BLACK WOMEN’S EXPERIENCES HEALING FROM SEXUAL ASSAULT AND 
INSITUTIONAL BETRAYAL BY THE CRIMINAL LEGAL SYSTEM: A QUALITATIVE 
EXPLORATION 

By 

Jasmine Engleton 

A DISSERTATION 

Submitted to 
Michigan State University 
in partial fulfillment of the requirements   
for the degree of 

Psychology – Doctor of Philosophy 

2024 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ABSTRACT 

Sexual violence poses significant societal challenges, affecting millions of women in the 

United States and resulting in long-term negative health effects for survivors. Black women are 

assaulted at higher rates and receive less assistance post-assault, so they bear a disproportionate 

burden. When Black women seek help from formal support systems (i.e., medical, criminal legal 

system), they often encounter victim blaming attitudes and are treated poorly by system 

personnel. For instance, when survivors report their assaults to law enforcement and undergo 

medical forensic exams, police often do not investigate their assaults and do not submit their 

sexual assault evidence kits (SAKs) for DNA testing, which exacerbates victims’ trauma. These 

failures have created a substantial “rape kit backlogs.” These backlogs represented a significant 

betrayal by the criminal legal system that compounds survivors' distress and creates a complex 

process of healing that goes beyond the assault. For Black women, this betrayal is deeply rooted 

in a historical legacy of gendered racism, perpetuating the marginalization of Black women's 

needs for support and justice. 

Drawing on Black feminist and intersectional frameworks, this qualitative dissertation 

explored the healing journeys of Black women affected by Detroit's rape kit backlog and their 

interactions with the criminal legal system. This study examined two focal research questions: 1) 

How do Black women describe their healing journeys and their current state of healing after their 

backlogged sexual assault case had been prosecuted? and 2) How did Black women's 

experiences of institutional betrayal by the criminal legal system--in both their initial experiences 

with the legal system and in their re-engagement experiences--impact their healing journeys and 

their current state of healing? Data from 29 transcribed interviews from Black women who re- 

engaged with the criminal legal system were analyzed using Ideal-Type Analysis (ITA), a 

 
 
 
 
qualitative cluster analysis approach. Analysis revealed four healing groups, which varied based 

on the coping strategies used by survivors and whether they felt their healing journey was in 

progress or completed. In addition, those who experienced prolonged institutional betrayal from 

the criminal legal system were less likely to seek other help resources, which delayed their 

healing process. These findings offer crucial insights into the nuanced processes through which 

Black women navigate healing amid institutional betrayal. Furthermore, these results offer 

guidance for research and practice aimed at better supporting the healing journeys of Black 

women affected by sexual violence and institutional betrayal. 

 
 
 
 
I dedicate this work to my mother, whose unwavering support has been a guiding light from the 
very beginning. Though she may no longer be with us in this physical realm, her encouragement 
has been evident in all of the people she has sent on my path in life to stay focused, persevere, 
and achieve my goal of becoming Dr. Engleton. 

iv 

 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

There are so many people I need to thank for helping me on this incredible journey 

toward achieving my doctoral degree. To my committee, your unwavering support, mentorship, 

care, and flexibility have been invaluable. Nicole and Heather, your insightful feedback, 

guidance, and support have been instrumental in helping me reach this milestone. I am deeply 

appreciative of your assistance in shedding light on the experiences of Black women throughout 

my comprehensive exams and dissertation. 

Nkiru, I am sincerely thankful to you for guiding me towards the amazing Ecological- 

Community Program here at MSU. Since 2016, you have witnessed my growth as a scholar, and 

I attribute much of that to your influence. Enrolling in your Community Psychology course was 

transformative for me, igniting a passion for understanding how we can enact systematic change 

to better support our health, wellness, and well-being and for always believing that violence does 

not have to continue. Having you on my committee was a dream come true, being able to witness 

my academic journey from it beginning in your class to this dissertation. Your authenticity, 

mentorship, and humanity have been a constant source of inspiration, and I am forever indebted 

to you for your guidance. I hope to continue collaborating with you on future projects and 

learning from you as an emerging gender-based violence scholar. 

Becki, I am profoundly grateful to you for being a constant champion, cheerleader, and 

"Momma-bear" throughout my graduate school journey. Your unwavering support has been 

instrumental in helping me reach this point. It's often said that we don't navigate life alone, and I 

truly believe that people like you are sent along our paths to support, guide, and advocate for us. 

Your presence has been a blessing, particularly during our work on the OVW victim notification 

project. 

v 

 
 
Witnessing your ability to navigate numerous challenges with grace, whether with the 

university, your own family, or guiding your students through various life transitions, has been 

truly inspiring. I am thankful for the opportunity to work alongside you and for the trust and faith 

you placed in me to contribute to this project, which helped birth this dissertation. 

In addition to Becki, this dissertation would not have been possible without the amazing 

work of the OVW team: Katie, Rachael, and McKenzie. Working with you all has been the 

highlight of my experience at MSU, reminding me that when you have a collaborative and 

healthy work environment and team that cares about your well-being over anything else, you can 

really get shit done! McKenzie, your friendship has been invaluable, and I cherish the moments 

we've shared discussing our views on the criminal justice system and beyond. I am so glad to be 

able to know you more closely because of this project. 

To my cohort sisters, Jessica, and Jaleah, I am forever grateful for your companionship, 

support, and camaraderie. Navigating this journey together wouldn't have been possible without 

you by my side. I cannot wait for our future adventures, and I am comforted in knowing that we 

will continue to be there for each other through many more life milestones. 

I want to extend a special thank you to my best friends: Erica, Roxana, and Michael. 

Although you weren't part of my program, you've been there for me through many of life 

challenges that I have endured (losing my mother, COVID, etc.). You've witnessed me at my 

lowest points, offering unwavering support and encouragement to persevere through the 

challenges of earning this degree. Without your constant presence, dark humor, and invaluable 

advice on navigating stressful situations, I wouldn't have made it this far. Thank you for standing 

by me and helping me through countless nervous breakdowns. You all mean the world to me. 

vi 

 
Lastly, I would like to personally thank each of the survivors within this study who 

bravely shared their stories, your courage and resilience continues to inspire me. I am deeply 

humbled by your strength and perseverance, and I hope this work can make a difference in the 

lives of other Black women facing similar challenges.  

vii 

 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 
Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................................ 1 
Study Significance ...................................................................................................................... 3 

CHAPTER 1: LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................................ 4 
Healing: Addressing Trauma Responses and Symptom Reduction ........................................... 4 
Healing: Promoting Strengths and Holistic Well-Being ............................................................. 9 
Healing: Contextualizing Trauma in a Socio-Ecological Context ............................................ 14 
Healing: A Unique Context for Black Women ......................................................................... 21 
Current Study ............................................................................................................................ 31 

CHAPTER 2: METHODS ............................................................................................................ 36 
Research Design ........................................................................................................................ 36 
Community Partner ................................................................................................................... 36 
Recruitment Protocol ................................................................................................................ 37 
Sample....................................................................................................................................... 38 
Data Collection Procedures ....................................................................................................... 38 
Interview Guide ........................................................................................................................ 40 
Analytic Method: Ideal-Type Analysis ..................................................................................... 41 
Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 42 
Assessing the Trustworthiness of the Data Analyses ............................................................... 45 
Positionality Statement ............................................................................................................. 46 

CHAPTER 3: RESULTS .............................................................................................................. 50 
Research Question 1: Description of Black Women’s Healing Journeys ................................. 50 
Ideal Type 1: Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing ................................................................. 51 
Ideal Type 2: Disengaged and Detached from Healing ............................................................ 56 
Ideal Type 3: Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and                                  
Managing Distress .................................................................................................................... 62 
Ideal Type 4: Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault ................................................ 67 
Research Question 2: Impact of Institutional Betrayal on Black Women’s                                 
Healing Journeys ....................................................................................................................... 70 
Overview of Entire Sample ....................................................................................................... 72 
Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing ....................................................................................... 75 
Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault ...................................................................... 77 
Disengaged and Detached from Healing .................................................................................. 78 
Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing Distress ......................... 80 

CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION ........................................................................................................ 85 
Summary of Key Findings on Healing from Sexual Violence and Institutional Betrayal ........ 85 
Summary of Key Findings on The Impact of Institutional Betrayal on Healing ...................... 92 
Limitations of Study ................................................................................................................. 98 
Implications for Future Research and Practice ....................................................................... 100 
Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 105 

viii 

 
 
 
 
 
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 107 

APPENDIX A: IRB DETERMINATION OF EXEMPT RESEARCH –SECONDARY 
ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................................. 126 

APPENDIX B: VICTIM NOTIFICATION STUDY QUALITATIVE INTERVIEW 
PROTOCOL ............................................................................................................................... 127 

ix 

 
 
 
 
Statement of the Problem 

INTRODUCTION 

Sexual violence is a widespread social problem that disproportionately impacts women 

(Smith et al., 2017). Sexual violence consists of “a continuum of behaviors ranging from threats 

or pressure to engage in vaginal, anal, or oral sex to physical violence to forcing a person to 

engage in sexual activity against their will” (Woodson & Anderson, 2017, p. 88). In the United 

States, approximately 52.2 million women experience some form of sexual violence in their 

lifetime (Smith et al., 2017). Women of color are disproportionately impacted, as more than one 

third experience some form of sexual violence in their lifetime (Smith et al., 2017). Specifically, 

Black women are more likely to be sexually victimized in their lifetime relative to White Women 

(19.4% vs. 16.5%, respectively; Smith et al., 2017). This is alarming given that Black women 

comprise 13.6% of the U.S. population (United States Census Bureau, 2021). Sexual violence 

causes both short- and long-term health problems, including post-traumatic stress disorder 

(PTSD), depression, anxiety, suicidality, and chronic pain (Jina & Thomas, 2013; Mason & 

Lodrick, 2013; Yuan & Koss, 2006). However, Black women experience a disproportionate risk 

for adverse health outcomes stemming from the assault and a more difficult time recovering from 

health problems following their assault than non-Black women (DiClemente et al., 2009; Pegram 

& Abbey, 2019; Sigurvindottir & Ullman, 2016). Given this, it is important that research centers 

the lives of women of color, particularly Black women, and how they heal from sexual violence. 

