r-i— -p•• p-;-, *O.AAJ A ’r " •w > CT•.a'^ < \•" > T-^ ^Ai^* ‘ Tkr* r” !*r '^*** . « « AA • ' w «0 « k i —. I v * .i ——v . . _ ~ L «i * . * O. . by I.1ARUZL ALERS -MONTALVO ch I-'* A THESIS tted to the School of Graduate Studies of LZichigan ate College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR C3T 1H1LCSGP1IT Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1953 aciutc v/i z d g s m h m t s Since this report is the culmination of my work as a student at Michigan State College, I wish first to publicly acknowledge my gratitude to John Collier, formerly of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and now of the City College of 1’ew York. It was John Collier who was responsible for my coming to Michigan State College. Bor that, as well as for ideas and friendship, I feel most indebted. This study was made possible by two research assistantships, one from Michigan State College, the other from the Interamerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences. To Drs. Charles P. Loomis and Julio C. Morales, as representatives of these two institutions, I v/ish to express my gratitude. To them also go my thanks for having read the manuscript and offered valuable suggestions. Dr. John Useem has contributed in no small measure, perhaps more than he realizes, to the theoretical orien­ tation of the study. Although the study v/as not originally done under his supervision, he gave freely of his time to make it more theoretically meaningful. To Dr. Olen Leonard, under whom the study originally started, I wish to express my sincere thanks. Unfortunately, he had to leave Costa Hica as the field work in San Juan I'orte was to start and as a consequence I could not use fully his experience on Latin America. He has, however, read ii the manuscript and offered valuable suggestions. Professors Brookover, Gibson, Hoffer, Scheele and Clifford, from the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, and Irofessor Lawrence .!• Vfitt from the Department of Agricultural Economics, of I.Iichigan State College, have read the manuscript and offered valuable suggestions. To them I v/ant to express my sincere thanks. I an deeply in debt to the staff of the Department of Economics and Aural Life at the Interamerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences, v/ith whom I was connected during ny 11-nonth stay in Costa Rica. The help provided by llessrs. Antonio I.:. Arce, Sdwin Llurillo, Cristobal Vega, ITarciso Arce, Roberto Sasso, Rodrigo Umana, Juvenal Valerio and hiss Ines Stone was invaluable and is duly appreciated. Hr. Donald Rieder, from the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, has edited this report. Vor the editing, as v/ell as for valuable suggestions on the content of the report, I feel most indebted. Last, but not least, come the people of San Juan Norte— and especially Don I.Iacario Puentes I'artInez and Don Alvaro Juentes Ramos— v/ith whom I shared six months of my life. Their courtesy and pood will know no bounds and for their generous assistance I shall always be grateful. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction A* Background for the problem, B, The problem General problem: Tt'./hy people accept and r esist, changes in the fields of agriculture, health and nutrition G . Sub-pro b 1e n s : 1. An ethnographic report of San Juan I'lorte, 2. The changes, if any, that had occurred in the last tv/o years in selected practices in agriculture, health and nutrition, 3. Hie avenues, formal or informal, through Y/hich these changes v;erc attempted or accomplished, 4. Hie images villagers had of agents or agencies of change. 5. An analysis of a process cf cultural change, v/ith specific practices (see sub-problem 2 , above) as points of focus Page 6. Son© theoretical principles con­ cerning cultural change. 7. 10 The possibilities of using the rural teacher as a change agent ' in so-called underdeveloped 10 areas• Chapter II. IMethods of Irocedure 12 A. Relevant literature. 12 B. Selection of the community. 12 C. A schedule for school teachers. D. Interviews v/ith other change agents. R. P. G. 14 15 A schedule for male heads of f and 1 y . 15 A schedule for the housewife. 18 Additional schedules on occu­ pation, the family and religion. 19 II. Actual entry into the community. 19 I. A conference v/ith the people. 21 I. Schedules for intensive inter­ views on three selected practices. 23 II. Judges and interviews on status. 28 L. Informal techniques. 31 II. Analysis. 32 Page Chapter III. San Juan ITorte: A. A Peasant Village The land and the people. 33 1. Location 33 2. The population 39 3. Cultural characteristics: the round of life. B. 33 41 The economy 42 1. Land-tenure system 42 a. Ownership 42 b. Acquisition 43 c. Operation 46 d. Some consequences of the system. 47 2. Type of farming. 49 3. Division of labor. 52 4. Attitudes toward land and farming and some agricultural agencies. C. 54 The family 59 1. The local family. 60 2. Kinship lines beyond the 3. village. 64 Courtship and marriage. 65 Page Religion 67 1. Religious structure 68 2. Religion and daily life 69 3* Religion and recreation 71 4. Religion and the crises of life 5, 76 Religion and a neaning of life. 80 Education 81 1. The school and the teacher 81 2• The hone 84 3. The church 86 4. Other sources of education 86 Government 87 Stratification 90 1. Occupation and v/ealth 92 2* Power 93 3. Social class strati­ (leadership) fication 95 Level of living 98 1. Diet. 98 2. Health. 99 3. Housing. 104 4. Clothing. 104 Page Chanter IV. 106 An Analysis of Cultural Change A The history of the study of cultural change. 106 B. Theoretical framework 113 C. Practices in agriculture 117 1. Chlordane: A success in a conscious attempt at change. 2 . Home vegetable gardens: 117 A failure in a conscious attempt 130 at change• 3. 10J sugar cane: A spontaneous change in an agricultural 4* Chanter V. practice. 143 Summary and conclusions. 150 D. Theoretical conclusions 155 E. Practical conclusions 163 General Summary and Conclusions 172 A. General summary. 177 B* Conclusions 179 Selected Bibliography Appendix: The schedules. 182 186 TABLES Number Title Page Characteristics of a Village Universe Relevant for the Selection of Judges, 1953 29 2. Characteristics of Selected Judges, 1953* 30 3. Age and Sex Pyramid, San Juan Norte, 1953. 39 4. Distribution of Landholding in San Juan Norte, 1953. 43 Patterns of Acquisition of Land in San Juan Norte, 1953. 46 1. 5. 6. Pams Beyond San Juan Norte, 1953. 7. Land Use in San Juan Norte, 8. 'fork Status of Eldest Hales, 1953. 53 9. Sources of Information on Agriculture, San Juan Norte, 1953 56 10. Age and Harital Status, San Juan. Norte, 1953 66 11. Leadership Structure of San Juan Norte, 1953 94 12. Parasitic Infection, Turrialba, 1951 100 13. Consumption of Vegetables by Family in San Juan Norte, 1953. 137 "Cultural" Reasons Given for not Cultivating Gardens, San Juan Norte, 1953. 140 Technical Reasons Given for not Cultivating Gardens, San J”uan Norte, 1953. 141 14. 15. 1953. 48 49 I1I1JSTRATICNS Title I.:ap of Costa Rica Page 36 Lap of The Larger Community of Turrialba 37 Map of San Juan ITorte 38 Family 61 Structure of San Juan ITorte Program, for the Corpus Christi-San Isidro Festival 75 Visiting Among Families in San Juan ITorte, Turrialba, Costa Rica* £6 I. A. INTRODUCTION Background for the problem For the past six years, there has been a cooperative agreement between the Inter-American Institute of Agri­ cultural Sciences (IAIAS) and Michigan State College (L1SC), whereby the Turrialba area of Costa Rica serves as "a field laboratory for sociological and anthropological re­ search and a training ground for area specialists." At the same time the agreement enables the Institute to take advantage of the "extensive resource of technical personnel from the staff at MSC,rt and to train some of its personnel \ at the college. This cooperative work is carried out through the Department of Economics and Rural Life of IAIAS. It is primarily concerned with the Community Development Program which came to life six years ago. The general objective of this program is to "ascertain the most effective means of stimulating community development through education, 1 conceived in its broadest meaning." Answers to two fun­ damental questions are being sought through the research that is being carried out: ment occur? 1------- (b) (a) How does community develop­ How can one stimulate community develop,i i ■ ... ■— "Community Development" is conceived of as "the process by which the individuals of a community secure the fullest possible expression of their personalities through indi­ vidual and group action." See Julio 0. Morales, Community Development Program. Unpublished paper, Turrialba, C* R« s 2 ment by educational means? In actual operation, there is an implicit assumption in the program to the effect that "raising* the levels of living of a community is tantamount to the 2 "development" of a community. Since it was necessary to have some basic information on the community of Turrialba (the object of investigation at IAIAS), several studies were conducted by IAIAS and luSC personnel. In cooperation with the National Census Office of Costa Rica, a population and agricultural census of the first district of the Turrialba canton v/as undertaken in 1948. In that same year a sociological survey v/as carried out in the Turrialba area, in v/hich a sample of 519 rural and 148 town families was studied. A study of social strat3 ification in Turrialba City v/as undertaken in 1950. In 1949 a health study was made. Another, a nutrition study, v/as made in 1950, and in 1951 a medico-clinical study was completed. A sample of 137 rural families was investigated in each of these separate but related studies. The findings from these studies provided the factual basis for an educational program — cation" — 2 > ' ■ - > ■ the "Project of Edu­ which the Department undertook in 1950. The pro- i Dr. Morales, in a recent talk with the writer, conceives of community development as the "growth" which occurs when individuals or groups of people become aware of "problems," study alternatives for the solution of those problems and freely decide among themselves either to choose any alter­ native or to refrain from acting in relation to them. Awareness of "problems" and deoision-making are assumed to contribute to "growth" or development of individuals and/or groups• 3See Sakari Sariola, Social Class and Social Mobility in a Costa Rican Town, unpublished !ph.b. thesis, lAlAS, Turrialba, C. k . , 1952. gram v/as based on the assumption that the rural teacher, in addition to teaching in the school, could be efficiently used as a change agent to bring about certain changes in the communities — changes which the IAIAS considered urgent after analysis of the above-mentioned studies. It was also assumed that these desired changes would contribute to the development of the community. The IAIAS, in cooperation with the Costa Rican Ministry of Education, instituted a training course for teachers late in 1950, Twenty-four rural teachers v/ere selected for a two-month course, which was to give basic information on agriculture, health and nutrition, at the same time the teachers were to be given sufficient orientation in the communitiy to make them effective change agents, Basic infor­ mation bn health v/as offered by a local public health physician from the Ministry of Health. Under health were included such subjects as nutrition and health, common diseases and their treatment and prevention, child care and auxiliary first aid, A home economist from the Extension Department of the Ministry of Agriculture was in charge of providing information on "hone improvement", which included such topics as the preparation of new dishes. An extension agent from IAIAS demonstrated how the rural home could be "improved" in its physical appearance, and sanitary facili­ ties. Information on agriculture came from a professor from IAIAS, who stressed the cultivation of home vegetable gardens, soil conservation practices and the use of ferti­ lizers. The role of 4-S clubs (the equivalent of 4-H clubsjjg 4 in the United States} was explained by the national director of 4-S clubs. The pedagogical aspect of the training course v/as handled by personnel from the Ministry of Education. A re­ view of the audio-visual method of reading was undertaken, v/ith emphasis on rural themes as didactic material. The "community orientation" cf the whole jjrogram — that is, how teachers could be made into effective change agents in the several villages — a sociologist. was undertaken by Teachers were given information on community organization and structure, on leadership patterns (especially on the effective use of leaders) and on the use of formal and informal groups as aids in bringing about change. It was realized that two months v/as a very short time for the objectives of the program. As a result it was arranged that all the teachers who participated in the pro­ gram were to be visited periodically by IAIAS education personnel. They were also to meet, as a group, every month for a sharing of experiences. 4 After the training period the teachers were sent to ten communities in the Turrialba area, the area previously selected for the experii&ent*. Eight of these communities were called "experimental* villages, the others "semi2-------------------- _____ — Eduardo Arze Loureiro, El Maestro Y La Eduoacion Y Organization De La Comunidad Rural. unpublished pamphlet *£urrlalfca, 6. k •, IAIA&, 5 experimental"• The basis for classifying & community as experimental or semi-experimental v/as the relative amount of basic information on population, health and nutrition for each community. Those communities in which IAIAS surveys — sociological, health and nutrition, and medico-clinical examinations — had been conducted were classified as experi­ mental; those communities in which these IAIAS surveys had not been made were classified as semi-experimental. In the past, agricultural extension students from the Department of Economics and Rural Life (commonly referred to as "The Department") have regularly done extension work in several villages in and beyond the Turrialba area. It v/as assumed that they had introduced changes in the communi­ ties they had visited. Late in September of 1952 a new unit, called the Evaluation Project, was set up in the Department, v/ith the task of finding out -the consequences of the presence, of the newly trained teachers in the several communities. The present study developed in connection with this Evaluation Project.6 B. The problem General problem; In the past, rural teachers, IAIAS extension students and other agents or agencies of c hange Ibid., p. 0. g The project is under the leadership of MT. Antonio XI* Arce, a graduate from Kichigan State College* 6 (the local county extension agent, the local health officer, the local hospital, the newspapers) have attempted to intro­ duce new practices or to modify existing ones in a variety of communities * It would follow logically that people had accepted or rejected, either in part or completely, some of these changes. The main task of the investigation which was undertaken in the village of San Juan Norte, broadly con­ ceived, was to find out "Why people accept, and resist, changes in the fields of agriculture, health and nutrition." Sub-problems; The general problem was subdivided, for clarity in the research design, Into the seven sub-problems which are discussed below* Nos* 2, 3, 5 and 6 — general problem. Some of these sub-problems -- are logical corollaries of the Sub-problem 1 provides the socio-cultural background for an understanding of a process of cultural change as exhibited in the village. 1* An ethnographic report of the village of San Juan ITorte. An ethnographic report was considered necessary for three principal reasons. First, a description of the village as it was during the time of this study will provide a comparative situation for later studies. The theoretical assumptions here are simply that change (and attempts to introduce change) will eventually be reflected in the ethnographic structure of the village. Later ethnographic investigations can then be measured against this one, the differences reflecting the possibilities of cultural change. Secondly, it is expected that San Juan Norte will be subjected to specific attempts at community development. 7 An ethnographic report should provide a clearer picture of village organization, bringing out certain variables which v/ould otherwise remain hidden and which could be of importance to future attempts at introducing change. The third reason for the ethnographic report was to provide a total picture of the village at the time of the study, including as many variables as possible, so that if a practice was accepted or rejected some idea of the reason for its acceptance or rejection could be established by re­ ferral to' the cultural system portrayed in the ethnographic report. 2. The changes. if any, that had occurred in the last two years in selected practices in agriculture, health and nutrition. In the field of agriculture, practices were selected in such areas as soil conservation, new varieties in crops which already existed, cattle-raising, the use of insecti­ cides and the use of fertilizers; In health, practices such as boiling drinking water and visits to the physician; in nutrition, practices dealing with diet. Changes in these selected practices would serve as an Index of change. span of two years was selected for two reasons: 1) A time The experiment v/ith school teachers had been going on for two - ----------- A graduate student from Colombia plans an economic study of the village* 8 years, and 2) changes taking place within two years would be fresher in the minds of villagers than long-time changes. The avenues. formal or informal. through which these changes were attempted or accomplished. In this instance, an attempt has been made to determine mechanisms or agents of change, such as, the teacher, the local extension agent, newspapers, magazines, the radio, and Informal (“word of mouth") contacts. 4. The images villagers had of agents or agencies of change. Much has been said about the importance in cultural change of the "Images" the recipients of change have of the donors of change. Under the assumption that images are of crucial importance, it was thought desirable to discover the villagers• conception of those agents or agencies whose main function is to "benefit" them. More will be revealed about the crucial nature of images in sub-problem 6. 5. An analysis of a process of cultural change, with specific practices (see sub-problem 2, above) as points of fo cus. For the purposes of this study, culture is taken to' mean the standardized ways that a group has of perceiving things or situations, of thinking and of feeling about them and of acting towards them. The prevailing way of life of the group, the habits, is the culture of that group. Things material or non-material, such as a variety of c o m or a conception of a deity— are considered of importance in so far as they serve as points of focus for clusters of habits, 9 for segments of the total culture. Culture is to be analytically separated from "society," which term refers to the group itself — that i s , to the group of individuals who possess that culture. By the pro­ cess of cultural change is meant the .dynamics of all the factors, or variables, which are interrelated and work with each other to change standardized ways of doing things, Q perceiving things and so forth. This is to be contrasted with social change, which is taken to mean changes in the structure of society (that is, changes in the arrangement of positions in society). Put in other words, a group may remain the same in structure, yet its way of doing things— its culture— may change,^ The present field investigation is concerned mainly v/ith cultural change, that is, change in habits, rather than with social change, that is, change in the structure of society. The interests of the present investigation are not with "a" process of cultural change as such, assuming such an The process of cultural change involves human or social action. Ideally, then, a complete analysis of it should consider parsons four criteria for defining social action: ends of the action, means for accomplishing it, norms which govern the use of those means, and the conditions under v/hich the action takes place. (See T. Parsons, The Structure of Social Action, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free tresS, i94§, passim. ®For a conceptual 1 differentiation of social structure and social organization, see Gordon Brown and James H. Barnett, "Social Organization and Social Structure," American Anthropologist. 44, pp. 31ff. See J. H. Steward, Area Research: Its“ Praotioe, New York: Social Soienoe Research dou bin 63, 1950, pp. 98ff• 10 investigation were possible, but with "processes” in cultural change. No attempt v/as made to investigate probable changes in the general areas of family organization, religion, edu­ cation, etc. IvSoreover, it v/as felt that research into cultural change is facilitated by confining the investigation to changes, over a defined unit of time, in the habits which are associated with specific cultural items. Thus, specific practices in agriculture and health-nutrition were selected for analysis, rather than the mere presence or absence of certain items. Some theoretical principles concerning cultural change. An attempt to point out the practical applications v/hich these principles may have for action programs. 7* The possibilities of using the rural teacher as a change agent in so-called under-developed areas. In many of the so-called under-developed areas of the world the rural teacher is one of the most important con­ tacts between village institutions and city-national insti­ tutions* The potentialities for using him as an effective change agent, either in a direct oapacity or as a catalyst n for bringing about change, are realized by many. The Department of Economics and Rural Life (IAIAS) is attempting to make the best use of the teacher for realizing some of the ^ T t has been roughly estimated by the Department of Economics and Rural Life that there are about 300,000 rural teachers and from 5,000 to 6,000 agricultural extension agents in Latin America. (Anuario Estadistioo Latlnoamerioano. published in Argentina). 11 ends the Department deems desirable. An attempt will be made to analyze (1) what the teacher has been able to do, (2) the conditions under which he has worked and (3) the possibilities for using him most effectively. 12 II. A. LIETHODS OF PROCEDURE Relevant Literature Reading of the technical literature in the area of social and cultural change had already been undertaken be­ fore arriving in Costa R i c a .1 Such research v/as continued during the preliminary stages of the field work. 2 Furthermore, the author has made a serious attempt to see Costa Hican life as it is seen through Costa Rican eyes. hovels and' essays v/ritten" by Costa Rican authors v/ere read as additional sources for information on the customs of the 3 country. Considerable insights into Costa Rican culture have been gained through such reading, since many'writers portray national customs which might otherwise be overlooked by an investigator net native to the country. 3* Selection of the community IAIAS investigations among the eight experimental and tv/o semi-experimental villages have revealed tv/o distinct types of villages: the village of small proprietors and the village of hacienda workers. A third type, a sort of hybrid, occurs when a village contains both small and medium pro­ prietors and elements of the hacienda type. This typology See selected Bibliography, numbers 4, 18, 19, 31, 38, 45, 49 2See selected Bibliography, numbers 1, 6 , 12, 13, 14, 16, 24, 25, 37, 43, 44, 46, 47. 3 See selected BIbliograph 3r, numbers 2, 8 , 10. 13 emerged from Information regarding type of farming, land tenure, means of communication and levels of living* The selection of the area for this report ’.mg, of course, primarily determined by these IAIAS investigations: it would be one of the villages on which there was a maximum of information and in which some IAIAS work had been done* was necessary for two reasons: This limitations of time made previously obtained information important, and IAIAS work within the village made possible the selection of well-de­ fined practices for the study. The original plan of this study called for a com­ parison of two similar villages, one from the eight IAIAS experimental villages and one, a control, from outside the Turrialba area. Since, however, information on villages out of the Turrialba area was meager, It was necessary to revise the approach. The second plan called for an intensive study of one of the small proprietor villages, followed, if time permitted, by an equal study of an hacienda village. Both were to be selected from the eight IAIAS experimental villages. At a future date one or more control villages would be selected and compared to the community or communi­ ties investigated in this phase of the study. Limitations of time forced the postponement of the study of the hacienda type village^ with the result that this a — — —— — — — — — — ------------- The village of Pavas, a clear-cut example of the hacienda type, was selected as the second village. In size and degree of isolation it very olosely resembles San Juan Norte• 14 report Is based on San J\ian Norte, the village selected from the small proprietor type. San J’uan Norte was selected because it was a clear-cut example of a village of small proprietors. Its population v/as fairly small and therefore it v/as possible to become acquainted with all the families in the village. C. A schedule for school teachers Since it v/as knov/n that the teachers had attempted to bring about cultural change in the local villages, and one of the problems of this study was to assess the consequences of these attempts at change, a schedule was constructed to be administered to the teachers (see Appendix). It was decided to ask all teachers, in both the experimental and semi-experimental villages, what practices they had attempted to introduce in agriculture, nutrition, health, housing, clothing and "communal organization.” 5 They were also asked to list those practices they considered successfully intro­ duced and those which had been failures. This schedule gave some basic Idea of what to include in a later general schedule on practices. Since this general schedule on practices was to be administered to samples from the many villages in the Turrialba area, only those practices v/ere selected from the teachers* schedule which had been commonly stressed by all teachers, regardless of whether the teacher had succeeded or failed In the attempt to introduce them, fe" ' "r~.. 111 "Communal Organization" was a catch-all term designated to include items such as the creation of clubs (agriculture, housewife, music, sports, etc.) attendance at village festivals, and so forth. 15 D. Interviews with other change agents In addition to ascertaining those changes brought about by the teacher, it v/as necessary to investigate probable changes resulting from contact v/ith other agents or agencies of change. To this effect, it v/as necessary to contact the local agricultural extension agent on practices in agriculture which his agency had stressed in the local villages. 'Among those interviewed v/as an agricultural extension agent who formerly had worked in the Turrialba area. Two home economists, both of whom were, or had been, connected with the work of IAXAS in the Turrialba area were also interviewed. With this information, and that previously obtained on practices which are common (and which had been stressed by change agents) in agriculture, health, nutrition, clothing, housing and community organization, it v/as possible to construct two major schedules — one for male heads of family, and another for housewives. E. A schedule for male heads of family In the construction of the schedule (which eventually will be administered to samples from villages in the Turrialba area in addition to its use in San J\ian Norte) the basic interest lay in ascertaining whether certain selected practices were followed in agriculture, health, nutrition, housing and communal organization. It was also important to know how long (if at all) the villagers had been following these practices and to discover the "source* of the practice. If the practice v/as not followed, It v/as necessary to ascertain whether the informant had ever heard about it, and from whom. Open questions were included to discover probable changes in practices not revealed through the questions on specific practices. Again, the interest was in the time and source of the change. The eventual correlation of several factors with the acceptance or rejection of practices is of considerable importance. Among such factors are mobility, both of the family as a unit and of the male head, prestige of the individual, present economic position and feeling of having descended or ascended in the economic scale. For example: Are the most mobile families and persons more receptive to new practices? Are the persons with the most prestige more receptive to change? Are those economically better off more receptive to change? Since the schedule has been used in only one village, and the number of cases is relatively small, answers to the questions stated above will have to wait for additional work in the Turrialba area, Questions were also asked which would elicit infor­ mation on the avenues through which villagers get infor­ mation in the fields of agriculture, health, etc. For example, what was the influence of newspapers, the radio or magazines in the acquisition of new information? Since one of the sub-problems was investigating the possibilities of using the teacher as a change agent in rural communities, a section Xmagen del Rol del Maestro (p« S3 of the schedule) was included. In addition several questions on the role of the teacher were asked in other sections of the schedule* 6 The schedule was also directed at discovering if inform­ ants were aware of problems in the special areas of agri­ culture, health, etc* Were any "needs" felt by villagers? Presumably felt need would eventually lead to cultural change « The schedule for male heads of family was primarily concerned with changes in agriculture; in the schedule for the housewife changes in health and nutrition practices were stressed. 7 The male head of family schedule was pretested twice in villages other than San Juan Norte: before use in San J\ian Norte. It was then revised, In the field work at this village several questions were omitted from the schedule* This was done for several reasons: (a) it was thought that other, more informal techniques were better suited for parts of the investigation; (b) some of the questions seemed not to elicit the type of information in which we were interested Q while others simply were not understood by villagers* ^See Questions 4©, 50, 62, 63, 68, 69. rj It should be noted here that this schedule will only permit conclusions on whether or not certain practices are followed in certain areas of agriculture. It will also permit de­ duction as to whether or not these practices are of recent origin and if they are, what the source was for their adoption. Although open questions were included which pre­ sumably would take care of practices which were not selected there is a strong possibility that other changes have occurred which have not been revealed by the schedule* (See Questions 27, 34, 46). 8Questions 48, 52, 61, 67, 74, 89 were tried first, but dis­ continued when they seemed not to work. The responses to Questions 79, 80 and 81 were too irregular to be of much value. Questions 75, 76 and 77 were not used at all. la The schedule was administered to 47 male heads of the 60 families in San Juan Norte. There were two refusals; three male heads were unavailable; three lived in the same household with other kin, and worked in the same task as they (in this case only one male head was interviewed); one was feeble-minded; the male heads of four families were dead. F. A schedule for the housewife In constructing the schedule for the housewife (see Appendix) the orientation was the same as in the case of that for the male head of family: the major interest was in finding out if certain selected practices were followed in health, nutrition, housing and clothing. If they were followed, the schedule was aimed at determining when they had started and the source for the practices. Practioally, the only difference between the two schedules is that one (male head of family) stresses practices in agriculture, while the other (housewife) stresses practices in health, nutrition, clothing and housing. Like the schedule for the male head of family, the housewife schedule was pre-tested twice, revised— several Q questions were omitted— and then used in San Juan Norte* It was administered to 45 housewives • (Four house­ wives lived with other kin, there were three refusals, six were unavailable and two female heads of family were deceased). Questions 2d, 31, 41, 51, 64 were not used. The information on Questions 42, 43 and 44 was sketohy. Answers to Questions 56, 57, 58 were too irregular to be of much value. 19 G. Additional schedules on occupation, the fa^l1y and religion The schedule Tor the male head of family was supplemented with some additional questions on occupation, especially labor mobility (places of work, and whether the informant had remained away from the village). Another question was asked on the male head’s extended family, e.g., his brothers who lived beyond the village, their place of residence, dates of departure and whether regular contacts were had with them. (See Appendix) The schedule for the housewife was supplemented with some questions on the family and on religion. On the family, it v/as felt necessary to obtain information on ritual kinship (God-parents) in the village; in the religious ♦ field on church attendance, on the practice of evening prayers and on promesas (a form of a debt contracted with saints in exchange for some "help" from the saint). (See Appendix). H. Actual entry into the community^ In one of the preliminary visits to San Juan Norte, one of the villagers (the son of a highly-esteemed farmer) had expressed a desire that someone take an interest in the community and make a study of its history. It was his opinion that such a study would be welcomed by the villagers I S ---------------------------------------- In the interests of making specific some of the types of problems encountered in the field, the following two sections wHn and "I" have been prepared directly from the field log kept by the author. 