HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY AND GENDER MICROAGGRESSIONS IN GOLF: THE EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE PGA GOLF MANAGEMENT INTERNS By Michael John Mignano A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Kinesiology – Doctor of Philosophy 2023 ABSTRACT Female PGA of America Professionals represent just 4.66% of the membership (PGA, n.d.), despite female golfers participating at a rate of 24% in the United States (National Golf Foundation, 2023). Notwithstanding recent industry initiatives and rare signs of progress, golf continues to be a tremendously male-dominated industry. Ritualized behaviors, gender-based norms and roles, and both covert and overt forms of sexism and gender-based treatment through microaggressions continue to infiltrate golf. The current study sought to examine the experiences of female PGA Golf Management students’ internship experiences. The theoretical framework lenses utilized included hegemonic masculinity and critical feminist theory. Hegemonic masculinity concedes that social constructions emphasize, value, and institutionalize more masculine traits such as power, hyper competitiveness, aggression, and sexual objectification, while femininity is marginalized (Connell, 1987). Critical feminist theory examines social systems for gender-based oppression. It considers everyday practices that may go ignored or undetected, aiming to bring about change in social, political, and cultural areas of life such as sport (Hundley, 2004). The participants were 14 female PGA Golf Management students averaging 10.93 months of undergraduate internship experiences. Utilizing a hermeneutic phenomenological theoretical approach, semi-structured interviews were conducted. Key findings included participants’ overall internship experiences, gender- and sex-based treatment, and recommendations for moving the golf industry forward. Gender microaggressions such as sexist comments, second-class citizenship, sexual objectification, questioning of knowledge, skills, and abilities, role restriction, exclusion, and a “boys club” culture was reported by participants. Coping and persistence strategies, recommendations to future female PGA Golf Management students are also offered. Finally, based on participant responses, practical implications are offered to golf industry leaders, the PGA of America, and PGA Golf Management programs. Copyright by MICHAEL JOHN MIGNANO 2023 This dissertation is dedicated to my wife, Jenna, and my parents, Sheila and Norm. Thank you for supporting this journey. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to thank and acknowledge the committee that provided their expertise and mentorship to this project, Dr. Daniel Gould, Dr. NiCole Buchanan, Dr. Ashley Baker, and Dr. Jennifer Roth. I also want to thank my advisor, Dr. Daniel Gould, for his relentless belief in my abilities as a scholar and his unwavering support of my professional goals. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................1 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................7 CHAPTER 3: METHOD .........................................................................................................53 CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS.......................................................................................................60 CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION................................................................................................199 REFERENCES ......................................................................................................................237 APPENDIX A: PARTICIPANT RECRUITMENT EMAIL ...............................................255 APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM ......................................................................................256 APPENDIX C: DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SURVEY ........................................259 APPENDIX D: PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW GUIDE .....................................................262 vii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Women make up 24% of golfers in the United States, including an increase of 1.29 million more on-course female golfers from 2020 to 2022 in the United States (National Golf Foundation, 2023). However, female membership in the Professional Golfers Association of America (PGA), one of the largest sports organizations in the world with approximately 28,000 members, has remained stagnant at 4.66% (PGA, n.d.). Additionally, over the past several decades, female golfers have dropped out of the game, and female PGA members have become inactive at a rate twice that of males (Kitching, 2018). At the same time, there are approximately 1,800 female members of the Ladies Professional Golf Association (LPGA). Thus, when combined with female PGA golf professionals, women still only makeup approximately 10% of the golf industry workforce in the United States. However, many of these golf professionals teach, coach, and manage facilities and are members of both the PGA and LPGA, bringing that number back down in the single digits (MacKinnon, 2013). The lopsidedness and gap between participation and professional representation have remained stationary. Further, few women occupy upper-management level positions such as Head Professional, Director of Golf, or Executive Director (Kinney, 2003). For example, females comprise only 2.59% of Head Professionals, 1.47% of General Managers, 1.84% of Director of Golf positions, and 2.75% of all Master Professionals (PGA, n.d.). Respectively, female PGA members see the highest levels of representation in the positions of Golf Associations (17.06%), College/University Coaches (15.74%), Golf Instructors (8.75%), and Assistant Golf Professionals (8.12%), although these are still staggeringly low levels of representation. These career pathways within the industry provide opportunities for increases in future female PGA Membership, yet are still unacceptable benchmarks of professional representation and show the depth of the male-dominated golf 1 industry. The Sport and Leisure Research Group recommended more diversity in golf in 2011, and the PGA conducted the “Golf 2.0” study in 2012 to analyze the lack of diversity. Similar data from Europe regarding female PGA golf professionals are even more discouraging, with female representation levels at only 2.75% in Britain and Ireland, even less than the 4.66% cited in the United States (Kitching et al., 2017). Despite the data from these reports a decade ago, little has changed in the golf industry. More recent data from Step Up Equality (2020) estimated that 90% of golf club managers and close to 100% of golf course managers identify as male. The PGA of America has recently made efforts to be more inclusive with its programming and recruitment of female golfers and female professionals in the industry to combat these discrepancies (PGA, n.d.). However, the PGA is trying to reverse the sequence of over a century of intentional discrimination. For example, until 1961, the PGA of America had a “Caucasian only” clause, and it was not until 1977, 61 years after its inception, that members voted to accept females. One male golf professional participant in MacKinnon’s (2013, p. 18) seminal work on female attrition in the golf industry stated: The PGA has an issue with being mired in the past. It is without question a ‘Good Ole Boys’ network that is more interested in history and tradition than adapting and progressing to fit today’s market, which is why I think they are going to have a very hard time fitting the needs of the golf industry in the next few decades. Further, scholars have labeled golf as elitist, racist, and sexist (Crossett, 1995). While the current project focuses on gender issues in contemporary golf, it is essential to note the complete historical and existing sexist, racist, prejudiced, and bigoted past of such a popular game. Golf industry leaders must acknowledge the intersectionality of cultural identities such as race, gender, sexual orientation, and ethnicity to make the game more diverse, accessible, 2 equitable, and inclusive of currently underrepresented social groups. As a sign of progress, recent programs such as PGA REACH have focused on impacting lives through golf initiatives for youth, military, and diverse populations (PGA, n.d.). Furthermore, Suzy Whaley became the first female elected as president of the PGA of America in 2018 and served as the first female PGA Cup captain for the men’s team in 2022 (PGA, n.d.). Despite this progress, women in golf have reported feeling inadequate, inferior, ignored, overlooked, unimportant, and excluded while playing the game and working in the industry (Kitching, 2018; McGinnis et al., 2005). For example, Kitching and colleagues (2017) utilized focus groups and interviews of 12 female PGA trainee professionals to find that both apprentices and full-time female PGA professionals in Great Britain and Ireland faced career progression barriers, access issues, and low expectations, both on and off the golf course. Further, Kitching and colleagues (2017) found that female PGA professionals are perceived as being inferior and circumvented by male colleagues. These reports aligned with similar performance pressures that women have reported in other male-dominated occupations (Kanter, 1977; Yoder, 2001; McGinnis et al., 2005). More specifically, family commitments, unrealistic working hours, gender roles, and a lack of schedule flexibility have been cited as reasons for the attrition of female employees in golf (MacKinnon, 2013). Institutional barriers include aspects of the workplace such as the distribution of work, career advancement, work-life balance, access, and leisure expectations connected to gender (McGinnis et al., 2005). For example, Shaw (2001) found that leisure and recreation were related to gender norms and power relations. Thus, golf is often seen as a space for male domination and the perpetuation of privilege (Maas & Haasbrook, 2001). McGinnis and colleagues (2005) asserted that changes within the golf industry will require institutional, interactional/cultural, and individual shifts. 3 The Purposes of the Current Study The current study examined the lived experiences of female PGA Golf Management students, as their cohort group must be successful if the game of golf is to become better integrated from a gender perspective. Utilizing a phenomenological approach and semi- structured interview methodology, critical themes of internship experiences, including challenges, opportunities, and advice for future females in the golf industry were studied. Additionally, previous research has confronted treatment disparities based on gender and sex in male-dominated industries such as the sports industry more generally and sport management academic programs. Preceding scholars have focused on barriers that present as sexism, tokenism, and gender- and sex-based treatment discrimination tactics found in the form of hegemonic masculinity in the game of golf at all levels, from participation to governance (McGinnis et al., 2005). Hegemonic masculinity in sports refers to the ideological and institutional perpetuations of social closure, exclusionary practices, implicit sexism, and overall inhibition of women (or a non-dominant group) as participants, leaders, and employees in a social context (Connell, 1987; 2005). Moreover, golf must be considered in the context of contemporary societies and patriarchal arrangements found in many other aspects of life (Reis & Correia, 2013). Bhattacharya (2017, p. 81) stated: “patriarchy is conceptualized as the intricate and interconnected system of power that sustains male supremacy to suppress women.” Leberman and Shaw (2015, p. 350) noted that there “is very little research on women’s university experiences.” With a better understanding of these experiences, the golf industry can improve its current participation/representation gap through cultural practices and policy implementation. A significant first step in eliminating inequalities in sports and the golf professional occupation is to make these gendered social patterns evident (McGinnis et al., 4 2005). For example, the US Department of Education survey of college and university students found that approximately 56% of higher education students are women (National Center for Education Statistics, 2017). Female students are also more likely to complete undergraduate degrees than males (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013). Nevertheless, Ball (2012) revealed that female undergraduate students are nearly 40% less likely to pursue a business-related program than male students. More specifically, females embody less than 25% of total enrollment in sport management programs (Chen et al., 2013). Consequently, more male-dominated industries and academic programs should be taking a critical look at recruitment practices, career opportunities, and undergraduate experiences such as internships (Harris et al., 2015; Chen et al., 2013). Morris and colleagues (2019, p. 63) stated: “Given that only a minority of students in sport management are female, it is important to understand the lived experiences of those students.” Accordingly, there is a need to examine the experiences of female PGA Golf Management students using a phenomenological approach and critical feminist perspective to explore the social position and possible inequities this population faces. Consequently, a critical feminist theoretical lens was utilized in the current project with an emphasis on critiquing the patriarchal foundations of golf, changing existing relations between men and women in golf, and breaking down social structures being used to oppress or “other” females and how they experience working in the golf industry (Bhattacharya, 2017). Hence, while the researcher did not utilize a precise type of feminism in this study, aspects of liberal (mainstream), Marxist (capitalistic), radical (re-ordering), and situated (knowledge) feminisms are considered to document the personal experiences of female PGA Golf Management interns and provide an inclusive approach. While not espousing a specific feminist approach, a guiding principle of critical feminism will allow for analysis of 5 social action and revamped efforts to close the highly disproportionate participation/employment gap in women’s golf. Therefore, the three primary purposes of this study were: 1. To determine the broad internship experiences of PGA Golf Management female undergraduate students in the United States. 2. To identify any gender- and sex-based treatment disparities or discrimination of PGA Golf Management female interns within and around their undergraduate program experiences. 3. To recognize the possible benefits, coping resources, and recommendations for females in the game of golf and the PGA Golf Management program. Based on the sport management literature, which closely aligns with the curriculum and internship requirements of the PGA Golf Management programs, participant experiences were expected to support with past research on gender- and sex-based treatment discrimination and differences in male-dominated fields. With few studies directly connecting sport management and women in golf within the literature, the current study provides an opportunity to expand on a critical aspect of the career development of female sport management students and provide tangible feedback to a professional sports organization for potential policy updates and marketing efforts. Moreover, to further decrease educational and occupational gender imbalances, the underrepresented group must persist on an abnormal path toward degree completion, career entry, and establishment (Riegle-Crumb et al., 2016). A better understanding of these internship experiences will illuminate the need for support, resources, and policies for female PGA Associates and Members, creating opportunities for alliances on this anomalous path and providing more precise direction to the golf industry and the PGA Golf Management programs. 6 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW A Brief History of Women and Golf The sport of golf has a long history of discrimination and sexism. Some historians have called golf “one of the last bastions of male exclusivity” (McGinnis et al., 2009, p. 32). Haig- Muir (2000, p. 19) even proclaimed, “Discrimination against women golfers is as long as the history of the sport itself.” In 19th and 20th century Great Britain, female golfers were not well received and often had to play secret games away from the homo-social male environments. While golf gained popularity among women during this time, they were often forced to accept inferior positions within clubs and had less access to golf facilities (George, 2007). In the early 1900s, women were given secondary status in golf as men controlled elected positions, policies, and finances at clubs (Lenkiewicz, 2011). Women then started their own golf organizations and associations in the mid-20th century. Those who did gain access to male-dominated golf organization memberships were discriminated against and often not seen as full members (George, 2007; Vamplew, 2010). However, despite these progressions and the formation of the Ladies Professional Golf Association (LPGA), women in golf are perpetually reminded of their second-class status as “lady” golfers in references to media coverage, sponsorships, fans, and prize money (Crosset, 1995). The semantics example of using the label “lady” alone speaks to the struggles that professional and amateur female athletes have faced from a sociohistorical perspective, especially in golf. For example, the LPGA Tour, the world’s most prestigious women’s professional golf tour, is denoted with gender distinction, while the men’s professional golf tour is not (PGA Tour). Historically, “the game of golf…systematically excluded minority participation…African Americans and females were systematically excluded or denied active and direct participation” 7 (Fjetlstul, Jackson, & Tesone, 2011, pp. 1, 5). Further, Hall (1996) expressed the dichotomous nature of gender within the sport of golf, creating a so-called superior male and inferior female. Hundley (2004, p. 45) summarized: “Even though women are allowed to play golf at most facilities, the business operates hegemonically.” While women’s professional golf has seen an increase in global following due to tremendous progress in international competition, sponsorships, tournament earnings, media contracts, and social media followings, many inequities still exist at the highest level of competition. As recently as 2019, “the top 10 female (professional) players earned 82 percent less per stroke played than the top 10 men” (Brown, 2019, p. 1). In 2018, the top male professional golfer on the European Tour, Francesco Molinari, earned approximately 3.6 million euros, while Georgia Hall, the top earner on the Ladies European Tour, amassed 456,110 euros (Golf World, 2019). Notwithstanding some progress, “talk of a shifting hegemony may be a little premature” (Kitching et al., 2017, p. 1544). Kitching and colleagues (2017) offered three key takeaways from their research with female golf participants and professionals that used in-depth interviews and focus groups with 12 PGA trainees, including cross-generational patriarchal trends, the effect of hegemony in golf on both participation and the likelihood of future female golf professionals persisting in the industry, and the impacts of the male preserve on avoiding female golfers. Organizational and industry-wide change may eventually come out of economic necessity but will require competitive and reformative commitments from all stakeholders (Cunningham, 2008). Bowes and Kitching (2021) analyzed interviews with male and female professional golfers using a thematic approach to examine the effects of sex integration in professional golf. They found that co-ed events may open opportunities for the growth of the game and the subversion of gender-based norms and expectations. 8 Female Golf Participation According to Kitching (2018, p. 406), “the recent decline in golf participation appears to have greatly impacted women’s golf.” Within the past decade, female golfers have made up less than 20% of participants in Great Britain and Ireland, 15% of members in England, 21% of golf club members in Australia, and approximately 24% of all golfers in the United States (KPMG, 2013; European Golf Association, 2016; Golf Australia, 2015, National Golf Foundation, 2012). Nonetheless, European countries such as Germany, Austria, Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Belgium boast global female golf participation rates of 30-35% (KPMG, 2013). Unfortunately, female golfers tend to drop out of the sport at a rate almost double that of male golfers, despite many initiatives to encourage women and families to get involved with the game (National Golf Foundation, 2012; Mitchell et al., 2016). This retention effect influences women more frequently than males; even though approximately 40% of new golfers are women, they make up only 25% of continuing golfers (Berkley, 2004). Further, from 2005 to 2011 in the United States, female golfers declined by 27%, compared to a rate of 14% for males (National Golf Found ation, 2012). Industry retention rates reflect similar discrepancies, with 27% of women and 54% of men staying employed in golf after five years (National Golf Foundation, 2004). Additionally, female PGA members are over twice as likely to reach Inactive status than male colleagues (5.6% to 2.5%), not including those professionals that have formally resigned or timed out of Inactive status (PGA, 2013). Interestingly, female golf participation and motivations are positively correlated and triggered by significant male social agents such as fathers, brothers, grandparents, and uncles (George, 2009). The Ladies Golf Union (2005) surveyed over 1,500 female golfers on their interests and introduction to the game. Overall, it was found that nearly 90% of the study 9 participants had a household member who was also a golfer, and 65% recognized significant social agents such as their partners, parents, and other family members for their entry into the game (Ladies Golf Union, 2005). Despite industry-wide initiatives and the recent increase in female golfers, the sport has a shadowy past (and present) of limiting female participation through formal membership policies (Kitching, 2018). For example, two of the most well-known golf courses in the world, Augusta National in 2012 and St. Andrews in 2015, admitted female members only in the past decade (Mitchell et al., 2016). Famous clubs, such as Pine Valley in New Jersey, the Australian Club in Sydney, and Muirfield in Scotland, had male-only memberships as of 2018 (Kitching, 2018). Haig-Muir (2002) discovered that private golf clubs have been the worst protagonists of discrimination against women. Several private clubs that host men’s and women’s major golf championships have some of the most restrictive policies for female golfers (Lenkiewicz, 2011). Furthermore, sexism and gender discrimination do not end at the doorstep of golf facilities. Policies, dress codes, restricted tee time access, and unwelcoming social interactions are encountered by female golfers at every turn (Shotton et al., 1998). Further reports have found that contemporary views of male-only club memberships severely harm perceptions of the game of golf as an unapproachable milieu (Syngenta, 2014). Syngenta (2014) conducted six focus groups of non- and lapsed female golfers in the United Kingdom and Ireland. They found that these women took up golf because of their children and fathers, spending more time with their partners, and being with friends, emphasizing the importance of social agents in the adoption and adherence processes. However, when asked what’s stopping them from taking up golf, women cited the sport’s male-dominated, intimidating, and elitist nature (Syngenta, 2014). Consequently, Syngenta (2014) also reported the reasons that would encourage women to play 10 more, including flexible play, variety, weather, playing with friends, a friendlier atmosphere, more accessibility, and a less masculine environment. Many women golfers have faced pervasive sexist attitudes, influencing their abilities to gain access and power to aspects such as voting rights and membership privileges at private clubs (Crosset, 1995; McGinnis et al., 2005). Within their Model of Women’s Golf Participation, Reis and Correia (2013) described the facilitators and constraints of women’s golf participation at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and structural levels. Intrapersonal constraints women face in golf include anxiety, lack of self-confidence, questioning of their knowledge, and assumptions of ability (McGinnis & Gentry, 2006; Reis & Correia, 2013). Interpersonal constraints reported were challenges with finding playing partners, nonverbal communication from male golfers, being taken less seriously than male golfers, and being treated differently during lessons and fittings for equipment. Social interactions with other female golfers can also be hostile, particularly in competitive settings such as leagues or tournaments (McGinnis & Gentry, 2006). Some structural facilitators and constraints encompassed the traditionalist social attitude of the sport and course policies, lack of acceptance, and explicit and implicit exclusionary practices. Additional structural constraints in golf included family obligations, time commitments, and course conduciveness (McGinnis & Gentry, 2006). McGinnis & Gentry (2002) conducted interviews with one female and seven male golf professionals and discovered the themes of female cohesion, whereby women seek out other women within the game, and hypersensitivity, represented as enduring more self-awareness and pressure due to predisposed gender perceptions. Representation of women within the golf profession indicates a disparaging gap, in addition to the challenges of golf participation rates. Females are exceedingly underrepresented 11 in facets of golf leadership and management around the globe (Shepperd, 2008; Kitching et al., 2017). For example, female PGA professionals represent less than 3% of the membership in Great Britain and Ireland and approximately 4.66% in the United States. Furthermore, female PGA professionals are also at a greater risk than men of being inactive and leaving the golf profession altogether. Cited reasons for attrition included access and rights discrimination, higher expectations for females, and the compromising of women advancing in the field via sabotage from employers, members, and club hiring committees (Kitching et al., 2017). Mackinnon (2013) employed a mixed method approach of survey and open-ended written interview questions to reveal that females ranked family and personal commitments, lack of schedule flexibility, pay and compensation, lack of job security, and too many required hours as primary responses for leaving the golf industry. Research in other fields and industries has also cited schedule inflexibility as an attritional factor for both males and females (Mackinnon, 2013). This occurrence has become known as “off-ramping” in business, whereby women leave their positions for family-related causes such as childcare or parent care (Hewlett, 2007). The Ladies Golf Union (2005) study also found that 27% of approximately 1,500 UK female participants identified male dominance in golf as the most significant obstacle to a successful career in golf for women. Thus, women golf professionals enjoy working in the industry and maintain interest in the sport but exit the industry for the above reasons (Mackinnon, 2013). Mackinnon (2013) suggested that with the rise in dual-income households, the PGA and golf industry will have to confront the dynamics of work-life balance, reasonable pay, mentoring, and scheduling. These four essential suggestions allow for broader golf industry positions, part- time employment, online coursework and continued education opportunities, mentorship, and diverse membership dues based on income. Mackinnon (2013, p. 24) offered: “These steps could 12 not only help to improve retention but could also help to diversify the industry by making employment more affordable and appealing to a broader socioeconomic and gender demographic.” Fields such as law and medicine have seen significant increases in female and minority applicants and professionals since introducing formal industry policies (American Academy of Ophthalmology, 2008; Mitchell, 2012). McGinnis & Gentry (2002) revealed some possible explanations for the perpetuation of the gender gap in golf, including profit maximization (market forces), the creation of gender boundaries, and adherence to the “good old boy” network. Further, cyclical, rather than divergent, practices of gender-based treatment promulgate the reproduction of these behaviors by the groups that benefit from preserving it (Connell, 1987). Women must also balance family, career, and social facets, leaving them less leisure time than men (Goulian, 2012). However, the industry can significantly benefit from retaining women golfers and golf professionals for sustainability and growth (Graves, 2005). Kitching and colleagues (2017) also highlighted these opportunities in tourism, golf course maintenance, and the industry’s management, retail, and coaching career paths. Theoretically, the nature of golf with handicapping, varying distances of tee markers, customization of equipment, outdoor activity, and intrinsic social exchanges should make golf the model sport for displaying gender equity, making the current massive gender gap even more puzzling (McGinnis et al., 2009; McGinnis & Gentry, 2006). McGinnis and Gentry (2006) interviewed both male and female golf professionals and female golfers to discover suggestions for increasing the number of women golfers. Their findings included treating women as equals and serious golfers, avoiding differentness and deference, and creating a sense of belongingness. 13 Networking, Health, and Wellness Benefits of Lifetime Golf Participation Golf has valuable professional networking and physical, social, psychological, and emotional participation benefits as a form of sport, recreation, and leisure. Using a content analysis approach, Gray and colleagues (2020) found several key themes on the importance of golf as a networking tool for both males and females, as well as the tendency of gender modesty within the game, or the concept that women perceive themselves as less skilled at certain domains compared to men. Women also reported feeling that golf is the most informal networking tool from which they are excluded (Gray et al., 2020). While mostly viewed as a moderately intense form of exercise, scholars have estimated that the average female may burn a minimum of 700 calories walking during an 18-hole round of golf, with many reaching 70-80% of maximum heart rate during the several hours on the course (Wallace & Reilly, 1993). Further, when comparing walking while carrying their clubs, walking with a caddy carrying their clubs, and golfing using a motorized cart, all three modes exceeded the average heart rate response and caloric expenditures recommended by the American College of Sports Medicine, including an average of nearly 12,000 steps taken during an 18-hole round (Sell et al., 2008; Kobriger et al., 2006). In a systematic review of the literature on golf and physical health, Sorbie and colleagues (2022) determined that sustained golf participation may be beneficial for retaining muscle mass and thickness, refining balance, increasing lumbar spine bone mineral density in elite female golfers, and improving cardiovascular economy. Self-identified golfers have also reported significantly higher levels of social trust and well-being than active and inactive populations in the United Kingdom (Sorbie et al., 2021). Finally, scholars in Sweden utilized the Swedish Golf Federation’s membership registry. They found a 40% decrease in mortality rates (equivalent to five years) amongst golfers compared to non-golfers, most likely explained by the physical 14 activity associated with the sport (Farahmand et al., 2009). A further understanding of sex- and gender-based discrepancies in participation and leadership positions within the game of golf are reinforced by these wellness benefits. Gender Concepts in Sport and Golf The discrepancies of representation in the golf industry parallel the lack of growth amongst female coaches and administrators in collegiate and professional athletics in the United States, despite the overall increase in female athletic participation and general workforce participation since the enactment of Title IX over 50 years ago (Taylor & Hardin, 2017). According to the US Department of Labor (2017), women comprise approximately 46.8% of the workforce. However, gender-based issues exist in professional and collegiate sports in the form of representation in job types and levels. The number of females working in more top-tier and administrative positions has declined or stayed stable, despite the expansion of such jobs in collegiate athletics (Acosta & Carpenter, 2004; 2005). Suggs (2005) revealed that females’ career tracks in collegiate athletics have led to more supportive roles in advising and compliance, while men have enjoyed higher-paying administrative paths. For example, women make up 91% of administrative assistant jobs but only 11% of NCAA Division I Athletic Directors (Suggs, 2005). According to the United States Department of Labor (1991), these gender-based career path trajectory differences stem from early experiences such as internships and mentoring, grooming, sponsoring, promoting, networking, rotating, and executive development programs. Hancock and colleagues (2018) surveyed 241 undergraduate and graduate sport management students, examining how sports might get “beyond the glass ceiling.” Four challenges included women accessing leadership positions, men holding most of the power in sports organizations, men’s perceptions of more significant opportunities in sports, and false perceptions that women 15 are less interested in advancement (Hancock et al., 2018). Several key gender issues exist in sports, including statistical discrimination and representation, tokenism, gender logic, social closure, and stereotypes. Statistical Discrimination and Representation in Sport Statistical discrimination in sociology “involves an individual stereotype that is misapplied to the group,” which influences the total number of individuals represented within a group (McGinnis et al., 2005, p. 316). Within golf, statistical discrimination occurs when all female golfers are misappropriated with the same qualities and characteristics regardless of their features, and these views impact their access to leadership opportunities within a social space (Kitching et al., 2017). Furthermore, noteworthy imbalances in representation within an occupation create statistical discrimination through attributing characteristics or qualities to an individual, regardless of their abilities. Mass and Hasbrook (2001) examined general (non- specific audience) golf magazines and found that women appeared in only 20% of advertisements, 12% of articles, and 12% of photographs. In the same study, the authors reported the stereotypes and portrayals of women performing less powerful shots (i.e., putting, short game), preserving and perpetuating their so-called inferiority in the sport. Maas and Hasbrook (2001, p. 25) commented, “(these) findings indicate that golf magazines do little to challenge hegemonic masculinity and the paradigm citizen/golfer.” From 1969 to 2015, only 11 women had ever been on the cover of Golf Digest, the sport’s premier monthly magazine publication. As recently as 2008, only five women made Golf Digest’s annual list of America’s 50 Greatest Teachers (Apostolis & Giles, 2011). Moreover, men’s professional golf enjoys televised coverage at exponential rates of their female counterparts, who continue to experience biases and the appearance of being “less well paid, less exposed, and less appreciated” (Billings et al., 2005, 16 p. 156). Accordingly, the power of media representations is grounded in framing theory, which examines the selection, repetition, and exclusion of content in all aspects of journalism and broadcasting. Cultivation and framing theories suggest that media depictions can underwrite cognitive schemas reinforcing sociocultural interpretations (Gerbner, 1998). Framing in sports denotes physical and mental power (Billings et al., 2005). Billings and colleagues (2005) used 34,881 descriptors from professional golf telecasts. They found 15 significant differences in how men and women golfers were described, including the attribution of traditionally masculine and feminine traits for successful shots by women (e.g., female golfers’ failure was attributed to a lack of athletic ability). Relatedly, Messner and colleagues (1996) focused on the article and advertisement selection processes as indications that golf media supports hegemonic masculinity. Scholars have likewise examined the sexual nature of marketing females in golf . Haig- Muir (1998, p. 44) emphasized media portrayals of women golfers as “tits and bums.” These presentations allow individuals in positions of power to continue fortifying hegemonic ideologies and assert their privilege over various social groups (van Sterkenburg & Knoppers, 2004). Females are generally marketed and advertised in leisure and tourism advertisements as family- oriented and domestic, while males are portrayed as active and adventurous (Cave & Kilic, 2010). Collins (2000, p. 3) introduced the “matrix of domination,” whereby inequities and marginalization of individuals and social groups occur as a combination of several forces, such as the dominant golf media and implicit (or explicit) biases they may hold regarding emerging or underrepresented identities. Furthermore, Douglas and Jamieson (2006, p. 120), after performing a case study of legendary female golfer Nancy Lopez’s media representations associated with heterosexuality, race, and gender, noted that “multiple systems of oppression shape the 17 conditions in which we live.” Their findings suggested that golf media is commonly presented homogeneously, targeting white, wealthy, and heterosexual males. Congruently, McGinnis & Gentry (2002) revealed the role of mass media in supporting the gender gap in golf, emphasizing fashion, beauty, and traditional characteristics of femininity. Tokenism Tokenism has been widely studied in male-dominated sports (Welford, 2011; Guillet et al., 2006; McGinnis & Gentry, 2006; Crosset, 1995). Kanter (1977) labeled occupations and industries with 16 to 34% of women present as “tilted” and individual women in these organizations or industries as “tokens.” Thus, the PGA’s occupational representation of 4.66% does not even meet this proposed meager standard of “tilted” above. Tokenism emerged from historical accounts of being a stranger, outsider, or auxiliary (Zimmer, 1988). Individuals may have access to a group but are never really accepted based on certain characteristics or expectations by the dominant group. Instead, a few individuals representing an outside group are accepted and serve as tokens. Tokenism can have overwhelming psychosocial impacts on the underrepresented group (Kanter, 1977; Yoder, 2001). For instance, the heightened awareness of working in a male-dominated establishment may create inequities regarding performance pressure and heightened visibility where women are “often treated as representatives of their category, as symbols rather than as individuals” (Kanter, 1977, p. 208). Consequently, many women in underrepresented professions may face decisions to comply with gender norms or be pigeonholed (Jackson et al., 1995). Some individuals will use role distancing as a coping method to detach themselves from a subgroup to fly under the radar and not be singled out (McGinnis et al., 2005). For example, a female golf participant stated, “I’m almost overly conscientious of 18 slow play, and sometimes actually rush when I shouldn’t because I don’t want to be slow” (McGinnis et al., 2005, p. 323). Recent developments in female memberships and admittance to golf clubs have been viewed as “progressive” at face value. However, many see this tokenism as meeting the market’s demands and golf industry stakeholders’ fears of losing endorsements and corporate sponsorships (Kitching, 2018). For example, former United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was admitted as one of the first female members at Augusta National Golf Club, only after she had previously voiced neutrality on male-only associations. Tokenism has also presented itself in golf media, as Annika Sorenstam and Stina Sternberg, white heterosexual women, wrote monthly columns for Golf Digest in the 2000s. Still, women with more nontraditional gender and cultural identities did not have these opportunities (Apostolis & Giles, 2011). While Sternberg often wrote of social exclusion and negative attitudes towards women’s golf, she faced criticism for the publication’s perpetuation of dominant heteronormative ideology by reinforcing gender stereotypes and power relations. Kanter (1977) suggested that for tokenism to be reduced or eliminated, male-dominated industries will require a larger ratio of women to men in general and, more specifically, in managerial positions. However, Zimmer (1988) also warned of addressing sexist attitudes and issues of hegemony in these male-dominated organizations and industries. Kanter’s (1977) acknowledgment of structural constraints included female managers receiving occupational positions that lack power, experiencing a lack of advancement opportunities, and, when females reach managerial levels, being viewed as a token. Interestingly, men moving into traditionally female professions (e.g. nursing) is often considered advantageous, whereas women experience opposition, hostility, and rejection from male colleagues and supervisors (Grimm & Stern, 1974; 19 Zimmer, 1988). Thus, as Zimmer (1988, p. 72) professed: “tokenism alone, without attention to sexism, offers little insight into the organizational behavior of women or the relationships that develop between women and men in newly integrated occupations.” Gender Logic Gender logic of women and sports has also led to excessive confusion and mixed messaging. Gender logic is the continuation of an idea such as women being inferior to men in sports (Coakley & White, 1998). The “dominant” ideologies reinforce these ideas and tend to be self-perpetuating unless one consciously tries to change them, also known as nonconscious discrimination (Ridgeway, 1997). Throughout much of the 20th century, women were often inaccurately told that the strenuous nature of sports would cause damage to their reproductive organs, jeopardize their ability to become pregnant later in life, and build an unfeminine body (Coakley, 2021). These statements, primarily made by men, led to women participating in physical activity as solo performers, such as gymnastics or figure skating, and sports deemed more gender appropriate. The few competitive and team sports females participated in were limited to games separated by a net (e.g., tennis) or no physical contact, propagating misperceptions and myths about their skills and abilities (Coakley, 2021). On the one hand, sports culture and society have made much progress in dispelling falsehoods and creating positive messaging for girls and women. Conversely, orthodox messaging connected to norms of femininity, physical appearance, social relationships, and gender roles have led to young women taking competitive sports less seriously (Coakley, 2021). For example, print media portrayals of women in golf are typically presented as part of a heterosexual couple, archetypally white, and include suggestions for other activities they may be interested in while their husbands play golf (Apostolis & Giles, 2011). In men’s and women’s 20 professional golf broadcasts, researchers have pointed to 70.6% significantly different gender- based media communication categories, focusing more on the reasons for success or failure in female golfers (Billings et al., 2005). Social Closure Social closure is “established when a social group, seeking to monopolize its life chances, organizes itself against competitors who share some positive or negative characteristics” (Weber, 1978, p. 342). Male golfers are often, and unnecessarily, privileged in systematically being known as more skilled golfers. Further, men exclude women from events and activities, such as golf, outside of the office (Morgan & Martin, 2006). These misperceptions are often found in media representations and the language within the game itself, creating exclusionary practices (Apostolis & Giles, 2011). Social closure within the game of golf has also been reported regarding course setup, merchandising, role models, and golf functions. Kitching and colleagues (2017) discovered other means of exclusion within golf, including access to the course, tee time preferences, decision-making, and overall perceptions of inadequacies of female golfers. Many golf publications, including the United States Golf Association Rules of Golf until 2019, have used and continue to use gender-exclusive language. Furthermore, this exclusion can make women feel unwanted, regardless of the intent (McGinnis et al., 2005). For example, men use ritualized behaviors such as urinating on the course, using explicit language, smoking cigars, drinking excessively, and sending unwelcome signals to female golfers (McGinnis et al., 2005; McGinnis & Gentry, 2006). These rituals of gender perpetuate the separateness of male and female golfers, regardless of how informal, unintentional, or nonthreatening they may appear (Reskin, 2000). 21 Stereotypes and Role Entrapment “I can’t say that I have ever said to my husband, ‘Will you stay home with the kids so I can go and play golf?’” said one participant in McGinnis and colleagues’ interviews with ten women regarding sexism in golf (2005, p. 330). This finding speaks volumes about the layers of gender norms and male privilege in golf and leisure. Consequently, many females feel selfish and guilty and adhere to the ethics of care, or putting others’ needs before their own, when it comes to leisure or having fun (Reis & Correia, 2013). However, sometimes referred to as female apologetics or reformed apologetics by sociologists, women have historically shown pride in their toughness in sports and in communicating femininity (Krane et al., 2004). Women in golf have reported feelings of being typecast with sexist stereotypes related to femininity. Broad (2001) discovered that most female golfers were aware of these stereotypes and did not want to “rock the boat.” Relatedly, some underrepresented participants accept stereotypical roles through role entrapment. For female golfers, this may appear as embracing femininity in play or appearance and being careful not to exhibit too masculine qualities (McGinnis et al., 2005; Kanter, 1977). Thus, women must unfairly navigate individual-level cognitions that men do not in many golf contexts (McGinnis et al., 2005). With the impact of the enactment of Title IX in the United States in 1972, stereotypes and norms associated with athleticism and physical culture have made significant progress (Lopiano, 2000). Fifty years later, female athletic participation has increased and nearly matched male participation rates in scholastic, collegiate, elite amateur, and professional sports. In sports or physical activity, young girls and women experience myriad psychological, social, emotional, physiological, and mental health benefits (Lopiano, 2000). Despite this progress and the benefits of increased participation, women must navigate new and old stereotypes, double standards, and 22 pressures related to maintaining femininity (Lopiano, 2000). For example, women are expected to “look good” and attractive while playing golf. Additionally, women have faced challenges of perceived physical inferiority, portrayed by the medical community for hundreds of years as “anatomically deficient” (Lopiano, 2000, p. 170). In the 20th century, physicians spread falsities about women riding bicycles, running, and experiencing high-stress sports, leading to physical health conditions such as a wrinkled face, less aerobic capacity, and damage to the reproduction system (Lopiano, 2000). While the medical community, including sports medicine, has improved its injury diagnoses and training recommendations for female athletes and exercisers, these dated stereotypes have persisted in some circles. At the same time, female athletes are pressured to maintain slim and appealing bodies, which may lead to disordered eating, anxiety, and other mental health conditions. With sex and gender discrimination in the workplace in general and the wide prevalence in male-dominated fields such as sports management, women’s athletic performance may be constrained due to stereotype threat (Steele et al., 2002). Schmader and colleagues (2002, p. 194) defined stereotype threat as “a psychological predicament in which individuals are inhibited from performing to their potential by the recognition that possible failure could confirm a negative stereotype that applies to their in-group and, by extension, to themselves.” Female sport management students have reported negative gender-based stereotypes, such as being perceived as lacking knowledge about sports (Harris et al., 2015). These findings crossover into Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) fields, where females have been perceived by male and female faculty as being less competent than their male counterparts (Hofer, 2015). Women in sports are often stereotyped as primary caregivers who cannot handle the workload of weekends and evenings in the sports industry, thus, getting passed up for promotions (Hindman 23 & Walker, 2020). These gender stereotypes can undercut women’s performance and motivation, especially in male-dominated settings (Deemer et al., 2014). Golf’s Physical Space, Language, and Artifacts Women in sports and physical activity have long faced discrimination and exclusionary practices related to the physical space in which they participate (Coakley, 2021). Commonly referred to as the male preserve, females must continuously negotiate and justify equal physical spaces in sports (Dunning, 1986; Theberge, 1985). While golf courses have made progress in managing their physical space, language, and artifacts about gender, more work still needs to be done. For example, women have reported inequities and discrimination in the form of gendered teeing grounds, negative interactions with golf course staff, lack of restroom facilities, merchandise discrepancies, a lack of competitive opportunities, and an unwelcoming facility atmosphere (McGinnis et al., 2005). Regarding teeing grounds, golf courses have historically denoted separate women’s and men’s teeing areas. The presentation of golf course playing areas can isolate women golfers. Recently, some courses have evolved to recommend teeing grounds based on golf handicap, driving distance, and skill level. Any form of gendered word variations within the game can also create perceptions of differentness (Reskin, 1998). Hundley (2004) and Arthur et al. (2011) analyzed hundreds of golf scorecards, course layouts, and tee box locations. Their work confirmed the physical barriers and unequal value placed on male and female golfers. For illustration, Hundley (2004) found that golf courses used symbolic hegemonic signs to designate specific teeing areas rather than an indexical approach based on skill level. Golf courses used tee box names such as “Men’s Tees” and “Ladies’ Tees” and “Championship,” “Regular,” and “Ladies,” pointing to evident and literal signs of sexism at these facilities (Hundley, 2004, p. 43). Many golf courses used, and continue to use, colored tee boxes (e.g., 24 men – blue, women – red) to represent gender-based, rather than skill-based or indexical, teeing areas. Thus, semiotic signs like scorecards at golf courses reinforce women as “other,” while men are free to choose their teeing area, regardless of skill levels (Hundley, 2004, p. 43). Furthermore, gender-based language influences power dynamics and reinforces societal and subcultural inequities (Segrave, 1994; Richardson, 1993). These barriers often lead to gender- based separation of parts of the course, conversations, and possible career networking opportunities. Arthur and colleagues (2011) utilized networking theory to look at the opportunities in golf for women, finding significant relationships between increased starting tee distance and women’s access to occupational networking and annual earnings of women in networking both decreasing. Hundley’s (2004) work also revealed how specific areas of the course (e.g., teeing grounds and scorecard language) promoted men as having higher ability and greater strength than women, irrespective of their actual abilities. Further, disparities are apparent in gender- specific artifacts like the placement, positioning, and inventory levels of merchandise such as clothing, apparel, and equipment (McGinnis & Gentry, 2002). Other areas of the physical space of golf that create separateness are dress codes found in club bylaws, less representation in leadership positions such as board and committee members, and male-only rooms at country clubs (Crossett, 1995). According to Goffman’s (1977) institutional reflexivity theory, gender- specific artifacts and spacing only perpetuate stereotypes and predominant cultural dynamics. Consequently, in many scenarios, women are left behind before their round even starts. In McGinnis and colleague’s (2005) work, women golf participants noted the lack of communication and exchanges they received from the golf course staff. This discrimination came in the forms of non-verbal and verbal interactions, whereby staff would often direct their 25 attention to the male(s) in the group. McGinnis and Gentry (2006) found these body language actions, like other work in predominately male occupations, concerning. Female golf professionals also reported male golfers and colleagues exhibiting folded arms and sending unwelcoming signals (McGinnis & Gentry, 2006). The study also noted the condescending language used towards women golfers and the unreceptive environment. Interestingly, the use of “lady” in golf has been debated. Before the 1980s, many girls and women used this phrasing to reinforce the notion of separateness from men so as not to be called invaders. Male golf professionals view this title as a sign of respect, whereas in other societal contexts, the term is pejorative and demeaning (McGinnis & Gentry, 2002). Overall, the term “lady” may be considered archaic, constraining, and patronizing, creating an unintentional mode of separateness and otherness, adding yet another form of exclusion and gender segregation to the game of golf (Kitching, 2018; McGinnis & Gentry, 2006). A glaring example of this practice occurs with the two largest global platforms for competitive golf, the PGA Tour and LPGA Tour, whereby the men’s competitive association does not have to distinguish based on gender, while the women’s association does. Further, McGinnis & Gentry (2002) revealed the differences in how gender- based communication occurs in golf, such as during golf lessons, club-fitting practices, promotion of women’s programs, and male-bonding behaviors. Additionally, female golfers noted the location and quality of specific areas of golf facilities as concerns in past research. Restrooms, pro shop merchandise, locker rooms, and restaurant environments are salient in addressing gender dynamics in golf. Interestingly, from an economic perspective, while women make up 24% of all golfers in the United States, they buy approximately 50% of golf products other than golf clubs and equipment (Lopiano, 2000). 