To address the psychological and physical health problems that stem from sexual 

violence, many survivors reach out to formal systems (e.g., medical, criminal legal, and 

advocacy) for assistance (Macy et al., 2009). While these systems can provide much needed 

1 

 
 
 
 
  
resources to aid in their healing process, system personnel may engage in negative, 

victim- blaming behaviors that can exacerbate trauma and delay healing (Campbell, 2008). For 

instance, survivors may choose to report their sexual victimization to the police and undergo a 

medical forensic exam with the collection of a sexual assault evidence kit (SAK; also termed a 

‘rape kit’) in the hope that their perpetrator will be identified and held accountable (Campbell et 

al., 2021). Nevertheless, police typically do not investigate reported rapes thoroughly nor do they 

routinely submit SAKs for forensic DNA testing (Pinchevsky, 2018; Strom & Hickman, 2010). 

In the U.S., there are approximately 300,000–400,000 unsubmitted rape kits in law 

enforcement storage facilities (Strom et al., 2021), and many of these kits are associated with 

Black sexual assault survivors (Campbell et al., 2015; Lovell et al., 2022). These untested kits, or 

“rape kit backlogs,” represent a significant betrayal by the criminal legal system. 

Survivors who consent to forensic evidence collection do so with the hope that the result 

will “prove” that a crime took place, prevent future sexual victimization, and increase their sense 

of safety (Du Mont et al., 2009). When this type of betrayal occurs, survivors are revictimized, 

creating a complex healing journey. Survivors already struggle to deal with the devastating 

physical and psychological impacts of the assault and reach out to these systems to support their 

post-assault healing. When formal systems, like the criminal legal system, fail to support 

survivors by not submitting their SAKs this sense of betrayal can contribute to heightened 

distress that goes beyond the initial assault (Smith & Freyd, 2013). For Black women, this 

betrayal is part of a legacy of gendered racism in that they were deemed unrapable and 

underserving of support from the criminal legal system for over 200 years (Feinstein, 2018; 

Hannah-Jones, 2021). Even though significant policy and legal changes 

2 

 
 
 
  
have come forth to support all survivors regardless of their race and gender, Black 

women’s needs for support and justice are overlooked and not given the same importance as 

White middle-class women (Richie, 2000; Slatton & Richard, 2020). 

Furthermore, there is a paucity of research that focuses on how Black women seek 

support and justice, and how they heal from sexual violence. 

Study Significance 

The dissertation study sought to address this gap in the literature by focusing on how 

Black women heal in the aftermath of sexual violence and the betrayal they experienced from the 

criminal legal system and its rape kit backlog. This dissertation advances the scholarly literature 

on the healing experiences of Black women as they navigate the dual experience of being 

sexually victimized and betrayed by the criminal legal system. This study employed a socio- 

ecological approach to understanding the healing experiences of sexual assault survivors by 

examining not only the trauma of the assault but also the trauma inflicted by systems in their 

broader ecological context. Guided by Black feminist and intersectional theoretical frameworks, 

this qualitative exploration of the healing experiences of Black women also expanded our 

understanding of how survivors' lived experiences of racism and sexism impact their healing. 

This study also challenged epistemic exclusion by acknowledging how Black women’ 

experiences are often relegated to the margins of academic study and society at large. Black 

feminist and intersectional frameworks place Black women's ways of knowing at the center of 

inquiry and help illustrate how oppressive conditions shape their experiences (Collins, 1990; 

Settles et al., 2020). 

3 

 
 
 
 
 
CHAPTER 1: LITERATURE REVIEW 

Sexual violence has sweeping negative impacts on survivors' lives, and how survivors 

heal from these experiences is an important issue for research. Healing is hard to define into one 

universal concept given that it's bound by "context, culture, and the individual or collective 

narrative in which it is situated" (Henderson et al., 2021, p. 2). Other terms such as "recovery," 

"surviving, "resiliency, and "adjusting" are often used interchangeably to refer to survivors' 

healing journeys, though it is unclear whether these terms do in fact mean the same thing. 

Without having a precise and agreed-upon definition, scholars have put forth different 

conceptualizations of healing. In this chapter, I will provide an overview of the different 

definitions of healing, review the pertinent literature, and provide critiques of each of the 

definitions. Specifically, I will be reviewing the clinical medical model of trauma, the strengths- 

based approach to healing, and the socio-ecological perspective of healing. 

Healing: Addressing Trauma Responses and Symptom Reduction 

Origin: A Clinical Medical Model of Trauma. One of the earliest and most influential 

models of healing emerged from the clinical medical literature and focuses on counteracting 

distress and alleviating negative health outcomes stemming from the assault (Holmstrom & 

Burgess, 1974, 1976; Peters, 2021). Sexual violence has multiple negative psychological impacts 

such as fear, substance abuse, anxiety, irritability, anger, and depression that can last up to weeks 

or years (Davis, 2011; Holmstrom & Burgess, 1974; Rina & Thomas, 2013; Mason & Lodrick, 

2013; Yuan & Koss, 2006). Given these short- and long-term impacts, the clinical medical model 

defines healing as the cessation of these symptoms. Research within this tradition has advanced 

our understanding of PTSD, anxiety disorder, depression, and suicidality, and has developed 

treatments to alleviate these conditions. It has also provided survivors with the language to 

4 

 
 
 
 
describe what they are experiencing and a "means to reduce stigma around distressing post- 

assault experiences" (Peters, 2021, p. 950). For instance, Peters (2021) notes that helping 

survivors understand that hyperarousal and flashbacks are common symptoms of PTSD can help 

normalize their experiences and reduce their self-blame. In other words, this model seeks to help 

survivors see how trauma affects the brain and body and, thus, how clinical medical 

interventions can facilitate healing. 

One of the first clinical medical approaches to describing the trauma of sexual violence 

was proposed by Holmstrom and Burgess (1974) when they coined the term "Rape Trauma 

Syndrome" (RTS) to refer to the common rape-related stress responses that occur following 

sexual assault, such as fear, shock, disbelief, numbness, guilt, hypervigilance, and feelings of 

helplessness (Burgess, 1983; Patton et al., 2009). Holmstrom and Burgess' (1974) influential 

study on Rape Trauma Syndrome described healing as a two-stage process consisting of 

disorganization, where the immediate physical and psychological impacts of the assault are 

realized, and reorganization, where survivors engage in behaviors that contribute to the lessening 

of physical and psychological symptoms stemming from the assault. The ultimate goal for 

healing is to "return the [survivor] to the previous level of functioning where the [survivor] will 

then psychologically let go of the pain, fear, and memory and will feel a degree of calm that 

enables him or her to go about the business of living again" (Holmstrom & Burgess, 1974, p.982-

4). Shortly after Holmstrom and Burgess' (1974) ground-breaking study, the Diagnostic and 

Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) added a new diagnosis of post-traumatic stress 

disorder (PTSD), which included many of the same stress responses exhibited in RTS (Burgess, 

1983). While both diagnoses provided a picture of the types of psychological reactions 

experienced by sexual assault survivors, RTS would later be discarded and replaced by the more 

5 

 
 
 
commonly used diagnosis of PTSD (Patton et al., 2009). Sexual assault survivors were (and 

currently are) regularly diagnosed with PTSD, which has become the leading focus for clinical 

and therapeutic treatment (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974; Burgess & Holmstrom, 1976; Dworkin, 

2020). 

Empirical Research on the Clinical Medical Model of Trauma. Sexual assault greatly 

impacts women’s psychological health, and a key focus in clinical medical research has been 

documenting rates of clinical diagnoses among sexual assault survivors. Sexual assault survivors 

have a higher risk of developing psychological disorders than individuals who have not been 

assaulted (Dworkin et al., 2017; Dworkin, 2020). Specially, Dworkin's (2020) meta-analysis on 

sexual violence and mental disorders found that sexual assault survivors had a higher prevalence 

of lifetime (39%) and past-year depressive disorder (24%), in comparison to individuals who had 

not been assaulted (17% and 11%, respectively). In addition, sexual assault survivors had a 

higher prevalence of lifetime PTSD (36%) and past- year PTSD (26%) in comparison to 

individuals who had not been assaulted (9% and 18%, respectively). While PTSD and depressive 

disorder were the most commonly documented mental disorders, sexual assault survivors also 

had a higher prevalence of lifetime OCD (6%), substance abuse (19%), and eating disorders 

(8%) in comparison to nonsexual assault groups (2%, 9%, 2%, respectively). In another meta- 

analysis on suicidality and suicidal ideation by Dworkin, DeCou, and Fitzpatrick (2020), sexual 

assault survivors reported a higher prevalence of suicidality (27.2%), lifetime suicidality 

(29.7%), and past-year suicidal ideation (21.8%) than people who had not experienced sexual 

assault (9.3%, 9.6%, and 12.8%, respectively). This body of literature demonstrates that PTSD is 

still the leading diagnosis among sexual assault survivors and also highlights the various 

psychological disorders that can arise following sexual victimization. 