20 and that it would be of benefit to them. He reasoned that through such a study the village would become known to out­ siders, and villagers, from both the present and future generations, would know something about their history. Later, when San Juan Norte was selected for study an education ex­ tension student from IAI.AS and 1 communicated the news to several village leaders; one of whom was the father of the villager who had suggested that someone study San Juan Norte* The news was well received. Almost immediately it was de­ cided that I sleep in the villagefs parochial house. There was some difficulty in finding a suitable place for meals but finally it was decided that X board at the home of the farmer whose son had originally suggested the study. X arrived in San Juan Norte in the middle of the rainy season. It had been raining incessantly for several days, and since there was not much visiting I could do in the rain, I remained indoors most of the time. I did consider­ able informal talking with the family with which I was boarding. Since, presumably, X was interested in village history, I asked my host to introduce me to several of the old village residents and visited them several times for the aforementioned purpose. In one of my preliminary visits to the village (to attend the celebration of the patron saint), I had taken some colored pictures of the village and its people. I took these slides with me to the village and showed them to villagers. People were very interested in seeing them, sine© they* were the first colored slides that they had ever seen. Word spread, and through these slides I became better known to the people. X also took black and white pictures of villagers presented them with copies, which were received with interest. Since the rain was excessive and the dirt roads were bad during my first month in San JUan Norte, X did no formal visiting during this time, beyond those villagers with whom I was already acquainted. About one month after my arrival in San Juan Norte, the two schedules, for the male head of family, and for the housewife, had been pretested, revised and were ready for use in the village. A set of questions was also added on occupation, the family, and religion. I. A conference with the people The actual administration of the schedules took a little over two months. The male head of family was interviewed after 2:30 in the afternoon; the housewife the following morning, after having asked permission from her husband. The interviews were proceeding without any difficulty; out­ wardly there was no sign of resentment. However, in the last round of interviews one of the local leaders called on the IAIAS educational extension student and said that rumors questioning the good faith of the study were going around the village. This leader said that several people had approached him and complained because the housewives were "being bothered with a lot of questions" — in reality the housewife*s schedule was rather short (about half an hour) 22 but there were several questions on religious practices* The leader said that some people were saying the study was going to be "used in the United States," and so forth* This leader took the position that he knew that the villagers' attitude was the product of "ignorance" but said that he was at a loss as to what to tell villagers who came before him, since he himself did not know exactly the purpose of the study. This information did not come to the author's knowl­ edge until two weeks after it had been communicated to the extension student. be interviewed* In the meantime one villager refused to Another, though willing to be interviewed himself, said that his wife refused. Since I was to remain in the village for one or two additional months, to finish the last round of interviews and also to do some further intensive interviewing on selected practices, I thought it wise to call a village meeting and to explain to the community the reasons for the two schedules— especially the reasons for certain touchy questions— and what X had yet to do. It was thought wise to try and dispel the fears regarding the supposedly antireligious nature of the study and its "transfer" to the U.S.A. I communicated this plan for a conference to several village leaders and there was unanimous approval. Their enthusiasm and their comments suggested to me that there had been apprehension about the study even on the part of the leaders* I also consulted the local teacher, who said that several families had approached him with fears about the study. He suggested that the school send out invitations 23 for the meeting to parents. The local priest, in Turrialba City, was approached in relation to the study (although he had previously been notified about it by TATAR personnel. A meeting was called for a Sunday afternoon, in the galeron of the San Juan church. Attendance was quite high; heads of family from all sections of the village, leaders and non-leaders, attended. I was very frank with them; explaining my Spanish-American background and stressing at all times commonness with them. I explained my status at the IAJAS and at LSC and emphasized explicitly my respect for their way of life. I also tried to impress upon them my assimilation of some cultural traits of the village. was a discussion period afterwards. There From the point of view of improving relations— of increasing rapport with villagers— the conference was eminently successful. The comments that I heard about it later were very favorable; some of the jokes which X used at that time were even repeated in several households which I visited later. It is very probable, I think, that if this conference had taken place at the beginning of the study, if the teacher had been consulted more explicitly and if the priest had been positively aligned with the study, the crisis situation would not have arisen. J. Schedules for Intensive interviews on three selected practices A preliminary analysis of the male head and the house­ wife schedules revealed the almost unanimous adoption of the use of an insecticide (chlordane) for combating ants. gg| Apparently this practice had "been Introduced by IAIAS agri­ cultural extension students* This practice was then selected for intensive study* In a similar fashion, It was found that although the cultivation of vegetable gardens had been stressed by several agents, the rural teacher being one of them, villagers had almost unanimously by-passed or rejected the practice. study. This practice was also selected for It was also found that all villagers who cultivated sugar cane had spontaneously adopted a new variety (i'roefstation cost Java or P.O.J.). selected for further study. This practice was also The selection of these three practices was arbitrary, two of them, the use of chlordane and the rejection of vegetable gardens, were selected be­ cause they presented clear-cut cases of success or failure in the introduction of practices; the other, the use of the P.O.J. variety of sugar cane, because it represented a clearcut case of spontaneous cultural change. It was decided that intensive interviews, covering each of the three practices, be conducted on samples randomly selected from the local population. schedules were constructed. To this effect, three (The theoretical orientation v/hich gave rise to the questions and the hypotheses which v/ere set up are fully explained on pp. The universe for the practice of chlordane (which will be designated by "a") was the 46 male heads of family for whom there was a questionnaire; it was assumed that everyone in the village used chlordane. The universe for the practice 25 of vegetable gardens (b) was the 35 male heads of family who had heard about the importance of cultivating vegetable gardens, regardless of whether or not they had a garden. The universe for PCI sugar cane wm A MVHN s$*u »a AxtartW't ■ IHWM lf*M ....MMMM Sm I m $•* 39 2* The population* The village has a population of 8 There is a 336 persons, with more males than females preponderance of the young; old persons are relatively few. (See Table 3). Although one may notice traces of non- Caucasian characteristics in some members of the community, (yet, for the purposes of this study, and as it seems to be defined by the community,) the population is predominately white. This coincides with the prevailing Caucasian racial pattern of Costa Rica. Table 3* Age and Sex Pyramid, San Juan Norte, 1953 d 85-90 80-84 MANE 1 75-79 [' 70-74 FEMALE 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5- 9 0- 4 I 10 S 8 7 6 5 4 Per Cent 3 2 1 0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Per Cent See schedule for male heads of family, p. 2. 10 40 The present villagers are, in the majority of cases, the descendants of a few families v/ho came from El Tejar, a village in the province of Cartago, about 80 years ago# (See map of Costa Rica, p. 3 6 )• These original families v/ere closely related through "blood" and marriage. One may expect, therefore, the population of San Juan Norte to be a very homogeneous and stable one. About 61 percent of the male and 64 percent of the female heads of families have been born in the village. Non-natives have, generally speaking, resided in the village for long periods of time. g Cut-migration of native-born male heads of family is minimal. Only one family v/hose male head was a native villager moved away from the village during the seven months of this study. Another native family moved av/ay three years previous to the study; still another six years ago. I.Ii- gration of single individuals is also infrequent. Although houses are widely scattered there is close interaction among the villagers and the feeling of community, the "we-feeling", is very strong. This is dramatically shown in times of crises (death, for example), when the village as a whole participates in whatever ceremonies there may be. However, there is no feeling of apartness from Turrialba City, the "center” as it is called. Turrialba is regarded as a sort of extension of the village.10 9See questions 4 and 5 in the male head’s schedule; 1-2, in the housewife’s schedule. 10Villagers were asked to name the places that they had visited the previous month; practically no one mentioned Turrialba except when asked directly about it. 41 3. Cultural characteristic: The round of life. Villagers get up between four and five in the morning. By six, males are already in the fields; females have already done many household chores, and a few children are already v^aiting in front 'Of the school for the teacher to appear. Lunch time comes at nine, ten, or eleven, depending on when breakfast was eaten. The meal is eaten in the field or at home, depending on how close to home one is working. Coffee is always drunk between one and_two in the afternoon, and supper is served between four and five. In the afternoons, after four, if the weather permits, many of the youth of the village congregate in the athletic court for daily soccer practice.3”*' After dark some of them move on to the village store where they remain until seven or eight, talking. By six, windows and doors of many homes are already closed. People retire between seven and nine, but not before having recited prayers. On Sundays economic activity is minimal and most of the male population flocks to mass in Turrialba City. Since this custom of coming down to Turrialba seems to prevail in the several villages of Turrialba, Sunday is more than a day of prayer. It is a day when villagers meet relatives and friends from other villages. It is also a market day, vftien villagers buy groceries for the coming week. San.juanenos are back in the village by one in the afternoon* Many ^Since this report was written the athletic court (The Plaza), which was not communally owned, was closed by its owner. Almost immediately villagers took the necessary steps and a flew Plaza has been acquired. villagers congregate then in the soccer court, or plaza. as it is called, for soccer practice. Occasionally games are played with teams from Turrialba City or from some neighboring village. This daily rhythm of life is conditioned by the harvest­ ing of crops and by the weather. In the months of September, October and November every able-bodied person, old and young, male and female, piclcs coffee from early in the morning until late in the afternoon. This period coincides with the rainy season, and therefore every single dry moment is taken advantage of. Hany times the family has to remain indoors for the whole day, even for most of the week, on account of the rain. V/hen the villagers are not picking coffee, they are engaged in hauling the product— using their backs or pack horses— to the recibidores. or coffee assembly points. Prom January or February until June or July sugar cane is harvested and is brought down to Turrialba in oxcarts. B. The economy I'an^ tenure system a. Ownership San Juan Norte is a village of small proprietors. Over 12 50 per cent of the farms contain less than 5 manzanas♦ The mean size of farms is 6*73 manzanas^. are landless. Very few families There are three relatively large landoivners who have encroached on what was once part of the village and manzana equals 1.727 aores. 43 who possess land in the very midst of the village, but they are absentee landlords and are not defined as members of the community. (See Table 4). A few others have small farms in the village. Table 4. Distribution of Landholding in San Juan Norte, 1953 Size of Farm Number of Owners Less than 1 nan sana .................. 7 1-4 18 5-9 10 10 -14 3 15 -19 2 20 -29 3 30 and o v e r ..... ••••....... 1 TOTAL.... 44 Acquisition The original settlers were landless peasants who both tilled the soil as laborers and worked as brickmakers in El Tejar, Cartago. The senior member of this incoming group possessed, however, a few acres of land in El Tejar. Apparently they followed the migrating stream leading to the Turrialba area. They bought small farms in the present location of the village, gradually enlarging them through the acquisition of new land in present San Jtian Norte, in what nov; is Colorado and in San Juan Sur. However, farms remained 44 quite small; only one of the original settlers ever reached a maximum of 200 acres of land, ?/hen the pioneers arrived in San Juan there were already a few families from Cartago living in the place. Since land became relatively scarce in San Juan Norte as it was acquired by the settlers, but was still abundant in other regions of the Turrialba area, some of the pioneers migrated from San Juan Norte and went to what are today Sitio Llata, Santa Rosa, Colorado, Pavones, La Suiza, (See map, p. 37). Costa Rican inheritance lav/ provides that in case of the intestate death of a male head of a family, one half of the property goes to the wife and the other half is to be divided equally among the heirs, male and female. Provided there is mutual agreement of the heirs, one of them may keep the land and pay the others in cash, the land may be sold and each heir get his share in cash, or an association of heirs may be formed. If there is not mutual agreement, land is divided into equal shares. Upon the intestate death of the mother, her property is disposed of in the same manner as that of the father. In the case of females and minors, the shares may be administered by an albacea, or executor of the will, appointed by the court. Division of the land in San Juan Norte started with the gradual extinction of first generation sanjuanenos. Fraction- alization of the land might be a more appropriate term to use. The small farms had to be distributed many times among large numbers of heirs, since families of 8-10 members v/ere the rule rather than the exception among the original settlers* 45 Although such fractionalization did occur, some of the heirs resold their shares to members of their family, to other farmers native to the village or to outsiders. There was also some consolidation of farms, which, however, never did bring the size of farms in San Juan Norte proper back to their original size. ?/hile this custom of equal inheritance has contributed to a fractionalization of the land, it by no means explains fully the present pattern of land ownership in San Juan Norte. It is sufficient to say that the largest farm in San Juan Norte had already been lost to the Bank in the early thirties and later acquired by absentee owners. Several village families have become landless in this lay; some of then left, others remained in the village as landless peasants. The division of land among the heirs caused some liti­ gation. As a consequence land is often divided or disposed of while the aging parent or parents are still living. This has tended to reduce litigation, but has accelerated the division of land. Since the population has increased while available land has decreased through sale to absentee owners, one might ex­ pect either complete fractionalization of the land (with everybody being a very small proprietor) or a mass of land­ less peasants. Actually neither extreme has occurred. Some of those who have lost their land (through mis-management or, in the case of females and minors, through the albacea 46 system); those v/ho have inherited no land (either because their parents are still relatively young or because there was no land to inherit), or those who came from the outside and married into landless village families, have been able to acquire, with help from the bank, very small farms from some of the larger farmers of the village. At the time of this study, 16 farms were mortgaged to the Bank.^ See Table 5. Table 5. Patterns of Acquisition of Land in San Juan Norte. 1955 Manner of Acquisition Number of Farms Inheritance 10 Inheritance and Buying 14 Buying 18 2 Other TOTAL o• 44 Operation The pattern in individual operation of the San Juan Norte tends to be land. Regardless of how smalla farm may be, it is operated as a separate unit. no pooling of resources for There is economic efficiency. It is rather the members of each individual family who do thefarm ■^Confidential information furnished by the Juntas Rurales de Credito (Banco Nacional de Costa Rioa), Turrialba, C. R 47 work. However, there are exceptions to this rule. In two separate cases two families were operating farms on a partner­ ship basis, partnerships apparently resting on the kinship bonds that tied the two families in each case. In both cases the individuals concerned explicitly recognized advantages in their type of operation. For operating their farms many farmers borrow money from the local bank* Thus, nineteen (one-third) of the village families are in debt to the bank for a total amount of colones 63,500. Fourteen of the nineteen families in debt each owe less than colones 2000* Sharecropping, renting or leasing are not practiced in San Juan Norte proper. a. Some oonseouences of the system San.juanenos have to face two crucial land tenure problems, both of which will have far-reaching consequences for their way of life: (1) The custom of dividing land into equal ahares will result in further fractionalization of some of the still relatively large farms' (though smaller farms probably will not be further subdivided), which will mean increased inefficiency in operation. Consolidation of farms into larger units, assuming that this were possible, will probably result in displacement of some of the people into urban or semi-urban centers. 14 The question will then ^■4It is assumed that consolidation of farms would bring about a more efficient operation of the land from an economic view point. A more efficient operation would do away with some agricultural practices* For example, some degree of mechanization would make obsolete certain practices, certain jobs would then be eliminated and consequently human labor would be displaced. 48 be whether such centers will be able to absorb the displaced sanjuanenos. (2) Big, absentee landowners have bought land in and around San Juan Norte. Such land is not for re-sale and therefore is probably lost to the villagers with the re­ sult that enterprising individuals of the village must buy land elsewhere* Some have acquired land in Pavones, Pacuare and San Juan Sur. (See map on p. 37 and Table 6). Others with less means sharecrop on a large hacienda adjoining the San Juan Norte area. Table 6. Farms Beyond San Juan Norte« 1955 N o . of Farms Total Number of Hanzanas San Juan Sur 4 16 Pavones 2 25 Pacuare 1 765* Pacayas 1 40 "50 Hi lias" 1 40 Location Adjoining Large Hacienda (Sharecropping) 15 *This is mostly wild mountain. These two problems, both of which almost defy solution, will amost certainly result in increased economic hardships for the san.luanenos. 49 \ s* Type of farming There are approximately 275 manzanas (450 acres) of land belonging to the sixty families of the village. Table 7 shows land use in San Juan Norte. Table 7• Land Use in San Juan Norte. 1953 Type of Farming Number of Manzanas Percent of Total Coffee 58 21 Sugar cane 45 16 172 63 Pasture or un­ cultivated mountain TOTAL 275 100 According to soil surveys conducted by the Llinistry of Agriculture, the soil of San Juan Norte is of poor quality* 15 Also, from an economic viewpoint, the land is used very inefficiently, v„rhich is, in part, a result of the scarcity of economic resources* This inefficient utilization is indicated by the large tracts of uncultivated land in the area. When the founders of the village arrived, the San Juan Norte area was mostly uncultivated mountain grass land. ■^Apparently the soil is deficient in organic matter, calcium, phosphorus and nitrogen. (Letter from Ur. Alberto Torres, Chief, Department of Soil Conservation, llinistry of Agri­ culture, 20 May 1953). The Institute (IAXAS) has under­ taken a study of the soils of San Juan Norte. 50 Gradually sugar cane was introduced and trapiches (small sugar mills) appeared. The first World War gave impetus to sugar cane production. 7/ith the appearance of Aragon sugar mill in Turrialba, traplches disappeared from San Juan Norte. Production slumped after the war* (In the late 1930*3, most male villagers were planting corn in new, un-opened lands in the vicinity where IAIAS now is, about two and a half hours walk from San Juan Norte. The long distance necessitated living near the fields, causing a weekly exodus of the male population). World War II revived sugar cane production and the rise in production coincided with the appearance of the POJ variety of sugar cane— which has almost completely replaced the old variety. In the last few years new varieties have made their appearance; however, the number of individuals using them and the acreage devoted to them are negligible. Certain essential agricultural practices, such as the use of organic fertilizers and insect extermination usually followed by the farmers. 16 are not Some conservation techniques are followed (to what extent and with what efficiency would be a matter for a technician in agriculture to investigate). According to the villagers, they have been following these soil conservation practices for "many years," some "all their life". The influence of outside agencies in soil conserv­ ation is small. t m n ftnnfl have, howevert universally adopted the use of chlordane“ a chemical ant exterminator. Apparently there has been little or no change during the last two years in techniques of sugar cane production* Some new varieties are cultivated but in negligible quantities. Coffee is a relatively new crop in the region, being present in San Juan Norte for about twenty years* The type usually cultivated is the common variety of Coffea arabiga* New varieties have been introduced but they have not been fully accepted by the villagers; the acreage devoted to them is negligible* Servioio Tecnico Interamericano de Cooperacion Agricola (STICA) is the outside agency responsible for the introduction of new varieties, and word of mouth communication is responsible for their diffusion. Many villagers are aware of practices recommended by extension agents — growth of coffee rather than pruning — such as free however, such recom­ mendations are usually rejected. Sixty-three per cent of the land is "pastureland", mostly uncultivated 17 and almost always a poor source of forage* No new practices appear to have been introduced in the pasture cultivation. The number of livestock in the village possessed by villagers is rather small. Milk is scarce and its con­ sumption low, as is the consumption of meat. During the last two years there have been no apparent changes in practices related to cattle-raising. — - — 1 Some cattle were vaccinated by ' "Cultivation" here refers to the practice of seeding pastureland — a practice followed by some farmers and peasants in Costa Rica. 52 IAIAS extension students, but villagers still are not in the habit of vaccinating livestock* On the whole, farming in San Juan Norte is commercial: people depend upon the money they make from the sale of coffee and sugar cane. Bananas and certain kinds of roots are cultivated for home consumption rather than for outside markets. Ilany farmers plant beans within their sugar cane plots, both for home consumption and for sale in Turrialba. 3 * Division of labor The family is the basic working unit. Every member has his own task to perform in the business of making a living. There is a place for the aged, for the able-bodied male, for the female, for the child, and also for the physically or 18 mentally handicapped. Not a single individual is found in the village, outside of the very young, who does not participate in one way or another to the economic activities of the community. During the time of the coffee harvest, male and female members of the family, including the children, work in coffee-picking. Sugar cane harvest requires the labor of able-bodied males, who cut the cane and carry it down to Turrialba in small oxcarts — the trip at times requiring five to six hours struggle over the muddy roads. Those villagers who have to supplement their income with, or who depend entirely for their support on outside work, do ^®The oldest resident of the village, aged 90, still works regularly on his farm. A man of 30, who went insane about 12 years ago, helps his father regularly in farm chores. so ordinarily in the farms of the village. (See Table 8). However, a few have to travel several hours to and from v/ork everyday. Some villagers work land which is very distant from the village on a near-lease basis. At times they have to v/alk eight hours to get to their fields. Those who work for a .jornal (wage) usually have set hours for work, from six in the morning until one or two in the afternoon. Table 8. Y/ork Status of Eldest Males, 1953 Number of Persons Type of Work Percentage total 21 36.2 7 12.1 17 29.3 Wage earner (jornalerO) 7 12.1 Not ascertainable 6 10.3 TOTAL 58 100.0 Owner only Mostly owner, also works for wages Mostly wage earner, also works on own Families often cooperate in getting the heavy work done. At times a whole family unit may postpone what they are doing and go to help a neighbor, especially in coffee-picking. Such cooperation is always paid in money rather than in kind. 54 4. Attitudes toward land and farming and some agricultural agencies Land as a means and an end; Since farming in San Juan ITorte is commercial, the people are very much concerned with the production and marketing of coffee and sugar cane, Villagers look at the land as a source of income, as a way to "hacer plata", They 'mow that it is the land vrhich will make or break them economically and are fully aware of its economic nature. On the other hand, land is valued as an end in itself. To get at the feeling people have for the land, 30 male heads of family were asked whether they would choose the same occupation they have at present — working the land — if it were possible for them to have a choice. Eighteen of the thirty would stay in the same occupation for such non­ economic reasons as "tranquility of farm life," "to see things grow", "I was born into it," etc. Apparently land is more than an income-getting item; it is a way of life. Only five of the thirty would remain in the same occupation for economic reasons. The four who would choose a different occupation gave various reasons for their responses, but no antipathy was shown towards agriculture. 19 three were undecided.) Empiricism of farmers; San.1uanenos cannot be considered as blind followers of tradition. i q ■ (The remaining What may appear as resist- “ See question 53, male head schedule. 55 ance to chans© is often a security mechanism, an unwilling­ ness to "gamble,w as some of them say, on practices which in their consideration have not been proved better than those evolved through long years of experience. For example, there has been resistance (or "non-receptivity" if one wishes) towards the use of certain new varieties of coffee. Some farmers ash, "If these varieties (of coffee) are so good, why have not the big coffee growers of Turrialba, who can afford to experiment, taken to them?" Although no systematic study was undertaken of the attitudes of farmers toward experimentation, from general observations and from numerous informal talks with them it appears that they are often aware of the possibilities experimentation has in farming. A very important quali­ fication, however, is their desire for quick results. Sources of information on agriculture and attitudes toward agricultural agencies t New agricultural information comes from a variety of sources, though most importantly from extension agents and other agricultural field agents. Some of the San Jose newspapers contain agricultural sections, but only four families out of 60 have regular access to a daily newspaper. A few more read newspapers sporadically, but for the most part, such sources of information are of no importance. One of the four family heads who had regular access to a daily paper considered the agricultural section as "impractical." There are only two radios in the village, reducing considerably the possibility of receiving information on agriculture from that source. One farmer reported that hjj^ 56 had at one time had access to an agricultural- magazine or pamphlet. Thirty-eight male heads of family reported on sources of information about agriculture. Table 9 summarizes this information. Table 9. Sources of Information in Agriculture, San Juan Norte, 1953 Source of Information Number of Farmers 7/ho Claim £o trse lt * Newspapers 3 Agricultural Magazine 1 STICA 3 IAIAS 1 No formal avenue 30 TOTAL (and 1)* 38 ♦Gave also IAIAS as a source. There is no "community" image of STICA, since this agency has done little work in San Juan Norte. Among those few who have used their services there are mixed feelings: some refer to the agency’s agricultural practices as "theo­ retical,** in contrast to their own "practical" methods. They refer to "failures" of the agency in San Juan Norte and elsewhere^ as proof of its "impractioality". Some dislike ^°STICA attempted to build a school vegetable garden in the village of PAVONES but failed completely in the attempt. This failure was mentioned by two villagers. 57 what they call the "quick advice" method of the agency, Y/hich, they say, is given "without a thorough investigation" of the situation. They also dislike what they call the agency’s "disregard" for local farming habits. that STICA is a coramercial agency. Some charge It v/as claimed the agency "prescribes" and at the same time "sells" the remedy. On the other hand there are some who praise the agency, and consult it v/henever problems arise. 21 These opinions, how- ever, should not be taken as a "community" image of STICA. They are rather the personal opinions of those few villagers who have used the services of the agency. It might be more correct to assert that villagers on the \/hole are neutral and that there is room for STICA to v/ork in San Juan Norte. As a v/hole the Institute (IAIAS) Is highly regarded by villagers. various. The contacts they have had with IAIAS are At one time several village leaders were brought to IAIAS for an all-day demonstration of new practices in agriculture. But by for the most intensive contact was provided by periodic visits of a group of Venezuelan exsystematic study of the images of STICA, or IAIAS, was undertaken• 22 The agency officials in Turrialba explained that it is their policy to assist farmers when they request the agency’s aid, but that in the case of San Juan Norte the reauests for aid were infrequent. They mentioned that in contrast to San Juan Norte, the requests for aid from the village of Santa Cruz were very frequent and that the agency was working extensively in that area. 22 58 tension students who regularly visited the villageabout two 23 years ago. On the whole, the field work done by them is 24 highly praised by many san.1uanenos. The Venezuelans did not succeed in introducing all practices which they attempted to; some of their attempts ended, sooner or later, in com25 plete failure. However, they are identified with the success of the chlordane ant exterminator. Their personal conduct has been highly praised by many villagers. Their "sincerity" and "humility" were highly valued by many. Thus, some villagers mentioned that the students used to play soccer with them in the local plaza and that they even wrote back once they had left the country. Other extension agents from IAIAS were also praised 26 both from a technical and personal viewpoint. Work done by TATA3 in areas other than agriculture, such as health and The field work of these students will be dealt with in more detail in the last chapter. 240ne villager, whom the students visited quite often, was very resentful of them. He says that the students used to visit him on account of his daughters, rather than because they were interested in him. As proof of this he claims that once his daughters had left the village the students stopped visiting him. 2^The students attempted to start beekeeping with one of the local leaders. With their departure, the beehives were discontinued. The claim is made that the weather hinders beehive cultivation. New breeds of chickens were introduced, some of the chickens that developed appear to be inferior in size to the local variety. The students stressed the preparation of compost (organic fertilizer); no one makes compost in the village. 26Mr. Cristobal Vega, for example, is highly regarded by them* 59 nutrition, has apparently added to its prestige. 