beneficial for Students of Color are academic advisers, who can potentially offset barriers faced by Students of Color (McClure et al., 2010). In addition to the lack of awareness of financial aid opportunities, the cost of studying abroad can be a barrier for Students of Color who want to study abroad (Burkart et al., 2001; Grynspan, 2007; Murray Brux & Fry, 2010; Perdreau, 2002). As an elective, the out-of-pocket expense of study abroad is arguably a universal cost of entry. However, the issue of cost for Students of Color has been shaped by historical context. Specifically, Students of Color may be less able to study abroad in comparison to their white counterparts due to the wealth gap, defined as the disparity in the accumulated net worth of a family’s assets (Ingraham, 2019). The wealth gap between white households and households of People of Color has grown over time due to the accumulation of financial inequity through inter- and intragenerational transfer of wealth for Families of Color (Killewald & Bryan, 2018; Mueller, 2013), which has been shaped by a legacy of racism in the United States (Oliver & Shapiro, 2006). Consequently, it may be that the cost of study abroad may be a more significant barrier for Students of Color. The availability of relevant programs has also been important for Students of Color. This has been indicated by the attempt of faculty and school leaders to develop study abroad programs tailored to the interests of Students of Color. For example, one such program was the Research in the New South Africa (SARP) program, which was “intentionally developed to respond to the 21 need for more diverse student participation in study abroad and more intentional design for programs on the African continent,” an experience that participants reported as having helped them develop their academic interests and understanding of personal identity (Lee & Green, 2016, p. 65). The authors reported this program was beneficial for enhancing the participation of Black students in study abroad. Critique of the Prior Research on Race, Racism, and Study Abroad Participation Three aspects of the prior research on study abroad need further development. First, the experiences of Students of Color as part of study abroad decision-making have not been well described in the prior scholarship. Second, comparative research in study abroad that examined Students of Color and White students predominantly relied on quantitative, survey research. Third, the sources that may influence the predictors of decisions to study abroad, especially in ways that create disparities for Students of Color and White students, have not been well described. Prior Research Has Not Thoroughly Described the Experiences of Students of Color The experiences of Students of Color have not been well described in the overall body of empirical research on study abroad participation. This has been evidenced through the lack of Students of Color as research participants or omission of racial demographic data, and a lack of data collected about the experiences of Students of Color considering studying abroad. In a review of 50 recent empirical studies that used multiple frameworks on study abroad participation of students at universities and colleges located in the United States, 27 collected data on race or ethnicity, and only 6 included race as part of their research purpose or research questions. 22 Within the research that uses the Theory of Planned Behavior to explain study abroad participation, Students of Color have not been proportionally represented. For example, Bobbitt and Akers’ (2013) sample of agriculture and natural resources students was 80% white. Presley et al.’s (2010) sample of business students was 81% white. In other cases, it has been difficult to determine representation when racial data has been omitted, such as in the studies by Fitzsimmons et al. (2013), Goel et al., (2010), Loh et al., (2011), and Schnusenberg et al. (2012), all of which did not report race data for their sample. If the goal is to better understand why Students of Color do not study abroad, then research must include these students and their experiences. By acquiring an improved understanding of the experiences of Students of Color, it may be possible to clarify controversial models of study abroad participation. For instance, I previously described intra- and intergenerational and the wealth gap as part of a cost-based perspective to explain the racial gap in study abroad adopted by many scholars. However, the role of cost has been unclear, as prior research has shown that cost has not always been related to students’ choices to study abroad. Stroud (2010) found having some or no financial concerns was not significantly related to intent to study abroad. Access to financial resources has also been shown to be uncorrelated to study abroad. With a sample of 292 upper division students studying business at a regional university from the Midwest region of the United States, household income was not a significant predictor of intention to study abroad in ten different regression models tested by the authors (Pope et al., 2014). Similarly, Stroud (2010) also observed that parental income was not significantly related to intention to study abroad. Using the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988-2000 (NELS) data, which included 8,822 students followed from eight grade school through college, Simon and Ainsworth (2012) found that 23 parental income only had a very small correlation with participation in study abroad (B = .004, S.E. =.001, p < .001). Altogether, the variation in these findings indicate that the correlation between cost and studying abroad may not be a simple linear relationship, especially for Students of Color. Comparative Research Predominantly Utilizes Survey Research The findings of prior comparative research on study abroad have primarily been based on quantitative, survey research, which is useful for describing trends within samples, but the lack of qualitative data limits the ability of researchers to explain observed patterns, similarities, and differences between Students of Color and their counterparts. In a review of 50 studies that examined study abroad, 14 conducted between-group comparisons for Students of Color and White students, 12 of the 14, utilized survey data and conducted statistical comparisons by racial demographic data. Of the two remaining studies, Nguyen (2014) described differences between their Hispanic and Caucasian participants, such as the perception of Hispanic students seeing travel abroad as only possible through study abroad. Similarly, Simon and Ainsworth (2012) described patterns in the data collected from semi-structured interviews with white and Black students. However, there were studies that collected data from multiple racial groups but did not conduct comparisons. In another study, qualitative one-on-one data was collected from a sample of Asian American, African American, Arab American, Mexican American and White students; however, the author did not conduct between-group comparisons. Similarly, Amani and Kim (2018) described interview data collected from multiple racial groups, including: white/non- Hispanic, Black, Hispanic, Hispanic-Biracial, Biracial, and Asian; however, they did not examine between-group similarities or differences. 24 In other cases, qualitative data has been used predominantly to describe within-group patterns. For example, Murray Brux and Fry (2010) conducted focus groups with different groups of Students of Color, such as Asian American, African American, and Latino students. Similarly, McClure et al (2010) reported on the results of interview data collected from Latina/o students. Prior Research Has Not Thoroughly Described Influential Sources for Predictors of Intention to Study Abroad The prior research has described the content of predictors of studying abroad, including students’ expectations of what studying abroad would be like for them, the people who show support for their studying abroad, and the factors that make studying abroad easy or difficult; however, it has not been thoroughly described the sources that influence these factors. For example, Kim and Goldstein (2005) measured students’ expectations about studying abroad in multiple dimensions, such as expectations of growth for self-confidence, stress, enjoyment, learning new things, and meeting interesting people. However, they did not describe what influenced these expectations espoused by the students. Similarly, Presley et al (2014) quantify the support students receive to study abroad from a variety of sources, such as parents, friends, significant others, and future employers. However, they do not report how these sources showed their encouragement or disapproval for studying abroad. In some studies, there are incidental discoveries of how support or objections may be conveyed to students considering study abroad. For example, in Simon and Ainsworth’s (2012 p. 11) study, the research asked one interviewer how a Black female participant’s family responded to their decision to study abroad, and the participant said their family’s response was “Hey baby that’s good, you can do it, you can do it.” However, there has not been a comprehensive 25 investigation of the ways in which sources of social support to study abroad show their support for students. Lastly, the prior research describes the factors that make studying abroad easier or more difficult; however, it does not describe the sources that influence these beliefs. Some examples of facilitating factors include safety risks, language barriers, costs, curricular requirements, and confidence in oneself (Bobbitt & Akers, 2013). Other examples include course availability, disruption of activities in their home country, and help with planning (Presley et al., 2010). However, studies like these stop short of describing how students may have come to expect safety risks Critical Race Theory as an Analytical Framework for Students’ Choices to Study Abroad To build on the prior research that has suggested race and racism may play a role in students’ choices to study abroad, I chose the critical race theory (CRT) framework to guide this study due its widespread use for “studying and transforming the relationship among race, racism, and power” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). The design and implementation of the present study has been based on several tenets of CRT. The first tenet, which is the recognition of racism as being “endemic in U.S. society, deeply ingrained legally, culturally, and even psychologically” (Tate, 1997, p. 234), I developed the hypothesis that racism may be part the racial gap in study abroad and designed this study to specifically focus on race and racism as part of students' day- to-day experiences and how those experiences influence their perceptions about study abroad (Dixson & Rousseau, 2005 & DeCuir & Dixon, 2004). This study also aimed to adhere to a commitment social justice (Solórzano, 1997) by advancing an understanding of what Students of Color think about study abroad and how they come to hold these beliefs to potentially reduce or eliminate the racial gap in study abroad participation (Chubbuck, 2010; Harrison & Clark 2016; 26 Stovall, 2016). Another tenet of CRT is the centrality of experiential, which I utilized by collecting data using surveys and one-on-one interviews on the personal experiences of students to understand students’ decision-making about study abroad (Borkman, 1976; Solorzano & Bernal, 2001). This experiential knowledge is valuable because they have the potential to reveal inequities in educational policies and practices that seem egalitarian (Iftikar & Museus, 2018). I also chose CRT as an analytical framework because it has been widely applied in prior educational research to uncover the intersections between racism and inequity in education. For example, Villenas and Dehyle (1999) used CRT to reveal how the schools’ rhetoric contrasted with the reality of exclusionary practices against Latino parents. CRT has already been used to explain the ways in which potentially disenfranchised Black male youth resist racist practices and ideologies in schools (Howard, 2008). CRT has been used as an analytical framework to explain the experiences of Latina/o students with microaggressions on school campuses (Yosso et al., 2009), as well as informing curriculum change for social work to emphasize deeper critical thinking skills rather than the “toolkit mentality” (Abrams & Moio, 2009). Critical Race Theory has guided the development and execution of dissertation research projects. In one example, the tenet of intersectionality guided Wick’s (2010) analysis of the experiences of Students of Color studying abroad from the lens of capital, agency, and identity. Similarly, the use of Critical Race Theory as an interpretative framework enabled Hartkopf (2020) to be sensitive toward the influence of issues of race and racism in their interviews with Black students who had previously participated in study abroad. Study Abroad as a Potential Tool for Maintaining White Supremacy Critical race theory is also a useful analytical tool for examining the potential role of the institution of study abroad as a tool for maintaining white supremacy. Here, I refer to white 27 supremacy in terms of social institutions in which whites maintain the majority control and access to material resources and power (Wilson, 2018). In the case of study abroad, the disproportionate representation of Students of Color is one indicator of this type of white dominance. For study abroad, the ways in which colleges and universities create and promote study abroad programs may contribute to white supremacy through unequal access and control of study abroad opportunities and their corresponding benefits. At the institutional level, study abroad serves as a kind of added-value option (Wood, 1996), or a way of increasing the overall value of college as a “prepackaged experience, including an academic major, food, housing, and student activities” (Bolen, 2001, p. 184). From the educational psychology perspective, the offering of study abroad can potentially offer different types of value for students, such as their interest, a sense of usefulness, or as a means to help them attain a goal (Wigfield, 1994). The offering of study abroad programs also has added value for the institution itself, as it can contribute to prestige, how outsiders may perceive the institution, which can be related to factor such as rankings and media coverage (Sung & Yang, 2008), and student outcomes (Teranishi et al., 2004). Since study abroad participation is frequently “sold” from the perspective of the latter aspects of prestige, namely student outcomes, study becomes a potential vehicle for boosting institutional prestige, which can increase the competitiveness of that institution in attracting students (Baker & Brown, 2007; Griffin, 2012; Martinez, 2012). This potential value of study abroad for the institution itself can be an indirect, nonfinancial return on investing in creating and offering study abroad, which recontextualizes the surface-level criticism of study abroad as a potential revenue drain (Williamson, 2010). Prior research has shown that some Students of Color perceive predominantly White institutions, like Texas A&M- College Station as being more prestigious than counterparts that predominantly serve Students of 28 Color at Texas A&M-Corpus Christi (Martinez, 2012). While a full analysis of the institutional motives of offering study abroad are beyond the scope of the current study, it is important to acknowledge the self-serving aspect of study abroad programs at the institutional level as a backdrop to the potentially problematic ways in which study abroad programs are created and promoted and may contribute to white supremacy, which are discussed in the following section. The process of creating and promoting study abroad programs as a product or service that has appeal and value for students is part of the marketing dimension of study abroad (Gundlach, 2007). There is some prior evidence that suggests that study abroad marketing may be biased to benefit White students by creating and promoting programs that appeal more to their interests than other groups. This pattern is consistent with Harris’ (1993, p. 1731) “whiteness as property” proposition wherein how whiteness enables access to study abroad and study abroad is designed in the image of whiteness. I include two groups of evidence in this review that attest to this point: (a) the issue of messaging, namely how study abroad is characterized and (b) representation, who is shown as studying abroad. First, in terms of messaging, study abroad advertisements have been found to be skewed even though such advertisements attempt to convey universal messages of “fun” and the idea of being the “student adventurer” who explores the unknown (Doerr, 2012, p. 261). While advertisements may be successful in conveying these kinds of messages, they also intentionally or unintentionally perpetuate problematic messages that may racialize the image of study abroad. For example, in a sample of 16 samples of advertising material of study abroad programs to African countries, all sixteen showed White people at the center of the images, surrounded by Black children, with 13 samples showing White adults with Black children (Onyenekwu et al., 2017), which perpetuates the “white savior” complex (Brown, 2013). This example is part of the 29 issue of racial bias in representation in study abroad advertisements, where the subjects have been predominantly White women (Bishop, 2013). In another study, Gathogo and Horton (2018) found that 20 of 28 advertisements emphasized exposure to new cultures. This approach has been critiqued to be less compelling to Students of Color as they may have more of these types of intercultural interactions as part of their typical school experience (Salisbury et al., 2009). Just the prevalence of White students in study abroad advertisements like those described by Onyenekwu et al. (2017) may have an impact on students’ interest in study abroad, as prior advertising research has shown that similarity in perceived racial identity of students and models in advertisements was positively related to intention to buy the product and evaluations of the product (Whittler, 1989). Therefore, it is possible that the use of White students in study abroad advertisements may appeal more to White students. The potential negative impact of study abroad marketing is at odds with other scholarship that has emphasized recruitment to raise study abroad participation for underrepresented groups, like Students of Color (see Brokaw, 1996; Hembroff & Rusz, 1993; Nguyen, 2014; Nguyen & Corywell, 2015). By using critical race theory to identify the ways in which the institution of study abroad may be creating inequitable access to study abroad that disadvantages Students of Color. Consequently, this body of work may be able to provide guidance on how study abroad programs and its institutional agents may adopt more inclusive practices based on patterns in the experiences of Students of Color and their white counterparts. The Use of Counter-storytelling to Challenge the Dominant Narrative in Prior Research on Study Abroad This research aimed to better understand the racial gap in study abroad at American colleges and universities and why Students of Color may be underrepresented. To better 30 understand the experiences of Students of Color and White students, I adopted counter- storytelling, a research tool used by CRT scholars to study issues of racial inequity. CRT scholars have defined counter-storytelling as an approach to storytelling that “aims to cast doubt on the validity of accepted premises or myths, especially ones held by the majority” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017, p. 171). The beliefs held by the majority are called dominant narratives. In the case of study abroad participation, one possible dominant narrative is that Students of Color are underrepresented in study abroad because they are more likely than White students to not want to study abroad. I call this the dominant narrative because this story is based largely on data collected from mainly White while the experiences of Students of Color have largely been missing from the development of explanations for why students choose to study abroad (see Fitzsimmons et al., 2013; Goel et al., 2010; Loh et al., 2011; Schnusenberg et al., 2012). Therefore, this study aims to use counter-storytelling to highlight the experiences of Students of Color that may not fit this narrative, to make visible their experiences, and influence the formation of explanations of study abroad participation that are more inclusive (Williams, 2004). Using a Comparative Study Design to Explore the Process Associated with the Outcomes of Study Abroad Participation This study used a comparative design focusing on the process by which White students and Students of Color choose to study abroad. This design differs from most of the research guided by critical race theory in that it does not focus solely on the experiences of Students of Color. Therefore, a reader may be curious about the benefits of a comparative design rather than focusing only on Students of Color. I acknowledge that comparative approaches to studying study abroad may be limited by the use of data, constructs, and theory established based on the experiences of White students. As 31 such, conducting comparisons may obscure or not fully address the experiences of Students of Color. In the present project, I aimed to minimize the limitations of comparison studies through the development of a robust theoretical framework and study design. From the theory development side, this was achieved by using the Theory of Planned Behavior in combination with critical race theory which enabled this study to explore relationships between intention to study abroad while simultaneously prioritizing issues of race and racism in the data collection and data analysis, such as using survey and interview prompts used in prior studies that focused on Students of Color alongside open-ended survey and interview questions that created space for a wide range of perspectives. I also acknowledge that a focus on only Students of Color may have increased the ability of this project to understand the study abroad decision-making process of Students of Color “on their own terms” rather than in relation to White students. Additionally, the choice to conduct between-group comparisons loses sensitivity to within-group differences such that not all Students of Color share the same experiences. However, the issue of the racial gap in study abroad itself is inherently a comparative issue as are any efforts aimed at understanding and reducing the racial gap will have to examine how similar processes (e.g., study abroad recruitment practices) result in differential outcomes for Students of Color and White students. Thus, the strength of a comparative study is to collect data that can potentially provide evidence for which aspects of study abroad may be biased in a way to benefit some students while disadvantageous for others. Research Questions This dissertation study was designed to improve understanding of how students make choices about studying abroad to better explain the racial gap in study abroad participation in the 32 United States. Therefore, the present study aimed to contribute to the current research in the following ways. First, this study aimed to better understand the influences of race and racism on students’ decisions regarding study abroad, as these factors have been identified as potentially influential but have not been thoroughly examined in comparative contexts. Second, this study aims to better understand the sources that influence predictors of study abroad. A unique contribution of this study included an emphasis on describing the experiences of Students of Color, as they have often been underrepresented as study participants, despite accounting for almost half of all college student enrollment. For example, Bobbitt and Akers’ (2013) sample of agriculture and natural resources students was 80% white. Similarly, Presley et al.’s (2010) sample of business students was 81% white. Meanwhile, in other studies, racial demographic information has not been reported (see Fitzsimmons et al., 2013; Goel et al., 2010; Loh et al., 2011; Schnusenberg et al., 2012). A large majority of the research on study abroad has been quantitative, which described patterns but were limited in its ability to explain students’ choices to study abroad. Qualitative data was typically collected for within-group descriptions. Consequently, the usefulness of those studies for comparing trends for Students of Color and White students may be difficult since the data has been collected in different contexts. Another unique contribution of this study was to collect qualitative data to explain the decisions to study abroad of both Students of Color and their white counterparts. Therefore, to better understand the racial gap in study abroad participation, this study aimed to answer the following research questions: 1. What ways, if any, are race and racism related to predictors of students’ intentions to study abroad? 33 2. What ways, if any, are race and racism related to sources influential to predictors of intention to study abroad? 34 CHAPTER 3: METHODS Overview of Methodology Guided by the results of a pilot study, my dissertation research began with a pilot study, which tested the validity of the survey and interview methods (see Figure 2). The launch of the dissertation study itself began with an online survey that identified patterns within the sample that may represent the larger population (Creswell, 2017; Creswell & Clark, 2011). Table 2 maps the survey and interview items with the corresponding research questions. Table 3 maps the analysis procedures with the corresponding research questions. Preliminary analysis of survey results was used to guide the recruitment of interview participants, which enabled the collection of diverse and alternative perspectives (Creswell, 2017; Hanson et al., 2005). Individual interviews were conducted instead of group interviews because the latter can produce more polarized results (Forgas, 1977; Mackie, 1986; Seymour, 1987). The interview items and analysis procedure are organized in Table 2 by research question. Interviews have also been useful for collecting firsthand experiences that helped explain the nuance and complexity of a phenomenon not fully explained by the survey data alone (Baker, 2019; Gillborn, 2018). The interviews also made space for Students of Color to share their stories, a central tenet of CRT scholarship, especially since there has been little qualitative data about Students of Color and their decision-making to study abroad, especially within comparative contexts. According to CRT scholars, these stories collected from these interviews can “open new windows into the reality of those at the margins of society by showing the possibilities beyond the ones they live and demonstrating that they are not alone in their position” (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001, p. 475). 