6 

 
 
 
To alleviate these symptoms, a substantial body of research on empirically supported 

treatments has been developed to treat these psychological disorders (Hegarty et al., 2016; 

Lomax & Meyrick, 2022; Vickerman & Margolin, 2009). Multiple quantitative studies and meta- 

analyses have shown that cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), eye movement desensitization and 

reprocessing therapy (EDMR), and reprocessing are effective models to treat PTSD, depression, 

and anxiety in sexual assault survivors (Regehr et al., 2013; Taylor & Harvey, 2009). Reviewing 

each of these treatment models is beyond the scope of this dissertation; however, it is relevant to 

note the effectiveness of these treatments in alleviating distress and thus "healing" survivors. 

Taylor and Harvey's (2009) meta-analysis of the effects of psychotherapy in addressing symptom 

reduction in sexual assault survivors found a 70.8% success rate in symptom reduction compared 

with a 29.2% success rate with controlled groups. Vickerman and Margolin (2009) reviewed 

different treatment interventions for sexual assault survivors, such as stress inoculation training, 

prolonged exposure, and cognitive processing therapy, but their review yielded mixed findings as 

many survivors still qualified for a diagnosis of PTSD after treatment. In a more recent meta- 

analysis on cognitive and behavioral interventions' effectiveness in addressing psychological 

disorders among sexual assault survivors, there was improvement in addressing psychological 

disorders like PTSD, depression, and anxiety, but many may still be struggling after treatment 

(Regehr et al., 2013). 

Critiques of the Clinical Medical Model. While the clinical medical perspective has 

made important contributions to understanding the deleterious impact of sexual violence on 

survivors’ psychological well-being, an overwhelming focus on addressing symptomatology and 

distress within an individual has contributed to a deficit-based approach to healing (Peters, 

2021). This deficit approach localizes the problem within the individual and "erases any 

7 

 
 
 
reference to the real source of the problem—the individual and collective perpetrators of 

violence [or] the conditions that give rise to such violence" (Gilfus, 1999, p. 1241–1242). 

The emphasis on individual psychopathology and the lack of acknowledgment of external 

sources that contribute to violence make "healing a frustrating and unreachable goal" (West, 

1999, p. 152). Furthermore, research emphasizing deficits and risk factors for developing PTSD 

and other negative health outcomes can contribute to a victimized mentality rather than 

recognizing one’s strength, resiliency, and agency as a survivor of sexual violence (Maddux et 

al., 2004; Peters, 2021). Secondly, scholars have argued that healing is much more than the 

alleviation of negative health outcomes and that a reduction in health outcomes does not equate 

to positive growth and restoration of health and wellbeing (McCauley et al., 2019; Peter, 2021). 

While the promotion of health and well-being may involve symptom reduction, it also involves 

the promotion of the quality of one’s life and adaptive functioning (Gladis et al., 1999; 

Manderscheid et al., 2010). Given that sexual violence is a disempowering and alienating 

experience, reducing negative psychological outcomes does not address other aspects of a 

survivor's life that the sexual assault may have impacted, such as their connection to others or 

sense of empowerment (Herman, 1992,p. 133–83; Slade et al., 2012). In addition, the emphasis 

on symptom reduction does not address how survivors experience positive adjustment, self-

acceptance, and other aspects of growth (Bryant- Davis et al., 2011). As an example, in 

Holmstrom and Burgess's (1974) work, they emphasized treatment modalities that helped the 

survivors return to their "previous level of functioning" without mentioning any other tools or 

resources that would promote growth and wellness. In more recent therapeutic interventions, the 

focus is on coping with the assault in order to reduce mental health symptoms and not on how 

survivors may grow from the experience or "face the task of creating a new future," which can be 

8 

 
 
 
a part of the healing process (Herman, 1992, p. 196; Lomax & Meyrick, 2022). These critiques 

underscore the need for a more expansive view of healing that moves beyond symptom reduction 

(Ginwright, 2018; McCauley et al., 2019; Peter, 2021). 

Healing: Promoting Strengths and Holistic Well-Being 

Origin: Positive Psychology Movement. Another conceptualization of healing 

emphasizes how survivors’ journey from a life of negative health outcomes to a life of 

fulfillment and positive changes (Bryant-Davis, 2011). This strength-based viewpoint derives 

from the positive psychology movement, which Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi are credited with 

founding in 2000. Positive psychology was a response to the field of psychology's focus on 

distress and pathology and sought to shift the field's attention to research focusing on positive 

aspects of the human experience and the adaptative capabilities of individuals (Maddux et al., 

2004). Positive psychology focuses on "the study of the conditions and processes that contribute 

to the flourishing or optimal functioning of people, groups, and institutions" (Gable & Haidt, 

2005, p. 104; See Rhein & MacDonald, 2022). In addition, this model of healing introduced the 

concept of post- traumatic growth, and the long-term adaptations people make in response to 

difficult life experiences. Post-traumatic growth (PTG) has been defined as "a significant 

beneficial change in cognitive and emotional life beyond previous levels of adaptation, 

psychological functioning, or life awareness" (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004, p. 1). 

The perspective that survivors could experience adaptive growth following a trauma was 

first introduced by Veronen and Kilpatrick in 1983. Although the specific term PTG had not yet 

been formally introduced, they proposed a model that outlined four outcomes of sexual violence 

that could lead to positive life changes. The first outcome - life threat leading to life appreciation 

entails survivors engaging in retrospection regarding their assault and evaluating their goals and 

9 

 
 
 
priorities in life, leading to them taking care of themselves. The second outcome – violence 

prompting help seeking into psychosocial services – involves survivors undergoing a reflective 

process where their experience of trauma serves as a catalyst for seeking out needed 

psychological support. The third outcome - consciousness raising experience - where survivors 

consider how their sexual assault experience connects to other forms of oppression one may be 

experiencing, influencing increased assertiveness and improved life outcomes. Lastly, the fourth 

outcome - violence prompting recovery and positive coping efforts – survivors contemplate the 

assault and the resulting coping habits which provokes a change to adopt adaptive coping 

strategies that support their well-being and recovery (Veronen & Kilpatrick, 1983). Each of these 

outcomes suggests that survivors are able to create some meaning from their experience of 

sexual assault and using that perspective to make positive changes in their life. 

Post-traumatic growth adds to our understanding of the healing process of sexual 

violence by suggesting that there can be adaptive outcomes in the wake of traumatic life 

experiences. However, the presence of PTG does not mean that survivors are also struggling with 

lingering distress (Bonanno & Mancini, 2012). As Joseph and Linley (2008) state, "we cannot 

fully understand growth without taking into account the distress that precedes it, and we cannot 

fully understand recovery from post-traumatic stress without taking into account the possibility 

of growth" (p. 342). In other words, this conceptualization of healing posits that survivors’ 

experience moments of distress along with positive growth (Bonanno & Mancini, 2012; Joseph 

& Linley, 2008). Thus, healing is a non-linear process over time that incorporates both positive 

growth and managing adverse health outcomes (Herman, 1997). 

Building upon this perspective that the healing is an ongoing journey of managing 

distress and developing positive growth, Herman (1997) introduced a revised conceptualization 

10 

 
 
 
of healing defined in a three-stage process that centered around reestablishing power and control. 

In other words, it is important that through the healing process survivors have agency and choice, 

that “no intervention that takes power away from survivors can possibly foster her recovery” 

(p.133). The focus of the first stage is establishing safety and stabilization in the body and 

environment and relationships with others. This involves meeting the basic health needs (i.e., 

food, sleep, exercise) and addressing physical injuries and post-traumatic symptoms. In terms of 

one’s environment, safety is achieved through establishing financial and housing security as well 

as establishing supportive relationships with others to maintain their safety. The focus of the 

second stage is remembrance and mourning, which entails making meaning of their experiences. 

This involves reconstruction of beliefs about order and justice in the world. Survivors may deal 

with feelings of loss, vengeance and pain that stems from sexual victimization. Lastly, the focus 

of the third stage is reconnection and reintegration. 

Survivors are able to work towards creating a new future for themselves by 

understanding that they were victimized and incorporating what they have learned to increase 

their sense of power and control. This involves learning how to protect oneself via self- defense, 

re- creation of self that is not defined by her sexual victimization and connecting her experiences 

to the larger context via pursuits of justice and social action. Though Herman outlines three 

stages, she notes that healing often happens in a non-linear fashion and survivors will oscillate 

between stages. In a later revision of her model, Herman (2023) added a fourth stage that focuses 

on justice. Justice is considered integral to healing given that "sexual violence is part of a larger 

social problem that requires repair through some measure of justice from the larger community" 

(p. 3). Justice is achieved through acknowledgement that a great wrong was committed, that a 

genuine apology is given by the perpetrators and others complicit in the harm caused, and a form 

11 

 
 
 
of accountability that moves beyond just punishment. This involves gaining monetary restitution 

given that sexual violence can contribute to long-term financial burdens (Loya, 2015; Post et al, 

2002). Furthermore, it also involves rehabilitation and prevention as a way to address the wrongs 

to survivors and make the community safer by addressing violence at the onset (Herman, 2023). 