27 It is probable (though not definitely known) that the Institute is Judged more by the personal behavior of its representatives, than by their successes or failures in introducing practices. C. The family San Juan Norte is a village of the Fuentes and Martinez lineages. About 80 years ago four family units migrated to the present site of the village from 21 Tejar, a village in Gart ago. These four units we re In fact one big family: tT./o of them viere both Fuentes -Martinez, and the other two had a Fuentes or a Martinez as a male or female head. Gradually the remaining members of the Fuentes and Hart Inez families who had remained in SI Tejar, both married and single, migrated to San JUan Norte. Several other families had already settled down In the village when the Fuentes-Martinez pioneers arrived. How­ ever, descendants from only one of them remain in San Jhan ITorte, and these descendants, through marriage, have al­ ready Joined the Fuentes-Martinez line. Host of these original Fuentes or Martinez settlers lived In San Jhan Norte and vicinity for long periods of time, but gradually moved on to other lands; others did not stay long in the village and established families of their own ^Particularly remembered by the womenfolk of the village Is Miss Marta Coll. She is not remembered as a research worker, but rather as one who was “very interested in them" and who was "always willing to help." One village family re­ members her with deep affection because Miss Coll took a picture of their deceased mother— the only one that they have— and gave them a copy of It. i§H elsewhere. Immigration to San Juan Norte has never been heavy* About 61 percent of the male and 64 percent of the female heads of family have been born in the village; it should be expected, therefore, that there has been close inbreeding among villagers* fb-e local family* If one considers as first generation families those in which one of the family heads came originally from El Tejar, then there is only one such family unit in San 28 Juan Norte* There are 17 second generation families, (offspring of first generation), 32 third generation families, and four fourth generation families* Only six out of the 60 families are not directly related to a Fuentes or a Martinez. (See Chart, p. 61)* The chart also reveals the close connection between second and third generation families* Practically all third generation families, both old members and children, are under the direct influence of still-existing second generation members• Another item of interest is the relatively large size of families» First generation families contained eight, 29 nine or even 10 members* Second generation families are, 55 *- " " " " * ' """ “ '................... " 1 "" There is another villager, a Martinez, who was born in El Tejar but came to San Juan Norte as a child. Since he was brought up in San Juan Norte he is considered a second generation Sanjuaneno in this study. 290ne of the original settlers of the village, about 90, who migrated from the village many years ago but who still visits his kin in the village, claims to have fathered over 30 children by two wives* FAMILY STRUCTURE SAN JUAN NORTE % (**«> £ ) * % & « IKtfNt « & @ ® on the whole, similar in size. Third generation family units seem to follow the same pattern; however, this is hard to i^rove since relative youth of the spouses might make spurious any precise generalization. For purposes of analysis it is perhaps desirable to distinguish between two sets of family relationships in San Juan Norte, intrafamily relations (within the family unit), and interfamily relations (among the several family units)• Members of a family unit are in close physical prox­ imity a good deal of the time. Unless the male head works away from San Juan Norte, the probabilities are that the family unit will act as a unified economic unit on the farm. Meals are eaten together in the family kitchen and prayers are said together before retiring at night. The male head of the family unit seems to be its undis30 puted head and is highly respected by both wife and children. The woman seems to be in a subservient position, though in those cases in which she is the owner of the family land, she seems to be recognized as such by the hus­ band and has added prestige. by the children. She is also highly respected Female members of the family are never introduced formally to outsiders, in fact they often shun meeting strangers even in the presence of their husbands. All members of a family address each other with the polite form of usted (you, rather than thou); overt signs of ^ N o systematic study of the family was undertaken during the present investigation. 63 affection between the spouses are almost absent. are not fondled ordinarily by the parents. Children However, there are unmistakable indications of a high degree of affection, particularly so in mother-son relationships. Praise of and affection for the mother is noticeable and in a similar fashion mothers show affection for their sons. Liany mothers give as the main reason they wanted their sons to continue working the land their desire that they remain close to them, rather than wander off in other occupational pursuits. 31 Relationships between parents and their married sons, and these two groups comprise a sizable portion of the families in the village, are very close. One prevalent pattern is for married sons to build their houses, close to those of their parents. As a consequence neighborhood cliques very often have as their center a sort of patriarchal home. As is to be expected, visiting to and from the parents* home is very frequent. The influence of parents over their married sons seems to be strong. On one occasion a villager expressed the opinion that although his mother was not ordinarily arbitrary or whimsical in her requests, he would always obey her commands, regardless of their nature. There is an awareness among villagers of their close kinship ties, of the fact that "here everybody is a cousin to everybody else". secondary nature. In everyday life these ties are of a If a villager has to "exploit" his cousin g y ** — 1 --'' See schedule for the Eousewife, Question 8. 64 in an agricultural task he will do so without any pangs of conscience; if a villager is given to gossip he will gossip about his cousin without any qualms. However, that these ties are omnipresent is attested in times of crises when the large 3cin group works as a unit. Generally speaking, a Roman Catholic morality is strongly evident in family relations. Of the 60 families in the village, only one lives without the blessings of the Church and both heads of this family unit are not native to the village. The family is socially isolated; social con32 tacts with the rest of the village hardly exist. This does not mean that sanjuanenos do not transgress the morals of the village. When they do, however, they either migrate from the village or risk loss of status. Illegitimacy is very small. The percentage of Of eleven children born in 1S51, all were legitimate; of 24 born in 1952, only one was illegitimate. Observation and questioning revealed little stigma attaehed to an illegitimate child. 2. Kinship lines beyond the village As it was pointed out, several of the original settlers of San JUan Korte migrated elsewhere from the village. Two of them, related by birth or marriage to the Fuentes-Martinez line, settled in what is now the village of Sitio Mata, where their descendant now live. Contacts be­ tween san.1uanenos and their kin of Sitio Mata are few, if any. However, regular contact is maintained with kin in the - - — See Family Unit 16, Visiting Chart. 65 relatively distant villages'of Pavones, Facallitas and Pacuare and with kin in the neighboring villages of San Juan Sur, Colorado and Santa Rosa, There are relatives in other villages, but only sporadic contact is had with then. For the nost part such contacts occur in Turrialba City — a central meeting place for the region. Few san.luanenos travel to visit kin in other villages, especially if the village is any distance away. though infrequently. Letter writing occurs, Since women do little traveling even to Turrialba City, their contacts v/ith relatives are more sporadic than that of their husbands. 3. Courtship and marriage About one fourth of the male and female heads of family born in the village have married non-residents, so that there is no pattern of exogamy or endogamy. A pattern of endogamy would be hard to develop in present-day San Juan Norte, since there are more males than females. 33 sex ratio is 108.7. The The usual age of marriage is 25 or over for the male and 20 or over for the female. No males marry before 20 and very few before 25; women almost never marry before 20. {See Table 10). Girls are carefully chaperoned, which makes informal courtship difficult. Preliminary to engagement there may be a short period of courting through letters or in meetings in There are 42 males aged 15-40, and only 17 females of the same age group. Table 10 Age and Marital Status, San JUan Norte, 1953 Males Single Married Age Females Single Married 15-19 24 0 12 3 20-24 11 1 2 11 25-29 4 10 1 6 30-34 2 7 1 12 41 10 16 32 TOTAL Turrialba City. Once a boy is accepted by a girl, he will, if he is serious, talk to her father# This is tantamount to actual marriage since few would dare not make good a promise# A formal courting period follows, which may last from three to six months. Weddings constitute a memorable occasion for villagers# The couple are married by the priest in Turrialba City early in the morning# (Sometimes the couple go to Turrialba City on the eve of the wedding, the groom and the bride each chaperoned by a godfather and a godmother respectively.) A light breakfast follows the wedding and then the couple and the many villagers who have come down to the wedding return to the village on horseback, amid cries and shouts of laughter. A day of feasting follows in the village, with plenty to eat — to drink# special native dishes are prepared — This is followed by dancing, which lasts until late in the evening. village. and There is no honeymooning beyond the The couple usually settle down in a house which ., 67 has previously been built near the home of the groopKs . 34 parents• D* Religion Costa Rica as a whole is a strong Roman Catholic nation* To understand the religious life of San Juan ITorte one must delve into the cultural background of the original settlers, and into the history of the village* The highest national religious symbol in Costa Rica is La Vlrgen de los Angeles who is enshrined in the Basilica (Church Cathedral) at Cartago City* It is perhaps no exaggeration to say that the Basilica is visited every single day of the year by hundreds of people, many of them pilgrims from the various regions of the Republic* The original settlers of San J\ian Norte came from the village of El Tejar, which is located about one hour on foot from Cartago City* Sanjuanenos are the inheritors, therefore, of the strong religious tradition, both from the general culture of Costa Rica and specifically from the region around the Basilica* That they consider spiritual needs of primary concern is attested by the fact that the village had a small church when Turrialba City, in its present location, was non-existent and has had a church ever since. 5 4 --------- A home for the visiting priest was constructed about — — — -------- — There is reason to believe that the traditional ceremony is changing* The investigator was told that at a recent wedding the best man, himself a young villager, refused to ride back to the village on horseback and Instead chartered a bus for the occasion. (The investigator did not observe, though, any village wedding.) 68 forty years ago. Although Protestant sects have attempted to gain con­ verts, especially in the late forties, villagers have re­ mained completely Roman Catholic. 1. Religious structure At the top of the local religious hierarchy stands the priest, who resides in Turrialba. He is most influential in matters concerning religion, but can often wield an immense amount of power in other areas of village life. Next in line one finds the office of mayordomo. and the Junta Edificadora. a board composed of four members. The office of mayordomo and the Junta complement each other. It is the task of the former to look after all church details which have to do with "ceremony,n such as preparation for the arrival of the priest and the care of images. The Junta, on the other hand, acts as a caretaker for all church property in the village. These are honorific offices, theo­ retically filled through popular election, with the consent of the priest. long positions. In practice, however, they are almost life­ Thus the present mayordomo has been holding office for the last 25 years and the secretary of the Junta for the last 20 years. There are two religious organizations in the village independent of each other and of the Junta or the mayordomo: the Juventud Qbrera Catolica (Catholic Young Workers Group) and the Apostolado del Sagrado Corazon (Apostleship of the Sacred Heart). The JOC is a labor organization tied to a 69 national Catholic labor movement through the local Turrialba .** Chapter. It aims at providing moral guidance and enter­ tainment for young working people, but has little influence in village life. The Apostolado del Sagrado Corazon. described in detail in the next section, is a village-wide apostleship devoted to the image of the Sacred Eeart of Jesus. 2* Religion and daily life Most of the living rooms in the village contain a rustic altar, with images of saints and occasionally a candle and some flowers. It Is in this room that all members of the family who are present usually congregate In the evening for the recital of the daily rosary. The rosary is usually recited by family elders, though occasionally adolescents take the leading part. Walking around the village at night one hears the Padrenuestros and Avemarias from behind the closed doors of the homes. Reciting the rosary is not necessarily universal in the village, nor is there "spiritual ecstasy" among the participants. There are some families who do not recite it at all, although they say prayers be­ fore retiring, and some who recite it every other day. Children take a less serious view of the custom. It is not uncommon to find women in church, especially on Friday after­ noons reciting the rosary. For the purposes of the Apostleship of the Saered Heart, the village is divided into three neighborhoods, through which the image of the Saored Heart of Jesus is circulated. The neighborhood division exists only for the Apostleship and bears no relation to the ecological distribution of ; 70 families. The family'receiving the Image keeps it in its possession for 24 hours. Candles are lighted, prayers are recited and usually a coin is deposited in the urn before it Is sent on to the next family on the list. The money collected gees to the local church, where it is often used for payment for masses. The Apostleship has been in the village for a long time, a 50 year old resident stating that it was in existence when he was a child. It is believed that the arrival of the image will bring blessings and luck to the home. Another index of the religiosity of villagers is their constant reference to religious symbols in daily conversation, "pue Dios se lo pague." wQ,ue vaya con Dios ." "Si Dios puiere,» "El Senor lo bendiga." are expressions of daily use. The "will" of God is always on people*s lips when they make categorical statements about future events. Villagers are in the habit of making petitions to the saints — promesas, as they are called — in exchange for prayers, visits to church, the wearing of special dresses or the lighting of candles. At times some of the villagers are in "debt" to the saint and it is believed that if one dies being in debt one's soul will not be in peace. Because of this some v/omen said they were reluctant to make promesas. though the majority of villagers are in the habit of making them. It is hard to find a family in which both spouses have failed to visit La Basilica, in Cartago City, on an errand of promesa. The devotion which villagers have for La Virgen de los Angeles at the Basilica is indicated by the 71 flood of petitions to her. Repayment of the pronesa may in­ volve strenuous effort on the part of the parties concerned. I.Iany a familj'- has walked from the village to La Basilica, a distance of seven to eight hours; others may walk on their knees from the gate of the Church to its main entrance. On Sundays practically all the able-bodied male popu­ lation — old, middle-aged and young — descend from the mountain to attend mass in Turrialba City. The meaning the mass has for sanjuanenos is exemplified by the behavior of the village’s oldest resident, a man of 90, who comes down to Turrialba on horseback every Sunday for the 7 o ’clock mass. 3. Religion and recreation Religion and recreation are intimately tied to­ gether; to sanjuanenos. "holidays” are really **holy days.” The major festivals in the village are Holy Week, the festival of the patron saint, the Beast of Corpus Christ! and the arrival of the priest, who visits San Jhan ITorte for a weekend every two or three months. Days before the arrival of the priest the women begin cleaning the church, polishing the brass and the plates and cleaning the parochial home. The men mow the lawn on the church grounds and clean the yard. The priest’s itinerary for the two days is made known well in advance so that the people will be able to plan accordingly. Word is passed around to remind the people that it is desirable to have the greatest number possible at confession. 72 7/hatever errands the people may have in Turrialba are taken care of on the Saturday preceding the visit so that they may attend the services and see the priest. By the time the priest arrives, the villagers have stocked up on fireworks, the cantina in the galeron35 is well supplied 36 with soft drinks, liquor and sweet cakes and the usual raffle has been planned. The priest arrives on a Saturday and that evening a rosary is recited in the church. A sermon follows the rosary and confessions are heard afterv/ards. On Sunday morning, people start congregating in front of the church. Confession is heard from 5:30 until the 7 o fclock mass at which time the church is overflowing with people. Everybody wears his best clothing, including shoes if available. Outside the church, fireworks go off repeatedly$ often during sacred moments of the mass. After mass there follows a series of high-speed meetings: the priest sees the children for eatheohism, confers with members of the Juventud Obrera, with members of the Apostolado, with the Junta Edificadora and with any others who want to see him. Early in the afternoon a game of soccer takes place, usually gg"* ■'"»■■■' Galeron literally means a gallery. In this particular case it is a sort of shanty which houses a canteen where liquor and soft drinks are sold on days of village festivals. It also houses a kitchen, a dining room and a large open room where raffles are held. Since most of the village festivals are religious In nature, this galeron is built on church grounds* 36,•LIquor,, here refers to commercial rum. Actually, very little liquor is consumed by sanjuanenos and drunkenness is not common. 73 v/ith a team from another village; church services are con­ ducted after the game. The priest may stay over Sunday night, or leave late in the afternoon. All day Sunday the church grounds are the scene of in­ tense social activity. When no services are being held there is constant promenading around the church; groups of people get together for informal conversations and the cantina is always full. Holy 7/eek, specially Holy Thursday and Good Friday, is very impressive. Practically all economic activity in the village is suspended; only the barest necessities are attended to. There are peregrinations of villagers to the all-day religious services at Turrialba City. All trans­ portation, both in the village and in the city, is entirely on foot, as the city people would not consider driving cars nor would villagers ride horses during Holy Week?6 Many former villagers return to the village to visit their kin on this occasion, so that these are two days of family re­ union. Although no meat is eaten on either of these two days, yet there is the biggest display of food. Big meals, v/hich resemble a (peasant) banquet, are served; special Easter dishes which involve native products are prepared. The Feast of Corpus Christi constitutes another of the big events in the village. Since it cannot be celebrated on the church calendar date corresponding to it (all the priests are busy in Turrialba), it is celebrated on one of the latter Sundays in June. To all the activity associated with the arrival of the priest are added many new features; ’“Holy Thursday and Good Friday. 74 Two days before the event, villagers start erecting four big wooden platforms which will serve as altars for the Corpus celebration* Formerly these altars were built in the village plaza; at present they are built on the church grounds. Each altar is built by a group of families, the same groups having built altars for many years. During the ceremonies a big procession, the priest in the middle, starts from the church. Stops are made at each of the four altars and prayers are said. The procession then returns to the church. The feast of San Isidro Labrador, though falling in Hay according to the church calendar, is celebrated simultaneously with the Feast of Corpus. A new feature, San Isidro, is incorporated into the traditional Corpus celebration. Since San Isidro is the patron saint for all peasants everywhere, on Sunday morning before mass (or on Monday morning if the priest spends a long week-end In the village), villagers bring to the church grounds an immense number of oxen, cows, calves, bulls, horses, oxcarts to be blessed by the priest. Each animal is blessed Individually, after payment of a fee. (See next page for the program of the Corpus Christ! - San Isidro celebration). The festival of San luan Evangelista, the patron saint of the village, is a three-day celebration following Christmas. ^.Thile the sequence of activities and the various ceremonies and entertainments do not widely differ from those of the other feast days, the festival of San luan Evangelista is in 76 a sense the villagers* own day. In this respect it is one of the most important festivals of the year. One cannot separate San Juan Norte from Turrialba City in the matter of recreation. At many of the village religious festivals visitors from Turrialba are present. In all the big religious-social festivals of Turrialba sizable groups of villagers are present. processions. San.juanenos actively partake in It is perhaps no exaggeration to say that Turrialba’s religious festivals are also San Juan Norte’s religious festivals. I.lany villagers also attend religious festivals in the town of Juan Vinas, located approximately the sane distance from the village as Turrialba City. Religion and the crises of life All societies have special ceremonies connected with critical periods in the life cycle of a person. It may be a special ritual connected with child birth, with the passage, in a social sense, from childhood to adolescence, with marriage, with death or with some other period which the society defines as critical. In San Juan Norte it is death, perhaps, which commands most attention from the community• Birth: Birth goes practically unnoticed in the village, except for the close kin of the nev/born. It occurs in the house, under the assistance of a midwife from the village. The mother usually remains in bed for three days. A god­ father or godmother, v/ho sponsors the baptism, is selected on the basis of friendship or close kin ties and the child is taken to church in Turrialba to be baptized during the 77 first few weeks after birth. Usually the same person is sod- parent to most of the children in the same family. Immediately after baptism the godparent is invited to the home of his comoadres for a dinner of roast chicken. The godparent in turn brings a present for his ahijado. or godchild. Only the immediate kin of the newborn and the godparent are present at this meal. First communion and confirmation; First communion may occur between the ages of seven and ten. The child is usually instructed in the fundamentals of the Catholic faith by girls from the village, who teach the catechism every Sunday. Under the supervision of nuns who reside in Turrialba. Groups of.children, irrespective of age, are prepared and examined by the priest and then, in one of his visits to the village, they make their first communion. They are dressed in white, girls with a white veil and boys with a white ribbon on their arm. There is no set day for Confirmation. Children are con­ firmed in the village, when the bishop arrives every seven years, or in Turrialba, during one of the bishop’s annual visits to that city. Confirmation usually occurs between ages seven and ten. Llarriage: The reader is referred to pages 65, 66 and 67. Death: When a person is on his death-bed he is visited by most of the villagers, who want to see him before he dies. There is a of village solidarity on these occasions 78 and the death is always followed by a big display of emotion. There is immediate wailing, which is followed by soft weeping and verbal manifestations of lament. Church bells toll immediately after death, spreading the news throughout tlie village. people. Almost immediately the house is flooded with Death seems to be an all-community affair. Every one who arrives comes to offer his services or his money to the immediate kin of the deceased, who usually accept at least some of these offers. Some villagers go to Turrialba for the coffin and to buy bread and cokes for the wake. Others will dig the grave in the village's cemetery and still others will help in the preparation of the corpse. care of the kitchen. Some women take There is an earnest desire among all villagers to contribute in some way to the mitigation of the suffering. If death has been unexpected, the face of the corpse is either exposed so that visitors may have a last look or is covered with a thin veil which may be lifted to see the face. There is an all-night vigil of the corpse. prayers are recited. Periodic The house remains full of people until late hours in the hight when people start filing away. How­ ever, several persons always remain for the all-night vigil. Coffee and sweet bread are served to guests. On the day following the death, the day of burial, the corpse is brought in a coffin to the village church where prayers are said by some villager. then for the village cemetery. The procession leaves Before the coffin is lowered 79 some people may request a last look at the corpse. are said when the coffin is lowered into the grave, Ho prayers Llany of the villagers take turns at filling the grave with earth. For the next nine evenings after the burial villagers congregate in the house of the deceased for a daily recital of the rosary. After the rosary guests are served coffee and sweet bread. rosary. On the ninth day there is an all-day Elaborate preparation for this event have been going on during the days preceeding it* Special dishes are pre­ pared in homes other than that of the deceased. The whole village is invited and villagers begin to congregate in the house in the morning. is of the best: Everyone who comes is fed. The food special native dishes, chicken, soup, coffee and cake and tortillas. until the evening* There is almost continuous praying Yd'akes are periods of intense social inter­ action, besides being periods of mourning. A feeling of subdued gaiety is present; people laugh, tell jokes, talk about farming and other daily affairs and in this way the suffering of the immediate kin of the dead is mitigated. The village is usually in mourning for a month after a death and no festivals are held during this period. For five months follovd.ng the death, a rosary is recited in the home of the deceased on the date of the death. month date an all-day rosary is held. On the sixth No rosaries are held on the five months which follow. Then, on the anniversary an all-day rosary is again held. This completes the man­ datory cycle of prayers, though for several years to come masses will be said in Turrialba for the "peace" of the 80 deceased* The death, of an unbaptized child calls forth a different kind of ritual. It is believed that a dead child is an angel, that for it is "the Kingdom of Heaven". Consequently, it is thought that there is no need for deep mourning or prayers but for.rejoicing. In many cases there is an allnight wake with music, and games are often played. 37 5. Religion and a meaning of life The sanjuaneno strikes the observer as a person imbued with a strong religious fervor. villager a feeling of immortality: Religion gives the one villager commented that his economic situation improved markedly after the death of his mother and he attributed such a change to her help. To him she was still living, although in a different world, and "he could always feel" her presence. In common with Roman Catholic belief everywhere, there is a strong belief in an afterlife, a feeling that has not been dented by outside currents. Hot only does religion provide support in times of crisis, such as death, but it also helps relieve the frus­ trating effect which failure to attain certain goals might have for the individual. Indirectly religion gives sta­ bility to the socio-cultural structure. Thus, many villagers explain the failure to improve their economic situation, or even the failure to attain any other desired goals, with such 317This information was furnished by two villagers. not been corroborated by empirical observation. It has 81 assertions as: "Such was not the v/ill of God," "De las cosas de Dios nadie se escapa.n As a conseauence, neither are goals questioned nor new means devised to cope with the now situations. The result is a more stable society. 2Q The death of a child, which in many societies consti­ tutes a tragic event, is less serious in San Juan Norte. It is believed that thp dead child, the "angel," will inter­ cede for the family in heaven. death — In a certain way, then, although still a hard aching experience for villagers becomes less shocking through the strong religious fervor and the attendant belief in an afterlife. Although villagers have, generally speaking, a Homan Catholic orientation toward life, some of them follow many practices which to an orthodox Catholic might appear as superstitions and therefore incompatible with church doctrine* In this respect their mythology is little different from that of similar communities in Costa Rica or, for that matter, in similar regions of Latin America. Such practices include the belief that the dead may appear at night (though no spiritualism was evident in the village), the belief in sorcery, in the evil—eye, and so on. Ko systematic study of beliefs has been made in the present investigation. E. Education Tfr0 school and the teacher If education is defined as the process by which both the cultural heritage and new ideas are imparted, then the 38R. K. Merton, "Social Structure and Anomie." Sociological Review, 3, pp. 672-82. American 82 school in San Juan Norte has played a minor role in educating the young. Children usually spend from one to three years in school, learning the rudiments of reading, writing and arithmetic, and that about ends their formal education. However, when one corapares the situation in San Juan Norte (for that matter in all of Costa Rica) with the situation which prevails in many countries throughout Latin America, one realizes that the school has been fundamental in develop­ ing the particular type of culture of the village. San Juan Norte has had a school for some 40 years, starting when Turrialba City was still a small village. This accounts, therefore, for the fact that 82 percent of villagers of age six and up have attended or are attending school* A rural teacher is at the head of the school. To assist him in his task there are two organizations in the village: The Junta de Educacion and the Fatronato Sscolar.39 The Junta has five members and is nominated by the Municipality of Turrialba City from a list of names submitted by the teacher. It acts as a caretaker of school property and is also charged with responsibility for seeing that all children of school age attend school. Presumably it also looks after the conduct of the teacher and reports accordingly to the school supervisors. The Fatronato Escolar consists of nine members, elected freely by villagers in a general town assembly. They are charged with the responsibility for ------ Carlos Jinesta, Guia de Juntas de Educacion Y de Tesorerias Escolares., San «fese, &»: Xmprenta Lehmann, 1 9 2 7 , passim* Some information was also provided by the local teacher. ~ i f t . 83 looking after such needs as lunch facilities, clothing and school material* There is high regard among villagers for learning; the teacher, as a "learned" man, is highly respected* For most 40 villagers it would not matter much whether the village had a male or a female teacher, so long as he taught in the traditional sense, that is, reading and writing* Ideally they would want a teacher who "taught well" and "took good care of the children*" Preferably he should be religious and set a moral example for the community to follow. For all practical purpose there was no conception of the teacher as a leader in community affairs* Since there was interest in the IAIAS in modifying this traditional conception of the teacher, it was thought wise to explore the possibilities for modifying the villagers* image of the teacher In the traditional role as an instructor of reading and writing* The investigation of the peoples * attitudes toward the teacher as an agent of change in agriculture, health and nutrition reveal that most of them think the teacher has knowledge about health and nutrition and apparently they would be willing to follow his advice in these areas* How­ ever, they felt that the teacher was not qualified to impart knowledge on agriculture. It is, of course, problematical whether villagers would put into practice their apparent willingness to follow advice in health and nutrition* ^ see page S3 and questions 49, 50, 62, 63, 68 and 69 in the Schedule for male heads of family, and questions 12, 13, 25, 26, 34, 35, (42,43) '52, 55,(56, 57, 58), 59 in the Schedule for the Housewife* 04 Potentialities do exist for modifying the teadher’s role. Assuming that from the community’s point of view, his role was- modified, what difficulties would the teacher face in the assumption of his new duties? In the village of San Juan Norte the teacher is tied down with traditional school matters. Ke gets up at 5:30 in the morning Monday through Saturday and is not through with the children until after 3:30 in the afternoon. Taking into consideration the fact that families retire rather early in the evening, the teacher no doubt faces a difficult task in doing community work. Add to this the fact that the teacher is offered little remuneration even for teaching — all he gets for his outside duties in the community is self-satisfaction. Whether this situation Is stable enough to permit use of the teacher as an effective community worker is debatable. 