35 Figure 2. Overview of Stages of Data Collection and Analysis in the Study Design Table 2. Summary of Data Collection Methods Research Question Data Sources Rationale RQ1: What ways, if any, Survey items: B.1- • Large data sets can be collected to generate are race and racism related B7, C.1-C.10, D.1- a broad, diverse sample (Kelley et al., 2003) to predictors of students’ D.4, E.1-E.8, F.1- • Survey data can be used for identifying intentions to study abroad F.4, G.1-G.19, H.1- group patterns and potential generalization for Students of Color and H.5, L.1-L.10 to the population (Creswell, 2017; Creswell White students? & Clark, 2011) Interview items: • Open-ended survey items allow broader A.1, D.1, F.1, H.1 responses not confined to the researchers’ premade choices (Krosnick, 1999) • Interviews can complement lack of detail and depth in survey data (Creswell, 2003) RQ2: What ways, if any, Survey items: I.1- Same as RQ1 are race and racism related I.2, J.1 K.1 to sources Influential to predictors of intention to Interview items: study abroad for Students of C.1, E.1, G.1, I.1- Color and White students? I.5, 36 Table 3. Summary of Data Analysis Methods Research Questions Data Analysis Rationale RQ1: What ways, if any, • Multiple regression • Multiple regression can show if independent are race and racism variables can predict the dependent variable as related to predictors of • Wilcoxon signed hypothesized (Creswell, 2012) students’ intentions to rank test • Wilcoxon signed-rank test is a nonparametric study abroad for Students method for when the assumptions of normality of Color and White are not met for t-tests (Rosner et al., 2006; students? • Kruskal-Wallis test Woolson, 2007) • Kruskal-Wallis test is a nonparametric method for when the assumptions of homogeneity of variance are not met for analysis of variance (Hecke, 2012) • Chi-square test of • A non-parametric test to determine difference difference in the proportion of a characteristic shown by two groups (McHugh, 2013) • Thematic analysis • Thematic analysis is a flexible approach to identifying patterns in qualitative data (Aronson, 1995; Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2012) RQ2: What ways, if any, Same as RQ1 Same as RQ1 are race and racism related to sources Influential to predictors of intention to study abroad for Students of Color and White students? Sample Survey Participant Recruitment Participants were recruited from multiple sources to represent the target population of diverse undergraduate students who had not previously studied abroad. This approach was intended to minimize sampling and coverage error. I used a maximum variation sampling approach to collect data on multiple perspectives (Creswell, 2012). As such, participants were recruited from a wide range of backgrounds to meet this goal. Participants were recruited by 37 contacting gatekeepers on campus, and through a research pool where students could opt-in to being contacted about research opportunities. Gatekeepers are individuals who can help or restrict researcher’s access to potential participants (Creswell, 2012). The gatekeepers contacted in the present study included instructors for courses in several areas in the College of Education: early childhood and elementary education; pedagogy, politics, justice, and equity in education; reflections on learning; current issues in education; human diversity, power, and opportunity in social institutions; special topics in urban education, learners and learnings in context; reading and responding to children’s literature. Other gatekeepers include administrative assistants, as they have the resources to distribute information across the College of Education. Similarly, I contacted the student or faculty adviser of a broad range of student organizations using information available on the university’s catalog of student organizations. I contacted ethnic identity-based and career- focused organizations for Students of Color, such as an association for Asian American students, and Black Women in healthcare professions. The specific names have been withheld to maintain anonymity of the participants. Gatekeepers were contacted by email, which included with a brief description of the research project, a link to the survey, a request to share the study information with the students in their course or organization, and notification that the participants would be compensated with a $10.00 Amazon gift card as a small token of appreciation, which was delivered by email. Students were also contacted directly through the research pool organized by the Department of Psychology, where students’ volunteer to participate in research projects made available by researchers on an online platform, after review by the university’s coordinators of 38 the research pool. On this online platform, I posted a brief description of the research project, a link to the survey, and information regarding the compensation for research participants. Survey Participants An initial sample of 2,278 survey participants was obtained, which exceeded the projected target of approximately 400 respondents identified through power analysis; however, initial screening of the data suggested some unusual patterns. Consequently, this sample was subjected to a screening process to identify and remove potentially fraudulent data, data that are reported by respondents who do not care about the quality of their responses (Brazhkin, 2020). Using prior research, six criteria were generated for identification of potentially fraudulent data, which included compensation delivery email addresses that differed from the consent form contact information; short survey completion times; irregular contact information, such as unusual spellings; irregular demographic information, such as unusual given names and surnames; duplicated responses submitted by more than one respondent; and responses submitted in the same time as another response (Ballard et al., 2019; Konstan et al., 2006; Malholtra, 2008). After which, participants were also filtered by the inclusion criteria. The full screening and filtering procedure are described in Appendix B. After completing the screening and filtering procedure, a diverse sample of 184 participants was obtained. The average age of these respondents was about 20 years old (x = 20.91), with 87.6% of participants within the typical age range of college students (e.g., 18-22 years old) (see Table 4). However, there were some nontraditional students who were a bit older, which included the ages 33 (n = 1), 37 (n = 1), and 41 (n = 1). 39 Table 4. Demographics of Survey Participants by Age Age Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent 18 14 7.6 7.7 7.7 19 39 21.2 21.5 29.3 20 36 19.6 19.9 49.2 21 46 25 25.4 74.6 22 24 13 13.3 87.8 23 12 6.5 6.6 94.5 25 2 1.1 1.1 95.6 26 1 0.5 0.6 96.1 28 2 1.1 1.1 97.2 29 2 1.1 1.1 98.3 33 1 0.5 0.6 98.9 37 1 0.5 0.6 99.4 41 1 0.5 0.6 100 Subtotal 181 98.4 100 Missing 3 1.6 Total 184 100 More than two-thirds of the participants were women, accounting for 66.8% of the sample, with men making up 29.3% of the sample (see Table 5). There were also four participants who identified as non-binary, two participants who declined to share their gender and one participant who did not respond to the gender question. Table 5. Demographic of Survey Participants by Gender Gender Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Women 123 66.8 67.2 67.2 Men 54 29.3 29.5 96.7 Non-binary 4 2.2 2.2 98.9 Decline to respond 2 1.1 1.1 100 Subtotal 183 99.5 100 Missing 1 0.5 Total 184 100 40 Our sample was also quite diverse, and approximately represented the population characteristics of the institution where the research was conducted (see Table 6). In this sample, there were 56 participants classified as Students of Color, who were “persons of African- American, Latino, Asian American and Native American ancestry” (Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998, p. 221). There were 126 White students, and 3 students who were not classified due to missing data or an implicit decision not to respond, as well as 2 students who declined to respond. Table 6. Demographics of Participants by Race and Ethnicity Race Frequency Percent Valid Cumulative Percent Valid Percent White 123 66.8 68.0 68.0 Black/African American 17 9.2 9.4 77.3 Asian 23 12.5 12.7 90.1 Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander 1 0.5 0.6 90.6 Hispanic/Latino 6 3.3 3.3 93.9 Decline to respond 2 1.1 1.1 95.0 Multiracial 9 4.9 5.0 100 Total 181 98.4 100 Missing 3 1.6 Our sample included students from all grade levels, with 15.8% freshmen, 20.1% sophomores, 24.5% juniors, and 39.7% seniors. The participants came from a broad range of backgrounds (see Table 7 and Table 8) Table 7. Demographics of Participants by Grade Level Grade Valid Cumulative Level Frequency Percent Percent Valid Percent Freshman 29 15.8 15.8 15.8 Sophomore 37 20.1 20.1 35.9 Junior 45 24.5 24.5 60.3 Senior 73 39.7 39.7 100 Total 184 100 100 41 Table 8. Demographic of Survey Participants by Academic Major Major Frequency Valid Cumulative Percent Valid Percent Agriculture & Natural Resources 9 4.9 4.9 Conservation Architecture 3 1.6 6.5 Arts: Visual & Performing 4 2.2 8.7 Business 19 10.3 19 Communications 9 4.9 23.9 Community, Family, & Personal Services 13 7.1 31 Computer Science & Mathematics 6 3.3 34.2 Dual major 4 2.2 36.4 Education 39 21.2 57.6 Engineering 10 5.4 63 English & Foreign Languages 3 1.6 64.7 Health Sciences & Technologies 10 5.4 70.1 Miscellaneous 2 1.1 71.2 Not Reported 10 5.4 76.6 Sciences: Biological & Physical 20 10.9 87.5 Social Sciences & Law 23 12.5 100 Total 184 100 Interview Participant Recruitment As part of the survey, respondents could indicate their willingness to be contacted as a potential participant in a follow-up interview. For the participants who opted-in to the interview, maximal variation sampling was used to select participants that represented Students of Color and White students equally, as well as a wide range of interest levels in studying abroad, including participants who had strong intention to study abroad and low intention to study abroad. Using this strategy, personalized emails were sent to 62 of the survey participants. In the email, participants were invited to participate in a videoconference session and offered several time slots from which they could choose. They were also informed that they 42 would be compensated with a $20.00 Amazon gift card as a small token of appreciation, which was delivered by email. Interview Participants A diverse sample of 17 participants were recruited to the interviews (see Table 9). In the group, 41% identified as Students of Color (N = 7) and 59% identified as white (N = 10). The majority (71%, N = 12) of the sample identified as women. Table 9. Summary of Demographic Information of the Interview Participants Intentio Name Age Gender Grade Major Race n Scarlett 19 Woman Sophomore Veterinary Medicine White 2.5 Ella 20 Woman Junior Urban & Reg. Planning White 7 Mateo 28 Man Senior Supply Chain Mgmt. Hispanic/Latino 3.25 Wei 22 Man Senior Statistics Asian 6 Abigail 19 Woman Freshman Special Education White 6.25 Sofia 19 Woman Sophomore Spanish White 6.25 Michael 20 Man Senior Sociology Black/African 6.25 American Quang 21 Man Senior Psychology Asian 3 Amara 19 Woman Sophomore Nursing Black/African 3 American Aisha 20 Woman Junior Medical Geography Asian 5 Harper 19 Woman Sophomore Marketing White 4 Liam 21 Man Senior Finance White 4.75 Francisca 18 Woman Freshman Elementary Education Hispanic/Latino 6 Emma 20 Woman Sophomore Dietetics White 2.5 Ava 18 Woman Freshman Communications White 7 Madison 20 Woman Junior Biology for Sec. Educ. White 3 Chloe 20 Woman Junior N/A White 7 It should be noted that Michael indicated on the survey that his race/ethnicity was Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander but in the interview, he stated he was from Nigeria, so his race was 43 corrected to Black/African American since it is possible there was an error selecting in the survey. This sample size exceeded the goal of at least 16 participants based on recommendations of 10-30 participants for interview research (Blair et al., 2006; Eveland Jr & Dunwoody, 2009; Gaskell, 2009; Willis & Artino Jr, 2013). Larger samples of up to 50 participants can capture more variance in unique data but produce diminishing returns that do not outweigh practical limitations such as monetary and time costs with data collection and analysis. Data Collection Survey Administration Procedure The survey was administered using an online survey tool, Qualtrics. Participants accessed the survey through the information relayed by the gatekeepers or by using the online platform as part of the research pool. By administering the survey with a digital platform (i.e., Qualtrics), I minimized researcher measurement error, such as assigning the wrong numeric value to a Likert- type item, by automating the response coding process. To reduce equivalence error, misinterpretation caused due to changing social contexts, the survey was administered during a narrow time frame. Survey Design The survey was designed based on previously published research on the Theory of Planned Behavior, and study abroad research that utilized the TPB framework (see Table 10). To make sure participants do not skip questions, (e.g., nonresponse error), survey items were clearly written, and the duration of the survey was optimized based on the pilot study described in the chapter overview. The item clarity was also aimed to ensure participants responded correctly to 44 the questions (e.g., respondent level measurement error). The full survey instrument has been reported in Appendix C. Table 10. Example Indicators from Prior Research for Behavioral Intention, Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control from Study Abroad Research Using the Theory of Planned Behavior Source Bobbitt & Akers, Fitzsimmons et al. Presley et al. Variable (2013, pp. 23 – 24) (2013, pp. 129-130) (2010, p. 238) Intention “I intend to participate “I plan to go on a 2-week “I plan to study in a study abroad study abroad program” abroad” program” Attitude I feel study abroad is “Semester-long study “Studying abroad is interesting/boring abroad programs are good” positive” Subjective “It is expected that I “Most people whose “Most people whose norm participate in a study opinions I value would opinions I value abroad program” approve of my doing a 2- would approve my week study abroad studying abroad” program” Perceived “Whether I participate “For me to do a semester- “For me to study behavioral in a study abroad long study abroad program abroad would be control program is completely would be easy” easy” up to me” Note: Sample items in quotes were survey questions reported by the authors. Unquoted examples were constructed based on the authors’ descriptions because a verbatim version of the item was not available. The first portion of the survey collected demographic data. The second portion of the survey collected information on the independent variables: attitude, subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, and the dependent variable, behavioral intention. Global measures attempt to measure a participants’ overall or general perceptions toward a subject or phenomenon of interest, whereas specific scales are used to measure participants’ specific perceptions toward a domain within the subject or phenomenon of interest, where the sum of the (Ironson et al., 1989). An example of a global measure for attitude was asking participants if they thought a behavior 45 good or bad (Ajzen & Driver, 1991). An example of a specific measure for attitude was asking participants if they thought a behavior would help them open new career opportunities (Presley et al., 2010). The third section of the survey included items modified items that paired race and racism along with the independent and dependent variables Demographic Information To obtain a diverse, representative sample and to identify participants for the follow-up interview, the survey collected the following demographic information: age, gender, grade level, academic major, and race. For screening purposes, respondents were also asked if they had previously participated in study abroad. Attitude The scale for global attitude on the survey was developed based on prior research (Ajzen, 1991; Ajzen & Driver, 1991). This scale included seven bipolar Likert-type items, scored from 1 to 7, which measured students’ overall evaluation of study abroad (e.g., “For me, I think studying abroad would be (Good/Bad)”). The composite score for the general measurement of attitude was then calculated as the arithmetic mean of these seven items. The scale for specific attitude used the Theory of Planned Behavior as the central foundation and built on prior studies to measures students’ views about specific dimensions of studying abroad (e.g., If I study abroad, it would be likely that I experience a new culture) (Kasravi, 2009; Peterson, 2003; Presley et al., 2010). These items were scored from 1 to 7, and students selected their level of agreement from “Strongly disagree” to “Strongly agree”. The Cronbach's alpha for general measure of attitude was .911 (N = 181), which indicated the scale was reliable, unidimensional and had little item-specific variance (Cortina, 1993; Taber, 2018). 46 Subjective Norm The scale for global subjective norm was based on the same research as the attitude measure (Ajzen, 1991; Ajzen & Driver, 1991). The scale included four bipolar Likert-type items, scored from 1 to 7 which measured students’ overall perceptions of the kinds of social support they have received for studying abroad (e.g., "Most people who are important to me approve/disapprove of my engaging in this activity"). Students selected their level of agreement from “Strongly disagree” to “Strongly agree.” The composite score for global subjective norm was then calculated as the arithmetic mean of these four items. The Cronbach's alpha for the scale for the general measure of subjective norm was .905 (N = 183), which indicated the scale was reliable (Cortina, 1993; Taber, 2018). The scale for specific subjective norm was also developed based on the work of Presley et al. (2010), where participants responded on a scale of 1 to 7 about their agreement about receiving support to study abroad from eight sources: parents, significant others, friends, teachers, academic advisers, coaches or other sponsors of academic/co-curricular activities, employers, and their school (e.g., My parents support my studying abroad). Perceived Behavioral Control The scale for the general measurement of perceived behavioral control included four bipolar Likert-type items, scored from 1 to 7, which measured students’ overall perceptions of the ease or difficulty of study abroad (e.g., For me, it would be (Easy/Difficult) to study abroad), and were adapted from prior research (Ajzen, 1991; Ajzen & Driver, 1991). The composite score for global perceived behavioral control was then calculated as the arithmetic mean of these four items. The Cronbach's alpha for the scale of the general measure of perceived behavioral control was .848 (n=184), which indicated this scale was reliable (Cortina, 1993; Taber, 2018). 47 The scale for specific perceived behavioral control was also developed based on the work of Presley et al. (2010) and Kasravi (2009). On this scale, participants responded on a scale of 1 to 7 about their agreement to 18 items that described a range of resources and barriers that make studying abroad easier or more difficult (e.g., The cost of study abroad makes it difficult for me to study abroad). Additionally, there was a free response item that asked participants to identify anything else that would make it easier or more difficult to study abroad. Behavioral Intention The scale for global behavioral intention included four Likert-type items, scored from 1 to 7 for which students selected their level of agreement from strongly disagree to strongly agree (e.g., I plan to study abroad) (Presley et al., 2010; Zhuang et al., 2015). Participants also responded to a free response item that asked them to describe the kinds of plans they have made to study abroad. The composite score for global behavioral intention was calculated as the arithmetic mean of the four items. The Cronbach's alpha for the scale of global perceived behavioral control was .937 (n=184), which indicated this scale was reliable (Cortina, 1993; Taber, 2018). Race, Racism, and the Independent and Dependent Variables The scale for students’ perceptions about race and racism as part of their choice to study abroad was created by taking existing global measures of the variables in the Theory of Planned Behavior (e.g., attitudes, subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, and behavioral intention) and pairing them with a prompt about race and racism. This construction of the items was grounded in the Theory of Planned Behavior, while simultaneously addressing the potential influence of race and racism on decisions to study abroad indicated by the prior research described in the literature review and predicted by the tenets of Critical Race Theory. 48 For attitude, students responded with their agreement to six Likert-type items, scored 1 to 7 (e.g., I think racism would affect my experience studying abroad). For subjective norm, students responded with their agreement to two Likert-type items, scored 1 to 7 (e.g., I am encouraged to study abroad because of my race/ethnicity). For perceived behavioral control, students responded with their agreement to two Likert-type items, scored 1 to 7 (e.g., Studying outside of the United States would be more difficult for me because of my race/ethnicity). Lastly, for behavioral intention, students responded with their agreement to four Likert-type items, scored 1 to 7 (e.g., My race or ethnicity has affected the kinds of plans I have made to study abroad). Sources of Attitude Scales were conducted to examine what variables would influence the major predictors of behavioral intention, such as attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control (see Figure 3). Figure 3. The Theory of Planned Behavior with Social and Non-social Sources that May Influence the Predictors of Behavioral Intention 49 The scale to measure sources of influence on students’ attitudes on the survey included 16 Likert-type items scored from 1 to 7 (A Great Deal/None at All) where participants responded about the degree to which social sources (e.g., Parents) and non-social sources (e.g., Advertisements) affected their overall views of studying abroad as a good or bad experience. These sources included the eight referent groups used to measure subjective norm, specifically items E.1 through E.8. The other groups were obtained from marketing research, which included common information sources identified by the previous research as potentially influential to students’ perceptions of studying abroad (Fellin, 1983; Jabbar, 2016; Kealy & Rockel, 1987; Yost & Tucker, 1995). Sources of Subjective Norm The survey scale to measure sources of influence on students’ subjective norm included one free response item where participants write about how someone has shown support for them to study abroad. Sources of Perceived Behavioral Control The scale to measure sources that influenced perceived behavioral control included one free response item where students wrote about the greatest influence on their view of the ease of studying abroad. Interview Administration Procedure Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, face-to-face research was restricted at the sample site. Consequently, all interviews with the participants were conducted virtually with a video conferencing platform, Zoom. This platform was chosen because it supports end-end encryption on its desktop and mobile client, and audio and video recording. The interview sessions included an initial introduction portion that was unrecorded, when I introduced myself to the participants, 50 briefly reiterated the purpose of the study, ensured that participants could see and hear me clearly, inquired if participants had questions, and responded to them as needed. After the introduction, a semi-structured interview was conducted using scripted prompts (see Appendix C) and follow-up questions to ask for clarification. The interview was recorded. Interview Design The interview was to create space for both Students of Color and White students to describe their experiences in the context of studying abroad. To address participants’ potential unwillingness or discomfort with talking about race (Brown & Jones, 2013; McLeod & Yates, 2003), the interview questions are framed in a non-accusatory format (Walton & Centre, 2013). The beginning of the interview was used to establish an environment that was welcoming, safe, and respectful for the participants (Ceglowski, 2000; Elam & Fenton, 2003; Elmir et al., 2011; Goodwin et al., 2003). The design of the items was modeled after previous research on race (Arminio et al., 2000; Samuel, 2004) and follow the structure of interviews used in CRT research that include a gradual progression of questions (Harper et al., 2011), and “encourage participants to tell stories about their identities by asking them about themselves” (McGabe, 2009, p. 137). Demographic Information In the interview, participants were also asked to talk about their backgrounds, what they knew about study abroad opportunities at their school, what got them interested in studying abroad, and what influenced those beliefs. Attitude The interview collected data on attitude by asking the question: “What do you think studying abroad would be like for you personally?” This question was an adaptation of survey 51 items for attitude, which used researcher-created options to which participants had to indicate agreement. This open-ended format allows participants to share their own views. Subjective Norm Similarly, interview data was collected by asking the question: “Could you tell me about the kinds of support or encouragement you have received to study or to not study abroad?” This question complemented the survey questions by opening the possibility for sources of support besides the ones premade by the researcher. Perceived Behavioral Control For perceived behavioral control, the interview protocol included the question: “Could you tell me about what would make it easier or more difficult for you to study abroad?” This question created space for participants to talk about a wide range of factors that may influence their perception of the ease or difficulty of studying abroad. Behavioral Intention In the interview, the participants were asked the question: “Could you tell me about the kinds of plans you have already made to study abroad or plans to do something instead of studying abroad?” This prompt supplemented the survey, which measured the quantity of intention to study abroad by identifying the content of those plans, if any were made. Race, Racism, and the Independent and Dependent Variables In the interview, they were asked five questions regarding their views on race and racism about their expectations about studying abroad, the support they received, the things that make studying abroad easier, the plans they have made, and their overall perception about the racial climate of studying abroad. 