Though this perspective on healing is relatively new, justice-focused approaches may be critical 

to sexual assault survivors healing. 

Empirical Research on the Strength-Based Approach. Research that has utilized a 

strength-based approach to explore the healing process for sexual assault survivors has 

substantiated that recovery is a non-linear process that involves both alleviating distress and 

promoting growth. In Smith and Kelly’s (2001) qualitative study, survivors described healing as 

a cyclical and progressive process that consisted of confronting strong emotions, isolating 

oneself, reaching out for support, reframing the assault, and redefining themselves. Other 

aspects of the healing process included talking about their experience, managing obsessive 

thoughts and self-blame, getting back into daily routines, accepting that their world was not safe, 

which led to gaining a new perspective on life, and learning to forgive themselves and their 

perpetrator (Smith & Kelly, 2001). A more recent study on the day-to-day healing process of 

sexual assault survivors revealed that healing encompassing both "darker moments" such as 

feelings of anxiety, loneliness, and guilt as well as "healing moments" such as self-care, self-

love, and connection (Sinko et al., 2020). Similar to the Smith and Kelly (2001) study, the 

authors show a healing process that fluctuates between positive changes and challenges. 

Research on sexual violence and healing also highlights constructive approaches utilized in 

survivors’ journeys, such as negotiating family relationships, accessing community support, 

spiritual or religious coping, reclaiming one’s sexuality, and integrating multiple identities as a 

12 

 
 
 
survivor (Catabay et al., 2019; Draucker et al., 2009; Reid et al., 2023; Singh et al., 2013). These 

approaches emphasize that survivors’ healing incorporates more than just managing distress but 

also promoting growth in different areas of their lives (e.g., family relationships, self-conception, 

etc.). 

Draucker and colleagues (2009) conducted a qualitative meta-synthesis to develop an 

empirical taxonomy of strengths-based healing. The first domain was managing memories, 

whereby survivors were able to heal by downplaying the significance of the assault and avoiding 

and/or blocking out certain thoughts about the assault. Participants in the studies utilized 

psychological tactics like repression, dissociation, or the use of substances. The second domain 

was changes in relationship dynamics with others, such as breaking off relationships, avoiding 

intimacy, or disclosing the assault. Participants also reported the opposite, such as creating new 

relationships, seeking out intimacy, or disclosing the assault to others. The third domain focused 

on seeking safety by limiting time outside, being vigilant of surroundings and relationship 

dynamics that could be potentially harmful and avoiding certain social situations. In addition, 

participants reported focusing on obtaining justice, seeking retribution, speaking out against the 

violence, and informing others. The third domain is consistent with Herman's (2023) perspective 

that healing from sexual violence involves justice. The final domain, re-evaluating the self, 

focused on reducing negative symptoms and learning new coping skills, as well as avoiding 

reminders of violence, such as not seeking support, identifying as a survivor, and engaging in 

activities that counter victimization. The review highlighted that survivors engage in both 

adaptative and less adaptive strategies throughout their healing journeys. 

Critique of the Strength-Based Approach. A strength-based conceptualization of 

healing involves acknowledging that survivors experience significant distress but also have many 

13 

 
 
 
strengths that can promote growth and healing. This body of literature adds to our understanding 

of healing by placing emphasis on post-traumatic growth and providing a holistic view of the 

healing experience for survivors; however, the strength-based approach is still focused on the 

individual level of analysis and how survivors "navigate their recovery individually and in 

relation to supportive others" (Ullman & Townsend, 2008, p. 300). Given this level of analysis, 

research within this model tends to focus on what individual-level factors predict growth, such as 

demographic characteristics, coping strategies, and even some interpersonal-level factors such as 

social support (Ahrens et al., 2010; Bryant-Davis et al., 2011; Bryant-Davis et al., 2015; 

Draucker et al., 2009; Reid et al., 2023; Singh et al., 2013). This body of research helps us 

understand what factors promote positive adjustment, self- acceptance, and other aspects of 

growth (Bryant-Davis et al., 2011), but there is a notable lack of consideration for the broader 

context of survivors' recoveries. Sexual violence occurs within a larger social system that shapes 

our lives and, in this case, the healing process. Therefore, conceptual models of healing should 

also take into consideration both individual- level factors as well as ecological factors that can 

impact survivors' healing processes. 

Healing: Contextualizing Trauma in a Socio-Ecological Context 

Origin: Ecological Theory. The third primary conceptualization of healing situates 

sexual violence within its broader socio-ecological context and considers how the interplay 

between individuals and their environments shapes recovery (Rudkin, 2003). The socio- 

ecological perspective has its roots in Bronfenbrenner’s (1986) ecological model, which posits 

that multiple layers of social interaction shape individuals' development and well- being (Rudkin, 

2003). The model was originally focused on explaining how the larger environment affects 

children’s development (Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Darling, 2007). The model comprises six 

14 

 
 
 
ecological levels. The first level, the individual, focuses on the characteristics, traits, and beliefs 

of that individual that can directly influence a person’s choices and actions. The second level, the 

microsystem, involves the immediate environment that an individual regularly engages with 

(e.g., peers, school, or workplace). The third level, the mesosystem, involves the interactions 

between different microsystems (e.g., parent- teacher, peer-peer). The fourth stage, ecosystem, 

comprises different settings that can indirectly impact individual lives, such as government and 

religious organizations. The fifth level, macrosystem, represents cultural, societal, and 

ideological contexts that influence all levels within the ecological model (e.g., cultural norms, 

societal values, and political structures). The last level, chronosystem, involves events 

throughout time that shape all the other ecological levels (e.g., significant historical events over 

time). Each of these social systems interacts with one another, influencing the environment in 

which an individual lives and develops. The ecological model has been applied and adapted to 

address a variety of topics, ranging from health to education to violence. Scholars have 

advocated for and developed ecological models to help understand the impact of sexual violence 

that moves beyond the individual (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009; Harvey, 1996; Neville 

& Heppner, 1999). Thus, this conceptualization posits that the process of healing from sexual 

violence does not take place in a vacuum but rather is significantly impacted by one's 

environment. 

Campbell and colleagues (2009) applied the socioecological model to explore the 

multiple factors within each ecological level that impact the survivor's mental health. For 

instance, at the individual level, the type of assault, victim-offender relationship, and 

sociodemographic factors were shown to have an impact on survivors’ post-assault 

psychological wellbeing. At the microsystem level, the types of reactions informal support 

15 

 
 
 
providers elicited influenced the survivors’ psychological wellbeing, such that positive reactions 

from family and friends can alleviate distress, but negative and controlling reactions exacerbate 

victims' distress. At the mesosystem and ecosystem levels, the type of response from formal 

systems was shown to have an impact on the psychological wellbeing of survivors (these factors 

will be described in more detail in subsequent sections of this proposal). The model also included 

macro-level factors such as cultural differences, rape culture, and institutionalized racism as 

having a profound effect on survivors' psychological wellbeing and ability to recover from 

sexual violence. Other ecological levels, such as the chronosystem, consist of cumulative trauma 

and re- victimization impacts on survivors’ psychological wellbeing over time. Overall, this 

model demonstrates that sexual assault survivors are impacted by much more than the sexual 

victimization given that they have to deal with family and friends’ responses to their disclosure, 

navigate potentially hostile systems such as the legal, medical, and mental health systems to 

access resources to facilitate their healing journey, all within a "rape-prone" society that 

minimizes one’s sexual victimization and contributes to self- blame and hinders the healing 

process (Campbell et al., 2009, p. 235). Therefore, healing for survivors involves more than just 

addressing the negative impacts of the assault itself but also coping with a broader set of negative 

experiences post-assault. 

Empirical Research on a Socioecological Approach. A large body of empirical 

research has substantiated that micro-, meso-, and exosystem experiences exacerbate survivors' 

trauma above and beyond the distress caused by the assault itself. Ullman's (2001) research 

highlights that the reactions of family and friends can impact post-assault recovery. Survivors 

who receive positive social reactions from their friends and family, such as empathetic listening, 

validation, and emotional support, show a decrease in PTSD symptoms; however, negative social 

16 

 
 
 
reactions, such as blaming or invalidating their experience, are associated with lower self-esteem 

(Ullman, 2001). Turning to the meso- and ecosystems, Campbell and colleagues (1999, 2005b) 

have demonstrated how contact with formal systems, such as the criminal, legal, and medical 

systems, often has a negative impact on survivors. 