2* 41 The home If school does not directly prepare the child for his lifework, the home does. Since the family, besides its other functions, acts*as an economic unit, children start training for work very early in life. VJhen they are very small they do household chores such as driving the chickens from the home, getting water from the well or brook, buying milk from the neighbors or bringing lunches to their kin who 4^0f the 15 teachers connected with the "experiment* who were interviewed recently by the Department, all expressed dis­ satisfaction with their "exoess* work. Twelve expressed dissatisfaction with their living conditions, nine with their salary and 5 with their food. (From an analysis of a schedule for the teacher, IAIAS, 1952, Mr. Narciso Arce and Mr. Edwin Murillo.) 85 work in the field. Later they feed the cows, and bring them to be milked. During the coffee season they help in coffee-picking, in searching for ant nests which may be damaging the crop and in other minor details. Later they nay take oxen into town and back; still later they may drive oxcarts into town, first as helpers and finally as fullgrown boyeros. The child gets all this training informally from his kin, and by 17 a boy is already able to do all the main chores of the farm. In the village, for example, there is a boy of 16 who tends, with the aid of his 66-year-old adopted mother, a 12-acre farm. There is no conscious process of educating the young into these tasks. The child is assigned the task and there is no alternative for him other than to conform. However, the child is given encouragement by his parents when he shows willingness to do what is assigned to him. I.Iany a villager takes pride in the fact that his son "wants to work." It is not uncommon to see a 4-year-old boy using a big, 24-inch knife, without any fear being shown by his parents. Children in San Juan ITorte are unusually polite and affable. They almost always shake hands and when addressing a always follow "yes" or "no", with "sir". grownup Training in these habits of courtesy starts almost in infancy. It is not as easy to see the relationship between child up­ bringing and the affability shown by the young. There seems to be no set pattern; there are homes in which both parents display such affection for the children that they never use I physical punishment. On the other hand, there are hones in which violent physical punishment has been reported. 3. The church The place of the church in education is seen most clearly in the weekly catechism attended by all village children from the age of six until confirmation. Here they are taught the basic precepts of their religion, preparing themselves for the examination which will indicate to the priest their fitness to be confirmed. In addition all children, including infants, regularly hear mass during the priest’s periodic visits to the village. Host male children old enough to travel attend Sunday mass at Turrialba City with their fathers and regularly attend the religious festivals in that city. Other sources of education The playgroup: Informal games occupy much of the leisure time of the village children. Many of them are very obviously reflections of adult activity. One of these is the oxen game, in which two children take the part of the oxen and one the part of the driver. The players imitate the gestures and commands of the adult drivers, carrying the realism so far that the game is often played In the rain, with canvas cloths in imitation of the protection worn by their parents. Soccer: Training in soccer starts early in the children’s lives. On Sundays, before catechism, groups of children get together in front of the church for a game of 87 soccer. They later go to the plaza, where there is a small soccer court for children. Soccer is Costa Rica,s national game, being followed almost everywhere with great enthusiasm. no exception. San Juan ITorte is Every afternoon after work, provided that it is not raining, most of the children, the young people and some of the middle-aged of the village congregate in the soccer plaza for practice. It is not uncommon to see a 50-year old man playing side by side with a 15 or 20-year old boy. Sometimes these practice games last until early evening, when it is usually quite foggy. The game is not called off until darkness falls on the village and players can no longer see the ball. these practice sessions. can get into the game* There are no age divisions in Everyone who wants to practice There are three regular teams in San Juan Norte: the "Singles," the "Married" and the "Children." "Singles" and "Married" often play against each other, par­ ticularly on Sundays if no outside team is playing. Occa­ sionally the local team is invited to play in Turrialba City or in some of the adjoining villages; in a similar fashion teams from Turrialba City and other villages come to play in San JUan Norte. IT. Government The three branches of government in Costa Rica — executive, legislative, and judicial — the are expressed in the President of the Republic, the Congress and the Supreme Court. The first two are elected by popular vote; the latter Is appointed by Congress. 88 At the provincial (state)^?evel the national executive is represented by a governor, who is his political appointee. There is no legislative assembly for the province. The judicial branch is represented by a juzgado (court), divided into penal, civil and labor sections, and by three alcaldlas (courts of inferior grade). Criminal cases are tried in either the penal Juzgado or in one of the three alcaldlas. depending upon the seriousness of the offense. At the canton (county) level the governor is repre­ sented by a political chief, who is his appointee. The political chief is the highest civil and political figure in the canton. The municipalidad is the legislative chamber for the canton. It is completely autonomous from the executive branch and is elected by popular vote. Its ordi­ nances are enforced by the Political Chief, if the municipalidad so requests or by whomever it designates as its executor. There is a minimum amount of political control in the village. The highest political figure in the village is the auxiliary police agent, who is himself a villager. His chief duty is to "look after orderliness in the community and the safety of its inhabitants." have full police pov/ers. However, he does not He cannot make an arrest unless the chief police agent of Turrialba City has duly authorized him to do so. Whenever something of a serious nature occurs 42"Provinces" cannot usually be equated with "states," nor can "cantons" be equated with "counties." However, there is a rough correspondence between the province-canton organization ahd the state-county organization. 89 Branches of Government Executive Legislative Nation President Congress Province Governor Canton Political Chief District Chief Police Agent Village Auxiliary Police Agent Judicial Supreme Court tfuzga&o (IPenal. ------ Civil. Labor} Alcaldia (1,2.3 Llunicipalidad Alcaldia Junta Progresista he has to report the case to Turrialba and obtain specific authorization for handling it* However, in case of such emergencies as violent death or larceny, he is authorized to arrest* The auxiliary police agent arbitrates the small liti­ gations that may arise between neighbors. He also notifies villagers about taxes levied for the maintenance of dirt roads* The auxiliary police agency in San Juan Norte is not a full-time job. There is little litigation, fights and drunkenness are almost unknown and cases of larceny are ecjually rare. Pay for the job is relatively small. The police agent has authority to appoint tv/o jueoes de, paz (justices of the ueace) and several commissioners to help him m his task* These are honorific positions which carry no salary. It is 90 only in cases of emergency — for example, when los tnrnos. a sort of mardi-gras, are celebrated — that the auxiliary agent may commission people to help him preserve order in the village. 7/homever lie commissions has to obey, under penalty of jail; however, he usually commissions the persons with most prestige in the village, all of whom are related to him by marriage, and who always serve willingly. turnos are celebrated tv/ice a year: Los once in May, to collect funds for the village church, and once in November, to collect funds for the local school. During los turnos all villagers and many friends and relatives from adjoining villages congregate around the church for one to two day celebration. There is some drinking and sometimes fights occur. Another political unit in the village is the Junta Progresista, the local representative of the Municipality of Turrialba. The Junta looks after problems of village public -works, such as roads and the water system. The Junta was only recently created in San Juan Horte; at the time of this study it had been in existence four months. G. Stratification In an objective sense there is always social inequality in all known societies. Some individuals receive a higher income than others; some have occupations which carry more prestige than others; still others may be in position to control the destiny of others. 91 In a subjective sense the problem is more difficult• Given a difference In income, If the recipients of those incomes do not define the situation as one of social in­ equality, vd.ll there be social inequality? Given a difference In wealth, or a difference in pov:er, if the situation is ? not perceived by the parties involved as one of social In­ equality, will there be social inequality? .Answers to these questions v;ould tahe us into the realms of philosophy, "./hat is Heality?, and therefore beyond the purpose of this report. Social Inequality, which implies a hierarchy of positions, is a fundamental assumption in most studies of social strat­ ification. Logical questions are what is social class (or status )? IVha't are its attributes? i.Iany investigators dis­ pose of the problem by defining class in an operational sense — a "class* is that stratum which has a certain characteristic or characteristics. <4^3 Thus one might divide the society into income groups or income strata, or into the stratum of blondes and the stratum of brunettes. A congerie of characteristics might be selected instead as the distinguishing mark. In this case class might be de­ fined as those in a certain stratum who have characteristics A, 3 and C, but not D, E or F, A modification of this pro­ cedure would be to assign values to variables A, B or C and to rate people according to whether they possessed this ^nf Ililton IA Gordon, "Social Class in American Sociology," Aiverican Journal of Sociology. 55, Number 3. 9 92 much or that much of the variable. Indices might then be prepared and people rated on the basis of their score in these indices. Warner’s school follows a similar procedure. Still other investigators ash certain members of society to act as judges, to rate themselves and other members of the community on the basis of some variable, however loose 44 or undefined this variable may be, such as importancia. It is assumed in all these cases that there are classes and that these classes follov/ a hierarchical order. vestigators use the socioxaetric i.iethod: Other in­ they investigate v/ho visits whom, etc., and try to discover v/hether there are groups which are more in interaction with each other.w it Is presumed that those v/ho are more in contact with each other belong to the same status. In the present study*some use, however slight, has been made of all the procedures enumerated above. An attempt has been made to investigate stratification on the basis of occupation and wealth, power and social honor or prestige. 1. Occupation and wealth The present study shows that there is hierarchical stratification in San luan ITorte: objectively on the basis of possession of land and occupation, and subjectively by definition of the situation as one of hierarchy by the people. 44Cf. Edgar A. Schuler, "Social and Economic Status in a Louisiana Hills Community," Rural Sociology, 5, pp. 69-87. ^ S e e C. P. Loomis and A. Beegle, op. oit., pp. 361ff. Almost everyone in the village owns a farm, however small it may he* Occupation depends on the size of the farm owned and the means available to cultivate it or on laclc of land. Villagers were classified on the basis of ownership-occupation into four classes: (a) Those who supported themselves entirely from labor on their own farm; (b) those 'who supported themselves mainly from labor on their own farms, but who supplemented their income with wage labor beyond their farms; (c) those who supported themselves mainly from wages, but ■who supplemented their income by working on their own small farm; (d) those who supported themselves entirely from wages. Table 8, p. 53 shows the size of the various groups. Subjectively there is a feeling among villagers that owning land is higher in the economic scale than .lornalear or v/age-earning. To be a full-fledged jornalero is one of the things dreaded by those who are able to depend on their own land. Conversely, to leave the jornal and become an owner is one of the desires of almost all v/age workers. 2. Power (leadership) In strictly local affairs the village has two men (#1, 34, see Table 11) who wield a considerable amount of power, if by power is meant the determination or influencing 46 of other's behavior in accordance with one's own wishes. A third person (#22) completes a closely knit group. No major decision is taken concerning the village unless these 46Cf. Ringley Davis, "A Conceptual Analysis of Stratification,11 American Sociological Review, 7, pp* 309—21. 94 three have consulted anong each other, and, most probably, come to an agreement. These three men also have close social relationships with men who also wield a considerable 47 amount of power in the village, although to a lesser ex­ tent than they, and therefore are able to influence village public opinion. The three men at the top of the power structure stand out sharply from the rest. It would be difficult to classify the rest of the population on the basis of power unless it would be by arbitrary classes. It might be more correct to speak of this second stratum as exhibiting a continum of power, from the most powerful to the npowerless". Table 11 Leadership Structure of San JUan ITorte, 1953 (Number of Choices Had by Specific Hale Heads of Family) LSale Head of Family* Leadership Choices** 1 ..................... 10 34 16 12 1 16 19 ..................... 2 9 22 25 26 29 30 34 35 50 51 52 55 21 ..................... ..................... .................. ......... ..................... ..................... ..................... ...... ..................... 16 1 1 5 24 1 1 1 1 3 ♦Village male heads of family. **Times the specific person was chosen by the villagers to represent them in a hypothetical commission (see question 4 , Schedule for male heads of family; Appendix) ***Three unmarried villagers received a few choices; 4 non­ villagers also received a few choices. 4«7‘ ------ See Table 11, and Visiting Chart. 95 3. Social class stratification If by social class in the social honor sense is meant a discrete unit (a unit more or less sharply demarcated from other units of the same order), then there are no social classes in San Juan Norte. This does not gainsay the fact that there are people with "more* social honor. There v/as some consensus among villagers as to what individuals they would choose to represent then in village contacts v/ith people or institutions beyond San Juan Norte. The assumption was that villagers v/ould select those persons 48 they considered outstanding In the village. (See Table ll)*.' Many of these people who possess more social honor interact as a group— that is, are more in interaction within themselves than with other villagers. (This statement is based upon both an analysis of village visiting relationships, as elicited through a schedule — personal observation). see Visiting Chart, and However, they are also in close interaction with persons upon whom less social honor has accrued. It v/ould be difficult, and perhaps of little meaning, to draw an arbitrary line between the "top* group (prestige) and the "bottom" group. The theoretical importance this arbitrary division v/ould have is questionable. A '& .. ------- 1 ---- - ’" — No differentiation is made between "power-leadership" and "prestige." It is assumed, in line with previous studies of similar nature, that villagers v/ould nominate for a hypothetical commission those with most prestige and that these would also have power. (See Selected Bibliography, Norris and Powell.) VISITIN G AMONG FAMILIES IN SAN JUAN TURRIALBA, COSTA RICA, -IB B S - NORT 97 In the subjective sense, that is,.as the villagers them­ selves define the situation, there is no social class system in San Juan ITorte. "social” aspect. There is no inequality in the purely Seven judges v/ere selected among villagers to classify the sixty families on the basis of "value" (which f:u*.!lies v/ere more valuable than others, which less valuable and which had the sane value)• Judges v/ere selected v/ith the following characteristics in mind: occupation, age, area of residence and length of residence in the village. All of them concurred in the assertion that in San Juan ITorte each family was as valuable as any other one, that there v/as no "most" valuable or "less" valuable family. All of them recognised differences in economic r>osition, but they pointed out that "economic position" is different from the "vzorth" of a family. Tv/o recognized differences on the basis of intelligence, but said that these differences v/ould accrue to individuals and not to families; that in the same family there could be individuals more valuable than others, /mother said that individuals v/ould be different on the basis of "honesty," but again this v/ould be for individuals and not for families. Two of the judges made mention of the fact that "San Juan Norte is a big family." It should be noted that the small "group" with the most social honor is better off economically than the other villagers. Its members held key positions in the power stratum, in the Junta Sdificadora. the Junta Progresista. in the Junta de Educacion and in the Patronato Esoolar. Thus 98 the three individuals mentioned in the discussion of power are key members of all organizations in the village. How­ ever, economic position seems not to be the determinant, since the men with the most prestige and power are not the wealthiest* H. Level of living 1« Diet Five food items are universally consumed daily in San Juan ITorte: rice, beans, corn meal tortillas, aguadul- ce (solid brown sugar boiled with water) and coffee. For breakfast there is always coffee and tortillas; for lunch, rice, beans, tortillas and aguadulce; for an afternoon snack arepas (a type of homemade sweet bread) and coffee or aguadulce; for dinner, rice, beans, tortillas and aguadulce. These are the ever- present basic foods. course, variations on this main theme: There are, of coffee may be had with milk; cheese may be added to breakfast tortillas; there may be eggs for lunch; for dinner there may be a stew made of potatoes, native roots, cabbage and beef. Beef may be had in different forms. The per family consumption of milk is very low. Eight of the 45 housewives interviewed reported little or no con49 sumption at all. Previous studies confirm the observation that village consumption of green vegetables is also very ■ A schedule on nutrition was administered in 1950 to 10 families randomly selected from the village. 99 low. Attempts have been made by the rural teacher, STICA agents and extension students from IAIAS to stimulate the production of vegetables for home consumption. have practically failed. All attempts It appears that in the matter of diet no change has been accomplished in the last two years. Very few fruits are grown in the village (with the exception of guavas and bananas) and therefore the consumption of fruit is also very low. Consumption of meat is low. To an outside observer this daily diet may appear un­ bearably monotonous, yet it is psychologically satisfying to villagers. The villagers1 attitude toward tortillas. rice and beans and aguaduice may be epitomized by the following comment from a villager who once worked an an assistant cook outside the village: ".... in the mornings they used to give me meat; breakfast was really a lunch, yet I would eggs and have traded all that for the tortillas that I get here at home. I used to feel as if I had not eaten...." A direct attempt at substituting any of these basic foods by other food items will most probably produce negative results. 50 2. Health In the years 1951 and 1952 35 babies were born in San luan Norte. 5Q All births occurred in the home. In the See T. 0. Morales, N. Scrimshaw and A. Arce, "Health Systems," C. P. Loomis, Turrialba. Social Systems and the Introduction of Change, Glenooe, Til.; free Press, 1953, pp. 137-39. 100 same period seven deaths occurred, six of which were of' children -under 18 months of age and one a 75-year old man. Except for one unknown case, gastro-intestinal disorders constituted the cause of all children’s deaths. In the year 1951, IAIAS made arrangements with the local health authorities for medical examinations of each member of eight randomly selected family units as part of a larger medico-clinical study of the Turrialba area. The result of these medical examinations reveal an almost uni­ versal Infection with intestinal parasites. The majority of those examined from San Juan ITorte had three types of parasites, some even more. I/Iany of those who were examined suffered from avitaminosis and malnutrition. In this re­ spect San Juan ITorte did not differ from the rest of the 51 Turrialba area. See Table 12. Table 12 Parasitic Infection, Turrialba, 1951 Type of Infection Number of Persons Percent of~ ~ To1 ^^! .Incylostonas, Ascaris Lumbricoides, festlons) 316 40.4 Any two infections 325 41.6 Only one infectio n 115 14.7 26 3.3 782 100.0 No infection TOTAL »Cf. Jh 0. Norales, N* Serimshaw and A. Arce, o£. oit., ■Du. 139-43. 101 Tooth decay was also almost universally present in all the area. In the study of San J\ian Norte no second medical examinations had been made at the time of this report and it is not possible to say if the incidence of parasitosis has increased or decreased. Tooth decay is still one of the major maladies which beset the community. At times a person may be suffering from a toothache for a week or more, his face all swollen up, and he still has not seen the dentist, or what may be more prevalent, the dental mechanic, for an extraction. A high percentage of villagers have false teeth. Because of the high incidence of parasitosis and the knowledge that impure water might be one of the main sources of infection, 52 the local school teachers campaigned for the boiling of water and for the construction of privies, if none was had. Information of the practice of boiling water was col­ lected from 45 housewives. Only seven reported boiling their drinking water regularly; two claimed boiling it occasionally; the remaining 36 never boiled it. Only five families of the 45 interviewed reported that they had no privies. All but four of the 45 had had them 53 for over two years. k^None of the families studied boiled their drinking water. 53 Three of these four gave as their source for the idea the local police agent; the other, the health agent in Turrialba* 102 During the past two years numerous household pests, such as fleas and niguas (chiggers), have been entirely eliminated through the use of chlordane. 54 The public health unit and the local hospital: The local hospital is a "social security” entity organized according to the plans of the American Association of hospitals. As a general rule, a fundamental prerequisite for hospital service is that the individual be insured in the Costa Rican Department of Social Security. Social security is obligatory for all wage earners under 65 years of age. The directly insured and their wives and children under 18 have the right to medical attention, medicine and hospital­ ization. Only 13 of 42 informants (from whom information is available) had this form of insurance. The public health unit functions in the area of pre­ ventive medicine and simple first aid and is designed to supply services to those who are not covered by social security. Of the 49 families for which information is available, 13 had visited the public health unit at least once during the preceding 12 months, while only 7 had visited the hospital. This mahes one suspect that the influence which such agen­ cies have in changing health habits of villagers may be snail. There is no consensus of opinion on what either of these two agencies actually is, a fact which malces it difficult, ^0*". 0. Morales, K . Scrimshaw and A. Arce, op. cit., 146-54. if not Impossible, to conceive of a village image of them, 7/ith respect to the quality of the services which are performed by the public health unit, about one third of the informants (15) were "opinionless” ; eight of the ones who had visited it v;ere satisfied with the services which the agency had rendered them. A sizable group (11) expressed dislike for the "bureaucratized” ways of the agency; some expressed the opinion that it was better to save money and go to a private doctor, ilo one mentioned having received •/ritten literature from the health unit, nor mentioned it as a source for new practices in health. 7/ith respect to the quality of the services that the hospital performs, about half of the informants (23) were "opinionless". The majority of the other half, either through actual contact 'vith the hospital or through hearsay, thought the services performed by the hospital were "good.” General health practices: In case of sickness it is common practice to treat oneself, following traditional household remedies which often involve the use of local herbs. There are no local ouranderos. If the malady per­ sists, someone may be sent to Turrialba City to see a pharmacist and get a prescription from him. In many cases it is a habit to wait for days, weeks or even months be­ fore a physician is consulted. Recently a book on household remedies - Consejero I-Iedlco del Ho gar - made its appearance in the community. It might be of interest to explore in the future if it has made A n + -t s • ? i health -nractices. 104 C• Housing Practically all village houses are owned by the occu­ pants. They are of wood construction and roofed with galvanized steel plates and bricks. The wood for house­ building is usually village lumber, which is taken to Turrialba City for milling. of two, are unpainted. All houses, with the exception There are several houses which are made almost entirely of dry sugar-cane leaves and others which are roofed with that material. Immediately adjoining the better hones is a galeron. sometimes with a sugar-cane leaf roof. This galeron houses the oxcart, if the family owns one, and serves as storage for firewood and farm tools. The privy is constructed away from the house. The living room is very modest. walls are covered with newspapers. In many hones its For furniture there may be a few” benches or stools and a table. usually houses a very rustic altar. few. The living room Sleeping rooms are Since windows are rather small, ventilation is rather poor. Beds are of a very rustic type, homemade many times• The kitchen has, in the majority of cases, a dirt floor. The almost universal means of lighting a house is through candles, which are stuck to the side beams with melted wax. D* Clothing Adult males buy all their clothing ready-made in Turrialba City, except their underwear, which is made in the home. A 105 f ew have it made to order in Juan Vinas, a neighboring town. The use of hats — straw or felt — is almost universal and even very small children very often wear them. The great majority of males go barefoot most of the time, except on da3rs of village festivals. Fart of a m a l e ’s daily attire is a long knife in a leather case, which is hung from the waist. Since the m a l e ’s attire comes from beyond the village, changes in male fashion may be introduced by way of Turrialba City. Thus, a few of the young boys wear paohuco (soot suit) pants with a peg-top cut. Females buy the material for their dresses in Turrialba City. Dresses are made in the village, either by the house­ wife herself or by some local seamstress. made a la^ cabeza, without a pattern. They are generally A few of the girls have theirs made by regular modists in Turrialba City. There are very few sewing machines in the village. The great majority of women go barefoot most of the time, ex­ cept on days of village festival. Villagers are in the habit of wearing new clothes for such religious-social festivals as the feast of the patron sant, and the feast of Corpus Christi. 106 IV. AN ANALYSIS OF OPLTPRAL OHANOI By eonvtntioa, th« study of culture is supposedly assigned to anthropologists. Presumably, the study of cultural ehangs should also bs so. However, in actual praetios the study of cultural change must concern (and doss) the sociologist and historian as veil. It is therefore rslsTsnt at this point to take a quick glance at what is going on in the field of cultural ehangs. Following convention, s start will bs mads by dis­ cussing, in summary fashion, the several "schools" of an­ thropology which in the past have addressed themselves, cither implicitly or explicitly, to the problem of cultural change. Wherever important, the work of men in other silled disciplines, which touch upon the problem, shall bs included The mors recent trends in the study of cultural change will also be discussed. * ft A. The history & £ the study of cultural "Xvolutionism" was perhaps the first school in anthro­ pology to deal with the problem of eultural change in a sys­ tematic way. Although the belief that culture developed, or changed, in a progressive manner from a "primitive" to a "civilised" stage originates long before Darwin's time, it was in the period of Darwin, when "evolution" became the fashion, that the concept was applied to changes in culture* Pitt-Hivers, Spencer, Morgen and Sumner are names, among others, associated in one form or another with the problem 107 of "simple* origin* of "complex* otate* of onlturo* Tho original aohool of evolution ramainod pretty mneh an English aohool, vhara It gradually loot much of ita initial impotua.^ "Diffuslonism* also had its beginning* in England, and acta as a reaction against "... the subjective simplifica­ tions, bane* distortions, of tho real e-rente.*.* of evolution.2 • its extreme form diffuslonism attempted to define In the development of eulture throughout the world and through* out human existence* Elliott Smith, one of the early dif- fuslonlsts, claimed that all civilizations could be traced to Sgyptt the civilization of the American Indians, the Mesopotamians, etc. were "modifications* of Egyptian culture- and had resulted from the diffusion of cultural items from Egypt. Other diffusionists (the German kulturkrelslehr) claimed that there was more than one senter of culture dif­ fusion. These extreme forms of diffuslonism — which remained largely confined to England and Germany -- should not be con­ fused with less ambitious studies in diffusion which were carried out in the United States by the American historical school, neither should they be confused with the relatively simple studies in diffusion which are currently going on in 1. Robert H. Lowie, The History of Ethnological Theory. Mew Tork: Earrar and &inehart, Inc., 1957, pp* 19*89. 5. Ibid., p. 157. 3. Meal Gross, "The Differential Characteristics of Accepters and Mon-Accepters of an A pp roved Technological Practice," ural Sociology. XIT 1949• pp 148-59. ryes Ryan and M. Gross, "The Diffusion of Hybrid Corn Two Iowa Communities," Mural Sociology, MIX, 1943. pp.? 84. ’ See also Selected Bibliography, Humber: S 108 t "Funotionallam" also daralopad In England, and may bt considered aa a reaotion to tha axtremmof evolutionism and diffuslonism. To the functionalists, tha crucial impor­ tance in aultural change waa not tha "evolution* or "diffu­ sion* on an item, hut tha funatlon which it performa in austaining tha unity of society. In othar words, an itam might •diffuse" from another culture hut it would ha of no conse­ quence to tha receiving oultura unless it eould ha incorpor­ ated and fulfill a "function*' in tha receiving culture. Thera are newer trends in tha study of cultural change, tha problems of which are perhaps more amenable to field re­ search. Among the newer emphases are the studies of accul­ turation, "culture contact,* urbanisation, "applied anthro­ pology* and "diffusion.* Acculturation is mainly a product of American anthro­ pology. It encompases *••.those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different oultures come into con­ tinuous first hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original patterns of either or both groups.•• (it) is to bs distinguished from cultural change, of whieh it is but one aspect, and assimilation, which is at times a phase of accul­ turation. . .also. .. from diffusion which while occurring in all lnstancas of acculturation, is not only a phenomenon which frequently takes place without the occurrence of the types of contact between peoples specified in the definition given a* bova, but also constitutes only one aspect of the process of 109 acculturation."* Acculturation, as a theoretical tool, has been in uae mostly since the 1930's and most of the in­ vestigations dealing with it hare been carried out in the Western Hemisphere. Although the definition does not state It, investigations in acculturation have been oriented to­ ward non-forced change.5 "Culture Contact* is very similar to acculturation. It differs in that it primarily addresses itself to situa­ tions in which the change has been "forced." It is a pro­ duct of British anthropology and developed partly as a re­ sult of concern with the consequences of change for colonial peoples. The empirical work connected with it has been carried out mostly in Africa and mostly since the middle 1930's. Names such as Malinowski, Sohapera, M. Hunter, Fortes, and Thurnwald are usually associated with it.8 Urbanization is also eonoerned with the problem of cultural change. As Louis Wirth put it: "Urbanization no longer denotes the process by which persons are attracted to a place called the city and incorporated into its system of life ... (but also) ... to the changes in the direction of modes of life recognized as urban which are apparent among people, wherever they may be, who have come under the spell 4. Bob art Redfleld, R. Linton and M. Herskovlts, "Memoran­ dum for the Study of Acculturation," Amerioan AnthronQloglst, XXXVIII, 1936. pp. 149-30. 5. For a general review of the work in acculturation see Ralph Beals, "Acculturation," A. L. Kroeber, "Anthro­ pology Today. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953, p p . 631-41. 6. Ibid. 110 of tho influences which tho city exerts . *.