52 Sources of Attitude In the interview, participants were asked the prompt: “What has influenced these views about what study abroad would be like for you?” to give participants space to describe the people or things that shaped their expectations about what studying abroad would be like for them. Sources of Subjective Norm In the interview, participants were asked the prompt: “Could you tell me about the things people have said or done to make you feel supported or unsupported in studying abroad?” to give participants space to describe the actions that people have done to show their support. Sources of Perceived Behavioral Control In the interview, participants were asked the prompt: “What has influenced your views about the ease/difficulty of studying abroad?” to give participants space to describe the sources that shape their views about the ease or difficulty of studying abroad. Data Analysis Survey Analysis Analyzing Predictors of Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad To identify the predictors of students’ intention to study abroad as part of answering RQ1, I tested multiple regression models for the subsample of Students of Color and White students separately using the composite scores of global attitude, global subjective norm, and global perceived behavioral control as independent variables and the composite score for global behavioral intention as the dependent variable: behavioral intention = attitude + subjective norm + perceived behavioral control + error. While regression does not require the assumption of normality of the data, it is assumed that the residuals are normal (i.e., homoscedasticity). With heteroscedasticity, there is an 53 increased chance of Type I error, the incorrect rejection of the null hypothesis (Osborne & Waters, 2002). As such, the preliminary data analysis included testing the normality of the residuals of the multiple regression model. In the calculation of each regression model, the Shapiro-Wilk test of normality was conducted for the unstandardized and standardized residuals. The Shapiro-Wilk test was chosen for its power and conservativeness, which is less prone to Type II error, the incorrect failure to reject the null hypothesis that the data is normally distributed (Öztuna et al., 2006; Razali & Wah, 2011). If a significant result in tests of normality was observed, then the Q-Q plot was inspected to identify any tailing (which would indicate extreme high or low values) as well asymmetrical curvature (which indicates skewness). As a result, residuals with large differences between the observed and theorized quantities indicated by positions in tails that deviated from the straight line representing a normal distribution were removed one case at a time and the tests of normality were repeated until the results indicated normally distributed residuals. However, when non-normality of residuals is observed, it can be due to insufficient sample size or poor model specification, especially regarding the error term (i.e., variance in the dependent variable that is not explained by the independent variables) (Pek et al., 2018). When non-normality is observed in the residuals, there are several options. First, there is the option to transform the data; however, this can inhibit the ease of interpretation of the results (Pek et al., 2018). There is also the option to remove outlier residuals (Schützenmeister et al., 2012) as single cases can be influential for both small (n = 18) and large sample sizes (n = 100) (Bollen & Jackman, 1985). However, the removal of cases does not necessarily address the issue of model misspecification, where the variance represented by the outlier could be attributed to a variable 54 not considered in the model. As such, in the present study, I report both models with homoscedasticity and heteroscedasticity of residuals where appropriate. To explore the relationship of the specific indicators of attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control with global behavioral intention to study, I began with a bivariate correlation with the 39 specific indicators to identify the indicators that were significantly related with behavioral intention for the separate subsamples of Students of Color and White students. These factors were then inputted into an omnibus multiple regression model, after which only the indicators that had coefficients significant at the p < .05 level were retained for another iteration of the model to generate the most parsimonious model available that included significant specific indicators of attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control that were associated with global behavioral intention. Mean scores were calculated for the survey items L.1-L.10 (see Appendix B). Since the data was not normally distributed, the Wilcoxon signed rank test was used to determine if the responses were different from the neutral value of four. Afterwards, the Kruskal-Wallis H test was conducted to determine if the Students of Color and White students showed statistically different scores for: (a) belongingness in study abroad, (b) expectation of race or racism to influence their experience studying abroad; (c) race influences the support they receive to study abroad; (d) race makes studying abroad easier; (e) race influences the kinds of plans they make to study abroad. Analyzing Sources Influential to Students’ Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control To address RQ2, the survey data and interview data were analyzed to better understand what influenced to students’ expectations about studying abroad (i.e., attitudes), sense of support 55 (i.e., subjective norm) and views about the ease of studying abroad (i.e., perceived behavioral control). To analyze sources of attitude, I used the Wilcoxon signed-rank test to determine if any of the sources from the Likert-type questions (e.g., I.1, I.2) on the survey (see Appendix B) were significantly influential or non-influential to participants’ attitudes. The Wilcoxon signed-rank test was used to determine if the responses given by the participants were statistically significantly different from the theoretical median value of four. The Wilcoxon signed-rank test was chosen as a nonparametric alternative because the collected data was not normally distributed, which is an assumption of the one-way t-test of means (Lumley et al., 2002) Subsequently, a Kruskal-Wallis H test was conducted to determine if the strength of the influence of the sources differed between Students of Color and White students. The Kruskal- Wallis test is an alternative for comparing independent samples when the data violates assumptions of normality necessary for other between-group comparisons like the t-test (Hecke, 2012; Ostertagová et al., 2014; Vargha & Delaney, 1998). To analyze sources of subjective norm, I use the same qualitative analysis procedure for RQ1 for the free response data from item J.1 on the survey (see Appendix C). This analysis focused on coding the people who were described in the students’ stories as well as the nature of those interactions, such as what the actions of the people described and the things they said to students. Using these codes, I conducted frequency analysis to identify the sources most commonly reported by the participants as influential to their subjective norm. Next, I used the same thematic analysis procedure described for RQ1 to classify the kinds of messages conveyed by supportive figures and I conducted another frequency analysis of these messages. 56 With these categories of who gave support, frequency analysis was conducted with the data for the subsample of Students of Color and the subsample of White students. After which, these frequencies were used to conduct a Chi-Square test of independence of proportions to determine if there were any statistically significant differences between Students of Color and White students in the frequency that different groups of people showed support for their studying abroad. Similarly, frequency analysis was also conducted for categories of types of messaging for the subsample of Students of Color and the subsample of White students. After which, these frequencies were used to conduct the Chi-Square test of independence of proportions to determine if there were any statistically significant differences between Students of Color and White students in the frequency the kinds of supportive messaging received to study abroad. To analyze sources of perceived behavioral control, I repeated the procedure used to analyze sources of subjective norm, using data from item K.1 from the survey (see Appendix B). This analysis focused on coding (a) who students described in their stories and (b) and how those interactions influenced students’ perceptions of resources and barriers to studying abroad. Using these codes, I conducted frequency analysis to identify the sources most commonly reported by the participants as influential to their perceived behavioral control. The Wilcoxon signed-rank tests were conducted to identify which sources were influential to attitudes for the Students of Color and then repeated for the White students. These frequencies were used to conduct a Chi-Square test of independence of proportions to determine if there were statistically significant differences between Students of Color and White students in the frequency of reported groups who influenced their beliefs about the ease of studying abroad. 57 Interview Analysis The same general analysis procedure was applied to the interview items for both RQ1 and RQ2. This procedure primarily involved thematic analysis, which involved the identification and classification of patterns in the data with themes and subthemes (Aronson, 1995; Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2012). Thematic analysis is a robust technique found in many methodological frameworks, including document analysis, grounded theory, and phenomenological analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Mackieson et al., 2018; Smith et al., 1999). Thematic analysis was applied to data transcribed verbatim by the researcher. However, in the reported data, conversational fillers, such as “like” and “um” were removed to aid with readability for a broad audience (Laserna et al., 2014). This approach in qualitative research is appropriate for when the transcription of dialectical patterns is not relevant for the analyses. Thematic analysis was applied to the interview prompts for attitude, subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, and behavioral intention for RQ1, which included interview items B.1, D.1, F.1, and H.1 (see Appendix D). This approach was repeated for the interview prompts for source of attitude, source of subjective norm, source of perceived behavioral control, and source of behavioral intention for RQ2, which included interview items C.1, E.1, G.1, and I.1 In the first pass of thematic analysis, I used inductive or bottom-up coding to identify the salient features present in the data itself (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2012), specifically for prompts that asked participants if they felt race or racism influenced their expectations of what studying abroad would be like, their sense of support, and the ease of studying abroad (items I.2, I.3, and I.4). In the second pass of thematic analysis, I used a deductive approach, guided by the Theory of Planned Behavior and prior research in study abroad that utilized this framework to 58 guide my coding (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2012). This analysis was also guided by the results of the survey analysis. Therefore, using prior research and the results of the survey analysis, I generated codes that represented salient aspects of attitude (e.g., expectation of fun), subjective norm (e.g., parental support), perceived behavioral control (e.g., cost), behavioral intention (e.g., cost), sources of attitude (e.g., friends), sources of subjective norm (e.g., parents), and sources of perceived behavioral control (e.g., parents) Likewise, for the interview items I.1-I.5, which asked participants directly the ways, if any, race or racism were related to their attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control, the thematic analysis with open coding with an a priori focus on race and racism, where the initial codes were oriented around issues of race and racism (Corbin & Strauss, 1990). This approach was used to identify patterns in the ways that race and racism were a part of students’ expectations of studying abroad, their sense of support, their perceptions of resources and barriers, and their plans to study abroad. For the analysis, a codebook was generated (see Appendix E), which included the codes, a description of the unique characteristics of the construct being coded, and an illustrative example from the data (Creswell et al., 2007). This codebook was also used to collapse similar codes that were not conceptually discrete (Attride-Stirling, 2001). Lastly, in a third pass, this code book was used to conduct a code-recode procedure, where the previously coded data was analyzed and assigned codes based on the code book (Anney, 2014). Lastly, codes were grouped into themes that represented patterns in their responses (Braun & Clarke, 2006). 59 CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS Overview In this chapter, the findings of the study are first organized by the research questions that guided this study. Within the section dedicated to each research question, an overview of the central findings is provided, followed by a comprehensive description of the findings from the survey data and the interview data. Results for Research Question 1: What Ways, if any, are Race and Racism Related to Predictors of Students’ Intentions to Study Abroad? Overview of Findings Using the Theory of Planned Behavior, three factors were hypothesized to predict students’ behavioral intention (e.g., effort) to study abroad: attitude (e.g., their evaluation of study abroad), subjective norm (their sense of social pressure), and perceived behavioral control (perceived ease or difficulty). An analysis of the survey data for these variables indicated: ● Attitude was not related to behavioral intentions to study abroad for Students of Color (p < .439), but it was positively related to behavioral intention for White students (p < .001). ● Subjective norm was related to behavioral intention to study abroad for both Students of Color (p < .017) and White students (p < .001) ● Perceived behavioral control was related to behavioral intention to study abroad for neither Students of Color (p < .147) nor White students (p < .147) Follow-up analysis of the survey data about students’ attitude indicated: ● For attitude, White students’ expectation of new career opportunities was positively related to their intention to study abroad (p < .004) 60 ● For attitude, Students of Color had a stronger impression that race/ethnicity and racism influence their experience studying abroad than White students (p < .001) Follow-up analysis of the survey data about students’ subjective norm indicated: ● For subjective norm, parental support was positively related to behavioral intention to study abroad for both Students of Color (p < .028) and White students (p < .018) ● For subjective norm, Students of Color thought more strongly that the pressure they receive to study abroad was influenced by their race/ethnicity than White students (p < .001) Follow-up analysis of the survey data about students’ perceived behavioral control indicated: ● For perceived behavioral control, White students’ view of work obligations as a barrier was negatively related to their intention to study abroad (p < .002) ● For perceived behavioral control, White students thought their race/ethnicity made studying abroad easier for them while Students of Color did not (p < .001) Follow-up analysis of the survey data about students’ behavioral intention indicated: ● For behavioral intention, Students of Color thought more strongly than White students that race/ethnicity has influenced their efforts to study abroad (p < . 001) ● There was not a direct connection between students’ perceptions about race and racism and their behavioral intention to study abroad Using the Theory of Planned Behavior and Critical Race Theory, the relationships between attitude, subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, and behavioral intention were further analyzed with a focus on race and racism, as described in the methods. The analysis of the interview data on attitude the indicated: ● Students of Color expected racism as part their own experience studying abroad 61 ● White students did not think race or racism will affect their experience studying abroad ● White students thought studying abroad would improve career opportunities The analysis of the interview data on subjective norm the indicated: ● Parents were a source of pressure to study abroad for both Students of Color and White students The analysis of the interview data on perceived behavioral the indicated: ● Racism was a barrier for Students of Color ● White students think work obligations would be a barrier to studying abroad ● Neither race nor racism affects White students’ sense of difficulty of studying abroad ● Both Students of Color and White students showed uncertainty about the specific impact of race and racism ● Both of Students of Color and White students talked about racism as being destination specific The analysis of the interview data on behavioral intention indicated: ● Both Students of Color and White students demonstrated effort to study abroad that focused on searching program opportunities and scheduling availability, among many other behaviors Survey Data for Factors Related to Behavioral Intention Measured on a 7-point Likert scale, the mean scores on the survey indicated that the sample generally had positive attitudes toward studying abroad, slightly above-neutral subjective norm, slightly above neutral perceived behavioral control, and slightly above-neutral behavioral intention (see Table 11). Using the Kruskal-Wallis test of mean ranks due to nonnormality in the data, Students of Color showed statistically higher behavioral intention to study abroad than 62 White students (p < .032). When asked if they felt they would belong in a study abroad program, the mean score for Students of Color was 5.14 and the mean score for White students was 5.40. On the one-sample Wilcoxon signed rank test, the scores were statistically significantly different from the neutral value of four for both groups (p < .001), but the mean ranks did not differ from each other according to Kruskal-Wallis test (p < .118). Table 11. Descriptive Data for Attitude, Subjective Norm, Perceived Behavioral Control and Behavioral Intention, and Results of Kruskal-Wallis Test of Mean Ranks Students of Color White Students (N = 56) (N = 126) Mean Mean Kruskal- Variable Mean Rank Mean Rank Wallis H Sig. Attitude 6.242 92.82 6.181 90.91 .052 .820 Subjective Norm 4.817 99.76 4.508 87.83 1.933 .158 Perceived Behavioral Control 4.388 89.01 4.488 92.61 .182 .670 Behavioral Intention 4.433 104.03 3.812 85.93 4.598 .032 The multiple regression data for Students of Color revealed that only subjective norm was related to behavioral intention to study abroad (p < .017) (see Table 12). This model explained approximately 52.5% of the variance in behavioral intention and was an iteration of a previous regression model, which was revised due to non-normality of the residuals, which is described in Appendix E. The multiple regression for the White students revealed that attitude (p < .001) and subjective norm (p < .001) were positively related to behavioral intention to study abroad (see Table 12). This model explained about 51% of the variance in behavioral intention to study abroad. The residuals for this model were normally distributed (see Appendix F). 63 Table 12. Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for Students of Color and White Students Students of Color (N = 53) White Students (N = 126) Model 1 B S.E. t Sig. B S.E. t Sig. (Constant) -1.007 1.290 -.780 .439 -3.384 0.890 -3.804 .001 Attitude .432 .260 1.660 .103 0.662 0.162 4.075 .001 Subjective Norm .405 .164 2.472 .017 0.528 0.115 4.586 .001 Perceived .220 .149 1.475 .147 0.162 0.111 1.458 .147 Behavioral Control Follow-up regression models were conducted with the survey items for specific data about attitude, subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, and behavioral intention (see Appendix G for complete results). The follow-up regression model for Students of Color revealed that parental pressure (subjective norm) was significantly positively related to behavioral intention (B = .244, S.E. = .107, t = 2.369, p < .028), with the model explaining 51% of the variance in behavioral intention. For White students, the multiple regression showed that parental pressure (subjective norm) was significantly positively related to behavioral intention (B = .247, S.E. = .103, t = 2.41, p < .018). The perception of new career opportunities from studying abroad (attitude) was significantly positively related to behavioral intention (B = .375, S.E. = .126, t = 2.979, p < .004). The perception of work as a barrier was negatively related to behavioral intention (B = -.263, S.E. = 0.084, t = -3.123, p < .002). This model explained 50.1% of the variance in behavioral intention. The survey also collected data about the students’ perceptions about race and racism along with the variables from the Theory of Planned Behavior. The one-sample Wilcoxon signed rank test statistic (T) was used to determine if responses were different from the neutral value of 64 4, and the test statistic of the Kruskal-Wallis (H) test of mean ranks was used to determine if the differences between Students of Color and White were statistically significant. The survey data indicated both Students of Color (T = 5.339, p < .001) and White students (T = 7.479, p < .001) felt they would belong in a study abroad program and there were no statistically significant differences (p < .118). Students of Colors (T = 3.688, p < .001) showed agreement that race/ethnicity would influence their experience studying abroad while White (T = -2.571, p < .010) students showed disagreement, with Students of Color showing statistically significantly higher agreement (H = 14.505, p < .001). When asked if they taught race/ethnicity would not influence their experience studying abroad, Students of Color were neutral (p < .771) and White students showed agreement (7.291, p < .001), with White students showing statistically significantly higher agreement (H = 20.131, p < .001). Students of Color showed agreement that racism would influence their experience studying abroad (T = 2.392, p < .017) and White students showed disagreement (T = -6.448, p < .001), with Students of Color showing statistically significantly higher agreement (H = 26.208, p < .001). When asked if they did not think racism would influence their experience studying abroad, Students of Color (p < .771) were neutral and White students showed agreement (T = 8.170, p < .001), with White students showing statistically significantly higher agreement (H = 30.186, p < .001). Students of Color (p < .159) were neutral when asked if race/ethnicity influenced pressure felt to study abroad, while White students showed disagreement (T = 06.817, p < .001), with Students of Color showed statistically significantly higher agreement than White students (H = 16.655). When asked if they did not think race/ethnicity would influence pressure to study 65 abroad, Students of Color were neutral (p < .056) and White students showed agreement (T = 7.416, p < .001), with White students showing statistically significantly higher agreement (H = 13.239, p < .001) Students of Color were neutral toward race/ethnicity as an influence on the difficulty of studying abroad (p < .415), while White students thought that race/ethnicity made studying abroad easier (T = 8.348, p < .001), with White students showing statistically significantly higher agreement that race/ethnicity makes studying abroad easier (H = 39.622, p < .001). For Students of Color, there was a significant, moderate positive correlation between perceived ease of studying abroad due to race and behavioral intention (R = .538, p < .001). This implied that students who felt that their race would make studying abroad more difficult would be less likely to study abroad. Students of Color were neutral when asked if their race/ethnicity would influence their efforts to study (p < .966) and White students showed disagreement (T = -7.969, p < .001), with Students of Color showing statistically significantly stronger agreement (H = 29.185, p < .001). When asked if they thought race/ethnicity would not influence effort to study abroad, Students of Color were neutral (p < .966) and White students showed agreement (T = -7.969, p < .001), with White students showing statistically significantly stronger agreement (H = 37.977, p < .001). For White students, there was a significant, slight positive relationship between perceptions that race would influence their plans to study abroad and behavioral intention to study abroad (R = .187, p < .036). When asked about the kinds of effort they have demonstrated to study abroad, both groups equally described general searches about studying abroad opportunities (e.g., destinations program characteristics), looking at scheduling potential study abroad programs (e.g., picking an 66 optimal time to participate), seeking out guidance, successful applications that led to acceptance; submission of applications pending decisions; exploring cost and financial aid, and evaluating program fit with academic requirements. There were no statistical differences in proportional frequency of behaviors reported as tested by the Chi-square test of difference. See Appendix H for the full list of behaviors. Interview Data for Factors Related to Behavioral Intention Students of Color Think Racism Is a Part of the Study Abroad Experience Five of the seven Students of Color thought racism would be a part of their studying abroad experience. Francisca highlighted how their identity as a Mexican American meant they had to “face certain things [that] people who are not of color would not face” and that “people think just because they speak a little bit English, they're better than everyone and because they're darker complexion, they can walk all over you.” Amara said they would research a destination before going to see if there was racism and the treatment of Black people in the area. Aisha described racism as part of studying abroad that may differ based on location, viewed racism as intimidating but said they try not to let it bother them. Quang felt that being treated differently was just a built-in cost of studying abroad. Mateo felt that discrimination abroad was unavoidable, and that one is likely to experience racism no matter where they travel. Francisca also pointed to colorism and the subtleness of racism (Treviño et al., 2008) by describing how she was treated as though she could not speak English because of her darker skin in comparison to family members with lighter skin color. In contrast, 10 out of 10 White students felt that racism did not impact their expectations about studying abroad. For example, Emma shared “[racism] hasn't really affected me at all. Ava shared that they did not think racism had much impact, but it was also something they did not regularly think about. Similarly, Liam shared that 67 they never even thought about being treated differently in another country while studying abroad due to racism. Students of Color View Racism as a Part of Barriers to Studying Abroad Six of the seven Students of Color described racism as a barrier to study abroad. Aisha felt that the advising program did not treat well because of her race, as well as her mom’s opposition to her studying abroad because of her concern about racism abroad. Quang felt that study abroad programs pandered to European students instead of Asian students and felt there was discrimination in the program options and funding support options. Wei suggested that studying abroad may be difficult due to being Asian and the stigma of the COVID-19 pandemic. Mateo talked about the challenges of being a minority and a first-generation college student, but discussed that they also had support, such as through veteran support services, such as getting government-funded child support, which eased the college-going experience. Michael also addressed the historical aspect of racism in Europe, identifying it as a bit scarring, but because of their view of successful people of color, they feel more optimistic about studying abroad. White Students Expect New Career Opportunities from Studying Abroad Five of the ten White students spoke about their perception that studying abroad would open new career opportunities. Madison saw cultural immersion as a way of valuable for their career as an educator by having eye-opening experiences. Similarly, Sofia thought the language and cultural exposure was beneficial to her future career as an educator. Scarlett, a veterinary medicine major, thought the value of study abroad came from the potential of learning about how medicine is used in different ways and comparing these new approaches to their own training. Harper thought the studying abroad experience would provide general benefits for their career, 68 specifically with navigating the interview process by having a “conversation starter” to connect with the interviewer. White Students View Work Obligations as a Barrier Three of the White students spoke about work obligations as a barrier to studying abroad. Scarlett worked as a phlebotomist in a hospital and spoke about the difficulty of telling their employer that they needed an extended period away from work. Harper felt that there was pressure from their professional Greek life association, and that doing something besides internships, like a scholarship, would put her behind. Emma also worked in a hospital setting. As a food service worker, Emma described herself as being busy, and in combination with the cost of studying abroad, she felt deterred from studying abroad despite being generally interested in studying abroad. In the free-response items on the survey, several White students described work obligations as a potential barrier. Participant 1160 said they must work in the summer to generate income, so they could not study then. Participant 1022 said they did not want to “worry about work and conflicts with upcoming internships. Participant 1053 wrote that they worked in a summer camp, which they did not want to miss. Participant 1116 said the most difficult part of planning to study abroad was taking time away from work. Participant 1073 said that they would be able to study abroad if they could have work opportunities while abroad like those at home. White Students’ Egalitarian View of Study Abroad Opportunities The sample of White students were also unique in sharing their view that studying abroad was an equally accessible endeavor for all students. For example, Emilie said: “I think it's a great opportunity for anyone, and when I talked about those posters I've seen, it's people of all races, I see people in groups and everything. It looks like a great diversity group going, you know, 69 wherever they went, but. I think it's anyone who I've seen on a poster or advertisement for it has been, you know, all kinds of different people, which makes me think that kind of anyone can do it.” Similarly, Harper felt that there was a general state of progress toward more inclusive beliefs and that everyone has an equal shot at studying abroad: “ideally, I'd like to think that we've progressed and that like all races or ethnicities are welcomed anywhere, and all have like a fair chance at studying abroad, I think. I don't know, I think that, you know, like money comes into play, of course, and just like different cultures meshing. You know, like I know, like anti- Semitism still exists in the world, and so, you know, maybe someone who's Jewish might have some hesistances going to certain countries. Just like as an example, so I think there are still some like racial tensions. But I also think that in a study abroad environment, maybe we've progressed a little bit, so things are a little bit safer and more welcome to all races and cultures and backgrounds.” Both Students of Color and White Students Identified Parental Pressure as Influential to Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad In the sample, 14 of the 17 participants (7 Students of Color, 7 White students) identified parents as a source of pressure to study abroad. The remaining three White students reported friends and peers as a source of pressure to study abroad. However, some of the pressure was oppositional to studying abroad. Aisha’s parents were initially supportive to the idea of studying abroad, but were ultimately opposed due to the cost, and Aisha deferred to their decision. Emma felt their family had generally been very discouraging through their comments about how she would not be able to avoid the program, nor would she be able to save enough money. Quang felt their parents did not believe in their ability to study abroad, which played a big role even though they had received encouraging messaging about study abroad from other sources: “I definitely 70 would say the things that have supported me is like my cousin talking about it, giving the knowledge and like me hearing about studying abroad, I've seen Facebook friends like study abroad and it looks pretty nice and all... On the other hand, like, well, just my parents, you know, they just, it's not like they don't want me to, but they don't think I'm capable, and I definitely agree with that. Yes obviously that's a big deterrent of why I haven't ever thought of studying abroad and yeah at the same time I did transfer over to university to [name of current school] last year, so obviously I was not going to study abroad yet when I just arrived, I was getting used to the environment.” Emma felt their family was discouraging through their comments about how she would not be able to afford the program, nor would she be able to save enough money. Scarlett described her mother objecting to her plans to study abroad because of her concern for safety, and her voicing that she “can't imagine sending one of you guys over there and to a family who I've never met.” Both Students of Color and White Students Had Uncertainty about the Impact of Racism Three of the seven Students of Color and one of the ten White students shared uncertainty about the tangible impact of racism while studying abroad. Among the White students, Chloe shared she did not know what racism was like abroad, how she would be treated, and how she would respond. Wei was aware of racism in the United States but was unsure about what it would be like abroad because they did not have firsthand experience. Amara was uncertain about racism abroad because she did not hear about negative experiences from their peers. Similarities in Perception That Racism is Destination-Specific Four of the ten White students and five out of the seven Students of Color talked about racism as being destination specific. White students, such as Harper used examples like anti- Semitism to illustrate their thoughts that racial tensions do exist in different countries: “I know, 71 like anti-Semitism still exists in the world, and so, you know, maybe someone who's Jewish might have some has a tense is going to certain countries, just, like, as an example, so I think there are still some like racial tensions.” Ella talked about how racism could exist at multiple levels, including in a program, school, and country. Sofia referred specifically to South America but ultimately felt they would not be personally affected. Chloe described Europe as a place that would not present issues of racism. Among the Students of Color, there were similar concerns about destinations. For Amara, they mentioned concern about the African and Middle Eastern countries, as well as intersections with gender and religion, in which she felt that some areas are not safe for women. Aisha mentioned their own experiences of being the only Pakistani student in a predominantly White school and they felt that racism could vary by destination: “Oh. I think that depends on where you go to study abroad… But I can see how it would be a problem going abroad.” Wei was uncertain about racism in Europe but felt it was certainly an issue in the United States. Mateo spoke about how some destinations may be less appealing to Students of Color due to potential racism. Francisca felt that the United States was potentially more progressive than destinations abroad: “I feel like America is way more progressive compared to, like a lot of these other countries,” which implied she viewed other places as relatively more racist. Both Students of Color and White Students Talked about Racism as a Real Barrier for Others One common pattern from the interview data was the perception that racism is a barrier for others but not for the self. Both Students of Color and White students described issues of racism as being a potential barrier for others, even if it was not personally relevant. For Chloe, they reflected on the experiences of poet Amanda Gorman, who spoke at President Joe Biden’s inauguration. In their story, they spoke about reading a story where Gorman was followed by 72 police for being suspicious, to which she said: “there are some issues that minorities have all around the world…” Amara shared a similar sentiment of not having personal experience by describing their past experiences to the airport and having never been racially profiled, but said they did not want to speak on behalf of others: “I know that different people, especially different religions, for wearing a hijab or anything that's around your religion sometimes that can be an issue. You may just not want to be racially profiled at the airport for no good reason.” Results for Research Question 2: What Ways, if any, are Race and Racism Related to Sources Influential to Predictors of Intention to Study Abroad? As part of addressing research question 2: “In what ways, if any, are race and racism related to sources that influence predictors of intention to study abroad for Students of Color and White students?”, this study contributed to the scholarship on study abroad access by identifying the ways that race and racism shape students’ attitude (evaluation of study abroad), subjective norm (social pressure), and perceived behavioral control (perceived ease/difficulty). Overview of Findings Using the Theory of Planned Behavior, this study explored the sources of influence that shaped students’ evaluation of studying abroad (e.g., attitude), the sources of social pressure and the messages received as part of social pressure (e.g., subjective norm), and the sources that influenced what students thought would be easy or difficult about studying abroad (e.g., perceived ease or difficulty). The results of the survey data collected indicated: ● Parents were influential on attitude for both Students of Color (p < .001) and White students (p < .001) ● School was influential on attitude for both Students of Color (p < .001) and White students (p < .009) 73 ● Friends were influential on attitude for both Students of Color (p < .001) and White students (p < .005) ● Advertisements were influential on attitude for both Students of Color (p < .01) and White students (p < .001) ● Social media was influential on attitude for both Students of Color (p < .001) and White students (p < .001) but had a greater influence for Students of Color than White students (p < .034). ● Professors were influential on attitude for only White students (p < .001). ● Parents exhibited pressure to study abroad for both Students of Color and White students to study abroad by talking about the “once-in-a-lifetime opportunity” and by participating in the search process ● Receiving messages about study abroad as being a “once-in-a-lifetime opportunity” was slightly but statistically significantly correlated to behavioral intention to study abroad for Students of Color (R = .292, p < .029) ● Parents and Family were the most frequent sources influential for perceived behavioral control for Both Students of Color and White students ● More affordable programs were reported by both Students of Color and White students as making studying abroad easier The results of the interview data also indicated: ● Both Students of Color and White students think parents, the school, social media, friends, and advertisements influence their attitude ● White students felt that race/racism do not influence subjective norm (their pressure to study abroad) 74 ● Students of Color feel race/racism influences subjective norm (their pressure to study abroad) ● White students said that parents, family members, friends and peers, advisers, social media, professors and teachers, significant others, news sources, and they themselves influence their perceived behavioral control ● Students of Color said that the school, friends and peers, social media, and significant others are influential to their perceived behavioral control ● White students’ efforts to study abroad are not influenced by race nor racism ● Students of Color intended to try to study abroad despite racism Survey Data for Influential Sources Influential Sources for Attitude The standardized one-sample Wilcoxon signed rank test statistic (T) was used to determine if a certain source was influential or not influential to attitude for each group. If the observed median influence was statistically significantly greater than the neutral value of four, then the source was influential; if the observed median was statistically significantly less than the neutral value of four, then the source was not influential. If the observed median was not statistically different from the neutral value of four, then the source was neutral (see Appendix I for full results). Afterwards, the Kruskal-Wallis test was conducted to determine between-group differences (see Appendix J for full results). Parents were influential for both Students of Color (T = 4.96, p < .001) and White students (T = 4.369, p < .001). Significant others were not influential for White students (T = - 2.824, p < .005). Friends were influential for both Students of Color (T = 3.507, p < .001) and White students (T = 2.595, p < .009). Professors were influential for only White students (T = 75 3.507, p < .001). School was influential for both Students of Color (T = 3.933, p < .001) and White students (T = 5.564, p < .001). Social media was a source influential on attitude for both Students of Color (T = 3.883, p < .001) and White students (T = 4.738, p < .001); social media was a stronger influence for Students of Color (H = 4.496, p < .034). Advertisements were influential for both Students of Color (T = 2.581, p < .01) and White students (T= 3.261, p < .001). Coaches and sponsors of academic or co-curricular activities not influential for either Students of Color (T = -3.565, p < .001) and White students (T = -6.893, p < .001). Employers were not influential for either Students of Color (T = -4.501, p < .001) or White students (T = - 5.868, p < .001). Television was not influential for White students (T = -2.477, p < .013). Email was not influential for White students (T = -3.608, p < .001). Newspapers were not influential for either Students of Color (T = -6.102, p < .001) or White students (T = -8.421, p < .001). Magazines were not influential for either Students of Color (T = -5.733, p < .001) or White students (T = -7.84, p < .001). Billboards were not influential for either Students of Color (T = - 5.634, p < .001) or White students (T = -8.307, p < .001). Influential Sources for Subjective Norm The survey items that asked participants about sources of pressure to study abroad revealed that Parents were the most mentioned source of social pressure to study abroad for 21.6% of Students of Color and 24.6% of White students. The second group was friends and peers, mentioned by 19.6% of Students of Color and 23% of White students. Non-parent family members were the third most frequently mentioned source, reported by 16.1% of Students of Color and 14.3% of White students (see Appendix K for the full frequency table and Chi-square test results). When examining the messages received by the students, 35.7% of Students of Color 76 and 42.9% of White students reported hearing vicarious experiences from other people, a proportion that was not statistically significantly different between the two groups (p < .365) (see Appendix L for test results). For both Students of Color and White students, the most common message theme was study abroad as a fun experience (see Table 13). There were no observed differences in the frequency of supportive message themes except for studying abroad as a learning opportunity. This was more frequently highlighted among support received by Students of Color than White students (p < .015). Messages that emphasized exposure to new culture were almost significantly higher for Students of Color than their white counterparts (p < .061). Table 13. Frequency of Messages Reported by Students of Color and White students Students of Color White students Mean Mean Message Frequency Percent Intention Frequency Percent Intention Fun 11 19.6 5.3 32 25.4 3.8 Learning* Opportunity 7 12.5 4.8 4 3.2 4.4 Process 7 12.5 4.5 19 15.1 3.8 Culture 7 12.5 4.3 6 4.8 3.7 General Support 7 12.5 4.3 13 10.3 3.7 Once-in-a- Lifetime Opportunity 5 8.9 5.95 12 9.5 4.3 Explore 5 8.9 4.6 10 7.9 3.9 Funding 2 3.6 3.7 10 7.9 3.7 Missed Opportunity 1 1.8 6.0 4 3.2 5.3 Career 0 0 - 4 3.2 3.6 * Chi-square revealed a difference in percent frequency between Students of Color and White students significant at p < .05 The results also indicated that the fact of simply receiving any kind of positive messaging about studying abroad was not related to intention to study abroad. Using a binary variable for positive message content about studying abroad (0 = did not receive messaging about the 77 benefits of studying abroad; 1 = received messaging about the benefits of studying abroad), no statistically significant relationship was observed for either Students of Color or White students between general positive message content and behavioral intention to study abroad. However, for White students who said no one when asked about a source of social support, they expressed less interest in studying abroad (R = -.235, p < .008). Influential Sources for Perceived Behavioral Control According to responses to the free-response item on the survey questionnaire, the two most influential sources on the participants perceived behavioral control were parents, reported by 19.6% of Students of Color and 20.6% of White students, and non-parent Family, reported by 17.9% of Students of Color and 17.5% of White students (see Appendix M for full results). The other influential sources included the school, friends and peers, social media, teachers and professors, news outlets, and significant others. Respondents also identified themselves, such as their own research about program requirements and cost, as a source of their perception of ease. The Pearson Chi-square test of difference found no observed statistically significant differences in the frequencies of sources reported by Students of Color and White students as influential to their sense of ease of studying abroad. When asked what would make studying abroad easier, the most mentioned resource for students was having more affordable programs, reported by 58.9% of Students of Color and 60.3% of White students, which were statistically the same proportions. The second most reported factor was more advising and flexible program opportunities, each reported by 14.3% of Students of Color. The second most reported factor for White students was more relevance to academic/career goals, reported by 26.2% of the participants, which was a statistically significantly greater proportion than the 12% of Students of Color who reported the same factor 78 (χ2 = 4.238, p < .04). There was a statistically significantly greater proportion of Students of Color (12.5%) who reported increased safety measures than White students (4.0%) (χ2 = 4.582, p < .032). There was a statistically significantly greater proportion of Students of Color (10.7%) who reported increased social support than White students (3.2%) (χ22 = 4.244, p < .039) (see Appendix N for full results and comparisons) Interview Data for Influential Sources Influential Sources for Attitude The interview data from the participants also highlighted the importance of parents, schools, friends, social media, and advertisements as potentially influential on students’ attitude about studying abroad. Additionally, there were intersections between environmental influences on expectations and issues of race and racism for Students of Color. Both Students of Color and White students reported parents as influential on their attitude about studying abroad. For Francisca, she described her mom as influencing her evaluation of studying abroad as an opportunity to see different things, new points of view, and to see other people live. Ava reported people like their mom talked about study abroad as a learning opportunity. For Amara, the influence of parents was highlighted by her stories of how she had traveled because of her dad’s work and these experiences gave her a positive expectation for traveling. However, she also noted the intersections of race with travel, commenting on how her experiences were different from other Black people: “A lot of Black people just don't travel like other races do, groups do. I think that's really unfortunate. They don't even travel sometimes outside of [the state]. Um, you know, I've seen like with inner city kids, so that's a big thing. Obviously, my dad has influence, but then I just I want to travel in general and see the world because like I said, I remember he took his kids on a field trip to [the lake] and they've never 79 been. And to me, that was like crazy because I've been several times within the state. So, yeah, that's another thing is just a lot of black people don't get to travel for several reasons.” Amara’s story was based on the experiences she had with other young Black people through her dad, whose work took them to urban areas with a high number of People of Color. Her juxtaposition of her own experiences with those of these peers indicated how the parental factor was a potential important mediator of systemic influences on views about traveling, which in her account, typically negatively influences expectations about travel. Parental pressure also intersected with other identities besides race. For Harper, they mentioned gender as a part of parental pressure. For Harper, her mother was worried about safety because of gender. Because of this, she says she must look at the destination before going. Like Amara, Liam’s parents were also very encouraging, something that Liam attributed to their prior experience being abroad. Similarly, for Abigail, they reported their mom highlighted the value of study abroad as a type of irreplaceable experience that they should take advantage of despite the financial cost: “Basically, what she says, and so I've kind of adopted that same mindset.” Although some parents can have negative influences too, such as for Aisha, who felt study abroad was not worth the cost because of her mom’s advice. Wei reported a high intention to study abroad on the survey (BI = 6) and in the interview, he reported that his mom wanted him to study abroad since he was little, which has shaped his influence since then. For Michael, he had a positive evaluation of studying abroad as a means for developing self-reliance, which were influenced by the stories shared by his dad about his own youth and adulthood with messaging focused on “striking out on his own.” In the interviews, both Students of Color and White students described the influence of school on their expectations of studying abroad. For one participant (Francisca) who said the 80 schools as the most influential source of their expectations about studying abroad, they cited their orientation experience: Similarly, Quang remembers promotional materials being distributed at school, such as fliers about a program to Vietnam, which included information about coursework but when they were asked about if their school made study abroad programs available and inclusive for all students, Quang shared: “I don't think so, they could have done a lot more better and I've noticed like they usually pander toward White students, I mean, uh European students, usually more, more of more people, like light skinned all that, they usually pander towards those people instead of like Asian Americans, Chicano Americans, blacks and all that, like they don't pander towards the minority populations and all that like, I feel like they could do a lot more better, like of creating a space for ethnic minority students.” For example, Emma, who thinks study abroad would be fun but does not think she can go, said that study abroad programs “should be more advertised because I feel like for me it was pretty limited.” Coursework can also fuel students’ interest in studying abroad, as referenced by Michael, who said their class on the origin of human civilization sparked their interest in studying history. Emma also commented that schools should be more transparent in communicating information to students and that the burden of navigating the search should not be on the students: “the responsibility shouldn't be on students. I don't think it's fair to say, ‘oh, well, you didn't look hard enough to find it.’ No, I'm the one paying the school money to study abroad. You should be giving me the resources I need to, like, you know, do what I need as a student.” Social media was an influential source on attitude for all students, but especially Students of Color, where four of the seven participants talked about social media as an influential source. One platform where students saw influential content was TikTok, a video-sharing social media 81 platform. Francisca remembered a story shared by a TikTok user that was their experience studying abroad in India and how people would stop her to take photos because of her appearance: “There was one of the TikTokers I saw that she talked about it, she's [White] American, she would say how he went to India to study abroad. And she said that a lot of times she would be walking through the market and stuff like that, People like stop her to take pictures with her and of her. So, she said it felt like it was really different because in America, like no one stops you like "hey let me take a picture of you" just like because of your skin color. So, she said like it was awkward, but she got enjoyment out of it because seeing how other people reacted, because in India, the part she was at it was pretty rare to see like a foreigner.” Sofia also talked about TikTok videos, especially those specific on studying abroad. She has seen videos from many places, some from Spanish-speaking areas, but others from Japan. Students also found content on Facebook and Instagram. Abigail also described seeing TikTok videos, especially one user who posts travel-related content, examples of which include cool waterfall spots and fun content. After seeing this kind of content, Abigail described wanting to do what she saw characterized in the social media posts. This message of fun has been a recurring theme from the participants. According to Emma, the posts on other platforms have also highlighted the fun aspect of studying abroad: “I just see, like, people posting about it on either, like Facebook or social media sites like Instagram. It just seems like it's a lot of fun.” Aisha reported a similar experience as Emma, having seen videos that show the fun side of study abroad, rather than the studying component: “I've seen videos on like just like kids like, oh, in Europe or in some beach and they're like, oh yeah we're in study abroad but they're kind of like having a fun weekend, stuff like that.” Liam described seeing similar content on Instagram as well but described them as being potentially dramatized to an extent, admitting that these 82 portrayals may not demonstrate the downside, but a carefully constructed image where “just seem like on the coast.” Social media also influenced Quang’s perceptions of China and Chinese people, such as arguments over bus seats. However, he acknowledged that the media tends to sensationalize information, and he tries to be critical of sources. Amara, the nursing student who identifies as a Black woman, mentioned that social media posts by other Black women who travel gave her an up-to-date perspective on potential issues of race abroad that were more representative of her own potential experience due to the shared racial and gender identities. She contrasted social media sources as being more reliable than even her dad for two reasons: “I think [social media is] more influential. I just think of my dad because, um, one, he went there in like the 80s and the 90s, so a lot has changed and then [two], he's a biracial man, but to me, he's still, you know, just not 100% black, so I think that slight has a different influence on me. So, yeah, a lot of videos that I see, they're not always by black creators, but it's more up to date and current about what's happening in different countries, so I'll follow that more.” Friends also emerged as an influence, with the unique potential of friends to balance out the potential limitations of other sources of information or influence. For example, Harper mentioned that the power of endorsement from schools can be biased. Harper described how when a school is talking about a study abroad program, that “course they think it's great and they want to promote it.” However, Harper shared that they would be more likely to check out the opportunity if other people they knew reported having a good experience. Other interviewees shared reliance on the input of trusted friends. Ava spoke about how random interactions in class have influenced her attitudes, but it has mostly been close friends. Like others, Liam shared that his expectations have been shaped by the positive reviews from their friends, who talked about the experience as really positive, and really fun. Madison was another interviewee who shared a 83 story about friends who talked about their experiences studying abroad were influential to their expectations: “I had friends who I talked to who did the New Zealand program and they said it was the best experience they've ever had; it was so much fun.” Advertisements were also influential. For example, Quang talked about how flyers for studying abroad in Vietnam made them interested but then doubtful about their experience: ‘how the heck am I going to survive in this country?’ Life is a lot harder adapting to a new country.” For Scarlett, they felt that the advertising material they encountered conveyed a sense of possibility and inclusion, such that anyone could participate based on the representativeness of the models in the imagery. However, these advertisements also shaped Scarlett’s perceptions about the compatibility of the opportunity with her own major: “I felt like it was more for, like, humanity's kind of major, I think it's for anyone, but I think it kind of is more useful for other majors compared to like mine for say.” Francisca saw advertisements in the lobby of her dormitory that gave her a vague impression of what the study abroad experience would be like. Students may be exposed to advertising material through their parents; such was the case with Ava, whose parents shared pamphlets about study abroad. These advertisements can also be distributed in the classroom. For Mateo, in-class promotion of study abroad programs informed him about the ways a program could or could not fulfill his course and graduation requirements. Harper had a similar experience in their business class, where they learned about program opportunities and costs. Advertising can take place on campus outside the classroom as well. Aisha does her own research to find suitable programs because she felt ignored on campus. Some students, like Aisha, who were exposed to social media content that promoted studying abroad did not report having seen any traditional advertisements about studying abroad. Like Aisha, Emma reported that they did not really encounter advertisement material for study abroad. 84 White Students Did Not Think Race was Influential on Their Attitude In the interviews, White students generally thought that they did not think that their racial identity would affect their study abroad experience. For example, Ava referred to learning about racial identity in their schoolwork but said it was not something they thought about regularly. Ava also referenced the fact that she had not done a lot of traveling in areas that were racially different and felt that she was treated differently because she was a tourist but not because of her race: “Personally, I haven't done like a lot of traveling outside areas where, like, people have like a race that's super different from mine, so I wouldn't know entirely like what the impact would be. I have had, like, a cousin who's, like, traveled and like people were like overly nice to them, I guess, or like they've had, like, the experience. I actually did have the experience where, like, people were like, oh, it's like a tourist kind of thing, but like nothing relating to, like, my race.” Emma said race had not affected her expectations of studying abroad. Liam, Abigail, and Ella all said they did not think about their racial identity when thinking about study abroad. Harper referred to themselves as Caucasian and felt that they would have “lots of privilege” when traveling. Sofia also felt that they have privilege because they were a white person and acknowledged that such a privilege was “not necessarily a good thing.” Madison said they did not have to think about their racial identity and also attributed this to privilege: “[race] is something we talk a lot about in the College of Education… I really don't have to think very much about my race when I am choosing to do [study abroad], I think it's something that I wouldn't have to really be concerned about or something I wouldn't really have to think about.” When Scarlett was asked about how race would affect her experience studying abroad, she did not comment on her racial identity but instead referred to being treated differently because they come from a wealthy family . 85 White Students Did Not Think Racism Was Influential on Their Attitude Like with racial identity, the White students in the sample generally felt that racism would not affect their personal experience studying abroad or did not think about racism. Liam, Abigail, Ella, and Madison all said they did not about racism as part of the study abroad experience. For example, Liam: “Yeah. I'm not sure that I even like that even crossed my mind. So, I really wasn't even taken into consideration at the time,” and Abigail who said: “I never think about that at all when it comes to traveling.” Sofia thought that because of her race, she would not encounter any racism: “I think for me specifically, I think the racial climate won't be an issue.”. Harper expressed hopefulness that all races are welcome, and that they did not think they would have any issues if they had to go. Emma said they had not been treated differently because of their race. Ava said they have not been treated differently because of their race so they don’t expect that to be a part of their experience. Chloe also shared about privilege as a white person, where she does not have to worry about racism while other people do: “The only thing I do have, you know, is white privilege, which will help me on this trip, because, like, I don’t have to think about [racism] really, other people do, and I don't. But the only thing that I've really had to think about is like the Franco situation, thinking about my host family. What are their viewpoints on it? One of the things I'm probably not going to bring up, I don't know if I want to know if it's not good. I don't really want to know. Depending on who the other people in the trip are, depending on who the other people are, I might, if someone's from a minority that isn't really respected there, it would obviously impact my views, you know I would support them. One of my friends from high school supposed to be in Europe at the same time and she's African-American and we were talking about going to Morocco together. So, she's very conscious about those types of things. So, she would definitely do research into it before we went 86 to. I think she was going to meet me in Spain and then go to Morocco, so she would probably do some research about all of it before we went… [Racism is] not really a factor, like I said, because being a white female, like I do have the privilege when traveling because that's just how the world works and sucks that it's that way. But it does make traveling easier for people like me in most places.” Influential Sources for Subjective Norm The messaging used by parents to pressure students to study abroad typically focused on highlighting study abroad as a once-in-a-lifetime type of experience that was irreplaceable and saying they wished that they had done so during their own time in college. For example, both of Francisca’s parents supported her interest in study abroad, with her mom emphasizing study abroad as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity: “I mentioned [study abroad] to her and she was like, ‘go for it.’ She's like, ‘if I had that opportunity when I was younger, like, I would have taken it, like in a heartbeat, because it allows you to see different things. And you're not just like seeing like one like a point of view, like of people, how they live and stuff like that.’ So, I could be just like my mom and like my parents, both my parents have encouraged me to go out and see different things.” Sofia’s parents also referenced themselves when recommending to her that she should take advantage of opportunities to study abroad because the parents said they would have taken the opportunity in her position: “Well, my parents really just say, 'I know you love to do this, I know this is like what you want to do for a career, so whatever makes you happy will make us happy, please go experience new things,' because, you know, when they were in college, they 87 didn't necessarily get to study abroad, but I'm sure they would have. And they told me, like, 'if I had that opportunity, I would take it, so, you should take it too'.” Parents also conveyed pressure by participating in the study abroad search process, such as helping students with the information seeking process, as well as the application process. For Ava, her mom was active in relaying information about studying abroad, by giving her pamphlets and forwarding emails. Abigail’s mom was similarly involved, whom she described as watching over her shoulder and everything that she did and was “constant” in sending her emails about opportunity. For Harper, both her parents worked in sales and marketing, and they advised her to study abroad before graduating to get some experience. Most White students (9 out of 10) felt racism was not related to the support they received to study abroad. For example, Liam said “ Yeah, I don't feel like [racism] played any role at all.” Similarly for Sofia, “Most people in my life do not share racist views. So, it's I have a very good support system that, you know, they no matter what I choose, they will be happy.” Four of the seven Students of Color also felt that racism did not influence the support they received, but this was based on their perceptions that they had not previously encountered racism. Amara said: “I don't think I've ever been discriminated against personally, if I've reached out to someone about wanting to travel,” and Wei said they didn’t think they ever encountered racism. Francisca said racism “hasn't really been an issue” and Mateo said racism was a “non- factor” for the pressure he received to study abroad. For the other three Students of Color, racism was central to their sense of the kind of pressure they received to study abroad. For Quang, they felt their school was not necessarily inclusive for diverse students and was targeting White students: “I feel like they could do a lot better, like of creating a space for ethnic students, like ethnic minority students, like ethnic 88 groups specifically...I know for sure, I think they could do a lot better job like saying, hey, ethnic minorities, you know, come study abroad.” For Aisha, they felt they experienced this on their own campus, where they felt disregarded by promoters of studying abroad while their white friend was getting more attention. Michael felt pressured to study abroad because people with whom he identified achieved success, which improved his own evaluation of study abroad as a positive experience. The supportiveness of school representatives differed among the stories shared by Students of Color and White students. For example, Aisha shared her stories about walking around campus and talking to her advisers, which led to feeling ignored and being treated with hostility. “At my university, in between changing classes, there's usually students like advertising their organizations or whatever they believe in. And sometimes there are students handing out fliers to like study abroad programs. So there's like all different kinds of study about programs and I have a [White] American friend and me and her walk to classes, and I would always notice that she would be approached more for like anything not to study abroad for like for like any kind of flier and I never really felt like they were giving it to me, so I would take no interest, like none of the information that I got for a study abroad was from someone else, it was like from my computer, from my own research, from me. So, I always put in the work to find out if something was suitable for me, not like somebody else.” With her adviser, Aisha shared: “I don't know if my adviser in general just really sucks or if they just don't like me or I don't know what the reason is, but they're always very short tempered with me and I'm so nice to them. They've never brought up study abroad with me directly.” In contrast, one of the White students, Abigail shared a story of encouragement from school figures. She spoke about the first time she told her adviser about an interest in studying 89 abroad, and she described how her adviser enthusiasm and willingness to help her: “With my adviser when I told her I wanted to study abroad, like her entire mood changed, she was just like kind of tired and down. Then I was like 'I'm interested in studying abroad' and she's like 'okay, here's the email, here's this like, here's a thing I think you would really like. And this one will cover your gen-ed classes. And this is good for teaching. And, you know, you're in your cohort, so here's like the places you're going to have to go for that and all this stuff,' so she was really just like, it was her enthusiasm that I was like, yes, this is great.” Influential Sources for Perceived Behavioral Control A lack of influential sources may also impact students’ behavioral intentions to study abroad. After dummy-coding the responses where students said no one was a source of pressure, a slight negative correlation was observed between this variable and behavioral intention for White students (R = -.235, p < .008), and a similar albeit marginally nonsignificant relationship was observed for Students of Color (R = -.259, p < .054). Parents were influential for White students’ sense of the ease of studying abroad. For Chloe, their parents raised awareness about the concerns about housing while abroad. Similarly, Madison’s parents pointed toward similar difficulties due to time and finances and suggested that going abroad later on in life would be cheaper and easier: “When it came to like people telling me not to, it was probably mostly my parents being like, you should save money, like you can do this later in life or you can do this on your own.” Parents can also directly impact the ease of studying abroad through financial support. For Sofia, she described how her parents would be able to financially support her interest in studying abroad: “My parents are super supportive of [study abroad] as well, luckily for me, it's not really something that's super, like I don't have to 90 worry about money so much for it, which I'm very grateful for that. So, they're super supportive. They definitely think I should do it.” Family members were influential for White students’ sense of the ease of studying abroad. For example, because a cousin was able to study abroad without too much difficulty, Emma felt that studying abroad “wasn't too much of a concern and felt that she would be able to get some financial support because she expected the same thing happened for her cousin. Family members may be an influence on the sense of ease of studying abroad through vicarious experiences. For example, Scarlett’s perceptions about the time commitment of study abroad were formed based the experiences of their siblings’ fiancée: “I think study abroad would be a good amount of time… My sister's fiancée, I think he was gone for like a few months, for like a month or two, and so I think of study abroad as being like multiple months that you're gone.” Additionally, family members may also influence students through encouragement. For Abigail, they shared a story about signing up for a program to Italy, in which they shared their perceptions about the difficulty of studying abroad due to the application process: “I feel like if there wasn't an application to fill out that would be easier, but that's understandable and you almost kind of have to have it so…. I remember when I was signing up for the Italy track, I was like, 'I'm not filling out all this, I'm not writing an essay. This is too much.' And my brother was like, 'Abigail, come on' just like, they really pushed me to do it because they kept telling me stories and then they were like, 'you got to do it, it's going to be so much fun.'” For Students of Color, the data suggested that schools have the potential to influence students’ sense of the ease or difficulty by highlighting the availability of opportunities and their accessibility. Francisca shared a story about the time when recruiters from the university came to 91 their school, they highlighted the abundance of opportunities, which made them “feel like that's more like it's been a little easier,” especially for students in their program. Friends and peers were influential to both Students of Color and White students’ sense of the ease and difficulty of studying abroad. For Quang, a friend showed them their budget for their studying abroad trip to South Korea, which they felt would be like their own plans to study in Europe, which has shaped their perception of the significance of the financial barrier to studying abroad. These friends can be an information source. For Liam, their perception about the ease of studying abroad destinations, specifically related to safety, they said they picked up from their peers. Friends can also be a source of information about cost, which was the case for Madison; however, they did not go into detail about how, if at all, they went about securing financial aid. Students also viewed themselves and their own experiences as influential on their perceptions of the ease of study abroad among White students. For one student, Harper, her perception about the difficulty of being away from home was influenced by her own experience of going to college and being away from home, which she described as involving a lot of difficulty in adjustment. For Chloe, her expectations about studying abroad were based on her own plans around her potential career as a journalist. Her decision included thoughts about her own desires to experience something other than the “Western world,” and how she eliminated certain destinations, such as South America, because they did not have any programs that matched her interest. She was also aware of her own financial situation, eliminating unpaid internship-type programs that still required out of pocket expenses for her. Advisers in both high school and college may have an impact on White students’ sense of the ease of studying abroad. For Madison, their counselor told them about the convenience and 92 how to fit studying abroad into their schedule. This was also true for Sofia, who said their advisor “makes it seem like it’s not super difficult” and they plan on having more meetings in the future and was described as the biggest influence on going to study abroad. Social media was also an influence for both Students of Color and White students’ sense of the ease of studying abroad. The findings suggest that students may use social media to hear perspectives from students who studied abroad. Amara highlighted this specifically in their interview, where they said: “I think that would actually be more so what I've seen on social media from people that I know who travel and just hearing firsthand, like their experiences, like I mentioned, like I would have never known about this stuff in France if I hadn't seen, people talk about videos and what you said, like kind of micro aggressions they've come concerned with. I actually recently heard a Black woman talk about how Rome, Italy, was like a really good experience for her…Mainly as a woman or a Person of Color, that's kind of stuff that I look for and more.” Only White students referred to professors and teachers as influential sources on their perceived behavioral control. Madison was one student who referred to both teachers and professors as influential to their views about studying abroad. These figures tended to speak to Madison about how “incredible” the