26 Many factors go into developing and constructing a golf course, including the course type, number of holes, terrain, environment, water access, usable land , and soil quality (Pinch, 1989). Further, the architecture of a course includes thousands of decisions based on the designer’s vision for design, shot-making, predominant wind, and common weather patterns (Arthur et al., 2011). As the golf course design teams are mostly men, the starting tees are typically framed by the men’s tee markers, with women’s tees often coming as a subjective afterthought. This form of exclusion around the physical space of the golf course can be disadvantageous for women as they may miss out on networking opportunities and the overall architectural intentions of golf course designers (Arthur et al., 2011). From a theoretical perspective, scholars have distinguished these processes through the lens of network theory (Burt, 2000) and the law of propinquity, which proposes the inverse relationship of two people communicating is based on their physical proximity (Krackhardt, 1994). Thus, the physical golf environment is more beneficial for men than women in outside-of-work networking opportunities (Arthur et al., 2011). Mitchell and colleagues (2016) used an ethnographic approach of observations, semi- structured interviews, and field notes to gain a richer understanding of women’s experiences in the game of golf. In their findings, female golf participants reported feelings of being “under surveillance” by men, and some other women, when on the golf course and inside the clubhouse, making them feel uncomfortable and under scrutiny during most of their leisure experiences. Another critical theme discovered was the feeling of being “objectified” and “othered” within the game (Mitchell et al., 2016, p. 278). Koivula (2001) used the lens of discursive forms of masculinist culture in golfing contexts to discover the objectification of women in the golf environment that would not necessarily happen outside of that context. Critical discourse 27 analysis is used to study historical, cultural, or political contexts in which the truth may be shaped by language and other forms of discourse, such as how hegemonic practices in sport may be perpetuated (Gill, 2000; van Dijk, 1996). Apostolis and Giles (2011) analyzed the golf publication Golf Digest texts. They discovered four dominant discourses: physical power as a masculine trait, women as illegitimate golfers, women as inferior athletes, and women as accessories or spectators to golf. For example, when Golf Digest featured former world number one golfer Lorena Ochoa, most of the attention was given to her long-time male swing coach, a co-author of the article. Apostolis and Giles (2011, p. 235) summarized: “As a result, Golf Digest continues to protect the matrix of domination for white, upper-class, and heterosexual men,” adding to the effects of othering in golf. Regarding othering, Mitchell and colleagues (2016) reported these experiences through perceptions of slow play and ability related to female golfers. To avoid othering, McGinnis and colleagues (2021, p. 72) suggested that golf considers “forgetting sexuality altogether and eliminating gendered activities, such as women and men’s days and leagues.” Gender Ideologies Gender ideology consists of “interrelated ideas and beliefs that are widely used to define masculinity and femininity, identify people in terms of sex and sexuality, evaluate forms of sexual expression, and organize social relationships” (Coakley, 2021, p. 198). This ideology is so deeply embedded in everyday life that we consistently use it to make cognitive decisions about everything from what we wear to career choices. Coakley (2021, pp. 199-200) identified the term “orthodox gender ideology” to describe the traditional two-sex binary classification, which perpetuates firm and inflexible ideals about how males and females should “look, think, feel, and act.” Furthermore, Coakley (2021, p. 198) defined gender as “to be masculine or feminine in a 28 group or society” through distinct expressions in cultural contexts, including sports, and as social constructions. McGinnis and colleagues (2005, p. 317) described gender as a “social structure that organizes society into different and unequal categories based on sex and as an ideology that promotes inequities between the socially constructed categories of men and women.” Risman (1998) summarized gender as a social structure at the individual, interactional, and institutional levels. Additionally, Ridgeway and Correll (2004, p. 511) defined gender as “a system for constituting difference and organizing inequality based on that difference…widely held cultural beliefs that define the distinguishing characteristics of men and women and how they are expected to behave clearly are a central component of that system.” More inclusive gender ideologies have been suggested by scholars, critics, and younger generations, as hundreds of sex characteristics cannot be divided neatly into two categories. Instead, they occur continuously on a spectrum (Anderson, 2005; Coakley, 2021; Fausto- Sterling, 2000; 2012). Thus, gender is a social construction and idea embedded in cultural settings, interpersonal relationships, and power dynamics (Bergner, 2019; Laqueur, 1992; Thompson & Hirschman, 1995). Since men have occupied positions of power in society and sports, many of those gaining from this control will be interested in continuing the orthodox gender ideology and maintaining normative divisions (Coakley, 2021). Interestingly, sports and leisure studies have typically taken three approaches to gender differences, including ignoring, celebrating, and dislodging such differences (Jackson & Henderson, 1995). Females are often devalued in American sports culture and society, with more males considered for positions of access, power, benefit, and control (Coakley, 2021). Fortunately, some progress has occurred regarding the representation of females in sports. As MacArthur and colleagues (2017) reported, critical “gender benders” are disrupting orthodox gender ideologies 29 and demanding changes. These detractors, many young individuals of diverse cultural identities, are challenging the roadblocks of “gender defenders,” who want to continue the binary expressions of gender to endure perceived or actual privileges in society through media programming, politicians, policies, and informal norms (Coakley, 2021). However, gender ideologies are so embedded in sports culture that equity and further progress is challenging. Since the mid-1800s, when males developed organized sports, they selected the activities, rules, and governing bodies, reaffirming their power and privilege at every level (Coakley, 2021). As such, Coakley (2021) argued that sports culture in the United States and globally continues to be male-dominated, male-identified, and male-centered. Male-dominated refers to athletes’ masculine characteristics and manhood qualification to participate in sporting activities. Male- identified contributes to what is valued in sport participation. Thus, femininity and women in coaching or leadership positions may be questioned or seen as unorthodox. Finally, male- centered comprises the attention and focus of sports regarding media coverage, history, events, and accolades (Coakley, 2021). These three aspects of gender and sport today are reflective of what is the so-called standard. For example, male sports are the assumed standard and norm. In contrast, female sports are often categorized (e.g., Women’s National Basketball Association), and participants are labeled female athletes rather than called athletes like males. Furthermore, sports reflect and reiterate male and female differences and legitimize heterosexual and masculine normative behaviors back into society (Paradis, 2012). Interestingly, sports “remain one of the only activities in contemporary liberal cultures in which sex segregation is expected, accepted, and mandatory in nearly all competitive events” (Coakley, 2021, p. 207). These hegemonic 30 ideologies are even further produced when a dominant and privileged group feels threatened (Apostolis & Giles, 2011). Gendered Social Environment of Golf and Sport Sport as a culture and institution is highly gendered regarding participation, pay, and media coverage (Hums & Sutton, 1999). The effects of continuing to “do gender” may reinforce gender-based gaps in participation and women pursuing career paths in sports and the game of golf (West & Zimmerman, 1987). Since high school participation rates have reached all-time highs for girls and women in sports, it is extraordinary to have such sizable demographic imbalances within the golf industry (Sauder et al., 2018). With the perpetuation of the idea of “traditional male sports,” women are consistently forced to negotiate microaggressions from so- called normative aspects of being an athlete. These microaggressions can include dynamics of heterosexuality, ability, and perceptions of women and leisure. Heterosexuality is used to assert male dominance, and women’s sexual orientation is often questioned in male-dominated sports (Banet-Weiser, 1999; Caudwell, 1999; Messner et al., 2000). More specifically, Dixon (2002) reported the awareness of sexual orientation issues on the LPGA Tour through anonymous survey responses from players, caddies, and other stakeholders. The perceptions of the ability and competencies of women golfers are also important. Despite misperceptions in both areas, many women get labeled as less-able golfers due to driving distance and sensitivities to slow play (Kitching, 2018). Additionally, male golfers frequently use derogatory language to remove masculinity from their fellow playing partners. For example, men will regularly use female names to describe golf shots that did not travel a certain distance or even play a hole with their pants down if they do not pass the forward tees on their first shot (Hundley, 2004). Since language shapes our view 31 of the world in significant ways, we must bring awareness to inequities based on cultural practices and gender dynamics (Hundley, 2004). Gender dynamics in golf reflect more significant societal-level concerns regarding privilege, access, and benefit. Nonetheless, golf offers an excellent opportunity to progress as a micro-level opening, leading to increased integration in sport, especially with the recent growth of the game and the flux of new golfers from the recent Covid-boom. Bielby (2000) and Reskin (2000) distinguished recommendations for changing male-dominated workplace environments, including more accountability, increased levels of cultural training, improved interdependence of employees, and decreased occasions of cognitive processing (e.g., microaggressions) that lead to discrimination and categorization of individuals. In their findings that many women “just want to play,” McGinnis et al. (2005, p. 334) advocated for more women working at golf courses, increases in merchandise and equipment for women, further employee training, improved communication related to physical spaces such as teeing grounds, promotion of 9-hole play for time constraints, and consideration of child-care options for those with dependents. Negotiating Sexism in Sport Women face many barriers working in sports and, more specifically, in the business of golf. Many of these constant battles have been documented by scholars, including issues related to assumptions of competence, hiring practices, homophobia, few female mentors, and the overall hostility of a male-dominated profession (Kamphoff, 2010; Norman, 2012; Bagilhole, 2014). While women in these hegemonic environments may garner increased attention, they are also likely to face sexual harassment and other inappropriate conduct from male co-workers (Taylor & Hardin, 2017). Female students and faculty in sport management academic programs face centuries of patriarchal organizational cultures that reiterate gendered homogeneity in the 32 forms of harassment and discrimination (Jones et al., 2008; Moore & Huberty, 2014; Taylor & Gregg, 2019). Unfortunately, sports have a history of protecting harassers and gender-based behaviors as a “systematically supported environment in which bullying, hazing, and workplace harassment thrive” (Tofler, 2016, p. 624; Burton, 2015; Fink, 2016). Within the sport of golf, “sexism is more pronounced (as it is in other sports) and does not need to lurk in the shadows” (Hundley, 2004, p. 40). These unfair equities in sports contexts require persistence in the form of coping strategies both on and off the golf course (McGinnis et al., 2005). Female golfers report limiting their play to certain places, players, and times, with some even going as far as canceling or rescheduling play until the desired partner could make it (McGinnis et al., 2005). Additionally, having to fit golf in with responsibilities of work, family, home, and children have been concerns of female golf participants. Women golfers further expressed their focus on the perceived benefits of golf participation, such as being outdoors, exercising, and spending time with friends as challenging the status quo of a male-dominated sport (McGinnis et al., 2005). However, Kitching and colleagues (2017) discovered through interviews and focus groups that many female golf professionals and trainees surprisingly negotiate sexism by disregarding inequities. Sexism in the workplace leads to lower job satisfaction, mental health issues, increased job turnover, and barriers to hiring and promotion (Hindman & Walker, 2020). Fink (2016, p. 2) stated that sexism in sports is “commonly overt, yet simultaneously unnoticed.” Sexism can include many forms, such as harassment, micro-aggressions, discriminatory incivility, typecasts, and implicit biases (Fink, 2016). For example, more overt forms of sexism occur in unfriendly environments and the telling of sexist jokes, while subtle instances are akin to everyday social interactions (Fink, 2016). Hill and Silva (2005) revealed the effects these seemingly overt forms 33 of sexism have on female students, leading them to feel more negative emotions, less confident, and more anxiety about future occurrences of discrimination or microaggressions. Hindman and Walker (2020) discovered two themes of sexism in their 21 semi-structured interviews with 11 female employees in North American minor league hockey. The first theme included the diminishment of female managers, such as male colleagues ignoring them, questioning their knowledge or capabilities, or giving them diminutive nicknames. The second theme represented the objectification of women managers by focusing on their appearance or attire, sexualizing female colleagues in interactions with male co-workers, unwanted physical contact, and being questioned about sleeping with hockey players, marriage, and motherhood (Hindman & Walker, 2020). Specific examples of sexism cited by participants in this study included: being left off email chains, not being invited to lunch, getting called “sweetie,” being asked “Whose dick did you suck to get that sales lead?”, being ignored, having their authority challenged, being accused of player fraternization, and being sexualized at events (Hindman & Walker, 2020, p. 68). Unfortunately, these behaviors toward women in sports are commonplace and justified by men as testing their tolerance for inclusion in the organizational culture (Rutherford, 2001; Shaw, 2006). Sports organizations are often unaware of sexism or dismiss it as an issue. However, according to Hindman and Walker (2020), women face several fundamental repercussions from workplace sexism in sports, including emotional and professional outcomes. Emotional repercussions include increased anxiety, anger, disgust, and confusion, leading to psychological and performance decrements (Hindman & Walker, 2020). For example, one female sports business manager participant stated, “I’m still able to do my job, but it mentally affects how I approach it” (Hindman & Walker, 2020, p. 71). Additionally, professional repercussions 34 significantly impact day-to-day responsibilities and long-term career trajectories in sports. Women have cited retaliatory behaviors from men, the existence of the “old boys’ club,” being passed over for promotion, being assigned specific roles, fears about speaking up and losing their jobs and hiring decisions based on whether they had “the look” or not (Hindman & Walker, 2020). Dreadfully, women indicated methods for surviving workplace sexism in sports as minimizing sexism (internalizing), blaming other women (projecting), not speaking up, managing perceptions, and reframing these experiences (Hindman & Walker, 2020). Interestingly, Hindman and Walker (2020) found that female participants focused more on coping and persistence than reducing or eliminating sexism in sports. This may speak to the ubiquity and regularity of these behaviors from men in sports. Women must also negotiate barriers to entry into the sports industry, such as false perceptions of lower competence, similarity hiring (white males hiring white males), homophobia, and low numbers of female mentors overall (Kamphoff, 2010; Kilty, 2006). Further, we must consider the additional emotional labor and cognitive energy required of women to negotiate sexism in sports and job- related tasks (Hindman & Walker, 2020). Gender Discrimination and Microaggressions in Male-Dominated Workplaces According to the Women’s Bureau of the Department of Labor (2014), male-dominated industries are those made up of less than 25% women. As such, female students in male- dominated sport management programs face many forms of sex-based discrimination, such as microaggressions, treatment discrimination, and harassment. Gender microaggressions are characteristically transitory interactions and connections in subtle and covert forms of discrimination or being treated differently due to group membership (Sue, 2010; Basford et al., 2014). Young and colleagues (2014) found that gender microaggressions are based more on 35 sociocultural differences related to masculinity and femininity than biological or sex-based differences. Work in this area has developed several subthemes related to these forms of sexism and discrimination in the workplace. Sexual objectification, second -class citizenship, sexist language, assumptions of inferiority, restrictive gender roles, denial of sexism, invisibility, and sexist jokes are some gender micro-aggression types that females are forced to evaluate and cope with on the job. Findings show the impact of microaggressions negatively impact a woman’s performance, personal development, self-esteem, and quality of life (Sue, 2010; Barthelemy et al., 2016; Nadal & Haynes, 2011). Nadal and Haynes (2011) also developed three categories of gender microaggressions: gender micro-assaults, gender micro-insults, and gender micro- invalidations. Micro-assaults occur in an obvious manner (e.g., gender profiling). Micro-insults are mostly unintentional negative messages about women (e.g., asking a woman how she got her job). At the same time, micro-invalidations are inadvertent and refute a woman’s thoughts or feelings (e.g., ignoring an idea). Along with gender microaggressions, women in male-dominated workplaces have reported many different types and forms of treatment discrimination. Terborg and Ilgen (1975) developed the concept of treatment discrimination as job-related adverse treatments of subgroup members solely based on group identification, such as gender, race, ethnicity, or sexual orientation. Further, women working in male-dominated industries draw amplified attentiveness, are supported at lesser intensities, and are appraised more harshly than their male counterparts, especially when starting with a new organization (Embry et al., 2008; Kanter, 1977; Walker & Sartore-Baldwin, 2013). Male-dominated industries perpetuate sex and gender-based discrimination by assigning tasks, promotions, pay, and opportunities for professional development (Terborg & Ilgen, 1975). This systemic form of sex discrimination leads to reduced 36 job satisfaction and increased turnover rates among women despite more women participating in the workforce (Newman, 2014; Kim et al., 2016). More specifically, Benson and Thomson (1982) found that these negative experiences and microaggressions in male-dominated industries lead to lower levels of commitment and interest in long-term career paths in these fields. Morris and colleagues (2019) used a conceptual framework of the “chilly climate” in education to learn more about the undergraduate experiences of female sport management students through three focus groups of 15 female sport management majors. The chilly climate is described as subtle forms of treatment discrimination in the form of attention, eye contact, praise, and overall assistance, with the risk of more male-dominated environments taking part in these exclusionary practices (Hall & Sandler, 1982; Harris et al., 2014). While women find coping methods and strategies for these behaviors, a chilly climate impedes learning processes and forces female students to use cognitive energy to fight embedded treatment discrimination (Pascarella et al., 1997). Overall, sexism in the workplace leads to lower job satisfaction, mental health issues, increased job turnover, and barriers to hiring and promotion (Hindman & Walker, 2020). For example, in 2020, former Golf Channel employee Lisa Cornwell filed a discrimination and retaliation allegation against the media mogul NBC, citing sexism, misogyny, and harassment (Strauss, 2021). Several other former female employees of Golf Channel have contended the “boys club” culture, including one intern being passed over for a job and told it would be in a “masculine environment” by a senior director (Strauss, 2021). Similarly, former Golf Channel Director of Product for Technology Laura Laytham filed claims of a male-dominated culture and a lack of intervention from executives and human resources within the NBC network. Despite these forms of gender-based treatment discrimination, Cornwell stated: “I love golf, and it was a 37 dream job. I loved being out on tour. I didn’t want to give that up without fighting for it” (Strauss, 2021). Like sports and the golf industry, the field of construction management faces similar struggles with gender representation, as only 2.6% of US construction jobs are employed by women (Bigelow et al., 2015). Gender imbalances in construction management occur at the initial stages of career selection at higher education institutions or trade schools (Planty et al., 2009). These processes are likely to be salient in sport management positions; therefore, understanding the internship experience of females can provide opportunities for social and occupational changes. Additionally, women in college athletics are disproportionally relegated to so-called supportive roles such as academic advising and compliance. At the same time, male counterparts are more likely to stay on track to the athletic director and administrative positions (Suggs, 2005). While there has been progress in the workforce since the US Department of Labor’s (1991) “glass ceiling report” on organizational biases, sports like golf remain patriarchal in their practices. Female Invisibility and Hypervisibility in the Workplace An emerging area in the organizational psychology literature focuses on mistreatment in the workplace based on identity, such as gender, race, sexual orientation, and social class (Buchanan & Settles, 2019). More specifically, visibility, invisibility, and hypervisibility in work settings have gained attention. Visibility refers to being seen, regarded, and recognized entirely and accurately by others in the workplace (Buchanan & Settles, 2019; Roberts, 2005; Brighenti, 2007; Simpson & Lewis, 2005). Additionally, visibility allows individuals to self-define and bring their unique skills, knowledge, and abilities to an organization, with the assistance of, or despite, the social structures in place by dominant group members (Roberts, 2005; Buchanan & 38 Settles, 2019). On the other hand, invisibility and hypervisibility in occupational settings can be challenging social structures to navigate for individuals from marginalized social-identity groups. Invisibility is a situation or circumstance where the individual is not fully acknowledged and appreciated, leading to decreased access to institutional power and voice (Brighenti, 2007; Simpson & Lewis, 2005). For example, an individual may have the platform to present ideas to organizational leadership but may feel rejected when the ideas are never executed (Buchanan & Settles, 2019). Hypervisibility occurs when individuals are extremely visible in the work context due to a perceived unique identifier, which may be advantageous for those in dominant social identity groups (e.g., white, upper-class, male membership at a golf club), but disadvantageous to individuals from marginalized groups (e.g., female professionals in the golf industry). Individuals with hypervisibility are persistently under the microscope of others within an organization and often compared to identity-based stereotypes and identified based on their marginalized group membership. Stereotype confirmation is then used to control perceptions and images of these individuals further, leading to misrepresentations and distortions (Collins, 2000). Similar to tokenism and microaggressions, the vocational concepts of visibility, invisibility, and hypervisibility are forms of identity-based treatment. Where male token workers (i.e., nurses or preschool teachers) may be given positive hypervisibility and increased access to promotions, raises, and leadership opportunities, women token workers may be limited to specialized positions or blocked from career advancement by the dominant male group (Wingfield & Myles, 2014; Kanter, 1977). When societal and organizational norms, policies, and standards are attributed to the dominant group, individuals from marginalized groups are often agonizingly aware of these mistreatments. Buchanan and Settles (2019, p. 2) summarized: “We assert that invisibility and hypervisibility also limit an individual’s ability to be their desired self 39 in the workplace.” Thus, women in the golf industry may be subjugated to many situations focused on inaccurate gender stereotypes. They may also become invisible and hypervisible as golf professionals, depending on the organizational culture, social environment characteristics, and the maintenance of social hierarchies (Buchanan & Settles, 2019). Consequently, it is imperative to focus on the voices and experiences of marginalized group members, such as female PGA Golf Management students within a male-dominated golf industry (Diaz & Bergman, 2013). Fortunately, as the conceptualization of visibility in the workplace continues to grow, Buchanan and Settles (2019) have offered some of the characteristics and future directions of this line of research. For example, invisibility and hypervisibility in the workplace are perpetuated through power dynamics, whereby the dominant group controls the context and level of visibility of marginalized individuals. Additionally, intersectionality theory involves the multiple social identities of an individual and reflects aspects of visibility in social hierarchies (Buchanan & Settles, 2019; Simpson & Lewis, 2005). Settles and colleagues (2018) have extended the theory of invisibility to advance a superior understanding of how invisibility may be appropriate for marginalized individuals in some situations, how it is used for impression management, and how addressing these challenges may lead to fostering opportunities and pathways for others in likewise relegated groups. Future research directions in line with visibility research include how it may benefit marginalized group members (i.e., self-protection), how it occurs within dominant group members, and how specific groups may experience it uniquely and similarly (Buchanan & Settles, 2019). 40 Undergraduate Female Sport Management Internship Experiences Scholars have focused on the underrepresentation of women in sport management programs and the precarious issues this may cause in the field (Jones et al., 2008). Studies have reported the enrollment of 31% of female students in undergraduate sport management and administration programs and 30% representation in parks, recreation, and tourism programs (Moore et al., 2004; Schwab et al., 2013). An extensive report from Jones and colleagues (2008) found similar levels of female enrollment in sport management programs, with approximately 29% of programs having no female faculty members. As such, female students are at risk of experiencing sport management academic programs in varying ways compared to their male counterparts, such as gender discrimination, being “othered”, and being perceived as less knowledgeable (Harding, 1987; Hartsock, 1983; Harris et al., 2015). Female sport management students have cited being uncomfortable in the classroom due to their token status (Harris et al., 2014). Sauder and colleagues (2018) reported barriers of otherness, gender-based roles, and perceptions of less credibility in sport management classrooms. Odio and colleagues (2014) expressed the significance of internships in undergraduate sport management programs. However, female sport management interns are also more likely than males to face problematic situations as subordinates at internship sites (Odio, 2017; Perlin, 2012). Internships and experiential learning in sport management are critical opportunities for students to merge classroom work with practical application, expand their network, and build expertise in the field (Moorman, 2004; Koo et al., 2016). Likewise, students conduct self- discovery, explore personal growth, and gain reputations (Stratta, 2004). Cuneen and Sidwell (2007) examined the glass ceiling effect amongst college athletics interns through surveys of 257 athletic administrators and discovered gender differences in internship selections, job duties, and 41 supervisor gender ratios. Cunningham and collaborators (2005) also discovered the importance of challenging yet fair internship experiences for developing commitment and interest in the field of sport management. Additionally, “internships in the sports industry exist as a symbiotic relationship between the student, educational institution, and agency” (Odio et al., 2014, p. 55). More specifically, of the 379 interns surveyed by Cuneen & Sidwell (2007), males were given more full-time positions, females were more likely to report to female supervisors, and job duties and functions differed by gender. Based on these findings, Cuneen & Sidwell (2007) offered sport management faculty and internship supervisors several essential areas of awareness, including guiding female students towards applicable coursework, identifying gender biases in the literature, pinpointing appropriate internship sites, educating internship sites on discrimination, and mentoring male and female sport management students uniformly. Since these internship experiences are required in nearly every sport management program in the United States, gender-based discrimination and differential treatment should be a high concern for faculty and leadership (Cuneen & Sidwell, 1995; 1998; Cuneen, 2004). Negative internship experiences, especially those with sex or gender-based aspects of discrimination, can significantly influence overall job contentment and key psychological, emotional, and physiological markers (Chen, 2009). Unfortunately, Walker and colleagues (2021) found that despite the idiosyncratic nature of internships, inequitable treatment in the form of privilege significantly impacted sport management students’ perceptions of obtaining an internship. Many female sport management students have also revealed the gendered nature of the field, forcing them to make things materialize for themselves (Harris et al., 2015). While most female students entering the field of sport management understand that the industry is 42 male-dominated, they have also reported the need to build coping methods and essential skills that male students may not need due to majority privilege (Harris et al., 2014). These coping methods and skills include taking leadership positions, building general sports knowledge, connecting with faculty mentors, interpersonal communication, and strategic planning (Harris et al., 2014; Leberman & Shaw, 2015). Morris and colleagues (2019) discovered additional strategies for overcoming barriers, such as joining conversations, interacting with others, using their minority status as an advantage, going above and beyond, creating a Women in Sport Management Club, using traditional networking methods, and understanding the reality of such a male-dominated program through learning about gender and workplace dynamics. Sauder and colleagues (2018) additionally found sources of support for female undergraduate sport management students, such as using prior experiences and having a role model. Despite these strategies for coping and sources of support with gender-based barriers in undergraduate sport management programs, female students have reported an early maturity (first year) of these barriers, which could lead to their changing of majors or an early exit from the field (Harris et al., 2015). Other critical areas of concern related to representation and diversity in sport management programs include gender diversity among faculty, media coverage of women’s sports in general, and a lack of same-gender mentors in the field (Morris et al., 2019). Furthermore, many parents of female sport management majors raise worries and objections to their daughters’ choice to enter a male-dominated field (Harris et al., 2014). Hancock and colleagues (2018) offered some best practices for moving beyond gender biases, stereotypes, and discrimination in the sport management classroom: 1. Gender diversity should be included in the sport management curriculum through guest speakers, images, videos, and inclusive language. 43 2. Internship sites should be regularly evaluated for gender and sex-based treatment. 3. Sport management faculty should include diversity training requirements for internship sites and supervisors. 4. The field of sport management can learn best practices from other male-dominated industries. Female construction management students ranked features for attracting more females in the field, including internships, career opportunities, the influence of having a father in construction, and having a female role model as top recommendations (Bigelow et al., 2015). Within the field of medicine, clinical experiences were also found to be significantly different for male and female students in the areas of career choices, preferences, choosing a specialty, experiencing discrimination, and perceptions of a future work/life balance (Coffeng et al., 2009). Sexual Harassment and Sexual Assault in Sport Management The United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (2023) defines sexual harassment as “unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical harassment of a sexual nature.” Sexual harassment does not have to be explicitly sexual and may also apply to gender or sex-based comments. Sexual assault is “sexual contact or behavior that occurs without explicit consent of the victim including attempted rape, unwanted sexual touching or forcing a victim to perform sexual acts” (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network, 2023). In workplaces dominated by men, up to 62% of women report sexual harassment as a detriment to the work environment (Parker, 2018). McLaughlin and colleagues (2017) found that nearly 80% of women will leave their positions within two years of experiencing sexual harassment. In higher education, approximately 20 to 25% of female students will be a survivor of sexual assault, and over 60% will experience sexual harassment 44 during their educational experiences (Fisher et al., 2000; Hill & Silva, 2005). According to recent work by Hardin and colleagues (2021), while sport management internships provide tremendous opportunities for practical learning, nearly 66% of females reported suffering sexual harassment during these experiences. Furthermore, education regarding delicate issues like sexual assault and sexual harassment in sport management programs is lacking, with only 46.1% of students reporting receiving such training and education as part of their curriculum and 36.9% getting this training within the internship setting (Taylor & Hardin, 2017). Taylor and Paule-Koba (2020) examined education and training in sport management undergraduate programs. They recommended programs partnering with their institution’s Title IX offices if faculty are uncomfortable conducting the training themselves. Hardin and colleagues (2021, p. 91) offered: “Because Title IX laws apply on and off campus in universities and colleges receiving federal funding, it is critical for faculty and staff supervising sport management interns to educate internship supervisors regarding the protections this law affords students.” Importance of Mentorship for Females in Male-Dominated Industries Mentorship is a critical area of support for females in male-dominated industries. Both males and females can be mentors through recognizing their roles and biases and building an organizational structure that provides gender equity (Williams et al., 2022). Jones and colleagues (2008) revealed the significant imbalance of female sport management students and faculty, making same-sex and gender mentorship and role model opportunities less likely. Additionally, this may create a carryover effect from academia into the industry (Jones et al., 2008). In STEM fields, female students desired female role models but could rarely identify such individuals from their academic careers (Morganson et al., 2015). Sauder and colleagues (2018) employed focus group sessions with 24 female sport management students. The participants stressed the 45 importance of sport management faculty in creating an inclusive environment, giving diverse examples in the classroom, providing visibility and support, and mentoring female sport management students to serve as sources of support. Further, Odio and colleagues (2014) found that undergraduate sport management students may need more guidance on setting career goals and a plan to reach their long-term dream jobs. Faculty can provide valuable input in these decision-making processes and assist students in creating trajectories and strategic images toward reaching these goals (Odio et al., 2014). Within golf, several studies have revealed the importance of female mentors and role models in increasing female sports participation from professional, leadership, and coaching perspectives (MacKinnon, 2013; Giuliano et al., 2007; Norman, 2012). Additionally, a field with similar representation as golf, construction management, has cited the criticality of having female faculty in the program and their influence on career paths and perceptions as role models (Lopez del Puerto et al., 2011). Hegemonic Masculinity Hegemonic masculinity refers to the dominant masculinity found in different contexts of society, leading to the “dominant position of men and the subordination of women” (Connell, 2005, p. 77). Further, Dellinger (2004) described hegemony as a group’s cultural dynamic mechanism to sustain privilege. Hegemony was first studied in education, criminology, and media representations (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Later exemplifications were examined in the military, art, academia, and law domains. As the concept expanded, a clearer picture was formed for scholars. Four key findings included the consequences and costs of hegemony, mechanisms of hegemony, diversity in masculinities, and how hegemonic masculinities may change over time and adjust to challenges to hegemony (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). 46 Connell and Messerschmidt (2005, p. 836) also described masculinities as “configurations of practice that are accomplished in social action and, therefore, can differ according to the gender relations in a particular social setting.” While some have criticized hegemonic masculinity as a sociological concept because it depicts men as hostile and dispassionate, the stabilization of gender dominance is partly due to toxic male practices and gender-based positioning through discursive practices (Collier, 1998; Connell, 2005). Therefore, masculinity is not a man or type of man but rather the accumulation of infinite actions over thousands of years of patriarchy, “a configuration of practice organized in relation to the structure of gender relations” (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 843). Within sports, hegemony is studied in terms of gender stratification and sexual orientation contexts of hierarchical arrangements, whereby heterosexual men are considered the dominant group, and women, gay men, nonathletic men, and feminine-acting men are oppressed or marginalized (Anderson, 2005). Messner (1992) applied hegemonic masculinity in sports to explore patriarchy, contact sports, violence, and homophobia. Patriarchy in sports is an imitation and reflection of societal norms of discrimination against women, whereby they are viewed as inferior and thus marginalized (Kitching, 2018). These hegemonic practices are deeply embedded in American culture and rarely questioned, appearing in the arrangement of formal policies, informal norms, and preferred images of how an institution should be (Ridgeway & Correll, 2004). Gender roles are then normalized, which can be problematic and influence the acceptance of specific behaviors (Krane, 2001). Additionally, Krane (2001, p. 117) defined characteristics of hegemonic masculinity in sports as “strength, competitiveness, assertiveness, confidence, and independence” and “characteristics of hegemonic femininity include being emotional, passive, dependent, maternal, 47 compassionate, and gentle.” Sport is a vehicle for promoting masculine characteristics due to the expressions of the body, hyper-competitiveness, and zero-sum attitudes that are present (English, 2017). Golf will benefit from taking steps to value feminine traits such as finesse and precision and masculine traits of competitiveness and strength (McGinnis et al., 2021). These stereotypical masculine traits are rewarded and replicated through formal and informal modes of communication and gendered culture (Shaw & Hoeber, 2003). Sports environments replicate these societal norms and arrange heterosexual male power (Burton, 2015). This institutionalization in sports includes the steps of habituating (formalizing), objectification (collective agreement), and sedimentation (saturation) of “social processes,” taking status in social thought or action (Meyer & Rowan, 1977). Moreover, Connell (1987) offered the importance of identifying and breaking down these institutional rituals to engage more women in male-dominated spaces. McGinnis and colleagues (2009, p. 22) reflected on their interviews with 22 female golf participants: “Women golfers may need to negotiate both the game and the gendered rituals associated with it.” They also found the pattern of three groups of women golfers: accommodating, unapologetic, and unaware. Accommodating women golfers were likely to accept the norms of male dominance and hegemonic masculinity (i.e., not to rock the boat), unapologetic participants sought to disrupt the masculine rituals, and unaware women golfers preferred to play the game without changing it and focused on skill, ability, and enjoyment (McGinnis et al., 2009). Further, Jun and Kyle (2012) revealed that women with stronger masculine identities appeared to have higher participation and retention rates in golf, further pointing to the masculine and gendered nature of the sport. These gender norms create male privilege both on and off the golf course (McGinnis et al., 2012). 48 Critical Feminist Theory in Sport The current project utilized a critical feminist perspective to challenge the historical, social, and cultural practices around power and gender relations in golf (Kitching, 2018). While not espousing a specific critical feminist theory, gender topics in sports and the workplace are framed around the normalization and perpetuation of patriarchal power relations which oppress groups and individuals. Dewar (1991) argued that feminist perspectives transpire from the production and construction of male domination and female subordination in sporting practices. Moreover, Swain (1995) offered a feminist approach to further understand gender as a substantial variable in studying human interactions. Feminist theories assume and encompass the impression that “women and men are exploited, devalued, and often oppressed because of their gender” (Hundley, 2004, p. 41). Thus, a critical feminist methodology seeks to highlight what lurks in the dark and break down naturalized marginalization systems (Hundley, 2004). According to Oliver and Tremblay (2000), three main principles define the research of feminist topics. Along with constructing knowledge through scientific procedures, researchers of feminism in sports should aim to create social change, encompass feminist beliefs during the entire research process, and understand the interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary nature of research in this area. Similarly, Acker (1990) and Reskin and Hartmann (1986) operationalized barriers from a feminist perspective as practices that take little energy to maintain and can be perpetuated based on formal and informal structures within an organization, institution, or industry. When sexism becomes institutionalized, we see higher levels of imbalanced gender ratios within an occupation (McGinnis et al., 2005). Kitching and colleagues (2017, p. 1534) summarized this process within golf: “The patriarchal presence in golf environments is a strong 49 force in reproducing and reinforcing golf culture and institutionalized practices that exclude and marginalize females, and above all, is highly resistant to change.” While often affiliated with interpretive approaches, critical perspectives seek to understand social institutions, relations, oppression, and historical problems of inequity in a context (Creswell, 2007). Critical feminist theories “aim to understand the conditions under which oppressed people operate and the nuances of these conditions” (Hundley, 2004, p. 41). Feminist perspectives also assume that men or women may be oppressed due to gender and provide attention to areas of society that may go unnoticed (Hundley, 2004). Thus, in the present study, a critical feminist lens will guide the framework of considering power dynamics on potentially marginalized female golf professionals (Connell, 2005; Kitching et al., 2017). While a critical feminist approach is criticized for looking at negative experiences, “doing gender”, or painting male behavior with broad strokes, one cannot ignore the plethora of data presented in this literature review and those of scholars studying gender. Therefore, a merely interpretive approach does not capture the essence and purpose of the current study. Ultimately, the goal is to reveal the potential areas for change in the golf industry through the experiences of female PGA Golf Management interns. The PGA Golf Management University Program The PGA of America has 17 accredited PGA Golf Management programs at higher education universities across the United States with a mission to “recruit diverse and talented students and develop them into committed professionals by providing a comprehensive and progressive educational program designed to prepare future PGA members for a lifelong career in golf” (PGA, n.d.). Within the program, students must complete respective institutional and PGA coursework, the PGA’s Playing Ability Test (PAT), and a total of 16 months of cooperative 50 internship experiences in bachelor’s degree programs such as Marketing, Business Administration, Hospitality, and Parks and Recreation (PGA, n.d.). The universities are in each of the major geographic regions of the United States, giving students diverse opportunities for traveling and completing internships at some of the top golf facilities in the nation. Each university must meet the accreditation requirements of the PGA Golf Management University Program and can determine its admission guidelines specific to class size, proof of golf playing ability, high school GPA, and test score requirements (PGA, n.d.). As mentioned, PGA Golf Management students must complete 16 months of full-time (35+ hours per week) internship experiences at PGA-recognized facilities. During this time, PGA Golf Management students are titled PGA Associates (PGA, n.d.). Students typically choose from an abundance of positions in the golf industry, such as country clubs, resorts, public and municipal courses, military golf facilities, golf teaching/coaching facilities, non-profit organizations such as First Tee, PGA Headquarters, United States Golf Association, state and local golf associations, and PGA Section Offices (PGA, n.d.). The 16 months of internships required for graduation are divided into multiple 2-8 month experiences. Therefore, depending on the university’s academic calendar and curriculum delivery, PGA Golf Management students complete internships at several sites during their undergraduate career (PGA, n.d.). All internship experiences are reviewed, verified, and approved by the institution’s PGA Golf Management staff and Internship Coordinator/Director. Students sign a contract with job duties, expectations, responsibilities, dates of employment, wages, work experience activity expectations, and any additional employment requirements from the internship site before employment starts (PGA, n.d.). During the internship experiences, the PGA member site supervisor/host professional evaluates the intern’s performance. A post-internship meeting with the PGA Golf Management 51 staff is required to review the experience and any recommendations or concerns. Overall, the PGA Golf Management University Program internships are unique due to their graduation requirements, internship lengths, and various experiences students may explore (PGA, n.d.). Female PGA Golf Management interns were this study’s focus to understand further their internship experiences more broadly as well as both on- and off-campus gender and sex-based treatment disparities. 52 CHAPTER 3: METHOD The purpose of the current project was to illuminate the overall experiences of female PGA Golf Management students and interns, identify practices of sex- and gender-based treatment discrimination within and around their internship experiences, and ascertain the potential benefits, coping strategies, and further recommendations for female golf professionals and the PGA Golf Management undergraduate programs. This chapter outlines the methodology selected to investigate the project’s purposes, including the methodological framework, design, participants, procedure, data collection, data analysis, and positional reflexivity of the researcher. Methodological Framework Ontological and Epistemological Positions The study design aimed to gain a greater understanding of the experiences of female PGA Golf Management interns using a critical feminist ontological and epistemological framework. Critical feminist theories acknowledge and assume a gendered perspective. Thus, critical feminist positions and perspectives assume a context’s “unequal and hierarchical” nature (Skeggs, 1994, p. 77). Further, critical feminist theories examine social constructions, embedded facts, language, privilege, oppression, and reproduction of oppression (Kincheloe & McLaren, 2005). More specifically to sports, feminist perspectives “begin with the assumption that sporting practices are historically produced, socially constructed and culturally defined to serve the needs and interests of powerful groups” (Kitching et al., 2017, p. 7), which in the golf context is white males. Research Method Phenomenology utilizes a theoretical approach to understanding the lived experiences of people’s lives, focusing on the meaning, structure, and core of these experiences for individuals 53 or groups (Bhattacharya, 2017). A phenomenological inquiry may vary profoundly based on the research purpose, the researcher’s understanding of the approach, and the selected theoretical alignment. Van Maanen (1988) differentiated this methodology as exploring the essence of a phenomenon rather than a sole focus on the experiences alone. Accordingly, Bhattacharya (2017) recommends three essential elements of utilizing phenomenological approaches, including (1) the identification of a phenomenon, (2) a group of people with shared phenomenological experiences, and (3) the type of phenomenology selected for investigation. A hermeneutic phenomenology was selected to better understand the lived experiences and uniqueness of others (Miles et al., 2013). Further, since phenomenology is a theoretical perspective concerned with the lived experiences of individuals and groups within a specific context, data collection typically occurs through interviews (Mayan, 2016). Thus, the method for the current study included semi-structured interviews with individual participants. Semi-structured interviews employ an interview guide with open-ended questions while also allowing the investigator to ask unscheduled questions to explore stimulating and imperative ideas that arise during interviews. This approach gives more control and agency to participants as the interviewer may ask to follow up on questions, providing increased flexibility for revealing meanings attached to experiences. Procedure Institutional Review Board approval for this study was received from Michigan State University. Additionally, participants were compensated through the Hard Cost Dissertation Fellowship within the College of Education and Department of Kinesiology at Michigan State University. 