Campbell and Raja (1999) referred to this pattern as "secondary victimization" or "the 

second rape," where survivors are ignored or treated in an insensitive and alienating manner 

(Campbell & Raja, 1999). Research on secondary victimization suggests that survivors can be 

further victimized during these interactions with formal system personnel, resulting in 

compounded or prolonged distress (Campbell, 2005; Campbell, 2008; Maier, 2008). Secondary 

victimization from formal system personnel, such as the police, has been linked to increased 

PTSD symptoms among sexual assault survivors (Campbell et al., 2001; Filipas & Ullman, 

2001). Survivors reporting their experiences with the legal and medical system often leave 

feeling guilty, depressed, anxious, and reluctant to seek further help (Campbell & Raja, 1999; 

Campbell, 2005). In McQueen and colleagues' (2021) qualitative study on sexual assault 

survivors who reported to the police, survivors shared how they did not feel believed by the 

police and struggled with finding closure regarding their sexual assault, affecting their overall 

wellbeing and sense of self-worth.  

In addition to secondary victimization, sexual assault survivors who engage with formal 

systems can experience institutional betrayal, which Smith and Freyd (2013) defined as 

“institutional action or inaction that exacerbates the impact of traumatic experiences” (Smith & 

Freyd, 2014, p. 577). Institutional betrayal occurs when individuals reach out for assistance, 

safety, and/or accountability, expecting to receive help, and instead are hurt, harmed, and/or 

blamed by the institution for what they have experienced (Pinciotti & Orcutt, 2021; Smith & 

17 

 
 
 
Freyd, 2013, 2014). Institutional betrayal is similar to the concept of secondary victimization in 

that both focus on how systems and system personnel's responses to survivors can “exacerbate 

the impact of traumatic experiences” (Smith & Freyd, 2014, p. 577); however, institutional 

betrayal focuses specifically on the feelings of betrayal that arise because survivors place a great 

deal of trust in these institutions or are heavily reliant on them for their survival (Smith & Freyd, 

2013). Just as sexual violence an impact survivors' health and well-being, research has also 

substantiated that institutional betrayal causes distress above and beyond the trauma of the 

assault itself. Recent research has found that experiencing institutional betrayal is associated with 

increased levels of depression, anxiety, PTSD, dissociation, and suicidality (Hannan et al., 2021; 

Monteith et al., 2016; Smith & Freyd, 2013; Smith & Freyd, 2017). Studies examining 

institutional betrayal perpetuated by the criminal legal system also reveal similar effects of 

psychological distress and retraumatization among sexual assault survivors (Busch-Armendariz 

et al., 2015a; Bach et al., 2022; Campbell et al., 2024). In a more recent study on institutional 

betrayal by the criminal legal system, survivors shared how learning about the criminal legal 

system's failure to respond to their sexual victimization left them with feelings of anger, betrayal, 

and distress (Campbell et al., 2023). These studies shed light on the profound impact of formal 

system responses to sexual victimization, such as secondary victimization and institutional 

betrayal, on sexual assault survivors, creating an even more complex healing journey for 

survivors than just considering the assault. 

Critiques of the Socioecological Approach. Research that takes a socio- ecological 

approach to sexual violence suggest that survivors are affected by much more than the assault 

and considers how distress stems from multiple ecological contexts, such as survivors' 

experiences with formal system personnel and institutions' inadequate responses to their 

18 

 
 
 
victimization (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2015b; Bach et al., 2022; Campbell, 2005; Campbell, 

2008; Campbell et al., 2024; Maier, 2008; McQueen et al. 2010). This shifts the focus away from 

the individual to the environment and identifies multiple sources of distress that occur as 

survivors navigate post-assault help-seeking. However, the existing literature focuses on the 

sources of distress but not what factors help survivors heal from these experiences. There have 

been calls for research that look at the healing process within the context of survivors’ 

engagement with formal systems (Lorenz et al., 2019; Slatton & Richards, 2020), but to date, 

research within this model has not explored these issues. 

In addition, there is a paucity of research that considers how macrosystem level factors 

influence survivors' healing experiences. In Campbell and colleagues (2009) socioecological 

model of the impact of sexual violence on psychological wellbeing, they note that very few 

studies exist that examine these macro-level factors, such as sociocultural identity, and their 

impact on the wellbeing and healing process of survivors. In a more recent socioecological 

review of negative and positive changes following sexual violence, Stockman et al. (2023) noted 

that there still remains a lack of studies that assess the role of macro-level factors in influencing 

post-assault impacts and recovery. 

Though these models highlight the gap in research that considers macro-level influence 

on survivors’ healing, these models also fail to consider how multiple, intersecting oppression 

impacts survivors experience of trauma and healing. For instance, though poverty and violence 

can be experienced by all women that negatively impacts their health and wellbeing, women of 

color’s experiences with poverty and violence tends to differ from that of White women 

(Crenshaw, 1991; Crenshaw & Bonis, 2005). Richie's (2000) critique of the anti-violence 

19 

 
 
 
movements highlights the consequences of negating the sociohistorical backgrounds of women 

with diverse backgrounds: 

When mainstream attention to the needs of victims and survivors was gradually 

integrated into the public realm of social services and legal protection and became visible 

in research studies, every woman became a white middle-class woman […] she 

consumed the greater proportion of attention in the literature and intervention strategies 

were based on her needs (p. 1135). 

This quote highlights how the lack of consideration for women with diverse backgrounds 

and experiences fails to reflect their realities and needs because White women’s experiences 

have been centered. Research on healing from sexual violence that utilizes a socio-ecological 

perspective can benefit from considering how women of color experiences of violence and 

engagement with various formal systems is influenced not only by their sociocultural identity, 

but also how structural oppressive forces at the crux of their multiplicative identities interact with 

each other to create conditions in which their experiences drastically differ from those of White 

women (Crenshaw & Bonis, 2005). 

Prior research has not fully examined how macro-level factors, such as institutional 

racism, impacts survivors' healing (Kelley, 2023). Given this gap in the literature regarding how 

sociocultural background and experience of structural oppression influence sexual assault 

survivors’ response to sexual violence and their healing process, there is a pressing need for 

research that centers the experience of women from diverse backgrounds, particularly Black 

women. Black women are differently situated in the U.S. and have a unique context with respect 

to sexual violence given their gendered and racialized experiences throughout U.S. history 

(Slatton & Richards, 2020; West & Johnson, 2013). 

20 

 
 
 
Specifically, sexual violence against Black women was normalized and legalized in the 

U.S. for over 200 years (Feinstein, 2018; West, 2002). Due to this, Black women's victimization 

has been disregarded and minimized, and they have been depicted as sexually promiscuous and 

illegitimate victims (West, 2002). This implies that Black women's healing occurs against a 

backdrop of intergenerational trauma and other oppressive conditions that create a multiplicative 

effect, resulting in cumulative trauma that impedes their post-assault healing journey (Slatton & 

Richards, 2020; West & Johnson, 2013). Understanding the healing process for Black women 

survivors must be considered within this sociohistorical context (Bryant-Davis, 2019). Therefore, 

exploring what the healing process entails for Black women fills a much-needed gap in the 

literature. 

Healing: A Unique Context for Black Women 

Historical Context of Sexual Violence Against Black Women. Black women are 

disproportionately impacted by sexual violence in that they experience higher rates of assault and 

more lethal forms of sexual violence (e.g., use of weapons) as compared to White women 

(Boykins et al., 2010; Kilpatrick et al., 2007; Planty et al., 2013; Smith et al., 2017; Tjaden & 

Thoennes, 2006). In addition, they often experience more significant and long- lasting negative 

health effects from sexual violence (DiClemente et al., 2009; Pegram & Abbey, 2019; 

Sigurvindottir & Ullman, 2016). To understand how Black women are differentially impacted by 

sexual violence and their healing process, it is important to unpack the historical context of 

violence for this specific population. Black feminists have highlighted how the legacy of sexual 

violence against Black women and vestiges of that legacy are ever present (Crenshaw, 1989; 

Richie, 2000; Slatton & Richards, 2020; Spates, 2012; Richards & Slatton, 2017; West, 2002; 

West & Johnson, 2013). Therefore, placing the experiences of Black women in their specific 

21 

 
 
 
historical context provides insights into their experiences of sexual violence as well as their 

responses to their victimization and ultimately their healing journeys (West & Johnson, 2013). 

The origins of sexual violence against Black women in the United States have their roots 

in slavery (Feinstein, 2018; Jennings, 1990). While it is difficult to determine the exactly how 

many enslaved Black women were sexually assaulted, historians have evaluated existing records 

and personal narratives, estimating that at least 50% were assaulted (Feinstein, 2018; Prather et 

al., 2018). In Feinstein’s (2018) historical analysis, she explores how sexual exploitation was an 

ever-present reality in the lives of Black women. As early as 1619, Black women were subjected 

to sexual violence for the purposes of submission to enslavement and for the economic growth 

and sexual gratification of their White slaveowner (Feinstein, 2018; Hannah-Jones, 2021; 

Jennings, 1990). During slavery, sexual violence against Black women was normalized. 

Specifically, Black women were subjected to sexual violence even before reaching the 

Americas. This process of creating an "obedient slave" meant that Black women were sexually 

assaulted to prepare their transition from a free individual with bodily autonomy to "chattel" (i.e., 

personal property of a slave owner without any legal rights and protections; Feinstein, 2018). In 

addition, Black women were constantly utilized as breeding mules for slave owners, which 

involved being sexually assaulted by enslaved men and even White slave owners (Feinstein, 

2018; Hannah- Jones, 2021). Because Black women did not have bodily autonomy and were 

deemed property, children that Black women bore would also become slaves, which was 

"deemed profitable in the sense that children became valuable property and future laborers for 

Whites" (Feinstein, 2018, p. 7). Furthermore, the sexual victimization of Black women also 

shielded the sexual victimization of White women to an extent (except for marital rape) whereby 

Black women became a major target for sexual violence (Feinstein, 2018). 