experience would be and how she should go study abroad if she had the opportunity. Madison’s teacher even shared an example of meeting his wife while studying abroad, where he invited her to a dance party in the evening and continued to date long distance even after he returned to the United States. Like Madison, Sofia referred to both high school teachers and professors as influential on their expectations of studying abroad by the way of emphasizing experience abroad as an important part of language acquisition. Similarly for Chloe, their expectations of what studying abroad would be like was influenced by their high 93 school teacher who had gone to Spain, one of the places where she indicated she would be interested in studying. Ava found that their global cultures teacher shaped their expectations, especially about gaining knowledge on a global scale, and has shaped her to see studying abroad more positively. For Liam, professors were not as influential because they could not offer him specific information about what to expect about programs, but he did point out that they may have been more helpful or influential if they were a trip leader or organizer for a program that he was considering. The interviews revealed that significant others can have an impact on both Students of Color and White students’ sense of the ease of studying abroad through different ways. First, there are vicarious experiences. For Wei, they shared that their girlfriend did not encounter many problems while studying abroad. Their partner also had an easier time with the language barrier due to having taken language classes and having lived abroad. Second, there was the role of being a knowledge source. For Madison, their boyfriend told them about the cost and extra considerations of traveling due to the COVID-19 pandemic. News outlets may also influence White students’ sense of the ease of studying abroad by influencing students’ expectations about what it would be like studying abroad, and the kinds of problems they may face. Liam spoke about how the news has portrayed Iraq, Iran, and North Korea as being on unfriendly terms with the United States, so they felt that it was “probably not wise to, like, travel to those spots and like study abroad,” and that this would make it more difficult to focus on the culture and education due to concerns about safety. White Students Did Not Think Race was Influential to Perceived Behavioral Control Nine of the White students viewed race as non-influential to their views on the ease of studying abroad. Scarlett felt that their ease of study abroad was not affected by race and instead 94 mentioned that they were a part of a well-off family and had parents and siblings with beneficial connections. Several White students said they could not think of any ways in which their race impacted the ease of studying abroad, which included Emma, Harper, Abigail, Sofia, and Madison. The others were unsure, including Ava and Chloe, the latter of whom preferred to pass on the question. Liam said they never thought about race when considering the ease of studying abroad and Ella shared they had not previously encountered anything that would make them think race would affect the ease of studying abroad. White Students Did Not Think Racism was Influential to Perceived Behavioral Control Nine of the White students reported that racism did not affect their ease of studying abroad. For example, Ella shared that they “I don't really experience many barriers” related to racism. Similarly, Sofia said: “ I don't think there are any [barriers] for me based on race. I don't think there's any barriers, either finding a place to study abroad or actually being abroad.” Several participants described not being aware. For example, Liam shared that the idea of racism never crossed their mind: “Not to say it's not a threat to me, but I think it's just something that I never really crossed my mind.” Abigail was the same way: “that doesn't even cross my mind. I don't really care if they want to if they treat me poorly because of something like that, I guess I'm too headstrong... I would snap right back at them.” When asked about race and racism, Chloe mentioned being an American would make things easier. As with race, Madison passed on speaking about the influence of racism on their sense of ease of studying abroad. The Influence of Race on Behavior Intention The interview data showed that White students felt their behavioral intention (e.g., effort) to study abroad was not influenced by their racial identity. Most gave a matter-of-fact response, such as Ava who said: “I don't like think, like at least consciously, that that hasn't influenced my 95 decisions because I don't really think of that as like a big factor when I'm thinking about study abroad.” Similarly for Liam: “I again, I don't think that, like my racial identity has any effect on the places I picked… I don't think race ever played a factor in my decision or my race.” Likewise, Ella did not think their racial identity had any impact on their intentions. Madison shared: “I don't think my race has impacted my plans to study abroad.” Sofia said: “I don't think. I don't think there's any issue involving race for me that has influenced my plans. When asked about the influence of her racial identity on her plans to study abroad, Harper shared that they did not have an answer. In other cases, this view about the role of racial identity has been experienced by prior experience (or the lack thereof), such as for Abigail: “I haven't experienced any, so I've got to say it hasn't.” For two white participants, race did have some peripheral impact. One participant, Emma, did also invoke their own ethnicity, indicating that they would go to Italy because of their heritage as an Italian. For Scarlett, they emphasized finances over race, who felt their places were shaped by their ability to pay for the opportunity: “It's a real opportunity that I could take just because we can afford it. I mean, I wouldn't say that has anything to do with my race, though. However, they did say they would not want to go somewhere where they may feel out of place “I wouldn't want to go to a different speaking or a different language speaking country just because I think that they would look at me and say, like, you know, there's another American or they can't even speak my language or anything like that. And so, I would want to go to like an English-speaking place, so I don't feel like kind of like an outcast.” The Influence of Racism on Behavioral Intention Six of the seven Students of Color demonstrated an intention to study abroad despite the potential risk of racism. Francisca said she would not be stopped by the risk of racism: “I feel it 96 is scary and stuff like that. But it shouldn't be something that stops you from going out and experiencing a different culture… because even though I haven't done it, I feel like it's an awesome experience.” Amara shared that they would avoid southern States in the USA because of racism, and this has shaped their belief that there are countries “that probably also wouldn't be ideal for me to travel to,” which they said they would need to research prior to visiting. Amara shared an awareness about the potential challenges of studying abroad due to racism but felt they would still do it with the exception of cases that would make things “extremely unsafe.” One of the participants, Quang, said it was tough to deter them from studying abroad, despite their expectation that European destinations primarily cater to whites rather than minority groups, although their negative prior travel experience to Italy and France did make them less interested in studying in these locations in the future. For Aisha, their plans were influenced by the experiences of others. Similarly for Mateo, despite experiencing discrimination while abroad, they still shared an interest in studying abroad if it was compatible with their other life obligations: “I think the study abroad program is great…I wish I had the opportunity to take part in it… and use it as an opportunity not only to learn in a different environment, but also take it and explore, explore the different culture.” “Once-in-a-Lifetime” Messaging was Positively Correlated with Behavioral Intention for Students of Color The results of bivariate correlation analysis with the survey data revealed that social messaging related to studying abroad as a “once-in-a-lifetime opportunity” was slightly but statistically significantly correlated to behavioral intention to study abroad for Students of Color (R = .292, p < .029). For White students, there were no observed statistical relationships between any specific types of messaging received and their intention to study abroad. The binary variable 97 for students who either received positive messaging or did not report receiving any messages about the benefits of studying abroad was also not correlated with behavioral intention for either Students of Color (R = .112, p < .413) or White students (R = .136, p < .128). The binary variable for students who either received positive messaging about studying abroad (e.g., fun, learning experience, opportunity for exploration) or did not receive some messaging was also not correlated with behavioral intention for either Students of Color (R = .083, p < .544) or White students (R = .106, p < .235). 98 CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Why do Students of Color Intend to Study Abroad When They Feel More Threatened by Racism? The results of this study revealed an unexpected pattern where Students of Color had significantly greater behavioral intention to study abroad than White students despite feeling more strongly that racism would impact their experience studying abroad. Based on the survey and interview data, Students of Color thought about racism as part of study abroad more than White students. Examples of their thoughts included thinking about locations and the kinds of racism they would be willing to tolerate. However, from the Theory of Planned Behavior framework, it was expected that Students of Color would have lower behavioral intention to study abroad due to higher perceived difficulty associated with their perceptions of racism and study abroad. Consequently, this prompted the question: “Why do Students of Color intend to study abroad even more strongly than their counterparts when they feel more threatened by racism?” Possible Explanation 1: The Goals of Students for Study Abroad May Be More Important The goals of Students of Color may affect how they respond to the threat of racism while studying abroad. According to data, both Students of Color and White students were exposed to messaging about the fun aspect of study abroad, Students of Color had more exposure to messages that characterized study abroad as a learning experience. It may be that the threat of racism may have diminished the fun dimension of studying abroad but this negative impact may have been outweighed by the goals of Students of Color to make study abroad a learning experience. This hypothesis was partially supported by the participants who spoke about issues of racism as a kind of built-in cost of studying abroad, so if they want to travel abroad to learn 99 new things, then they must accept the possibility they will encounter racial discrimination. This finding was consistent with Bell’s (1992) thesis about the realism of racism in society, the recognition of which is necessary to engage in social change that is “less likely to worsen conditions for those we are trying to help” even if it does not lead to drastic change (p. 378). In the case of study abroad, the recognition of racism is an important step toward improving the accessibility and quality of experience of Students of Color in study abroad since it identifies how institutional agents (e.g., study abroad recruiters, advertisements) may be negatively impacting Students of Color. Possible Explanation 2: Vicarious Experiences from Students of Color Who Have Studied Abroad Are Helpful The results of this study suggest that vicarious experiences can help Students of Color with understanding how their racial identity and racism would affect their study abroad experience. In the interview, four of seven Students of Color shared stories about how seeing the experiences of other Students of Color influenced their attitude toward studying abroad. One effect of these vicarious experiences included giving them a better understanding of the successes and challenges of studying abroad specific to the destinations that interested them. For example, Amara felt that the experiences shared by other Black women gave her an up-to-date portrayal of what she could expect if she studied abroad, something she felt was more useful than insight from her dad, even though he was also a Person of Color. Vicarious experiences may help Students of Color to understand what kinds of challenges related to racism they may face as part of studying abroad, which I hypothesize may consequently be able to influence the self-efficacy beliefs of Students of Color. As a part of Albert Bandura’s (2005) social cognitive theory, self-efficacy beliefs have been defined as a 100 person’s “judgments of their capabilities to organize and execute courses of action required to attain designated types of performances (Bandura, 1986, p. 391, cited in Schunk, 1991, p. 207). One type of self-efficacy that I think may be important for the Students of Student is coping efficacy, an individual’s perceptions about their ability to overcome difficulty while performing a task (Maddux, 1995; Rodgers et al., 2014). According to Bandura et al. (1977, p. 126), the process of “seeing others cope with threats and eventually succeed can create expectations in observers that they too should be able to achieve some improvements in performance if they intensify and persist in their efforts.” It was possible that when the Students of Color in this present study saw other Students of Color successfully navigating the difficulties associated with race and racism, they felt that they could be successful. For example, vicarious experiences affected Amara by influencing her perception of the places she would and would not be willing to go because of racism, and Francisca’s belief that they would be able to brush off racism while traveling. As a result, I hypothesize that when Students of Color see other Students of Color studying abroad successfully, they may then begin to believe they can study abroad as well. These findings are consistent with prior critical race theory scholarship, which has shown that peers may be a potential source of vicarious experiences and boosts to self-efficacy was similar to Liou et al.’s (2009) study, where peer groups were found as important sources of college-going information that they collected from stories shared by Students of Color transitioning from high school to college. However, since this study did not directly measure self-efficacy, more research is needed to explore the potential relationship between vicarious experiences, the self-efficacy beliefs of Students of Color considering study abroad, and their intentions to study abroad. 101 A unique way that these vicarious experiences may be transmitted to Students of Color was through social media. Four of the seven Students of Color spoke in the interviews about how social media platforms like TikTok were the source of travel stories shared by other Students of Color that helped them to understand racism abroad. These interview results also help to explain the findings of the survey analysis where social media was found to be influential on students’ attitudes about study abroad by emphasizing the importance of vicarious experiences shared on social media. Possible Explanation 3: Students of Color Have Been Dealing with Racism All Their Lives Another potential explanation why the Students of Color in this study intended to study abroad was due to longstanding involvement with issues of race and racism. Although this study only asked participants to ask about their experiences with racism in the context of studying abroad, their responses to the interview questions hinted at the impact of racism throughout one’s life. One participant, Amara, shared her feelings of frustration at racism as being an ongoing issue, speaking about how “it’s [the year] 2021” and wondering “how much longer do Black people have to be afraid?” when asked about her perceptions about racism. Francisca’s responses in her interview also suggested that racism can impact People of Color from a young age through her story of her experience with racial stereotypes when she was traveling with her seven-year- old cousin. These stories were consistent with prior research, which has documented racism as influencing the experiences of Students of Color throughout their lives. In Feagin’s (1991) study of Black college students from cities across the United States, they reported their participants’ feelings of constant battles with racism. The impact of racism on Students of Color has also been observed before they make it to college. When Students of Color encounter racial prejudice, such 102 as being expected to represent racial group, they have shown resistance to this kind of microaggression in several ways, such as verbally challenging their peers to question their misconceptions and seeing their role as the only Person of Color as a form of empowerment and a tool for reducing racial stereotypes (Carter Andrews, 2012). Students’ Stories Show How Race and Racism May Be Related to Students’ Intentions to Study Abroad The stories collected from the participants were important to understanding the mechanisms by which race and racism may be related to students’ intentions to study abroad. These stories built on the quantitative survey data, the latter of which was useful for answering the “what” questions, while the latter was useful for answering the “how” questions and explaining the processes of a phenomenon being studied (Creswell et al., 2007). Example 1. Stories Show How Race and Racism Affect Students’ Expectations About Their Personal Experiences Studying Abroad Stories were important to understanding why Students of Color reported greater concerns about race and racism as influencing their personal experience while studying abroad, a finding that was observed in the analysis of the quantitative survey data. Prior Direct Experiences with Racism May Lead Students of Color to Expect More Racism in the Future. For example, Quang told a story about their experience traveling to France and Italy, where they encountered various forms of racism, which included seeing others publicly making gestures toward them, being the target of staring, and having people say hello to him in Japanese even though he is not Japanese. In France in particular, Quang felt isolated even though he felt like he shouldn’t be. He shared an expectation of shared heritage due to the connection between 103 France and Vietnam. Although Quang did not mention this directly, I believe the connection he expected as a Vietnamese person was due to the lasting impact of French goals spread its language and culture in Vietnam under its rule during the 19th and 20th century (Cady, 1966; Van Valkenburg, 1966). From his view, he was as much French as Vietnamese on a cultural level. This type of experience contributed to Quang’s perception that racism is just a part of study abroad, which he felt was like the unavoidable racism he has encountered in the United States. Students May be Actively Involved in Forming Expectations About Racism as a Part of Study Abroad. For example, Amara told a story about following the journey of a famous social media personality who was a Black woman during their travel to Rome, Italy. From following this person’s journey, Amara learned about the potential challenges of studying abroad as a Person of Color but felt that she had unanswered questions. Because of this, she shared that her strategy to prepare herself would be to do some research about the state of racism in other countries. Specifically, she said that she would: “Google it just like really simple, like racism, racism and so-and-so or the treatment of Black people and so on” to get a better understanding of the racial climate. Colorism is a Part Students’ Expectations About Racism When Studying Abroad Another process revealed by these stories was the impact of colorism. Colorism has been defined as “the process by which people of color…are awarded advantages based on their phenotypical proximity to whiteness” (Reece, 2019, p. 5). For Francisca, she shared that because she was on the “dark side of the skin color spectrum,” she expected to encounter racism while studying abroad. This belief was based on her story of a trip to Mexico, where she was treated as though she could not speak English when she tried to translate between Spanish and English for 104 her travel group. In this situation, she felt that her younger cousin was given more credit in her English ability, even though her cousin was only six or seven years old. In this story, Francisca felt that her cousin was perceived more positively because of her lighter skin color. She shared this story as part of her explanation of her view that countries outside of the United States are not “as progressive” in terms of racially inclusive environments, and that because she sees herself as “on the dark side of the skin color spectrum” she felt that she “definitely” would be treated differently. From this story, I deduce students are aware of the intra-racial nuances of racism as a part of study abroad, and I predict that Students of Color who may identify as having more typically White phenotypical characteristics may expect fewer obstacles related to race and racism from traveling abroad. Example 2. Stories Show How Race and Racism were a Part of Students Interactions with Groups that Influenced Their Perceptions of Studying Abroad Although the quantitative survey data showed similar social groups were influential to students’ perceptions about studying abroad (e.g., social media, school figures), stories helped to show the differences in which these groups affected Students of Color and White students. Students of Color were mostly influenced by Social Media Personalities Who Focused on Issues of Race and Racism as Part of Their Travels In the interview data, Students of Color shared stories that focused on their experiences with consuming social media content that highlighted the issues of race and racism as part of studying abroad. For example, Francisca retold the experiences of an American student who traveled to India to study abroad, and described the person’s experience in the market, where indigenous people stopped her to take photos. For Francisca, these social media figures sharing their experiences were more impactful than her parents and friends in her formation of 105 perceptions about study abroad. Like Francisca, Amara also felt that social media figures were more influential than other social groups, including her dad. Amara’s story about social media was her retelling of the travel experience of a Black woman in Rome, who posted a video of her trek on Facebook. These stories also showed In contrast, White students did not have many stories to share about social media and study abroad. One example from Abigail suggested that social media content that catches the attention of White students predominantly focuses on the fun aspect of study abroad. For example, she spoke about one person on TikTok who she thought was “really good” at making videos about traveling, which covered content like being at a waterfall, which she said made her want to do to the same thing, saying “I want to do that…that’s what I need right now.” Similarly, Liam shared that he only remembered the “glamor” photos posted on Instagram, which he felt were awesome and amazing. Sofia mentioned seeing TikTok videos about interesting travel experiences to Spanish-speaking countries and Japan but did not go into further detail. The lack of stories from White students partially explains why social media was observed as having a stronger impact on perceptions of study abroad for Students of Color than White students. Moreover, the surface level details from White students suggests that their focus on social media was primarily related to the entertainment factor of study abroad while social media content that was most salient for Students of Color were those that focused on issues of race and racism. Students of Color Interested in Study Abroad May be Mistreated or Ignored by School Figures Like social media, the school was also reported as a factor influential on perceptions of study abroad for both Students of Color and White students. However, the stories of the day-to- day experiences were important in revealing differing patterns of influence, especially the potential ways in which Students of Color may be mistreated or ignored on campus. For 106 example, when asked about influences on resources to study abroad, Aisha spoke about how she felt her adviser was hostile toward her. Aisha also felt invisible at times, due to being ignored by recruiters while walking across campus with her friend who was White, as well as being ignored by visitors who came to her class to advertise extracurricular opportunities like study abroad. Aisha’s story of being mistreated and ignored has been documented in the prior research regarding the experiences of Students of Color in college. For example, in a simulated teaching environment, 66 White undergraduate students gave more criticism and less overall attention to Black students (Rubovits & Maehr, 1973, as cited in Irvine, 1988). Similarly, Gardner’s (2005) study of the nursing program experiences of 15 undergraduate Students of Color revealed a trend of feeling ignored by White students. Lastly, another Student of Color, Mateo, reported similarly negative experiences but did not go into further detail. Aisha’s experience was the opposite of one of the White students, Abigail, whose story largely showed excitement and encouragement from their adviser. Similarly for another White student, Sofia, the adviser was her “main encouragement.” She shared how the adviser encouraged her to study abroad because it would help her with her proficiency exam as part of her Spanish major. Altogether, the stories collected in this study provided an initial empirical foundation for future research to specifically examine the interactions between students and school figures (i.e., advisers) to better understand how students may receive differential treatment based on race. Limitations The results of the quantitative analysis for both research questions may have been influenced by statistical power. For the first research question: “What ways, if any, are race and racism related to predictors of students’ intentions to study abroad?” the results of the regression models tested for Students of Color and White students included samples smaller than the 107 targeted sample estimated with power analysis, and smaller than the most widely cited prior studies of study abroad that used the Theory of Planned Behavior. For example, Bobbitt and Akers (2013) reported attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control as positively related to behavioral intention, but their sample included 402 participants. Schnusenberg et al. (2012) had a similar result, and their sample was 254 undergraduate students. Therefore, it is possible that attitude and perceived behavioral control may have been related to behavioral intention, but the effect size of those variables were too small to generate significant regression coefficients with the current sample size. Similarly, statistical power may have also shaped the results of the quantitative analysis for the second research question “What ways, if any, are race and racism related to sources influential to predictors of intention to study abroad?” One place was in the comparison of the frequency of types of messages conveyed to Students of Color and White students by their social connections. For White students, there were no significant correlations between types of message content and their intention to study abroad. In contrast, for Students of Color, messages that characterized study abroad as a “once-in-a-lifetime” opportunity were weakly but positively correlated to their intention to study to study abroad (R = .292, p < .029), and messages the fun of aspect of study abroad were marginally insignificant for Students of Color (R = .256, p < .057). In the case of fun messaging, only 11 of 56 Students of Color reported exposure to this kind of messaging, so it highlights the potential effect of inadequate sample size to capture enough observations to demonstrate a significant relationship. Therefore, with a larger sample of both Students of Color and White students, it may be possible to get a clearer understanding of the types of messages received by social sources that were most compelling to each group. 