54 Participants and Recruitment The researcher recruited participants using purposive and snowball sampling methods (Patton, 2002). Purposive sampling required that participants had completed at least one internship experience within the PGA Golf Management program in the past 12 months, continued enrollment in the undergraduate program (or recently graduated to PGA membership status), and identified as female. The researcher emailed directors and staff at the 17 PGA Golf Management programs (See Appendix A). Snowball sampling was used to recruit additional participants based on referrals to the researchers from PGA Golf Management program directors, staff, and participants. Sampling ensued until data saturation occurred by maximizing similarities and differences of theoretical considerations. Of the 15 participants recruited and contacted for the research study, 14 met the inclusion criteria of completing at least one internship. The additional 15th participant was interviewed using the interview guide without the internship questions and compensated for their participation. However, their data was not analyzed or used for research purposes. Prior studies with similar purposes and research questions have utilized semi-structured interviews with eight to 22 participants. While Dworkin (2012) recommended 25 to 30 participants for qualitative studies, Guest and colleagues (2013) pointed to 12 participants for studies with purposeful and more homogenous samples, which aligns with sample sizes in published qualitative studies in sport and exercise psychology. Pilot Interview A pilot interview was completed with one participant, an early-career female professional in the golf industry, to enhance the interview guide and processes. Pilot studies offer credibility and dependability to a study and play an important role in designing and adapting a research study (van Teijlingen & Hundley, 2001; Pratt & Yezierski, 2018). Based on the initial batch of 55 questions in the original interview guide, the participant for the pilot study provided critical recommendations to the interviewer, including the further development of the participant demographic survey, reviewing the order of questions, acknowledging participant responses without apologizing for the actions of others, and asking participants about persistence and coping within the golf industry. Overall, the pilot interview significantly improved the interview guide, interview processes, and the successful execution of the research project. Data Collection Interview guide and process. Upon completion of recruitment, the researcher emailed participants a calendar appointment, a videoconference meeting link, informed consent (See Appendix B), and a pre-interview demographic survey used to provide basic information (See Appendix C). All interviews were completed using a videoconference application to accommodate participants’ schedules. A semi-structured interview guide was employed in this study and is contained in Appendix D. Inspection of this guide revealed that after the participants were informed of the purposes and nature of the study and their rights as human subjects, a series of demographic and background questions were then asked via survey and confirmed during the interview. The researcher asked each participant about their entry into the game of golf, the PGA Golf Management program selection process, overall internship experiences, roles and job duties during internships, internship supervisors, favorite aspects of internships, and questions about the challenges and gender-based dynamics of internships. The interviews ended with questions about the benefits of being a female in golf, advice for future female PGA Golf Management students, and how to improve the overall internship processes for all PGA Golf Management students, especially females. Interviews were an average of 52 minutes in length. After completing the interviews, participants were compensated with a $50 e-gift card from MasterCard. 56 Data Analysis Data were analyzed using an open-coding phenomenological approach focused on the meaning and experiences of participant internships. The interviews were transcribed verbatim for open coding of meaning units, grouping codes into categories, and inductively creating categories encompassing the array of internship experiences. Axial coding was then employed to determine each category’s higher-order and lower-order themes (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Throughout these processes, the researcher determined areas of theoretical saturation and engaged in self-reflection due to the interpretive nature of studying gender-based issues and relationships between data and prior literature. Methodological Rigor Rigor was increased using several processes, including researcher training and reflexivity. Researcher Training The lead researcher has completed graduate-level courses in qualitative research and has been part of numerous studies employing qualitative research approaches and methodologies. Essential skills attained by the lead researcher include transcribing, coding, interviewing, and analyzing data. Reflexivity Statement Mayan (2016, p. 137) defined reflexivity as “the process of being highly attentive to how and why you make decisions and interpretations along the research way.” Thus, the author recognizes the importance of positionality disclosure regarding the philosophical, personal, and professional aspects of conducting the current study. An essential purpose of reflexivity is to note that research is directed and not free-standing (Mayan, 2016). While we may attempt to do 57 so, qualitative researchers can certainly not satisfactorily label the human experience but only attempt to construct open-ended interpretations of social worlds (Mayan, 2016). The phenomenological perspective was discovered based on the researcher’s experiences as a former PGA member and collegiate golf coach, working with male and female undergraduate students within the PGA Golf Management program for over a decade. Through observation and listening to female golfers in these contexts, some clear anecdotal perspectives and instances guided the purposes and formulation of the current study. These included the researcher’s lack of self- awareness concerning treatment discrimination of female golfers and students by male PGA professionals, PGA Golf management students, and mentors in the game of golf. Further, the purposes led to utilizing a critical feminist perspective by examining the literature on female experiences in golf and sport management programs. The researcher has an avid background in golf as a student, athlete, coach, and instructor. While an understanding of the sport helped with conducting the current study (e.g., terminology), the researcher acknowledges an awareness of the potential biases he may bring into the study based on these extensive experiences. Further, the researcher identifies as white, male, and heterosexual, which ultimately informs his worldview and assumptions, biases, blindspots, and privileges. In light of this, the researcher attempted to build rapport early with each participant early in the interviews to create a sense of comfort and trust. As such, self-awareness during the research process and the findings through memos and note-taking “can help researchers recognize the influence that they are having upon the research and, just as importantly, that the research is having upon the researchers” (Corbin & Strauss, 2015, p. 348). The researcher employed note-taking after each interview to seek out any forms of bias or personal attachment to scheduled or follow-up questions. During data analysis, the researcher checked for signs of 58 biases and assumptions through multi-step approaches to thematic analysis. Finally, the researcher used peer review and audit trail processes with their advisor and research committee to ensure that participant perspectives and experiences were accurately portrayed in the data analysis processes. 59 CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS Participants Participants for this research project were 14 PGA Golf Management students (See Table 1) in the United States of America. Five unique accredited programs were represented. Each participant self-identified as a Female/Woman when asked about sex and gender identity. Regarding race and ethnicity, 11 of the participants self-identified as White (78.57%), one Hispanic/Latina (7.14%), one Asian alone, non-Hispanic (7.14%), and one multiracial, non- Hispanic (7.14%), respectively. Participants averaged 21.64 years of age and 12 years of golf- playing experience. The average age for starting participation in the game of golf was 9.64 years, and the average completed PGA Golf Management internship experiences were 10.93 months, including all participants completing at least six months. Sex assigned at birth or sexual orientation identifiers were not included the pre-interview demographic survey. Table 1. Participant demographics profile Participant Age P1 P2 P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 P8 P9 P10 P11 P12 P13 P14 20 20 21 21 25 20 23 22 23 22 25 20 21 20 Age Started Golf 12 9 12 14 15 12 7 10 2 12 8 13 2 7 Years Playing Golf 8 11 9 7 10 8 16 12 21 10 17 7 19 13 Internship Months Completed 9 9 15 10 16 6 11 16 11 16 12 9 6 7 Sex/Gender Identity Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Female/Woman Race/ Ethnicity Hispanic/Latina White White White White White White White White White White Asian alone, non- Hispanic White Multiracial, Non- Hispanic 60 Golf Entry After confirming participant demographic data submitted in the pre-interview survey, participants were asked about their entry and introduction to the sport of golf (See Table 2). The researcher identified three higher-order themes of Significant Others, Junior and High School Golf, and participation in Other Sports from participant responses. Significant Others Participants shared the significant others instrumental in their introduction and entry into golf. Lower-order themes of family members such as Brother, Grandfather, Father, Mother, Grandmother, and a combination of Father/Grandfather and Mother/Father were identified. Additionally, one participant revealed that a Teacher/Coach was highly influential in her golf entry. The most frequently reported Significant Others for participant entry into golf were Fathers (5 participants), Grandfathers (4 participants), and Father/Grandfather combination (3 participants), displaying the heavy influence of male family members on female golfers. Junior and High School Golf Participants conveyed the importance of junior and high school golf experiences in their introduction and entry into golf. Lower-order themes of both high school and co-educational teams, along with junior golf opportunities such as general programming, First Tee, camps, and opportunities for skill development, were central for starting and continuing within the sport. For example, Participant 8 described her start in the game: I loved how competitive it was. I loved that there was so much opportunity with it, that you know all ages can play. There's still 89-year-old people who are playing golf. And yet it's something that is really special and that you don't get with other sports. And so 61 that interested me probably the most out of all of it. But that's how I mostly got started was my dad and those camps. Additionally, Participant 1 reported on some of the early challenges of playing on a co- educational high school golf team because of attending a smaller school district without a girl’s high school team: I went to a smaller high school. So, there I was actually the only girl on the team. So, I played on a co-ed team but was the only girl. So, it's definitely a little hard, um, being the only girl. There's a lot of challenges that I faced even at the high school level, just being on a co-ed team. I mean, I don't know, mixing guys and girls is definitely scary because guys are very like, I don't know, they can say some things and, you know, make you feel excluded, but yeah, so I played on the co-ed team. Other Sports Several participants noted how participation in other sports contributed, directly or indirectly, to their preliminary involvement in golf. Participants cited the motives of connections through coaches and seasonal offerings for golf participation through field hockey, tennis, basketball, and track. Two participants noted that multiple sport participation influenced their transition into golf. Participant 6 described the importance of her early sport participation: And when I was in middle school, I was kind of into sports. I did track and basketball and my basketball coach was also the golf coach. And they needed a third female to fill out their team because they only had two girls that tried out. So, he talked me into it. And so, I joined the team. 62 Table 2. Participant entry into golf General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Significant Others Golf Entry Junior and High School Golf Other Sports Brother (1) Grandfather (4) Father (5) Father/Grandfather (3) Mother (1) Mother/Father (1) Teacher/Coach (1) Grandmother (1) Co-Ed Team (3) High School Team (2) First Tee (1) Golf Camp (2) Junior Golf (7) Skill Development (6) Multiple (2) Track (2) Basketball (1) Tennis (2) Field Hockey (1) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the number of participants contributing to each lower- order theme. Choosing PGA Golf Management The researcher asked the participants about their motivation for pursuing PGA Golf Management (PGM) as an academic program at four-year colleges and universities (see Table 3). The higher-order themes of College Golf Opportunities, Role Model/Mentor Influences, School Visits, PGM Program Attributes, Pre-Program Career Experiences, and Other Academic Program Options were developed from this question. College Golf Opportunities Regarding College Golf Opportunities, three participants disclosed that they had started at a different college or university to play collegiate golf and then transferred to a school with the PGA Golf Management program. Participant 8 transferred from an NCAA DI college program to a PGM school where she could compete on the varsity golf team and pursue the academic 63 program. Participants 7 and 11 completed bachelor’s degrees, played college golf at different schools and started the PGM program as a second bachelor’s degree. Role Model/Mentor Influences Key role models and mentors significantly influenced participants when selecting the PGA Golf Management major as an academic program. Lower-order themes included the significant role models and mentors of having a PGM intern at a local course, sorority advisor, having family members attend the school (although not for PGM), swing instructor, high school athletic director, high school coach, friends, family friends, and mother. School Visits Visiting respective PGM schools was a lower-order theme with contributions from three participants. Participant 1 explained how the female leadership of the PGM program was welcoming, positively influencing her decision: I mean, I just, I feel like for me, choosing this university was a no-brainer just because of the female leadership. And I feel like having that female presence at most universities will definitely increase the number of females that are interested. Moreover, Participant 3 “went and visited” and “just fell in love with the program.” Participant 14 was also influenced by visiting and touring PGM schools to find the top program for her college experience: “I toured a lot of schools and whatever…And then, yeah, I kind of just applied and I picked the best school that I thought was best for me.” PGM Program Attributes Unique attributes of the PGM programs were also salient factors in deciding to pursue PGA Golf Management as an academic major and which school to attend. Some of these lower- 64 order themes shared by participants included the climate (warmer), location, school size, college golf opportunities, and application acceptance. Pre-Program Career Experiences Three participants cited the importance of pre-program career experiences at local golf courses in developing their passion for the golf industry and motivation for choosing PGA Golf Management as an academic program. For example, Participants 4 and 9 expressed how the golf course became a regular occurrence throughout high school, leading to both acquiring jobs before college and gaining critical professional skills. Participant 4 shared her start in the golf business: And then when I turned 14 in November, I was like, okay, I want to get a job and we have like our spring break is in March. So, I knew that the golf course, which is about a half-mile away from my house, needed staff in the shop. So, I like, I interviewed for the job, got the job started over my spring break and I was like folding clothes and all that stuff and I got to do the POS (point-of-sale) system. So, I really started to fall in love with it. Additionally, Participant 7 explained pursuing a second bachelor’s degree with experience in golf media production: “And after I graduated, I knew that's kind of like what I wanted to do. So, for me, I wanted to utilize that PGM degree as a title for my broadcasting career. So, I just went full force with it.” Other Academic Program Options Several participants mentioned other areas of interest for academics and career plans before choosing PGM. Participant 8 was planning on a career as a veterinarian before meeting with the PGM program staff on her college golf recruiting visit: 65 And my mom kind of looked at me. She's like, you know that you're going to be a lot happier and having a lot, probably a little bit more fun doing this. And so, I tried it, I stuck with it and that's how. Participant 10 had plans to be an elementary-level teacher and give lessons in the summer: And my route was going to be going into education and then get my teaching credentials and everything and teach (golf) in my off time in the summers. So, I was just going to be like an elementary school educator. And that was kind of my plan until I found out about this program and I decided, oh I'm going to do a little bit more research on it and everything. And I'm like, wow, this seems like a pretty good deal. And so that's kind of how I found out about it. Participant 12 viewed golf as more of a hobby before getting encouragement from her high school coaches to look further into PGM as a major: And then my coaches really pushed me to try to go into that program because they need so many women in the industry, they thought it would be a really good fit. And I wasn't super sure about it at first. I thought it was just going to be like a hobby that I did in high school and then I would pursue some other degree, but I’ve really enjoyed it so far, which is great. Table 3. Choosing PGA Golf Management as an academic program General Dimensions Choosing PGA Golf Management Program Higher-Order Themes College Golf Opportunities Role Model/Mentor Influence Lower-Order Themes Started at different school (P5) Played DI golf (P7) College golf and PGM (P8) Played DI golf – transferred (P9) Moved from overseas (P11) Played college golf – transferred (P13) Local course PGM Intern (P4) Sorority Advisor (P5) 66 Table 3. (cont’d) Family legacy school (P8) Swing Instructor (P9) HS Athletic Director (P10) HS coaches and friend (P12) Father’s best friend (P13) Mother (P14) Welcoming female leadership (P1) Campus tour and playing opportunities (P1) Visited and loved it (P3) Toured a lot of PGM schools (P14) Climate (P4) Location (P4, P6) Size (P4) Playing college golf (P6) Acceptance (P10) Known since freshman year in HS (P4) Job at local golf course at age 14 (P4) Graduated and then pursued PGM (P7) Golf was home away from home (P9) Veterinarian (P8) Education (P10) Golf was hobby, had back-up plan (P12) School Visits PGM Program Attributes Pre-Program Career Experiences Other Academic Program Options Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant who contributed to each lower-order theme. Role Models and Mentors in Golf Career Along with asking about entry into golf and choosing PGA Golf Management as an academic program, the researcher asked participants about their role models and mentors that have been influential in their professional careers in the golf industry (see Table 4). The higher- order themes of Family, Coaches and Swing Instructors, Teammates and Classmates, PGM Program Staff and Professors, Work Supervisors, and Others emerged from the responses. The gender of the role model and mentor is also acknowledged below when directly reported by participants. 67 Family Family members were stated as paramount role models and mentors in participant golf careers, continuing the theme from the Significant Others higher-order theme in the Golf Entry general dimension mentioned earlier. Participants re-counted Grandfather, Mother/Father, Father, and Father/Grandfather as significant family members continuing to influence their professional careers in golf. Participants expressed two Grandfathers, three Mother/Father dyads, one Father, and three Father/Grandfather dyads for 15 family members total (12 males, three females). Coaches and Swing Instructors Participant Coaches and Swing Instructors were identified as important role models and mentors for participants in their golf careers. High School, College, and more personal Swing Instructor/Coach were lower-order themes articulated by several participants. In total, 14 types of coaches, nine men, and five women, played key support roles for female participants in PGM programs and often continued to do so after they entered the program. Participant 1 noted the importance of maintaining a relationship with her first swing instructor: Um, so one of my mentors was my swing instructor. So, I was with him since I started. So, he basically built my entire swing. And the interesting thing that I liked about him and the reason that I chose him is because he had had so many successful female players. Teammates and Classmates Three participants shared the role modeling and mentoring of their female teammates and classmates during their college experiences and beyond. This higher-order theme was expanded on by Participant 6: 68 Um, and then my freshman year there were actually two female golfers that were seniors, that were the president and vice president of the program. And I'm still in contact with them and they've been really good mentors and like helped me navigate the industry a little bit. PGM Program Staff and Professors Five participants considered their PGA Golf Management Staff and Professors as a higher-order theme of adequate role models and mentors in their golf careers, including Program Directors, Internship Coordinators, and Faculty. For example, Participant 11 said : “Um, I mean apart from that, I have a pretty good relationship with the professors at school.” Work Supervisors Work Supervisors was another higher-order theme for participant role models and mentors in their golf careers. A total of 10 participants conveyed the impact of these individuals on their professional development through the lower-order themes of First Job Supervisors, Intern/Colleague, and Internship Supervisors. First Job Supervisors included three individuals, with gender reported for one male and one female. An Intern/Colleague has also served the role of mentor for one participant and Internship Supervisor for six participants. All role models and mentors in the latter two lower-order themes were men. Therefore, of the 10 total Work Supervisors identified by participants, there were eight males, one female, and one unreported gender. Participant 4 emphasized the mentoring of the general manager at the local golf course she worked at during high school: Like he's been in the industry for a really long time. I think he was the GM here for like 20 something years. So he's seen quite a few golf professionals come through and he was 69 like, ‘Yeah, I really want you to do this, like you're going to be so good at it.” So, he was someone who really pushed me to be like, okay, like I can do this. Other Within the Other higher-order theme for role models and mentors in participant golf careers, the president of a country club internship site (Participant 11) and the grandfather of a high school teammate (Participant 13), both males, were introduced by two participants. Participant 13 described this unique relationship: And then, there was this older gentleman, his granddaughter played on the team, but he never watched her. He was always watching me. And he was probably the biggest role model I've ever had in the golf world…And he was always pushing me to be better. So, he was probably the biggest role model I had. Table 4. Role models and mentors in golf career General Dimensions Role Models and Mentors in Golf Career Higher-Order Themes Family Coaches and Swing Instructors Teammates and Classmates PGM Program Staff and Professors Work Supervisors Others Lower-Order Themes Grandfather (2, Men) Mother and Father (3, Men – 3, Women – 3) Father (1, Man) Father and Grandfather (3, Men – 6) College Coach (2, Men – 1, Woman – 1) High School Coach (5, Men – 4, Women – 2) Swing Instructor/Coach (7, Men – 4, Women – 2) Classmates (2, All Women) Teammates (1, All Women) PGM Program Staff (4, Both Men and Women) Professors (1, Both Men and Women) First Job Supervisors (3, Men – 1, Woman – 1) Intern/Colleague (1, Man – 1) Internship Supervisors (6, Men – 6) President of golf club (1, Male) Grandfather of HS teammate (1, Male) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the number of participants who contributed to each lower-order theme. Role model and mentor gender are also presented where identified by the participant. 70 Career Path and Dream Job in Golf Participants have wide and varying career paths and “dream job” interests within the golf industry (see Table 5). Teaching and Coaching, Administration and Golf Associations, Merchandising, General Manager/Director of Golf, Assistant or Head Professional, Tournament Operations, Digital Marketing and Media, Software and Technology, Open and Inquiring, and Dislikes and Disinclinations were each higher-order themes described for participant career aspirations. Several participants are included in multiple higher-order theme categories below as they reported various career path interests and dream jobs in the golf business. Teaching and Coaching Five participants expressed interest in the higher-order theme of Teaching and Coaching for a career path and dream job in the golf industry. Regarding lower-order themes, Participant 9 enjoys teaching, Participant 10 initially wanted to be a teacher, Participant 11 plans on returning to an internship site and teaching full-time, Participant 12 would like to continue with teaching lessons on the side, and Participant 13 wants to teach full-time at northern and southern seasonal locations year-round. Administration and Golf Associations Three participants noted their desire to pursue a career path working in various roles for local, state, regional, or national golf associations as a higher-order theme. For example, Participant 1 desires to work in media and communications for the PGA of America. Participant 5 has internship experience in tournament operations for a national golf organization and would like to continue in this direction. Additionally, Participant 14 plans to pursue an administrative role for an association such as the PGA of America or the United States Golf Association. 71 Merchandising The career path and dream job in golf of merchandising as a higher-order theme has garnered the attention and focus of four participants. After completing internship duties in merchandising, Participant 2’s career intentions have expanded more recently. Participant 3 has a passion and career path curiosity as a merchandiser at a private facility. Participant 4, who initially wanted to teach golf, has also had her emphasis piqued by the specialty of merchandising. Participant 10 was careful not to obligate to one space of golf but has enjoyed the merchandising duties during internships and sees herself focusing on this specialty moving forward. General Manager/Director of Golf Two participants declared their career path and dream job as the higher-order theme of General Manager/Director of Golf. While Participant 2 initially started the PGM program and internships with her sights set on being a general manager, this career path has more recently come into question: So, I came into the program thinking I wanted to be a GM (General Manager). So, I kind of strived for that until this past spring. And then this past spring, I kind of came to my senses and realized if I am a GM, I'm going to have no life except that role as a GM (both laugh). Participant 12 plans on pursuing the MBA program at her institution and following the general manager career path within the game of golf: And then I've also thought of getting my Master of Business after the program so that if I want to go into something more of a general manager position, I'd have more experience on the business side of things than just golf operations. 72 Assistant or Head Professional Four participants provided lower-order themes within the higher-order theme of following a career path and dream job as an Assistant or Head Professional in the golf industry. Participant 6 imagines herself in either an assistant or head professional role: “So I'm thinking probably like an assistant or head pro role eventually.” Participant 9 recently accepted a full-time assistant professional position at a previous internship site where she will complete the PGA internship requirements and work experience activities. Similarly, Participant 10 finished these program requirements while working full-time as an assistant professional at one of her previous internship sites. Participant 12, along with the general manager career path previously mentioned, is excited about possibly being a head professional at a private facility: “I think I'm leaning more towards the head professional route at hopefully a private facility. I really enjoy getting to know the memberships more than just people coming in all the time randomly.” Tournament Operations Tournament Operations was provided as a higher-order theme for two participants as possible career paths and dream jobs in the golf industry. Participant 5 hopes to pursue the tournament operations sector of golf as a full-time position after completing an internship solely dedicated to this area: Short-term, long-term, which is like the next five to ten years. I'd love to stay in tournaments. I'm really loving the _________ and having one big event that we work on the whole year, that was just for the team I worked with, it was incredible. The teamwork aspect, you’re an intern, but in charge of some huge stuff. And just like it's a good mix of responsibility, but also like we get it all done together in the end. 73 Participant 9 has also really enjoyed being part of the leagues and tournaments at her respective internship facilities: “So kind of getting a balance of both because I love running leagues and tournaments and stuff like that.” Digital Marketing and Media As an emerging pathway within the golf industry, two participants plan on pursuing the higher-order Digital Marketing and Media theme as a career plan and dream job proclivity. More specifically, Participant 1 has had a taste of this line of work, both formally and informally, through her internships and her program’s Student Association, stating: So, I'm kind of leaning more into going to be a digital marketing lead and a content creator. So, I wanted to do a lot with like, you know, like social media and websites and a little bit with articles, journalism, stuff like that. Just kind of putting out content that shines a light on the PGA of America. So, I'd love to work for the PGA of America. If not, I would love to work for a golf course. Participant 7 pursued the PGA Golf Management program as a second bachelor’s degree to land the dream job of golf broadcasting for Golf Channel and further advocate for the women’s game: But I'm still really trying to push forward toward something within the media realm. I feel like especially women's golf is just, I mean, there's not much on that at all. It's your little clips here and there on a Sunday afternoon and that's about it. So, I really want to advocate towards women's golf, but more so in the media atmosphere, creating that content for consumer engagement, whether it's inspirational or just a story that needs to be told. 74 Software and Technology Participant 9 has a passion for the higher-order theme of Software and Technology as a long-term career path option, citing the skill set and lifestyle attributes of such positions: Because I really love, like golf software, golf technology, that type of thing. So, I would say long term, my ideal position would be working for Golf Genius or something like that, developing their software or helping courses implement the software and be kind of a tech support. So probably something in the tech realm for courses. Open and Inquiring As internships are an excellent opportunity to explore career paths and dream jobs in the golf industry, the higher-order theme of Open and Inquiring arose from participant responses. Participant 6 referred to this process as “experimenting.” Participant 8 indicated that she “never wanted to ever pigeonhole” herself and is “open to finding anything.” Participants 9 and 12 are still trying to figure out their long-term plans in the golf industry, and Participant 10 conveyed that “there’s so much that I want to learn before I just go into one specified field.” Dislikes and Disinclinations Internships are also a tremendous time for professionals to rule out career path inclinations. The higher-order theme of Dislikes and Disinclinations was articulated through the voices of three participants. Participants 3, 5, and 10 have eliminated teaching and coaching as a full-time career path and dream job. Further, Participant 5 is also not a fan of merchandising. Table 5. Career path and dream job in golf General Dimensions Career Path and Dream Job in Golf Higher-Order Themes Teaching and Coaching Lower-Order Themes Enjoys teaching (P9) Initially wanted to be a teacher (P10) Return to internship site and teach full-time (P11) Lessons on side (P12) 75 Table 5. (cont’d) Administration and Golf Associations Merchandising General Manager/Director of Golf Assistant or Head Professional Tournament Operations Digital Marketing and Media Software and Technology Open and Inquiring Dislikes and Disinclinations North/South teaching (P13) PGA of America (P1) Tournament operations for national organization (P5) Administrative (P14) More recent interest (P2) Merchandiser at private facility (P3) Initially teaching, now merchandising (P4) Loves merchandising (P10) Initially wanted to be General Manager (P2) MBA program and General Manager (P12) Assistant or Head role eventually (P6) Recently accepted Assistant position (P9) Currently full-time Assistant at private facility (P10) Leaning towards Head Professional position (P12) Tournament operations for national organization (P5) Leagues and tournaments (P9) Digital marketing/content creation/social media/websites/golf course marketing (P1) Golf broadcasting/working for Golf Channel/advocate for women’s game/consumer engagement (P7) Loves golf software and technology (P9) Experimenting through internships (P6) Enjoys many aspects, variety, and learning (P8) Trying to figure out long-term (P9, P12) Open to a lot of different things (P10) Not a fan of merchandising and teaching (P5) Not teaching higher skill level (P3) Wrote off teaching for a while (P10) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant who contributed to each lower-order theme. Overall PGA Golf Management Internship Experiences The researcher asked each participant about their overall PGA Golf Management internship experiences. The responses were extremely revealing and varied broadly in terms of the characteristics of the internship that were addressed and the profundity that participants provided. These experiences are summarized below and in Table 6. 76 Participant 1 Participant 1 “didn’t really love” her first internship, stating that she hadn’t done much research on the facility during the interview and selection process. The course was hectic and had a 36-hole public resort facility. As it was high-paced, she felt “overwhelmed” even though it was only three months long. Despite being very outgoing, Participant 1 learned that the public-resort type of facility would not be a viable long-term option. She completed much more background research and interviews with facilities for her second internship. Participant 1 “was more selective” and chose the site for her second internship “based off of my boss and how like welcoming he was” and the presence of other female interns and professionals at the golf course. Participant 2 Participant 2 described her internship experiences as “great” and “awesome” overall, stating, “I’ve definitely learned way more like onsite on my internships than I would’ve ever learned just sitting in a classroom.” Her first internship was a typical assistant professional role, spending most of the time in the golf shop, running tournaments, and supervising group golf. For Participant 2’s second internship, she left after a month “because the environment was not something that I wanted to tolerate.” She “didn’t want to stay there and not learn anything.” The third internship was a much-improved situation and included merchandising for a professional golf tournament and hands-on experience with tournament operations, including Golf Genius software and course setup. Participant 3 When asked about her overall internship experiences within the PGA Golf Management program, Participant 3 revealed the internship sites and durations. All three internships were completed at some of the most prestigious and well-known facilities in the United States, 77 measuring three, six, and seven months in length, respectively. Her internship experiences were positive overall and provided fun moments and opportunities to learn and grow. Participant 4 Participant 4 had completed two internships at the time of the interview. Her first internship was three months in length due to Covid restrictions and vaccination requirements causing workers to get laid off or quit. Participant 4 also had a challenging relationship with the head professional and general manager at this facility but stuck it out for the summer so as to avoid burning any bridges. The second internship experience was much improved. At six months in length, Participant 4 could take on many more roles and responsibilities at a bustling private club as several assistant professionals had left before the start of the season. Further, the site had several other female interns and assistant professionals to help guide her through the experience. Participant 5 Participant 5 completed her first internship at a private, 18-hole facility. Several other PGA Golf Management interns from her school and other programs were also at the site. The internship was three months long, and Participant 5 described the experience as her “least favorite internship.” The facility had not had a female on the golf professional staff in 10 years, with one member even exclaiming upon her arrival, ‘It’s about effing time we had a female here.’ She learned a lot of standard outdoor operations skills during this first experience. Participant 5’s second internship was seven or eight months long and labeled “awesome.” She was in charge of running weekly tournaments and played a lot with the membership. The facility hosted a professional golf tournament during her tenure and was a much-improved experience compared to her first internship. Additionally, the second internship experience delivered opportunities to be involved with women’s clinics, leagues, and teaching. The third internship experience for 78 Participant 5 was at a large resort facility, where she operated tournaments and events for six months. Participant 5 stated, “So there were days where we had like three or four events going on at once, and we had five staff members at the tournament office. So that got very hectic, but I wouldn't change that experience either.” She noted that the facility was much more diverse than previous experiences, including a female head professional and several female assistant professionals. Participant 6 Participant 6 had completed two internships that were three months in length each. For her first internship, she stayed closer to home, within 45 minutes. Participant 6 portrayed it as “a great experience” and a typical “freshman internship” in outside operations and golf car fleet management. For the second internship experience, she moved across the country for three months, causing some struggles with being far away from her family. Additionally, Participant 6 was the only female professional on staff at this site, but also termed it a “great experience.” Participant 7 Participant 7 had accomplished four different internship experiences during the interview, with mixed reviews of both positive and negative endeavors. Her first internship was at a facility close to campus and “a standard work behind the desk, pro shop internship.” Overall, she was not the biggest fan of the first internship as the experience did not push her enough or use her creative skills. Participant 7 left the internship early and joined a golf equipment and training aid company to complete contracted media-related and promotional materials. She classified her third internship as working for a professional golf tour in the capacity of tournament operations and media content. The fourth internship circled back to another golf course close to campus 79 with media marketing responsibilities. She described it as “a bunch of behind the desk, typical pro shop job.” Participant 8 Participant 8’s first internship experience was three months in length at a multi-course resort facility. She worked at several courses in outside operations and as a camp counselor. For her second internship, she was at a busy resort course in the summer and a public course close to campus so that she could compete on the golf team during the fall season. She stated that the course was high-volume, and she could get many types of experience, such as tee time management, tournament operations, merchandising, and a little instruction. Participant 8 completed her final internship at a resort course. She was there for six months and “really did end up enjoying it.” She was again able to get diverse experiences and “did everything.” Participant 9 Participant 9 “kind of stuck to what” she “was comfortable with” for her internship experiences. She completed her first and second internships, three months each, at her local home course, a private facility. For Participant 9’s third and fourth internships, she joined the staff at a public golf course during the fall season so she could also compete on the golf team during the academic year. Regarding the third and fourth internships, she said, “I felt like I really didn't get that good of an experience there. It was just kind of a position to fulfill my requirement. It wasn't really benefiting me that much I didn't feel like.” During the fourth internship, the facility had a new director of golf. Participant 9 thought this was a good transition and believed the overall situation and experience improved from the third internship, completed at the same facility. In describing her preferences for private and public facilities, Participant 9 said: 80 But I have to say it did make me realize that I don't want to be at a public golf course. Because for me to like to fill my cup, I guess, or to feel like I have a purpose in the golf industry is connecting with members. And I feel like it's harder to connect with public people because you're probably not going to see them again. Participant 10 Participant 10 completed 16 months of internships at a variety of facility types, declaring: I wanted to take as much advantage over my internships as possible. So, I worked public, I worked resort, I worked private, I worked semi-private. So, I just wanted to experience everything so I could figure out what exactly I wanted. The first internship was three months in length at a resort-style course that also had members (semi-private). She thought it was a “good experience” and loved the unique location in the Midwest. The second internship was “awesome” and probably her “favorite” overall. Participant 10 gained various skills and work experiences at this facility and noted that the bosses were “great.” Participant 10 stayed close to campus for her third internship to compete during the fall college golf season. The facility was a busy public golf course that improved her multitasking skills, although she designated it “not necessarily my favorite place.” The fourth internship was a combination of working for a professional golf event for one month in a merchandising capacity and a semi-private facility for an additional six months. Participant 11 Participant 11 had completed three internships by the time of our interview. The first internship was a private facility with a par three course and a main course. She mainly worked in the golf shop during this experience, which Participant 11 “was happy with” it. Participant 11 met many great members and portrayed the area as very welcoming. Her second internship was 81 “a different experience” at a private facility. She gained critical skills in tournament operations and took on the role of an assistant professional. For the third internship, Participant 11 went back to the facility from her first internship and gained further experience with teaching and coaching. She noted that she hasn’t “really had any bad experiences in the golf industry.” Participant 12 Participant 12 has fulfilled two internships, one three months in length and another six months in length, both at the same facility. After doing some research, she found a PGA Golf Management alum at a facility and feels like that aspect helped her get a variety of involvement during both internship experiences. When Participant 12 returned to the facility for her second internship, they had a completely different staff besides the head professional. She took on a more prominent role during the second experience, much like a full-time assistant professional, and asserted: I really loved it. It was an awesome experience. And um, at the end, it went super smoothly. He was super appreciative of all of us and it was just a great experience. I loved the team, I loved all the members that were there. So, it was good. Participant 13 Participant 13 had completed two three-month internships. The first experience was at “an amazing course” with “outstanding” facilities. However, it wasn’t quite the internship she hoped for: “It just wasn’t a very good experience overall for an internship.” She was stuck with doing non-golf related tasks, maintaining: “I spent most of my time up there honestly just taking out the trash, and I got stuck with the job of detailing members' vehicles.” The staff was also “not very welcoming to an intern” and cliquey. Further, the other interns at the facility were also having a negative experience, and none of them could get help with their PGA work experience 82 activities required for completing the program. Participant 13’s second internship was “amazing” and she “couldn’t have asked for a better experience.” She spent much of the time in the golf shop and learned formative skills such as tournament operations, women’s clinics, and teaching and coaching. When reflecting on the second internship compared to her first experience, Participant 13 maintained: “I really got to do whatever I wanted to learn. My boss was really flexible and worked well with me. So that kind of covered up the bad internship.” Participant 14 Participant 14’s two internship experiences were both at private facilities near campus. Overall, both facilities did not meet her expectations for work experience and gaining skills necessary for professional development. Participant 14 shared that she didn’t do much and had little responsibility during these experiences. She “loved them as people” but “just didn’t like where” she worked. The staff was very encouraging for her second internship initially, but that quickly turned into her feeling unwelcome and not gaining much professional experience. Additionally, there were some interpersonal conflicts with her colleagues and supervisor. Ultimately, she “wanted to learn more and everything like that” and reported not learning “anything that I didn’t already know.” Table 6. Overall PGA Golf Management internship summary of experiences General Dimension Participant Summary of Experiences Internship Experiences Participant 1 Participant 2 First Internship – didn’t love it; 36-hole public resort; overwhelmed, high-paced Second Internship – did more research; completed more interviews; received several offers; chose because of supervisor (male); more females at the course; private country club First Internship – assistant professional role; pro shop; tournaments; group golf Second Internship – left after one month Third Internship – merchandising; tournaments 83 Table 6. (cont’d) Participant 3 Participant 4 Participant 5 Participant 6 Participant 7 Participant 8 Participant 9 First Internship – 3 months Second Internship – 6 months Third Internship – 7 months First Internship – horrible; understaffed; Covid precautions; vaccination requirements caused coworkers to quit; poor relationship with head professional Second Internship – several other female interns and assistant professionals; picked up a lot of responsibility as others left their positions; very busy private club First Internship – 3-months; private facility; least favorite internship Second Internship – private facility; lots of tournaments Third Internship – tournaments; membership events; female PGA professional/tournament director; several female assistant professionals; all-female management crew First Internship – 3 months; close to home, outside operations; female assistant professional helped Second Internship – 3 months; moved across the country; struggled; overall good experience First Internship – pro shop; did not enjoy as much; not able to be creative Second Internship – media-related content Third Internship – tournament operations for minor league tour Fourth Internship – media marketing; pro shop First Internship – outside operations; camp counselor/mentor for Nike junior camps; loved the area Second Internship – split internship at local courses close to campus for college golf season Third Internship – learned a lot; wonderful experience First/Second Internships – course close to hometown; familiar with operations and staff; private facility; two summer semesters Third/Fourth Internships – public course close to campus so could complete; two fall semesters; most pro shop; didn’t get a lot of great experience; position to fulfill internship requirements; new boss (male) was very open to get her involved in operations 84 Table 6. (cont’d) First Internship – really cool experience; resort course out West; overall pretty good Second Internship – awesome; favorite internship; lots of variety and responsibility; every day was something new Third Internship – public golf course; multitasking; not necessarily favorite place Fourth Internship – semi-private golf course; interesting experience; wanted more merchandising opportunities; one month of merchandising for professional golf event First Internship – private club with resort as well; par 3 and main courses; overall happy with experience; met lots of great members; incredible and nice people Second Internship – different experience; assistant professional role; hands-on; nice membership; bigger membership Third Internship – assistant professional role; pro shop; media/marketing First/Second Internships – both at same facility; head professional was a PGM program graduate; staff changed during second internship; was able to step in and take on more responsibility in second summer; awesome experience; loved the team; loved all the members First Internship – amazing course; outstanding facilities; not a great internship experience; given crap duties; didn’t gain much golf operations experience; private facility; staff was not very welcoming for an intern; boss did not help with PGA work experience activities Second Internship – amazing; private facility; couldn’t have asked for a better experience; flexible; boss was good First Internship – pro shop; liked the people but didn’t like what she was doing; private facility; toxic environment Second Internship – pro shop; private facility; poor interactions with professional staffs; not much added experience Participant 10 Participant 11 Participant 12 Participant 13 Participant 14 85 Internship Type Participants divulged, either directly or through follow-up questions, the type of facility or site for their internship experiences (see Table 7). For a few of the facilities, the researcher conducted an internet search of the facility to gain a better understanding of the type. Overall, female PGA Golf Management participants reported 37 different internship experience types as a general dimension, averaging 2.64 internships per participant. Higher-order themes reported the internship types of Private/Club, Public, Resort, Semi-Private, and Other. All but one participant (Participant 8) had completed an internship at a Private/Club facility, with 10 participants having fulfilled internship requirements at multiple facilities of this type. Private/Club, lower-order theme internships accounted for 23 experiences or 62.16% of the total. Public facility internships as a lower-order theme were distinguished by three participants, with Participant 9 completing two public golf course internships, for a total of four, or 10.81% of all internship types. Resort lower-order theme facility types accounted for five participants’ unique internship experiences, or 13.51% of the total internship types. Semi-Private internship types as a higher-order theme were experienced by Participant 8 for 2.70% representation. Participants 4, 7, and 10 have completed four (10.81% of total) internship types at national golf associations, an equipment company, and a professional golf tour to make up the higher-order theme of Other. Table 7. Internship type General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Internship Type n = 37 Private/Club Public Resort Semi-Private Other 86 Lower-Order Themes P1, P2, P3(3), P4(2), P5(2), P6(2), P7, P9(2), P10(2), P11(2), P12(2), P13(2), P14(2); n = 23 P8, P9(2), P10; n = 4 P1, P2, P5, P8, P10; n = 5 P8; n = 1 National Association P5, P10; Equipment Company P7; Professional Tour P7; n = 4 Table 7. (cont’d) Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant internship type, and the number in parentheses indicates multiple internship experiences at the facility type. n = number of participant experiences. Internship Roles and Responsibilities The researcher directly queried participants about their duties, tasks, roles, and responsibilities during their PGA Golf Management internship experiences. As presented in Table 8, participants had varied, both in scope and extent, internship roles and responsibilities. Moreover, interns may be promised specific roles and responsibilities or have them in a written job description or contract before employment; however, the actual internship experience did not entail those duties. Therefore, the investigator asked about the direct roles and responsibilities assigned at each internship experience. Additionally, this information may have been disclosed in other areas of the interview and included in this general dimension. Overall, participants recounted 78 internship roles and responsibilities, averaging 5.57 each. The researcher established higher-order themes using participant data and similar language or terminology the PGA of America utilized in their educational and work experience programs. The higher-order theme of Tournament Operations as an internship role and responsibility was featured in 12 distinctive participant experiences, or 15.38% of all such roles and responsibilities. Next, the higher-order themes of Golf Shop and Merchandising/Sales were attained as internship roles and responsibilities from nine participant occurrences, accounting for 11.54% of the total roles and responsibilities. Outside Operations, Teaching/Coaching, and Junior Golf were reported by seven participants apiece as higher-order themes. These assignments explain 8.97% of the total internship roles and responsibilities from the participant responses. Tee Time Management was a noteworthy internship role and responsibility for six unique participants, which is 7.69% of the 87 total roles and responsibilities. Next, five participants reported the higher-order themes of Golf Car Fleet Management and Girls/Women’s Leagues, or 6.41% of described internship roles and responsibilities, respectively. Phone, Media, and Golf Operations were established as unique higher-order themes of internship roles and responsibilities from two participants each, which is 2.56% of such tasks correspondingly. Finally, the higher-order theme related to internship roles and responsibilities of Other included responses from four participants, with Participant 8 sharing two unique lower-order themes. Participant 2 had a significant role or responsibility in group golf, Participant 7 completed hospitality-related duties, Participant 8 was involved with equipment through demo days and employee scheduling, and supervisors asked Participant 13 to detail members’ cars at a private facility. These distinctive internship roles and responsibilities individually account for 1.28% of each of the total reported by study participants. Table 8. Internship roles and responsibilities General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Internship Roles/ Responsibilities n = 78 Phone Tee Time Management Golf Shop Merchandising/Sales Tournament Operations Golf Car Fleet Management Outside Operations Junior Golf Girls/Women’s Leagues Teaching/Coaching Media Golf Operations Other P1, P2; n = 2 P1, P8, P9, P10, P12, P13; n = 6 P1, P3, P7, P8, P9, P11, P12, P13, P14; n = 9 P1, P2, P5, P6, P8, P9, P10(2), P12; n = 9 P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P8, P9, P11, P12, P13; n = 12 P1, P2, P5, P6, P10; n = 5 P3, P4, P5, P6, P8, P10, P13; n = 7 P3, P4, P5, P6, P8, P10, P11; n = 7 P3, P4, P9, P10, P13; n = 5 P6(2), P8, P9, P10, P11, P13; n = 7 P7, P14; n = 2 P10, P12; n = 2 Group Golf P2, Hospitality P7, Equipment/Demo Days P8, Employee Scheduling P8, Detailing Members’ Cars P13; n = 5 88 Table 8. (cont’d) Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant’s internship experience, and the number in parentheses indicates multiple internship experiences at the facility type. n = total number of participant experiences. Internship Supervisor Characteristics The interviewer asked participants about the general dimension of internship supervision and who they directly reported to during their internship experiences (see Table 9). Some participants revealed their supervisor titles and gender in other areas of the interview, which is presented in Table 10. With a total of 33 supervisor titles, participants divulged the higher-order themes of Head Professional (n = 14; 42.42%), Director of Golf (n = 7; 21.21%), Merchandiser (n = 3; 9.09%), Assistant Professional (n = 2; 6.06%), General Manager (n = 2, 6.06%), Tournament Director (n = 2, 6.06%), and Other (n = 3; 9.09%). Other lower-order themes represented as Other include Participants 2 and 3 having multiple supervisors at the same facility and Participant 10 reporting to an Outside Operations Manager. Concerning gender, participants identified 28 internship supervisors’ genders, including 23 males (82.14%) and five females (17.86%). Table 9. Internship supervisor titles General Dimensions Internship Supervisor Titles n = 33 Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Director of Golf Assistant Professional General Manager Merchandiser Tournament Director Head Professional Other P1, P9, P10(2), P11(2), P13; n = 7 P1, P6; n = 2 P2, P8; n = 2 P2, P3, P10; n = 3 P5, P7; n = 2 P1, P2, P4(2), P5, P6(2), P8(2), P9, P12, P13, P14(2); n = 14 Multiple Supervisors P2, P3, Outside Operations Manager P10; n = 3 Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant internship supervisor title, and the number in parentheses indicates multiple supervisors with the respective title. n = total number of participant experiences. 