22 

 
 
 
Though sexual victimization was a constant reality for enslaved Black women, White 

slaveowners and those in power utilized different tactics to normalize and conceal their abuse. 

One of those tactics was the promotion of racist stereotypes such as Jezebel and Mammy. Black 

women were often considered "grotesque, animalistic, and unnatural," and stereotypes were 

utilized to explain their sexual behavior and normalize the abuse they experienced (Mowatt et al., 

2013, p. 650). Specifically, the stereotype of a "Jezebel" rendered Black women as sexually 

insatiable, promiscuous, and manipulative in that they could not be controlled (Mowatt et al., 

2013). Black women perceived as "Jezebels" were reduced to their sexual function in that they 

were "just a tool that existed for the pleasure of others" (Anderson et al., 2018). In other words, 

Black women sexual behavior deemed them responsible for their own victimization, rendering 

them unrapable (Collins, 1990, p. 81). In addition to justifying the sexual abuse they experience 

as just their "natural proclivity" to sex, the stereotypical image of Jezebel functioned to conceal 

their abuse, which often resulted in the birth of many children as part of their "excessive sexual 

appetites" (Collins, 1990, p. 81). In other words, viewing Black women through the stereotypical 

depiction of a Jezebel meant that they were just having children due to their sexual behavior and 

not due to the economic exploitation within the institution of slavery (Collins, 1990, p. 82). 

Other stereotypical depictions of Black women, such as the Mammy figure, render Black 

women as desexualized individuals that only serve to raise the children, which often resulted 

from sexual victimization. Along with the use of stereotypical depictions of Black women, the 

language used during the period of enslavement served to conceal their sexual victimization. 

Black women were depicted as having consensual sex or "committing adultery" with White men 

and being labeled as mistresses or prostitutes (Feinstein, 2018, p. 74). Given the power dynamics 

that existed between enslaved Black women and White men, it is extremely difficult to consider 

23 

 
 
 
that consent was given voluntarily (Feinstein, 2018; Jennings, 1990). Describing their 

experiences with this type of language only served to normalize their sexual violence (Feinstein, 

2018; Jennings, 1990). White women also played a role in the concealment of Black women's 

sexual victimization (Feinstein, 2017). Though White women were also oppressed in that they 

could only gain wealth and resources through marriage, their racial privilege afforded them 

benefits and advantages that were not available to enslaved Black women. For instance, White 

women would claim that Black women were "enticing" their husband as grounds for divorce or 

remaining silent and financially benefiting from their victimization (Feinstein, 2017). 

Even after slavery ended with the adoption of the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 

and the Act of June 19 (Juneteenth), Black women were still targeted for sexual violence 

(Collins, 2005; Thompson-Miller & Picca, 2017). Newly freed from the confines of slavery, 

Black women were no longer the property of White men, meaning they now had bodily 

autonomy that was once denied to them. This meant that Black women now had the same rights 

as White women to seek protection and defend themselves against actual or threats of sexual 

violence; however, White individuals and communities sought to oppress and control newly 

freed Black people by means of racial terrorism, utilizing sexual violence as a means to oppress 

Black women specifically (Thompson-Miller & Picca, 2017). In other words, "a free woman 

who belonged to nobody except themselves and in a climate of violence that meted out severe 

consequences for defending themselves or soliciting Black male protection meant Black women 

could be raped" (Collins, 2005, p. 65). Black women were often assaulted "when using public 

transportation, in their own homes that were broken into, and even during their jobs" 

(Thompson-Miller & Picca, 2017, p. 936). Black women (and men) were barred from certain 

employment positions such that they could only work on the farm or as servants, jobs that 

24 

 
 
 
resembled their former conditions during enslavement (Hannah- Jones, 2021; History Channel, 

2010). Black women's only options for employment were to work for White people as 

housemaids. These jobs left Black women vulnerable to the sexual coercion and harassment of 

their White employers (Thompson-Miller & Pica, 2017). These acts of racial terrorism in their 

everyday lives were meant to instill fear and show Black women that their bodies were not their 

own and that they would still be targeted for sexual violence (Thompson-Miller & Pica, 2017). 

The same tactics utilized during the period of enslavement were utilized during the Jim 

Crow era to normalize the sexual victimization of Black women. Controlling images of Jezebel 

and Sapphire were utilized to minimize their sexual victimization. For instance, the Jezebel 

stereotype serves to represent Black women as innately sexually insatiable, always consenting, 

and unrapable (Hannah-Jones, 2021, p.54). The stereotype of the Angry Black Woman/Sapphire 

depicted Black women as angry, hostile, and combative (Jim Crow Museum, Kelley, 2023). If 

they chose to speak up about their sexual victimization, they were viewed as being a nuisance 

and victim-blamed, which served to silence Black women (Buchanan & Ormerod, 2002). In 

addition, sexual violence against Black women was minimized due to the "imagined probable 

rape of White women by Black men (Thompson- Miller, Picca, 2017, p. 934). Racial violence, 

specifically the lynching of Black men, was justified by the myth that Black men were sexually 

aggressive and dangerous to White women (Smångs, 2020). The media contributed to 

stereotypical depictions and rape myths by constantly reporting alleged sexual crimes and 

contributing to the narrative that White women were unprotected, which would therefore 

necessitate White men's intervention (Smångs, 2020). When allegations of Black men sexually 

assaulting White women were raised, swift forms of justice through public lynching were 

utilized to strike fear in the Black community (Equal Justice Initiative, 2015). These narratives 

25 

 
 
 
served to control and oppress Black people and conceal the sexual violence that Black women 

experienced at the hands of White men (Broussard, 2013; Wells, 1892). Given that attention was 

directed to stopping the mythical Black rapist, the experiences of Black women who were 

sexually assaulted by White men as a form of racial terrorism were ignored (Thompson-Miller & 

Pica, 2017). 

Historical Context of Legal Remedies for Black Survivors. While the normalization of 

sexual violence against Black women has been perpetuated through the utilization of derogatory, 

racist, and stereotypical depictions, it has also been reinforced through the legal system 

(Feinstein, 2018; Lowcountry Digital History Initiative, 2014). Laws were created to 

intentionally exclude Black women and girls as legitimate victims of sexual violence (King, 

2014). Laws were enacted, referred to as the "Slave Codes," that contributed to the sexual 

victimization of enslaved Black women (Feinstein, 2018). For example, laws established in the 

Virginia colony during 1662–1682 made enslavement permanent in that no Black person could 

buy their way out of slavery, as could White indentured servants (Feinstein, 2018). Slave codes 

also afforded protection to White slaveowners by killing any enslaved person who resisted their 

advances or denied working for them (Feinstein, 2018). For example, an enslaved Black girl, 

Celia, fought back against her White perpetrator, killing him. Petitions were put forth during her 

trial for self-defense; however, they were thrown out given that only White women have legal 

recourse for incidents of sexual violence (King, 2014; Slatton & Richards, 2020). Celia was later 

charged with murder and executed (King, 2014). Similar laws were created in other American 

colonies that made resisting sexual violence difficult. One example of a law specifically against 

sexual violence stated: "If any slave or free person of color shall be guilty of the crime of rape 

upon the persons of any white child, under the age of ten years, he shall suffer death for such 

26 

 
 
 
offense, upon conviction" (King, 2014). These laws purposely highlighted racial and gender lines 

to indicate who was a victim of sexual violence, namely White women, thereby formally 

excluding Black women from legal recourse. Even during the Jim Crow era, Black women were 

unlikely to have many options for legal recourse when they were sexually assaulted. As stated by 

King (2014), "creation of laws was one thing, but enforcement was another" (p. 185). Laws that 

prohibited sexual assault included newly freed Black women; however, law enforcement and 

judges often ruled in favor of White men (King, 2014). In addition, Black women who were 

sexually assaulted faced physical threats and acts of retaliation if they chose to report their sexual 

victimization (King, 2014; Thompson-Miller & Picca, 2017). Even when they did report, they 

encountered victim- blaming behavior, such as in the Memphis Riot congressional investigation, 

during which Black women were asked what they were wearing and if they had tried to resist 

(King, 2014). Though Black women were still subjected to sexual violence and faced threats for 

reporting their sexual victimization and victim-blaming attitudes from legal personnel, some still 

pursued legal recourse. For example, Recy Taylor, a 24-year-old Black woman, was kidnapped 

and gang raped by six white men. Taylor spoke out about the violence she experienced and 

reported the assault to law enforcement. Rosa Parks and other civil rights members organized 

and formed the Committee for Equal Justice to support Taylor in seeking justice and to use the 

legal system to hold her perpetrators accountable. Unfortunately, an all- white, all-male jury 

declined to charge the men with sexual assault, ultimately throwing out the case twice (Etienne, 

2011; McGuire, 2010). Again, this served as a reminder that even though Black women had 

some form of access to legal protections after enslavement, they were still denied the opportunity 

available to White women (McGuire, 2010). 