108 However, I believe the threat of insufficient statistical power was minimized by two strengths of the study. First, this sample represented more diversity among its participants by academic majors. By academic major, the present study represents a plurality of focal areas, such as architecture, education, medicine, and law. In contrast, the prior studies focused on students from the same area, such as agricultural science (Bobbitt & Akers, 2013) and business (Fitzsimmons et al., 2013; Schnusenberg et al., 2012). Second, this study included quantitative analyses for Students of Color and White students separately, which created the potential to capture between group variances. This has not been a part of prior studies, such as the work by Bobbitt and Akers (2013), Schnusenberg et al. (2012), or Fitzsimmons et al. (2013), which may characterize predictors of behavioral intention that does not account for differences between Students of Color and White students. Contribution to the Current Body of Knowledge The intended contribution of this study was an increased understanding of the racial gap in study abroad participation of college students in the United States. To meet this goal, the first research question I aimed to answer was “What ways, if any, are race and racism related to predictors of students’ intentions to study abroad?” The data showed some between group differences by race. Students of Color demonstrated higher intention to study abroad, overall attitude and the expectation of new career opportunities were only significant predictors of intention for White students, and White students felt their race/ethnicity made studying abroad easier. There was also some evidence of some direct influence of racism. Students of Color expected racism to be a part of their experience studying abroad while White students did not think racism would affect their experience and they did not see racism as a barrier, but they did 109 see work obligations as a potential obstacle. Most importantly, Students of Color demonstrated this higher level of intention to study abroad despite these concerns about racism. The second research question I aimed to answer was “What Ways, if any, are Race and Racism Related to Sources Influential to Predictors of Intention to Study Abroad for Students of Color and White students?” The data showed some between group differences by race wherein social media had a greater influence on attitude for Students of Color than White students, especially by vicarious experiences shared on social media by peers. Faculty were only influential for White students. There were also several differences in the kinds of sources that influenced perceived behavioral control, such as parents were influential for White students but not Students of Color. There was also some evidence of the potential direct impact of race and racism whereby Students of Color felt that race and racism influence the kinds of social pressure they received to study abroad while White students did not share this view. These results have suggested that social sources which influence perceptions of studying abroad can differ between Students of Color and White students, where the former may be most influenced by vicarious experiences shared on social media by peers who were perceived as similar. This study has shown that race and racism have some effect on students’ decision-making to study abroad, albeit small and indirect at times, and to fully understand the decision-making process of Students of Color, it is necessary to address the intersections between race, racism, and perceptions of study abroad. 110 CHAPTER 6: IMPLICATIONS Social Support and Vicarious Experiences to Support Students’ Interest in Study Abroad One contribution of the present study was the identification of social groups that can influence the perceptions Students of Color have about study abroad, and the ways in which these groups can influence those beliefs, which provide an initial framework for informal and formal mentorship to promote interest and participation in study abroad. For Students of Color, these influential social groups include parents, friends, the school, and social media contacts. Broadly, these groups can shape expectations of what studying abroad would be like personally, such as giving students a sense of being supported, or contributing to their perceptions about the ease or difficulty of studying abroad. Therefore, initiatives aimed at recruiting Students of Color to study abroad should involve individuals from these groups. The ways in which these groups would be most impactful for Students of Color would be to convey vicarious mastery experiences to help Students of Color build their self-efficacy beliefs about studying abroad even in the face of challenges related to racism. One medium for distributing these vicarious experiences can be social media. Social media was identified as the prime source of vicarious mastery experiences in the present study, and social media offers many practical affordances for implementation as a kind of academic intervention. Social media enables interaction across time and space (Ellison et al., 2007), so students and their social groups can interact even if they are not together in the same place at the same time. Social media offers the advantage of lower cost of operation in comparison to traditional ways that study abroad programs have engaged with students, like study abroad fairs, which are expensive due to travel and registration costs, and require a commitment of human resources to staff the events (Irfan et al., 2017). Social media also offers 111 media richness, which is the amount of information that can be conveyed, as well as self- presentation, the presentation of information about oneself (Kaplan & Haenlein, 2010). For example, compelling vignettes about the experiences of study abroad participants may be more easily shared in a platform like TikTok, in comparison to a printed poster or banner advertisement on campus. This affordance of social media may also explain why the results of this study found that many traditional information sources, such as billboards, magazines, newspapers, and informational events were uninfluential to students’ perceptions about studying abroad might be the result of the combination of the capabilities of the platform and the kind of messaging content conveyed. However, if these forms of communication could provide vicarious experiences to students, they may be able to be influential on students’ intentions to study abroad. In practice, social media could be used by the aforementioned social groups as a means for informal or formal mentorship. This could include a dedicated social media channel where study abroad trip leaders, participants, and the family and friends of those participants can share about the experiences abroad. This unilateral model fits the kind of exploratory browsing demonstrated by Students of Color in the present study, whereby students actively search for web content that fits their goals, in this case, finding social media posts about experiences abroad. An alternative, more bilateral model could involve more active participation from social groups on the recruitment side. In this model, program advisers, faculty program leaders, and peer ambassadors can use their social media presence to communicate one-on-one with prospective students using the features enabled within social media platforms, like private messaging, and discussion threads. For example, hashtags have been used to facilitate discussions on Twitter (Carpenter & Morrison, 2018; Megele, 2014). It could then be possible 112 for an institution to create a hashtag alongside their social media accounts where prospective students could post questions or comments, to which advisers, faculty, and other students could respond. Standard recruitment materials, like posters and flyers, can also share vicarious experiences and information about study abroad, but simultaneously direct students to social media accounts in the standard formula of “follow us on…” (Kwon & Sung, 2011). This approach would build on the prior research of using social groups like peer ambassadors to promote awareness of study abroad opportunities and raising interest about studying abroad (Nguyen, 2014; Nguyen & Corywell, 2015) but enhanced with technology to match the habits of Students of Color. Lastly the use of social media as a medium for storytelling to raise visibility of People of Color who are abroad can support individual empowerment, the “iterative process in which a person who lacks power sets a personally meaningful goal oriented toward increasing power, takes action toward that goal, and observes and reflects on the impact of this action, drawing on his or her evolving self-efficacy, knowledge, and competence related to the goal” (Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010, 647). The visibility of these types of triumphs also “flips the script” on the negative portrayal of People of Color as “victims” in mainstream media (Solorzano & Pérez Huber, 2015) This has been demonstrated in prior research on photo-storytelling, such as with American Indian communities in the Wind River UNITY project, which highlighted the "wisdom and strength” of American Indian Culture as a part of combatting structural racism as part of sexual wellness and health outcomes (Markus, 2012). While prior research on social media posts has already shown that the study abroad experience was immediately impactful for People of Color (Dillette et al., 2018), I am curious in investigating if the dissemination of these triumphant stories on social media can empower other students to pursue study abroad as well. 113 Research on Study Abroad Intention and Participation Should Use Stories of Students’ Experiences to Understand their Decision-Making Future research on the intention and participation of Students of Color in study abroad should use stories of their experiences to understand their decision-making, especially in combination with quantitative data. As shown in the findings, these stories are important to understanding the patterns in the data, especially when those patterns deviate from what is expected based on the conceptual framework used to guide the study. These stories enable researchers to develop explanatory models to describe the phenomenon being observed. In the case of study abroad, the collection of these stories in combination with survey research enabled me to identify what factors predicted students’ intentions to study abroad, but also how those factors came to be, and the ways in which these can change. For example, in my review of 50 empirical studies on study abroad, 35 of the studies used only quantitative survey research. Many of these studies examined common predictors of study abroad, such as cost. As described in the literature review of this study, cost has been frequently studied in study abroad research. However, the relationship between cost and intention is not clear. For example, Stroud (2010) found neither financial concerns (having some or none) nor parental income was significantly related to intent to study abroad. Similarly, Pope et al. (2014) found that household income was not a significant predictor of study abroad intent. In other cases, the cost of studying abroad was acceptable so long as it does not exceed existing tuition costs (Schnusenberg et al., 2012). While these types of quantitative data provide trends that appear to be inconsistent, the collection of stories about students’ experiences can provide a deeper understanding. One example of this was the participant Aisha, who described having a lot of enthusiasm to study abroad, but her view changed after her mom brought up the issue of cost whereas Abigail’s mom encouraged her to 114 study abroad by highlighting the unmatched value of study abroad, implying it was worth the cost. These examples illustrate how students’ views about cost relative to study abroad are dynamic, not static. Since cross-sectional measurements like surveys may not always capture this nuance, it is important for researchers to collect and analyze stories and narratives to collect the personal experiences of students to better understand their decision-making toward study abroad, especially underrepresented groups like Students of Color. 115 APPENDICES 116 APPENDIX A: Sample Study Abroad Participation Data Table 14. Enrollment and Study Abroad Participation Data for Students of Color Reported by Murray and Brux (2010) Percent of Percent of Study Campus Campus Study Abroad Abroad Race Enrollment Enrollment Participation Participants Asian American 163 2.5 12 3.1 African American 91 1.4 0 0.0 Latino(a) 58 0.9 4 1.0 Native American 25 0.4 2 0.7 White (non- 5836 90.3 368 95.3 multicultural) Not specified 285 4.4 Not reported Not reported Total 6461 386 117 APPENDIX B: Data Screening Although the total initial sample of 2,278 exceeded the projected target of 400 respondents identified through a priori power analysis, initial screening of the data suggested some unusual patterns. Specifically, within the subsample of 2095 respondents recruited through email recruitment, there was a spike in total responses and rate of responses. In the first 47 days of active data collection, 166 responses were recorded. However, within an approximately 20- hour period on the 48th day, 1929 new responses were observed, which included a mixture of completed and on-going survey attempts. When this issue was discovered, the survey link for email recruitment was disabled the survey and no new participants could participate in the survey through the opt-in research pool. One key initial indicator of fraudulent activity was shown in the metadata, specifically the start and end times of the survey attempts (see Table 14), which demonstrated duplicate survey start and survey completion times, as well as a pattern of multiple new survey attempts being initiated every minute during the entire 20-hour period. Table 15. Examples of Unusual Start and End Times of Survey Responses from Email Recruitment During Data Screening Start Date End Date 2/24/21 16:00 2/24/21 16:13 2/24/21 16:00 2/24/21 16:13 2/24/21 16:00 2/24/21 16:13 2/24/21 16:00 2/24/21 16:14 2/24/21 16:01 2/24/21 16:05 2/24/21 16:01 2/24/21 16:07 As a result of this metadata, a rigorous screening protocol was created after consulting the prior research in survey data quality to identify potentially fraudulent data. Fraudulent respondents have been defined as respondents who do not care about the quality of responses, 118 with a singular focus on obtaining the participation reward in as little time as possible (Brazhkin, 2020). As such, six criteria were generated based on the prior research to identify fraudulent data. First, emails that did not match the names reported in the consent form were classified as fraudulent, based on the algorithm used by Ballard et al. (2019). Second, response times that were too short (i.e., less than or equal to 8 minutes) were identified as fraudulent. This value was determined after pilot-testing the survey where participants were asked to complete the survey as possible while simultaneously trying to give meaningful answers. The cut-off value of 8 minutes was also supported by prior research. For example, Konstan et al., (2006) found that respondents who submitted duplicate responses took approximately 8 minutes on a web-based survey that took an average of 42 minutes to complete. In another study Malhotra (2008) identified a mean value of about 7 minutes for their survey to be completed and a median of 6 minutes. Third, unusual contact information, such as irregular emails, were also flags for fraudulent data. Examples documented by Ballard et al. (2019, p. 4) included “a12bcd34e@email.com,” a trend that was observed in the present study. Fourth, like the third criteria, unusual name spelling or combinations, such as a traditional American English name that had extra consonants (e.g., Elizabethxyz) were also developed based on the guidance of Ballard et al. (2019). Fifth, duplicate data entries were another flag for fraudulent data. This was a common indicator for Grey et al. (2015). In the present study, duplicate entries were scanned in the respondent's contact information (e.g., name, email) and responses to the free response survey questions. Any two or more respondents who shared the same data in any of these fields were all flagged as fraudulent. Sixth, due to the surge in responses described earlier in this section, any two or more 119 respondents that started the survey at the same time as another respondent (e.g., timestamps that were identical or within one minute of each other) were also flagged as fraudulent. To record the potential fraud, the criteria for each indicator of fraud was coded “0” if they did not meet the fraud criteria and “1” if they did meet the fraud criteria. These values were added to generate a new variable, the total fraud score. However, any respondent that had an email associated with the institution where this study was being conducted or had an email address that ended in “.edu” received a reduction of one point in their fraud score. Subsequently, a new variable named Fraudulent was dummy coded 0 for all responses with a fraud score equal to 0 and dummy coded 1 for all responses with a fraud score greater than zero. In the final procedure for screening the data, the initial stage included the removal of incomplete responses (see figure below. This is primarily attributed to the termination of the survey when the spike in responses was discovered, so these responses are likely incomplete, fraudulent responses. After which, the completed responses were screened for fraudulent data using the aforementioned criteria. The results of the fraud screening produced 285 valid responses. However, of these, 41 had already participated in study abroad and 60 were graduate students, which were not part of the population that are the focus of this dissertation study. 120 Figure 4. Flowchart of Data Screening and Filtering 121 APPENDIX C: Survey Instrument A. Demographic information 1. What is your age? 2. Please indicate the gender by which you identify. 3. What is your grade level? 4. What is your major or area of study? 5. What is your race or ethnicity? 6. Have you previously participated in study abroad? 7. Please describe your prior experience studying abroad (Free response) B. Global Attitude 1. For me, I think studying abroad would be (Enjoyable/Unenjoyable) 2. For me, I think studying abroad would be (Wise/Foolish) 3. For me, I think studying abroad would be (Beneficial/Harmful) 4. For me, I think studying abroad would be (Useful/Useless) 5. For me, I think studying abroad would be (Interesting/Boring) 6. Studying abroad is (Enjoyable/Unenjoyable) 7. For me, I think studying abroad would be (Good/Bad) C. Specific Attitude 1. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I 2. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I experience a new culture 3. If I study abroad, it would be that I improve my language skills If I study abroad, it would be likely that I have the opportunity to grow and develop as a person 4. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I will have a fun experience 5. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I will open new career opportunities 6. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I feel homesick 7. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I delay or disrupt my academic progress 8. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I encounter discrimination 9. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I encounter racism 10. If I study abroad, it would be likely that I feel like I belong with the other students who are studying abroad D. Global Subjective Norm 1. Most people who are important to me think I should study abroad 2. Most people who are important to me encourage me to study abroad 3. Most people who are important to me approve of my engaging in this activity 4. Most people who are important to me expect that I study abroad E. Specific Subjective Norm 1. My parents support my studying abroad 2. My significant others support my studying abroad 3. My friends support my studying abroad 4. My teachers support my studying abroad 5. My coaches or other sponsors of academic/co-curricular activities support my studying abroad 6. My academic advisers support my studying abroad 7. My employer supports my studying abroad 8. My school supports my studying abroad 122 F. Global Perceived Behavioral Control 1. For me, it would be (Easy/Difficult) to study abroad 2. I have the resources required to study abroad 3. Whether I study abroad is completely up to me 4. I could study abroad if I wanted to G. Specific Perceived Behavioral Control 1. The cost of study abroad makes it difficult for me to study abroad 2. Getting financial aid would make it easier for me to study abroad 3. A lack of foreign language skills would make it difficult for me to study abroad 4. Assistance in academic planning (i.e., getting help from an adviser) would make it easier for me to study abroad 5. Assimilating with a new culture would make it difficult for me to study abroad 6. The time commitment of studying abroad makes it difficult for me to study abroad 7. Preparing for major tests makes it more difficult to study abroad 8. Family obligations make it more difficult for me to study abroad 9. Extracurricular obligations make it more difficult for me to study abroad (Agree/Disagree) 10. The fear of getting low grades while studying abroad makes it more difficult for me to study abroad 11. GPA requirements for study abroad programs make it more difficult for me to study abroad 12. Homesickness makes it more difficult for me to study abroad 13. Work obligations make it more difficult for me to study abroad 14. Fear of traveling to a new place makes it more difficult to study abroad 15. Safety issues make it more difficult for me to study abroad 16. Fear of racism in other countries makes it more difficult for me to study abroad 17. Fear of discrimination in other countries makes it more difficult for me to study abroad 18. Citizenship or passport requirements make it more difficult for me to study abroad 19. What would make it easier for you to actually study abroad? (Free Response) H. Global Behavioral Intention 1. I plan to study abroad 2. I intend to study abroad 3. I plan to spend some time studying in another country 4. I plan to participate in a school-sponsored international visit 5. What kinds of plans, if any, have you made to study abroad? (Free Response) I. Source of Attitude 1. How much, if at all, have any of the following people influenced your overall views of studying abroad as a good/bad experience? (A Great Deal/None At All) i. Parents ii. Significant others iii. Friends iv. Professors v. Academic adviser vi. Coaches and other sponsors of academic or co-curricular activities 123 vii. Employer viii. My school 2. How much, if at all, have any of the following sources influenced your overall views of studying abroad as a good/bad experience? (A Great Deal/None At All) i. Advertisements (i.e., flyers on campus, mail) ii. Informational events (i.e., study abroad fair) iii. Social media iv. Television v. Email vi. Newspapers vii. Magazines viii. Billboard ix. Other: ____________ J. Source of Subjective Norm 1. Could you share a story about how someone important to you showed their support for you to study abroad? What did they do? (Free Response) K. Source of Perceived Behavioral Control 1. Who or what has been the greatest influence on your views about the ease or difficulty to study abroad? (Free Response) L. Perceptions about Race and Racism 1. I feel like I would belong in a study abroad program. 