89 Table 10. Internship supervisor gender General Dimensions Internship Supervisors: Gender n = 28 Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Male Female P1(2), P2(2), P4(2), P5, P6, P7, P8(3), P9(3), P10(3), P12, P13(2), P14(2); n = 23 P2, P3, P5, P6, P7; n = 5 Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant internship supervisor’s gender and the number in parentheses indicates multiple supervisors with the respective gender. n = total number of participant experiences. Internship Experience: Favorite Aspects During the interview process, the researcher asked participants about their favorite aspects of the internship experiences as a general dimension (see Table 11). The higher-order themes of Building Relationships and Networking, Colleagues/Coworkers, Playing Golf, Fun Environment, Unique Opportunities, Professional Development, and the Membership at Facility were identified from the participant responses. Participants reported 50 unique lower-order themes. Building Relationships Participants 1, 2, 8, and 10 asserted that building relationships were one of their favorite aspects of the internship experience. Participant 1 enjoyed meeting new people at each of her internship sites. Participant 2 appreciated personal and professional relationships, sharing, “I mean, I think the people that I’ve met have made a really strong impression on me and caused more positive ways than negative.” Participant 8 expressed how rewarding it can be to meet others that are also passionate about the game of golf and from all around the country: I think just the different people that you meet alone is really fun because what's funny is, no matter what area you're in, there is people that are the same as where you were before. They all have a big wide range of personality. But they remind you of people who are at 90 home or other people that you know. And so that's really fun to do that and share your stories and show them different things that you like to do. And then they would show you different things that they would like to do as well. Participant 10 enjoyed all the connections she made while on internship and “how small the golf industry is and you kind of reconnect with those people later on in life.” Colleagues/Coworkers Colleagues and coworkers were also viewed as a favorite aspect of the internship, representing six respective participant lower-order themes/meaning units. Participant 3, despite some challenges with her internship experiences, became close with some of the other intern coworkers. Participant 4 appreciated the team and staff at her second internship, compared to the toxic environment at the first site. Participant 10 valued the welcoming nature of the staff and supervisors at each of her internship experiences, especially when moving to different parts of the country. Participant 12 conveyed the importance of her colleagues and co-workers while on internship: I think most of the memories came from my coworkers, I guess specifically the outside ops members because they were around the same age as I was. I was the only intern there for both of those times. So, I didn't get to like meet a lot of people outside of work. But those friendships that I made on those outside ops, I would go out and play golf with them. Those really stuck with me. I still keep in touch with all of them, which is great. Playing Golf An enjoyable aspect of working in the golf industry is the opportunities to play golf at some of the best golf courses in the world. Twelve lower-order themes surfaced regarding playing golf as one of the favorite aspects of participant internship experiences. Participant 1 91 offered, “I got to play every Tuesday, like on the clock, and play in the lady’s duos, which was so much fun.” Playing golf with fellow interns and female golfers was an enjoyable aspect of internships for Participant 3, citing: But it was just a blast and playing with the interns. That was also so much fun. We'd like run around, we’d chase each other on the golf course. Try to like catch up to the next team to see where they're at, score-wise. Despite an undesirable first internship experience, Participant 4 was able to “play some cool golf courses.” Participant 4 “enjoyed that part of going out with women and that kind of thing” during her second internship. Participant 8 credited her colleagues with making playing and practicing fun, allowing her to keep her game sharp for competition. Participant 11’s favorite aspect of the internship experience was that she “got to play a lot of golf.” Fun Environment Five participants used the word “fun” to describe the overall atmosphere and experience when asked about the favorite aspects of their internships. Thus, a Fun Environment was established as a higher-order theme with five lower-order themes and meaning units. Participant 1 described her second internship as “a super fun internship.” At the same time, Participant 3 could “joke around” with her fellow interns and “have fun on the job, even though we’d be working like crazy hours.” At Participant 4’s second internship, she was “always excited to see my coworkers because we have a good time.” Participant 7 thoroughly enjoyed the golf course setup for tournaments while completing an internship experience with a professional golf tour. “I got to utilize my competitive side and try to build an interesting course for them to play,” she said. At each of her internship sites, Participant 8 enjoyed having that one person “who knows 92 how to make it light and fun.” Adding, “I think just people alone, I mean, make it just so much fun.” Unique Opportunities Participants 7, 10, and 12 pointed to the higher-order theme of Unique Opportunities during their internships. Participant 7 described the travel aspect as one of the favorite aspects of her internships. Participant 10 noted the unique opportunities provided in the PGA Golf Management program (e.g., traveling, paid internship experiences, playing top golf courses) compared to peers in other academic programs. Additionally, Participant 12 articulated some of the different experiences within the PGA Golf Management program when it comes to internships: “And outside of that, just overall, the whole experience, I got so many opportunities compared to some of my classmates that maybe didn't get it or they didn't like their internships as much.” Professional Development Internships are a tremendous time for professional development, as discovered by seven participants, representing 12 lower-order themes within this higher-order theme. Participant 2 was thankful for the professional development in merchandising and tournament operations: “That’s just where I find like more fulfillment, I guess.” As one of the favorite aspects of her internship experiences, Participant 3 enjoyed becoming the “go-to person in the golf shop.” Participant 5 gained professional development in teaching and coaching by leading a PGA Junior League team and being around a professional golf event for an extended period. Participant 6 had many favorite things about her internships: Um, I, my first year, I really enjoyed like the junior clinics. Um, and I kind of got excited about merchandise a little bit because at the end of the summer, like it kind of felt like a 93 privilege a little bit, being let into the shop and being able to do that kind of stuff. Um, and then I really enjoyed the individual lessons I was able to do last summer because I started out kind of just with junior clinics and stuff like that. Then a couple of ladies approached me about individual lessons. Um, and that just got me really excited, kind of re-energized me about the golf industry and growing the game and stuff like that. Participant 7 added the tremendous professional opportunities associated with tournament operations and being on the other side of competition compared to college golf. Participant 9 was able to take on a significant amount of responsibility in her role as an intern. More specifically, she shared that one of her favorite aspects of the internship experience has been running the women’s league and taking over as tournament director for the men’s member-guest event when the head professional was out with Covid-19. Participant 10 mentioned the autonomy and tremendous training she has been given at each internship site as instrumental in her professional development. Membership at Facility The higher-order theme of Membership at internship sites was also a favorite aspect or memory of the internship for the participants, with five participants crediting this group with enhancing their experiences. Participant 1 denoted that her first internship membership was primarily male. Still, she preferred and enjoyed equal gender makeup at her second internship: “I also loved it because the membership was 50/50, which is just phenomenal like there were so many women there like, it felt like there were more women than men. And I loved that.” Participant 4 stated how important it is for both the female professional and female membership to have each other and add a level of comfort, sharing: 94 And so, I enjoyed that part of going out with women and that kind of thing. I think it makes them more comfortable seeing more females in the golf shop because it makes it less intimidating. Knowing that you're not the only one and that it's not like a big deal. Participant 13 mentioned the juxtaposition of having a supportive membership during an overall negative internship experience: The membership is kind of a make-or-break factor for me…they knew I was struggling. So, they would try to help as much as they could. So, I was always going out to dinner with them. They were always telling me how good of a job I was doing. It helped a lot to know that you have some sort of support, you know. Similarly, despite both internship experiences having their challenges, Participant 14 remarked on the critical nature of the membership: I enjoyed the members in both clubs. I really like became good friends with a lot of the members and like still talk to them until today. And I think that was my best part because they always were encouraging, always gave me opportunities. Table 11. Internship experience: Favorite aspects General Dimensions Internship Experience: Favorite Aspects n = 50 Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Building Relationships and Networking Colleagues/Coworkers Playing Golf Fun Environment Unique Opportunities Professional Development Membership at Facility P1, P2(2), P8(2), P10; n = 6 P3, P4, P8, P10, P12; n = 6 P1(4), P3(2), P4(2), P8, P11(3); n = 12 P1, P3, P4, P7, P8; n = 5 P7, P10, P12; n = 3 P2, P3, P5(2), P6(3), P7, P9(2), P10(2); n = 12 P1, P4, P6, P13(2), P14; n = 6 Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant’s internship experience, and the number in parentheses indicates multiple meaning units per participant. n = total number of participant experiences. 95 Internship Experience: Recommendations to Other PGM Students The researcher asked participants if they would recommend their internship experiences to other PGA Golf Management students (see Table 12). The higher-order themes of Yes, Yes, with Reservations, and No transpired from the data. Of the 37 total internship types originally cited by participants, the general dimension of internship recommendations secured 35 lower- order theme responses, accounting for 94.59%. Participants recommended 29 (82.86%) of their internship experiences with a resounding “Yes.” Participant 5 accounted for one response (2.86%) of Yes, with Reservations due to a change in management since her experience. Participants 1, 3, 4, 13, and 14 did not recommend one of their internships, for 5 “No” responses, or 14.29% of the recommendation responses. Participant 1 cited the overwhelming and fast- paced nature of her first internship, as well as a “lack of guidance and management” for a lack of endorsement. The relationship with the merchandiser supervisor and lack of opportunities for female interns were reasons for not providing a recommendation for one of Participant 3’s internship experiences. Participant 4 told her internship director that “absolutely under no circumstances should you ever send someone here ever again” for her first internship site. The overall lack of guidance, timing with Covid-19 vaccination requirements, contract/duty mismatch, and lack of opportunities to complete PGA educational requirements as roadblocks at her first internship experience. Cliques, contract/duty mismatches, and a lack of supervisor support in completing her PGA educational requirements were cited by Participant 13 in not recommending her first internship. Lastly, Participant 14 experienced interpersonal differences, being overlooked, and office politics at her second internship, leading to an absence of approval for the site. 96 Table 12. Internship experience: Recommendations to other PGM students General Dimensions Internship Experience: Recommendations to Other PGM Students n = 35 Higher- Order Themes Yes Yes, with Reservations Lower-Order Themes P1(Second Internship), P2(All Three Internships), P3(Two Internships), P4(Second Internship), P5(Second and Third Internships), P6(Both Internships), P7(First and Third Internships), P8(All Three Internships), P9(First and Second Internships) P10(All Five Internships), P11(Both Internships), P12(Both Internships), P13(Second Internship), P14(First Internship); n = 29 P5(Change in Management); n = 1 No P1(First Internship), P3(One Internship), P4(First Internship), P13(First Internship), P14(Second Internship); n = 5 Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant internship experience recommendation to other PGM Students, and the content in parentheses indicates multiple meaning units per participant. n = total number of participant experiences. Internship Challenges: Non-Gender-Based Treatment After asking the participants about their general golf and internship experiences, the interviewer asked about internship challenges (see Table 13). Seventy-eight unique lower-order themes emerged in this space, averaging 5.57 per participant. Responses of the general dimension Internship Challenges consisted of 25 in the higher-order theme of gender-based treatment, or 32.05% of reported encounters. These gender-based treatments’ lower-order themes are coded in subsequent sections using the thematic analysis processes. Participants reported additional higher-order themes of Unclear Expectations, Workload, Contract and Duties Mismatch, Organizational Culture, Gaining Respect/Assumption of Inferiority, Temporary Employment, Professional Limitations, Assertiveness/Self-Advocacy, and Others. 97 Unclear Expectations Participant 1 cited overall confusion and a lack of guidance as distinct challenges during her first internship experience: “So I was kind of just like confused a lot, but in the lack of guidance kind of like, I don't know, it's just, it didn't feel organized for me.” Workload The overall workload was cited by Participants 2, 3, 10, and 11 as significant internship challenges. Regarding the lower-order theme of Duty Type, Participant 2 mentioned getting “crap work” as an intern, and Participant 10 suggested that: If they find that you're really good at something, and they just use that as repetition, like we're going to keep giving this to you. We're going to keep doing this because you're really good at it. Like you just keep doing it, and then you get burnt out. Participant 4 was dismissed and treated like a second-class citizen, a “body,” and low on the hierarchy during her first internship. Concerning the lower-order theme of Unpaid Labor, Participant 4 did not get paid for teaching or observing lessons and clinics, even though the female golfers found her relatable as an instructor. Two additional lower-order themes, Picking Up Slack and Hours, were coded in the Workload higher-order theme. Participant 10 shared that her strong work ethic caused others to get a “free pass”: I like to think that I have a pretty strong work ethic, and I think that has somewhat kind of, not ruined my experience or anything, but just sort of deterred me and made me not want to go to work near as much because there would be someone there that maybe didn't work as hard and didn't put in the extra effort. And they just seem to get a free pass. And then, the workload got moved on to me, which I'm more than happy to take on. But sometimes it's, you would just have to have the conversation with your boss like, I can't 98 do it. Like, there's not enough time in the day for me to be able to do my job and this person's job. And I would say that's been kind of a reoccurring effect throughout my internships and everything. Participant 11 quoted working 60 hours per week at one of her internship experiences: The golf industry is more like a factory because I was working 60 hours a week. So, you don't get to play that much golf with the members and stuff. So, you don't get to know them as much because you're just so busy doing tournaments. Contract and Duties Mismatch Three participants mentioned the internship challenge of Contract and Duties Mismatch as a higher-order theme. Participant 4’s duties and internship contract did not match up once she arrived on site. Similarly, Participant 13’s offer letter did not align with the experience: Basically, like the offer letter they sent me and they stated in it that I would be in the golf shop helping with tournaments, shadowing lessons, doing junior camps. They promised a bunch of stuff, and then I got there and obviously didn't do any of it. Um, and I had several meetings with my boss, and he would kind of just play it off like it didn't matter. So, it was tough. It never really got solved. I kind of just had to stick it out and make it to August. But we did have several meetings, and nothing came of it. But at least I could say I tried. Finally, Participant 14 also expressed a need for more alignment between her job contract and actual duties, citing poor mentorship from site supervisors. Organizational Culture Organizational Culture emerged as a higher-order theme internship challenge from two participants, Participants 1 and 4. Participant 1, as mentioned previously in the Unclear 99 Expectations higher-order theme, expanded on the inexperienced and unorganized nature of the staff. Participant 4 also faced challenges in the form of a hostile and verbally abusive general manager at her first internship, sharing, “he would scream at employees in front of the first tee where members are literally about to tee off screaming, I'm saying screaming at employees.” Moreover, the staff experienced high turnover during the three-month internship. Gaining Respect/Assumption of Inferiority While the higher-order theme of Gaining Respect/Assumption of Inferiority overlapped with gender-based treatment occurrences, this section focuses on more general “intern” status. Participants 3, 11, 12, and 14 enumerated this maltreatment during their internship experiences. As an intern, Participant 3 found it challenging to have customers not want to go to her directly. Instead, they would ask if one of the assistant professionals or the head professional was working. Participant 3 also considered gaining the respect of members more generally as a challenging aspect of her internship experiences, maintaining, “That's really the main, main challenge is just being like respected by members almost.” Participant 12 shared similar experiences of golfers and colleagues questioning her knowledge due to being an intern and a female. Participant 11 finds it challenging to gain the respect of members and golfers straight away due to those two factors, compared to her male colleagues: Yeah. I mean, definitely, one thing that just annoyed me a little bit. As far as just being a female in the golf industry, one was just like having the respect for a female that they would have for male golf professionals. Participant 14 has experienced the direct and vicarious challenge of spending much time on a project or task and ultimately not having it implemented by supervisors without justification or feedback. 100 Professional Limitations Professional Limitations surfaced as a higher-order theme of internship challenges experienced by female PGA Golf Management participants. More specifically, Participant 4 was not allowed to get involved in teaching females at her internship site and could only observe lessons for no pay. Participant 7 summarized her perceived challenges as being given a false career outlook, a lack of alternative career paths, and issues during the internship site approval processes: But really, when it comes down to having that freedom or those different paths where you're not just another spitting image of the last person that just came through. It's a, there’s a very, very, very narrow path there. It's like walking on thin ice trying to make sure that PGA of America is on the same path and is going to approve of that site or whatnot. Analogously, Participant 11 felt like she had to start over in golf, despite playing at a high competitive level in college, mentioning: But I think it's a hard thing when you have played college golf and then you move into the PGA world; you kind of have to start again. You know, start from the bottom. So that's a hard pill to swallow and challenging to get into a coaching position immediately, which is impossible. Despite emphasizing this knowledge base in the PGA Golf Management educational program, a lack of teaching and coaching-tailored internships was also challenging for Participant 11. Assertiveness/Self-Advocacy The higher-order theme of Assertiveness/Self-Advocacy transpired from three participants’ responses to their overall internship challenges. Participant 8 spoke to the demand 101 to adjust your mindset, not take things personally, provide exceptional customer service, and gain an awareness of tone as lower-order themes. Participants 2 and 12 also shared the need to be more assertive and advocate for themselves as an intern, especially being female. Other Several other general internship challenges included low-quality meals (Participant 4), social isolation (Participant 6), bureaucracy or industry politics (Participant 14), and the paucity of challenging situations occurring (Participants 5 and 12). Table 13. Internship challenges, non-Gender-based treatment General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Unclear Expectations n = 2 Internship Challenges n = 78 Workload n = 6 Contract and Duties Mismatch n = 3 Organizational Culture n = 4 Gaining Respect/Assumption of Inferiority n = 5 Temporary Employment n = 4 Gender-Based Treatment n = 25 Professional Limitations n = 6 Lower-Order Themes Confusion (P1) Lack of guidance (P1) Duty type (P2, P10) Body/second-class citizen (P4) Unpaid labor (P4) Picking up slack (P10) Hours (P11) Duties not matching contract (P4) Offer letter not matching actual experience (P13) Internship experience not matching job description (P14) Inexperienced Staff (P1) Unorganized (P1) Hostile General Manager/verbal abuse (P4) High staff turnover (P4) Customers not going to you (P3) Gaining respect of members (P3, P12) Getting same respect level as male colleagues (P11) Not listening to/implementing new ideas (P14) Adjusting to new course (P1) Interacting with new co-workers (P1, P8) Dealing with conflict as temporary employee (P13) Coded in Subsequent Tables Not being able to teach females (P4) Lack of alternative career paths (P7) False career outlook (P7) Internship site approval process (P7) Starting over after college golf (P11) 102 Table 13. (cont’d) Emotional Control n = 6 Other n = 5 Teaching/Coaching internship options (P11) Adjusting mindset (P8) Assertiveness (P2, P12) Customer service (P8) Not taking things personally (P8) Tone awareness (P8) Meals (P4) Most experiences positive, few are challenging (P5, P12) Social isolation (P6) Bureaucracy/politics (P14) Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant’s internship challenge and the corresponding participant. n = total number of participant experiences Uncomfortable Situations – Gender-Based Treatment After learning more about their overall internship challenges, the researcher asked participants about uncomfortable situations during their internship experiences (see Table 14). Within this general dimension, the higher-order themes of No Incidents, Various Experiences, Co-Workers/Colleagues, Golfers/Members, Organizational Support, Overall Prevalence, and Coping/Avoidance were developed from the data. No Incidents Participants 1, 3, 6, 9, 10, and 14 expressed that no discomfort-related incidents had occurred during their internship experiences. However, when asked further questions or expanded on their initial responses, several participants shared examples included in successive general dimensions or higher-order themes. For instance, Participant 1 recounted inappropriate and creepy comments from co-workers and colleagues and a lack of organizational support when she talked to supervisors. Participant 3 also reported sexist comments and vulgarity, sexual objectification, gender-based questioning of knowledge-and restrictive gender roles while on internship and on-campus. Thus, perhaps a participant not attaching a label of “uncomfortable 103 situation” does not automatically mean an individual has not experienced such treatment disparities. Overall Prevalence Three participants shared the overall prevalence or frequency of uncomfortable situations. Participant 8 indicated “lots of examples” and “countless” of these male behaviors in the golf industry. Further, she said, “And so I could go on and on and on about that, there’s so many things.” While Participant 10 noted “definitely little things” occurring at every place she’s worked, but the game is “starting to evolve.” Participant 12 also has “definitely had a couple of instances of their like guests of members coming in” and misbehaving. Vicarious Experiences In expressing the commonness of uncomfortable situations while on internship, three participants shared that they know of this happening to other females in the golf industry, such as a female colleague (Participant 11), roommate (Participant 13), and classmates (Participant 14). Participant 14 expanded: But I do know of some ladies in our program who will not speak up about it because it was pretty bad. And obviously, they come to me as a female president and like to talk about it or whatever. They'd been touched, like sexually harassed and stuff like that, which is not okay anywhere. Um, but not really for myself. I haven't really gone through that. Co-Workers/Colleagues Several participants communicated uncomfortable situations with co-workers and colleagues through the lower-order themes of Verbal Harassment, Inappropriate/Creepy Comments, Physical Touch, Body Size References, and Gender-Based Treatment. Regarding 104 verbal harassment, a male colleague harassed Participant 4 and she eventually went to human resources on-site. Similarly, a male colleague, a temporary contractor, verbally abused Participant 5, and she ultimately had to report it to human resources. Further, Participant 8 said, “I’ve had co-workers tell me that I have no idea what I’m doing and that I shouldn't be there.” Participants 1 and 2 shared that inappropriate behaviors from creepy co-workers had created uncomfortable work scenarios. Participant 1 shared an encounter of physical touch with a co- worker: The guy was the one guy that we worked with, so it was me, and there were two other girls that worked behind the counter at my first internship. And the guy was, that was working with us, was like 60 something and we're 18-year-old girls. So, it probably wasn't a good mix to begin with (laughs). And he was a little touchy as well. Like, I mean, like at one point, like he would like put his arm around us and stuff like that. It was just like weird, like too touchy for, you know, behind-the-counter type stuff. Participant 1 told her supervisor about the inappropriate behaviors of a co-worker, and unfortunately, nothing was done: And then, like, he was still there and it was like we still had to work with them. So, like to me, I was like kind of felt disrespected, like my opinion didn’t matter that I was telling him that we felt uncomfortable and all this was going on. And he still continued to keep him there, and he's still there. Participant 2 reported several older individuals that were creepy co-workers, to the extent that a male colleague was scheduled at different times and they didn’t work shifts together: And we would do everything we could to schedule like me in the morning and him in the afternoon or vice versa, just so that it wasn't as uncomfortable as a situation. I feel like if 105 I would have been full-time, they might have taken it a little more seriously, but because I was an intern and only had four weeks left, they were kind of like, okay, we'll just separate you guys and keep an eye on him. An uncomfortable situation related to body size was directed at Participant 4. Her supervisor called her a “bigger girl," which led to her being pulled out of the golf shop more often due to her height and size. Additionally, Participant 10 was subjected to uncomfortable situations during one of her internship experiences. She shared being treated more negatively than other male interns and being blamed or punished for their mistakes. Golfers/Members A higher-order theme evolved from the data related to gender-based uncomfortable situations involving golfers and members. Participants recounted the lower-order themes of Physical Touch, Dealing with Male Public Golfers, Sexist Language, Gender Roles, Gender- Based Exclusion, and Generational Differences as uncomfortable situations involving golfers and members. Physical touch circumstances were reported by two participants, 2 and 14. Participant 2 shared this experience: I guess my like first ever one was there was like a bunch of drunk guys in the shop and they were on vacation. It's a destination place, so they wanted to get their wife like an outfit. So, I'm coming in, like pulling shirts on the side or whatever. And the guy like came and like put his hand on my like lower back. And I was just like I like just had to back away because if I say anything, then like everybody else is just going to get really worked up. Participant 4 described her physical touch experience: “Like by members, I've been touched on the lower back when they were like talking to me or something and like stuff like that and like 106 not sexually but like a little uncomfortable, I guess.” Participant 1 explained the overall challenges of females dealing with male public golfers, groups, and bachelor parties: So, like, I work, we saw a lot of very like, you know, like weird men that would come through because it was public. So, anybody would come; there’d be guys that were coming for bachelor parties, drunk, yada, yada. So, like, there was a lot of comments made just because I was a girl, you know, stuff like that. Participants 2 and 8 conveyed sexist language as a lower-order theme regarding male golfers and members. Participant 2 has been called “sweetie or honey” by older males. At the same time, Participant 8 was given monetary tips by male golfers or members and received comments regarding what she was wearing or how her hair looked that day. Being resigned to gender roles has created uncomfortable situations for several participants. For example, Participant 2 has been asked to help specific male golf customers at their request, Participants 4 and 6 have not been able to help male members with their clubs, and Participant 6 recognized comments from members about being the only woman on staff. Similarly, Participant 6 has been told, ‘Oh, it’s good that you're staying in the shop’ by male members during tournaments or events out on the course, leading to gender-based exclusion. Three participants illuminated generational differences when describing uncomfortable situations. Participant 5 noted this generational gender-based treatment as occurring “everywhere, other than, yeah, everywhere really, the older generation and how they treat women” as creating uncomfortable situations. Both Participants 11 and 12 echoed these generational differences when sharing awkward situations. Participant 11 stated: “I definitely have seen it happen in the golf industry, especially from older men members, who are maybe from a different generation and don’t really understand, so they think stuff is acceptable when 107 it’s not.” Additionally, Participant 12 identified an uncomfortable situation that included the male friend of an older male member at her internship site, who made advances toward her and pulled her in for a hug. Organizational Support When appropriate or provided by the participant, the researcher asked how particular supervisors or human resources handled uncomfortable situations. Two participants, 1 and 2, noted a need for more supervisor support or action taken for the facility or co-workers as an organization. A supervisor told Participant 1 he would take care of the situation (e.g., talk to the employee about the situation and reprimand him); however, he did not follow-through. The lower-order theme of a lack of male co-worker support was shared by Participant 2. Participants 2 and 4 felt supported when they expressed concerns related to specific employees, but no discipline occurred. On a positive note, Participant 5 was “impressed” with how human resources and her supervisors handled a complaint regarding a temporary contractor, stating: I've never had someone actually say stuff like that, and like actually, I've never had to really deal with being backed up like that. I was shocked. Yeah. I was like, that's really cool. There’s so many things where people speak out, and they're done, like Sayonara, see you next year, but… Participant 7 conveyed that female health issues are not taken as seriously or handled appropriately in the golf industry, leading to uncomfortable conversations and situations: So, it's just little things like that when it's a health issue that you ultimately can't control at the end of the day. And being a female, obviously, we have a different anatomy to our body and whatnot. So, it was just, it was almost unfair to have those comments being made, especially in front of other employees. It's something that if you're going to be 108 frustrated with my health concerns, and either want to know more about what's going on, I feel like there should be a private conversation in the office. Coping/Avoidance Participant 11 shared the lower-order themes of coping and avoidance strategies of evading certain circumstances in the golf industry and dressing conservatively to reduce the chances of encountering uncomfortable situations. Table 14. Uncomfortable situations – gender-based treatment General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Uncomfortable Situations No Incidents Vicarious Experiences Co-Workers/ Colleagues Golfers/Members Organizational Support Overall Prevalence Coping/Avoidance No, not uncomfortable (P1) Been lucky, hasn’t happened on internship (P3) Not necessarily, no major ones (P6) Nothing by supervisors (P9) No, not really (P10, P14) Female colleagues (P11) Roommate (P13) Classmates (P14) Verbal harassment (P4, P5, P8) Inappropriate/creepy comments (P1, P2) Touching by co-worker in his sixties (P1) Body size references (P4) Treated differently than male colleagues by supervisor on internship; blamed for other’s mistakes (P10) Physical touch (P2, P14) Dealing with male public golfers (P1) Sexist language (P2, P8) Gender roles (P2, P4, P6, P8) Gender-based exclusion (P6) Generational differences (P5, P11, P12) No follow through from supervisor/HR (P1) Lack of co-worker support (P2) Supported but no discipline (P2, P4) Full support from supervisor and HR (P5) Female-specific health issues are not supported (P7) Yes, lots of examples: countless stuff; shocking (P8) Little things here and there, starting to evolve (P10) Yeah, a couple of instances (P12) Avoid situations where it could happen (P11) Dresses conservatively (P11) 109 Table 14. (cont’d) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Sexist Comments/Humor/Jokes The researcher asked participants about any sexist comments, humor, or jokes they encountered in the golf industry during their internship experiences (see Table 15). Participants reported the higher-order themes of Overall Prevalence, Vulgarity, Sexual Objectification, Second-Class Citizenship, Assumptions of Inferiority, Accustomed, Male Responses, and Coping/Avoidance. Overall Prevalence When asked about sexist comments, humor, or jokes during their golf internship experiences, six participants (Participants 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 10) initially responded discussing both the intensity and frequency of these forms of verbal aggravation. Participant 3 stated these behaviors happen “quite a bit actually,” while Participant 4 noted, “There’s definitely a lot of like sexist comments.” Participant 5 has often encountered these behaviors with PGA members and male classmates in the PGA Golf Management program. Participant 6 mentioned that she has not noticed “necessarily like any language” but then mentioned when one of the assistant professionals said he wished he worked at an all men’s club so that he didn’t have to organize women’s tournaments. Participant 7 identified: Oh god, there was a lot over the summer. I wish I would have written them down; honestly, now if I would have known this was coming. There was just a lot of like, ‘You’re a girl, don't tell me what to do’… Furthermore, Participant 10 said, “Yeah, a lot of locker room talk” when asked about sexist comments, humor, or jokes in the golf industry. 110 Vulgarity Vulgarity emerged as a higher-order theme within the general dimension of sexist comments, humor, or jokes. More specifically, Participant 1 recalled specific remarks but did not want to make the interviewer uncomfortable but shared that a coworker made a lot of sexual jokes in her presence: “(laughs) Um, a lot of the jokes that like my coworker would make would be like sexual things like things like about like, you know, ‘you wouldn't be good at sex,’ stuff like that, like very inappropriate.” Participant 3 believed it’s usually meant to be a joke but sometimes does cross a line, which “just happens.” Participant 10 recalled that the owner at one of her internship sites had the foulest mouth she’s ever heard : Which usually I find it funny. I don't normally get offended or anything. Um, the only thing that would really offend me was saying that I'm incompetent or something like that because I'm a female. But, it hasn't, nothing that's like necessarily affected me. Participant 12 also shared that she had “one coworker who definitely has a pretty loud mouth” and learned “to take most of his things with a grain of salt.” Additionally, she shared, “So when, if there was any kind of sexist joke that was made, I guess it didn't really stick with me that I thought that I was being targeted in any way.” Sexual Objectification Several participants cited Sexual Objectification as a higher-order theme when asked about sexist comments, humor, or jokes that have occurred in the golf industry during their internship experiences. Participant 1 has previously shared that she was told she “wouldn’t be good at sex” by a coworker. Participant 2 has also experienced male coworkers making comments on the hotness of female coworkers in her presence: 111 And one of the assistants was like, ‘Oh, I don't understand why all these guys outside and stuff can get these girls to go out with them; this girl is the hottest, but this girl's hot, and ________, she’s pretty too.’ And, at the time, I was 18, and he goes, ‘________ is the hottest, but she's just way too young.’ Participant 8 was told, “If you hike up your shorts a little bit more, maybe I would have given you more,” and Participant 14 experienced a male colleague that would “always be on his phone and like have like really like sexual pictures on his phone like at work.” Second-Class Citizenship Participants noted several incidents of sexist comments, humor, or jokes in the form of the higher-order theme of second-class citizenship. Participant 2 shared that a coworker would constantly belittle any female colleague related to various duties. Participant 6, as noted previously, shared a story about a male colleague commenting about having to run women’s events at the club. During her internship with a professional golf tour, Participant 7 was on the receiving end of many derogatory comments: There was just a lot of like, ‘You’re a girl, don't tell me what to do’ because when I was working on the men's tour (professional golf), especially being someone that was running pace of play there, they are obviously playing for thousands of dollars and they aren't going to listen to some 23-year-old that's coming up out of the blue in a golf cart telling them to hurry up. So, there was a lot of derogatory comments under the breath like I'm not going to listen to her. Who does she think she is? She's an intern. Participant 9 cited comments about playing the forward tees, an area that is also addressed in subsequent sections: 112 And a couple of the guys made a comment. That was kind of like, Well, she's got to play our tees. If she's going to play, you know, like that's not fair that she gets to play any tees up, and I played one set of tees up from them. It wasn't like I was playing the golds, I played the blues, and they played the blacks, and some of the guys that were 55 plus got to play the blues anyways. So, I was playing the same tees as some of the older gentlemen anyway. And it was just kind of like, Oh, she can't play; she’s a girl. Assumptions of Inferiority A similar gender microaggression to second-class citizenship is assumptions of inferiority by males, which arose in the form of Participant 12 sharing a lower-order theme on distance and playing ability: Um, a majority of the time, if they are speaking towards me, I guess it's kind of like it's either if I hit it further than them, it's because I'm using a higher club, or if they hit it further than me, it's because I'm a girl and I'm not strong enough. Accustomed The higher-order theme of Accustomed emerged from the interviewer’s question about sexist comments, humor, or jokes. Participants 13 and 14 explained that they are used to these behaviors from growing up in male-dominated spaces such as co-ed high school golf teams, having brothers, and playing sports like hockey. Participant 14 said, “Of course, it's an all-boys team, and then most of the boys’ team was the hockey team. So, you can imagine all the things that were said and everything like that.” Participant 13 also “feels like…one of the boys when they’re joking around like that.” 113 Male Responses A noteworthy higher-order theme also developed in the form of Male Responses based on comments regarding male apologies and filtering by Participant 10: But, um, most cases, I will say the guys do apologize. There are some that are like, I'm not going to say anything; a female is present, I'm not going to. I'm not going to say anything, so they do have somewhat of a filter… And so, I think it was just, I don't know if that was like a sexist way he went about it or not, but I just have a feeling that it would have went differently if a man said it. Coping/Avoidance Participants 3 and 12 offered coping and avoidance strategies which were grouped into the higher-order theme of dealing with sexist comments, humor, or jokes in the male-dominated golf industry. For example, Participant 3 stated: “You know it just like happens, and it is, usually it is a joke, but sometimes it's not. And so, it just kind of happens, and you just kind of like brush it off your shoulder and just continue working.” Participant 12 viewed the comments related to her longer distance as “more of a compliment than something negative, which is good.” Table 15. Sexist comments/humor/jokes General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Sexist Comments/Humor/ Jokes Overall Prevalence Vulgarity Yes, happens quite a bit actually (P3) Yes, there’s definitely a lot of like sexist comments (P4) Yes, happens a lot with PGA Members and male classmates in PGM program (P5) Not necessarily language (P6) Male-dominated sport, a lot during third internship (P7) Yes, a lot of locker room talk (P10) Owner had the foulest mouth she’s ever heard (P10) Co-worker made a lot of sexual jokes (P1) Co-worker had loud mouth, hard to ignore (P12) Remembers specific comments from co-worker but doesn’t want to make interviewer uncomfortable (P1) 114 Table 15. (cont’d) Usually a joke, sometimes not, just happens (P3) Male co-workers commenting on hotness of female employees (P2) Told she wouldn’t be good at sex (P1) Colleague/Supervisor had sexual pictures on his phone and would show them; explicit comments (P14) Asked to “hike up” shorts to earn larger tips (P8) Belittling of female employees (P2) Comments about playing the forward tees (P9) Male Assistant Professional made negative comments about having to be in charge of women’s tournaments and wishing he worked at all men’s club (P6) You’re a girl, don’t tell me what to do (P7) Derogatory comments under their breath (P7) Comments about far she hits it and clubs she’s using (P12) 100% but used to it with brother and being outnumbered in high school; knows what to expect; feels like one of the boys when they’re joking around (P13) High school golf team was also a lot of hockey players; used to practical jokes and comments (P14) Most of the time guys do apologize after (P10) Others are respectful and have a filter if women are present (P10) Brush it off your shoulder and continue working (P3) Take it as a compliment (P12) Sexual Objectification Second-Class Citizenship Assumptions of Inferiority Accustomed Male Responses Coping/Avoidance Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Gender-Based Questioning of Knowledge, Skills, or Abilities Participants were asked about the general dimension of any gender-based treatment they have experienced concerning their knowledge, skills, or abilities within the golf industry (see Table 16). During their internship experiences, participants shared the higher-order themes of Overall Prevalence, Teaching and Coaching, Restrictive Gender Roles, Tournament Rules and Information, Equipment and Clubs, Playing Ability, Overlooked/Invisibility, Second Guessed/Validation, Not Taken Seriously, Coping/Persistence, and Male Responses. 115 Overall Prevalence The lower-order themes of Yes, No, do not think so, and Not that often emerged within the higher-order theme of Overall Prevalence. Participants 5, 7, 8, 11, and 14 suggested that gender-based questioning of their knowledge, skills, or abilities most definitely occurs, responding with phrases such as “yeah, yeah, yeah” (Participant 5), “yeah” (Participant 7), “I believe, yes” (Participant 8), “Yeah, I do” (Participant 13), and “Oh, absolutely” (Participant 14). Participant 6 added that she doesn’t think she’s experienced this directly, and Participant 11 offered: “That's frustrating, but overall, I would say it doesn't happen that often. It happens rarely. But it is frustrating when it happens; I tend just to brush it off, but yeah, it does happen.” Teaching and Coaching Participants 1 and 14 shared that their knowledge, skills, or abilities had been questioned when teaching and coaching golfers. More specifically, Participant 14 noted: Especially teaching, giving golf lessons. More of the like, the male members would say something about it and be like, ‘No, I don't want her, I want him’ or whatever… But I can't really speak on that (teaching male golfers) because I've never really got the experience and been like able to show my knowledge, like it was just completely shut down from the start, I guess you could say. A supervisor, along with colleagues, questioned Participant 1 during her second internship regarding her abilities to teach and coach: My boss wanted me to start giving more lessons, and the …..other assistants (colleagues), like thought that I wasn't capable of giving lessons because I was a female. And like that they were mad that I was taking like, like potential clients that they would give lessons to 116 from them because they wanted to go to me, but they just thought I wasn't capable, I wasn't ready. Restrictive Gender Roles Restrictive Gender Roles was identified as a higher-order theme when participants were queried about gender-based questioning of their knowledge, skills, or abilities while on an internship in the golf industry. Participants 1 and 2 specifically denoted scenarios regarding handling male golfer’s bags when working outside operations at the facility. Participant 1 recalled her boss asking to perform the bag drop one day: I was up there for an hour, and I don't think I was able to grab one bag because the, all the members that were coming were like ‘Where are the guys?’ and I was like, ‘I'm doing it today,’ and they're like, ‘no, like we'll just wait for one of the guys to come grab it.’ I was like, ‘Are you sure? Like I can do it.’ And they were like, ‘No, it's okay. Like one of the guys will come up soon.’ And then, like the guys got mad at me because they're like, ‘Why are you not doing it?’ I was like ‘They won't let me.’ Like people would seriously not hand me their bags. (laughs) I just couldn't even believe it. Similarly, Participant 2 felt restricted to specific roles related to handling a member’s golf bag while on internship: And so, I was trying to take his bags into the cottage and get his golf bag. And he goes, ‘No, No, sweetie, you don't need to touch any of it.’ So, he moved all of his own bags and handed me 50 bucks for just standing there. Like that's my job, I can do the job. I can move the bag. It's fine. Participant 2 has also experienced this role restriction from her colleagues: 117 Then you have the thing where like guys don't think you should be moving that or lifting that. And so especially like we had some pretty big like course signage, and they'd be like, ‘Oh no, you shouldn't be doing that. You can't help us with this,’ and things like that. And I'm just like, I'm the one that knows where it goes. Like I'm showing you where to put it and helping you, just accept it. A male colleague restricted Participant 8 to being a “shop girl” by a male colleague who did not include her in any of the daily golf or tournament operations because she “had a better eye” and knew “more about clothing” as a female. Tournament Rules and Information Participants also cited Tournament Rules and Information as a higher-order theme when asked about gender-based questioning of their knowledge, skills, or abilities. Male coworkers doubted Participant 2 regarding tournament set-up, and her involvement and ideas were quickly dismissed. They also would not go to her with any questions, even though she knew the answers. Participant 2 added that males are automatically assumed to know the solutions related to tournament rules and information. Participants 2, 3, 5, and 7 distinguished themselves by being more prepared and precise than their male colleagues. With regulations of golf situations, Participant 7 proposed: I definitely think when it comes to rules as well. A lot of times, you have to refer back to a rule book just to double-check or the USGA app on your phone. And I ran into that a lot of times where I would almost be very hesitant to run over to a ruling just because of those comments that were made beforehand where she d oesn't know what she's talking about and stuff along those lines. But I do know that when it came to me giving an example of something or trying to explain myself, I would almost have to do the research 118 beforehand and know 100% like if I were to give this, where would I have to go back in the rule book to figure it out? I would almost have to spit out the exact number for the rule just to basically have my back on it. And a lot of times I would have to, if I was really good friends with one of the male staff, I would almost have them back me for everything. So that's a lot of what would go on in that sense. Equipment and Clubs Participants also shared quotes which made up the higher-order theme of having their knowledge, skills, or abilities interrogated regarding golf equipment and clubs. Participant 3 recalled her abilities to re-grip clubs called into question by golfers and colleagues despite having done it for years. Additionally, Participant 9 has run into similar situations with re- gripping clubs and changing spikes on golf shoes, getting to the point where she will complete the work order herself but not necessarily tell the male golf member who finished the job. She added: Because I've had people before, you know, say, ‘Hey, is there anybody around that can, can re-grip this putter for me right away?’ And I'll say, ‘Yeah, I can do it.’ And they're like, ‘Wait, you know how to do that?’ Like yep. I'm going through the program. I know how to do this. I've been helping my dad re-grip clubs since I was eight. So, it's just, it's just been like little things like that where people underestimate that I am capable of doing these things that they maybe don't know how to do it, but hey, somebody that works at the golf course does. Participant 10 has had her knowledge, skills, or abilities questioned when it comes to equipment and clubs, sharing that a golfer asked her if she even knew what a hybrid head cover was and that 119 “there have been instances at each internship where you find a member that solely wants to speak to a guy about clubs, whatever.” Playing Ability Participants 4, 5, 11, and 13 have noticed gender-based questioning of their golf-playing ability and skills. Participant 4, who self-identified as a longer hitter, shared: And so, some of the guys would ask like, ‘Oh, what are you hitting from this yardage?’ And I hit the ball far for a person in general and a female. So, it's like 195 yards. I was like, ‘Well, it's a little downhill, so I’d probably hit six iron.’ All the guys like start laughing because they think it's a joke and I'm being totally serious. Male golfers and colleagues often ask Participant 5 her handicap as a form of validation. While working in the golf shop, Participant 11 is often asked if “one of the guys” is in, even though she “might be a better player than some of the guys I’m working with, so that’s frustrating.” Participant 13 views the questioning of her playing abilities and golf skill as a challenge and opportunity: It’s almost kind of fun, like when I would go out and golf with them, like a guy, they'd be like, oh wow, you do have a nice swing and then it'd be fun to kind of whoop up on them and beat them. Overlooked/Invisibility Being overlooked and invisible emerged as a higher-order theme regarding gender-based questioning of knowledge, skills, or abilities. Participants 3, 4, 9, 10, 11 and 13 mentioned several lower-order themes in this space. Participant 3 recalled being in the golf shop and asked “oh, is one of the guys there, can I just talk to one of the guys?”, “hey, this is so and so, can I have one of the guys?”, and “yeah, can I have one of the guys”? on multiple occasions. 120 Participant 4 has been ignored at the golf shop counter, including golf members waiting in the golf shop until the male head professional returns, saying “Oh perfect, you’re back.” She also recalled “many instances where the men are asked for things over us.” Participant 9 has experienced members coming in and asking her “Is (male head professional) around?” Likewise, Participant 10 further added: There's a lot of times where it's, at the place I currently work, we have this one member that just walks in and he goes, ‘are any of the boys here?’ And if it's just me, then I say no, they're not. But what can I help you with? Is there something I can do? And the comments they do, I think I'm just numb to it at this point. But you just, you try to help them as much as possible and show them that you are just as knowledgeable as the guys there. Participant 11 has had even more analogous experiences to being overlooked or feeling invisible: A couple of times like, you know when you answer the phone, the golf shop and you say, you know, ‘hi, _______ speaking can I help you?’ And they know that you’re a golf pro. I have it on my name tag and have been there working for five months and they go, ‘can I speak to one of the guys?’ Finally, Participant 13 shared the same frustrations when it came to answering the phone in the golf shop while on internship, citing, “I would answer the phones and they could obviously tell I’m a female. And they would say, ‘can I talk to a real pro now?’” Second-Guessed/Validation Participants 9 and 12 provided lower-order themes to the higher-order theme of being second-guessed and needing validation as a female in the golf industry. Participant 9 reported being questioned about tee times and basic golf professional skills, such as re-gripping clubs and 121 changing spikes on golf shoes. Similarly, regarding complaints from female golf members regarding tournament set up, merchandising, or women’s events at one of her internship sites, Participant 12 was constantly questioned by men and women. Further, when members did talk to the male head professional, she noticed a change in tone and information revealed. Not Taken Seriously When asked about gender-based questioning of knowledge, skills, or abilities during their internship experiences, PGA Golf Management participants described not being taken as seriously as their male counterparts. Participant 2 shared that women are “like not always taken as seriously” in the golf industry. Participant 5 has struggled with assumptions about being a golf professional in specific scenarios due to being a female. Equally, Participant 10 added after sharing that she has been told “fuck you” by male golfers while monitoring pace of play on the golf course: I think pace of play for one, I think when it comes to enforcing, women are not near as, we're not viewed as harsh and they don't necessarily need to listen. And which I, it's just the stereotype thing. I mean, I can be harsh. I can do it. I just, but I don't know that they necessarily want to listen. Coping/Persistence Participants provided insight into how they cope and persist when their knowledge, skills, or abilities are questioned because of their gender. Participant 3 mentioned seeking out information ahead of time and proving yourself above and beyond. Likewise, Participants 2 and 8 shared that golf industry females must work much harder and prove themselves. Participant 8 further specified: 122 And after a while of you kind of, because I feel this might hit another point, I guess, but you got to work a lot harder for some things to prove that you are knowledgeable and that you can do other things, then, so like if you have to be a lot more consistent over time for anybody to kind of change their mind and their idea about whatever it is. Participant 13 agreed and used the coping strategy of calling out gender-based questioning: So, I got to the point where I would just say, I have the knowledge of a real pro, I can answer your question, and then they kind of would be taken back almost, like, what did you just say? And then they would ask, and I'd be able to answer it just fine. And then I would kind of gain their respect from doing that. And so then, towards the end of the summer, they started catching on to that, and they would ask me all sorts of questions by the end. But the beginning of the internship was a rocky road to get to that point. Male Responses Participant 10 provided some male responses, both colleagues and golfers, to the gender- based questioning of female golf professionals’ knowledge, skills, or abilities in the golf industry. She mentioned that most men are not trying to be sexist with their comments or behaviors but hold these stereotypical beliefs without knowing it. However, Participant 10 also recalled a situation in which a male member was very apologetic for his actions to the general manager but never directly apologized to her. Table 16. Gender-based questioning of knowledge, skills, or abilities General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Gender-based Questioning of Knowledge, Skills, or Abilities Overall Prevalence Teaching and Coaching Lower-Order Themes Yes (P5, P7, P8, P14) No, doesn’t think so (P6) Not that often, but frustrating when it does happen (P11) Giving lessons – capabilities questioned (P1) Males refusing to work with female coaches; shut down from the start (P14) 123 Table 16. (cont’d) Restrictive Gender Roles Tournament Rules and Information Equipment and Clubs Playing Ability Overlooked/ Invisibility Second- Guessed/Validation Not Taken Seriously Handling golf bags (P1, P2) Guys don’t think you should be lifting or moving things (P2) Demeaning co-workers wouldn’t let her do certain duties because she’s female (P8) Tournament set-up (P2) Dismissed by co-workers; wouldn’t go to her for answers (P2) Males automatically assumed to know the answer (P2) Had to be precise and get information well in advance (P2, P3, P5) Rules situations (P2, P5, P7) Re-gripping clubs (P3, P9) Just told members the clubs would be ready but not who would be completing the work order (P9) Golfer or member wants to talk to a guy about clubs (P10) “Do you even know what hybrid head cover is?” (P10) Playing ability discounted out of the gate; even though can hit it longer than most guys (P4) Get asked about handicap, it’s like validation (P5) Frustrating because I might be a better play than most of my male colleagues (P11) Most guys are surprised about playing ability and swing; fun to go out and beat them (P13) “Oh, is one of the guys there, can I just talk to one of the guys?” (P3) “Are the guys in?” (P4) “Is Kyle around?” (P9) “Are any of the boys here?” (P10) “Can I speak to one of the guys?” (P11) “Can I talk to a real pro now?” (P13) Name tag says golf professional, but still ask to talk to one of the guys (P11) Being ignored in the golf shop, going to male co-workers instead (P4) Being questioned about tee times, “are you sure?” (P9) Member questioned abilities, completed task and brought the shoes out to them directly (P9) Need to be validated; want confirmation from superior and/or male (P12) Complaints from female members; want to talk to the head professional (P12) Change of tone from female to male employee (P12) Not taken as seriously; golfers/members have hard time with females showing them or helping them with tasks (P2) Assumptions about being the “pro” or not (P5) 124 Table 16. (cont’d) Managing pace of play on the golf course at a facility; women not taken as seriously or viewed as harsh when enforcing pace of play; don’t listen; “fuck you and this club” (P10) Have to prove yourself above and beyond (P3) Seeking out information ahead of time (P3) Have to work a lot harder and prove yourself and knowledge (P2, P8) Have to be more consistent over time (P8) Had to tell golfer that she has the knowledge, give answers, gain respect; takes time (P13) Most male golfers aren’t even aware of how their comments might be perceived (P10) Member talked to the General Manager about pace of play comment, but never apologized directly to her (P10) Coping/Persistence Male Responses Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Sexual Objectification Female PGA Golf Management participants were asked about any situations in which they have been or felt like they have been, sexually objectified as a female in the golf industry (see Table 17). With Sexual Objectification as a general dimension, the higher-order themes of Overall Prevalence, Appearance/Attractiveness, Clothing/Outfits, Gender Stereotyping, Complimentary, and Coping/Avoidance all surfaced from the data. Overall Prevalence When asked about sexual objectification in the golf industry during internship experiences, six participants had been subjected to these male behaviors. Participant 2 responded with “Oh yeah”, Participant 7 stated, “Absolutely”, and Participant 14 said “Yes” that this had occurred. Participant 8 retorted: Yeah. I mean, it's kind of all over the board. I mean, I've had it happen dozens and dozens and dozens of times…Like no matter what, there's like weird, I don't know if it's kind of like the stereotypical, like good old boys’ club, but I've never noticed a trend with age or anything like that. You know, it's all over the board. It's could be guys our age or, you 125 know, 80-year-old men, you know, like it's, it's just very strange, just people's beliefs and it makes your day pretty hard for sure. Further, Participant 11 added in regard to sexual objectification, “Yeah. There have been times where that has happened.” Participant 13 agreed that she had experienced these situations: So, at (golf club) I definitely did feel that. But at the same time, like it sounds bad, but as a female like you kind of just have to expect it at this point. I knew how to handle it. But yeah, you definitely, I faced those issues there. Participants 3, 4, 9, and 12 did not believe that they were sexually objectified during their golf internship experiences. Participants 4 and 11 did add that they had seen it happen to other women in the golf industry. For example, Participant 4 shared: “I can definitely see how it would be a thing, like I've definitely heard members say that about other people, but I personally haven't received anything that has made me like that uncomfortable about what I'm wearing.” Participant 5 has not directly experienced sexual objectification while on internship, stating, “It's never happened at work, but it has happened out in the industry.” Finally, the interviewer did not ask Participant 6 about this general dimension. Appearance/Attractiveness Several participants noted lower-order themes and meaning units within the higher-order theme of Appearance/Attractiveness. Male golfers have told Participant 2 that she’s “too pretty to be out here doing this” and that she should be doing the beverage cart and would “make so much money selling everybody drinks.” Participant 7 summarized sexual objectification in the golf industry: But I think as far as my career path and going forward with it, it's almost a little more of a setback because a lot of people look at the body and the face and more of like who the 126 person is instead of the intelligence behind it or what they know. So, I think a lot of it is just trying to navigate how your responses or how you react to things like that. Participant 8 has received many comments about what she’s wearing and how her hair looks that day while working on her golf internship experiences. Participant 14 has likewise been a victim of unwelcome sexual objectification while on internship: I've had people tell me that I look skinny, but like not in a compliment way, but kind of in a like weird sexual way. Like, you look skinny and then like look me up and down like that kind of thing or whatever. Like, I like those pants on you, like that day I happened to wear particularly tighter pants than I usually do or something like that or something about my breasts or something like that. I've gotten that a lot of times too. Clothing/Outfits The higher-order theme of Clothing/Outfits appeared in the data from participant responses related to encountering sexual objectification during internships. Participant 4 responded with her overall awareness of her clothing choices: Like I just think that at least for me like traditional golf isn't about like wearing a super short skirt or anything like that. And like you're not out there playing to be pretty, you're out there because you play and you love the sport and everything like that. Participant 14 also added that she has had to talk with female members and their guests about inappropriate attire as an intern due to their strict dress code. Participant 14 has faced members commenting, “I like those pants on you.” Participant 7, when dressing more conservatively, has been asked by her supervisor to change the following: My first internship I walked in with like a pullover, not a pullover, but a crew neck on. It was a little bigger than usual but more so comfortable. And my boss told me that I didn't 127 look put-together professional, I looked very sloppy because my clothes weren't form- fitting. She was then given a more form-fitting outfit and asked to put it on for the rest of her shift. Furthermore, male supervisors and colleagues have also asked Participant 7 to model clothing, sharing: I had to put on like the new styles that would come in and almost give good feedback on it, about how it felt, like that, more so like on the modeling aspect of it and it was just very uncomfortable. Participant 8 added that female golfers and golf professionals face challenging situations due to the “pretty dainty clothing” found in the industry. Another female has also told Participant 11 that her “shorts were too short.” Gender Stereotyping Gender stereotyping developed as a higher-order theme based on responses to the question regarding sexual objectification in the golf industry. Participants 2 and 5 denoted specific situations on the golf course where they were stereotyped or limited in their capacity due to gender. More specifically, Participant 2 was filling in for a coworker, who was out recovering from surgery, in the position of course advisor, driving a golf cart around the course to assist with the pace of play and provide customer service to golfers: Um, and in that situation, was the most I've ever been like just uncomfortable by people. Like their comments, or how they look at you and things they say to you or like, guys would be like, ‘oh, you shouldn't be…like you should be a cart girl. Like you should be a cart girl. You'd make so much money selling everybody drinks.’ 128 Similarly, Participant 5 was playing one of the world’s most famous golf courses, and her caddie told her: “you know, you could just move out here, put on a short skirt and you could make three times as much as any of us out here.” Complimentary Participants 11 and 12 viewed most of the comments from male golfers or colleagues as compliments, to a certain extent. Participant 11 replied: Yeah, sometimes I just don't really look too deep into it. Or maybe I don't realize that people do make a comment like that, because I do feel confident when I'm at the golf course, I do feel comfortable at the golf course, I don’t notice, I suppose, if someone does say something like that? Likewise, Participant 12 mentioned that it depends on who said the comment. She added: I guess if they make a comment like that, it's not sexually towards me. It's just a nice compliment I guess. It kind of depends on what I'm wearing. Definitely if I have like it's not like every day they say something obviously, but like if I'm wearing makeup or if I like did my hair different way or something, then they'll notice it. But I don't take it as them being insulting or like objectifying me by what I'm wearing. Coping/Avoidance Participants 4, 10, and 14 shared some coping mechanisms and avoidance strategies related to the general dimension of sexual objectification while working at an internship site and navigating the golf industry. Participant 10 tries to be aware of the “creepy old guys at the club” and “avoid them at all costs and try to figure out when they hit balls or when they typically go play so you can try to manage your schedule around that.” Participants 4 and 14 reported 129 dressing more conservatively to avoid possible scenarios and comments that might draw attention to their clothing, outfits, and overall appearance. Table 17. Sexual objectification General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Overall Prevalence Appearance/ Attractiveness Sexual Objectification Clothing/Outfits Gender Stereotyping Complimentary Coping/Avoidance Yes (P2, P7, P8, P10, P13, P14) No, hasn’t happened to her (P3, P4, P9, P12) Vicariously (P11, P4) Not at work, but in the golf industry (P5) Didn’t ask; not available (P6) Too pretty to be out here (P2) A lot of people look at the body and face instead of their knowledge or intelligence (P7) Comments about outfits or hair (P8) Been told she looks skinny; not as compliment but sexually (P14) Looking her up and down; comments about tighter pants or her breasts (P14) There to work and because you love the sport; not to get attention with clothing (P4) Has had to talk to female members about inappropriate attire (P4) Commenting on specific outfits (P14) When didn’t wear form-fitting clothes, was told she looked unprofessional; handed a more form -fitting shirt and told to wear by supervisor (P7) Asked to model new styles of clothing and give feedback to male staff/supervisors (P7) Dainty or form-fitting clothing in golf industry (P8) Has been told shorts are too short by another female (P11) Course advisor position – comments from golfers; “should be a cart girl” (P2) Playing a famous course and the caddy made a comment about putting on a short skirt and caddying (P5) Sometimes views it as a compliment; doesn’t look too deeply into or doesn’t realize the meaning of the comment (P11) Compliments about what she’s wearing, makeup, or different hair style; doesn’t take it as an insult or objectification (P12) Depends on who said the comment (P12) Avoid situations creepy old guys at the club; manage schedule around them (P10) Dresses conservatively (P4, P14) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. 130 Restrictive Gender Roles The researcher directly asked participants about situations where they believed they were restricted to specific roles, tasks, duties, or responsibilities due to gender (see Table 18). Within this general dimension, the higher-order themes of Overall Prevalence, Physical Labor/Lifting, Job Types, Taking Initiative, Non-Gender Factors, and Hiring and Scheduling Practices. Overall Prevalence Like previous general dimensions, participants reported the overall prevalence or frequency of occurrences when asked about gender-based role restrictions. Participants 3, 5, 9, 10, 11, and 12 stated that this type of gender-based treatment had not happened to them directly during their internships. Participant 1 has seen this happen to a female friend that worked outside operations and flourished in the role. Participants 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, and 14 all attested to experiencing restricted gender roles. Interestingly, several participants who stated this had not happened to them (see above), gave examples of these behaviors in separate parts of the interview, which are included in various higher-order themes below. Physical Labor/Lifting Tasks related to physical labor and lifting various objects settled as a higher-order theme within the data. Participant 1 mentioned that “there are many bosses that feel like women can’t handle it (outside operations) just because it’s a lot of heavy lifting and running around.” Participants 4 and 8 recalled situations where they were not allowed to handle male golfer’s clubs, by colleagues or the golfers themselves. Participant 4 evoked: And sometimes because I was the only girl that worked outside, they were kind of like they didn't understand it and they were like, No, it's the same, we're doing the same job and I'm like, I know, but if I go to take the person's bag, like, they're going to like, the 131 member is going to be upset if a woman is taking their bag out of their car or putting it into their car. So, I was…kind of had to be a little more conscious of who I was allowed to take the bag from. Participant 8 was working the bag drop and had many golfers refuse her customer service: And then though, there is the opposite where if you come up to them and you're smiling and you say hello, they will be like, ‘nope, do not touch my clubs, do not come near like, you can't carry the bags over, you can't wipe down the clubs.’ They just in general don't want it. And that same person will come and if one of the guys do it, they’re fine. Participant 3 tries to be “headstrong” and shared, “if I get asked to do this task, I’m going to do this task whether it’s heavy or not.” Participant 7’s stamina and strength have also been questioned: There would be comments too, like, oh, it's so hot outside like you don't need to be out there. It's like, okay, that doesn't really matter. Or I was a caddie for so long and this summer, people would kind of make the comment like, Oh, you don't need to be carrying the bag. It's going to be too heavy for you. It's like, no, I can do that. I played college golf and carried too. So, it's like there's no, there's no issue to picking up a bag and walking. Job Types Job Types was a higher-order theme that garnered several lower-order themes where female interns have been restricted or limited to working in specific areas of the golf industry. Participants 1, 2, 9, 10, 12, 13, and 14 described being limited to only working inside the golf shop rather than outside operations. Participant 2 offered, “Yeah. I just I know that some, I know a lot of other girls who just get internships stuck answering phones because they don't want the girls out doing certain things and things like that.” Five participants felt restricted to specific 132 roles during tournaments and events as well. Participant 3 shared that it can work both ways, with male interns being restricted to specific roles as well, leading to females completing the other tasks: Um, and the rest were guys and they were only outside ops and they never worked inside. And so, they never got to do registration. They always were like at the range. But that was almost like nice like being able to help with things other than just like the range. Further, Participant 3 did not get to help with registration, setting up tournaments, or event contests at a different internship site. After working a contest alone during an event, her colleague sent her back into the golf shop, stating, “Hey. Thanks for helping, but I just don't think it's a good idea for you to be out there since you're a girl and all these guys are out there putting.” Participant 13 has also directly experienced a gender-based restriction of roles during tournaments and events. She reported being given the day off during the member-guest, the club’s biggest tournament of the year. Additionally, she would be given scoreboard and course set-up duties throughout other tournaments. At the same time, the male interns and colleagues would get to caddie for members and possibly make more money and networking opportunities. Participant 12 added: I definitely am put on those positions of being like the first face that somebody sees when they walk in at those member guest events. I do the registration, I helped out with like when we had our big tournaments, we had like games where they would put money in for stuff. So, I was always in charge of that. I was never in charge of setting up the golf course, setting up the range, any of that kind of stuff, which I guess I haven't really thought of it as being because I'm a female I'm put in those positions. I guess now that 133 you mention, yeah, I've never done like the roles that the guys do more often than just like seeing people and greeting them. Participants 2 and 7 were restricted to answering phones and more clerical duties during their internship experiences. More specifically, Participant 2 replied: I know that some, I know a lot of other girls who just get internships stuck answering phones because they don't want the girls out doing certain things and things like that. But I think I've personally stuck up there myself enough to not be put into those situations. But it does take it takes a lot of effort to make sure whoever your supervisors know like, hey, I'm not just going to sit here like give me something to do. Participant 7 responded to gender-based role restrictions with this comment: I think a lot of times for us girls we are just stuck behind the counter to answer the phone, we’re more on the hospitality side, not so much the operations…It was your job is to sit behind the counter and answer the phone. And I think that just was a little unfair when my male coworker would be able to go set up the course for the tournament. And even if I expressed that that was of interest, it just never would happen. Participants 7 and 12 (quoted above) were restricted to hospitality and registration-type positions. Clothing and merchandising was also a lower-order theme that evolved from responses by Participants 8, 11, and 13. Participant 8 perceived herself as a “shop girl” at internship sites and was not allowed to learn more about tournament and golf operations in the back office. Participant 11 was asked to work the “pop-up” golf shop during the club’s men’s member guest, a major tournament. She viewed this as a compliment, citing: So, I think that partly is because females are just a lot more careful with stuff. So, a lot of it was shoe sizing, shirt sizing, belt sizing, that I think that it's easier and I think that girls 134 just pay more attention to that stuff. And I don't think that they trusted the guys. So, I tend to take a lot of that stuff as a compliment. I don't think that they trusted the guys with picking out the right shoe sizes and that's just me. I don't know if I was put in there because I was a female or what. Participant 13 viewed these responsibilities as restrictive when she was asked to work the mobile pro shop: “So I think that's just what females are like thought of, I guess you could say, the default to thinking of them is we’ll let them go sell clothes because she's a girl or whatever.” Regarding Job Types as a higher-order theme, Participant 14 noted that she had never been asked about job roles or rotation, stating, “there’s definitely gender roles.” She also recalled: I was always in the pro shop. All the boys were in the back doing whatever. I was always the front, like what they see first, you know, like yeah. I don't, I don't know, maybe I just don't realize it…Actually, I was never even asked. I think it was just always assumed. I was never asked what particularly I wanted to do. Like they kind of said, pro shop, tournament, like that kind of thing. Not really outside. Participant 8 was asked to work the beverage cart the night before an event, although outside of her contractual duties. The colleague told her what to wear and how to do her hair. She refused and did not want to be seen as “like the pawn in that kind of money-making relationship in golf.” After that, Participant 8 said she was viewed as “boring” and “no fun” but also did not want to “get put in a box.” Taking Initiative Related to gender-based restrictive roles, Participants 2, 7, and 13 talked about their experiences when they took the initiative and asked for more responsibility or different duties and tasks, with mixed results. Participant 2 shared: “But it does take, it takes a lot of effort to 135 make sure whoever your supervisor is knows like, hey, I'm not just going to sit here like give me something to do.” Relatedly, Participant 13 asked for more responsibility in tournament operations and was running the next event. However, Participant 7 disclosed, “And even if I expressed that, that was of interest, it just never would happen.” Non-Gender Factors Participants 4 and 6 discussed factors beyond gender for restricted roles in internships. Participant 4 thought her height was a factor in being given specific tasks or duties. Participant 6 shared that although some underlying factors might be gender-related, it’s more likely due to experience level: Um, but there were lots of tournaments where I kind of got the butt-end of the tasks, just staying in the shop or registration, or like tee gifts, stuff like that. But I do think it was just because I was the one with the least amount of experience. Hiring and Scheduling Practices Participants 1, 2, and 9 suggested restrictive gender roles during hiring and scheduling processes, creating disadvantages for females. For example, Participant 1 had a female friend inquire about working at a facility. The head pro responded, “We wouldn't really feel comfortable having her intern here because it's primarily a men's club and she won't be able to do as much.” Table 18. Restrictive gender roles General Dimensions Higher-Order Lower-Order Themes Restrictive Gender Roles Themes Overall Prevalence Physical Labor/Lifting No, not personally (P3, P5, P9, P10, P11, P12) Vicariously (P1) Yes (P2, P4, P6, P8, P13, P14) Heavy lifting (P1) Not allowed to handle male golfer’s clubs (P4, P8) 136 Table 18. (cont’d) Headstrong about physical labor but some tasks only men get asked to do (P3) Comments about it being too hot outside or that the bag was too heavy for her to carry or caddy (P7) Restricted to only working inside golf shop instead of outside operations (P1, P2, P9, P10, P12, P13, P14) Tournaments or events (P3, P4, P5, P11, P12, P13) Answering phones, clerical duties (P2, P7) Hospitality or registration positions (P7, P12) Clothing and merchandising (P8, P11, P13) Was never asked about job rotation or learning other skills; supervisors assumed she wanted to be in golf shop (P14) Asked to work beverage cart and to make sure she does her hair and told what to wear; said no (P8) “Pawn” in money-making relationship with golf (P8) Get put in box, lose-lose situations, called “boring” for not taking on beverage cart job (P8) Took initiative for more responsibility (P2) Even when expressed, not given other opportunities (P7) Asked for more involvement and ran the next tournament (P13) Given certain tasks because of being taller (P4) Experienced-based (P6) Unfair scheduling practices based on friends/cliques (P2) Working at all-male clubs (P1) Get the job but treated differently because female (P2) Gender discrimination; facilities/companies may want to hire a male straight away you never stand a chance (P9) Job Types Taking Initiative Non-Gender Factors Hiring and Scheduling Practices Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Exclusion – Golf, Social, and Work The researcher asked participants to share moments or situations where they felt gender- based exclusion within the golf, social, or work areas (see Table 19). This general dimension collected the higher-order themes of No/Not Really; Yes, Playing Golf; Yes, Social; Yes, Work: Other. 137 No/Not Really Participants 1, 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, and 13 reported feeling included in golf, social, or work situations. Participant 1 suggested: Um, I’ve never felt excluded in that way. I feel like the guys always wanted to have the girls around for that kind of stuff. So, I never felt like excluded in that way. Like they, most of the guys that I worked with knew I was a good player, so they always wanted me to play and stuff like that. So, I never felt excluded outside of work. It was just more like with work things that I'd feel more excluded. Participant 10 agreed that being a good player helps in this area: And it was more so based on the caliber of player that you were, I think that they were like, ‘oh, you can come because you’re a two, or you're a 0.7 handicap’, you know, like you're, you know, so I've never necessarily been excluded because of that. And I don't know if that's the reason, was because I was a decent player or what exactly, but yeah, I haven't had anything like that. Participants 3 and 13 replied that they have always had an easy time making friends with male or female colleagues and other interns. Analogously, Participant 5 suggested that her background growing up playing golf with older males was beneficial: I think partially where I'm able to kind of mix really well with the men and the women is when I learned how to play golf, it was with a bunch of 60 to 80-year-old guys, where I just kind of jumped into like, you know, sometimes in golf you got to do the trash talk and then you back it up with a good shot. So, I think, I got so comfortable with that environment and being able to handle it… 138 Participants 7 and 10 credited their work environments with being inviting and having a close staff for feeling included in the golf industry. Participant 11 self-identified as more of a “tomboy” and has not felt excluded while on internship. Yes, Playing Golf Participants 2, 8, and 9 reported incidents of exclusion when it came to playing golf during their internship experiences. Participant 2 struggled with all the male interns living together at a site and planning golf trips, leaving out their female colleagues. Related to playing golf together and different tee markers, Participant 8 shared: I would say more so with the golf because I guess one of the biggest things, and it happens in PGM as well, is that you have to play different tees. There's no way that, I max out at like 240. There's no way that I can keep up with somebody who is hitting 320 all the time. Like you have to change tees to be able to match club lengths. And that alone frustrates some people where it's like that's just too much work, we don't want to keep driving up, and they want to all play together, which I get totally because it does make it a little bit faster. They're all playing at the same level. But when it's always not even giving it a chance, that makes it kind of hard. Because you kind of just don't feel like you can hang with it. No matter how good your scores are or anything. You can feel your confidence a little bit of like, well, I don't hit it as far, and I can't really keep up with them, and maybe they should just go play, and it's more so just like that tee length, that's just the inconvenience almost, of having to keep driving up and playing different tees. That's mostly what I've noticed where they just don't want to do it. Participant 9 finally asked her male colleagues why they continue to exclude her when playing golf: 139 And I never got invited to any of that. And I would invite them to go out and play. And , um, they just kind of never really wanted to go out and play. And I had talked to the one guy who was, who I was a little bit closer with and was like, ‘Hey, how come you guys don't want to play with me? Like, what's the problem?’ They're like, ‘well, we don't want to get beat by a girl.’ Yes, Social Participants 2, 6, and 14 felt they had experienced exclusion through social occasions during their internship experiences. As previously stated with Participant 2, the male interns all lived together and would therefore socialize, party, and go to dinner more together. Participant 6 noted that she felt left out during social situations, although it may have been because she was not 21 years old and some staff would drink at restaurants and bars together. Participant 14 also shared: But they used to go out with them all the time like they'd been out like three or four times and I've never been asked, never been invited once. So I don't know if it was because of like, they didn't like me or it was my age or that kind of thing because they were a little older than I was, but… Yes, Work Participants 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, and 12 reported gender-based exclusionary treatment in the workplace during their PGA Golf Management internship experiences. Participant 1, who previously shared that she had not felt excluded in golf and social situations, did describe feeling excluded in work situations. Participant 2 was directly excluded from a staff meeting held in the men’s locker room after the member-guest tournament. She said: 140 And they left me at the shop by myself. And it’s a resort, so there's like six phones ringing and like 30 people. And the director of golf walked in and he's like ‘_____, what are you doing? Why is the phone ringing?’ Well your team is having a staff meeting in the men's locker room. What am I supposed to be doing? Participant 4 proposed that much of it depends on the leadership and staff dynamics. She recalled the inside and outside staffs needing to get along better at her first internship site, which led to exclusionary practices based on her role and duties. Participants 5 and 6 were the only females on staff during specific internships, creating gender-based exclusion. Participant 5 recalled: Yeah, so I'd say the first couple of internships, I'd say the biggest challenges were uniform requirements because they were so used to getting, they had the set for men. But then all sudden they have the one female that is supposed to be uniform with the guys on certain days. And it just isn’t, so you feel like an outlier there. Likewise, Participant 6 specified: I say from the last one, the biggest one was probably being the only female. And it didn't help that I was also like youngest on the professional staff as well… But at first it was really, I kind of felt alone. Participant 12 has also felt ignored from workplace conversations: I guess I do feel kind of like excluded in a way when it comes to some conversations that like my male colleagues have, like something that I can't relate to. So I'm just kind of like standing in the corner awkward until they get done talking and stuff like that. Other While Participant 12 mentioned feeling excluded during conversations in the previous section, she also offered that it’s “like 50/50, whether or not like I'm a female, so I don't relate to 141 as much as my male colleagues, but also my personality when it comes to social situations.” Participant 13 declared that she had not directly endured gender-based exclusionary treatment, but had witnessed it with other female associates: So she kind of wasn't clicking with the rest of us, I guess you could say. Um, and we, I'm probably guilty of it. We would schedule tee times and not include her. I saw it in her situation which, but I was guilty of it too because I was the one golfing. Table 19. Exclusion – golf, social, and work General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes No/Not Really Yes, Playing Golf Exclusion Yes, Social Yes, Work Other Never felt excluded in golf or social situations (P1) Being a good player helps (P1, P10) Made friends with colleagues and other interns (P3) Always mixed well with men and women golfers (P5) No, other than first internship, staffs have been close (P7) Not as much, pretty inviting staffs (P10) Not really, more of a tomboy (P11) Never came up for her, really close with all peers and friends (P13) Not getting invited to play at neighboring courses (P2) Other male interns all lived together and would plan golf trips (P2) During tournaments and playing golf with PGM classmates; viewed as inconvenience because of tees (P8) Male co-workers wouldn’t invite her to play because they didn’t want to get beat by a girl (P9) Not getting invited out for dinner with staff (P2, P14) All the guys hung out and partied together (P2) A little bit; could because of age and not being 21 (P6) Exclusion occurred mostly in work situations and conversations (P1, P12) Staff meetings in men’s locker room (P2) Inside and outside operations were very divided (P4) Depends on a lot on the culture of the facility and personalities of colleagues (P4) Uniform requirements, felt like outlier, didn’t match staff exactly (P5) Gender-based exclusion (P6) Could be more of personality and interest differences (P12) Vicarious (P13) 142 Table 19. (cont’d) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Family Plans The interviewer inquired if participants had ever been asked about their family plans or balancing family life in the golf industry during their internship experiences (see Table 20). The general dimension of Asked about Family Plans and Balancing Family Life in Golf Industry are represented by the higher-order themes of: No/Not Really; Yes, Family and Friends; Yes, Supervisor and Colleagues; Yes, Members and Golfers; Vicariously; and Barriers/Challenges. No/Not Really Participants 1, 4, 5, 10, and 12 directly replied that “no,” they had not been asked about their family plans and balancing family life in the golf industry. Participant 14 noted that it had come up with career-based plans, such as harmonizing family and work. Participant 2 believed it had not come up in a negative way, such as during interviews or with supervisors. Participant 7 recalled shutting the conversation down by redirecting the conversation when it does come up and having a response ready. She reported openly talking about family plans with those in her inner circle but has not been asked during internship experiences. Yes, Family and Friends Participants 2 and 13 stated that discussions around family plans in the golf industry have only come up with friends and family, but never during internship experiences. Participant 2 added: I think that the main, I guess, person or something that I've had those conversations with was the tournament director when I did tournaments, him and I had to be together like every single shift. We were there for like two months. So, we became really really good 143 friends. And so, him and I would talk about it like he would ask me what my five-year plan was and I'm like, well, realistically like I'm going to tell you what I want out of my life, not just out of my job. So, we discussed it, but that's not a question I've ever been asked necessarily in like an interview situation or anything like that. Most of it is just like as friends. We all get so close working together all the time. Participant 13 also mentioned sharing plans with close friends and family members: Not anyone that I wouldn't expect to be asked from. And I say that meaning like, of course, my parents have asked about it and really close, like best friends, we've talked about it, but I haven't really been asked by somebody I don't know very well. Yes, Supervisor and Colleagues Participants 3 and 9 revealed that they had been asked about family plans and balancing family life in the golf industry by either a supervisor or colleague during their internship experiences. Participant 9 shared: Sometimes I'll say I'm, you know, ‘I'm willing to stay here and help and do whatever,’ and he’s like, ‘No, go home, go home.’ And, you know, like it's nice, but at the same time, I do want to be considered for that more permanent position down the road , and I don't want that thought of family to hold me back from getting that position. And he's made comments of like, well, you know, if I hire a guy, a single guy, I can work them as much as I want, and I don't have to worry about him having a family. Yes, Members and Golfers Others, primarily female golfers and members, have asked Participants 6, 8, and 11 about family plans at their internship sites. While the questioning may be coming from a good place, Participant 11 noted that it can be frustrating: 144 Yeah, it has, quite a lot actually but not from colleagues more directly or mostly from members I would say. I think a part of that has to do with, especially in the South, a lot of them get married very young. I think especially they're a lot older, it’s an older membership, so yeah, I guess I get asked that a lot. But at first it did bother me a little bit, but then I’m just so used to it now I’m like whatever I'll just do what I want, it’s not up to them. But yeah, I have been asked that. I think it's a little bit frustrating because you just think, well you wouldn’t ask that to any of the guys in the golf shop, so. But yeah. No. I think a lot of it comes from a good place. I don't think it comes from a bad place. Vicariously While not necessarily asked directly, five participants have approached colleagues and supervisors at their internship sites to get a feel for balancing family life in the golf industry. Participant 4 asked a merchandiser, “How was it when you had kids?” to gain perspective on the industry and managing the seasonal nature of golf. Similarly, Participant 7 has seen “firsthand with my coaches and even coaches that didn’t want to have kids, but more so a family life” how “imbalanced” it can become. As part of a class project in her undergraduate academic program, Participant 8 interviewed female PGA members, and “every single one was so adamant about like be careful when, if you want to have a family, like plan it out.” Taking a proactive approach, Participant 10 has sought advice from different colleagues and supervisors about their experiences with family life in the golf industry. Participant 13 has “seen a lot of pros that handled it pretty well” but revealed that “it’s not really in my sights in the near future.” Barriers/Challenges When being asked about family plans and balancing family life in the golf industry, several participants divulged the higher-order theme of this being a plausible barrier or challenge 145 long-term in the golf industry. Participants 4 and 10 addressed the importance of finding an understanding partner and that it would take a lot of balance and hard work if both partners were in the golf industry. Participant 5 does not see this as an issue, as she likes her “job and career much more than I want a family at the moment.” Participant 7 believed that the golf industry needs to take steps to address work/life balance: “But I think essentially that it's just the time that we're in, it’s just things need to be changed a little bit. I think it's more so in our hands to change the outlook on that.” As mentioned, being a female with a significant other may be a barrier as supervisors may not give them as many opportunities or hours. Participant 13 stated that she has been asked about her career and family plans and added: “I honestly don’t know how I’m going to do it.” Table 20. Asked about family plans and balancing family life in golf industry General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Asked about Family Plans/Balancing Family and Work No/Not Really Yes, Family and Friends Yes, Supervisor and Colleagues Yes, Members and Golfers Vicariously No (P1, P4, P5, P10, P12) Only career-based plans (P14) Not come up in bad way, in interviews, or supervisors (P2) When asks, shuts it down (P7) Talks about family plans but never asked (P7) Came up with co-worker who was friend (P2) Hasn’t come up other than parents and best friends (P13) Yes, has been asked (P3) Male supervisor, “If I hire a single guy, I can work them as much as I want”, has heard the same from a lot of different people in the industry (P9) Female members and golfers (P6, P8) Quite often; frustrating because they don’t ask any of the guys in the golf shop; comes from a good place overall; could have been location/culture (P11) Has observed and asked others about what it’s like to have children in the golf industry (P4) Not personally, but has seen coaches with family work through work/life balance or imbalances (P7) Interviewed female PGA member for class project and was warned about having a family in the golf industry (P8) 146 Table 20. (cont’d) Has talked with different supervisors about managing family and career (P10) Seen pros handle it well; work/life balance (P13) Depends on who you end up marrying, especially if both in golf industry (P4, P10) Not an issue at the moment; like career and job much more than I want a family at the moment (P5) Things need to change for future PGA members in terms of hours and balance (P7) Can be a barrier for women with a significant other or family, perceived as not being able to do the hours (P9) Thought about it but doesn’t know how she’s going to do it (P13) Barriers/Challenges Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Gender-Based Treatment within PGA Golf Management Program and on Campus While not directly linked to female PGA Golf Management internship experiences, participants were asked about gender-based treatment within their academic program and the campus environment (see Table 21). Higher-order themes of Imbalanced Program Ratio, Overall Prevalence/Examples, Tournaments and Competition, PGM Student Association, Inclusion and Male Advocacy, Exclusion and “Boys Club”, Academics and Group Work, Program Staff and Professors, Mentoring Female Classmates, Progress, Accustomed, Partner/Boyfriend, Parties, and Coping/Avoidance Strategies were identified from participant responses. Imbalanced Program Ratio Participants quickly recalled the imbalanced program ratios of males and females in their respective PGA Golf Management programs. Participant 1 offered a ratio of 160 men and 20 women, and Participant 3 stated that of the 60 first-year students coming into their program, seven are girls. Participant 4 was the only female out of 70 total students in the program as a freshman, and Participant 6’s program consisted of 50 males and three females. Participants 8 and 10 graduated with one other female in their cohort, and Participant 11 was the only female in 147 her graduating cohort. Participant 12 reported that only two girls were left in her cohort and Participant 13 was one of three girls in a total program of 60 students. Overall Prevalence/Examples When asked about gender-based treatment within PGA Golf Management programs and on-campus behaviors, participants offered the pervasiveness and general examples of occurrences. Participant 1 declared: “Oh yeah. There's a ton. It's like, I mean, it's like every day with these boys, but um, we do, yeah, we deal with it a ton.” Participants 2, 3, 4, and 5 indicated that these gender-based treatments are very common, with constant comments, sexism, and objectification within the programs and in the classroom. Participant 4 said, “But yeah, it's definitely difficult being a girl in PGM because guys say things all the time.” Participant 6 had not experienced anything sexist on campus or within her program. Participants 8 and 10 have maintained close relationships with their male classmates, which they said has led to few or no issues of gender-based treatment on campus. Participant 9 noticed the imbalanced ratios and how that might influence daily interactions: Yeah. I mean, obviously, in classes, I'm quite outnumbered. And sometimes it's scary to get up in front of a room full of men with seeing maybe one woman out there, and that woman is _______ like she's my only co-person in this with me. And so, it can be very intimidating. And I'm not really what I would consider close friends with any of the men in my cohort. And they all know each other; they’re all very well acquainted with each other. And so, for them, it seems like it's very easy. Participants 7, 11, and 12 have yet to experience much gender-based treatment in the classroom, but more so during tournaments. More detailed examples are specified in subsequent sections of this general dimension. 148 Tournaments and Competition Seven participants contributed to the higher-order theme of gender-based treatment during tournaments and competitions within their respective PGA Golf Management programs. The Jones Cup, an annual competition amongst the PGM schools (five students from each program), has created a point of contention for several participants. Participant 1 identified the qualifying process for this event as a challenge with their male counterparts. Participant 1’s program director typically picks one female player to ensure representation on the team, which is viewed as reverse sexism by male classmates. Participants 1, 2, 4, and 11 have each experienced issues related to the tee markers and yardages that female PGA Golf Management students play in tournaments with their male classmates. “Or like because I do hit the ball far like a lot of guys complained to the board that I play from, not the first tee forward but the next one back. So sometimes they complain that I'm playing too close even though I play from where all the other girls play,” said Participant 4. Correspondingly, Participant 1 added: Like the boys will say like if I got to play from that distance, like ‘I’d break the course record’ like stuff like that. And it's like, dude, it's not the same. Like you guys hit it further than us. Like that's just how it is. But like it's the biggest deal in the world that we get to play, like, the worst is like if the yardage is way far ahead. But like we have designated yardages that we play. The guys always play a certain yardage. We always play a certain yardage. But if at one course it seems too far ahead for them, then it's like a big deal. And then if a girl wins, then it's like she cheated, it was cheating, and oh my God, it's ridiculous. It's a lot of fighting. It’s constant…Yeah, it's bad, especially with the tournaments, because when the guys start making comments and the girls feel like they won the tournament fair and square, then the girls get really upset. Like the one girl was 149 like crying the one time. I mean, it's like brutal with these boys. And like our tournaments are student-led, so like our director is not around to witness it. So, it's a lot of us just like bantering. Further, Participant 11 focused on the tournaments as difficult situations without faculty or staff supervision: I would say the biggest thing is just the tournaments, like the tee issue, for me it goes back to the tee box. Again, you know, I've won multiple tournaments at school and even partner tournaments with me and another girl and straight away and instead of the support of like, ‘oh, great congrats.’ So, whatever straight away. It's like, ‘well, it's easy when you play off the forward tees’ or whatever comments like that in school. Participants 4 and 7 shared inappropriate male behaviors and language during PGA Golf Management program tournaments. Participant 4 detailed her negative experiences playing in tournaments, leading her to ask the tournament committee(s) not to pair her with certain male classmates: And so, I went to one of the tournament directors because I was like, hey, I was with this group of people that said some of these not great words on the golf course that don't really make me feel great. Like slut and pussy and all that stuff. And I'm like, I don't care how angry you get about like, and it wasn't directed at me, but it was like just saying those words in general, or saying stories about women on the golf course. And it made me really uncomfortable and I was like, I don't care how angry you get about what your shot does. Participant 7 also described her adverse experiences playing in tournaments with male classmates: 150 I know for me being someone that just plays competitively and are more willing to play in the tournaments on campus that our association hosts, when I play with guys a lot of times, for this instance, maybe a few months ago, I was constantly basically this guy was trying to hold my hand, let me read your putts for you. Let me tell you where to aim. It was very, very uncomfortable and I'm like, I can do this by myself, like this is so weird to me. So, there's a lot of instances where the guys are trying to be very macho. But I think that also comes to the fact I'm one of maybe a few girls in our program that actually play in tournaments. On a positive note, Participant 13 described the PGM tournaments as “fun” while still competitive. PGM Student Association The PGM Student Association is typically a registered student organization within a higher education institution with the accredited PGA Golf Management program. Students will meet weekly or monthly as a group. Each PGM Student Association (PGMSA) has a student board, committees, student membership, and a faculty advisor(s). Interactions within these organizations emerged as a higher-order theme, with several lower-order theme examples provided by participants. Participant 3 believed that her participation and leadership within PGMSA as Secretary during her sophomore year helped her gain respect and be seen as informative. However, when she was elected president-elect and introduced herself to the male- dominated PGMSA membership, there were whispers and comments about having a female president. Participant 14 has also faced these comments as a female leader within her program’s PGMSA: “Even as president, like a female president, like it's been a ride. So, they do talk to me differently, the boys on the board do anyway.” Further, she added that communication and tone 151 issues have been a problem with her as president of the PGMSA from male counterparts. Participant 5 has also noticed these behaviors in the PGMSA environment: Um, but sometimes the younger students just don't quite know. Like, hey, you shouldn’t say stuff like that. But it’s definitely happened. But I've gotten to a point where like I’ll politely shut it down or I'll just be like, we just don't need to say that or I’d prefer if you didn’t say that around me type thing. Most, if not all, PGMSAs have social media, making representation and inclusion an essential piece of the female PGM student experience. Participant 1 recalled a situation where the men did a long drive with the longest hitters in the program and posted it all over their program’s PGMSA social media. The women wanted to do something similar and were excluded: And the boys were like ‘That's a joke. Like the women can’t even hit past whatever, whatever.’ And I'm like, ‘dude, like it's different because it's like we're competing against each other for like it doesn't mean we need to be hitting it over 300 yards like you guys.’ Participant 6 believed that her program’s PGMSA social media is intentional about including women and using it as a promotional tool to recruit more female students: The program director does a very good job of making the three of us feel very included in stuff. Our Social Media Manager really tries to get us in all the posts and stuff, which I don't have a problem with at all. But I think it's just to promote it to more women to join, which is a good thing. Participant 10 said: “And so I think the program, yeah, it's a little scary at first when you first walk into your first PGMSA meeting and it's like, oh my gosh, there's four girls in here, what is going on?” Participant 14, as mentioned earlier, also believed that guys are quick to shut down ideas from female students within PGMSA. 152 Inclusion and Male Advocacy Participants 8, 10, and 13 shared the importance of their male classmates and friends within the PGA Golf Management program to support, protect, and advocate for them as people and professionals. Participant 8 said: Like I've been very lucky that I do have people that will stand up for me and see some of this stuff and pretty much give it back. And so, the only way I did that was actually putting myself out there because it is scary. Likewise, Participant 10 detailed her friendships with males in the program: “It was really nice to have those guys around and they kind of took you in too like if anybody gave you problems, that they'd be there for you.” Participant 13 prefers hanging out with the boys: “We’re always hanging out with the guys and I kind of like it that way. There's less drama with guys compared to girls. I actually enjoy it more and this is how I've always been raised.” Exclusion and “Boys Club” Conversely, five participants provided examples on the other end of the spectrum of feeling excluded and dealing with the “boys club” attitude of the program and campus space. Participant 1 included the long drive example presented earlier and supplemented that with male classmates feeling like they are the ones excluded or treated differently, despite the females being outnumbered 160 to 20. Male classmates also ostracized Participant 4 for going to the tournament committee regarding inappropriate language and behaviors. She was labeled as a “bitch.” Participant 5 addressed the “boys club” mentality: “Well, you get like, at least in our program, it kind of sometimes gets a boy’s club vibe where they say something but they've also gotten used to me…” Participants 4 and 12 admitted they are not very social, so some of the exclusion could be due to their preferences and decisions not to attend events outside the 153 classroom. Participant 9 also offered that the “boys club” approach can harm the classroom environment as male students often have inside jokes, cliques, and familiarities. Academics and Group Work Participants 10 and 12 reported experiencing gender-based treatment through academics and group work circumstances. Participant 10 detailed: Um, I would say there were a lot of cases where there were some, I guess, underperforming students that expected the females to have their homework done or be really good on a topic, and expect a lot of free rides with school assignments, things like that. That was an expectation for a while that I picked up on that you are just supposed to have it done and they kind of took that from you. Participant 12 also suggested that she’s close to her cohort members in the classroom and will “help them out with homework.” Program Staff and Professors Four participants commented on the campus climate concerning gender-based treatment (or not) from program staff and professors. Participants 6, 9, and 11 believed their professors treated them equally and supported their academic and professional endeavors. Participant 7 addressed an assumption that professors have made regarding females in the golf industry: But I will say I did notice a lot of times professors are very quick to say, ‘you want to be like the head pro, the one female head pro,’ and it’s like the assumption shouldn’t be made there, you know? Because then they'll say like, ‘oh you can't have the family life if you're going to do this, like be sure that you want to do this.’ It’s like why is the assumption already there? 154 Mentoring Female Classmates Participants 3, 4, and 8 expressed the significance of both seeking out female mentors and being a mentor to female classmates within a PGA Golf Management program. Participant 3 was excited about the opportunity to mentor seven female incoming freshmen. Participant 4 recalled being protected by older female students as a freshman through guidance and sticking up to male classmates. Equally, Participant 8 has been intentional about helping female classmates get more involved within the program or inviting them to social occasions off-campus. Progress Participants 4 and 5 cited progress relative to gender-based treatment within PGA Golf Management programs and the PGA of America more broadly. Participant 4 thought more females getting hired as PGM directors and staff members should continue to aide in progress and representation on-campus and within the industry. Participant 5 added: “I feel like it's gotten better for sure, especially as more people have worked in the industry and they're getting, they're working for more women (in supervisory positions).” Accustomed While not downplaying the importance of addressing gender-based maltreatment, Participants 4 and 10 reported that they were somewhat accustomed to male behaviors during high school and growing up. Participant 4, who experienced inappropriate behaviors during PGM tournaments, shared: I was the captain of the men's golf team here because we didn't have a women's golf team. So, I was used to men behavior, boy behavior, that kind of thing. But it was definitely hard because it's hard to just make friends in general, but there's a lot of language on the golf course that made me pretty uncomfortable. 155 Partner/Boyfriend Two participants detailed that having a partner or boyfriend in the PGM program or the golf industry has been a factor in their experience with gender-based treatment on campus. Participant 2 had a boyfriend in the program, which helped deter a lot of unwanted comments and inappropriate behaviors from male classmates. Further, Participant 4 shared similar experiences with her boyfriend in the golf industry, dissuading male classmates from making advances and avoiding uncomfortable situations. Parties Regarding the social scene within the PGA Golf Management programs, Participant 2 shared that many comments and gender-based treatment occurred at parties: “And the girls kind of putting themselves out there in ways that they probably shouldn't. So personally, like some of that, in my opinion, could be completely avoided if the girls didn’t antagonize it.” Coping/Avoidance Strategies Participants 8 and 9 shared some strategies for coping with or avoiding gender-based treatment within their PGA Golf Management programs. More specifically, Participant 8 divulged: And again, it's just that awareness. It's literally studying the group of people that's in front of you and knowing, alright, who's going to be good, a good person to be able to make an acquaintance with. m Participant 9 views the male-dominated golf industry and PGM programs as a trial: “But there's also a little bit of a challenge aspect of being one of the few females and being like, I kind of feel like a bad ass because I'm one of the few females in the program.” 156 Table 21. Gender-based treatment within PGA Golf Management program and on campus General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Gender-based Treatment in PGA Golf Management and on Campus 160 men, 20 women (P1) 60 freshmen coming in, 7 are girls (P3) Was only female out of 70 in program as freshman (P4) 50 males, 3 females (P6) Graduated with one other female (P10) Only girl in graduating class (P11) Only two girls left in cohort (P12) Three girls and about 60 total in PGM program (P13) “Ton” of gender-based treatment and sexism in the classroom environment (P1) Very common; constant comments, objectification, sexual comments (P1, P2, P3, P4, P5) Definitely difficult being a girl in PGM (P4) Hasn’t experienced anything sexist on campus (P6) Close with guys in program (P8, P10) Can be very intimidating and scary to be in a room of all men (P9) No issues in the classroom, more during tournaments (P7, P11, P12) Jones Cup competition – qualification process (P1) Playing different tee markers/yardages (P1, P2, P4, P11) Perceptions of fairness/lose-lose situations (P1, P11) No faculty/staff supervision; student-led competitions (P1) Inappropriate male behaviors and language (P4, P7) Had to ask tournament committee to not be paired with certain male PGM students (P4) PGM tournaments are fun and friendly (P13) Involvement in SA, Secretary as sophomore which helped (P3) Issues with female SA President/Leadership (P3, P14) Gender politics and communication issues (P5, P14) Social media coverage, representation, and content (P1, P6) PGMSA can be intimidating at first since there’s so few women (P10) Guys shut down ideas when coming from girls (P14) Male classmates have been supportive and will stand up to comments (P8) Most of the guys are very inviting and protecting of female PGM students (P10) Best friends with most of the guys (P13) Boys claim to be excluded ones and that girls are given special treatment by program staff (P1) Labeled a “bitch” for addressing foul language, stories and jokes (P4) Boys club vibe (P5) Excluded based on social life decisions (P4, P12) Inside jokes and cliques (P9) Long drive competition for men but not women (P1) Underperforming male students expect females to complete their work; free ride with assignments; individual and group work (P10) Help them with homework (P12) Imbalanced Program Ratio Overall Prevalence/ Examples Tournaments and Competition PGM Student Association Inclusion and Male Advocacy Exclusion and “Boys Club” Academics and Group Work 157 Table 21. (cont’d) Some professors make assumptions about females in PGM and family life (P7) Program Director does a really good job of making all females feel included (P6) Professors are very supportive (P9) Feels separate from classmates but professors treat them all equally (P11) Mentor to seven freshmen girls coming in (P3) Upperclassmen protected her as a freshman (P4) Other girls in program have been shy, sit in the back of class; I have tried to help push them along (P8) More representation in program staff, which helps (P4) More females in program so should get better (P4) Gotten better as more female PGA professionals are in leadership positions as supervisors (P5) Used to male/boy behavior (P4) Got used to it; outnumbered in school growing up; less drama with guys compared to girls (P13) Boyfriend in PGM program so that helps reduce comments from classmates (P2) Male classmate continued to make inappropriate comments until found out about boyfriend in PGM program (P2) Boyfriend is in golf industry, has deterred PGM classmates (P4) Some of the girls play up to it; many comments come from drunk parties; girls putting themselves out there in ways they shouldn’t (P2) Assessing the environment and choosing friends wisely (P8) See it as a challenge, feels like a bad ass to be one of only a few females (P9) Program Staff and Professors Mentoring Female Classmates Progress Accustomed Partner/ Boyfriend Parties Coping/ Avoidance Strategies Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Coping and Persistence Strategies The researcher inquired about how participants cope with gender-based treatment and continue to persist in the golf industry (see Table 22). Overall, female PGA Golf Management participants offered 73 meaning units, or 5.21 per participant. The higher-order themes of Creating and Taking Advantage of Opportunities, PGMSA Involvement, Playing Ability, Seeking Supervisor and Mentor Support, Ignoring/Brushing it Off, Acceptance of Male- Dominated Industry, Calling it Out, Performance and Work Ethic, Politeness and Kindness, Humor, Friends and Social Support, Persistence, Confrontation, Letting it Go/Simmer, and Other developed from the data. 158 Creating and Taking Advantage of Opportunities Participant 1 shared two meaning units in the higher-order theme of Creating and Taking Advantage of Opportunities. She felt like getting involved and following one’s path are essential aspects of combatting the lack of representation in the golf industry. More specifically, Participant 1 stated: Um, well, I feel like just like creating new opportunities…But yeah, I feel like just, um, I don't know. I feel like there's a lot now there's a lot more opportunity for women too. I feel like a lot of courses are looking for women. PGMSA Involvement Participants 1, 3, and 14 articulated the importance of getting involved with PGMSA for coping and persistence strategies within their program and beyond. Participant 1 expressed: So, like for us this year, so we have a Student Association Board and we outnumber the guys on the board, the girls, we have a female president, we have a female secretary, I'm on the board, and then we have another girl. So, like having a female president makes a statement as is. Participant 3 agreed: “Yeah. Running for leadership. Yeah. That was a big one.” Further, Participant 14 was also elected President of her program’s PGMSA as a junior. She believed this set an example and gave a voice to the female students, especially with being so outnumbered. Playing Ability Playing Ability emerged as a higher-order theme from five participants’ lower-order themes related to coping and persisting. Participant 1 thought that playing ability was one way to level the playing field and continue to persist in the golf industry: 159 And I like being a female just because then I can like prove them wrong in a way like I love playing with the guys and winning. And I literally say to them, I'll be like ‘you come play the same tees as me, like I'm not going to move back because it'll make it harder for me. But if you move forward and we level the playing field, I want to see you hit your wedges good, because they think, ‘Oh, like we play shorter distances.’ Like if they played those distances, they'd be really good. But then you're putting different clubs into their hands that they never really use, like they're wedges. Participant 5 shared the strategy of jumping in with the guys, talking trash, and following it up with a good shot or round. “I hate to say it's like you kind of go down to their level or like conform to what they want, it’s for me, I'm pretty comfortable in that environment too,” she said. Participant 7 uses the coping strategy of throwing the rules of golf at male playing partners giving unsolicited advice: So, I'll kind of hit them back with you should maybe shut up and not give me advice because I can penalize you and they're like ‘What?’ I'm like have you not read the rule book, do you not carry one of those? So, they’re very taken off by that, but it's almost a sense of, I know what I'm talking about. I've done this. You know, you don't essentially have to help me, is what they want to call it. Participant 11 divulged that she feels “confident when I’m at the golf course,” adding: Honestly, like most of the time when it was said to me at a tournament when I was at school, I just said come on then, let’s just go play right now and play 18 holes from the back tees, which is a little bit arrogant, and I'm not arrogant at all, and I don't like even saying that, but sometimes it just has to be said because it is annoying when they, and it’s true, they can, if they're going to say it to me, I'll just say it back… 160 Seeking Advisor and Mentor Support Seeking Advisor and Mentor Support revealed five meaning units in the general dimension of Coping Strategies from Participants 5, 8, and 11. Participant 5 has found it helpful to confide in her internship supervisors to bounce ideas and see if a gender-based incident is an overreaction or if she is being too sensitive. Participant 8 has noticed a mix of supervisor support regarding gender-based behaviors. The supervisors might be friends or have a good relationship with the employee. Participant 8 has also had super protective supervisors who will have meetings with employees who are treating others poorly immediately. Participant 11 has had extensive supervisor and mentor support in both internship experiences: I have been told by like a lot, like both of the people that I’ve worked for, my directors of golf, have said to me, you know, if someone says something inappropriate you know you need to let me know straight away. So, you kind of feel at least to me, I feel like I've had the support that I needed if something like that did happen. Ignoring/Brushing It Off Ten participants reported using the coping and persistence strategies of ignoring or brushing off gender-based treatment while on internship. Participant 3 stated that she resorts to “brushing stuff off” and will “kind of brush it off, continue working.” Participant 4 expressed, “Um, I’m kind of like at this point, I just let it roll off my shoulders.” Participant 5 added, “But you kind of just have to learn to brush it off because it's stuff that gets said to everyone in our generation I feel like too.” Participant 7 prefers to ignore much of it when coping with gender- based treatment or comments: “Sometimes a lot of things don’t deserve a comment.” Participant 9 noted that you must have “thick skin” and “just kind of brush it off because I don’t want to say the wrong thing to a member to make them mad or have it be bigger than it needs to be.” 161 Likewise, Participant 10 chooses to “just kind of brush it off.” Participant 11 shared: “But it is frustrating when it happens, I tend just to brush it off, but yeah, it does happen.” Participant 14 will ignore comments and behaviors to a certain point and “kind of brush it off” if it’s something small. Acceptance of Male-Dominated Industry Several participants contributed to the higher-order theme of accepting that golf is a male-dominated industry with five meaning units. Participant 2 suggested that much of the gender-based treatment from male golfers and colleagues is generational, and that it will take time to see change and progress: Um, for me, I just kind of think of it as they are, most all situations of like harassment and things, are from older people. So, it's kind of, you can think of, well, they're probably going to retire from here soon. Probably not going to deal with them too much longer. That's how they were raised. I mean, that's what's normal to them. So, I, even though it's difficult and can be challenging and upsetting at the same time, you cannot completely change a whole generation of people. So, it's kind of just something that you have to move on with and you can't sit there and be like dwell on it and get all emotional about it whenever, it's not going to, it's not going to change. Like that's something that's just not going to happen. Participant 4 has been careful about bringing up “feminist comments” in her male-dominated PGM program or on internship due to the difficulties of being “anonymous” when “there’s only one of you.” Participant 13 took the long view of combatting the male-dominated nature of golf in sharing that, “There’s nobody that really, I guess is guaranteed a position in this industry.” 162 Calling It Out Several participants have used the strategy of calling out inappropriate or gender-based behaviors. Four participants contributed to this higher-order strategy, represented by five meaning units. Participant 2 preferred to use a direct approach to these comments or behaviors: I've definitely been like, I've definitely told guys like, ‘Hey, could you call me by my name?’ Or like going to the head pro and being like, ‘Hey, this is what happened.’ I was just asking people to just stop or to like give me space. I feel like if you put your foot down, they respect that, most of the time. Participant 5 has had to ask fellow male PGM classmates to stop making comments when the female students are around: We'll look at them when they say something sexist or really inappropriate. And we're like guys, just don't do it when we're around. And like half the time, I'll laugh at it. It's fine. It doesn't bother me. But sometimes you push that line and you cross it. So, I try to help keep them in check. Participant 9 provided examples of calling out inappropriate behaviors: So, I mean, really I kind of just deflect if somebody makes a comment, if I'm comfortable enough with that person, if they do make a comment, I'll call them out on it and I'll be like, ‘hey, like that was shitty, don't say that’ or you know I'll make a comment back to them to just kind of like tell them off. Participant 14 stated, “I call them out and they get nervous, so they apologize immediately.” She added: 163 I've definitely like let people know like verbal and nonverbal, just not talking to them, ignoring them, making sure they know that there's a problem. And like, when they're ready, they can come talk to me about it and stuff like that. Performance and Work Ethic Six participants reported using their performance and work ethic in the classroom, on the golf course, and internship as a coping and persistence strategy in the golf industry. Participant 3 always wants to be the best in her internship class and works hard to seek out information ahead of time on internship, and always works harder than everyone else in everything she does. Participant 5 provided that females “have to have that one extra level of validating your experience” in the male-dominated golf industry. Participant 7 preferred doing her own thing and keep “kind of trucking along.” Participant 9 utilized the strategy of completing the task and ensuring the customer knows that she did it herself, pushing the envelope on gender-based stereotypes or roles. Participant 10 described: And the comments they do, I think I'm just numb to it at this point. But you just, you try to help them as much as possible and show them that you are just as knowledgeable as the guys there. And I think that's probably a hard pill to swallow. I think it's very discouraging at the beginning. But once you break that barrier and you kind of show that specific member or co-worker, whoever, that you know what you're talking about, it's rewarding. And then they, I think it kind of settles in their mind as well. Like, oh, okay. I wasn't trying to be sexist or anything like that. It was just, you know, she knows as much as the guys do…And I almost view it as a challenge. As okay, you don't think that I'm knowledgeable enough or that I have what it takes to supply you with what you need, then I'm going to show you that I can. 164 Participant 13 commented that you must be “confident in your skills and your knowledge. That’s my best strategy I guess, um, for kind of sticking out as a female in the golf world.” Further, she added: I always tell myself too, I know just as much as the guy next to me, if not more than a guy. So as long as you're confident in what you know and what you can do then I think you can be successful. Politeness and Kindness Participants 4, 5, and 10 choose politeness and kindness as coping and persistence strategies in the male-dominated golf industry. Participant 4 preferred to be “kind”, no matter how people reacted to her. Participant 5 will also politely shut down any inappropriate behaviors, and Participant 10 was raised to beat people down with kindness until they learn to like you. Humor Several participants utilized humor as a coping and persistence strategy in the male- dominated golf industry. Rather than resorting to anger or spending time negotiating inappropriate comments or behaviors, Participant 5 will laugh off certain situations. Participant 8 has used witty comments back to male committers: And for me, with all those situations, I tend to just play it off as a joke and send something back. That's my personality…I say like in-person for sure, humor, and a little bit of sarcasm, little bit more kind of kick back with that, has helped a lot because it also, it puts you on like kind of on the same level where it's like ‘I see you.’ Like I can kind of see through you whether it's a coworker or even it could be a boss or whoever you're dealing with. And so, for me, that's helped a lot. Um, it's also helped me quicker change 165 my mindset as well. Rather than I'm so frustrated right now, I'm going to be frustrated for the rest of the day. Participant 10 has also used humor to laugh comments off, or will simply leave the room when a male counterpart has said something offensive. Friends and Social Support Participants 4, 6, and 8 have confided in their female classmates and friends to combat gender-based treatment in golf. Participant 4 shared: “They get what I'm going through and are there for me when stuff is like not super great, but I'm just someone who just, I try to just forget about it. I'm like whatever.” Participant 6’s most potent coping strategy has been to befriend other female coworkers at her internship sites to not feel as isolated. Participant 8 declared: “Because it is hard, especially on these internships, you only find a couple of friends, and being able, being comfortable enough to talk to them about it is good.” Persistence Participants 7, 8, and 10 recalled some form of persistence and ability to keep going in a male-dominated golf industry. As mentioned, Participant 7 preferred to keep to herself and focus on her goals. Participant 8 described persistence in this way: I mean, honestly, it's more an internal thing. You know, where it's your own mindset and it's your own goals. Like how far are you willing to go? Where, even though there are these, you know, kind of bad situations and there's always going to be a stigma with every male-dominated or even female dominated industry. When there's, it’s off-kilter, there's always going to be some sort of clash. And I think it's all internal. How far are you willing to push it and how far are you willing to go? Does it really bother you, or are you 166 more comfortable, um, depending on your personality, being somewhere else? Like it's really up to the person. Participant 10 was warned at an early age by her parents that golf is a male-dominated sport and industry. This knowledge early on has helped her see the positive aspects of working in golf: And because I just think you can't hold onto, there’s so much good in your job, the world, your life. There's so much good, that if you let one little comment by somebody destroy you, I mean, that's a total waste. There's so much good in your life that you can't let that just bring you down and tear you down and ruin your internship experience or some of the relationships that you've made with your coworkers or whatever, you can't throw that all away off of one thing. Letting It Go/Simmer Participants 4, 5, 9, 10, and 14 offered nine meaning units to encompass the higher-order theme of letting some things go and simmer to cope and persist within the golf industry. Participant 4 shared: So, I'm usually somebody who I can just let it go. It does anger me but I am not someone who gets crazy, worked up, emotional, like about it. Like I'm just like it is what it is. People are going to say mean things. Similarly, Participant 5 handled most comments by letting them go: I just try not to dwell on it because I'm like, I know I'm just going to get mad or like I’ll say something stupid and that's just not worth putting up a fight when you have a good job and overall, 99% of experiences with membership is good. Participant 9 is non-confrontational, and some behaviors are so shocking that she needs a few days to debrief and work through things to reduce the urge to say something in the moment. 167 Participant 10 will “let it simmer” and tries not to take things too personally. Participant 14 shared that she will “blur” things out and puts on a mean face so that nobody tries to say or do anything. Other Participants 4, 7, and 8 offered additional coping and persistence strategies in navigating the male-dominated golf industry while on internship, on the golf course, or in the classroom. Participant 4 suggested that one coping mechanism is to remind yourself that you are making an impact and changing the game as a female in golf. Participant 7 stated that you have to put your ego aside and not see everything as a competition since her classmates will all end up at different facilities. Further, Participant 8 has used activities outside of golf and relaxation techniques to be able to leave work behind, change her mindset, and create balance when coping and persisting in golf. Table 22. Coping and persistence strategies General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Coping and Persistence Strategies n = 73 Creating and Taking Advantage of Opportunities PGMSA Involvement Playing Ability Seeking Supervisor and Mentor Support Ignoring/Brushing it Off Acceptance of Male-Dominated Industry Calling it Out Performance and Work Ethic Politeness and Kindness Humor Friends and Social Support Persistence Letting it Go/Simmer Other P1(2); n = 2 P1, P3, P14; n = 3 P1, P5, P7, P11(2); n = 5 P5, P8(3), P11; n = 5 P3, P4, P5, P7, P9, P10, P11, P14(3); n = 10 P2(2), P4(2), P13; n = 5 P2, P5, P9, P14(2); n = 5 P3(3), P5, P7, P9, P10(2), P13(3); n = 11 P4, P5, P10; n = 3 P5, P8(2), P10; n = 4 P4, P6, P8; n = 3 P7, P8, P10(2); n = 4 P4, P5, P9(3), P10(2), P14(2); n = 9 P4, P7, P8(2); n = 4 168 Table 22. (cont’d) Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant that provided the coping strategy and parenthesis for multiple meaning units. n = total number of participant coping strategies. Benefits to Being a Female in the Golf Industry Participants were asked to address their perceived benefits to being a female in the golf industry (see Table 23). The higher-order themes of Internship and Job Opportunities, Unique Perspective, Teaching and Coaching, Connecting with Female Golfers/Growing the Game, Merchandising and Sales, Clothing from Vendors, Job Skills and Duties, and Others materialized from participant responses. Internship and Job Opportunities Ten participants offered meaning units that coalesced into the lower-order themes of Job Opportunities, Internship Opportunities, and being in High Demand within the higher-order theme of Internship and Job Opportunities as benefits to being a female in the golf industry. Participants 1, 2, 5, 10, and 12 cited the job opportunities available to females as a benefit. Participant 12 said: They always talk about how, as they are wanting to grow the female side of the industry, so, especially with internships. If I wanted to go somewhere, I'm likely to be able to go there. Whereas maybe some of like my male colleagues, if they wanted to go there, they would have to fight their way into that position. Internship opportunities, more specifically, were mentioned as benefits of being a female in the golf industry by Participants 5, 6, and 12. Being in high demand was also a perceived benefit by Participants 4, 9, 10, 13, and 14. 169 Unique Perspective Participants 7, 8, and 9 shared their beliefs that females can offer a unique perspective in golf media, problem-solving, empathy, efficiency, and different perspectives than male colleagues. For example, Participant 7 explained: Being a female, we have a better understanding about the disadvantage that we're at. So being able to promote and kind of shed light on that a little more is going to help elevate (the women’s game). So, for me, like I could explain a story that had happened to me or I know someone in maybe college golf that has a hardship. But now we can shine light on it and help promote it. And, you know, girls kind of have a different way of approaching things. A little more sympathetic, I guess you could say so. I think that definitely helps. Participant 8 offered the unique perspective of females in a male-dominated industry in helping facilities become efficient: And being able to kind of bring that is always really good because then it opens up all these brand-new ideas and ways to do things which could be, you know, make a facility even more money, be more efficient, things like that. Participant 9 believed the female perspective was advantageous for a facility as well, creating benefits and opportunities: But there's also a lot of places out there who want to have a female, to have a different perspective on things. So, I feel like that's a good benefit that females can use to their advantage when looking for a position in an interview as saying that I might not be what you been used to in the past with a male dominated industry. But that we can give a different perspective and give a different approach to things. So, I think we can use that to our advantage, for sure. 170 Teaching and Coaching The higher-order them of Teaching and Coaching, cited by participants 4, 6, 7, 10, 12, and 14, explained how females in the golf industry might benefit from the higher-order theme of Teaching and Coaching by being requested by female golf students specifically or having the opportunity to work with females and youth of all genders on their games. Participant 4 gets “a lot of like satisfaction from teaching women because I know it’s a hard sport to get into.” Participant 6 also “got a lot of individual lessons from the ladies, I think just because they wanted a female to teach them.” She added, “like the junior clinics, all the girls, kind of a couple of them told me they’re like we’ve never had a girl teacher before. Like this is so fun.” Participant 7 agreed: I feel that being a girl in the industry, a lot more females are drawn to you and feel comfortable, especially when it comes to taking lessons or beginning the game. I feel like that is something that if more courses had women working, there would be a better development to growing that game. Lastly, Participant 12 disclosed teaching and coaching as a massive benefit for females in the golf industry: I guess the one thing that sticks out to me, there is the instruction for females if they ever want to go into teaching a lot, especially at my first internship, a lot of the female members would ask me to give lessons to them, whereas opposed to like my male colleagues, because you can just relate to them more and they feel more comfortable with another female rather than a male. It's kind of like with personal training if you wanted to create a comparison because you just feel more comfortable with somebody with the same gender as you. 171 Connecting with Female Golfers/Growing the Game Seven participants acknowledged the importance of being a female professional, connecting with female golfers, and growing the game as a benefit (see Table 23). The lower- order themes in this category are the growth in female golfers and members, facilities looking to diversify their staffs, growing the game more generally, and providing reassurance and comfort to female golfers. Regarding the growth in female golfers and membership, Participant 4 said: I know that I'll probably always have a job. So that's nice knowing that there are a lot of places who still don't have or have never had a female professional. And there are places that have really big member, female member participation who want to bring in a female pro. On facilities looking to diversify their staffs, Participant 5 reported that “Lately too, places have been trying to diversify a bit. And sometimes that means just adding a woman.” Participant 7 commented on growing the game more generally, that if a mom and/or wife “knows there’s a female out there that’s willing to work and very personable then I feel like that can really help grow the game.” Participant 8 described the reassurance of a female golf professional in creating a comfort level amongst female golfers: “They want you to be there. They are over the moon that you're there.” Participant 13 further expanded on this comfort level: And then I could just see their guard kind of drop when they played with me compared to a guy. I feel like when they play with guys, they think that they need to play better compared to a lady. So just being around a female professional just kind of relaxes them and makes them more motivated to get into the game. 172 Merchandising and Sales Participants 2 and 3 reflected on the benefits of being a female in the golf industry when assisting customers and receiving sales commissions in the golf shop. Participant 2 shared her experiences in this area at one of her internship sites: And I feel like if I'm a woman standing there with eight guys and some middle-aged guy comes up, they're going to probably come to me first before they're going to want to come to the other guys. Which could give me more like, at one of my places we had to enter our initials to check anybody out. And so, we would get commission based off that. So, I could potentially have a better opportunity to earn more commission or like the internship that I'm going to this summer, more in sales. Like I feel for a woman to sell something that men normally sell might be a little easier just because the guys are going to be like, ‘oh, it's a girl, like she knows her stuff. Like we can trust her.’ Similarly, Participant 3 added: “Well, when everybody comes into the golf shop, the girl is the one who everybody is going to buy stuff from. They're not going to buy a shirt from a guy.” Clothing from Vendors Related to the previous higher-order theme of Merchandising and Sales, Participants 2, 3, and 6 informed the interviewer concerning gifts, clothing, and apparel they receive from vendors as females in the golf industry. Participant 2 explained: I think part of it might just be because women naturally build more like personable connections than lot of men do. So, whether that's like connections with members and the members invite you out to do something or bring you in, like random gifts or like our sales or vendors always bring in, they always bring us in like little goodies and gifts. They're like, ‘Oh, we thought you'd like this pullover that we got’, things like that. 173 Participant 3 reported that she got “a bunch of free stuff this year. Yeah. Almost too much…” while the guys “get hand-me-downs.” Additionally, Participant 6 “did receive a lot of clothing last summer, yeah. Like I came home with like 12 polos, two pullovers, like I got some nice stuff last summer.” Job Skills and Duties Female participants described how they might benefit from gaining job skills and completing different duties than their male counterparts. Participant 2 mentioned the more personal connections previously, which have given her opportunities in different areas of the golf industry to build skills and take on unique responsibilities. Participant 3 stated that guys could be better at detail-oriented tasks or knowing about specific merchandise in the golf shop. Further, as a female, she has been able to work inside more often and “get a lot more information…than the outside guys.” Participant 6 sees benefits from facilities seeking out females but also wants “to be hired based off of my skill, not just because I’m a woman.” Participant 14 summarized her views on the benefits of being a female in the golf industry: So being a woman definitely has its benefits because a lot of like head professionals will see males as like incompetent and not able to do, like the gender roles. Like they work outside and the ladies work in the pro shop. But and that they don't take their own…I’m trying to look for the word…they don't take initiative like women do. That's what I'm trying to get at. And a lot of head professionals see that in a positive way. Like women are like go-getters and there are males that are go getters, but some of them are, some of the boys are just all over the world. 174 Other Participants 2, 11, and 13 suggested alternative benefits of being a female in the golf industry. Connected to the idea of females having their knowledge, skills, or abilities questioned, Participant 2 analyzed the other side of this concept as well, stating: And so, I feel like even though sometimes females are questioned and interrogated about things, it also works the other way too. Like if we, if they can tell that we know what are talking about, it’s sold, like they want to know more about it. They trust us more and they want to buy from us. So, it kind of is like a double-edged sword. Participant 11 viewed the benefits as very much an individual thing: “It just depends where you work and all of that too, who you work for, because if you work for someone, you know, that doesn’t respect you just because you are a female, it’s not the place to work.” Conclusively, Participant 13 expressed her ability to get away with certain things that a male might not necessarily be able to: You can pretty much get away with whatever you want as a girl, to be honest. The whole dress code thing. I have never had an issue with anything I've ever worn until I went to ________, which I think helps being a girl like, especially in PGM classes, we have a dress code, we have to wear golf attire. And I can basically do whatever, so that helps. Table 23. Benefits of being a female in the golf industry General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Benefits of Being a Female in the Golf Industry Internship and Job Opportunities Unique Perspective Teaching and Coaching Job opportunities (P1, P2, P5, P10, P12) Internship opportunities (P5, P6, P12) High demand (P4, P9, P10, P13, P14) Golf media (P7) Problem-solving (P8) Softer, more empathetic, more efficient way (P8) Bring different perspectives, advantage in interviews (P9) Requested by females (P4, P6, P7, P12) Teaching and coaching females/children (P10, P12, P14) 175 Table 23. (cont’d) Connecting with Female Golfers/Growing the Game Merchandising and Sales Clothing from Vendors Job Skills and Duties Other Growth in female golfers and members (P4, P5, P10) Diversifying staff (P5) Growing the game – generally (P7, P10, P14) Reassuring to female golfers/comfort level (P8, P10, P13) Customers want sales assistant from females (P2, P3) Sales commission (P2, P3) Gifts, clothing, and apparel from vendors (P2, P3, P6) More personable connections than men (P2) Guys aren’t great with customer service and going extra steps (P3) Assigned duties and access to information (P3) Wants to be hired off skills, not just because female (P6) Gender roles can be advantage in experience and career development (P14) Women take more initiative (P14) Double-edged sword in terms of knowledge perception (P2) Pros and cons might balance out; it’s pretty equal (P11) Depends on the person and their work ethic/goals (P11) 100% can pretty much get away with whatever you want as a girl in golf (P13) Dress code and attire (P13) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. Advice for Future Female PGA Golf Management Students When asked about advice they would give future female PGA Golf Management students, participants offered 59 meaning units that emerged within 11 higher-order themes (see Table 24). Persist and Resist, Build Relationships, Find Mentors, Work Ethic, Take Advantage of Opportunities in Golf Industry, Personality Characteristics, Be Proactive, Grow the Game, Internship Selection Process, and Evaluate the Environment were established as higher-order themes. Persist and Resist Participants 1, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, and 14 each contributed to the higher-order theme of Persist and Resist within the general dimension of Advice for Future Female PGA Golf 176 Management students. Thirteen meaning units developed from this question. Participant 1 noted: “I would probably say um, make sure that, you know, you have tough skin, especially in this industry…just prove them wrong, keep persisting, keep pushing.” Participant 8 stated that things will often not go exactly how you planned or expected and to use these as opportunities to learn and grow. Participant 10 referred to the internship experiences as a “kind of a sink or swim situation and you kind of need to decide what you want from it, what you decide to do, I guess.” Participant 11 heeded advice from her mentors: Just be persistent and consistent probably. Because you have to start from the bottom to work your way up. And eventually, one of the directors of golf said this to me, eventually your hard work will be rewarded. So just keep, keep being consistent. That's the biggest thing I would say. Yeah, I don't worry about what anyone else says. Just be consistent. Participant 12 shared: I guess going into the program, like don't be scared that it is male dominated. I guess that was one thing that I was nervous about that I didn't know if I was going to be able to fit in as much. Additionally, Participant 13 added to the resistance factor: Don't take nothing from the boys. They're going to pick on you. That's just how boys are. But you just can't let it get to you. Then, like I said, just work hard. Just try to be the best there is. Participant 14 commented that being a female in the golf industry is “definitely not for the weak” and to not “let anybody stop you.” 177 Build Relationships Building relationships and networking developed as a higher-order theme, with five participant meaning units. Participant 1 described the importance of the female PGM students sticking together. Participant 4 similarly proposed that it can be intimidating to hang out with male and female classmates, but that meeting others, especially within your cohort, can be rewarding. Regarding socialization opportunities with fellow PGM students, Participant 8 said, “Like just do it pretty much. And if it doesn't work, then it doesn't work, but you won't know until you do it.” Participant 14 believed that becoming close with the other females in the program was vital to her success: They’re going to be your best friends and they’re going to help you and they’re going to understand, like, I’m sorry, but like a man’s not going to understand what another woman’s going through. Or like situations, like sexual situations at work or whatever, like stuff like that, they will never be able to understand. Find Mentors Participants 5 and 6 contributed to the higher-order theme of finding and seeking out mentors. Participant 5 mentioned the importance of having mentors and mentoring other females in the golf industry and the PGM program. Participant 6 said: I would say try to find another female in the industry that's been in a couple years and kind of reside in them. Be able to feel comfortable enough around them to ask the hard questions like the negatives of being a woman in the industry and stuff like that. Like I said earlier, I was lucky enough to have those two older girls in the program that I still talk to. So, I think just finding other women in the industry that she can kind of look up to. 178 Work Ethic Work Ethic emerged as a higher-order theme amongst participants regarding advising future female PGM students. Participant 2 detailed the importance of going above and beyond whenever possible, going the extra mile, and taking the extra step. Participant 3 added: “Just work your butt off. Try to outwork all the guys.” Keeping your golf game sharp was a piece of advice offered by Participant 7: But I think a lot of girls need to work on their game and make sure that they are to a playing ability to where people don't have the need to say that, ‘oh, she's a girl, she can't play.’ Participant 13 contributed: But yeah, that's kind of my best advice is just to know more than everyone else. And you’ll be successful because they can't, they can't do anything about it if you have more knowledge and skills, whether you’re a boy or a girl, they can't take that away from you. Take Advantage of Opportunities in Golf Industry The higher-order theme of Take Advantage of Opportunities in Golf Industry developed from 11 meaning units by Participants 1, 3, 7, 10, and 11. Participant 1 proposed: So, I would say, you know, don't let that, like if I were giving advice to a future PGA Golf Management female student, I would say don't let being a female hold you back, if anything let it be the reason that you do it because there's so many opportunities…it’s a great industry. Participant 3 also advised on the number of opportunities in golf: Um, I'd say get involved in as much as possible, you know. You’re only in college really for four years, you know. Go out of state. Don't stay like at home, don't stay close to 179 home for internships. Spread your wings. You can always go back. You know, you can get this experience and then go back. But you’re never going to get this experience and get paid and free housing and free meals, you know, like any other time except for when you're in college. Participant 7 thought female PGM students should “keep an open mind and don’t be afraid to try things.” Participant 10 expressed the importance of internship opportunities to see what you like to do and what you don’t. She added that the golf industry allows students to live in different areas and check out new parts of the country. Analogously, Participant 11 advised female PGM students to leave their comfort zones. Personality Characteristics Participants 2 and 4 advised on personality characteristics that may be beneficial in being successful in the golf industry. More specifically, Participant 2 stated: And even though it sucks to have to change who you are sometimes just like, make sure in those settings where there could be some inappropriate comments or you could be discriminated against because you're female, make sure that you're taking precautions. Participant 4 also suggested: “So definitely be really outgoing if you can be. It's a hard thing, especially when you're a freshman in college, but the more outgoing you are, the better.” Be Proactive Participants 1, 2, 8, and 9 indicated the importance of being proactive as a female PGM student with eight unique meaning units. Participant 1 advised earlier about not letting others hold you back. Participant 2 detailed being proactive: 180 But the main thing is just really like if you want something, ask for it. If you want responsibility, ask for it, if you want somebody to not do something or not say something, stand up for yourself, say, ‘Hey, look, that's not okay.’ Participant 8 shared: Who cares that you're the only female in the room? Most of my classes, I've been the only one and it does not bother me necessarily just putting yourself out there and just being a person rather than you, yourself putting yourself in a box. Because that whole internal feeling that people are telling you things and they're getting in your head. And then you see yourself as what other people say. Instead of ‘I'm here, this is what I know, this is what I do.’ Participant 9 recommended the significance of talking to your supervisors consistently: If you don't say anything to your supervisor, sometimes they have no idea what's going on. Um, I mean, if you don't say anything and you just go about it and you get upset because you didn't get the experience out of it, they might have no idea that you're upset about it. So that's kind of my biggest piece of advice. Grow the Game Participants 1, 5, and 12 considered the unique opportunity to grow the game of golf as a female in the industry. Participant 1 expressed that golf is becoming more inclusive, and being part of the progress is exciting. While the game is changing, Participant 5 mentioned: It's just, you can't be too pushy, super early on. You got to kind of sit back and watch, and it’s with every internship, so you can't come in immediately demanding all this stuff or saying, you got to learn the area and figure it out. And then once you've been there long enough, you can make the changes you think need to be made. So, I think, just adapting, 181 but also observing is the biggest thing. Because I think sometimes too, like women come off in the industry as like super demanding or like, I don't know the best way, but they come in and just swoop in and try to change everything is kind of I feel like a stereotype. So, I try to just sit back, observe and go from there first. Participant 12 similarly added: But really take advantage of being a woman in the industry because you are trying to grow the game. You're trying to get the like the little kids when you're doing the tournaments to love the game as well as much as you. Internship Selection Process Participants 4, 9, 10, and 12 explained the consequences of the Internship Selection Process with seven meaning units. Participant 4 wished she had listened to her program director’s advice: “Um, your first internship, go somewhere that your director advises. So, I did not heed this advice and it ended up going very badly.” Participant 9 shared the concerns about job duties and responsibilities and getting things in writing: So, my biggest advice is if you have a place that really wants you to intern with them, ask them the questions of what they would be doing on a day to day, what that looks like. Get it in writing so that when you get there, if you're not doing those things, you can bring that to your supervisor and say here's what you promised me. And I'm not getting the experience that I thought that I was going to be getting. Correspondingly, Participant 10 advised: Yeah and I guess, ask a lot of questions. If there's something that you are interested in doing, ask that when it comes to interview processes and things like that. My first year I asked all of the people that I interviewed with, ‘can I teach? Is there room for teaching 182 opportunities?’ And if there's anything you want to know, ask that question. Is there, you know, am I going to be able to play and practice? Am I going to have time to go play with members? Can I help with this? Can I do different things like that? Ask questions and they'll tell you, they'll be honest with you. And so, I think it's important to really pick their brain when you're interviewing. Participant 12 thought: And then when they're going into their internships that they can be picky on where you want to go. I hear a lot of like, oh, I didn't have a great experience on my first internship and stuff like that. I guess I'm not saying that, it's directed towards them that they're the reason why they didn't have a great internship. But really ask those big questions on what your responsibilities are going to be at the course, what they expect of you when you're there. And that if it's not the right fit, you don't have to jump into the first place that offers you an internship spot. Table 24. Advice for future female PGA Golf Management students General Dimensions Advice for Future Female PGA Golf Management Students n = 59 Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Persist and Resist Build Relationships Find Mentors Work Ethic Take Advantage of Opportunities in Golf Industry Personality Characteristics Be Proactive Grow the Game Internship Selection Process P1(4), P8, P10, P11(3), P12, P13, P14(2); n = 13 P1, P4, P8, P14(2) n = 5 P5, P6; n = 2 P2(2), P3, P7, P13(2); n = 6 P1(2), P3(3), P7, P10(4), P11; n = 11 P2, P4; n = 2 P1, P2(3), P8(3), P9; n = 8 P1, P5(2), P12(2); n = 5 P4(2), P9, P10(2), P12(2); n = 7 Note: The lower-order theme refers to the participant that provided the coping strategy and parenthesis for multiple meaning units. n = total number of participant coping strategies. 183 Improving Internships for Female PGA Golf Management Students Participants were asked about their thoughts on improving the internship experiences overall, specifically for female PGA Golf Management students (see Table 25). The higher-order themes of Program Staffing, Post-Internship Processes, Internship Database, Site Supervisors, Pre-Internship Processes, Gender-Based Treatment Training, Work Conditions, Check-Ins During Internship, Advertising and Marketing, Customize Internship Experiences, and PGA Standards each emerged from the data. Program Staffing Participant 1 suggested that each PGA Golf Management program be required to have at least one full-time female on staff: I think that every school should be required to have at least one female on staff. And I think that that female should be very experienced because for me, there are certain things that I'm going to want to talk about with the female that I would feel very uncomfortable talking about with a man. So, having a female on staff would be a lot more comforting for the female students to talk to that staff member about internships, what they're experiencing. Participant 10 mentioned the challenges of program staffing turnover and the importance of retaining quality directors and professors. Post-Internship Process Participants 1, 2, 9, 10, and 13 believed the post-internship follow-up processes could be improved, especially for female students. Participants 1, 2, and 13 suggested a formal post- internship survey and meeting. Participant 10 felt like a recent program exit interview was taken to heart by program staff and helpful in improving internships. Participants 9 and 13 suggested 184 that the PGA Golf Management programs have a formal process for not sending students back to bad internship sites. Internship Database Participants 1, 4, and 5 believed that an internship database between the PGA Golf Management programs, not just a program’s internal database, could be beneficial moving forward. Participant 5 added that databases can get outdated, and there might be a change in leadership which could significantly affect the internship experience. Site Supervisors As the site supervisors make or break an internship experience, Participants 4, 11, 12, 13, and 14 mentioned a more rigorous process for supervisor selection for improving internships for female PGM students. Participants suggested improving the vetting process for internship sites, mentor/supervisor training or educational classes for rigor/qualification, an agreement to take on a mentoring role (not just be a supervisor), conducting evaluations of internship sites, and more inclusive practices for interns to feel like part of the professional staff as lower-order themes. Pre-Internship Processes Participants 1, 3, 5, and 12 described pre-internship processes that could improve the internship experiences for female PGA Golf Management students. Enhancing pre-internship expectations, giving more attention during the internship selection processes, and providing more formal internship guidelines and training manuals were all mentioned as lower-order themes. Gender-Based Treatment Training Participants 2, 6, and 10 believed the internship experiences could be improved through more awareness and training around gender-based treatment in the workplace. Participant 2 suggested that gender-based treatment and sexism in workplace training for both male and 185 female PGM students would be beneficial. Participants 2 and 10 also thought there should be specific post-internship questions related to these behaviors to reduce the likelihood of interns being sent back to those sites. Further, training to increase awareness for female PGM students on situations that might arise in the golf industry was deemed critical by Participants 2 and 6. Work Conditions Participants 4, 5, 11, 12, and 14 recommended that the work conditions for interns and the golf industry should be reviewed more globally. Participants 5, 11, and 14 expressed the need for greater transparency on job descriptions, offers, and actual work duties being completed during internship experiences. It was noted by Participant 4 that either the hours need to be adjusted and limited, or the expectations should be altered. For example, PGM students are required to average 35 hours per week on internship. However, some work over 60 hours per week, get burned out, and drop the program. Finally, Participant 12 also stated: Even though we are interns and students, we aren't just another body that you can like throw around to do the tasks that nobody else wants to do. I know a lot of my colleagues, they were thrown into the littler tasks and all that. Check-Ins During Internship Participant 9 believed that more check-ins with advisors and supervisors, such as a midpoint evaluation or performance review, would be highly beneficial to all parties and possibly lead to reductions in gender-based treatment and other challenges that may arise midstream. Advertising and Marketing Participants 1, 4, and 13 held that the PGA and PGA Golf Management programs need to advertise and market to high school golfers and facilities to continue to grow the industry and 186 females more precisely. For example, when Participant 4 shared with others what she is studying in college, most of those individuals had never heard of PGM. Customize Internship Experiences Participants 7, 8, 10, and 12 centered their advice for improving internships for female PGA Golf Management students around factors related to the customization of experiences. Getting rid of the idea that women can “write their tickets,” personalizing internships based on career path preferences, opening up membership classifications beyond green-grass facilities, improving the variety and diversity of internship experiences for work experience activity completion, and emphasizing the importance of the first internship for career path and program retention were all stated as lower-order themes. PGA Standards Participants 4 and 5 noted the significance of the PGA being more hands-on and having a broader reach to keep standards high within programs and maintain student retention. Table 25. Improving internships for female PGA Golf Management students General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes Improving Internships for Female PGA Golf Management Students Program Staffing Post-Internship Process Internship Database Site Supervisors Pre-Internship Processes One female on PGM staff (P1) Female staff is more relatable (P1) Been through program director turnover (P10) Post-internship survey/meeting (P1, P2, P13) Use exit interviews and take information to heart (P10) Don’t send students back to bad sites (P9, P13) School databases (P1) Databases for all schools, not just own school (P4) Databases can get outdated (P5) Improve vetting process for internship sites (P4, P14) Mentors/supervisor training or classes (P4) Mentoring role, not just supervisor (P11, P14) Conduct evaluations of internship sites (P13) Supervisors should be more inclusive, treat intern as part of professional staff (P12) Enhancing expectations pre-internship (P1, P3) Internship selection processes (P12) 187 Table 25. (cont’d) Gender-Based Treatment Work Conditions Check-Ins During Internship Advertising and Marketing Customize Internship Experiences PGA Standards Internship guidelines and training manual (P3, P5) Specific questions post-internship (P2, P10) Awareness of situations that might come up for females (P2, P6) Training for male and female students about gender-based treatment and sexism in the workplace (P2) Adjust hours expectations for lower dropout/burnout (P4) Transparency on internship and job details (P5, P11, P14) Not just another body you can throw around and do the tasks that nobody else wants to do (P12) More check-ins with advisors and supervisors during internship; mini-performance review at midpoint (P9) Increase advertising for PGM programs (P1, P4, P13) Market to high school golf programs (P4) Most people she tells about PGM don’t know what it is (P4) Getting rid of the idea that women can “write their own ticket” (P7) Personalize and customize internships based on career path intentions (P7, P8, P10) Opening up membership classifications and internship sites beyond green grass facilities (P7, P8) Variety and diversity of experiences to gain skills and complete required work experience activities (P12) Importance of first internship for career path and program retention (P12) PGA should be a bit more hands-on, more information on success (P5) Wider reach so standards are still kept high when you weed out students during internships or work experience activities (P4) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. General Challenges or Long-Term Barriers to Being a Female in the Golf Industry Participants were asked more generally about any challenges of being a female in the golf industry and if they perceived any barriers to a long-term career in the golf industry. The higher- order themes of High School Golf, No Long-Term Career Barriers, Male-Dominated Industry, Career Paths and Advancement, Minimal Adversity, Stereotyping, Having to Prove Self, Generational Shift and Progress, Work-Family Balance, Pay and Working Conditions, Retention/Attrition, and Mentoring/Supervising originated from the data. 188 High School Golf Several participants played on co-educational high school teams or were forced to join the boys’ team due lacking girl’s high school golf opportunities. Participant 1 divulged: So, I played on a co-ed team but as the only girl. So, it's definitely a little hard, um, being the only girl. There's a lot of challenges that I faced even at the high school level, just being on a co-ed team. I mean, I don't know, mixing guys and girls is definitely scary because guys are very like, I don't know, they can say some things and, you know, make you feel excluded but yeah, so I played on the co-ed team. She also commented that the boys and girls played different distances for some matches and the same tee markers for other matches: So, it was very, it was a very controversial thing because, so when we did matches, I usually got one tee ahead. But when we did tournaments, the guys thought it wasn't fair for me to get one tee ahead, especially for like the state-level tournaments and stuff. So, I'd have to play the same tees. So, it was very difficult, especially I remember one of the tournaments I played in, I played from like the back tees and it was just hard. I mean it was really long for me and I think it completely took me out of the competition. No Long-Term Career Barriers Participants 2, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11, and 14 reported no significant long-term challenges or barriers to a career in the golf industry. Participants 2 and 8 believed it was more about the individual’s mindset, regardless of the lack of gender representation within the PGA and golf industry. Participant 2 expanded: So, I don't really see many challenges like working my way up. If, say I wanted to be a GM, like I don't see there being an issue getting like a lead assistant role or a head 189 professional role. Just because people think it's cool and new and fun to have a female in that position. Related to a long-term career as a teaching professional in golf, Participant 11 stated: No, not really, not being a female, if anything I feel like most of that is an advantage to being female. I feel like when I was little, I wanted females to be a coach when I was a girl. So, I feel like maybe it was a good thing being a female, but I don't feel disadvantaged. I feel equal. Additionally, Participant 14 believed that she has not experienced challenges or barriers directly but has seen other women navigate difficulties. Male-Dominated Industry Participants 1, 4, 8, 10, and 12 shared general challenges or perceived barriers to being a female in the golf industry in such a male-dominated environment. Participant 1 played at a predominately male private golf course while on internship and “felt like everyone was staring at me because like me and my friend were the only girls playing there that day.” Participant 4 experienced men feeling “emasculated” when she would try to do tasks that were part of her job duties: “They really don't want women doing things for them.” Participant 8 believed the “good ole boys club” was alive and well across all generations. Related to a lack of representation within the golf industry, Participant 10 suggested: I mean you never really see any female head pros or directors of golf and things like that. And I would definitely like to see more of that. I'm not taking away from men at all, but I just think it would be very encouraging to women that are just either thinking about getting in the industry or just getting into it, and seeing more female representation from 190 a managerial standpoint. I think it would just be a little bit more reassuring that you can do this. Participant 12 acknowledged the challenge of being in a male-dominated industry: Um, in a way, because it is such a male predominant, predominantly a male sport that it feels like you have to like go above and beyond. Whereas some of my male colleagues, they, they're just there and they'll get whatever they want in a way. Career Paths and Advancement Challenges or barriers in career paths and advancement were represented by Participants 7, 10, and 13. Participant 7 noted the small career path windows required by the PGA and PGA Golf Management programs regarding internships and having to create your path and “kind of push barriers and boundaries.” Participant 10 described the tendency for women golf professionals to “branch off” into more specialized areas of the golf industry. Further, Participant 13 has seen colleagues on internship that get “stuck” in certain positions and not be able to get promoted further: So, I've seen that challenge and that is definitely something that worries me because I don't want to get in a position like that. I want to be in a leadership role. I ultimately would love to be a director of golf, I just have to figure out how to get there. Minimal Adversity Participants 5, 6, 7, and 8 reported experiencing minimal adversity in the golf industry thus far. Participant 5 has an optimistic view of the future with the retirement of a generation of PGA professionals: “Like sometimes you got to wait it out and be patient and keep searching for those dream jobs and keep waiting for them to open up.” Similarly, Participant 6 has seen other women experience some “hiccups” and knows it will happen eventually. Participant 7’s 191 internship portfolio faced some minimal setbacks, but she was able to push through and make things happen. Stereotyping Participants 4 and 5 implied that the advancement of women in golf continues to be hindered by certain stereotypes still being perpetuated within the industry. Participant 4 has directly experienced the stereotypes and strong beliefs about the tee markers or distances that she plays and the perceptions of females being slower-paced golfers. Participant 5 also believed that females in the golf industry are stereotyped as wanting to come in and change everything right away. Having to Prove Self Having to prove oneself was identified as a higher-order challenge or long-term barrier to being a female in the golf industry by Participants 4 and 12. While males automatically are assumed to get the credit for their work, Participant 4 has directly and vicariously faced being dismissed or unacknowledged for her work as a female in golf. Participant 12 felt that female golf professionals must go above and beyond and show that they are better than their male colleagues. Generational Shift and Progress Participants 3, 5, 10, and 14 offered the hope of progress and generational shifts in the golf industry to make the game more diverse, both playing and professionally. The data revealed the lower-order themes of supervisors being set in their ways, reverse ageism, generational retirements, and getting younger generations involved in the game. Participant 3 commented: Other than, I mean, people being set in their ways and not wanting to teach you. I mean, I‘m kind of headstrong, so I just kind of, you know, kind of try to learn as much as 192 possible, you know, and yeah, take maybe some, maybe get like more responsibility. But again, that was hard at __________ just because my supervisor was very set in her ways and everything was done according to her. Participant 14 agreed: That’s one more thing I wanted to mention, a lot of people are stuck in their ways. Like what you said, like they feel threatened that like we’re a new generation like we’re the technology generation, I guess you could say like, I feel like they feel threatened when we have new ideas and new ways of doing things. So, they kind of like unconsciously put that on us, and like why they don't like us as interns, I guess. Participant 14 described the generational shifts with retirements approaching as “a whole new wave” within the industry. Participant 10 felt that progress could continue to transpire through increased representation: If you want to grow the game, you have to get the kids involved because that's the next- generation. And even when women go play, I think it's nice to see because I know when I was a kid and I wanted to go play golf, you just didn't really see women on the golf course. It was just, they sat in the cart with their husbands and that was it. And I think it would be huge for younger girls to see a lot of females out on the course and from all age ranges, so. Work/Family Balance Participants 4 and 9 discussed the challenges and long-term barriers of balancing work and family in the golf industry. Participant 4 described the golf industry as “very difficult” for raising a family and living outside of that. Participant 9 has thought about balancing these 193 dynamics a great deal: “So that's definitely a big factor in looking at the career in golf long term, is it going to be feasible for me long term? It's yeah. It's kind of scary.” Pay and Working Conditions Participants 4 and 9 noted the pay and working conditions as potential long-term challenges or barriers to a successful career in golf. For example, both participants mentioned the lack of control over the cost of living while following their career paths. Participant 4 said: So how do you expect people to live, especially in an area like _______, when you're not getting paid enough to live in your apartment, let alone food and doing other things. So, it's hard. There are lots of clubs that take advantage of golf pros. Participant 9 also addressed the seasonal pay aspect of many positions in the golf industry: But I'm starting to realize that especially being in _________ and only having a limited time in the golf season, I'm not going to be employed all year. And that's a very scary thing to think about because I'm already not going to be making that much money. And then I'm only going to be employed for eight to nine months. And then I have to find something else to do during that time to just stay alive, to still be able to pay my bills and everything. So, it's definitely making me think a lot about what I want to do and what I want to do in the future. Participant 4 added that she would have a master’s degree upon completion of her program and would be able to make a lot more money in an industry outside of golf while also working a traditional 40-hour week. Retention/Attrition Two participants shared the challenges and long-term barriers they have witnessed with classmates and colleagues concerning career retention and attrition. “A lot of them are already 194 out of the golf industry and they just graduated,” stated Participant 4. Participant 12 has perceived retention and attrition challenges in two unique areas of the golf industry and PGA Golf Management programs. First, she described the challenges faced by classmates pursuing PGM and playing on the college golf team: But for retention in the programs, especially for my cohort just because we dropped so many (students), was that I had two guys that were on the golf team and they dropped because of the conflicts of their summer tournaments and internships schedules. Second, Participant 12 has noticed her classmates getting full-time job offers before they finish the program: And then I've had one that professionals start offering the interns a full-time job there and they'll pay their way through the associates program for them, instead of going through the university program. It is one way obviously to get your PGA, but I think it's super important for us to go through the program not only to get these experiences from our professors, but also, it's like a backup plan to have that degree with you, a bachelor's degree. In case for some reason something happens that you want to get out of the golf industry, um, you have that with you rather than just your PGA card. Mentoring/Supervising Participants 2, 3, 4, 12, and 14 each described the significance of mentoring and supervising to a successful long-term career in the golf industry. Participant 2 has felt great support from her supervisors during challenging situations. On the other hand , Participant 3 felt like poor supervisory experiences would benefit her long-term career, so she knows more about how she would like to treat others, or not, when she’s in that position. Participant 4 expanded on the mentors she never had: 195 And I know I didn't have a lot of female mentors or people to look up to. So, I want to be that when I have my PGA and everything and I want to be at a place where I can start like a female only internship place. You know, that is really amazing because I've been to these ones that are really bad. So, I think for me it's like I want to be the person that I never had. Participant 12 was able to meet the first female PGA of America president and get some career advice: At the PGA meeting, she really talked about how I should really fight for what I want, really ask about certain things. And if they aren't going to offer it, then you know that it's maybe not a place that you want to be in the future. Participant 14 has learned that you must seek out your mentors and maintain those relationships, as only some supervisors are willing or able to be that for interns. She also expressed the importance of involvement in industry initiatives such as PGAWorks, designed to diversify the golf industry’s workforce. Table 26. General challenges or long-term barriers of being a female in the golf industry General Dimensions Higher-Order Themes Lower-Order Themes General Challenges or Barriers of Being a Female in the Golf Industry High School Golf No Long-Term Career Barriers Male-Dominated Industry Lack of girl’s high school opportunities (P1) Played co-ed high school golf; captain (P1) Playing different/same yardages than guys in high school tournaments (P1) No challenges or barriers to long-term career in golf (P2, P5, P6, P10, P11) Individual mindset and goals (P2, P8) Definitely an advantage, feels equal (P11) Vicarious (P14) Being stared at by male golfers (P1) Men feeling emasculated when females do things for them (P4) Good ole boys club, all ages (P8) Lack of representation in industry; especially management positions (P10) 196 Table 26. (cont’d) Career Paths and Advancement Minimal Adversity Stereotyping Having to Prove Self Generational Shift and Progress Work/Family Balance Pay and Working Conditions Retention/Attrition Mentoring/ Supervising Predominately a male sport and industry (P12) Small career path windows from PGA and PGM programs (P7) Having to specialize within industry (P10) Seen others get stuck; career advancement/promotion (P13) Stay persistent and patient for dream job (P5, P8) Seen others, ready for hiccups when happens (P6) Creating own path and getting some push back along the way (P7) Playing different yardages/tee markers; lose-lose situations (P4) Perceived as slow players (P4) Stereotyped as wanting to change everything (P5) Not getting credit for work; others get credit or unacknowledged (P4) Have to go above and beyond; show that you’re better than male colleagues (P12) Male colleagues are just there and they’ll get whatever they want (P12) Supervisors set in their ways; not willing to teach or listen; threatened (P3, P14) Lots of PGA professionals retiring in next five years so job market should be good (P5, P14) Getting more women on the golf course for the younger generation to see (P10) Reverse ageism (P14) Having a family and working in the golf industry (P4) Making her think more about future positions (P9) Low pay and expensive living areas (P4, P9) Can make more money outside of golf (P4) Long hours (P4) A lot of classmates/alumni are already out of the golf industry (P4) Retention – golf team and PGM scheduling conflicts (P12) Interns being offered a full-time job and not finishing the PGA University program and degree (P12) Supported by supervisors (P2) Able to learn from the experience of having poor supervisors (P3) Wants to be the mentor she never had to juniors and women golfers (P4) Seeing female as president of PGA (P12) Choose your mentors (P14) PGA Works Scholar Program (P14) 197 Table 26. (cont’d) Note: The number in parentheses refers to the participant(s) who contributed to each lower-order theme. 198 CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION The current study examined the lived experiences of female PGA Golf Management students and their internship involvements. More specifically, the three primary objectives of the study were to investigate participant’s broad internship experiences, identify gender and sex- based treatment disparities, and recognize the benefits, coping resources, and recommendations of this population. In a male-dominated industry, it is critical to understand the social interactions within these spaces and any inequalities or mistreatment of the marginalized group. To illuminate gender-based treatment and opportunities for social action, a critical feminist perspective was utilized. This chapter considers participant experiences relative to golf entry, internship experiences, challenges, gender-based treatment, and the future of female PGA professionals. A comparison to the extant sport management and gender literature is offered. Utilizing study findings, practical implications for the golf industry, the PGA of America, and PGA Golf Management programs are provided. The study’s strengths and limitations and future research directions are also discussed. Golf Entry Golf entry factors are vital in understanding females’ playing and professional trajectories in the sport. Family members, teachers, and coaches were significant influences on initial entry into golf for participants in the current study. Furthermore, male family members continue to stimulate this interest heavily. One mother and grandmother were solely responsible for golf participation, pointing in a positive direction compared to earlier studies on golf socialization factors. According to Fredricks and Eccles (2004), the social influence of parents and close family members is critical to a young athlete’s goal orientation, competitive anxiety, and overall perceptions of ability. Parent and significant other socialization can occur in the form 199 of emotional or financial support, placing value on activities and sports (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005). George (2009) and Ladies Golf Union (2005) discovered similar correlations between significant male social agents and household members as an introduction to the sport. Junior and high school golf and the transition from other sports likewise affected participation pathways for female PGA Golf Management student participants. Since girls’ golf is limited at the high school levels, as addressed in subsequent areas of this chapter, junior golf, and private club instruction were paramount options for the cohort of participants. The recent development of programs such as PGA Junior League, First Tee, Girls Golf LPGA, and Youth On Course have attempted to expand golf participation pathways. While still nascent programs, research on their effectiveness related to participation and retention should be followed closely by industry leaders. Choosing PGA Golf Management Participants reported some of the critical features of the processes behind choosing PGA Golf Management as an undergraduate academic program. Several participants noted the college golf and competitive opportunities as key factors. Thus, PGA Golf Management programs should be more open and flexible in allowing students to harmoniously compete in varsity college golf programs, increasing recruitment and retention openings. Only a few of the current 17 accredited programs are conducive to completing the PGA internship and work experience requirements while competing in college golf. Further, programs should be tapping into their alumni networks as only a few participants had heard of PGM through this route. Role models and mentors influenced participant decision-making for choosing PGA Golf Management, but the functions of these individuals varied and did not follow any evident patterns. Comparably, Porter and Serra (2020) found female role models to be salient in the choice of major for female economics students. Therefore, with the increased representation of female PGA professionals as 200 mentors in these positions in the future, the likelihood of female undergraduates pursuing the major and a career pathway in golf also surges. The specific attributes of the PGA Golf Management programs played a role in choosing this career path and academic direction. While each accredited institution is similar in its PGA requirements, they are distinct in several principal features such as location, climate, school size, college golf opportunities, acceptance rates, reputations, and program staff and faculty. Four participants shared the impact of their visits on choosing PGM as a major and their school of choice. A study conducted by Student Poll in 2004 using a survey method of over 500 high school students completing college campus visits found that visiting the school was the most influential source of information in a student’s application decision. Further, when the pollsters asked about the most constructive influences on their college choice, friendly people, friendly atmosphere, and campus appearance were the top aspects of the college visit. Thus, PGA Golf Management programs can significantly benefit from increasing recruiting and marketing efforts for the inclusion of campus visits. Finally, pre-program career experiences in the golf industry were cited by four participants as pertinent in their choice of PGM as an academic program, pointing to the influence of getting students in the industry pipeline in their teenage years. Role Models and Mentors in Golf Career Participants shared their role models and mentors throughout their golf careers thus far. Responses were wide-ranging, as family members, coaches and swing instructors, teammates and classmates, PGM program staff and professors, work supervisors, club presidents, and the grandfather of a high school teammate were all mentioned. While more male role models and mentors were recounted, females served this purpose for several participants. Female PGA Golf Management participants reported multiple role models and mentors from various aspects of 201 their golf-playing and professional careers. Surprisingly, five participants considered PGA Golf Management staff and professors as role models and mentors, or 35.71% of the sample. In comparison, ten participants cited work supervisors as significant role models and mentors. Therefore, staff and professors have an opportunity to be even more involved in the careers of all PGA Golf Management students, particularly females. With such control and influence over internship and job opportunities, program staff members and professors may need to realize their impact or increase resources for successful modeling, mentoring, and advising. Similarly, Morganson and colleagues (2015) reported the desire of female students to have female role models. However, they found that the students needed help identifying a female role model from their academic careers. Mentoring and advising training programs within the PGA of America are recommended for individuals associated with accredited programs and active internship sites. Additionally, a desire and passion for mentoring female PGA Golf Management students should be a prerequisite to program staff and faculty hiring practices. Career Path and Dream Job in Golf The researcher believed it important to ask about career path expectations and participant perceptions of their “dream job” in golf. Not surprisingly, participant responses varied extensively in this capacity. Nearly two dozen ideal career paths and dream jobs were recognized. Additionally, five participants were still open and inquiring, while three highlighted their dislikes and areas of the industry that are not of interest moving forward. Several participants offered multiple career path options and dream jobs, pointing to the vast importance of internship work experiences in pursuing interests and eliminating other options. At the same time, in other parts of the interview process, participants cited the lack of diverse internship opportunities available, especially for first-year students. Therefore, as presented in other 202 sections, the PGA of America must expand its membership classifications and requirements to be more all-encompassing and inviting to female PGA professionals and proliferate global association retention. The PGA of America currently has 24 classifications based on job titles and duties of individuals primarily employed in the golf industry. Evaluating these membership classifications based on demographics and the ever-changing golf industry is necessary for the PGA to stay relevant and recruit young professionals into PGA Golf Management programs. Overall PGA Golf Management Internship Experiences Participant responses related to their overall PGA Golf Management internship experiences were across-the-board and diverse. On an optimistic note, participants mostly spoke highly of their internship experiences in the golf industry. Participants used coping and persistence strategies for the negative scenarios to either make the most of the opportunity or seek out more optimal environments. It should be noted that several participants had experienced challenges in the workplace due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The researcher enjoyed hearing about the overall internship experiences and the varying levels of enthusiasm and depth provided by these responses. Participants reported an 82.86% recommendation rate for their respective internship experiences, with one reservation due to a change in management and five participants not recommending one of their internship experiences. Broadly, this speaks highly of the success of the PGA Golf Management internship placement rates. However, like any field concerned with customer and user experiences, the other 17.14% non-recommendation rate represents an opportunity to improve the overall internship processes, especially for female students. The explanations attributed to non-recommendations for participant internship experiences were mostly organizational or work-related (e.g. lack of support, contract/duty mismatch). However, Participant 3 did not recommend her first internship due to the absence of perceived 203 opportunities for female interns compared to males, leading to the only direct reference to gender-based treatment or sexism related to a lack of endorsement for an internship experience. Since the replies were wide-ranging yet informative, more detailed aspects of the internships are discussed in subsequent sections of this chapter. Internship Type Of the 37 internship types provided by participants, 23 had occurred at private facilities or clubs, four at public facilities, five at resorts, and one at a semi-private facility, a national association, an equipment company, and a professional tour, respectively. With the widely varying participant interests and career paths, it is concerning that nearly two-thirds of their internship experiences were completed at private club facilities. Furthermore, 13 of 14 participants had completed at least one of their internships at a private facility, and 10 had completed multiple internship requirements of this type. The reasoning for the disproportionate placements in private clubs needs to be clarified and should be examined further by PGA Golf Management program leadership. As detailed by Kitching (2018), Shotton et al. (1998), and Lenkiewicz (2011), private clubs have a horrendous track record when it comes to gender equality in the form of membership, policies, voting rights, dress codes, and overall unwelcoming social interactions. While female internship placements in these facilities can be viewed as a sign of progress, without balanced ratios of female PGA professionals in management positions, female PGA Golf Management interns will likely encounter gender- based treatment at private clubs. Kitching et al. (2017) and Mackinnon (2013) defined how many of these quandaries found at private facilities (e.g., lack of access and equity through policies and procedures) may lead to career exoduses for exceedingly passionate and qualified female PGA 204 interns and professionals. Simply put, female PGA Golf Management interns are being placed in environments that are ripe with sexism and gender-based treatment. Further, Kitching and colleagues (2017) expressed the various opportunities available within the golf industry, such as tourism, retail, maintenance, and coaching, as more gender- neutral and accepting of diversity than other business areas. Only 10.81% of participant internship types were reported as alternatives to the traditional green grass golf course facilities. These three participants described gaining permission for such internships as arduous and non- traditional. PGA Golf Management programs and internship coordinators should be more cognizant of the internship environments and site selections. While the programs may have a strong alumni base in the private sector, the industry will benefit from the customization and personalization of internship experiences for all PGA Golf Management students, especially females. Internship Roles and Responsibilities Participants shared 78 internship roles and responsibilities, averaging 5.57 each. Although interns may self-select roles and responsibilities based on the internship experience they seek, they may also acquire specific duties and tasks based on their knowledge, skills, and abilities as they progress through the internship. Unfortunately, we found that participants may also be given different roles, duties, and responsibilities than specified by their job contract and hiring communication. Nonetheless, the expansiveness of 18 unique internship roles and responsibility themes is encouraging. Participants reported gaining various professional skills and duties aligned with PGA Golf Management work experience activity requirements. According to the PGA of America (2023), PGM students must complete such requirements in facility management (e.g., merchandising, tournament operations, business planning) and 205 teaching and coaching. Overall, the vastness of internship roles and responsibilities reported by participants as a cohort seems all-encompassing. However, since teaching and coaching is a featured aspect of PGA Golf Management classes (nearly half) and work experience requirements, students, especially females, would greatly benefit from an increased emphasis in this area while on internship. Teaching and coaching job duties were reported by seven participants, consisting of 8.97% of the total internship roles and responsibilities. If Junior Golf is also included as a teaching and coaching job task, an additional 8.97% of the duties are accounted for, combining for approximately 18%, well shy of the proportional program coursework. Consequently, a more intentional matching and alignment of internship job roles and responsibilities with the work experience activities and PGA coursework is necessary to complete program requirements successfully. Additionally, while interns should expect to do low-end tasks such as answering phones and taking out the trash, one participant shared that she was also limited to more of these tasks than golf-relevant roles and responsibilities, along with detailing members’ cars for the summer. PGA Golf Management programs should not accept these internship sites or supervisors if they are unwilling to mentor interns and assist in completing work activities in facility management, teaching, and coaching. Finally, as detailed in this chapter, several participants reported significant mismatches between job contract descriptions and actual duties and tasks completed during the internship. Internship Supervisor Characteristics and Gender The intern supervisor is a critical “x-factor” in the female PGA Golf Management internship experience. Supervisor titles included Head Professional, Director of Golf, Assistant Professional, Merchandiser, General Manager, Tournament Director, and Outside Operations 206 Manager. Hence, of the 24 membership classifications in the PGA of America, seven supervisor classifications, or 29.17% of classification types, were disclosed by the sample of 14 participants. These seven membership classification types are the most common in the PGA of America. However, an opportunity exists to expand supervision to other membership classifications such as Golf Instructor (A-6), Management, Development, Ownership, and Financing (A-9), Golf Clinician (A-10), Golf Administrator (A-11), College or University Golf Coach (A-12), Director of Instruction (A-14), Retail Ownership (A-15), Golf Course Architect (A-16), Golf Course Superintendent (A-17), Golf Media (A-18), Golf Manufacturer Management (A-19), Golf Manufacturer Sales Representative (A-20), Rules Official (A-22), Club Fitting and Club Repair (A-23), and Other employment (A-24). Interns should receive exposure to these sprawling areas of the golf industry. More specifically, these membership classifications and supervisor characteristics are especially fruitful areas of growth and opportunities for success for female PGA professionals. As of 2021, there were precisely zero female clinicians (A-10), one female golf course architect (A-16), zero female golf course superintendents (A-17), three female golf media (A-18), four female golf manufacturers (A-19), three female head professionals at driving ranges (A-2), zero female rules officials (A-22), and three female club-fitting or club repair (A-23) with respective PGA membership classifications. That is 14 individuals, the same as the number of participants in this study, across eight membership classifications in the entire PGA of America of nearly 28,000 members. Gender was also an issue presented in participant responses regarding internship supervisor characteristics. The researcher identified gender through the participant’s use of pronouns rather than the supervisor’s self-identifying. Therefore, we cannot assume gender but must estimate using participant responses. Overall, 28 supervisor genders were vicariously 207 identified from the 33 total supervisors. Male supervisors comprised 23 individuals or 82.14%, and female supervisors were counted as five individuals or 17.86% of all supervisors. On a positive note, the supervisor ratio represented was greater than the membership ratio of 4.66% female PGA member representation. However, even a ratio of 17.86% of female supervisors is vastly imbalanced from an industry perspective. The subjective nature of the internship supervisor as a socializing agent also emphasizes areas of gender-based treatment, biases, assumptions, and overall job content. Therefore, it is not necessarily advised to match supervisors and interns strictly based on gender but more so on career path interests and mentoring opportunities. With a growth in the representation of female PGA professionals, male interns will also be increasingly exposed to female supervisors. Internship Experience: Favorite Aspects Participants were excited to share their favorite aspects of their internship experiences. The most cited responses were about playing golf and the opportunities for professional development. Other highlights included building relationships and networking, working with colleagues and coworkers, and meeting members. As with most areas of sport and workplaces, people play an essential role in enhancing the environment. PGA Golf Management should utilize these factors when recommending internship sites and strive to match the psychosocial characteristics of the individual student with the internship site setting. A strong organizational culture, membership at private facilities, and opportunities to play golf and develop professionally should be addressed in setting up a successful internship experience for PGA Golf Management students. Programs may also focus on these aspects when vetting supervisors and during pre-internship informational meetings with students. 208 Internship Challenges: Non-Gender-Based Treatment Since the current study utilized a critical feminist approach, aspects of gender-based treatment were addressed throughout the study. The researcher also asked more generally about internship challenges faced by participants. Of the general internship challenges reported, the researcher identified 25 meaning units as gender-based or 32.05% of the total encounters. These gender-based challenges were analyzed and coded for inclusion in relevant areas of the Findings and Discussion sections. Participants faced more universal internship challenges such as unclear expectations, workload, contract and duty mismatches, poor organizational culture, gaining respect, being a temporary employee, professional limitations, and emotional control. Some of the other types of challenges included meals, social isolation, and the bureaucracy or politics of organizations. Such internship challenges are likely to be reported by interns or employees in all industries. However, they should be addressed by PGA internship supervisors and PGA Golf Management internship coordinators in post-internship meetings. For example, unclear expectations, workload, and contract and duty mismatches should be covered by PGA Golf Management policies addressing each area specifically. Similarly, Terborg and Ilgen (1975) identified such problem areas as job tasks, promotions, pay, and professional development opportunities for females in male-dominated industries. If internship sites can meet these expectations, they should avoid facing a probationary period, excluding them from the opportunity to host PGA interns. However, from the gender and sport management literature, organizational culture, professional limitations, and emotional control are salient factors (Hindman & Walker, 2020). While termed a general challenge, women in the male-dominated sports industry face additional psychological and emotional challenges compared to their male counterparts (Basford et al., 209 2014). Therefore, examining emotional control factors reported by participants in the form of mindset, assertiveness, customer service, tone awareness, and not taking things personally is noteworthy. Hindman and Walker (2020) found similar female internalization of emotional repercussions in their study with women professionals in minor league hockey. In addition to the professional limitations offered by female PGA Golf Management participants, several noted the challenge of gaining respect as a female intern. Both themes persist in the sport management literature. Optimistically, since less than half of the participants reported gaining respect and professional limitations as general internship challenges, there appears to be a hint of progress in this area. PGA Golf Management programs should continue to monitor internship sites for such behaviors and address concerns in post-internship exit surveys and interviews. Gender-based treatment of female interns will be addressed in the following sections of this chapter. Internship Challenges: Gender-Based Treatment The subthemes of gender microaggressions utilized in previous research are also represented in the current project, providing congruence with the literature to explore sexual objectification, second-class citizenship, sexist language, assumptions of inferiority, restrictive gender roles, denial of the reality of sexism, invisibility, and sexist jokes (Williams et al., 2022). Further, microaggressions can occur directly and indirectly through behaviors, incidents, and expectations. As these are addressed throughout the current chapter sorted by themes, Barthelemy and colleagues (2016) defined each type of gender microaggression (see Table 28). Unfortunately, each of these examples of gender microaggressions, except for Denial of the Reality of Sexism due to not interviewing males, were reported by participants in the current study. 210 Table 27. Types of gender microaggressions (Barthelemy et al., 2016) Title Definition Sexual Objectification Second-class Citizenship Sexist Language Assumption of Inferiority Restrictive Gender Roles Denial of the Reality of Sexism Invisibility Sexist Jokes Reducing women to their physical appearance or assuming their bodies should be controlled and commodified by men Treated as a lesser person or group, or the belief that women should not have the same access to resources or opportunities as men Language that infers superiority to men The assumption of the inherent inability of women to do certain tasks The belief that women must play certain roles Not believing that sexism exists Not including or recognizing women in the workplace or world Crude jokes about women, rape, or domestic violence Uncomfortable Situations Overall, six participants reported no discomfort-related situations during their internship experiences. However, eight other participants noted the prevalence of direct and vicarious incidents with colleagues, coworkers, golfers, and club members. Participants also highlighted organizational support, or lack thereof, and coping and avoidance strategies in handling uncomfortable situations in the workplace. Since gender-based treatment and sexism can take on various forms and severity, the researcher asked about uncomfortable situations as an opening to discussing such workplace behaviors. Uncomfortable situations with coworkers and colleagues included verbal harassment, “creepy” comments, unwanted physical touch, body size references, and differential treatment compared to male colleagues. Golfers and members also contributed to uncomfortable situations with female interns, such as unwanted physical touch, sexist language, gender roles, gender-based exclusionary practices, and generational differences. Three participants reported unwanted physical touch, not sexual, by coworkers, colleagues, golfers, or members. While these are three too many individuals negatively impacted by unwanted physical touch, no participants reported more severe forms of sexual abuse in the golf industry. 