*7 Redflelfl's studios la Yucatan address themselves to this problem.8 Beals has explored new ways of relating the study of urban­ isation to that of acculturation.9 Studies in the field of "applied anthropology** consti­ tute a direot attack on the problem of cultural change. A glance at Human Organization,10 at Spleer9s book11 and at Anthropology Today12 will reveal cases in point. In Latin America two field investigation programs in cultural change are currently being carried out: Holmberg*s studies in Peru and the educational program of the XAXAS in Oosta Rica. Also of relevance to the study of cultural change are several studies conducted on rural social organisation.19 Newer investigations by some rural sociologists are particu­ larly relevant for the present study since some of them have 7. Louis Wirth "Urbanism as a Way of Life * AflffTifT* Jour­ nal of Sociology. AS, 1938-39, p. 5. 8. Robert Redfleld, g|e Polk Culture of Yucatan. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1941. 9. Ralph L. Beals, "Urbanism, Urbanization and Accultura­ tion," American Anthropologist. LXXI, pp. 1-10. 10. Slft&BuPSS9H ItIttlffJb York. 11. Xdward H. Spicer (ed.), Human Problems in Technological itsk** 0 ase-book)- New York: Russell Sags foundation, Ik. See articles by Oaudlll, Kennard and MacGregor, Torde, Held, and Metraux in A.i. Kroeher, op. sit. IS. Oharlss P. Loomis, Studies of Rural Social Organization in the United JtJiates^. Latin ■America and Oe gunny. last Lansing Mich.: Stats College Bookstore, 1945. Olen X. Leonard and Oharles P. Loomis (editors). (editors) Readings in Latin American 8ocial Organization andXnstltutiona. Xast Lansing, Mich.: Michigan Stats College Press, 1 9 5 9 ^ specifically taken to task tho study of tho diffusion of farming practices. Bowever, most of thoso studios on tho diffusion of praotioos have boon oonoornod with establlshing oorrolatlons hotweon aoooptanoo or rejection of a praotioo and eortain variables suoh as sooio-economic status, uso of tho foxmal msdia of oommunioation, etc. Somo of thorn have boon oonoornod with tho relevance of oulture in tho ao­ ooptanoo or rejection of praotioos**, but in a slightly difforont way, as will booomo owldont later. Somo other studios of oultural ohange haws not boon mentioned above because their relevance for tho present study seems rather remote. Mannheim, 18 Spongier,*9 Toynbee,*9 Sorokin,17 and among others, are oonoornod with oultural ohango9 but in terms of whole civilizations.*9 Ogbura's*® study of 14. See for example: H.A. Conoept: An Approaeh Soolal Forces. XXIX, in the A o ooptanoo of olology. XYT, 1951. Pedersen, “The Emerging Culture to the Study of Cultural Change,* 1950., also “Cultural Differences Recommended Praotioos,* Rural So- 15. Oswald Spongier, (tr. Oharles P. Atkinson), The Deoliao of the W e s | f New York: A. A. Knopf, 1946. 16. Arnold J. Toynbee, Civilisation on Trial. New York, Ox­ ford University Press, 1948. 17. Pitirim A . Sorokin, Soolal and Cultural Byiiamios. (vol. Ill), New York} American Book Co., 1937. 18. Karl Mannoholm, Man and Society la an Ago of BenonsAgantlon. New York: “ aroourt, Braes and Co., 1940. 19. Por a criticism of these theories of ohango see: R. M. MaeXver, Soolal Causation. New York: Oian and Company, 1948., Chapter 4. SO. Villi am P. O g b u m , Social Change. New York: Press, 1950. The Viking soolal ehangs la also addressed to a large problem — in different spheres of a large culture. changes This is a far cry from the problem in San Juan Norte: the study of a very small aspect of cultural change. No attempt was made abore to be analytically precise about distinguishing oultural from social ohanget sinoe the two fields are not explicitly separated in the works that were cited. For some investigators21 oultural change is the all— inclusive, for others2* it is social ohange. The analysis of cultural change In San Juan Norte could be called a study in the diffusion of agricultural and health nutrition practices. It bears strong resemblance to slml- lar studies conducted by some American rural sociologists. However, the emphasis of the present study is not with cor­ relations but with finding out "why" the practices are ac­ cepted or rejected. As will become evident, it leans on functionalism; the functional unity of society is assumed as a working hypothesis. The study might be called a study in applied anthropology in the sense that the change agent (IAIAS in this case) was eonsoiously aware of the "experimental* 21. See for example, Kingsley Daria, Human Society. New Tork: The Macmillan Company, 1948, pp. SSSff.; Julian Steward, Ar.a R.aaarah— and P r a o t l . . . W . w T o x f c t S o a1 . 1 Science Research Council B u l l e t i n 65, 1950, pp. 98ff; Stuart T. Chapin. Cultural Changa. H.w Tork: Th. Can tury Company, 1928, passion. 22. See Villi am V. Ogburn, on. on. alt.r passim. 0 l%^ passim. R. M. MaeXver. 1X9 nature of tha situation, and that plans had hssn dr aim up in adTanes for further explorations of the situation. a In oertain way the study might also he oonceired of as a special oase in aeeulturation, sinoe there has heen •contin­ uous first-hand contact,* as sill be shown below, between agents from IAXAS, and the villagers of San Juan Norte. B. Trmwrt Two fundamental assumptions were made when the field investigation started. Tirst it was assumed that a practios is a complex of items whieh has ramifioations in areas of the oulture other than those with whioh it is mainly identi­ fied — the boiling of drinking water Involves. extra labor for the womenfolk, the use of sterilised containers and a knowledge of sanitary rules. Second, it was assumed that the several orders of society (family organisation* religion* status, etc.) constitute a unity and are in a state of equi­ librium. for the purposes of this study, this assumption implies two things: (a) any item or praetlee that is intro­ duced will also impinge on areas other than that with which it is mainly associated, and (b) these areas, upon being disturbed by the*■item, will impinge on it; their reaction will be crucial for the acceptance or rejection of a practice. These two assumptions made it necessary to do an ethno­ graphy of San Juan Norte, for if it was sssumsd that the sev­ eral areas of the culture were of importance in the acceptance or rejection of a practice, then it was mandatoxy that these areas be studied. The breakdown of the social system Into 114 •c^noay, kinship, #tc. was arbitrary; some other classificatory. aeheme could have been used just as well. Three practices were selected for intensive study. Two, the use of an insecticide and the planting of a variety of sugar eane, are in agriculture; the third, vegetable home gardens, is a combination of agriculture, health and nutrition practices. The insecticide is a clear-out example of a successful introduction of a practice; the practioe of cultivating vegetable gardens has been a failure; the adoption of a new variety of sugar eane Is an example of a spontaneous, slow change in a practice. A certain orientation will guide the analysis of the process involved in the acceptance or rejection of a practice* The process of acceptance or rejection of a practice -- pro­ cess of change as it shall be called -- is here meant to include the dynamics of all those fact j m which in one way or another facilitate or hinder the acceptance of a practice. For purposes of analysis the process of change will be broken down into three general areas: the "what* of the praotice; the *how" of the practice, and the "why* of the practioe. The "what* is subdivided into (a) the "old practice"; (b) the practice as it has been presented to the people by 23. This presentation leans heavily on M. T. Herskovits, "Processes of Oultural Change," in B. Linton and B. Malinowski, The Dynamics &£ Culture Change. •« 115 the change agent and (o) the reeultant practice, If there has been any change. (See chart, below). The old praotlce refers to the practice which the people had (if there wae one) before the new practice made its appearance; "b" re­ fers to the praotlce as the change agents conceived it, I.e., without any modifications from the people; *c* re­ fers to the new practice as it was finally incorporated into the local culture, if it was, and includes modifications on TH1 "WHAT* The People (and their culture) (a) Old Practice The Change Agcnt(and his (b) New Practice The "how” refers to the dynamics of the attempt at change. It includes such variables as the method whloh was followed by the change agents in Introducing the practice, the channels through which information passes, the social mechanisms involved in the attempt at change and so on. The "why" will be an attempt at systematizing the in­ formation that is available from the present study on the process of change. Z 4l flee Hypotheses will be set up and tested. I'. Malinowski, 6p. olA.. especially Chapter T • 1X6 In setting up these hypotheses, there was eonoern for including among the variables those which are of a strictly psychological order, that is, variables dealing with the individual in his capacity as an individual; variables of a sociological nature, that is, attributes of social structure, and variables of a cultural nature, that is, attributes of a culture. (See schema). Vhat A) B) C) Old practice New practice Resultant practice How Methods used forbringing about change; social mechanisms involved in the attempt at change Why Testing of hypotheses. These hypotheses should contain variables of a psychological, a sociological, and a cultural nature. After the three practices are analyzed an attempt will be made to generalize from them and to point out those hypotheses which seem significant in the acceptance or re­ jection of a practice. Bor a complete discussion of the "what* of the process of change, one should Ideally analyse those elements in the culture of the receiving group whloh might Influence the aeoeptancc or rejection of the practice, likewise, one should discuss those elements in the culture of the donor group, the change agent in this case, which might Influence the acceptance or rejection of the practice, looking at it from thle framework one could consider the process as one o 117 acculturation. However, In the present study tha emphasis has baan on tha eultura of tha receiving and, tha villagers, rathar than on that of aaeh and, °* «5 In. agriculture 1• Ohlordana: A aucoaaa In a conaaloua attempt «1 changa Tha usa of tha inaaetlalda ohlordana aa a practioa In agrieultura was aalaetad baoauia it rapraaantad a clearcut case of success In a eonaoioua attempt to introduce change. It waa thought that an analysis of tha dynamiea involved in tha aooaptanea of ohlordana would throw light on tha "why* of aooaptanoa of praetleaa in agriculture, A schedule waa constructed (sea Appendix), Questions were asked on tha habits assoeiatad with tha usa of inseetlcidas to eombat ants (The *what*); and on tha methods used in tha introduction of tha practice (Tha *how*). Additional information was also requested which would shad further light on tha dynamics of the aceaptanoa or raj action of the practice. Tha hypotheses whloh are enumerated below ware formu­ lated after a series of informal talks with villagers and IAXAS personnel. Hypotheses X, II and ▼ follow from tha query on tha *what.* Hypotheses 111, IT, TI and TII o o n c e m JEl It was Implicitly assumed that tha eultura of the change agent was not a significant variable for the analysis of this particular process of change. It was found out that for the particular cases which are discussed be­ low, tha culture of tha change agent was of little or no influence in tha process of change. xie the "how,* Both Ohlordana Hypothesis attempt to answer was aeeepted I, Villagers the *why.w heoause: felt the need for an effective formicide. Hypothesis I I •The use their of ehlordane oulture fitted (habits of well work into in agriculture). Hypothesis III. Objective of Hypothesis IV. proof ehlordane Villagers agents was had of change agency agents a two Hypothesis stand Hypothesis who years V. T h a u s e of from agents VII. of (It passed; the was assumed was worked of the agencies IAIAS of Venesuelan had the in on the that and the extension the easy village change advantage. to point under­ of structure contrary through prestige the was villagers" leadership worked The local their it . image previously}• by-passed; Hypothesis and of ehlordane VI. T h e local effeotiveness furnished. change group students the a positive connected with the of was the view. not change the leaders. struoture agents was used not it to by­ 119 UaA in San - W & a f * For Juan Norte a and long the villager claimed (though he not out oould cause the floors villagers is of a fruit considerable several the nation past work had extension one 26. but was the was carbon been was students advised spoonful to a by still fid ants. Most and in that total vegetable that be­ ants almost the gardens ants did of using of bombard well was ijtlAS. ehlordane bottle in large ehlordane, water, ss habit persisted males. Introduced quart formerly evening The the the exploded. adult before One the olalmed been with was proble a plantations. literally mixed from to m i x to ants that assertion also had bisulfide, used the introduction mixture done Chlordane were villagers biting guavas) was coffee in farmers. ( except to the in a countryside. seven with for It constituted exaggeration) after though, bisulfide and ohlordana, which damage bisulfide flooded, had ants. Before carbon Carbon to with eovered trees ant« surrounding problem formlcldes, numbers. used were real attributed In of eonourred, constituted absence get time as ant nests This In villagers ant nests. were extermi­ comparison other to formlcldes expensive. in In 1951 several Venezuelan demonstrations, powder of by villagers in the proportion water and to pour of this T h e I S m e m b e r s o f t h e s a m p l e c l a i m to h a v e u s e d c a r b o n b i s u l f i d e b e f o r e t h e a d v e n t o f ~ c h l o r d a n e i ? c l a i m to have used ey«*&gos (or sublimate) before using fl&eW . ISO mixture Into whether the the nett. extension ehlordane on that did they ant other pests. the this In the universal the sample of 13 to use It dry form. Bins, only 3 used males, while pests. It is highly I t, In ants The In that the In eonneeted it the to to villagers asoertaln use elalmed used •How*! with the was it The one were the la the to Tenesuelan Department of it was on the on not by Use. Many cockroaches habit of the using adult household with claims were while other entirely villager pests. bedbugs, that it women and use flies* eombatlng the advent of change agents was modified eombat dry In in exterminate used head It dry, formicide to before by used m a suoeess, formieldes presented parson away eombatlng mush (One it did them used u s e d it had ehlordane families 13, as used sample, villagers as used (ehiggers); In of Ithough villagers of of form. was the use A most ehlordane without several farmers wet the that It. sample housewives foxmlelde The £7. the short, with villagers study water, the effeotlve praetlee most in nieuas although of possible village.Twelve using with fields olaimed and were In XIeven, fleas, is it the Host of almost In not advised time was it.) agents was n o t . 87 During advised It other pests ehlordane* and In that form. extension students Xoonomlos and B u r a l were Life H o w e v e r , s e v e r a l v i l l a g e r s w e r e b r o u g h t to I A I A S for a "Demonstration Day** The records explicitly state that the u s e of ehlordane was one of the items dis­ cussed* 121 28 A change agents extension the Norte the was confidence the some of village The the local leaders whole, generally at students plaza. students. through Not It seems made of of the The a that previous did they they also soccer certain that impression is 19) on attributed of villagers they try to villagers have of that that to one of Juan s t u d y ; 89 when worked win attempted According the and of San only favorable image structure Is confidence village joined of tha the fairly sample leaders in but ehlordane Dapartaaot gaining some large.®® even this community by structure. the of leadership known community out through arrived introduction (eight work students of the oriwtation facilitated already this with is The extension through on must work people. basic to the work villager, games in the the students, the villagers. by the majority to XAZA these S IAXA8 is positive.®1 28. D r . Spencer Match was in charge of training the Yenesuelan students in agricultural extension methods. 29. In 1 9 4 8 a s c h e d u l e was a d m i n i s t e r e d to a s am p le of families from San Juan Norte. Q u e s t i o n s s i m i l a r in n a t u r e to n u m b e r 11 o f t h e s c h e d u l e f o r m a l e h e a d s o f f a m i l y u s e d in t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y w e r e i n c l u d e d . Analysis of these questions by XAXA8 personnel revealed the local l e a d e r s h i p s t r u c t u r e existing at the time. Xt is assumed, of course, that the leadership structure had not c hanged by the time the Tenesuelans had arrived. 30. Thus, not only are but n o n - l e a d e r s as 51. See pp. 70-71 for they well an well known amont village s p e a k h i g h l y o r them. image of XAXAS. leaders, 128 Twittt«lta* laadtra and non-leaders, prestige,in to them on laetura Thay tha villagers students tha to had farmers. It brought strations of waa One to of tha ahuroh Immediately of uaa out t h a a a a l rat. ohlordana supplies all influence heard of have source grades aftar in tha tha wara them, put on flald. a n t a in Tha exterminated. with of and laoturad ohlordana pointed to the of for that an items four four all-day village tha these out sale thaaa Tha which thay through Tillage period of leaders demon­ demonstration. Tha touched IAIAS leaders was upon tha of villagers the Vana z u e l a n a ; them. heard of started For about instance, them. information using by usa auxiliary in fact, 5 in Some ehlordane the some villagers samole of 13, claimed time from This is there mandatory has for tha give to have polioe a law farmers, not even claimed as tha not their the 1e f a t u r a nolit i c a of Turrialba heard about Thus, 2 in the ohlordana far tha agent. understandable bean through had sample, through the local auxiliary polioe agent. 1925 Tllltgart t agent. Not first of d l f f a m t tha IAIAS one of front group agent. be previous personnel. to oxer ohlordana polioe Other also with effeotivsly some polioe must it wara brought sizable ohlordana. try naata auxiliary ware of demonstrated demonstration sold uaa a paraona g a l agon in tha they had tfttabltd in under in view Gosta of Rica penalty of tha faot that which makes a fine, to since it extemi- 183 nate ant early in canton The of law did 1 the 950. waa use. In cell the rlllagera ehlordane agent. Juan gotten the tranamitted to have thia to law the enforced. Tillage, waa to time he waa inatruet Juan from the He aleo give aa aee to the the aet acted aa the a agent chief*a the Tenezuelana aa the local farmers police political period that looal Norte*a farmers a In the Tenezuelana practices strations, were a the aource sales h e y Mo. 117 del 11 11 August 19X5). of 13, were agent for aa the the from not de true were to police in farmera claim to within have neighboring responsible farmera; polioe the de the in their other 1983. the who were agent, village. ayatematic for for atudente, auxiliary agoeto local aource. without and information farmere two from of the and the Tenezuelan elaborate situation village aourcea aource; and nor well-known ehlordane farmer three within to aample of ualng Important from refer the village their the Tenezuelana beyond nummary, of the moa t fam e idea olaima apread they Norte. In 3 S. neither Inatead neighboring one reactivated representative San during waa the and obtained law aa came actuality, village. were agent, tha the This latter. Other San in ehlordane in T u r r l a l b a 32 office polioe at ohlordana Tleiting on ohlef*s enforced; for farms. Instructions pol itico agent ita their auxiliary Jefe office the on political local sales on nests and The demon­ source*. (Law No. 117, 1*4 The "Why": operational "n«#d*f How to a be the may definition by study It purposes can of this from study an a on a For the believe were or be raising using felt was aware was for appears that a or need changing pected presently that might be (1) in there need was explicit was "conscious then, for would the For with individuals to feel (that oane they formieide they were be considered that a of is, sugar an field study a t Han. J u a n individuals knowledge or alternatives variety (2) of were they that sugar had needs variety are to when -- might knowledge "aspiration." used cane dissatisfied productive they with assess there thus be available. the by present whether is a ex­ the (however conditioned In Norte variety vague) It a "dis­ study a need existed .39 dissatisfaction." It an The hypothesis efficient 33. O h an sc. the is criterion Hypothesis a need the previous equated were of years been of type or it people and and the the is m e a n t sohedule? by a more said, people an or felt the the use satisfaction* felt from expliolt when has part What several interview if change. implicit for that then occur the unproductive Furthermore, it of) ineffective a need if is made. "need* dissatisfaction example, clarify matters which conscious group. to "needs" "needs" Inferred of help N e w Yorkt was formieide. — — M c O r a w Hill co., confirmed. All leca, in the Villager* sample ^tural o n a p t e r s 4, 9 125 of 13 were combatting ants before the advent of ehlordane. Ten of them considered that the situation wac mors serious before the coming of ehlordane while eight thought the problem of ants had still not been solved. This might make one suspect that there was still a need among many villagers for a more effioient formieide. Credence to this belief is given by the fact that at a meeting in which the STICA agent was present, two villagers asked if anything more effective than ohlordana was available. (Three villagers have tried a new insecticide, which was, in­ cidentally, the same one which had been recommended by STICA)• Hypothesis XI: The use of ehlordane fitted into the culture of the community. A 11 in the sample had been combatting ants for as long as they could remember, so that the use of ehlordane did not involve a marked deviation from their work habits. The sample further revealed that it was the adult male copulation which combetted ants with carbon disulfide and it was the adult population which eombatted ents with ehlordane. Hypothesis Ills The Tenezuelana, through village demonstrations, provided objective proof about the efficiency of ehlordane, 34I which was accepted by many o f the villagers. Ten of them claim that their fight against ants (with carbon disulfide) was intensive; 2 claim that nothing waa used very much; 1, that nothing was efficient. 186 Sight of the sample of 13 claimed to hare been influenced by the demonstrations; of these, six had attended the leeture-demonstrations* The auxiliary police agent did not attempt, however, to furnish objective proof through demon* strations; he oommunioated the news that he had *an effective formieide* to several villagers, who in turn bought it from him* Those who heard of ehlordane from other farmers were not given demonstrations about its efficiency; they were simply told that ehlordane was an efficient formieide* They all tried the powder and were eonvineed of its efficiency In the case of the Venezuelans, the change agent provided the objective proof* In the case of the auxiliary police agent and other farmers, the 'change agent* simply explained that the powder was more efficient..** the villagers tried the powder and were convinced of its efficiency* It must be pointed out that five of the eight who were influenced by the Venezuelans did not receive a free sample of the powder* One of the two who were influenced by the police agent also bought it without having tried it on a free basis* Of the remaining three, one bought it first; the other two tried it first gratis* Hypothesis IV: The assumption that there was only one change agent was disoardsd. agents: There were actually three change the Venezuelans (representing IAIAS), the police agent and individual farmers* By far the most influential one was the group of Venezuelans* had of them was positive — The image that villagers five of the eight who were in- 127 fluenced by them spoke highly of their comportamiento (be­ havior) in the village.35 The next "change agent* was the auxiliary polios agent. He ia in hie own right a very popular figure in the village. (See hie position -- #25 -- in the Visiting Chart, and in Table 11). No systematic information was eolleoted on the •neighboring farmers.* Hypothesis Vt This hypothesis seems to be confirmed. None of the villagers expressed lack of understanding of the procedure followed in combating ants with ohlordana. Ia faot this method appears to be less complicated than their previous one of bombarding the nests. Hypothesis VI: with local leaders. The Venezuelans were iaccloss touch Through them they assembled groups of villagers for demonstrations. However, they also attempted to work with all the population, leaders and non-leaders,55 through lectures, demonstrations and community participation. As for the other sources of Information on ehlordane, the auxiliary polioe agent is a strong leader in the com­ munity. The three farmers who were mentioned in the sample as sources of information on ehlordane are not members of the local leadership structure. One is a wealthy absentee farmer; another possesses a small farm in San Juan Sur, and 55. 56. There was failure on the investigator*s part to elicit information from the other three. The demonstration meetings that were carried out took place in the house of a strong village leader and on the farm of an important village leader. (See Numbers 22 and 10 in Table 11 and in Visiting Ohart) 128 the third po«f« 3 3 «a a rery small farm in the Tillage. Hypothesis Tilt In the Tillage of San Juan Norte no clear-out distinction can he made between being a leader and haring high prestige. gether. The two characteristics go to­ The Venezuelans, by working through the leaders, were simultaneously working through the prestige structure of the Tillage. Howerer, the crucial nature of prestige inthe dissemination of the praetiee is open to doubt. It appears that there was an almost simultaneous diffusion of the practice. There is no awareness among most rillagers as to who was ths first one to use ehlordane. them say "they all tried it simultaneously.• Most of Of the sample of 13, only three mention two rillagers of high prestige as the first to use ehlordane in the Tillage. Howerer, neither one olaims to hare gotten the idea for ehlordane from these two rillagers. tried it at the same time." light persons said that "we all One said that he was one of the first to try it, but could not cite any others. The other one did not know who was first. As was the ease with "leaders," the particular role which persons with prestige played in assembling rillagers for the demonstration -- a fact which may hare accelerated the dissemination of the practice -- was not explored in this study. The element of recall, as to who were the first to use ehlordane, may hare been conditioned by the factor of time. 129 Summarizing tha factors on tha "whyw of tha aooaptanoa of ohlordana, tha following gansrallzations stand out: Villagers felt a need for tha insecticide. very wall into tha loeal eultura, Its usa fitted Tha Tanazualans fur- nishad objective proof of its efficiency; other ehanga agants gars verbal assuranoa about its affioianoy whleh was aoeaptad by soma villagers. aasy to understand. Tha usa of ohlordana was "Leadership,* "prestige" and "image of tha ehanga agency" appaarad not to have baan very sig­ nificant Tarlablas in tha introduction of ehlordane. It waa pointed out that soma villagers usa ehlordane in tha powder form rather than in tha liquid form whieh was demonstrated. Soma elaim that this was their own idea; that they experimented with it in tha dry form and seemed to gat batter results. However, it was not possible to ascertain why this ehanga has occurred. 87 It was also pointed out that ehlordane was used in tha extermination of othar pasts. Of the 1 0 In the sample of IS who elaimad to have used it on othar lnssets, four gave no sourea for tha idea but elaimad instead to have experimented with tha powder on other inseets and discovered its affeotiveness. Three elaimad to have gotten the idea from other villagers (no specific names wara mentioned) S?7 On# Although many factors, such as nature of soil, humidity, etc., affect the effeetiveneas of ohlordana, never­ theless as a general rule ehlordane is more effaetlva in tha wet form. (Written communication from Mr. Safael Gonzales Mendoza, Colombian entomologist.) 130 thought that ha might have gotten tha idea from tha Venezuelans and one gave the newspaper as the aouroe of information. There was no answer from two as to the souree. This suggests that the urgenoy of the need to exterminate other household pests was strong enough to induoe them to try the insecticide. The introduction of ehlordane as a practice may he considered a success from a non-technical viewpoint, since practically all villagers use it. From a technological viewpoint the success is questionable. Ants still beset the village and still constitute a problem. By virtue of the law, the police agent has authority to coerce farmers into exterminating their ants or at least making an effort to do so. Yet, It is doubtful that he, as a member of the community, would attempt to enforce the law. Land tenure and type of farming are Important variables which condition the effective extermination of ants. If one farmer Is lax, ants from his land will spread to other farms where the farmer might have managed to bring his own problem under control. The fact that 63 percent of the land is either pasture or waste land, and therefore a breeding place for ants, is also a crucial point in extermination. 2. att.mpt Hon. r.g.t.bl. g»rd«n»: 4 f.llnr. in a oon.olou. nh.ng. The attempt to re-introduce the cultivation of home vegetable gardens was selected for analysis because it re­ presents a clear-cut case of failure. It is thought that 151 for an analysis of tha faotor* whioh prevented tha practice from being successful general principles might be developed whioh would serve a* guide* for future attempt* at change. In demising a schedule on the practice of cultivating vegetable gardens (see Appendix), a procedure was followed which waa very similar to the one used with ehlordane. Questions were asked on the "what", and the "how" of the practice. Some additional questions were also asked, which together with those on the "what* and the "how* would help clarify the "why" of the practice. Hypotheses 1, II, III and IV, Whioh are enumerated below, were set up to account for the failure of the attempt at introducing the practice. Hypotheses Y, VI and VII wer# set up to Investigate the crucial nature, for this particular case, of such variables as "understanding," leadership and prestige. The cultivation of home vegetable gardens was not successful because: Hrnoth.al. X! Tilleg.r. f.lt no need for home vegetable gardens. Hypothesis II: Home vegetable gardens did not fit into two aspects of village eultura, work habits in agri* culture and food habits, sines: a. Villagers were involved in commerci culture, which took most of their time and left them little time for home gardens (whleh due to technological factors were tlme*eonsuming>• 138 b. The consumption of vegetables was n part of their dally food habits. Hypothesis III* No objective proof of the feasi­ bility of planting the gardens was furnished. Hypothesis IV: Villagers had a negative image of the teacher as an agent of change in agriculture. The following three supplementary hypotheses were set up: Hypothesis V: The cultivation of vegetable gardens was an easy matter to understand, from the villagers9 point of view. (If this is so, then it should follow that "understanding* was not a crucial variable in the process.) Hypothesis ▼!> The local leadership structure, as in the ease of ehlordane, was considered. Hypothesis Til: Prestige had no direct relation to the acceptance or rejection of the practice. The *Vhat*: Most of the villagers have at one time or another planted vegetables, that is, cabbage, lettuoe, tomatoes, carrots, beets, and radishes which are here re­ ferred to by the general name of vegetables. Ten in a sample of 18 claimed to have planted vegetables at one time or another in their lives; however, this cultivation had always been sporadic rather than continuous. never cultivated them. Only one had Most of them were taught to do so early In sohool or learned through their parents. Thus, seven of the 10 started cultivating them when they were children. In the past the sohool has almost always sponsored 135 a school getable gardan; It has alao distributed seeds among tha puplla for home oultlratlon. Howerer, tha praotiea of haring a permanant horns rsgstabls gardan has baan practically non-existent* Tha haalth and nutrition studies mad* by IAIAS in tha Turrialba araa in 1949 and 1950 raraalad an almost nagligibls consumption of regetables* included in this study, San Juan Norte was Tha medico-clinical examinations alao eondueted in tha sama period raraalad aarioua vitamin dafioianoiaa in San Juan Norte* It waa planned than to hara the loeal teacher sponsor a program for the culti­ vation of rsgstabls home gardens, which would supplement tha loeal diet, and remedy some of these food deficiencies* The loeal teachers and extension students from IAIAS attempted to reaetlrate the production of ragetablas for home consumption* The results of this effort, compared to tha original goals, were*soft.;.encouraging* Two of the 45 informants had a garden at tha time of tha study, only one of which could be traced to tha influence of the teacher* Only half of the informants claim to hare heard about the 38 practice from either tha teacher or IAIAS* Sereral parents helped their children start gardens; howerer, these gardens either failed or were abandoned* Two gardens were started on a purportedly commercial basis* One 38* #rom an analysis of question #35, Schedule for the Male Heads of Family. 154 of thorn failed completely, apparently for technological 99 reaeone • the other produced some regetables but was finally abandoned,*** In short, most rillagers hare cultirated gardens at one time or another but hare discontinued them. Permanent eultlration of gardens has not been, therefore, a part of the loeal culture. A Ithough attempts hare been made to reintensify the eultlration of gardens, the attempts were not successful. The "How": It is difficult to isolate the attempt at intensifying the oultlratlon of regetable gardens from a series of other attempts at change whioh were entrusted to the loeal teaeher. It is perhaps not far from the truth to assert that, for whaterer reasons,**’ there was nerer a systematic attempt at stimulating the oultlratlon of gardens. There were instead eporadlo attempts at intro­ ducing change in the different areas of health, nutrition and agriculture. Specifically, in relation to the eultlration of regetables, the teacher undertook to cultirate a school 39. 