27 

 
 
 
The Current Context of Legal Remedies for Black Survivors. Though many of the 

laws that were constructed in the last 200 years that legalized the sexual victimization of Black 

women no longer exist, it is still the case that Black women are less likely to receive justice 

(Shaw & Lee, 2019). Law enforcement personnel are less likely to believe Black women and are 

more likely to sexually objectify them and blame them for the violence they experience 

(Campbell & Raja, 2005; Decker et al., 2019; Fisher, 2003; Kelley, 2020; Lorenz et al., 2019; 

Slatton & Richards, 2020; Tillman et al., 2010; Washington, 2001). When Black women report 

sexual assaults to the criminal legal system, their cases are less likely to be investigated and 

prosecuted (Shaw & Lee, 2019). In recent years, it has become clearer why so many sexual 

assaults reported to the police by Black women were not investigated or charged. Unbeknownst 

to survivors, police do not even take the most basic steps in an investigation, such as securing 

and testing all available evidence. For example, a key piece of evidence in many reported sexual 

assaults is the medical forensic SAK. Survivors are often advised by law enforcement to seek 

medical care in the form of a medical forensic exam (MFE) within the first 72–96 hours so that 

proper treatment can be provided, and evidence of the assault can be preserved (Littel, 2004). A 

MFE involves assessment for physical injuries, risk of pregnancy, and provisions for prophylaxis 

for sexually transmitted infections and emergency contraception (Campbell & Feeney, 2022). 

DNA evidence is collected by obtaining bodily fluids, swabbing the mouth and genitals, 

and collecting other sources of DNA from the survivor (e.g., clothing, foreign materials, etc.; 

Shaw et al., 2020). The MFE and SAK can be a very invasive process that is re- traumatizing, 

but survivors endure in the hopes that the DNA evidence will be used to hold their assailant(s) 

accountable (Campbell et al., 2021). 

28 

 
 
 
The police are supposed to submit SAKs immediately to a crime lab to analyze the 

samples for DNA (National Institute of Justice, 2017). If a DNA can be extracted, it may be 

eligible for upload to the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS), which is the federal criminal 

DNA database (Quinlan, 2020; Shaw et al., 2020). DNA samples uploaded to CODIS provide 

information that can lead to identifying the perpetrator, help establish that a crime was 

committed, increase the likelihood that charges will be sought, and help move the case forward 

(Fallik & Wells, 2015; Shaw et al., 2020). However, police do not routinely submit SAKs for 

forensic DNA testing, and there are approximately 300,000-400,000 untested SAKs in police 

storage facilities throughout the United States (Strom et al., 2021). Emerging research indicates 

that police are particularly less likely to submit SAKs associated with assaults committed against 

or reported by Black women (Campbell et al., 2015; Lovell et al., 2022). For example, Detroit, 

MI, and Cleveland, OH, untested kits were disproportionately represented by Black women, with 

over 81% and 64%, respectively (Goodman-Williams et al., 2019; Lovell et al., 2022). Both 

Detroit and Cleveland have a large Black population and have faced significant disadvantages 

with the lack of resources, over-policing, and issue of redlining that contribute to environmental 

hazards and negative health outcomes (Lovell et al., 2022; Shkembi et al., 2022). In Lovell and 

colleagues' (2022) study, Black women who had previously unsubmitted kits were more likely to 

be assaulted by strangers outdoors in “human-made environments in areas with a lasting legacy 

of redlining” than non-Black women (p. 63). This implies that institutional racism via the legacy 

of redlining can have lasting effects that contribute to the disregard for sexual assault cases in 

areas highly populated with People of Color, specifically Black sexual assault survivors (Lovell 

et al., 2022). It also serves as another example of how Black women are disregarded, especially 

if they live in communities that have been systematically disadvantaged. 

29 

 
 
 
In addition to these structural factors that affect how police respond to Black women and 

whether they submit their kits for testing, there is also emerging research that shows police 

systematically discredit Black women as part of their justification for not investigating and not 

submitting their rape kits (Shaw et al., 2016, 2017; Sood, 2019). For instance, in Baltimore, a 

federal report uncovered negligence in law enforcement's handling of sexual assault 

investigations (Sood, 2019). The investigation revealed a concerted effort to ignore sexual 

assault cases associated with Black women, noting that the victim's claims would affect the 

accused’s life or believing that the cases were worth investigating (Sood, 2019). 

Furthermore, Shaw and colleagues' (2017) analysis of Detroit police reports revealed 

persistent myths about Black women. Police records showed victim-blaming attitudes in their 

report, reflecting ideas like "the victim did not act like a victim afterwards," "the victim is not 

credible,” and "the victim is promiscuous” (Shaw et al., 2017). Given that the majority of the 

victims were Black women (over 80%), these statements reflect racialized rape myths that have 

roots in the Jezebel stereotype, indicating that these controlling images of Black women have a 

long-lasting impact that is often perpetuated in the criminal legal system (Kelley, 2020; Sood, 

2019). In other words, when society continues to perpetuate harmful narratives of Black women 

as unworthy victims, “it follows that police officers and other legal personnel would have a hard 

time believing Black women [...] leaving them less inclined to investigate their sexual 

victimization, contributing to an unfair outcome within the criminal legal system” (Sood, 2019). 

Police are supposed to investigate reported rapes and submit SAKs for forensic DNA 

testing, and their refusal to do so for Black women is a form of institutional betrayal. In addition, 

the criminal legal system's long-standing practice of discrediting Black women and ignoring the 

violence they experience is also a form of institutional betrayal. Thus, taking an intersectional 

30 

 
 
 
and sociohistorical ecological approach to the study of healing suggests that Black women are 

struggling with not only the trauma of sexual victimization, but also with multiple institutional 

betrayals. When Black women's sexual assault cases are ignored, or when their kits are not 

submitted as a part of the investigative process, it “cripples [their] ability to get justice for 

serious crimes [...] and demonstrates deep ties to the historical mistreatment of Black women" 

(Sood, 2019, p. 415). This is critical because as Herman (2023) argued, justice is a crucial part of 

the healing process. As a result, Black women who are betrayed by the criminal legal system 

may experience another layer of trauma, such as "disenfranchised grief," where society devalues 

or invalidates the traumatic experiences of an individual or group, creating a complex process of 

healing from sexual violence (Richard & Slatton, 2017; see Slatton & Richards, 2020). 

Current Study 

The scholarship on healing from sexual violence has been instrumental in understanding 

how survivors heal after being sexually assaulted (Bryant-Davis, 2011; Holmstrom & Burgess, 

1974; Draucker et al., 2009; Draucker et al., 2011; Sinko et al., 2020). Healing is much more 

than alleviating the distress stemming from the assault, but also involves the promotion of 

positive growth and well-being (Bryant-Davis, 2011; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). In addition, 

healing occurs in a larger socio-ecological context whereby environmental factors can help or 

hinder the healing process, creating a more complex journey for sexual assault survivors 

(Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009; Harvey, 1996; Neville & Heppner, 1999). Survivors’ post- 

assault help-seeking experiences, particularly with the legal system, significantly exacerbate 

survivors' trauma (Campbell & Raja, 2005; Freyd & Smith, 2013; Pinciotti & Orcutt, 2021). This 

is especially true for Black women, who are often neglected and disregarded as worthy victims 

when it comes to the criminal legal system (Ritchie, 2017; Shaw & Lee, 2019; Willingham, 

31 

 
 
 
2018). Given this, the current dissertation aimed to explore how Black women have healed from 

the dual experiences of sexual victimization and institutional betrayal by the criminal legal 

system. To set the stage for the study, I will first present the conceptual frameworks that 

informed this study. After that, I will describe the setting for the current study (e.g., Detroit rape 

kit backlog), and end by presenting the focal research questions. 

Guiding Theoretical Frameworks. Healing from sexual violence is complex for groups 

of people who have experienced historical and contemporary systemic oppressions (Henderson 

et al., 2021). As such, this proposed dissertation will draw upon Black Feminist Theory and 

Intersectionality Theory to frame the scope of inquiry (Wade et al., 2021). Black Feminist 

Thought, first introduced by sociologist Patricia Hill Collins (1990), is a standpoint theory that 

reflects the lived experiences of Black women and their position in relation to systemic 

oppression (e.g., racism, sexism, and classism). Black Feminist Thought challenges dominating 

and controlling images of Black women by centering their lived experiences and ways of 

knowing as legitimate sources of knowledge. Intersectionality, coined by Black feminist 

criminologist Kimberle Crenshaw in the early 1980s, was utilized to explain the unique 

marginalization of Black women with respect to legal remedies and discrimination (Crenshaw 

1991; Carbado et al., 2013). Intersectionality theory has its roots in Black Feminist Thought in 

that one of the most important features is understanding intersecting oppressions that shape 

Black women’s lives (Collins, 1990). Another important concept of Intersectionality theory is 

that one’s identities are interdependent and cannot be parsed out (Buchanan & Settles, 2014; 

Crenshaw, 1989; Collins, 2000). For instance, Intersectionality theory acknowledges that 

although Black women share a unique sociohistorical context, their experience of gendered 

racism (e.g., unique form of oppression at the intersection of race and gender) may look different 

32 

 
 
 
due to other intersecting forms of oppression (Spates et al., 2020). Black Feminist Thought, 

centered on the lived experiences of Black women, challenges dominant narratives, such as 

Black women infrequent or unwillingness to utilize the criminal legal system, by exploring the 

experiences of women who do engage with oppressive systems (Akers & Kaukinen, 2009; 

Anyikwa, 2015). Black Feminist Thought holds that knowledge of Black women's lived 

experiences should come from the stories and words of Black women, which provides an 

opportunity for self- definition (Lindsey-Dennis, 2015). In addition, the use of dialogue allows 

for sharing experiences, knowledge, and/or wisdom that is often devalued in other settings, so 

“therefore, the sole usage of quantitative methods is often ineffective" (Lindsay-Dennis, 2015, p. 