2. I expect that my race/ethnicity will influence what studying abroad will be like for me. 3. I do not expect that my race/ethnicity will influence what studying abroad will be like for me. 4. I think racism will influence affect experience studying abroad 5. I do not think racism will affect my experience studying abroad 6. The support I get to study abroad is influenced by my race/ethnicity 7. The support I get to study abroad is not influenced by my race/ethnicity 8. Because of my race/ethnicity, studying outside the United States will be (Easy/Difficult) 9. My race or ethnicity has influenced the kinds of plans I have made to study abroad 10. My race or ethnicity has not influenced the kinds of plans I have made to study abroad 124 APPENDIX D: Interview Instrument A. Background 1. What is your name? 2. Could you tell me a little about your background? 3. How much do you know about studying abroad at your school? Where, if any, have you heard about study abroad opportunities? 4. Could you tell me about what got you interested or uninterested in studying abroad? 5. What has influenced these beliefs? B. Attitude 1. What do you think studying abroad would be like for you personally? C. Source of Attitude 1. What has influenced these views about what study abroad would be like for you? D. Subjective Norm 1. Could you tell me about the kinds of support or encouragement you have received to study or to not study abroad? E. Source of Subjective Norm 1. Could you tell me about the things people have said or done to make you feel supported or unsupported in studying abroad? F. Perceived Behavioral Control 1. Could you tell me about what would make it easier or more difficult for you to study abroad? G. Source of Perceived Behavioral Control 1. What has influenced your views about the ease/difficulty to study abroad? H. Behavioral Intention 1. Could you tell me about the kinds of plans you have already made to study abroad or plans to do something instead of studying abroad? I. Perceptions about Race and Racism 1. Could you tell me how you would describe the racial climate in studying abroad? 2. In what ways, if any, has race or racism affected your expectations of what study abroad would be like for you? 3. In what ways, if any, has race or racism been a part of the kinds of support (or lack of support) you have received to study abroad? 4. Could you tell me about which resources or barriers, if any, are particularly relevant for you because of your race or racism? 5. Could you tell me how (if any) your race or racism has influenced the kinds of plans you have made to study abroad? J. Wrap-Up 1. What else would you like to share before we conclude for today? 125 APPENDIX E: Codebook Codes were generated for the survey and interview data as described in the methods section. In the following tables, the resulting themes are shown after the initial coding process and redundant codes were collapsed and grouped into thematic categories. Table 16. Codebook of Themes for Attitude Theme Description Example Fun Describes studying abroad "I was interested because it's just it looks fun and as interesting, enjoyable, then you get like a great experience" exciting, cool, great, fun Racism Expectation of racism "even here in America, I've experienced racism abroad and like stereotyping and stuff like that, so, you know, it is expected like in other countries especially.” Learning A focus on using the study "I would expect to have me myself going into a abroad experience to learn having the mindset of just like I need to absorb every single ounce of information that I can get, I need to learn as much as I can" Career Studying abroad as "…medicine is used in different ways because opportunities beneficial to one's career everyone has different resources, but I, I would be really interested in seeing all the different ways that people use." Homesick Concern about being away “I would be really uncomfortable being away from home for a long period from home for that long.” of time Independence To have more independence “I think the biggest thing I would get out of it is like a new sort of which is being more independent” Learning about To experience a different "I think you get to experience a part of the world culture culture and a different culture." Fear of Concerns about being “If I can be that much of a worry an hour away, Traveling to a somewhere new, difficulty how would I manage thousand miles in a New Place adjusting different country, and also working through that and growing up" Discrimination Being treated differently "I'm paraphrasing, but like no ‘Americans due to some aspect of one's allowed in here’ so, you know... it doesn't make identity you feel too good when, you know, when you run into situations like that.” 126 Table 16. (cont’d) Theme Description Example Disrupt Not having time to do “You might not be able to take certain classes like Academics certain things because of the at the time you wanted them.” time commitment of studying abroad Language Concern about the language "So obviously that's a barrier, will be language" Barrier requirements while abroad Safety Concerns about staying safe "I think the safety concerns are more of a big deal" 127 Table 17. Codebook of Themes in Messages Shared by Influential Sources Theme Description Example Share Sharing one's own "there's people saying like that their experiences are Experience experiences traveling or positive" studying abroad with a student Safety Messages about safety "She wants me to be happy, don't get me wrong. But she just is worried about that, you know, are you going to be OK over there” Once in a Describing studying abroad "[My cousin] told me it was a once in a lifetime great lifetime as a once-in-a-life time, experience. She recommended me to study abroad" opportunity unique, irreplaceable experience Missed Supportive figures who "When mentioning my desire to study abroad to my opportunity talked about they mother she encouraged me to go for it if the themselves missing the opportunity came my way. She told me that if she opportunity or wanting to was my age and ever had that chance she would have study abroad if they had the taken it." chance Fun The characterization of "I think it was my data analytics teacher showed like studying abroad as fun a little I don't it was either a video or several pictures in a slide show or something of like her experience studying abroad with the students. And they just looked really fun" Explore To experience new things "[My best friend] said it was one of the greatest experiences she had and definitely recommends it to her friends or anyone who asks. She says that living in a different country really opens up your horizons and makes you appreciate the little things in life more." Funding and To find ways to pay for "[My friend] helped me try to figure it out and see if cost study abroad I could afford it." Career To improve one's career "We looked at the programs together and weighed readiness opportunities; develop skills each one for how it would benefit both my academic for one's career and career goals." Learning To learn, develop "My mum was born and grew up in Germany and new things knowledge she told me a lot about Germany science and technology advancement and I really want to in tease my scientific knowledge" Exposure to To experience new culture "My best friend studied abroad and absolutely loved culture it. She knew it was something I would also enjoy as we love learning about other cultures. " 128 Table 17. (cont’d) Theme Description Example Process Messages that talk about the “With my adviser when I told her I wanted to process of going to study study abroad, like her entire mood changed, she abroad (applying, was just like kind of tired and down. Then I was requirements, etc.) like 'I'm interested in studying abroad' and she's like 'okay, here's the email, here's this like, here's a thing I think you would really like. And this one will cover your gen-ed classes. And this is good for teaching…” 129 Table 18. Codebook of Themes in Perceived Behavioral Control Theme Description Example Financial aid A need for financial support to "The scholarships, getting some financial help" cover the cost of studying abroad Cost If the cost of studying abroad "If money wasn't an issue of course that make it was reduced easier" More Getting more information about "If there would be a way or, you know, I don't information studying abroad know, like maybe like getting information" More support More social/moral support to studying abroad would be easier for me if I had study abroad more support from family. COVID-19 COVID-19 as a barrier "I can't find someone to sublease. And there's obviously jobs here, if I can find someone to lease. Burden for Do not want to create a burden "I don't want to make my parents have to pay family for their families for me to do this, and I would be willing to pay for part of it, if that's what it takes." Safer Feeling safer while studying "Safety (Covid and racial discrimination)" abroad Language The language spoken in the study "Now, the language is another thing if I go to a abroad program destination foreign country that's not English, English based country or Chinese based country. Language will be a big problem for me," Destination The location of the study abroad " Also, I think location and proximity are program things right. So in countries like that, aren't exactly allies are very friendly with the United States, that makes it more difficult to go experience those cultures." Academic More relevant study abroad for "Having a conversion showing exact classes Benefit academics/information about that can transfer, not just possibilities in a those opportunities subject area, but class codes so I can plan the other semesters around the trip." Guidance Having some help with the "Having support to go through the whole process of finding and getting process of looking for the country to study into a study abroad program abroad, what subjects to study abroad, where to stay, visa applications etc. I think having support and guidance through the whole application process would be helpful." Travel Having someone to travel with "I would also want to go with a large group of Companion students who are studying in my same field, this would make me feel a lot more comfortable and make me feel good that I am not alone in this process." 130 Table 19. Codebook of Themes for Influence Sources on Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control Theme Description Example Parents Referencing a parent as an "Yeah, just mainly my dad and" influential source Family Referencing a non- "the two biggest factors on my parents and my parental family member as cousin... because she's been there and it's been like an influential source she tells me it's great" Friends A peer member referred to "I think my friend who was supposed to be my as a friend as an influential roommate this year, actually her name is source ... I think she's the only one in my life who's actually really brought it up because my best friend, my friends who are still in town, I've never talked to about them." Peer A similar-aged person not "probably just like peers or anyone that I've talked to specifically identified as a that's like discussed a study abroad program with me, friend who shares a similar and like I said, it was like a good direction to go." environment as the student who has been an influential source Social Media Referencing online social "TikTok and stuff like that...I like people who have media platforms studied abroad and stuff like that, like they talk about their experience." Intuition The use of one's own "Well, part of it is like my own intuition" intuition Self Referencing oneself or "honestly probably myself" one's own experiences as an influential source School Referencing the school or institution as an influence when it is not specifically associated with a person like a teacher or adviser Professor Referencing a college “[My professor] always spoke very highly of the professor as an influence Study Abroad program. And he really encouraged people, the students, to go out there and get some exposure to dealing with different cultures and gaining that experience. And then I had another I think it was my marketing teacher. Also, I think he ran the study of one of the programs for study abroad, so it's definitely very, very encouraged" Teacher Referencing a K-12 "one teacher where he was like, oh yeah, you teacher as an influence definitely should do a study abroad if there's, like, every opportunity." 131 Table 19. (cont’d) Theme Description Example Significant Referencing a significant "It's not necessarily for studying abroad but seemed Others other as an influential like a fun trip because my boyfriend is the one that source got me into anime. So it would be like him and me thing probably I would love to go to Japan." Adviser Referencing an adviser or "The main encouragement is my adviser. Like, you counselor should really do this. It's really helpful. It'll help you with your proficiency exam when you have to take that." Preserve Wanting to travel to "because where I live. There's like only white people, culture preserve one's own culture so to me, it's really important to keep my culture, so and to get more practice then I continue practicing" with cultural practice, like language Coach References to the leader of “I am an athlete so my coach said I could travel in an athletic or academic the summer and not worry about missing practice.” organization Unspecified “A reference to a general “They talked about the great experiences they and person or source without their friends had during a study abroad experience.” enough identification to determine the identity No one A participant who says "None." nothing/no one influenced them No Response No response, blank entry 132 Table 20. Codebook of Themes in Behavioral Intention Theme Description Example Finding a Travel Soliciting someone to "just like kind of getting more my friends on Companion participate with them as part board" of studying abroad Seeking out Getting advice "I had planned to minor in Spanish and had guidance gone to an advising meeting to look into either a summer or semester abroad." General Looking up opportunities, "I have looked into opportunities and programs searching of destinations, etc. for studying abroad. There was one program I opportunities was strongly considering in Costa Rica or Thailand but I did not go." Finding time in Deciding on a time to study "I plan to do my master's in the UK when I'm schedule abroad done with my undergrad studies." No response No response None No plans "No plans." Exploration of Looking at the cost of "Save money a lot and check out the expenses cost and studying abroad, including of studying In Italy" financial aid travel, lodging, tuition, as well as potential financial aid opportunities Evaluating Deciding if program will "I looked into it my sophomore year and spent program help with fulfilling probably 10 hours seeing if I could make it compatibility requirements or if it will be work as I see it as a very rewarding experience, with academic "irrelevant" but it just wasn't worth the money when I requirements realized how few requirements it would fulfill" Applied to a Submitted an application to a "Applied to a study abroad internship, changed program program my mind because of family health" Accepted into a Received an admission "I had planned to go to Antarctica over the past program decision December/January trip and was accepted to the program" 133 APPENDIX F: Test of Normality of Residuals for Model 1 Model 1 for Students of Color was generated from a preceding iteration, where the residuals of the initial model were not normal (Kolmogorov-Smirnov = 139, df = 56, p < .009; Shapiro-Wilk = .933, df = 56, p < .004) and the Q-Q plot of the standardized residuals indicated some tailing, so outlying cases were removed (i.e., cases 1087, 1092, and 1174). As described in the methods section, prior research has recommended the removal of outliers in non-normal residuals; however, I report the original model in Table 21 below. Table 21. Initial Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for Students of Color Unstandardized Standardized Coefficients Coefficients Model 1 Std. (N = 56) B Error Beta t Sig R2 Adj.R2 (Constant) -1.101 1.501 -0.734 0.466 Attitude 0.494 0.299 0.234 1.650 0.105 Subjective Norm 0.344 0.188 0.326 1.828 0.073 Perceived Behavioral Control 0.181 0.177 0.164 1.023 0.311 Model .410 .376 134 APPENDIX G: Follow-up Regression Models for Detailed Survey Questions Related to Attitude, Subjective Norm, Perceived Behavioral Control, and Behavioral Intention Table 22. Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for Students of Color Using Specific Indicators of Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control Unstandardized Standardized Coefficients Coefficients Std. Model 3 B Error Beta t Sig. (Constant) -0.141 1.91 -0.074 0.941 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would have a fun experience -0.549 0.328 -0.316 -1.671 0.102 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would open new career opportunities 0.128 0.145 0.104 0.879 0.385 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I will increase my critical thinking skills 0.305 0.224 0.175 1.362 0.18 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would learn more about my own culture 0.256 0.142 0.218 1.806 0.078 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would increase my independence 0.305 0.238 0.176 1.281 0.207 My parent(s) or guardian(s) support my studying abroad 0.244 0.107 0.306 2.269 0.028 My significant others support my studying abroad 0.205 0.151 0.21 1.359 0.181 My friends support my studying abroad -0.001 0.2 -0.001 -0.005 0.996 My teachers support my studying abroad 0.177 0.193 0.122 0.918 0.364 The time commitment of studying abroad makes it difficult for me to study abroad -0.052 0.113 -0.054 -0.458 0.649 My fear of traveling to a new place makes it difficult to study abroad -0.219 0.109 -0.242 -2.007 0.051 135 Table 23. Regression Estimates for Behavioral Intention to Study Abroad for White Students Using Specific Indicators of Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control Unstandardized Standardized Coefficients Coefficients Std. B Error Beta t Sig. (Constant) -1.085 1.842 -0.589 0.557 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would have a fun experience 0.228 0.204 0.095 1.12 0.266 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would open new career opportunities 0.375 0.126 0.27 2.979 0.004 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would delay or disrupt my academic progress -0.166 0.09 -0.158 -1.855 0.067 If I study abroad, it would be likely that I will increase my critical thinking skills 0.006 0.185 0.004 0.033 0.974 Independence-If I study abroad, it would be likely that I would increase my independence -0.199 0.187 -0.096 -1.063 0.291 My parent(s) or guardian(s) support my studying abroad 0.247 0.103 0.225 2.41 0.018 My significant others support my studying abroad -0.138 0.117 -0.113 -1.176 0.242 My friends support my studying abroad 0.119 0.155 0.081 0.768 0.444 My teachers support my studying abroad 0.19 0.191 0.129 0.995 0.322 My academic advisers support my studying abroad 0.057 0.193 0.037 0.296 0.768 My coaches or other sponsors of my academic/co-curricular activities support my studying abroad 0.159 0.141 0.122 1.126 0.263 My employer (or future employer) supports my studying abroad -0.152 0.129 -0.113 -1.181 0.241 My school supports my studying abroad 0.107 0.195 0.055 0.551 0.583 A lack of foreign language skills would make it difficult for me to study abroad -0.08 0.092 -0.067 -0.871 0.386 Assistance in academic planning (i.e., getting help from an adviser) would make it easier for me to study abroad 0.206 0.17 0.117 1.212 0.228 The time commitment of studying abroad makes it difficult for me to study abroad 0.086 0.11 0.077 0.786 0.434 Work obligations make it difficult for me to study abroad -0.263 0.084 -0.261 -3.123 0.002 136 APPENDIX H: Frequency of Behavioral Types for Behavioral Intention Table 24. Chi-square Tests of Difference of Proportions Frequency of Behavioral Intention Reported by Students of Color and Their White Counterparts Students of Color White Students Pearson Type of behavior Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Chi-Square Sig. General searching of 22 39.3 41 32.5 0.78 0.377 opportunities None 17 30.4 38 30.2 0.001 0.979 Finding time in 17 30.4 28 22.2 1.378 0.24 schedule Seeking out guidance 4 7.1 5 4 0.831 0.362 Exploration of cost and4 7.1 8 6.3 0.04 0.842 financial aid Evaluating program 3 5.4 4 3.2 0.499 0.48 compatibility with academic requirements No response 3 5.4 13 10.3 1.19 0.275 Applied to a program 1 1.8 5 4.0 0.579 0.447 Accepted into a 0 0 2.4 2.4 1.356 0.244 program 137 APPENDIX I: Sources Influential to Attitude Table 25. Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test Results for Significance of Sources Influential to Attitude for Students of Color and White Students Obs. Test Std. Std. Test Source Group N Median Statistic Error Statistic Sig. White students 125 5 4462 317.155 4.96 <0.001 Students of Parents Color 56 6 1121.5 104.936 4.369 <0.001 White students 126 4 1838 297.457 -2.824 0.005 Significant Students of others Color 56 4 458.5 94.985 -1.363 0.173 White students 126 5 3777 321.421 2.595 0.009 Students of Friends Color 55 5 727.5 78.704 3.507 <0.001 White students 126 5 3930 339.298 2.258 0.024 Students of Professors Color 56 5 711 99.147 0.993 0.32 White students 126 5 2935 317.149 0.145 0.885 Academic Students of adviser Color 56 4 500 78.525 0.618 0.537 Coaches or White students 126 2 708 308.627 -6.893 <0.001 sponsors of academic or co- curricular Students of activities Color 55 2 236.5 91.857 -3.565 <0.001 White students 125 2 1130.5 327.539 -5.868 <0.001 Students of Employer Color 56 1 146 87.641 -4.501 <0.001 Your school White students 125 5 4421.5 304.006 5.564 <0.001 Students of Color 56 6 971.5 96.051 3.993 <0.001 Your other White students 126 5 3434.5 348.084 0.451 0.652 family Students of members Color 56 4 362 83.897 -1.585 0.113 138 Table 25. (cont’d) Obs. Test Std. Std. Test Source Group N Median Statistic Error Statistic Sig. White students 126 5 4414.5 348.716 3.261 0.001 Students of Advertisements Color 56 5 712.5 84.281 2.581 0.01 Informational events White students 126 5 3438.5 339.704 0.808 0.419 Students of Color 56 6 737 97.906 1.272 0.204 Social media White students 126 5 4317.5 312.774 4.738 <0.001 Students of Color 56 6 922 92.198 3.883 <0.001 Television White students 126 3 2369.5 343.533 -2.477 0.013 Students of Color 56 4 490 92.794 -0.797 0.425 Email White students 126 4 1635.5 303.379 -3.608 <0.001 Students of Color 56 4 544 101.46 -0.922 0.357 Newspapers White students 125 1 448 356.667 -8.421 <0.001 Students of Color 56 1 43 105.874 -6.102 <0.001 Magazines White students 126 1 601.5 348.652 -7.84 <0.001 Students of Color 56 1 53.5 97.513 -5.733 <0.001 Billboards White students 126 1 409 338.446 -8.307 <0.001 Students of Color 56 1 70 96.284 -5.634 <0.001 139 APPENDIX J: Between-Group Differences in Sources Influential to Attitude Table 26. Kruskal-Wallis Test Results for Significant Differences in Sources Influential to Expectations About Studying Abroad for Students of Color and Their White Counterparts Mean Source Group N Rank Test Statistic df Sig. Parents White students 125 87.48 1.909 1 0.167 Students of Color 56 98.87 Significant others White students 126 90.17 0.273 1 0.601 Students of Color 56 94.49 Friends White students 126 86.22 3.581 1 0.058 Students of Color 55 101.95 Professors White students 126 91.73 0.008 1 0.927 Students of Color 56 90.97 Academic adviser White students 126 89.88 0.399 1 0.528 Students of Color 56 95.14 Coaches and other sponsors of academic or White students 126 89.02 0.661 1 0.416 co-curricular activities Students of Color 55 95.55 Employer White students 125 93.08 0.712 1 0.399 Students of Color 56 86.36 Your school White 125 89.21 0.493 1 0.483 Students of Color 56 94.99 Your other family members White 126 95.41 2.333 1 0.127 Students of Color 56 82.7 Advertisements White 126 90.38 0.192 1 0.661 Students of Color 56 94.03 Informational events White 126 87.91 1.962 1 0.161 Students of Color 56 99.58 Social media White 126 86.1 4.496 1 0.034 Students of Color 56 103.65 Television White 126 88.69 1.203 1 0.273 Students of Color 56 97.82 Email White 126 88.47 1.402 1 0.236 Students of Color 56 98.31 140 Table 26. (cont’d) Mean Group N Rank Test Statistic df Sig. Newspapers White 125 92.59 0.455 1 0.5 Students of Color 56 87.46 Magazines White 126 92.59 0.205 1 0.651 Students of Color 56 89.04 Billboards White 126 92.39 0.14 1 0.708 Students of Color 56 89.50 141 APPENDIX K: Between-Group Differences in Frequency of Sources Influential to Subjective Norm Table 27. Chi-square Test of Difference of Proportions in Frequency of Sources of Pressure Reported by Students of Color and Their White Counterparts Students of Color White Students Source Freq. Percent Freq. Percent Pearson Chi- Sig. Square Parents 12 21.4 31 24.6 0.217 0.642 Friends and Peers 11 19.6 29 23 0.257 0.612 Family 9 16.1 18 14.3 0.098 0.754 Advisor 3 5.4 2 1.6 2.062 0.151 No one 3 5.4 9 7.1 0.201 0.654 Professor/Teacher 2 3.6 10 7.9 1.199 0.273 Significant Other 2 3.6 7 5.6 0.325 0.569 Unspecified 1 1.8 8 6.3 1.718 0.19 Self 0 0 1 0.8 0.447 0.504 School 0 0 1 0.8 0.447 0.504 Coach or Other 0 0 2 1.6 0.899 0.343 Mentor 142 APPENDIX L: Between-Group Differences in Exposure to Vicarious Experiences Table 28. Chi-square Test of Difference of Proportions in Frequency of Messages Shared by Supportive Figures Reported by Students of Color and Their White Counterparts Students of Color White Students Source Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Pearson Chi- df Sig. Square Sharing 20 35.7 54 42.9 .820 1 .365 Experiences No Response 15 26.8 15 11.9 6.236 1 .013 143 APPENDIX M: Between-Group Differences in Frequency of Sources Influential to Perceived Behavioral Control Table 29. Chi-square Test of Difference of Proportions of Frequency of Sources of Influence on Perceptions of Ease to Study Abroad Reported for Students of Color and White Students Students of Color White Students Pearson Chi- Source Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Square Sig. Parents 11 19.6 26 20.6 0.024 0.878 Family 10 17.9 22 17.5 0.004 0.948 School 6 10.7 10 7.9 0.373 0.541 Friends and peers 5 8.9 10 7.9 0.05 0.822 Self 4 7.1 11 8.7 0.129 0.719 No response 3 5.4 9 7.1 0.201 0.654 No one 2 3.6 5 4 0.017 0.898 Social Media 2 3.6 7 5.6 0.325 0.569 Professors and 2 3.6 4 3.2 0.019 0.89 Teachers Unspecified 2 3.6 5 4 0.017 0.898 News 1 1.8 0 0 2.262 0.133 Significant Other 1 1.8 4 3.2 0.28 0.597 144 APPENDIX N: Between-Group Differences in Ways to Make Studying Abroad Easier Table 30. 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