40. By technological factorsare meant such items as type of soil, weather, presence of insects, damaged seeds, etc. A rillager claims that this garden was abandoned be­ cause its owner went away from the rillage to work as an assistant earpcnter. 41 • The present and the former teachers both hare com­ plained about the lack of time to carry on their community work. 1S5 vegetable garden. dN Ha contacted leaders of the community, asked for help and received their cooperation. lent a plow; many villagers helped bamboo fence around the garden. in the One of them construction of a The children and the teacher did the actual seeding of the garden. IAIAS agri* cultural extension students gave the teacher advice on the meohanies of seeding. The garden, however, failed apparently because technological difficulties having to do with the soil • Simultaneously, children were encouraged to start their own home gardens. Seeds given by the local STIGA agency were free and several gardens were started. None was successful. In sohool reunions with villagers at which IAIAS personnel were present, the need of vegetables was stressed both by the teacher and by IAIAS personnel. However, the need for consumption of vegetables was only one of the items which were touched upon in these meetings. The teacher once had a STIOA agent address villagers, who, among other items, stressed the importance of vegetable cultlvatlon. Through the teacher a club was founded to "develop" the community through projects in sewing, carpentry, agri­ culture, among others. The desirability for producing and consuming vegetables was at times stressed at meetings of 42. The present teacher has not attempted to reactivate the school garden, knowing, as he does, that the previous attempt made by the former teacher ended in failure. 196 this olub; howerer, this was only one of the items usually diseussed. In their "talks" with rillagers the Yenesuelan ex­ tension students, among other things, stressed the need for the regetable eultlration. They inrited some rillagers to see the regetable garden on the IAIAS grounds; though it appears that no one from San Juan Norte erer riaited it. At no time was the produetion or consumption of any one regetable in particular stressed. The interest was in increasing the consumption of regetables in general; for the purposes of the attempts at change it did not matter if tomatoes, cabbage, lettuoe, radishes, etc. were planted. Summarising the arailable information on the "how" of change it can be seen that the teacher, IAIAS extension personnel and the loeal STICA agent attempted to Intensify the eultlration of regetables. The attempts were diffused rather than ooneSntrated and usually consisted of the lecture approach. The "Why"* An examination of all the data arailable from the lntensire interrlews, from the preliminary questions asked in the general surrey of practices (in the general schedule) and from personal obserrations, tends to confirm all the hypotheses postulated, although some of them will hare to be qualified. Hypothesis I: This hypothesis is confirmed, though with some qualification. Tor the purpose of this analysis, it was assumed that a need for regetable gardens existed 157 If there was -a need for the consumption of vegetables or for the alteration of prevailing vegetable consumption habits. Analysis of the data revealed that cabbage and tomatoes were consumed relatively often, while lettuce, carrots, beets, and radishes were consumed sporadically, (See Table 13), But vegetables had not assumed anything near the positive meaning of the daily tortillas, rice, beans and asuadulce. In other words, the expectation of eating a vegetable everyday was not present in the culture. Table IS Consumption of Vegetables by Family in San Tuan Norte, 1953 Cabbage Tomato Lettuce Carrots Weekly 5 5 Bi-weekly 1 1 Tri-weekly 2 1 1 — Monthly 1 2 — — Barely 3 8 4 Not reported41 - 1 7 12 12 Total 13' — Beets 1 — 1 — Badish — — — 2 2 2 8 10 10 12. 12 18 ♦The family failed to mention consumption of the vegetable. Presumably such vegetables were not consumed often; however, the data do not permit to say whether or not they were consumed. Information was asked from 40 housewives, and from 35 male heads of family on the "problems** or dissatisfactions *1*. , 158 they had with their diet. Seventy percent of the housewives felt no dissatisfaction with their diet. Only one house­ wife mentioned the "scarcity” of vegetables as a problem. Seventy-seven percent of the male heads of family expressed no dissatisfaotion with their diet; no males expressed the need for increasing vegetable consumption.45 The evldenoe seemed to lndloate that no need was felt for altering vegetable consumption habits, and therefore for intensifying the cultivation of vegetables. However, it is realized that the empirical data that were collected do not permit a clear-out confirmation of the hypothesis. Hypothesis III pothesis was confirmed. With some modifications this hy­ It Is necessary here to explain what is meant by "fitting into the culture,* since In the present case the situation is somewhat different from that in the introduction of ehlordane. degree. "Fitting" is a matter of An item can be considered to fit when its intro­ duction causes minimum disturbance in the culture or in the particular facet of culture in which it has entered. The planting of vegetables is, generally speaking, part of sanJuaneno culture. Most adult males In the village had planted vegetables at one time or another in their lives. But what is not in the local culture is the regular culti­ vation of vegetable gardens for home consumption. It was towards the end of cultivating vegetables regularly that the 45. From an analysis of Question #50, Schedule for the Housewife; and Question #66, Schedule for the Male Heads of Family. 159 school teacher and IAIAS extension students channeled their efforts* These efforts ran Into difficulties because (a) regular eultlration of gardens would hare disrupted other work habits, (b) consumption habits would hare to be altered before there was general acceptance of the practice* Villagers are exceedingly busy throughout the year with their commercial farming* The only subsistence farming they do is the planting of plantains and bananaa* Such trees, howerer, are intimately tied to commercial farming, since they serre as shade for the coffee trees* In addition they do not require much extra labor from the farmers* On the other hand the eultlration of regetable gardens, be­ set as it seems to be with technological difficulties, qould hare lnrolred some shifting away of labor from com­ mercial farming to some enterprise for which they did not feel an urgent need* If the tending of regetables had re­ quired little effort the situation would hare been different* Many rillagers stated as one of the reasons for not eultlrating regetables their "lack of time*" (See Table 14)• Howerer, the author*s assertion that the planting of regetables would interfere with work habits is based mostly on obserratioh* The lnrestigator obssrred the round of life in agrioulture and concluded that tha planting and tending of regetables, because of ants and other difficulties, would require a considerable amount of time which rillagers would hare to subtract from their commercial agriculture* 140 Table 14 •Cultural" Reasons Given for Not Cultivating Gardens San Juan Norte, 19 53 * (Cultivators, and non-cultivators for a two-year period) Cultivators Non-Cultivators Total Work habits and leak of time* 4 2 •No enthusiasm" 1 1 Not mentioned1*1* 2 2 4 7 5 12 Total 6 2 *Ineludes statements that ehieken-raising interferred with eultlvatloh, sinoe the construction of high fences would be necessary. **A total of 4 persons failed to mention reasons of a •cultural" nature. Investigation of habits of consumption revealed that boiled cabbage and tomatoes are consumed relatively often, but lettuoe, carrots, beets and radishes were consumed only sporadically. The data available pointed out that the dally consumption of vegetables (as "vegetable* was previously defined) is not a norm in the local culture. By contrast, certain groups in the United States do not consider a meal to be complete without at least one vegetable. Hypothesis III: This hypothesis is confirmed. The teacher attempted to cultivate a sohool vegetable garden, made an intensive campaign in the village and got the co­ operation of many villagers for this task. Apparently be­ cause the soil had been in use for a long time and was pre­ sumably sterile, the school garden ended in almost total failure. Several villagers were influenced by the teacher or some other agent and attempted to eultivate home gardens, yet practically all these attempts ended in failure. Seven in the sample of 12 attempted to cultivate vegetables in one form or another, but the attempts ended in failure. Table 15 below glwea the technical reasons given by villagers to explain their failures. Table 15 Technical Reasons Given for not Cultivating Gardens San Juan Norte, 1955 (Cultivators and non-cultivators for a two-year period) Cultivators Total Non-Cultivators Climatic conditions 1 1 Seeds or soil 2 (A 1)* 5 Insects 3 1 4 Not mentioned*** 1 5 4 7 5 12 Total *Also mentioned insects, and is Included in that category, **Also mentioned insects, ***A total of 4 persons failed to mention reasons of a technical nature. Hypothesis IT: with qualification. This hypothesis is confirmed, though On the whole, villagers had a negative image of the teacher as an "expert* In agriculture, pp* 83-34 )• (See However, the evidence available does not permit saying whether this carried over to the teacher’s advice on the cultivation of vegetable gardens, a practice 14£ with which he wae identified by moat villagers. In addition, other change agents, such as IAIA3 extension personnel, whose advice was highly regarded by many villagers, had given advice on cultivation and consumption of vegetables. Hypothesis Y : There was not enough evidence to confirm or disprove this hypothesis. Some villagers claimed that they did not have the curioaidad (in native slang, the skill or patience) to cultivate home gardens. On the other hand, since most farmers have cultivated vegetables at one time or another, however sporadically, It would make one suspect that the cultivation of vegetables was not an item difficult for them to understand. Hypothesis VI: This hypothesis was confirmed. The rural teacher was working in cooperation with a program developed at the IAIAS, whose basic orientation is to work through community leaders. firms this. 44 The evidence available con- IAIAS extension students, who were part of this program, also worked on the problem. However, the precise method followed in using leadership structure and the resultant interrelations between the leaders and the followers were not investigated in the present study. Hypothesis VIIt with qualification. This hypothesis was confirmed, but The only villager who was cultivating a garden as a result of the school teachers efforts was one of the persons with most prestige in the village. 44. (See #34 A former teacher of San Juan Norte and the one who initiated the "education* program in the village, was interviewed in San Jose. He also followed the same 'community orientation*• 143 Visiting Chert, and Table 11). However, knowledge that he had such a garden was not very oomiaon. fDur in th ese No one th e four, of sam ple two the 12 >f had 12 not knew had m entinnea a th a t he garden t h i s For instance, onl y had in oersnn a the as a garden. Of l e s t y ears. two source of in flu e n c e . A methodological problem ie involved in the confirmation of this hypothesis. It is known, although this was not explored systematically, that the teacher attempted to work with adults in some oases and with the children in other cases. No data was collected which would throw light on the significance of prestige in the cultivation of gardens by children. In summary, the evidence seems to indicate that villagers felt no need for the cultivation or consumption of vegetables. The cultivation of vegetables was handi­ capped by technological difficulties and proof that they could be cultivated was lacking -- in fact, the proof existed, but to the effect that they could not be culti­ vated. Technological difficulties would make their culti­ vation time-oonsumlng and villagers would have to subtraot this time from their commercial agriculture. The variables of "leadership,• "prestige" and "image of the change agent," did not appear to be very significant. 3* PQ-J sugar eane: A spontaneous £& agricultural prtflUflf In the span of ten years San Juan Sorts villagers 144 switched completely from the cultivation of a certain variety of sugar cane (Tahiti or Criolla) to another variety, Proefstation oost Java #£878, or "P,O.J." as it is called. From the villager's standpoint, this trans­ formation was spontaneous in that no one in the village planned the change. It was thought that in this instance an analysis of this particular process of change, which is perhaps the most prevalent type of change in agricultural practices, would provide us with principles on processes of cultural change. One villager consciously claimed that he was the originator of the idea and that this transformation actually changed the socio-economic structure of the village. He claimed that the weekly exodus of adult males to other un­ cultivated lands beyond the village, which was prevalent about ten years ago, ceased as a result of the arrival of the new variety of sugar oane. In constructing this schedule (See Appendix) questions were formulated on the "what" and the "how" of the practice. Additional Information was also requested which would supplement the "what" and the "how" and permit an answer to the "why" of the acceptance. To aooount for the acceptance of the practice the following hypotheses were set up: The new variety of sugar cane was aocepted because: Hypothesis It of sugar cans. Villagers felt need for a new variety (Assumption IA: This nssd was directly conditioned by the closing down of uncultivated lands). Hypothesis XI: The new variety fitted well into their economic culture. Hypothesis III8 Villagers were provided with ob­ jective proof of the efficiency of the new variety. IVt Hypothesis Prestige was an influential factor in the acceptance of the practice. The **What*; Sugar cane has been cultivated in San Juan Norte for many years. The variety grown in the immediate past was Tahiti or Criolla, but since the pro­ ductivity of this variety was very low, villagers were not much concerned with it. Instead they devoted most of their time to coffee-growing or to milna-making (maize farming) outside the San Juan Norte area. The new variety which was introduced is more pro­ ductive. It differs also in the degree of sugar content, being lass sweet than the old variety. Since solid brown sugar Is one of the basic items of local diet, the degree of sweetness most probably would have been an important variable to consider in the acceptance or rejection of the 45 new practice if cane were still milled in local traoiches. However, since for all practical purposes no molasses is manufactured in the village, this variable is of little importance. 45. Of. A nacleto A podaca, "Introduction of Hybrid Corn to Spanish American Farmers in New Mexico,** 0. W. Spicer, Human Problems in Technological Change., New York Russell Sage Foundation 1952, pp. 35-39. 146 The leaf w eather than 1r a n o r t e n t the th a t v a ria b le e x te n siv e ly to as ex ten t im portant of as of new the to ro o fin g th a t a the the fa c to r The "How”; v a rie ty old is le s s v a rie ty . c o n sid e r This would to be cane leav es m a te ria l. They are used, but q u a lity the le a f would be in if r e s is ta n t of were the an used not acceptance. The Ministry of Agriculture of Costa Rica introduced POJ into the country in 1 9 2 9 . Advertisements aooeared in newspapers and a campaign was made to induce the big commercial sugar cane growers to adopt it. The new variety was very much superior in production (it was claimed) to the old. Gradually it spread throughout the country. About ten years ago a non-native villager, who had recently bought hand and moved into the village, had plans for planting sugar cane. He had previously worked as a foreman on a large hacienda and was dissatisfied, he claimed, with the low productivity of the native variety of sugar cane. In a visit to another hacienda he noticed what he considered the productivity of the new variety, POJ . He became enthusiastic about it, and compared the soil on his farm with that on the growing. where the new variety was Upon finding out that the soils were similar he switched to the POJ variety. Production was excellent, compared with the old variety, and he planted more. as Word spread around of the high productivity of the new variety 46. National Hiniatry of Agriculture. 147 and soon some villagers oama to him for seeds. This oc- ourred about seven years previous to this study (it takas about two yaars for ths oana to ooma to full production.)*^ The Tillagara startad changing to tha naw variety slowly at first, but as tha good rasults spread throughout tha vil­ lage, more villagers startad cultivating it.48 almost impossible to find Crlolla seeds. Now it is Therefore, all villagers would be forced to cultivate POJ, regardless of their wishes. Hypothesis 1^: This hypothesis was partially con­ firmed. Practically all villagers who were interviewed with respect to the practice complained about the low pro­ ductivity of Oriolla as compared to the new variety. Gri- olla cultivation had been at a very low ebb at the time of the appearanoe of POJ. Of the eight villagers interviewed, five actually complained about the former productivity of Crlolla; two did not, but said that they realized the advan­ tages of POJ upon seeing its increased productivity. of One these was a young farmer who had started cultivating cane within the last two years. On this point, from a conversation with agricultural technicians at the national Ministry of Agriculture, it was gathered that the Oriolla variety had been at one time quite efficient, but had under­ gone marked degeneration throughout the Republic. 47. Personal interview with” the originator of POJ in ths village. 48. Of. Bryce Ryan, *A Study in Technological Diffusion,* Rural Sociology. IS, pp. £73-85. 148 A methodological question may be appropriate on this point. It was rather easy to prove the existence of a need in the ease of ehlordane. With POJ the ease is dif­ ferent sinee the Introduction of this variety started ten years ago, and there is always a danger that, because of the factors of recall and time, the informants may give in­ accurate information. Assumption la: Most farmers used to walk between two and three hours to lands beyond the village, where they spent weeks cultivating corn fields. The absentee owner would let them open up the lands for cultivation of corn and plant corn for three to four years. In turn the farmer would plant grass for the owner at the end of this period and move on to new land. The previously uncultivated land would eventually become pastureland. As land became culti­ vated, less of it became available for milpa-making. in the sample of eight used to go ad corn-growing.9 Five beyond the village for The closing down of these lands and ths realisation by some villagers®0 of the un-eoonomlo nature of corn-growing, mads sons of them turn to new fields. The assumption was posed la too loose a form to per­ mit a clear-cut answer to it. It Is believed, though, that with the closing of these lands villagers had to turn to their own lands as their primary source of income. 49. Two~~( non-native to the village) did not; the investigator failed to elicit lnfoxmation from the other. 50. One villager, himself a former migrant worker, claims that hs started making "numbers9 about the economic gains resulting from mlloa-maklng. came to the conclusion that villagers were actually losing money In the deal, and campaigned against milpa-maklng. 149 Hypothesis £lj This hypothesis is confirmed. The m cultivation or sugar cane had started during the early period of the rounding or the Tillage. It had known per­ iods or boom and depression, but it still oonstituted part or the villagers' practices in agriculture. newer been entirely abandoned. It had Thus, four or the eight informants had worked in sugar oane cultivation in ths Tillage sinee "childhood;* two had worked beyond the Til­ lage since their "young* days (the investigator failed to elieit clear-cut information from two.) Hypothesis III,; This hypothesis is oonfirmed. In the soils of Han Juan Norte the lnerease of production was immediately visible and word of it spread around the vil­ lage. Several villagers availed themselves of seed and started new fields on a small seals. The sueeess of these trials oonfirmed, from the villager’s point of view, the effioieney of the new variety. No direot campaign was made for the adoption of P O J ; villagers saw positive re­ sults from other farmers and adopted the variety. Seven of the eight informants "saw the results" or beeame aware of the increased productivity of POJ. mented: One villager eom- ^ "Nobody spoke to me about it. I simply saw that it was muoh better than Oriolla; I be­ came envious and tried it, with good results. Envy produces also good results." 150 Hypothula 1Y: This hypothesis was posed in too loose a form to permit a olear-out test of it. However the following information may be of interest and shed light on the faotor of prestige. The first villager to plant POJ was a non-native farmer of high prestige. was frequently visited by many villagers. He There was not a bandwagon rush for the new variety until its "worth" was thoroughly proved from the villager's point of view. There­ fore the introduotion of POJ has been a slow process. Some of the farmers with most prestige did not take to the new variety until relatively recent times; on the contrary, farmers with less prestige took to the variety a long time ago. Only about one third of the cane growers actually claim to have gotten the idea for the new variety from the original source. The other two-thirds give as their source other neighboring large farms, other specific farmers in the village and that "it is the custom here.* 4. Summary and conclusions A similar set of hypotheses was posed for each of the practices selected for Intensive study. A comparative anal­ ysis of the three practices makes it possible to postulate certain generalizations. Olordanei Three hypotheses were of crucial Importance in determining its acceptance: (l) There was need for a more effioient formlelde; (£) the practice fitted well into the culture, i.e., Into the sets of habits that villagers had; 51. Prom an analysis of question 28 in the "Male Head* schedule. 151 (3) objeetire proof of the efficiency of ehlordane vaa furnished, Ths need for a mors sffielent formicide motiwated people first to attend meetings of the Venezuelans, and then to adopt ehlordane. Those who heard of ehlordane through the looal auxiliary police agent were likewise motiratsd to accept the practice by the urgency of the need. It was possible to be conrineed, through demonstra­ tion or experience, of the superiority of ehlordane over other formieldea. The use of ehlordane fitted well into the rillager*s habits; they had long struggled against the ants. It is probable that ehlordane would hare been dis­ seminated, although perhaps more slowly, eren if the Vene­ zuelans had not made their appearanee in the Tillage, This has happened in other Tillages which were not rlsited by IAIAS extension students, 52 Looal leadership structure, prestige and image of ths change agency seemed to be of secondary importance as rariables in this case. Home Tsastabls gardens? Three hypotheses were crucial in determining the rejection of Tegetable gardens: (l) There was apparently no nmed for change (the data oollected 52, Thus, in an informal talk with a farmer from the Til­ lage of La 3uiza, it was rsTealed that the use of Ohlordanc was common among farmers in that area. The lefaturn politics, it was claimed, had been responsible for its introduction. 158 partly substantiated thia aaaartlon); tha practice did (2) not fit into two aspects of tha culture; work habita (laok of time, ate*) and food habita. (3) thera waa no objective proof of tha faaaibility of looal cultivation of gardens; in faot, for many Tillagara there waa "objeotive proof* of tha unfaaaibility of cultivating gardens, Tillagara fait no urgent naad to conauma vagatablas and therefore there waa no motivation to produce them; their feeling waa neutral -- they ware not moved one way or another. Add to thia tha technological diffioultiea in objectively ahowlng tha faaaibility of cultivating vegetablaa and it ia aaay to underatand tha difficulty of intro­ ducing or intensifying tha practice. Tillagara complained of tha low quality of tha aoil, tha ante, and tha unfavor­ able climatic conditions. ware equally important. Tha cultural factors involved Tillagara did not define vege­ table gardens as an economic practice; therefore gardens did not fit into their pattern of commercial farming. The time that they would have to devote to the gardens would have interfered with other agricultural pursuits. waa also the matter of diet. There Tillagara have not been brought up with the knowledge that vegetables are an import­ ant source of vitamins; that they are healthful, basic foods. They have been brought up on an almost steady diet of rice, beans, tortillas and ag &a&&£ £, and for these they have developed a deep a t t ac hme nt — it very hard to substitute other foods. a fact that makes In other culturns 153 (and thia seems to be true of many sub-cultures of the United States)t variety In food seems to be the pattern; In Sen Juan Norte the pattern is more one of eonstanoy. Looal leadership, prestige and image of change agents seemed to be of little consequence as variables in the ease of vegetable gardens* POJ Suaar Cane: Three hypotheses were of erueial Importance in the acceptance of POJ sugar cane: (1) Need for a more productive variety of sugar cans; (3) a proper cultural background for the practice in that farmers were cultivating sugar cans at ths time of the attempted intro­ duction; (3) objective proof of the higher productivity of the new variety* Zt follows from the above discussion that three basic conditions were of crucial importance in the acceptance or rejection of the practices: (l) Urgency or prevelsnc# of a need (3) fitness of ths practice into the culture; (3) objeotive proof of the efficiency of the practice (from the villager's point of view*) As it was pointed out on page 113, two major assump­ tions were made with respect to the process Involved in accepting or rejecting a practice* The relevance of the first assumption, via*, the complex nature of a practice, was illustrated through the three practices which were analysed* Thus, the planting of vegetables goes beyond the simple task of seeding the soil and involves, among other factors, attitudes toward food, type of farming, etc* 154 With respect to tha second assumption, viz., tha funotional unity of aooiaty (aaa p. 113), tha avidanaa available pointa out that ao far tha auooaaaful intro­ duction of ohlordana or POJ sugar oana has not had any disturbing affects either for tha economy or areas of the culture; fo r o th e r that is, tha practice has not had any dysfunctional affacta for tha system. However, tha relative shortness of time in which the practices have been in operation (this is more ao in the case of ehlordane} does not permit a categorical statement on this point. In the case of the rejection of vegetable gardens there was no evidence that this was due to reaction from areas such as religion, family organization, etc. Hots that the focus here is upon the practices and not upon the effect that they may have on the total social system. The functional unity of a society may therefore be assumed for initial empirical purposes, but the validity of this assumption, in a specific oase, should itself be the subject of empirical investigation. Thus, it may be that certain items (e.g., new practices) do not disturb cer­ tain areas (at least over a short time), and these areas are In turn of no consequence for the adoption or rejection ( of the item. Thus, religion was of no consequence for either the introduction or the rejection of the three prac­ tices which were analyzed. 165 D- Theoretics^ conclusions In tha preceding aaotlona an analysis waa raada or a proaaaa of cultural change. As polnta of fooua for such analysis, selected practices were chosen from the fields of agriculture and health-nutrition. It was thought that by so doing tha analysis would be simplified. By cultural change was meant change in the "way of life" of a group, i.e., in the ways of perception, feeling, and acting of that group. No claim is made here of discovering new facts or deriving new principles from facts already known. Many of the assertions which will be made are regarded as truths by many people. The aim is only to give further empirical confirmation of these "truths." The principles which are stated below have already been stated by others, 53 although in a slightly different context; here an attempt has been made to reinterpret them. It is expected that the assertions will be of Importance, however slight, to a general theory of oultural change. S3. See for excuaple, R. Linton's Acculturation in seven American Indian Tribes, pp. 486. "...new things are borrowed on the basis of of their utility, compatibility with pre­ existing culture patterns and prestigs asso­ ciation..." S.. .l.o I. *. S p i e r ’a Hu.«n Problem. 1. T.ohnolo.l<■»! Oban... p. *»*. " • ..people do not wary their customary behavior unless they feel some need which existing ways do not satisfy." 