211 Other male behaviors cited by participants are classified as forms of gender microaggressions (Young et al., 2014). For example, sexist language, gender roles, and exclusion or assumptions of inferiority are gender-based treatment discrimination. Such climates in male- dominated industries can impact the likelihood of female commitment and long-term career paths in these fields (Benson &Thomson, 1982). Taken more seriously, sexism in the workplace leads to issues with job satisfaction, mental health, retention, and promotional paths for the marginalized group (Hindman & Walker, 2018). These organizational biases appear to continue to prevail through patriarchal practices. As internships are a fundamental and required aspect of the undergraduate experience of PGA Golf Management students, the PGA of America, PGA internship sites, and PGA Golf Management faculty and staff are responsible for perpetuating these scenarios. Unfortunately, organizational support related to the reporting of uncomfortable situations has been mixed at best. For example, three participants cited a lack of follow-through from supervisors and coworkers when addressing uncomfortable situations. Two participants distinguished that they felt supported at the time of the reporting conversation but that the performer of inappropriate behaviors had not been disciplined. One participant disclosed the lack of support from an ongoing uncomfortable situation related to her health, which was a female-specific condition, causing her to leave the site and find a new internship. On a positive note, one participant felt she was fully supported by her supervisor and human resources department in an uncomfortable work situation with a contractor who was eventually let go by the organization. Sexist Comments/Humor/Jokes The researcher asked participants about sexist comments, humor, or jokes they had encountered in the golf industry and on their internship experiences. The response was visceral, 212 and the overall prevalence of such behaviors was documented with several participants as deeply embedded in everyday practices. This “locker room talk” consisted of gender microaggressions of vulgarity, sexual objectification, second-class citizenship, and assumptions of inferiority. Several participants stated that they were accustomed to such behaviors through childhood environmental experiences. Further, several participants offered the male responses to these inappropriate verbal remarks and methods for coping with or avoiding these offensives. Unfortunately, with the vast demographic and professional imbalances in the golf industry, such microaggressions are commonplace, forcing females to negotiate sexism or leave the space altogether. For example, male golfers often use derogatory language to disparage other male golfers and threaten their masculinity (Hundley, 2004). Regrettably, vulgarity in the form of comments on an intern’s sexual performance, foul language by an owner, and a consistent level of “crossing the line” continue to pervade golf. Verbal sexual objectification is also pronounced as several participants coped with male coworkers talking about female coworkers’ hotness levels, how good (or not) they would be at sex, and exposing females to sexual pictures on their phones. Further, as another form of gender microaggression, participants reported that they were often spoken to like second -class citizens through belittling and derogatory comments about anything from monitoring the pace of play or playing the forward tees. Second-class citizenship is closely related to assumptions of inferiority, an additional gender microaggression participants shared. More specifically, female PGA Golf Management students reported assumptions about golf playing ability, strength, and distance. Women playing the forward tees, or different yardages than men, came up as a higher-order theme in multiple categories, depending on how it was expressed. These scenarios turned into lose-lose conditions for females because if they played well, it was because they were playing 213 the forward tees. If they moved back and still played well, the men would no longer want to play with them out of fear of being beaten by a girl. While the golf industry has made progress in the non-gendering of teeing areas and shifted to recommendations based on indexical categories such as golf handicap, average driving distance, or skill level, lots of golf courses are still using the archaic labels of “men’s,” “women’s,” “championship,” or “regular” (Hundley, 2004). Numerous courses still use colored tee boxes based on perceptions of femininity and masculinity, creating a sense of differentness (Reskin, 1998). A campaign to end gender-based teeing grounds is necessary and should be required by PGA-affiliated sites through industry standards. Additionally, an emphasis on strength, power, and distance, along with valued traditional feminine traits of finesse and precision, can assist with playing ability perceptions in golf media and PGA marketing. Gender-Based Questioning of Knowledge, Skills, or Abilities Several participants noted the extent and commonness of gender-based questioning of their knowledge, skills, or abilities during internship experiences. One participant reported that she does not think it occurs at all, and another participant said it does not happen that often, but it is frustrating when it does happen. The 14 participants gave dozens of examples of these occurrences in the golf industry. More specifically, the areas of golf where female PGA Golf Management interns experienced gender-based questioning included teaching and coaching, tournament rules and information, equipment and clubs, playing ability, and being restricted to perceived gender roles. Related to teaching and coaching, two participants believed their capabilities were questioned, with some male golfers refusing to even work with a female coach. With female PGA members in teaching and coaching positions represented at relatively higher levels, albeit still single-digit percentages, this career pathway offers significant opportunities for 214 growth and retention. However, female PGA interns do not receive sufficient teaching and coaching roles and responsibilities during their internships or on campus. Consequently, they are less likely to pursue these positions as early career professionals. Similar to research in medicine and gender-based differences in clinical experiences, choosing a specialty, career choice, or internship preferences can significantly impact future perceptions of work (Coffeng et al., 2009). Along with teaching and coaching, female golf professionals face challenges of questioning their knowledge related to tournament rules, information, equipment, and club repair. Several participants described being demeaned by golfers and members by asking if “one of the guys is in?” or second-guessing their responses to questions. Further, being restricted to specific tasks, such as handling golf bags or lifting objects, even after insisting they were capable, is routine. Where males are automatically assumed to know the answer or have the ability to complete a golf-related task, female participants are questioned, second -guessed, or not even asked. These additional microaggressions of being overlooked, invisible, not being taken seriously, and having to validate themselves are significant forms of gender-based treatment and discrimination in the golf industry. While female PGA Golf Management students are skilled at coping and persisting, a pattern of negative internship and professional experiences will influence job satisfaction and other vital long-term wellness markers (Chen, 2009). Invisibility and being looked over as female golf professionals may limit individuals’ self-confidence and perceptions of their professional knowledge, skills, and abilities (Buchanan & Settles, 2019). Additionally, stereotype threat, the internalization of negative stereotypes or gender-based beliefs, can inhibit women’s performance (Steele et al., 2002). 215 Sexual Objectification Sexual objectification was identified in several themes of internship challenges faced by female PGA Golf Management students. Six participants spoke to the pervasiveness of sexual objectification, or the reduction of women to their physical appearance or bodies (Barthelemy et al., 2016). Three other participants reported that it had not happened to them while on internship. Still, they have seen it happen to colleagues and female golfers in the golf industry more generally. Sexual objectification occurred related to the participant’s appearance or attractiveness, clothing or outfits, and gender stereotyping. Two participants expressed that they did not take comments personally or as a negative and even considered them as compliments, depending on the source. Although most incidents of sexual objectification were from colleagues, coworkers, golfers, members, or peers, one participant shared that she was expected to model new clothing and outfits for the staff by a male supervisor. She was asked questions about the fit, comfort, and other aspects of the apparel as feedback. A male supervisor also asked the same participant to change into a more “form-fitting” outfit because she looked unprofessional. While some participants viewed sexual objectification as complimentary, most viewed these incidents as a negative aspect of their internship experiences. Even more covert forms of sexism, such as sexual objectification, are unacceptable (Sue, 2010). Industry standards around women’s golf clothing should be addressed and become more inclusive regarding fit and size. Professional golf and private club dress codes have recently been criticized for their archaic and patriarchal nature. Further examination of these expectations, with women’s input, is necessary for the game to grow. 216 Restrictive Gender Roles Another microaggression type, restrictive gender roles, was directly assessed in the current project. The belief that women should play specific roles continues to be an issue in the field of sport management, as evidenced by participant responses in the golf industry. Female PGA Golf management participants reported restriction or exclusion from specific tasks such as physical labor, lifting, golf shop, merchandising, telephone, registration, tournaments, and beverage cart. One participant refused to work the beverage cart when asked by a supervisor the night before a large golf tournament at the course. She did not want to be the “pawn” in the profit-making aspects of the golf industry. Participants also recounted that taking the initiative and asking for more involvement can go both ways. One participant expressed an interest in job rotation and was denied, while another participant asked for more involvement with tournaments and ran the next event. Thus, rather than a lack of effort, women in the golf industry are often restricted to specific tasks and duties, depending on their supervisor’s openness and subjective nature. Just as females are marginalized within male-dominated academic fields, causing role restriction, task segregation occurs in the golf industry (Moss-Racusin et al., 2012). Further, several participants addressed the concern of hiring and scheduling practices regarding gender- based treatment. Examples are cited of female golf professionals not even being considered for positions based on gender. Even when hired, females may face challenges in scheduling practices based on cliques and friend groups. Finally, if male interns are given greater access to financial, sales, or management skills and tasks, females will be disadvantaged in early career choices and trajectories. 217 Exclusion – Golf, Social, and Work The exclusion of female PGA Golf Management in golf, social, and work contexts was a focused part of the interviews in the current project. Exclusion is another form of microaggression referred to as invisibility. Half of the participants felt they had not been excluded in these situations while on internship. Three participants had experienced exclusion or invisibility in the form of not being included while playing golf. When one participant addressed the issue with a male coworker, he replied that the guys did not want to get beat by a girl. Another participant believed females are also an inconvenience due to playing different tee markers. Three participants were excluded from social situations while on internship, although one expressed that it could be due to her age. Six participants articulated their exclusion in work scenarios, including conversations, staff meetings, job type, uniforms, and the overall organizational culture. In many cases, gender-based exclusionary and invisibility practices are challenging to identify, isolate, and confront. For example, if an individual is not invited out to dinner or to play golf, they may never know that the event occurred and that they were not invited. Unfortunately, a reason for exclusion may never be given, either. Thus, it is concerning that female participants were aware of general and specific incidents of exclusion, especially in work circumstances. Social closure can occur as a systematic way of rejecting groups through exclusion from events and activities or access to information and opportunities (Morgan & Martin, 2006). These actions can make women feel unwanted and separate, regardless of the intentions (McGinnis et al., 2005; Reskin, 2000; Parker, 2018). Furthermore, with some of these more informal interactions with colleagues and supervisors, women employees may get opportunities to show their ingenuity, interact with 218 professionals in the golf industry, and learn about credentialing or promotions (Cuneen & Sidwell, 2007). Family Plans An area of concern for females in male-dominated industries such as sports or golf is being asked about their family plans, whereas males may never get asked that question. This sexist language and assumptions of inferiority or specific gender roles are concerning in golf. Most participants had not been asked or did not view these questions as negative. However, family, friends, supervisors, colleagues, golfers, or members had asked several participants. Two supervisors asked two participants, with one admitting that single men in the golf industry can work longer hours. One participant knew that members were asking her, but none of her male colleagues had been asked about family plans. The topic of family plans did arise as a potential barrier or challenge to a long-term career in the golf industry. Six participants admitted that they have thought about family plans and partners, while not necessarily a concern at the moment. Stereotypes related to traditional gender roles in parenting and family planning can hinder female PGA professionals. This stigma can lead to “off-ramping” in male-dominated industries where females leave the field for family-related reasons, as cited in MacKinnon’s (2013) study with male and female PGA professionals. A more balanced work/life approach is necessary for the golf industry to retain high-quality male and female professionals. Gender-Based Treatment within PGA Golf Management Program and on Campus PGA Golf Management programs suffer from a pronounced gender imbalance, influencing the number of future female PGA professionals. While exact enrollment numbers are not available to the researcher, reports from participants in the current study related to female representation in accredited programs ranged from 1.4 to 11.1%. Moreover, three participants 219 reported graduating with zero or one other female in their cohort. Such highly imbalanced social contexts are susceptible to gender-based treatment and tokenism of the marginalized group members. Tokenism occurs in these “tilted” industries, whereby women are perceived as representatives of their group category (Kanter, 1977). Tokens in the golf industry have reported feeling excluded and pigeonholed if they do not comply with gender norms and roles (Kitching, 2018). These “everyday” situations on PGA Golf Management campuses occur in tournaments, PGM Student Associations, and classroom contexts. While four participants credited program staff and professors with social support, the exclusionary practices and “boys club” mentality extend beyond the internship sites. Consequently, female PGA Golf Management students face similar, and in some cases more severe, gender-based treatment and microaggressions while attending their university. Hegemonic Masculinity Continues to Persist in Golf The current study sought to better understand the internship experiences of female PGA Golf Management students in the United States. Unfortunately, the male-dominated golf industry continues to treat female golfers and professionals as second-class citizens through both covert and overt sexism and gender microaggressions. These constraints continue to reflect the findings of McGinnis and Gentry (2006) related to ability, knowledge, skills, exclusion, role expectations, gender norms, stereotypes, tokenism, and more serious forms of sexual harassment. While golf is not the only site in which this occurs in sport or other work spaces, hegemonic masculinity and gender-based treatment pervades in the industry. Connell’s (1987; 2005) hegemonic masculinity framework suggests that social groups in power seek to retain that power through embedded social practices. Further, more so-called “masculine” traits are promoted, valued, and perpetuated to exclude the marginalized group. Despite the overall positive internship 220 experiences of participants in the current study, gender- and sex-based treatment, as well as copious amounts of gender microaggressions, are evident in the golf industry. As golf seeks to attract more women and other under-represented cultural identities into the game, industry leaders and the PGA of America must look at policies, procedures, and everyday practices. A clear lack of representation (4.66%) of female PGA professionals in the United States embodies the failure of the industry to capture the recent uptick in female golf participation (24%). Kitching and colleagues (2017) suggested a shift in hegemonic masculinity through a younger generation of female golfers (and male advocates), equity legislation (e.g. staff and board gender quotas), and economic necessity. Unfortunately, in a capitalist, market-driven system in the United States, the latter appears to be the lowest-hanging fruit and opportunity for growth of female representation within the industry. As noted by McGinnis and colleagues (2009, p. 20), “Handicapping, staggered tees, variably sized equipment, beautiful grounds, social interaction, and endurance all suggest that golf should be an ideal sport to embody gender equity.” With a focus on these strengths and opportunities, and continued effort in addressing the well-defined gender-based weaknesses and threats facing the industry, golf has the potential to lead the way in sports and leisure participation well into the 21st century. Increasing female PGA Professional representation more generally and in underrepresented positions, along with designing more flexible membership opportunities (e.g. part-time work), will result cascading effects for the industry, both socially and financially. Sexual Harassment and Gender Microaggressions The long-term costs of sexual harassment and gender microaggressions going unchecked in the golf industry are extensive. Workplace sexual harassment impacts the marginalized groups even further through an employer’s failure to act, retaliation, challenges in advancement and 221 promotion, lack of information on rights, changing careers or jobs, and challenges retaining legal advice (Hidden Costs, 2021). The accumulation of more subtle gender microaggressions over time can have extremely negative economic and psychosocial consequences for both employers and female workers (Algner and Lorenz, 2022). Further, these daily interactions negatively impact job satisfaction, well-being, self-esteem, workplace engagement, organizational commitment, professional efficacy, competence, and performance, while being positively correlated with job turnover intentions (Algner and Lorenz, 2022). Therefore, while the participants in the current study are successful at persisting and utilizing coping strategies to combat gender microagressions on their campuses and internship sites, how long we expect them to keep going without negative consequences is in need of study. The long-term effects of subtle microaggressions also needs to be brought to the attention of the PGA of America and PGA Golf Management University programs for the planning and execution of trainings and interventions. Moving Forward: The Future of Female PGA Professionals Coping and Persistence Strategies While females in male-dominated industries are unfairly subjected to inappropriate gender-based treatment and sexism, participants reported coping and persistence strategies they use to combat these inequities. As Cheng and colleagues (2018) pointed out, both women and men benefit from gender equity and more supportive efforts from male allies. Thus, the responsibility for a better and more diverse golf industry workforce will take efforts from all stakeholders. Additionally, women alone must not be held responsible for coping, persisting, and adjusting because of male sexist behaviors. For example, one participant stated that she avoids situations where gender-based treatment or potentially uncomfortable scenarios may occur. Several participants shared that they intentionally dress conservatively to avoid drawing attention 222 to themselves and unwanted comments. The phrase “brush it off” was mentioned by ten participants as a coping and persistence strategy. Recent research from the “gig” economy found that female workers in this industry negotiate harassment, biases, and gender-based treatment by similarly “brushing it off” to avoid low ratings and possible job loss (Ma et al., 2022). Further, previous research has indicated a sense of not wanting to “rock the boat” and avoid typecasting (Broad, 2001). Along with ignoring or brushing things off and avoiding them, one participant chooses to assess the psychosocial environment and select friends “wisely.” Another participant views the extreme gender imbalance in the PGA Golf Management program as a positive challenge. She sees herself as a “badass” as one of the only females in the room. Other participants reported creating and taking advantage of opportunities, getting involved in PGMSA, using their playing ability, seeking advisor and mentor support, accepting the male-dominated industry, calling out gender-based treatment, performing and working hard, being polite and kind, using humor, persisting, letting it go or simmer, changing the game, relaxing, and relying on friends and social support. Parallel research using interviews within the field of sport management by Morris et al. (2019) revealed similar responses by female sport management students to gender-based treatment and sexism. For example, these participants cited interacting with others, using minority status as an advantage, going above and beyond, understanding the reality of industry, networking, and starting a women’s sport management club. In the current study, the most commonly cited coping and persistence strategies based on meaning units were ignoring and brushing it off, performance and work ethic, and letting it go and simmer. Hindman and Walker (2020, pp. 72-73) found that female sport management professionals “survived workplace sexism” by minimizing sexism, blaming other women, not speaking up, managing perceptions, 223 reframing experiences, and focusing on their strengths. Hindman and Walker (2020, p. 74) also detailed: The daily emotional labor that women perform in managing their reactions to such experiences may take a toll, not only in the amount of energy spent on this task versus work-related tasks but also in an eventual decision to leave the industry. McGinnis et al. (2009) discovered three types of ritual performances related to women in golf : accommodating, unapologetic, and unaware. Each archetype, to a certain degree, is represented in the current study. Benefits to Being a Female in the Golf Industry Despite the challenges of gender-based treatment and work-related conditions during internships, female PGA Golf Management students provided several perceived benefits of being a female in the golf industry. Specifically, they named the internship and job opportunities, the unique female perspective, teaching and coaching, connecting with female golfers and growing the game, clothing from vendors, job skills and duties, and being able to change some misperceptions about females. It should be noted that these benefits also reflect some of the specific challenge themes stated by participants in other areas of the study. This juxtaposition speaks to the nuance of gender dynamics at the individual, interpersonal, and institutional levels. Hypervisibility in the golf industry can benefit underrepresented groups, but it appears to be highly dependent on individual and workplace situations (Buchanan & Settles, 2019). For example, at one internship, a female PGA Golf Management student is encouraged to teach and coach all golfers, especially females. During her next internship at a private facility, the head professional could feel threatened that the intern is taking lessons away from him and the staff. Thus, marginalized group members’ perceptions of visibility, invisibility, and hypervisibility can 224 significantly alter the workplace experience. Overall, golf industry leaders should support these perceived benefits while improving other gender-based aspects of golf. Advice for Future Female PGA Golf Management Students Participants provided 59 meaning units and 11 higher-order advice themes for future female PGA Golf Management students. In descending order, persist and resist, take advantage of opportunities in the golf industry, be proactive, internship selection process, work ethic, build relationships, grow the game, find mentors, and personality characteristics are offered. Many of these recommendations are provided in the Practical Implications section of the current chapter. Improving Internships for Female PGA Golf Management Students Female PGA Golf Management students offered ideas on how to improve internships. While many of these themes are offered in the Practical Implication section, participants named program staffing, pre-, during, and post-internship processes, internship databases, site supervisors, gender-based treatment awareness and training, working conditions, advertising and marketing, customization, and PGA standards as themes for improving internships overall, but especially for female students. Surprisingly, even with the pervasiveness of gender-based treatment and microaggressions, only three participants suggested more attention and awareness, such as training on gender-based treatment and sexism for the internship processes. General Challenges or Long-Term Barriers to Being a Female in the Golf Industry More general challenges or barriers to a long-term career in the golf industry were represented by several essential themes. Several participants did not believe there were any significant challenges or barriers to a successful long-term career in golf. However, some participants regarded the lack of high school girls’ golf opportunities, the male-dominated industry, career paths and advancement, stereotyping, having to prove themselves, generational 225 shifts, work and family balance, pay and working conditions, retention and attrition, and mentoring and supervising opportunities as significant concerns to their future as a PGA professional. The lack of representation in management positions and a predominately male sport and industry were named by several participants when addressing potential challenges or long- term barriers. A few participants had also observed career path and advancement issues such as small career windows, having to specialize, and seeing others get stuck. Similarly, retention and attrition issues at the starting gate of their careers have been observed through classmates exiting the PGA Golf Management major due to scheduling conflicts with college golf or being offered a full-time job before they graduate with a degree. Equal pay opportunities through hourly rates, lesson income, and commissions, while not directly assessed in the current study, should be monitored by the PGA of America and PGA Golf Management programs. Amongst the general challenges and long-term barriers perceived by female participants were several critical gender-related issues, namely stereotyping, having to prove oneself, and generational shifts. Stereotyping is expressed in the form of yardages and tee markers, slow play perceptions, and seen as wanting to change everything right away. One participant shared that female golf professionals must inform everyone about their work to be acknowledged and credited. Another participant noticed that male colleagues are always there and get whatever they want, whereas she has to go above and beyond to get recognized. The generational shifts, which could also be reverse ageism, occur when supervisors are set in their ways and feel threatened by younger professionals, especially women, entering the workplace. This shift was also described as an opportunity for progress as older individuals, with sexist and more “traditional” gender norms, continue to retire, making room for younger professionals with progressive views of 226 gender. Working conditions, such as long hours, low pay, and balancing a family while in the golf industry, are also spaces of apprehension for imminent female PGA professionals. PGA Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Strategic Vision In 2014, the PGA of America established a strategic vision for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) (PGA, n.d.). These commitments include education and skill development, governance, workforce diversification, vendor inclusion, and community impact. The PGA DEI Brand Guidelines are an excellent resource for PGA Professionals, golf consumers, golf industry leaders, media outlets, and PGA social channels to continue to welcome diverse cultural identities and historically underrepresented groups and ind ividuals (PGA, n.d.). The Inclusion Guidelines for Golf Facilities addresses several key concerns from the current study and literature on golf and gender. For example, employers can assess their facilities on factors such as the physical environment, policies and practices, and welcoming staff. Additionally, the Make Golf Your Thing seeks to have golf facilities engage in inclusive recruiting/hiring, building to DEI culture, create opportunities, and hold each other accountable. From a governance perspective, the PGA of America created PGA LEAD in 2016. The purpose of this initiative is to “identify, develop, and mentor PGA Members from diverse backgrounds as they pursue leadership positions at the Chapter, Section and National levels of the Association.” PGA JobMatch seeks to align golf industry employees from a “variety of backgrounds, identities, and abilities” to work for the PGA’s major championships in April through July of each year. These individuals work in a variety of positions and are recruited through outreach at talent associations, colleges, universities, and grassroots organizations (PGA, n.d.). The PGA of America seeks to work with diverse suppliers and procure resources from and “create mutually beneficial business relationships with diverse-owned suppliers.” Finally, the 227 PGA DEI initiatives seek to build partnerships with non-profit organizations that similarly support growth of the game such as Black Girls Golf, First Tee, United States Disabled Golfers Association, and Women in Golf Foundation. While the PGA of America’s Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion strategic plans are inspirational and aspirational, it’s critical to evaluate their influence on the golf industry. For example, the investigator notes that none of the participants or supervisors involved in this study seemed aware of the resources and materials. Since its inception in 2014, female membership in the PGA has remained stagnant. Significant cultural changes take time and it will be important to communicate DEI initiatives such as branding guidelines and workplace toolkits to all PGA professionals and trainees. The PGA of America headquarters may implement these strategies in education, workforce, and governance, practices and procedures, but the reach needs to get to all 28,000 members of the association and thousands of trainees through the PGA University programming. Despite historical practices of racist and sexist exclusionary policies, the PGA of America has an opportunity to reach a captive audience of members as one of the largest sports organizations in the world. Practical Implications This section will provide practical implications and recommendations for the golf industry, the PGA of America, and PGA Golf Management programs, respectively. Golf Industry: Recommendations ✓ Increase high school golf opportunities for girls through continued youth golf initiatives and funding. ✓ Improve accountability practices for managers and human resource processes in response to gender-based treatment. 228 ✓ Eliminate areas and artifacts of golf that do not need to be categorized or differentiated based on gender, such as events, leagues, equipment, and facility spaces. ✓ Increase the number of women working at golf courses more generally, even if not in PGA or LPGA education programs. ✓ Provide gender-based training to all employees with examples of stereotypes and microaggressions. ✓ Promote teeing areas based on ability, not gender. ✓ Focus on the lifelong participation benefits of golf, especially the physical health and wellness outcomes. ✓ Stimulate female golf participation based on the perceived benefits of socialization, being outdoors, improving ability, stress relief, friendly competition, and the handicap system (Syngenta, 2014). ✓ Continue to profile and expand media coverage of professional and amateur levels of women’s golf. ✓ Increase the number of “mixed” gender events at all levels of the game. The PGA of America: Recommendations ✓ Require all facilities and professionals to complete DEI trainings and implement recommended policies and procedures based on the strategic vision of the PGA of America. ✓ PGA internship site supervisors must complete a background check, SafeSport training, mentoring, and gender-based awareness training before being approved to host PGA Golf Management interns. 229 ✓ PGA internship site supervisors must agree to a mentoring role and assist PGA Golf Management interns in completing work experience activities for their graduation requirements. ✓ Increase PGA Golf Management program marketing and advertising to high school girls golfers (Approximately 80,000 participants). ✓ Create a women’s division for the Jones Cup to reduce points of conflict within program qualifying discrepancies. ✓ Foster a nationwide female PGA Golf Management club that meets regularly via videoconferencing and annually at the PGA Show. ✓ Develop a PGA mentoring program for female members and students. ✓ Expand the PGA membership classifications and internship-type offerings. ✓ Recruit female PGA professionals into underrepresented membership classifications. ✓ Require PGA sites and facilities to interview at least one female candidate for management and leadership positions such as General Manager, Director of Golf, Head Professional, and Director of Instruction. ✓ Encourage diversity and female representation through gender quotas on all PGA- affiliated committees and boards. ✓ Create an internship database for all PGA Golf Management programs for consistency and reducing silos. ✓ Allow PGA members to maintain their membership credentials with part-time industry employment rather than requiring full-time employment (MacKinnon, 2013). ✓ Differentiate membership dues based on position type or income level. 230 PGA Golf Management Programs: Recommendations ✓ PGA Golf Management students should complete a post-internship survey and meet with the internship coordinator or program director face-to-face after each internship experience. ✓ Use post-internship processes to determine sites students will not return to for an extended probationary period once industry standards are met. ✓ Utilize inclusive practices in the classroom through examples, language, dress code, clear expectations, equal contributions, examples of microaggressions, calling out gender- based behaviors, and covering all forms of employment in the golf industry. ✓ Examine formal and informal policies, processes, and procedures for institutional sexism. ✓ Ask gender-based treatment questions in surveys and post-internship processes. ✓ Regularly evaluate internship sites on relevant categories, including gender. ✓ Conduct mini-performance reviews and check-ins at internship midpoints. ✓ Eliminate the practice of telling female students they can “write their ticket” in the golf industry to temper expectations. ✓ Personalize and customize internships based on career path intentions and interests. ✓ Emphasize the importance of the first internship on retention and career planning through regular cohort meetings. ✓ Provide more flexibility in scheduling and internship rotations for varsity collegiate golf playing opportunities. ✓ Expand internship opportunities and recommendations to more areas of the golf industry rather than funneling into private clubs and green grass facilities. 231 ✓ Improve the PGA Golf Management environment by increasing awareness surrounding gender-based treatments and stereotypes in golf. ✓ Require hiring at least one female PGA professional as program faculty or staff member. ✓ Provide and require sensitivity, diversity, equity, and inclusion training to all PGA Golf Management students annually. ✓ Partner with the institution’s Title IX office to provide additional pieces of gender-based training and events. ✓ Require a diversity, equity, and inclusion committee for all PGM Student Associations. ✓ Encourage gender quotas for all PGM Student Association committees to include at least one female on each. Strengths and Limitations The current study had several important strengths. First, a qualitative approach using semi-structured interviews with 14 participants allowed for a detailed and in-depth examination of female PGA Golf Management student experiences and issues. Since little is known about this group’s internships, more exhaustive data was provided involving complex human interactions in the golf industry and sport management. Second, the interview process allowed the researcher to follow up, guide, and redirect in particular areas of gender-based treatment or discrimination of female golf professionals. Whereas more positivistic approaches may neglect intricacies and complexities, the study design allowed these nuances to be discovered throughout the research process. Third, using a critical feminist lens provided opportunities to openly discuss issues central to females in the workplace with utility. Giving voice to a marginalized group and socially constructing knowledge can enhance advocacy work and policy construction. Finally, although the overall population size of the group is unknown, based on enrollment figures 232 provided by participants, a large sample size was represented in a field highly dominated by one social group (males). Participants were also recruited from six of the PGA Golf Management accredited universities. Therefore, although 14 participants cannot be generalized to a more significant population, it may be transferable to similar settings in the golf industry and other male-dominated industries. As with all studies, the current research project had its limitations. First, the quality of research using qualitative methods and design depends on the skills, biases, real-time decisions, and idiosyncrasies of the researcher and interviewer. Thus, even with reflexivity and positionality awareness by the researcher, the human processes may have inadvertently impacted the data collection and analysis processes. Second, the participant sample may be homogeneous because they were all female PGA Golf Management students. Without including males in the project or females who had dropped the program or switched majors, it may be challenging to compare or generalize the internship experiences of the sample to the field of sport management more generally. Third, feminist theories are not without their critics. While the primary goal of feminist beliefs is to garner political, social, and economic equalities based on sex and gender, critiques of the feminist theory include its woman-centered perspective, redundancies as many global policies protect women’s rights, and the uneasiness felt in men being attributed to historically patriarchal behaviors. The recollection of sexism may also be subjective and based on more feminist participant viewpoints. Future Research Directions Future research directions related to gender and golf should continue to focus on the processes that provide for significant participation and professional imbalances based on gender. Continuing to follow the careers of female PGA Golf Management alums through longitudinal 233 studies will offer a further understanding of career path trajectories and reasons for persistence or attrition. Moreover, in-depth interviews with females who have left programs or the industry would be instructive. The PGA of America must also conduct internal research on its player development, diversity, and inclusion initiatives and adjust the curriculum in real time. Similarly, piloting gender-based training through an accredited program could be helpful before rolling it out to all schools. Research including male PGA Golf Management students would be advantageous in many respects. First, gathering male perspectives on gender-based treatment and training is beneficial to reducing such behaviors and creating increased awareness. Second, males may be experiencing similar or related internship challenges that would be helpful for the PGA Golf Management educational programs. Studying males would also allow for direct comparisons of the male and female golf management student experiences. Along with male PGA Golf Management student perspectives, survey or interview methods related to gender-based treatment with internship supervisors, program faculty, and staff would also be informative. A qualitative approach to examining the job contracts of PGA Golf Management interns could reduce or eliminate many job duty mismatches that occurred with participants in the current research project. Additionally, a mixed-methods approach to investigate gender-based treatment policies, or lack thereof, at the PGA internship facilities and sites can provide constructive methods of policy creation for accountability. Utilizing the tenets of the PGA’s DEI intiatives, a ten year follow-up analysis would be beneficial for all parties involved to move these practices, policies, and procedures forward. For example, beyond recommendations for facilities and the golf industry, the PGA could further distinguish mandatory actions. Finally, future 234 studies should examine aspects of intersectionality in social identities such as gender, race, and sexual orientation. Summary Hegemonic masculinity continues to be profoundly engrained in the golf industry. The normalization of patriarchal and hierarchical arrangements and toxic male practices continue to be perpetuated in sports. Female golf professionals are forced to unfairly navigate individual- level and social cognitions that men do not (McGinnis et al., 2005). As evidenced by their 4.66% representation in the PGA of America, one of the largest sports entities in the world, golf has gender issues. Despite progress in several fundamental aspects of the industry, direct and covert sexism, discrimination, and gender-based treatment occur in the form of everyday microaggressions. Moving forward, the golf industry as a whole, the PGA of America, and PGA Golf Management programs must adapt, implement policies and procedures, and focus marketing and recruitment efforts on the advancement and flourishment of female PGA Golf Management students and members. Reliance on generational shifts and older white males retiring from administrative and managerial positions is insufficient. Engaging male advocacy groups within the industry is also required to prevent female representation in the PGA moving from appallingly truncated to non-existent. As McGinnis et al. (2009, p. 20) provided: “Handicapping, staggered tees, variably sized equipment, beautiful grounds, social interaction, and endurance all suggest that golf should be an ideal sport to embody gender equity.” Therefore, while the golf industry and the PGA of America have an opportunity to seek gender equity, ultimately, the “good old boy” networks and leaders will be responsible for the rate and extent of such progress. Connell (1987) postulated that cyclical practices such as gender inequalities and imbalances can only diverge when the privileged group (males) breaks the cycle 235 through ritualized everyday gender microaggressions and hegemonic practices. 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Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 8(1), 61-71. Zimmer, L. (1988). Tokenism and women in the workplace: The limits of gender-neutral theory. Social Problems, 35(1), 64-77. 254 APPENDIX A: PARTICIPANT RECRUITMENT EMAIL Hello Director! I am a former PGA professional and 2006 graduate of Ferris State's PGM program. We are conducting a study on the internship experiences of female PGA Golf Management students in the Department of Kinesiology at Michigan State University. Our research is centered around increasing participation and representation of females in the PGA of America and golf industry as a whole. By looking at internship experiences, we hope to examine aspects related to entry into golf, career paths, and forms of treatment disparities that may take place with golf being so male dominated for so long. Do you have any female PGA Golf Management students that would be good candidates for the study? The compensation is $50 for about a 45-60-minute interview via phone or Zoom. We are hoping to have one or two participants from each school to get quality representation. Please let me know and reach out if you have any further questions or concerns! Thanks, Michael Mignano, MS, MBA Doctoral Candidate Department of Kinesiology Michigan State University 255 APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM Research Participant Information and Consent Form You are being asked to participate in a research study. Researchers are required to provide a consent form to inform you about the research study, to convey that participation is voluntary, to explain the risks and benefits of participation, and to empower you to make an informed decision. You should feel free to ask the researchers any questions you may have. Study Title: Hegemonic masculinity in golf: The experiences of female PGA Golf Management interns Researcher and Title: Primary Investigator – Dr. Dan Gould, Professor Emeritus Co-Investigator – Michael Mignano, Ph.D. Candidate Department and Institution: Department of Kinesiology, Michigan State University Address and Contact Information: 210 Intramural Sports Circle, East Lansing, MI 48824 (517) 432-0175 PURPOSE OF RESEARCH You are being asked to participate in a study conducted by Dr. Daniel Gould and Michael Mignano of Michigan State University. The purpose of this research study is to gain an understanding of the experiences of female PGA Golf Management interns to better grasp the current participation/representation in the golf industry. While looking at the broad internship experiences, we also seek to understand any gender and sex-based treatment discrimination and recognize the possible benefits, coping resources, and recommendations for future female PGA Golf Management students. You have been selected as a possible participant in this study because you are a female PGA Golf Management student recommended by your program director. From this study, the researchers hope to learn more about female perspectives of the golf industry and academic-based internship experiences. Your participation in this study will take about 60 minutes. RESEARCH PARTICIPATION PROCEDURE If you agree to be in this study, your participation will include an interview and is projected to be about 60 minutes in length. The interview will be conducted over the phone or via Zoom. The interviewer will ask you questions about you and your experiences with the game of golf, aspects of your internships, and elements of gender or sex-based treatment disparities and discrimination. After the interview is completed, the researcher may send you a summary of the results for your review. POTENTIAL BENEFITS You will not benefit directly from your participation in this study. However, your participation in this research study may contribute valuable information about the overall PGA Golf Management program and policies and procedures relevant to the internship experience. This research study will provide valuable information for PGA members and the golf industry. 256 POTENTIAL RISKS There are no foreseeable risks associated with participation in this study. PRIVACY AND CONFIDENTIALITY The data for this project are being collected anonymously. The interview will be recorded for accuracy. The results of this study may be published or presented at professional meetings, but the identities of all research participants will remain anonymous. Neither the researchers nor anyone else will be able to link the data to you. Information about you will be kept confidential to the maximum extent allowable by law. The records required by this policy will be retained for at least 3 years, and records relating to research that is conducted will be retained for at least 3 years after the completion of the research. All records will be accessible for inspection and copying by authorized representatives of the department or agency at reasonable times and in a reasonable manner. The only access to the recorded interviews will be the researchers and the research staff involved in the study and the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at Michigan State University. YOUR RIGHTS TO PARTICIPATE, SAY NO, OR WITHDRAW Participation is voluntary. Refusal to participate will involve no penalty. You may discontinue participation at any time without penalty. You have the right to say no to participating in the study. You may change your mind at any time and withdraw. You may choose not to answer specific questions or to stop participating at any time. COSTS AND COMPENSATION FOR BEING IN THE STUDY You will receive a $50 gift card for participating in this study. The current study is funded by the College of Education Dissertation Completion Fellowship at Michigan State University. CONTACT INFORMATION Your participation in this research study would be greatly appreciated. If you have any questions concerning your participation in this study, such as scientific issues, how to do any part of it, or to report an injury please contact the principal investigator, Dr. Dan Gould at (517) 432-0175; drgould@msu.edu. Thank you for your time and cooperation. If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University’s Human Research Protection Program at 517-355-2180, Fax 517-432-4503, or e-mail irb@msu.edu or regular mail at 4000 Collins Rd, Suite 136, Lansing, MI 48910. DOCUMENTATION OF CONSENT 257 By completing the interview this is your voluntary agreement to participate in the research study. AUDIO RECORDING CONSENT Do you consent to the interview being audio recorded for our research purposes? (Yes, to continue, no to end interview) 258 APPENDIX C: DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SURVEY Q1 What is your email address? ________________________________________________________________ Q2 What is your age? ________________________________________________________________ Q3 What age did you begin playing golf? ________________________________________________________________ 259 Q4 How many months of PGA Golf Management internship experiences have you completed? o 1 (1) o 2 (2) o 3 (3) o 4 (4) o 5 (5) o 6 (6) o 7 (7) o 8 (8) o 9 (9) o 10 (10) o 11 (11) o 12 (12) o 13 (13) o 14 (14) o 15 (15) o 16 (16) 260 Q5 What is your gender identity? o Male/Man (1) o Female/Woman (2) o Non-binary / third gender (3) o Prefer not to say (4) Q6 What is your race/ethnicity identity? o Hispanic/Latin (1) o White alone, non-Hispanic (3) o Black or African American alone, non-Hispanic (4) o American Indian and Alaska Native alone, non-Hispanic (5) o Asian alone, non-Hispanic (6) o Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander alone, non-Hispanic (7) o Some Other Race alone, non-Hispanic (8) o Multiracial, non-Hispanic (10) 261 APPENDIX D: PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW GUIDE Hegemonic masculinity in golf: The experiences of female PGA Golf Management Interns Participant Interview Guide Introduction and Directions Hi, my name is Mike Mignano, and I am a Doctoral Candidate at Michigan State University in the Department of Kinesiology. Thanks for helping us out by taking part in this interview. We are conducting a study looking at the experiences of female PGA Golf Management interns. Your program director recommended you as an exceptional candidate for participation in this study. Specifically, we aim to get an idea about the broad experiences of female PGA Golf Management interns. We are also curious about how female interns may experience gender and sex-based treatment disparities or discrimination at their sites. The information you provide will help future female PGA Golf Management students, industry professionals, and PGA Education improve their practices for recruiting, retaining and providing support for female membership through policies and training procedures. I have a series of guiding questions that I’ll ask you that will focus on your internship experiences. There are no “right” or “wrong” answers; we are looking to understand more about your opinions relative to your experiences as a female PGA Golf Management student and intern. My role here is to be a great listener, a sponge so to speak – I’m just trying to soak in everything that you say and learn from your experiences. I should also note that sometimes I may ask similar questions or repeat a question. We do this just to make sure we have the topic covered completely. Not because we have not listened to what you already have said. This interview will last between 45 and 60 minutes. I will be recording our conversation, but this will be kept in strict confidence. If we do publish anything from this study, your name nor any identifiable information won’t be included. Since your participation in this interview is voluntary, you can stop at any time. Also, you can refuse to answer any questions if you feel uncomfortable, and we can keep on going. Do you have any questions about this? Demographics What is your age? What identities do you use for sex and/or gender (male/female, man/woman)? How many months of PGA Golf Management internships have you completed to date? 1) 2) 3) 262 4) Where did you complete your internships? Background 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) How long have you been playing golf? How did you get into the game? Who were some of your role models and mentors in starting and continuing to play golf? What type of career in golf are you seeking? Overall Internship Experiences How would you describe your internship experiences overall? What were some of your job duties, roles, and responsibilities during these internships? 10) Who were your site supervisors for your internship experiences? Were they male or female? Positive Aspects of Internships 11) What were your favorite aspects of the internships you completed? 12) Would you recommend your internship sites to future students? Why or why not? Challenges/Gender-Based Dynamics of Internships 13) Have you ever been made to feel uncomfortable by a fellow golfer, colleague, or supervisor during your internship experiences? 14) Has, and if so, how often have you heard your internship site supervisors use sexist language or tell sexist jokes? 15) Do you believe your knowledge or capabilities have ever been questioned in the golf industry because of your gender? 16) Do you believe you have ever been sexually objectified in golf-specific situations such as playing, academic, or internships? 263 17) How often, if ever, have you been restricted to certain roles by your internship site supervisor because of your gender? 18) How often, if ever, have you been treated like a second-class citizen in your academic program or on your internship site because of your gender? 19) Have you ever felt excluded from certain golf situations during your internship because of your gender? 20) Do you believe you have experienced sexism in the PGA Golf Management program? Why or why not? 21) Have you ever been asked about your plans for a family in the future career path of golf? 22) Do you foresee any challenges or barriers to a successful career in the golf industry? Opportunities/Strategies 23) If you have experienced sexism or treatment discrimination in the sport of golf, what are some coping strategies that you have used? 24) Do you perceive any benefits of being a female in the golf industry? 25) If you had a magic wand and could change anything about the internship experiences for female PGA Golf Management students, what would it be? 26) What advice would you give to future female PGA Golf Management students? 27) What could the PGA Golf Management programs do to make internships more welcoming for female students? 264