156 A rory general formula on a specific aspect of change follows from the analysis which was made in ths preeeding chapter: in the fields of agriculture, and n utrition (other things being equal), health an item or praotice will be accepted by a group so long as a need is felt for it; it fits into the culture of the group and there is objective proof of its workability. FELT N E E D t P R O P E R CULTURAL B A C K GR OUND t OBJECTIVE P R OO F OF WORKABILITY = A C C E P T A N C E O F THE ITIM On the basis of the experience at San Juan N o r t e it was found that the three conditions stated above were crucial variables in the acceptance or rejection of a prac­ tice. O t h e r variables, cited below, were found to be of lesser importance: a. the spo nsor of the item b. the image the group had of him c. the “method* u sed In the attempt d. the social status of the Innovators e. at change in the group the position of the innovator in the leadership structure of the group It is realized that a special set of conditions holds for San Juan Norte. Thus, practically all village heads of family are small property owners; is a kin to everyone else; class differentials; practically everyone there is little, if any social there is an absence of factions; is a very religious community; it none of the sponsors of change had a decidedly negative image. This special set of 157 condition* may have been Influential in determining the crucial o r non-cruelal nature of variable* in the proees* of change. It i* hoped that theae tentative finding* be submitted to further empirical teat in other cultures to clarify further what is crucial and what is not in bring* ing about cultural change. However, it seems logical to assume that those vari­ ables which were not crucial (image of the change agent, the " m e t h o d ” u sed by him, and the prestige and leadership positions of the innovator) were important a* accelerator* of cultural change in the cases In which change occurred. Thus, it 1* believed that the p ractice of using ehlordane would have made it* appearance and disseminated universally throughout San Jua n Norte, regardless of the work of the Ve n e z u e l a n extension students. However, their activity accelerated the speed of acoeptanoe of the practice. Fur­ ther research should throw light on the role played in cultural change by these variables. Oo thia account, care should be taken to include in any research design variables of a psychological nature., a cultural nature and a struc­ tural nature. By variables of a psychological nature are meant items such as motivation s of individuals in change situa­ tions, needs, p ersonality factors in the acceptance o r re­ jection of change, age and so forth. Variables of a cultural nature refer to s uch items as the value orientation -- the gbhos -- of the culture, the 158 0 ends of the p a r t i c u l a r facet of culture in w h ich the attempt at change la being m a d e and the ends of the prac­ tice that is being introduced. Also included in this category are items suoh as the familial, the religious organizations, that is, gation-relations in these spheres. organization, for example, the economic and the systems of obli- In describing family one should go beyond m e r e des­ cription of the system and include the meanings that the several items have in the system. Thus, it is not only a question of who is cousin to whom, but also of the meaning of being a cousin in the particular society in question. This point will also be touched upon below. Va r i a b l e s of a structural nature refer to such items as the power structure of the society, the leadership and prestige structures and the economic class structure, A distinction should be mad e between two types of structural variables -- those which refer to attributes of the whole structure which is u n d e r discussion (e.g., the "classless* nature of a s o c i e t y ) , and those attributes of i position in the l arg e r structure (e.g., what does it mean to be a leader, or a powerful man, or an Innovator in the society,) An example m a y help visualize the relevance of positional variables in a research design. Xt is conceivable that the position of "innovator* might be l o w in the scale of values of a hypothetical society. I f an individual who occupied a very prestigeful position in this hypothetical society were to assume the role of "innovator* the assets which prestige would have (assuming that id did) for 159 Introducin g a p r a otie* might be lessened considerably. If one were to generalize and say that prestige was of no consequence for the introduction of a practice, the generalization should be qualified with some comment on the m e a ning of "innovator* in the society* In answering the question of what it means to oeoupy such a position (that of an innovator), are relevant: (a) of the position* cultural variable, tations; tion — (b) cultural consequences, two sets of data or expectations, This in itself might be considered a since it refers to standardized expec­ the non-prescrlbed consequences of the posi­ what the occupants of the position do, by virtue of t h eir occupancy of that position, 54 ally prescribed* which is not cultur- T h e r e is another point of Interest which could be further investigated in future studies on cultural change. M u c h has been said about the importance of lines of commun­ ication in the Introduction of change* of hypotheses, "Unas taken as "given*; In the setting up of communication* have usually been as the independent variables* It might be fruitful to consider them as dependent variables and therefore m ake them the center of investigation* It has been observed in this study that a oertain type of infor­ matio n is disseminated rapidly, while another is retarded -- yet the "lines of communication" ma y be the same in both cases* 54. IPhs writer acknowledges the influence of Robert K* M e r t o n in this discussion of the different types of varlablas* 160 F o r example, the uee of ehlordane le almost univer- sal in the Tillage. On the other hand, although emphasis has been given to the eultiv&tion of vegetable gardens, a sizable group elalms not to have heard about the r e -em­ phasis on the cultivation of vegetables. mal e heads of families, it). This (out of the 46 11 claimed not to have heard about suggests that in some eases it is not the channel, but the item or practice itself which is the important vari able. A final word on the general formula which was posed at the beginning of this section* rustle form, cal tool. it is perhaps n t However, As it stands, in its of m u c h value as a theoreti­ it is believed that with some refine­ m ents it could be m a d e useful. The formula stresses the relationship among different types of variables in some processes of cultural change. It should bring to the atten­ tion of the Investig ator the "wholeness" of a situation the close interrelationship between variables of a psycholo­ gical, aooio-cultural and technological nature. The part of the foxmula that deals with needs begs for a thorough rsspeolfloation. strate, "Needs" are hard to demon­ as was shown in the ease of vegetable gardens, and the investigator m a y run the risk of imputing them in situ­ ations when actually they are absent. in the present study, Needs were equated, to "oonsoious dissatisfaction* on the part of the people. T he concept of "dissatisfaction" is also a crude one which should be conceptually analysed. It was found out that a knowledge of alternatives was prescat 161 in t h ose eases in w h i c h a n eed had existed for a n e w item. Is k n o w l e d g e of Alternatives a n e e e ss ary condition p r e s e n c e of needs? for the W h a t is the relationship between a need and o n e ’s p o s i t i o n in the social structure? The close r e l a t i o n s h i p w h i c h seems to exist between the c r e a t ­ ing of n e ed s and the chan ging of attitudes could prove to be a fertile field for investigation. T h e r>.oLe that culture plays in the acceptanc e o r rejection of items is also of crucial importance. cultural background" "Proper is too l o os e an expression to be m u c h meaning. What is it that constitu tes "proper cultural back ground"? Whe n does a p r a ctice "fit" and when doesn't it. Xt is also con c e i v a b l e that two items m a y h ave been in a oult ure for equal l e n gt hs of time and yet it m a y be r e l a tively easy to change 1h e habits associated with one but not those of the other. W ha t are some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of different sets of n o r m s which m a k e it difficult or easy to c h a n g e thetfc? What are the r elation ships between the cultural ends of the society and the acceptance of specific i t ems? Th e role that t e c h nol ogy plays in the a c c e p t a n c e or r e j ection of an item is equally important. Often the *ob- jactive proof* the group demands before it accepts the item is not for t h c o m i n g for no o t her reason than that of the t ech nological i m p o s s ibll ity o f doing so. Xn the oases that were discussed it was a relatively simple m a t t e r to sho w the s u p erior nature, eh l o r d a n e and of POJ s u gar cane. economically, X f techn o l o g i c a l l y it . of 162 were possible Tor vegetables to grow, It would also have been a simple m a t t e r for a technician to demonstrate "objeot ive proof of workability,1* But ho w does one prove objectively that c onsuming vegetables is better than not consuming them? It is perhaps true that those items which satisfy immediate ends are better suited for demonstration of objective proof, and are therefore m o r e acceptable, whereas those items which are only instrumental ends for another ultimate end are less acceptable. Thus, it m i ght be easier to introduce the practice of consuming vegetables on a dally basis if people could accept them for the immedi­ ate, ultimate end of taste,- rather than if people had to accept them because they would be instrumental in attaining the u l t imate end of good health. A n o t h e r problem should be raised. What is it that constitutes "objective proof" of effeotlveness? Is p e r ­ ception of "objective proof" a function of position la social structure? It m a y very well be that what constitutes " o b j active proof" for one group will not be so for another. This may have relevance for action programs. Th e relationship that exists between "needs", "culture", and "objective proof" should be systematically explored. If one is allowed to compare American culture (in global terms) with, say, C o s t a Rican culture (also in global terms) It m a y not be far from the truth to say that in the former, "culture" is m o r s receptive to change; that in m any areas " n e e d s ” are m ore easily created and that "objective proof* is of a less rigid nature. 163 It w aa not p o s s i b l e in the present study to explore* the I n f luence of all the var iables enumerated above in the a c c e p t a n c e o r r e j ection of the p r a c t i c e s in question* Thus the roles of p y s e h o l o g y and technology were touched upon onl y lightly* The s t udy should m a k e obvious the n e e d and the p o s s i b i l i t y for a close w o r k i n g relationship of the social p s y c h o l o g i s t v the sociologist, gist and te chnician the social anthropolo- in the b r i nging about of change* The formula -- or m o d e l -- was the result of field in­ v e s t i g a t i o n in San J u a n N o r t e w h ere a special set of condi­ tions m u s t be considered* Therefore, no claim is m a d e that this f o m u l a h o ld s for all sit uations u n d e r all conditions* It m a y be safe to say though that it probably will h o l d in v i l l a g e s or o t her social systems which are similar in nature to S a n J u a n N o r t e and in which p e o p l e have a s i m i l a r rela­ ti o nship to change agents as did the villagers of S a n J uan Norte* As a research tool the formula oould prove o f value, p r o v i d e d that its l i m i t a t i o n s are explicitly recognized* X. Practical conclusions In a t t e m p t i n g to introduce change, are not enough* rules: (1) T h e change agent should b e a r in m i n d two a s u c c essful introduct ion of a practice is best acco m p l i s h e d with a c l ear head, alone; (2) good intentione r a t h e r than with the heart a s u c c e ssful Introduction of a p r a c t i c e does not i n s u r e that the p r a c t i c e will fulfill its intended purpose* The s u c c e s s f u l introduction of eh lordane did not ensure the e x t e r m ination of ants* F a i lure to consider technological variables may cauaa failure in achieving an intended goal* On the first rule, one is reminded of a passage, with reference to physicians, in Alexander A*eighton* s Human Relations in a Changing W o rld:..* "Don't think them heartless .... In them pity aa an emotion ending in itself or at best in tears and a long-drawn breath, lessens, pity as a motive is quickened, while gains power and purpose."**** Many attempts at change fail because the agent of change u n ­ consciously lets his heart rule his reason. This may be so in many eases of social scientists or educators who act as change agents. 56 In the last section, on "Theoretical Conclusions," a formula waa set up with reference to cultural change: "An item or practice will be accepted by a group so long as need is felt for it, it fits well into the culture of the group and there is objective proof of its workability. Any time that a practice is to be introduced into a commun­ ity, the change agent should ask: a need for it?5^ Does the community feel Does it fit Into their culture? Can I 55l Alexander lolghton's Hunan Relations In a Changing W o r l d - H e w York: E.P. Dutton, 1949. pp. 215, quot­ ing from John Brown's Rab* 5 6. In the past, "education" programs of IAIAS which at­ tempted to use the teacher as a change agent have worked under the assumption--at times explicit-- that he is an idealist," an apostle for change. The matter of salary and physical comfort have, in the writer's opinion, been relegated to the background. The impres­ sion is that if these matters had been given due consid eration, the effectiveness of the teacher as a change agent would have been improwed. It is of course realized that a community is composed of groups and that the need may not be felt by all the groups with the same degree of urgency. I t m a y not even be felt as a need by some groups. 57. 165 prove objectively that the practice "works"? tice fulfills these three conditions, If the p r a c ­ then it is perhaps safe to say that the change agent faces a less difficult task than if it did not. the three conditions, If the practice fails to satisfy then special methods must be developed to insure its introduction* A crucial problem in many at ­ tempts at change is the absence of a need for an item. There are no shortcuts to the development of needs; experimentation is the prescription. sound It would perhaps be desirable though to try ne w methods and to rsly less on methods which have failed elsewhere* 58 Very often one sees a change agent attempting to create needs through the l ec­ ture method. The assumption is made that people could be talked into accepting an item* To expect rural people to change their views, under these c i r c u mstances, is perhaps to indulge in wishful thinking* Sometimes there m a y be a need for the item but the remedy is so complicated, from the villager's point of view, as to Insure its rejection. It may be worthwhile, in the case of certain practices (mainly in health and nutrition), to work with what the local culture has available rather than to attempt to superimpose new ideas on the group* A praotice which fits into the local culture might accomplish the same ends -- and require less effort on the part of the 58* As a rule, and for whatever reasons, "lectures* seem not to be effective in changing attitudes. (flee R. M. Williams, The Reduotlen of Inter-group Tensions. 8oelal Science Research Oounell Bulletin No. 57, p. 84, passim. f 166 change agent -- than one which did not. It ia aeldom profitable to expect rural people to accept practices which, from their viewpoint, have not been objectively proved to be superior to what they have, A great deal of emphasis has been put on the factor of "objective proof" of the effectiveness of a practice. It is felt that the fulfillment of this condition is of crucial importance in any attempt at change undertaken in "underdeveloped" areas. M a n y of the inhabitants of these areas cannot gamble with their economic security by adopt­ ing practices which may not have been thoroughly tested. As one informant put it: "If these varieties are so good, the big coffee growers, ment, why have not who can afford to experi­ taken to theml" On the basis of tho field study in San Juan Norte, it appears that if the item satisfies the three conditions, the task of the change agent is simplified. This should not be interpreted to mean that universally there are only these three basic conditions which determine the acceptance of a practice. Until more is known about the prooess of change certain sociological recommendations should not be dispensed with. Thus the image that the community has of the change agent and the image that he in turn has of the community -- in so far as it conditions his behavior toward it -- may be of importance. The introduction of change may also be facilitated by making use of key people, the 167 leaders, in the oommunity. The status of innovators nay be of consequence for the more rapid introduction of change. If there is concern for the rapidity with which the practice is introduced, then •method" becomes important regardless of whether the three conditions of need, and proof are satisfied. culture This was clearly shown in the case of chlordane. A few hints to change agents: The investigation undertaken in San J uan N o rte makes possible a few recom­ mendations for change agents, especially for the agri­ cultural or health-nutritlon extension agents who work in Spanish A merica. Others may hare relevance for the social scientist who goes to a gpJULlAJtl-American community. No attempt is m ade to classify these "guidelines” and specify who oan profit m ost by them. (a) M a n y villagers regard agricultural extension agents as "theory" men who have little practice. tension agents* T h e ex­ own behavior ma y re-lnforoe this image. "Hit and run* attempts at Introducing practices usually fail because the agent forgets about the "objective proof" of the practice. In a similar manner, "hit and run* explanations, if followed, terpretation, a fact which sometimes results in undesirable consequences. are always subject to m i s i n ­ These consequences m ay reinforce the villagers view that the extension agent has little "practloe*. A "know all" attitude on the part of the extension agent may give rise to unsound advice;this, in turn, will reinforce 168 the image that villagers m a y have of him aa an impractical man • ( b) M a n y villagers feel a big ohasm between them­ selves and the "learned* change agent. for difficulty in communication. They admire two qualities in "learned* outsiders who visit them: humility* This chasm makes sincerity and An attitude of intolerance toward native habits may be interpreted by them as being far from their esteemed quality of humility. T h e use of local language, as far as this is possible, m a y tend to lessen the gap between the change agent and the group he is supposed to serve. (o) It m ay be worthwhile for the agent attempting change to rely m or e on experimentation than on the im­ position of a practice. Although no systematic study was made of attitudes toward experimentation, the impression is that villagers would like to try out things before they accept them. If villagers discover for themselves, with the aid of the agent, the utility of an item, probable that they will accept it mor e readily. it is It is also very probable that they will weave this new item into already existing cultural patterns. Consequently, the practice will be m o r e firmly rooted and therefore more lasting* (d) The antagonism of local leaders to a program of change m a y insure its failure. A good rule of thumb to follow is to inform community leaders about one*a purpose, 169 and to try to enlist thesa leaders in. one's favor. 59 Care should be exerted that there ie real communication with villagers. Working with the whole community perhaps makes for better results in change programs. There is a good possibility that the more leaders that are oontaeted the larger the number of villagers that will be reached, ( e) Religion is one of the basic securities of most villagers. Any practice which is defined by them as anti- religious might be condemned to rejection. Enlisting the priest's aid, particularly in health, might help in the introduction of a practice. ( f) It is open to doubt how efficient audio-visual methods are in the attempts at introducing change. read little. Villagers The change agent should adopt a skeptical attitude with respect to such meth ods -- he should know their limitation. Further investigation is needed before a definite answer is given on the efficiency of a u dio­ visual aids in S p a nish American villages. The possibilities of u s i n g the rural teacher AS a change agent s The villagers* conception of the teacher is that of a person whose task is to teach reading, writing and arithmetic. In spite of the fact that there is no c o n­ ception of him as a change agent, 59, they consider him as a A fairly qplok meth o d of finding out the leadership structure of a village, which has been used in the Turrlalba area of O.R., is to Interview randomly selected samples of village m a l e heads of family and ask them about the key people in the village. See Appendix, Schedule for the M a l e Head of Family, Question number 4. 170 •learned" man and would bt willing to follow his advice in eartaln ganeral areas such a« health and nutrition. Thara la skepticism about following hla advice on agricultural natters. This makes one suspeet that the traditional role of the teacher can be modif i e d to Include the education of the community in health and nutrition practices, among others. If the teacher were to attempt to Introduce new practices, he, like any other change agent, should cheek the practice against the formula which was stated on p . 156. If the practice fulfills the three conditions, then it might be less hard for him to bring about the change* the practice does not satisfy the three conditions, If then the task is hard and the "how* of introduction becomes all-important. The image that the community has of him, how he tackles the problem (his " m e t h o d " ) , m a y be of importance* The above discussion is based on the assumption that the teacher acts directly as a change agent. There is a new orientation in the Department of Economies and Bural Life of IAIAS which conceives the teacher to be not directly a change agent, but rather a catalyst for changes which the community itself feels that they want. this case, felt "needs* are all-important, the task the teacher would face would presumably be easier* there is a crucial problem: of the community? Since in However, Who is to find out the "needs* The teacher, overworked as he is, m a y bs 171 in no position to undertake such a job even assuming he were capable. T h e last assumption, it a e e m a v is not warranted since it is perhaps true that the discovery of needs requires special training. U n d e r the assumption that the teacher act as a catalytic agent in bringing about change, it follows that the actual change agents would be outsiders, the community. from beyond O n e of the main tasks of the teacher would therefore be to bridge the gap between the village and the outside world -- the nearest city or the national govern­ ment, whichever is relevant in bringing about change. In this hypothetical position there would be two alternative roles for the teacher: Sither he would be intimately connected with the change agency and m e r ely follow the plans formulated, or he would have complete autonomy?, in which oase he would rely more or less on his own resources. In the latter case there would be a need for a highly trained teacher. All the above discussion hinges on the assumption that the rural teacher has ample time beyond his classroom work which would permit him to do efficient eommunity work. The situation in Costa Rica, Latin America, and possibly in the rest of points toward the fallacy of such as assumption. The fact is that the teachers are highly overworked by what­ ever standards one chooses to use. They are underpaid and face undue hardships in the m a t t e r of living quarters and food. It is perhaps true that an effective teacher could 172 wield some influence among villagers in matters pertaining to health and nutrition, but physical hardships, over­ work and underpay do not make for efficient personnel; under these conditions the best does not flow to the pro­ fession. It is perhaps safe to say that materialistic matters of money, work and physical comfort have to be taken into consideration before one considers the idealistic plans for "lifting* the well-being of the rural village through the medium of the teacher. 172a V. A. GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Sntnm»i»y A general problem was poaed at the beginning of this report: "Why do people aooept or reeist changes in agrioulture, health and nutrition." To m ake this problem more amenable to empirical investigation, it was subdivided into several sub-problems. that follow, In the paragraphs these sub-problems are restated and the findings with respect to ea'eh are given in a summarized fora. Suburoblcm It An ethnographic report of San Juan N o rte San Juan N o rte is a village in the Turrialba area of Costa Rica, located at an altitude of 4000 feet above sea level. It exhibits features of both the "scattered" and the "line" types of village. The present population numbers 336 and is of Caucasian origin. The sex ratio is .. 108 7 M o s t of the villagers are small property owners. half the number of f a m e acres. Over have a size of less than nine Yery few families are landless. The main crops are 173 coffee and sugar cane* Limited cattle-raising Is practiced. Close kinship bonds tie-in villager with villager* The present inhabitants are the deseendants of two ex­ tended families who migrated to the Tillage about 80 years ago• Close kinship ties a n d a n e a r-u n iv e rsa l property ownership have contributed to make of the village an almost "classless* society* The influenee of Roman Catholicism is strongly felt in areas other than religion* recreation are, Thus, religion and village for practical purposes, As is the case in Costa Rica, the village is high* synonymous* the literacy rate of The village has had a school for the last forty years. Subjgrobj,em 2: The changes, the last two years, if any, that had occurred in in seleeted practices in agriculture. health and nutrition Litt l e change occurred in those coffee growing p rac­ tices which were observed* Some new varieties were being cultivated but in negligible amounts. There does not appear to be a trend toward general acceptanee of these new varieties* U a n y farmers reported that some practices in coffee growing, rsoommended by the local agricultural ex ­ tension office, have been common knowledge and have been practiced by them for a long time. The same situation holds for praetlees in the culti­ vation of sugar cane. theae last two years, Some n ew varieties have appeared in but their cultivation has been 174 negligible. Ae with coffee growing, there does not appear to be a trend toward general acceptance of these n ew varieties; many farmers claimed that they have long followed certain practices recommended by extension agents. No ehange appears to have taken plaoe in the culti­ vation of pastures or in cattle raising. Some cattle were vaccinated when the IAIAS extension students were in the village, but the habit of vaoeinating livestock does not exist. Lea f - c u t t i n g ants have beset villagers for many years. A new insecticide, chlordane, appeared in the village and was completely accepted by villagers. It has not been possible to ascertain accurately the probable changes which have oocurred in health practices. Women still bear their children in the home. Litt l e use is made of the hospital or of the public health unit. The use of chlordane in the home has eliminated most household pests such as fleas and ants. "campaigning" Although there has been for the boiling of drinking water, only a few housewives have taken to the practice. As far as it has been possible to ascertain, no new practices have been adopted in the field of nutrition. Subproblem 3 : The avenues, formal or Informal, through which these changes were attempted or accomplished In agriculture, the agency with which farmers have been moat in contact is IAIAS, through its extension students. It was partly responsible for the introduction of chlordane. 175 It stressed the cultivation of vegetable gardens. importance comes STICA. farmers has been, Next in The eontaet of this agency with and is, very sporadic. that it has on farmers is small. The influence STICA is responsible for the introduction of several new varieties of coffee. No one mentioned the M i n i s t r y of Agriculture as an avenue of change, either directly through its agents or through written material (in the form of pamphlets), or indlreotlyt through the agricultural section in some local newspaper. The newspaper and the radio, culture, are negligible. as avenues for change in agri* The influence of the local Bank, which loans money to farmers, does not appear to have importance. In health and nutrition, IAIAS, through its extension personnel and some of its research personnel of the past, is the agency with which housewives are mos t acquainted. IAIAS people stressed the need for drinking boiled water and for consuming green vegetables. The teacher Is the Individual who has attempted to Introduce most change in health-nutritlon practices. T h e local hospital and public health unit appear to have exerted little, if any, influence. L ooal newspapers and the radio seem to play no significant role as avenues for change. Subnroblem 4; T h e images villagers had of agents or agencies of change F o u r change agencies, ST10A, IAIAS, Health Unit, 103. ) the local Public and looal hospital were discussed (see pps. 102. 176 % It was found that thera was no "eommunity* Image of STICA since this agency had worked little in the Tillage, A mong the few who had used the services of the agency there were m i x e d feelings: in the agency; some did not have m u c h faith some did. The IAIAS was b ett e r known by villagers, highly regarded. and was T he impression is that t h e agency is judged m o r e by the personal behavior of its field repre­ sentatives than by its "successes* or "failures.* is however a m a t t e r for empirical This investigation. It is difficult to conceive of a village image of either the looal P u b l i c Heal t h U n i t or the hospital. About one-third of the informants were opinionless about the services which are performed by the health unit; one-half were opinionless about the hospital. Suburoblem 5 : An analysis of a process of cultural o h a n a e , with specific p r a c ti ses as points of focus T h ree practices were selected for intensive study. Two of these -- the u s e of chlordane formlelde and the cultivation of POJ sugar cane -- were accepted completely by farmers; one, the cultivation of h ome vegetable gardens, was almost totally rejectsd by farmers. Th e theoretical orientation which follows guided the analysis. T h e process of acceptance or rejection of a practice can be broken down into the "what,* the "how" and the "why* of the practice. U n d e r "what* is classified all information relevant to (a) the old practice (if such was 177 had; ; (b) the new practice, change agent, accepted. as it was presented by the and ( c) the resultant practice, if it was U n d e r "how* is classified all information on "method" used in bringing about the change. The "why" tries to explain the success or the failure of the attempt; it includes hypotheses explaining the process of change. It was found that ohlordane was accepted because there was a need for it, It fitted well Into local culture and -villagers were provided with objective proof of its efficacy. The same held for POJ sugar cane. Yegetable gardens, on the other hand, were rejected because no need was felt for them, they did not fit into two aspects of village culture (work habits, food habits) and there was no objective proof that they could be grown in the village. Felt need, "fitness" into oulture and objective proof of the efficacy of the practice were found to be crucial variables which would determine the acceptance or rejection of a practice. Subproblem 6: Some theoretical principles concerning cultural change One general theoretical proposition emerged from the study: For an item to be accepted by people, it should satisfy three basic conditions: 1. A need for it must be felt by 2. It must "Tit* into the culture 3. There m u s t be objective proof the group about its effi­ ciency and its workability (as compared another item) to from the groups viewpoint. 178 Need* are equated to a "conscious* dissatisfaction. It la assumed that such a state Is conducive to change. "Fitting* or not "fitting" into a culture is a matter of degree. An item (an item is taken to mean an object and the habits associated with it) "fits” when the set of habits associated with it is congruous to the set of habits that it tries to substitute or modify; the easier its adoption; adoption. the more it fits, the less it fits, the harder its Ideal cultural "fitness" would not disturb either the social or the cultural strueture. By "objective proof of effectiveness* is meant that the group pereieves the new item as superior to the one they possess. Workability implies that the group must be confident that their efforts will succeed. Such variables as leadership, prestige, image of the change agent and "method” used in the attempt at ohange were not found to be significant in the particular oases studied. This does not gainsay the fact that they may be of crucial Importance in other cases of attempted change, in villages or social systems which differ in organisation; from San Juan Norte. Subproblem as_ a n ament 7: of The jaoaalbllltles change in of using the rural so-called u n d e r d e v e l o p e d teacher areas Villagers on the whole conceive of the teacher as a person whose main function is to teach the traditional sub* jeets of reading, writing and arithmetic. Although they do not conceive of him as a change agent, they express willingness 179 to aeotpt hi* advice in tha artaa of health and nutrition; they show skepticism, however, in accepting his advice in agriculture. Teachers in the area of turriClbe are overworked and underpaid and work under conditions which are not too pleasant physically. These conditions detract from the possibilities of making him an effective change agent. B. Conclusions This report may be called a study in cultural change. In the light of the discussion in the proceeding pages, this statement should be qualified. It has been a study of a particular type of cultural change, that is, planned, voluntary change. furthermore, the items of concern, the practices selected for analysis, constituted very simple practices in agriculture. Thus, at no time did the change agents conceive of these praotlees as items which would have far-reaching consequences for the social system. In other words, the practices introduced were not of the same magnitude as, say, the introduction of a new land tenure system or a new type of machinery. One should note that in the ease of San Juan Norte agriculture constitutes the moat "rational* sphere of village culture and as such has less valua connotations for hypothetical changes than changes affecting such spheres as religion, family organ­ ization, etc. In San Juan Norte agriculture is a way of life, but it is also a way of making a living, of making » money. Therefore, the study can be better identified as an analysis of planned, voluntary change in a "rational* lao segment of culture. The community which served as the ground for the study in cultural change was the village of San Juan Norte, It la not olaimed that life in this village is represents* tive of life in Costs Rica, or for that matter in Latin America. The opposite might be the ease. San Juan Norte is a strongly homogeneous society of peasants -- small property-owners -- in which class divisions are almost non* existent. At least in the economic sphere of village life, no forces have been discovered which are antagonistic to change. No villager, as far as it could be ascertained, looked on "change" as manipulation from outside agencies. The village was chosen because it represented a distinct type of village *- the small propietor village -in the Turrlelba area. There was interest in comparing "cultural change" in this type of village with cultural change in another dlstinot type of village, the large hacienda, which is perhaps more representative of village communities throughout Latin America. San Juan Norte was not ohosen because of the homo* geneity of population, the absence of factions or other faotors discovered after the village had been studied. However, it was perhaps fortunate that this set of oondi* tions existed; it made the analysis much easier. On the basis of a study of a particular type of cul* tural ohange in a special type of community, a proposition of theoretical and (perhaps) practical interest was 181 form ulated. an item by the the to Three be accepted: people; neople basic (b) must i t have co n d itio n s should e x ist (e) must must proof a need fo r f i t in to their* of i t s it for be f e lt c u ltu re; w orkability or (c) e ffe c tiv e ­ ness. The p ro p o sitio n which such im age of These v a ria b le s the I’ o r t e , but natu re of I t v a ria b le s change th a t the may as means etc. le s s e r have been in b e l i t t l e s le ad e rsh ip , of so ciety be no agent, vere may by have p re s tig e , fo r re s u lt of im portance oov.er, c u ltu ra l sig n ific a n c e e the in the change. San Juan special question. safe to say, tentatively, that the proposi­ tion has validity when applied to small social systems similar in nature to Sen Juan Norte. Better still, it has applicability to groups in which the internal structure produces minimal negative reactions to innovations. may be It meaningless to epoly the proposition to larger social systems 3uch as towns or cities, since these sys­ tems, as a whole, are stratified and each stratum within the larger system would have its own culture. The^ieeds* of one stratum might vary from those in another; what would be the objective proof for one might not be so for another* The proposition will be of more use when the item under analysis is related to a “rational* sphere of the culture such as the economic sphere where there is less valueinvolvement. 1Q2 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Arce, Antonio I,.*, Socio-Economic Differentials Associated with Leader snip in iUrrialbaY Cos Va kica, unpub li she'd m.A. thesis, Llichigan State College, 1952, 2. Barahona J., Luis, BI Gran Incognito. San Jose, Costa Rica: Seccion Tesis de Grado y Ensayos, Ho. 5, 1953. 3. Barnett, K. G., Innovation: The Basis of Cultural Change, Hew Yorkl iJcGraw-I-ftll Co., Inc., 19^3. 4. Beals, Ralph, "Urbanism, Urbanization and Acculturation,” American Anthropologist. 1951 5. Beegle, J. Allan, v/ith Charles P. Loomis, Rural Social Systems, Hew York: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1950. 6. Biesanz, John B. and l.lavis, Costa Rican Life. New York: Columbia University Press, 19-44. 7. Erasmus, Charles J., "Agricultural Changes in Haiti,” Human Organization 11, 1952. S. Fallas, Carlos L . , Hamita Yunai. San Jose, Costa Rica: Editorial Sola y Valverde, 1341 • 9. Goldschmidt, Halter R . , ”The Interrelations between Cultural Factors and the Acquisition of Hew Technical Skills,” Hoselitz, Bert F . . The Progress of Under­ developed Areas. Chicago: The tlnlverslty of (Chicago Press', 13fe£." 10. Gonzalez-Beledon, Ilanuel, Cuentos. San Jose, Costa Rica: Seccion Literature y ArVe i'lo• 1, 1947. 11. Gross, Heal with Bryce Ryan, ”The Diffusion of Hjrbrid Corn in Two Iowa Communities,” Rural Sociology, 8, 1947. 12. Hallowell, A. Irving, "Sociopsychological Aspects of Acculturation,” Linton, Ralph, The Science of Man in the 7/orld Crisis, Hew York: Columbia tlnlversity tress, % y z h t .----------------- 13. Herskovits, Helville, Acculturation: A Study of Culture Contact, Kew York: J.J. Augustin Publi sher, 133k• 183 14. 15 . 16 . ________________ "Processes of Cultural Change," Linton, Ralph, Science of Han in the '-./orId Crisis. Lev/ York : Cclumbla" University "1'ress, IbbO. ___________ , "The Problem of Adapting Societies «^oLev/ Tasks," Hoselitz, Bert P. (ed. ), The Progress of^Underdeveloped Areas. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1952. _________ . with R. Redfield and Ralph Linton, "A Ilemoranaum ifor the Study of Acculturation," American Anthropologist. 38, 1936. 17. Uroeber, A. L. (ed.), Anthropology Today. Chicago: The University of Chicago tress, 19^3. 18. Leonard, Clen, and Charles P. Loomis, Readings in Latin American Social Organization and InstltirEionsV Basi Lansing," 111ch.": Llichigan State" College' Aress, 1953. 19 . Linton, Ralph, Acculturation in Seven American Indian Tribes, Lev/ York: t>. Xp"' Yeto n -Century, 1940 • 20 . _ The Science of I.Ian in the V/orld Crisis, Lew York: Columbia tlniverslly hr ess, Isbo. 21 . , The Study of l.Ian. Lew York: D. Apple to n -Cen tury Co., 19&6. 22 . . "Cultural and Personality Pactors 3ETeH!ng Economic G-rowth," Hoselitz, Bert P. (ed.), The Progress of Underdeveloped Areas. Chicago: The University of Chicago tress, 195&. 23 . . v/ith R. Redfield and 11. Herskovits, HX~ lienoran&un ior the Study of Acculturation," American Anthropologist, 38, 1936. 24. Loomis, Charles p., Studies of Rural Social Organization in the United States.Latin America and Germany. Last Lansing, lllch. V state College Sookstore, 1945 • 25 . . ____________ , Studios in Applied and Theoretical Social Science, Bast lansing. LI oh.: llichigan Siahe College Press, 1950. 2o . j v/ith Olen and Leonard, Readings in Latin American-So"oial Organization and Instrtut lonal Past Lansing, ILLch. : Michigan State College Press, 1953. f>7 . et al., Turrialba-Social Systems and the Introduction of Change. Glen coe, LlllnoIs: ¥he Pree Press, l'OSS. 134 28* , and I. Allan Beegle, Rural Social S y s t e m s . ITev "or!:: I'rontice-IIall, Inc., 1050. O C Lov/ie, Robert T. , The History of Btknological T h e o r y , Ilev; York: Barrar and B m e h a r t , Inc7“, 1037. 50. i.aclver, Robert H. , Social Can g atl o n . llev; Tori:: Ginn and Company, 1042. "1. Halinov/ski , Bronislav:, The Duncan.cs of Culture Change, Tev; Haven: Yale University _rc 0 e , lcr4a. 32. Merton, Bobert 11., Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, 111.: The Tree Brest, ±049. 33. Horris, Thomas L. , Decision-leaking in Relation to Property on a Costa^Hioan C o f x e e E s t a t e . unpublished ih'.D. thesis", Michigan State College, T952. 34. Cpler, Horris E . , "The Problem of Selective Culture Change," Hoselitz, Bert P. (ed.), The Progress of Underdeveloped Areas, Chicago: The University or Chicago Press, 19527 35. Parsons, Talcott, The Structure of Social Action, (2nd. ed.), Glencoe^ ill.: fee" Free Press, 1646. 35. Pedersen, H.A., "The Pb.:er.gi:ig Culture Concept: An Approach to the Study of Cultural Change," Social Uorccs, PDGCH, 1950. . 37. Bov/ell, Reed H . , A Comparative Sociological Analysis of San Juan S u r . a Peasant Conriunlty, and Atirrol an Hacienda Coiaiaunity located In' Costa" Rica, (jentral America, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, illchigan state College, 1951. 38. Redfield, Robert, The BoIk Culture of Yucatan, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, Itbl. 39. , Herskovits, and R. Linton, "A iieinorandun for the Study of Acculturation," American Anthropologist, 38, 1936. 40. The Rural Sociological Society (Report of the Subcommittee on The Diffusion and Adoption of Barm PracticesJ, Sociological Research on the Diffusion and Adoption of 17ev: Barm Practices, Lexington, icy.: ipentucfcy Agri­ cultural fe'oeriment Station, University of ICentucky, 1952. Ryan, Bryce, "A Study in Technological Diffusion," Rural Sociology, 13, 1948* , and Ileal Gross, "The Diffusion of Hybrid Corn in Two Iowa Communities," Rural Sociology. 8 , 1943. S a r i o l a S a k a r i , Social Class and Social I.Iobility in a Costa Rican^ Town, unnubl i~she d PhiD. thesis, Inleramer 1can Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1952. Spicer, Bdward H. (ed.), Human Problems in Technological Change,New Y o r k : Russell Sage foundation, 1$52• Steward, Julian, II., Area Research - Theory and Practice. New York: Social Science Researcli Counc 11 iBulletin oS,' 1950. Tax, Sol, et a l . , Heritage of Conquest - The Ethnology of I.Iiddle America Glencoe, all.: l*he !Free Press, 1952. Acculturation in the Americas, Chicago: ^le University ol Chicago Press, 1952. Valerio, Juvenal, Turrialba, Su Desarrollo Historico. San Jose, Costa Rica: Editorial* l^mo , ^S . V/irth, Louis, "Urbanism as a Way of Life,n Journal of Sociology, 44, 1938-39. American Institute Inter omericano de Cienoias Agricolas Departamento d© Eoonomla y Bi©nostar Rural Turrialba, Costa Riea PROYECTO DE EVAUJACION DE PROORAMA SOBRE — m iBmimZisr a ^ wstbssTmxi - Cuestionarlo prellminar para el Maestro Para ser puesto a funcionar dnlcamente con aquellos maestros quo han recibido el o'los oursillos y quo posiblemonte sean entrevistados en el futuro. Feohu ^ iibbiiii^ Entrovistador . Nombre del Maestro Lugar ..... Cudnto tiempo hace qua vive en este lugar? — _ De roes _ _ _ _ _ I* aflo a mes _______ _ _ « . afio_________ Qud prdcticas agricolas ha tratado Ud. de introduoir en forma planeada y constants en este lugar. sin tomnr en ouenTaTiayan oSto gxlto o'T facaao? -- - - -. - B* °* e D. I. Qud prdotioas pecuarias (orianaa de animales domdstioos) ha tratado Ud. do introduoir on forty planeada g oonatanto on este lugar* sin tooar en ouenta nayan siao exito o rraoaso? -- «• 2 « B. C. D. III. Qud prdotioaa en alimentacidn ha tratado Ud, de introdueir en forma planeada y constants en eate lu^ar, sin tomar en c'uenta hayan sido exiio o rracaso? A. ____________________________________________ __ ; B. D* IV. ' .. .. qud prdcticas en salud ha tratado Ud, de introducir en forma planeada y oonatante en este lusar. sin tomar en cuenta hayan" STJb ?xTfo"o fracaso? A. B. G. ; ____________ ; ______________________________ _ 3 V* Qu6 p r d c t i c a s l o c i o n a d a a con habitaci6n ha tratado Ud. de introdueir en forma planeada y constants en este lugar 9 sin tomar en cuenta hayan sido Cxito o fracaso? A* - . .. . B. C, _______________________________________ D, _______________________________ ' ______ VI* oud prdcticas rolaoionadas con el veatido ha tratado Ud. de introduoir en forma planeada y constants en este lugar sin tomar en cuenta hayan sido exlto o rracaso? A . _________________ _ _ _ _ _ ........ ; ................ .... B* C. D. VII. Qud cambios en la organlzaoi6n de esta comuni dad ha tratado Ud. de introdueir en forma planeada y constante en este lu­ gar sin tomar en cuenta hayan sido dxito o fracaso? A. ______________ _ _ _ _ _______________________________ D. No to para el enuroerador £n oada una etc,) el maestro de introdueir en las dreas hdgale de las dreas (agriculture, salad, nutrloidn, ha nozaibrado clertas prdcticas quo dl ha tratado forma planeada y constante, para oada una de ai maestro la sigulente pregunta: De las prdcticas que Ud, nombrd (on euanto a, por ejemplo: salud,) en cudles considera Ud. que tuvo dxito y en ouales fracasOT Marque arriba, en la pregunta oorrespondiente, a la izquler* da de cada letra, E para dxito y P para fracaso. Antonio Arc© 16 Octubre 1958 ABRL- 133-58 Instituto Intcrmnorlcano do Cienclas Agi*lcolas Depart ament a de Ecrnomla y Blenostar Rural Turrialba, Costa Rica PROQRAMA SOBRE EL DBSARROLLO DE IA CQMTJNIDAD RURAL PROYECTQ DE EVALUACJtor CUESTIOHuRIO PAIiA EL JEFE DE FAMILY E.numorador _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Fecbu _ , _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Edit ado pors _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ F®oh& _ » Codificado port _ _ _ _ _ _ « Fecha _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Noinbre del Jefo de la Famllla Nombre del Informant© _ _ _ _ _ _ _ — Rolaci6n con ol Jefo ) _ _ _ — !• Catos sobre Fohlaei&i (a) Hombrea Personas quo viven on la casa (b) Parentezco Jefe (c) Saxo (d) (o) Edad Eatado Civil * VI (6) Eactwla Toda« Grado filtlBO via U 2. ■ 3. 4* , 5. 6* 7. t* 9. 10. u. 12. 13. 14. SI hay nifios de menos de 1 alio* dlga meaes, y fecha de nacimiento *• D6nde traba j6 la mayor parte del tienpo el aflo paaado? ^ - * «-• ■ ... * 3 * 3# Personas do la Tamilia ausentes (a ) Nombre persona ausente (c) Sexo (b) Parentssoo JeXe (d) Edad (e) (f) Donde Cuando oeta 30 fu£ mes ufio . (8) . Pop quo se fue 1. 2 3 4 4 4, Cudnto tiompo ha vivido on oste lugar? 5, D&nde nacid usted? 6, Ha vivido alguna voz on un Centro Urbono? Si _ _ 7, DSnde? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 8, Qud edad tenia entonces? 9® Por cudnto tlempo? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 10, 2 3 4 5 No . Lugaros visltados fuera del caserio on el mes paaado, medio de transports, y tiompo (a) Lugar 1 , Origen de la idea m Trataaiento Cuinto haoe 1 ■i 2 .. 3 " 1,rr*"- !* 4 (o) : insect os ■■ ■ *. . .1 * 1 ■ mi 1 ,3 1 i ........4 1 2 '■/ 3 v ' ",!i - 'j 4 25* usa Ud* algdn eiatsna de drenaje en « eue eafetaleef Si. si. a* Cudnto tlenpo haoe? b* Do la idea? Ha oldo hablar eobre su /IS ^ifll . ■< si. no. o. SI Si d« A qui£n o a quienes? Poda Ud* ol cafS? Si _______ No Si, si | a, Cudnto tiompo haco? ______ b, De d£nde tom6 la idea? Si, no, c* Ha oido hablar de su importancia? Si _____ No d, A quidn o a quiSnes? ___________________• _____ cq T& (O) Origen de la Idea O a c^ (a) Cambios P* O' Otros cambios introducidos en el cultivo del Ha introducido Ud. nuevas variedades de cafla? Si ________ No Si, si, a. Cudnto tiompo haco? ______________________________________ b. De d£nde tom6 la idea? Si, no, c, Ha oido hablar do su importancia? Si No « 9 a d, 9. A quidn o a quidnes? Haco Ud* siembras al oontorno o n sua cultivos de cafla? S i Wo > Si, ai, a* Cudnto tiompo haco? __________________________ ________________ b* De ddnde t6mo la idea? Si, no, 5. c* H a oldo hablar do su importancia? d* A quidn o a quldnes? _ _ _ Si _ _ _ _ _ No — — Usa Ud* abono orcdnico en bus cultivos do cafla? Si . No Si, ai, i a* Cudnto tiempo hace? ^ b* De ddnde tam6 la idea? ■ ______ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Si, no, • c, H a oldo Ud, hablar de su importancia? d, A quidn o a quidnea? Si _ _ _ _ _ No ■ Usa Ud, abonos qulmicoa en sua cultivos de oafla? SI Si, si, a, Cudnto tiempo haoe? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ b. De d6nde tom& la idoa? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ o, d, Si, No, Ha oldo Ud, hablar de su importancia? A quidn o a quidnea? ■ Si _ _ _ _ _ No . No - 10 21 Enformodades e insoctos mds comunes en el cultivo do la cafia (a) Enformedad (b) Tratamionto (c) Cudnto haco (d) Origon do la idea n 2 <* Cudndo - — Orlgen de la Idea ----- - - - - _ — ___________________________________ 3«_________________ | 4 «__________________________; __________________________________ 5 , _____________________________ ; _________ Si no ha variado en forma alguna la manera de criar, etc#, ha tenido conocimientos do algunas prdcticaa quo no haya lntfoducl* do? Si __ No - i-'i es si. ■ (a) Practica — (b) — | Orison (°) Por aue no la aceptd • to 1. 3. 4• 5. 3, QjuS comblos cree Ud» q u o ha hobido on la agriculture^ on oste lugar, on estos dos ultimos aftos? (a) Cambio 7* (b) Rosponsable Cu&les son los principal©s problomas o dificultados quo tlene Ud* on la agriculture: a * ____________ b Como Ud* quo podrian reaolverse? a. ___________________________________ b* o« ?. Ha trato.de el maestro de hacer algo por el mo jo rami onto agricola do esfce lugar? Si No 50. Tendrla Ud, fc en los consejos del muestro sobre agrlcultura? SI _____ No______ Si, si, a, Por que ___________________________________ 51, A trav6s de qud medios (como radio, pcribdicoa, revl3tas, etc,) roclbon Uds, informaci6n sobre agrlcultura? 52. Si Ud, tuviera dificultados en el uso de cam inos entre flncas a qu6 personas recurriria Ud*? a. Persona b. RelacI6n c, Lugar 53* Si Ud* tuviera oportunidad do oscoger de nuevo una ocupacidn, escogeria la mlsaa que ahora tiene? SI No 54* Lo reconendarla Ud, a un hijo suyo que se dedicara a trabaJar la tlerru? Si No «• 19 — . 56 . 57 . 55 VIv© afin sa padre? Si _____ No _______ En quo trabaja _ _ _ _ _ _ o trabajaba _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ su padres Sogdn su opini6n, la fomiliQ de su padre estd _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ostaba ____________ econ6mic ament e mejor o . igual . o peor ______________ Que lo que estd la suya? a* Por qu£ raz5n? 9 - PRACTICES SOBRE SALUD 53. Tiene Ud, libreta de Seguro Social? Si 59. Cu&ntos otros miembros de la familia tlenen libreta de Seguro No Social 60. Cu&les son lasprlncipalos diricultades que tienen Uds, en relaoi6n con salud? a. b. o• 61. .. ...... .... c6mo creen TJds. que podrlan resolverse ? b. c. 02, Ha tratado el maestro de haeer algo por el as£oramiento de la salud en este lugar (hdbitos de salad; hlgiene y sanldad, agua etc,)? Si _____ No _______ Si, si, a, Qud ha tratado de hacor? m 63* 20 Tendrla Ud, f6 en los consejos del maestros sobre salud, hlgiene sanldad, etc,? Si _ _ No Si, si, a, 64* Por qu£? ^ A travls do que medios (como radio, pori6dioos, r©vista3 , visi* tas, etc*) reciben Uds, informaci£n ,*obre salud? PRACTICES SOBHE ALIMENTACION 65, Qui&n der;ide en oata c?i3a sobre los alimontos quo doben comprar* a*-v 66, Cu&lon son los prlnclpaled problemas o dificultadea que tionen Uds, oii ca-u*tc a alimented on? ■®______________ b. 67, Como eia** jd, quo poddon reaoiverse esas dificultadea? a .............. .. ..... b ,__ ....... ..... ..... *■**■M« c 68, Ea trntodo *.1 :nnt.ptro no nuoer algo por el me jorami onto de la aliment q .j.cn or. lugar? c'l N o _____ ; - ei Si, al, a• 69, Qud ha tratado de hacer? Tendria Ud, fd o n los consojos del maestro sobre allmontacl&n (variar los olimentos, la mantra de coeinarlos, oto*) Si _____ No______ Si) si 0 a, Por qu£? ■ 70, A travds d e qud modi os (coi.io radio. peri6dicos, revistas, visitas, etc,) obtlenen Uds, informaciSn sobre alimentaoldn? 71, A qu6 fami lias visita Ud, mds a menudo? (nos roferimos a vlsitas inf o m a l e s ) a, Nombre b, Re lac 15n c , Lugar PRACTICES SOBRE HABXTACION 72, Es osta oasa propia? ?3. Cudles son los principales problemas o difieulfcades quo tienen ustodes en cuanto a vivionda on este lugar? a, _ b* . o, • - , alquilada ^ _ _ _ _ _ _ oedida .... 22 - 74, c6mo crec Ud, que podrlan resolverse esas dificultadea? b. 75, __________________________ _ _ Ha tratado el maestro do hacer algo por ol mejoramionto de la vivionda en este luf;ar? Si Ho_____ Si» »si| a, 76, 0,ue ha tratado de hacor? Tendria Ud, fS en los conscjos del maestro sobre vivienda? Si ___ N o _____ Si, si, a, 77, Por qud? _ _ ___________________________________ A travds dc qud medios (como radio, peri&dlcos, revistas, etc,) recibon Uds, informacidn sobre vivienda? IMAGEN DEL ROL DEL MAESTRO 78. Proforencia cn cuanto al maestro (a) Preforeneia (b) Marque (c) Ftazon o por quo • Soltoro Var6n Casado Soltora Mujor Ca3ada Jovon ! VIojo I . Criado on el campo Criado en la ciudad ■ Que viva en el compo ■ Que viva en la ciudad : ■ ■ ! . 79. SI aqui fueran a nombrar un naostro mda, y a ustod le pldJeran su opinion, coino lo gustaria a usted quo fuora eso maostro? 1 1 11 1 1 " ■« * ■ ■ ■ ■m u 1 1 " 1■ "■ ' * n —■-i ni —i ■■ i■ ' • ^ 80. Cu&los croe Ud. quo son los principales debores y obligaciones do un maostro fuera de la escuola? .. . .. .. . m 24 «•• 81, • En qud cosas do la comunidad creo Ud, quo el maestro no dobe motors©? ■f 82, Q,ud mds croe Ud, que podrla hacor? 83# Creo Ud, que el maostro so interosa mds , igual # menoa _____ ahora que hace dos aiios t;or los prooiemas do la comunidad? a, 84, (SI os mds), en quo cosas? A la escuela do qu£ lugar oslston sus hijos? OUGA aIZACION COMUNrf'iL 85, Fud Ud, a alguna celebracidn o fiesta durante el ailo pas ado? Si _____ No _____ . —I I I ,I I I . 86, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I ~ I H — . a, (Si 06 ol) a oudles —I . —. H I■ H I . # Tuvo Ud, alguna celebraciSn o fiesta on su casa el afio pasado? 8i No - 25 ** a, (SI ea si), cudles? 87* ^ui^nos son las personas a quienes Ud. trata con toda confianzt y con quienes Ud. discute sus problem&s personales? 88• Clubes on funclonamionto (a) Nombro del club (b) Focha fundaci6n (c) Ouien lo f orm6 (d) 0plni6n sobre calldad do labor 89# Ha desaparecido algdn club durante J.os dos dltimo3 afios? Si _____ No _ ___ Si, si, Cudloa b* for qu6 Enero JO, 195J A E RL-144-53 I Instituto Interamericano de Ciencias Agrlcolas Departamento de Eccnrwfa y Bienestar Rural Turrlalba, Costa Rica PROGRAMA SOBRB EL DESAPRQIjLO DE LA COMUNIDAD RURAL PROYKCTO PE EVALIIACTON CUESTIONARIO PARA LA AMA DE CASA i ______________________ Enumerator Luear ■ _ _ _ Fecha ____ Editado pori_______________ _ Fecha Codificado por:______________ Fecha Nombre del Jefe de la Familia Nombre del Informant©________ Relacldn eon el J e f e ________ MOVILIDAD 1* Cufimto tieirr-o ha vivido en este 3.ugar? ___ 2, D6nde nacid usted? 3« Ha vivido alguna vez on un Centro Hrbano? Donde? Si No__ ___ 5m 0u6 edad tenia entonces? 6» Por cudnto tiempo? ?• Lugares visitados fuera del caserlo en e.l mes pasadoy medio de transport©t y tiempo a* Lugar ^ b# No« veeea Cm Propdsitos 1 • 2 3 . .................................. + ? PRAGTT CAS AOKOPSCtJARIAS 8. Le recomendarfa Ud. a un hijo auyo que se trabajar la tierra? Si No _ a* 9* Por qud raz<5n? Vive aiin su padre? Si dedicara a ' No 10• En qud trabaia. o trabaiaba 11* Segdn su opini6nf la familia de an padre est£ estaba eoondmicamente meior 6 peor qua lo que eetd la suya? au padre? . f lgual o a9 12# Por qud ra*6n? Ha tratado el maestro de hacer algo en relacidn con la agriculture en este lugar? Si _ No (SI es si) a* 13* ha tratado de h a c e r ? _________ ________________ Tendria usted fe en I03 consejos del maestro sobre agrt** culture? Si No _ _ (SI es a » a* Por qud . . m < ? m m 1^# Hierve Ud* el agua para beber? 3£ .... No (Gi es si) a* Por cudnto tlempo? ....... --T b* Cudndo aproxlmndamente empead a hervlrla? c* Por qul la hierve? d* De ddnde cogid la idea de hervir el agua? '.......... .. .. ■ • if a (Si no la hierve) a* Por oud no la hierve? b# Ha tenido Ud, conocimiento sobre la importancia de hervir el agua? Si No (Si es si) e* 1?* Cdmo tuvo ese conocimiento? Hierve Ud* la leehe? Si . . No . (Si es si) 16# a« Cudndo aproximadamente erapez<5 a hervlrla? b« Por f»ud la hierve? c# De ddnde cogid la idea? . .■ ... . .■, ., Dispone la familla de faellidades de exeusado? ,»o Si . (Si es si) •v:: - a* De qud clase?....... b. Aproximadamente cudnto ttempo hace que tiene esa cla­ se de exeusado? .. .... . ___ . .. _ _..r c* (Si esa clase de exeusado fuS construfdo hace 3 ailos sds o monos) -........T.„ - De ddnde cogio la idea de construir exeusado? ..-.T Uff 7rV”; :' «■ *> m (Si no) d* Por ctud no lo tiene? c* Ha tenido Ud* conocimiento sobre la importancia de to­ ner exeusado? Si _____ No _ _ (Si es si) t• Cdmo tuvo eso conoclmlento? ..I...,-.,. ■ — . M ■■ mJk ... .I , ■— ml.. .1 ...■I. Insoctos v Alima.^as en la Casa y sus Aired ad ores y Manors de Combatirlon - 17• a b Insectos o Alimaflas e Origen do Idea Tratamiento 1 2 ...... 3 If 5 6 2_ . _______ 18* tTtili*acidn de Service os Medicos en los tJltlmo3 12 Meses por la Familia* (Ndmero de visitas) • . L Servici'l^ Utilizedos — .. — - ....... c b jNs* do *?oeos Opinion - Hospital: S c r v l e s de Dispense?to tat Social Unidad SanlfcaTia ( Unidad Sanlturif: ^ ( ‘ Dentlsta ^ Seguro Social < -i— .. - Unidad Sanitaria Particular ... _ l 19» Cudndo fu£ su dltlmo r>arto? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 20. Ddnde fud atendlda en su dltlmo parto? Hospi tal 21* . Casa _ _ _ . Otros D<5nde fu6 a tend Ida en su pendltlmo parto? Hospital _ _ _ _ _ Casa Otroa Si hay dlferencla* a qu-5 se debe? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 22* Durante los dltimon 12 wepes, cudntas voces mds o monos h% utllizado la femilia los sorvlcios de: Ndraero do voces a# Doctor particular _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ b* Farmac^utlco (para curaeidn) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ e. Curandero ■ d. Snfermero (para curacldn) 23* Cudles son la3 principales dlfleultadea que tlenen Uds« en relacldn con salud? a* ■. _ . .. . ... . b. . . ...,■ • . Cdmo creen ustedes que podrlan resolverse? a * - ______ • - - - - ■ - ............. ... - - - - ...................................... b. - ■ _ Ha tratado el maestro de hacer algo por el meloramlento dh 1j» solud cn este lugtr? (lidbit os de salud % higlene y snnldac:; a ? etc)* Si .... No _ _ _ (Si es sf.) a, ■' -....... .. c* 2?. . . ... ...................... c* 2b9 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Qud ha tratado de hacer? * , 26* Tendrfa usted fe en los consejos del maestro sobre salud, higiene, sanidad, etc*? SI No (SI es si) a* 27* Por qud A travd de qud raedios (como radio, periddicos, revi?tasf visitas, etc*) reciben ustedes informacidn sobre salud? EBAmGAg- SOBRg 28* m&iciw.- Qud usa Ud* en la preparacidn de tortillas? Cenisa _/> Cal:mTr SI usa cal: a* Cudndo aproximadamente empez6 a usarla? ...... .... b* Por qud la usa? c* De ddnde tomd la Idea? ..; . ....'........... „ . !»4;< Si no usa cal: ^ : ; t r ^ vr:T Ha tenldo usted ^cbhoeitoiento sobre el uso de oal en la proparacl^it tie tortillas? Si No __ a* Si es sl, como tuvo ese conocimiento? f 29* t * -------------------- — 1' 111 * ■ 11 ii l i w i m i w i m w i « n — ... — ^ -.- . 1— 1— M 11— i *^ in * i * * ^ * i Qufeti decide en esta case sobre los felimontoS que debeb ebmpratfoe? -------- ^ ------ — -■ - • 30t Cu63.es son los prlncipales oroblemas o dlficultades que tienen Uds, en cuanto a alimentacidn? a * - -- - ■ , „ ■■ , b * _________________________________________________ c. 31« ......... Cdmo cree Ud* cue podrlan resolvers© esa s d lf lc u lt a d e s ? b * ______________________________________________ _ c* ..... ... _____________ \ •32* En o^inidn suya la alimentncidn de ustodes hame joradq^,..,, estd igua3v , o ha empeorado durante 3os dos dltimos anos? 33* En n? *+6# M-7# Con quldp aprepdid a cosep? ^ ..... . , * ^ Compran ustedes alguna ropq en este lugar? — ,.. r.- - , ... SI No„ (Si es si) a, Cud oomprap? 1*8# 1 i r....... -.. --.~ Tienen ustedes eostumbre de estrenar en alguna dpooa espo* dial del afio? 8% (Si es si) a# En cudles dpocas? . ___ „_ , .., T1.... , rl ... ' - 11 - **9# En su c a sa , cudntos usan sa p a to s, tod os lo s d ia s domingos o d ia s fe r ia d o s solam enie ? 50* Cudles son lo s p r ln c lp a le s problemas o d lf ic u lt a d e s que tie n e n u sted es en cuanto a v e s tid o en e s te lugar? a* r ....... b . _______________________________________________________ 51« Cdmo cree Ud* que podrlan resolve3*sc osas dificiO.t.-d*':•? a. b . .......... «• 52* L, __ ___ ...... Ha tratad o e l m aestro de hacer a lg o por e l woinr-’v lo n to d e l v e s tid o (prendes de v e s t i r t su a r r e g lo , lim p ijz a , e t c . ) en e s t e lugar? S i _ _ No —_ (S i es S f) a* Qud ha tratad o de hacer? 53* .......... ........ Tendrla usted f e en lo s co n sejo s d e l maestro en r e la c ld n a l v e stid o ? S i _ ^_ No (S i es s i ) a* Por qud?________ ________ 5*+* A travds de qud medios (como r a d io , p e r id d ic o s, r e v is t a s , v i s i t a s , e t c . ) recib en u sted es inforraacidn sobre v e stid o ? 12 - IMAGEN DEL RQL DEL MAESTRO. 55* P rcfcren cla en cuanto a l maestro a P referen cia Vardn Major b Marque c Hazdn o Por Qud S o lte r o Casado S o lte r a Cassrin ---------- Joven V iejo Criado en e l Cr.mDO Criado en la (Mudart One viva en e l Campo Que v iv a en la Ciudad 56# S i aquf fueran a nombrar un maestro mds, y a usted l e pidieran su o p in io n , c6mo l e g u sta rla a usted quo fnora ese m a e str o ? ____________________________ _____________________ __ 57# Cudles eree TTd• que son lo s p r i n c i p l e s deberes y o b lig a cion os de un m aestro fuera de la escu ela ? - 13 * £8« En qud co sa s de la comunidad cree Ud. que un maestro no debe meterso? 59* Cree Ud* que e l maestro ne in tero sa mds . . ig u a l _ _ menos ahora que hace dos arios por lo s problem?s t\; la comunidad? ( S i es mds) a* En qud cosas? 60* k ,. la escu ela de qud lu gar a s is t e n sus h ijo s ? ...in .61* Fu£* Ud. a alguna celeb ra eid n o f i e s t a durante e l afio pa» sado? S i No (S i e s s f ) a* k c u d le s ? .................. 62* - ..........- . ........ Tuvo Ud. alguna celeb ra eid n o f i e s t a en su casa e l afto pa« sado? S i No _ (S i es s f ) a* C u d le s? _________________________________ . lb 63* - Clubes en funcionamiento a Sombre club b Fecha fundacldn c Quien lo forffid d e Opinidn sobre c a - Pertenece? lld a d de labor ....... ... ..... 6*f* Ha desaparecido al?dn club durante los dos dltiraos alios? Si No (SI es si) a. Enero 29 , 1953 *>• f M m i TtyI T L I A 1, Cor.io con ouantas fainiliao do osto luj^** oata ud» emparonfcada? 2. A quo fardllua (jofo do farJlia) do osto lu^, r lo ha llevado ud. 3 vs hijou a bautizar? 1. 2. 3 * ; __________ _ ______________________________ k.__________________ : _____: — - - - - - — ■■ - ■■ ■— ■ ■ - RttLIOlOH 1* Aoostunbran lid s. roaar o l S*nto R osario? SI . Jo a . Cuantao voooa a l a oonam?____________ b. Do la fanilia, quianos 03tan srosontos? 0 * Quion lo diri;,©? 2« Va Ud. a n iaa alguna voa a T urrialba? S i do a* Qorio cuantna voces a l n o s? bft S i o l ospo30 va# oono cuantna voces a l r:os?< a . Aoosttuibra Ud. haocr orancaaa? Coiio quo o la so do urotiiaaao? si » iTo— OCtJP/vCIOlT (para so r p re^ u n td o sobro fcodou I 03 quo traba juii) ITonbro SitiO fflpo trabajo Feoha iX>r:ia ahi 1 2 j L_ WSRlJi.-'.Ob QU- VWiiT JDbL LUC R titt11 Lu^ar iTor.ibro r 2> 5. 1 .1 _ _ . , _ ___ Foe ha pnrfcida si H o c VO, ououdo si osoribe, ov.ajido USO DSL CLORDANO 1. Antes de llegur Clordeno, que so usabu pur;; matar hormigas? Se usaba mucho por la de.u':.s rente de aqui? Si « No Como de bueno era , compnr&ndolo ccn cl Clordano? Como se'usaba ? (Ahftndese sc-brc quienes hacla cl tra- bajo, v. g., mujercs, nines , etc.) Qu6 de caro err.? 6. Usaba Ud.. , c ompetrAnd c10 con el clordano? para matar otros bichcs? Si . No ____ ___________ Si es slj Cuf.les ? 7* Comparand;, el problcma de las hormigas cuundo se usaba con el probioma de ahora, como era antes? o . Antes de usar . quo se usaba? Cudnt r tiempo hace de eso? 9* Me podrla explic~r ccmc fu6 que tuvo cl primer concciniento so* bre Clordano? (Ah6ndese sobre: a) si fu6 II&.; b) si se hicie** ron grupos parr, denestracion; c) si v i m c r c n personalmente dooct# el informant©, etc. ) 10# C^mo le ensefiaron a usarlo?(si es que le onseflaron) 11. Le regalaron el Clordano primeramonte o lo compr6?0 - 2 12* (Si lo compro lo. prlmcrc. vcz que lo us6) qu£ fuo lo quo lo c onvcncic de que deberia user clordano? lj. Desde cuondo compro. Clordano?(3i lo compra) ___________________ D^nde lo conipra? _______ ll)-* (Si fuoron los venezolanos lcs que introdujcron el Clordano)qu£ tal se protaron I 03 venesolanos con ustedes? 15* ddem*s de (agente que intrcdujr el Clordano), o.lguien m£.s lo aeon sejo para que usara Clordano? Si No______ ~ Q.ul6n? 16 . Quienes fucron los primeros del puoblo on usar Clordano?_______ _ 17* Recuerda Ud; la primera vg z que us6 Clordano, que (quien) lo indujo a usarlo? (Ahfndese para ver influcncia de personas, o necesidad, etc*) 18* C6me usa Ud* ahcra el Clordano? (conpdrcsc con rospuesta a#10 si la rospuesta es diferente, dhondese en cuonto 0. per qu6*) 19* U3a Ud* Clordano en ctrcs bichos? Si. Cudles? ., No. _____ Si no fu£ reccmendacicn del ugente, por qu<5 lo usa ohi?. PO* Quienes hacen el trabajo de combate de focrmigas? (varones, muj< 21* Cree Ud* que el clordano ha resuelto el problema de las Si No______ , Por qu£? 22. Cree Ud. que sea posible acaber con las hormigas? Si Si es sis C6mo?_______ , ____ * No. ■ HTJERTA CASERA tenido Ud, huerta casera on estos doa dltimos arios? Si *Ko Si es si: 1) C u 5 n d o ? ______ 2) Qu6 ten!.- sembrado en elln? u ) c) b) .- 3) Alguien en particular le -conscjS sembrarla? Si_____ , Uo^ a) Q,ui^n . b) Qu€ le aconsejS sembrar?- (1) , (2)____________ , (3)___________ , (If.)___________ _ c) C6mo fu<5 ese consejo? (m6todo, rc^lo, eta) If.) Alguien mis le aconse;j6 sembrar hortalizas? a) QuiSn?_______ ' ______________ b) Qu<5 le aconsej6 sembrar? (1) . (2) (3)_______________________,_(if-)_____________ c) c6mo fu<5 ese conse.1 o? . . a® . ■ •sr:$ 3) Por qu5 no sembr6 (comparose A-2 con A - J b y A-if.b)i . Quienes hacian el trabaAo de huerta? , ,pii» Cree Ud* que el trabajo de huerta, para consumo de 1— casa, es traba.1 o da chiauillos. de Aefe. etcb.f t 8) AlguiSn se tom6 alg&n interns especial en ver sus hortalizaa?- Si __ • No „____ , Qul6n? , - 2 9) Por qud do jo de sembrar hortalizas? B, Si es no: 1) Por qu6 no 3iembra hcrtaliza3? 2) Vdase pdgina anterior, A-3# A-7 C* Sabe Ud* de alguien que tonga huerta casera ahora? Si .No Quldn? D. Sabe Ud, de alguien quo tivera huerta antes (2 arios)? Si 'Ho Quidn? ,- E. Consumen Uds* de vez en cuando hortalizas? Si_ Cudles? a) *b) No Y, .c) Cudndo fu£ la dltima vez las consumieron?__________ ;_____ _ F. Por qud consumen (o no consumen) hortalizas? (gusto, etc)f O, Qu6 creen Uds, sobre las hortalizas, como alimento? H, Cudndo fud la primera vez qu© Ud* s©nbr6 hortalizas? Ddnde? (escuola, casa, etc.) Cu&le a ?________________________________ ; _____________ I CAfiA P»0,J« 1* Cudnto tiempo haoe que slembra oafla? 2* Llegd a tener cafia crlclla?-Sl .Ho- # manz. 5* Tenia (o tlene) la crlolla alguna ventaja sobre la P.O.JY?. SI Ho . Cudles? . lj.« Quidnes fueron los primeros en sembrar P,G.J, aqul? 5. quA tiempo hace que Ud, slembra P.O.J.? \3 # manz* 6. QuA le indujc a sembrar P.O.J,? (Ahdndese: Le dljeron persona 1mente, vl6 a otros hacerlo, etc) ' " .- ■■ 7* quA fuA lo que lo convonclA de que deberia sembrar P«0*J*f, 8, Ddnde consigulfi la prlmera semilla de P.O.J,? — I? Cdmo? (compra, regalo) 9. Me podrla explicar como fuA el camblo, v.g,, empezd con poc»v experlmento, etc?. mM 10* Le queda alguna crlolla?. Por quA?_____________ 11* Le come el ganado la hoja de P,0,J•?- 81. #,Usa la hoja para ranchos?- 81 ^ »o. * No__ Sir 12* LAeg6 Ud, a hacer railpa en terrenes fuera de 3«J>N.?- 31. Cudndo? _ de hacerlo? .,,J__ v ,__ ____________ __ CULTURAL CHANGE IN A COSTA RICAN VILLAGE by Manuel A lers-Mcntalvo AN ABSTRACT ftubadtted to the School o f Graduate studios o f Michigan State Collage o f Agriculture a n d Applied Science In partial f u l f i l l m n t o f the p a p d p m w i t g f o r the decree of DOCTOR or PHXLOSOPHT DepartBKit o f Soololegy a n d Anthropology Tear / * ? ' , Approvedv - 1953 A *-'cT- Mntuel Alers-Hontalvo AN ABSTRACT This is a study in cultural change, baaed on tan months o f In ten sive field w o r k In Costa Rica. The author w a s motivated b y a theoretical Intereat In the dynasties of cultural change* The etudy carries a personal hope that it n a y h e o f uti lit y In orienting programs of cultural ,change In Latin America, and in other regions which a r e .considered undsr-daveloped* Since 19£l the Interamerican institute of Agricultural Sciences, la Turrlalba, Costa Rica, h a s undertaken a*rural education p r o g r a m in selected villages o f the area# Attention has been focused on the use o f the local teacher a s a change agent# The principal objective of the present stu dy m a s to investigate the consequences o f this pro grsn i n a particular village. There wa s Interest In finding o u t w h a t had changed ■■■as a result o f the toaohsr o r a n y o t h e r Change ageat*»how It had changed a n d w h y It h a d Changed# The Investigator lived continuously f o r five mon ths in the village o f San Juan Norte# San Juan N o r t e Is a strongly religious vlllago o f email proprietors i n w h i c h almost e v e r y one is I d a to ev e r y on e else, a n d Where social class divisions are almost nonexistent* There a r e sixty f u n n i e s in the village, w i t h a total population o f 336# A general schedule w a s administered to practically a l l the m a l e heads o f family* Xnfoxmatlon was requested an demography, selected practices l a agriculture, health, nutrition, housing a n d clothing* A n o the r general ached* ule w a s attaintstered to practically a l l the housewives# This schedule w a s similar to the male's except that the ocotton o n agriculture w a s n o t stressed# A n al ysi s o f the schedule f o r m e n pexmitted the selection o f three practices In agriculture a n d bealth-nutritlan f o r Intensive study a s to why Manuel Alsre-Montalvo they had been accepted or rejected* A mi practices chosen worst f (e) the use of insecticide chlordane--universally adopted in the lest two Tears) (b) the cultivation of hone vegetable gardens— etroased by the change agents in the last two years* but virtually rejected) and (c) the cultivation of POJ soger ©one— universally adopted during the last ten years* A set of similar hypotheses was postulated to account for the adop* tion or the rejection of each practice, schedules on each of the three practices were administered to a snail sample of village farmers. An analysis of all the data collected revealed that three variables had bean crucial in determining the acceptance or rejection of a practices (a) felt need* (b) degree of compatibility of the practioe with the local culture and (c) the presence or absence of "objective proof” of the efficiency of the new item. For example* ehlordane and POJ sugar cane were accepted because villagers felt a need for than* they "fitted” into the local culture and objective proof of their efficiency was furnished* Vegetable gardens* on the other hand* were not accepted because people felt no need for then* they did not fit into the local culture and no objective proof of the feasibility of regularly cultivating than was furnished. Other variables such as "leadership*" prestige and the inage tint villagers had of the ehmge agent were not found to be as significant as the above nwutioned three*