514). For instance, quantitative research methodologies can be useful and have been the gold 

standard in knowledge validation; however, this approach renders invisible the experiences of 

Black women and “erases individuality” (Collins, 1990, p. 255).  

The purpose of intersectionality is to not only understand the experiences of Black 

women as a collective but also the diverse experiences at the intersections of other identities 

beyond race and gender (Buchanan & Settles, 2014). Therefore, this proposed dissertation study 

will utilize qualitative methods specifically semi-structured interviews, which allow Black 

women to describe their experiences of sexual violence, institutional betrayal and healing 

through their own words and stories. In addition, Intersectionality theory centers social justice as 

a core element, prompting researchers to consider collaborative work with communities to 

address their needs and create system change (Buchanan & Wiklund, 2021). Therefore, this 

dissertation involved working with stakeholders in Detroit, MI who serve Black women affected 

by the rape kit backlog. This study explored what resources and support Black women need to 

heal from their experience of violence and institutional betrayal. 

33 

 
 
 
Study Context. Addressing the rape kit backlog in Detroit, MI. The dissertation study 

was conducted in Detroit, MI, which is one of many U.S. cities with large numbers of untested 

rape kits. In 2009, approximately 11,000 untested SAKs were discovered in a remote police 

storage facility (Campbell et al., 2015). To address this problem, a multidisciplinary team called 

the Detroit Sexual Assault Kit Action Research Project (SAKARP) was developed (Campbell et 

al., 2015). This participatory action research team consisted of a variety of stakeholders, such as 

police, prosecutors, forensic scientists and nurses, sexual assault advocates, and university-based 

researchers. The overall aim of the action research project was to investigate what factors led to 

the vast accumulation of untested kits, perform forensic testing, and determine how to work with 

survivors in a trauma-informed way to let them know that their kits had been backlogged 

(Campbell et al., 2015). 

When Detroit's SAKs were finally submitted for forensic DNA testing, many produced 

CODIS hits (e.g., 455 out of the first 1600; Campbell et al., 2015). A CODIS hit is a match 

between a sample in a rape kit and an identified offender in the federal DNA database (Campbell 

& Feeney, 2022). A CODIS hit provides police and prosecutors with a promising investigational 

lead and can be used as evidence to re-open the case and prosecute the offender (Campbell & 

Feeney, 2022). Prosecutors wanted to offer survivors an opportunity to re-engage with the 

criminal legal system and participate in the prosecution of these offenders. Therefore, the 

multidisciplinary team created what is termed a 'victim notification protocol.' This protocol 

outlined a process for reaching out to survivors and explaining their options for re-engaging. 

Investigators from the prosecutor's office would make contact in person, by phone, or by mail to 

request a time to talk with the survivor and explain next steps. Survivors were connected with 

advocates from Avalon Healing center for support and assistance (Campbell et al., 2018). 

34 

 
 
 
To evaluate this protocol, the research team interviewed a sample of survivors who 

received a CODIS hit victim notification (Campbell et al., 2022). All survivors decided to re- 

engage with the criminal legal system. All of their cases were re-opened and prosecuted, and all 

but one case was resolved by a guilty plea or a trial conviction (one trial ended in a not guilty 

verdict). The research team interviewed survivors after their cases were completed to understand 

their experiences with the CODIS hit notification and the reopening and prosecution of their 

cases. These interviews also explored survivors' healing journeys. The data collected from the 

evaluation study served as the data source for this dissertation study. 

Research Questions. Using data from the victim notification evaluation study, this 

dissertation explored how Black women heal from sexual assault, from the institutional betrayal 

of being part of Detroit's rape kit backlog, and from their experiences of re- engaging with the 

criminal legal system. The proposed dissertation sought to answer the following exploratory 

research questions: 

1. 

How do Black women describe their healing journeys and their current state of 

healing after their backlogged sexual assault case had been prosecuted? 

2. 

How did Black women's experiences of institutional betrayal by the criminal legal 

system--in both their initial experiences with the legal system and in their re- engagement 

experiences--impact their healing journeys and their current state of healing?  

35 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Research Design 

CHAPTER 2: METHODS 

The research design for the current dissertation was a secondary analysis of qualitative 

interviews. Specifically, data for dissertation came from an evaluation study on a victim 

notification protocol for untested sexual assault kits, in which I was a part of the research team 

(Campbell et al., 2022). In the larger study, a qualitative transcendental phenomenological 

research design was utilized to understand the shared lived experiences of sexual assault 

survivors who were notified about their previously untested kits and re-engaged with the 

criminal legal system. This type of research design focuses on describing the shared meaning 

that individuals assign to an experience and identifying commonalities and differences among 

participants (Creswell, 2007). 

Community Partner 

The larger evaluation study was conducted as a collaboration between researchers at 

Michigan State university and a community-based advocacy organization, Avalon Healing 

Center (formally known as Wanye-County SAFE). This partnership was established in 2010 

through a community-based participatory action research project in Detroit, Michigan, called the 

Detroit Sexual Assault Kit Action Research Project (SAKARP). While the SAKARP focused on 

understanding what contributed to the accumulation of untested kits and creating a victim 

notification protocol, the larger evaluation study (on which this dissertation is based) explored 

the victim notification process from the perspective of sexual assault survivors (Campbell et al., 

2022). 

36 

 
 
 
 
 
 
Recruitment Protocol 

One condition of the evaluation research study was that neither me nor others on the 

research team could directly contact survivors or review their confidential client files. This was 

done for two reasons: 1) to protect the confidentiality of the participants, and 2) to comply with 

the confidentiality and privacy policies of Avalon Healing Center's funders. Therefore, 

participants were recruited by advocates working at Avalon Healing Center. Advocates were 

able to have access to client files given that they worked together during their court cases and 

had already developed rapport and supportive relationships. In addition, Avalon Healing Center 

had permission from the survivors that allowed them to re-contact them in the future. The 

research team worked collaboratively with Avalon Healing Center advocates to develop the 

recruitment protocol. The process involved advocates reaching out to eligible participants by 

their preferred method of contact indicated in their client files. Advocates would contact 

survivors up to four times over the course of two weeks, with a two-week break, and then two 

more times. If participants could be reached, advocates would explain the purpose of the project, 

the time commitment, and the compensation for their participation. If survivors agreed to 

participate, advocates would then schedule the interview and notify the research team. If the 

participants declined, advocates would make notes for the research team. Before recruiting 

participants, the research team and advocates conducted mock recruitment calls to practice and 

make modifications as needed. 

To be eligible for the study, survivors had to be: 1) 18 years of age or older; 2) had been 

sexually assaulted in Detroit, MI, where they had reported to the police and had a SAK collected, 

which later discovered was not initially submitted for DNA testing; 3) learned that their 

previously unsubmitted SAK was part of the city’s backlog and was finally submitted for testing; 

37 

 
 
 
4) their cases had been re-opened and prosecuted; and 5) their cases were now adjudicated and 

closed. Over 100 survivors who met the eligibility criteria were contacted by Avalon Healing 

Center advocates to request participation in the study. However, only 44 women could be 

reached. Of those 44 women, N 

= 32 agreed to participate (73% of eligible and reachable participants; 29% of all eligible 

cases). The 68 participants that were unable to be contacted significantly differed from the 44 

participants who were successfully contacted based on their court case outcomes (e.g., guilty 

plea bargain, not guilty verdict, and guilty verdict). This meant that cases that ended with a not 

guilty verdict were significantly more likely to be unreachable (χ2 [2, N = 112] = 7.85, p<.05; 

Campbell et al., 2022). 

Sample 

In the larger victim notification evaluation study, 32 survivors were interviewed. For this 

current dissertation project on the healing experience of Black women, only data from the n = 29 

self- identified Black women were included. The average age of the sample was 38 years old. 

Regarding the assault, the majority of the participants were sexually assaulted as adults (79%), 

assaulted by an unknown perpetrator (72%), and were notified about their previously untested kit 

more than 10 years later (76%). 

Data Collection Procedures 

The research team obtained IRB approval from Michigan State University before 

conducting interviews for the larger project. Interviews were conducted by me and two other 

graduate research assistants, all who received extensive training before data collection. The 

training consisted of the university’s IRB training plus trauma-informed interviewing techniques 

and an overview of topics relevant to the study’s population, such as the history of the city’s rape 

38 

 
 
 
kit backlog and issues of systematic racism within the police department. During the training, me 

and graduate research assistants conducted mock interviews with each other, the project principal 

investigator, and the advocates at Avalon Healing Center for developmental feedback. 

Out of the 32 survivors interviewed for this study, I conducted interviews with 11 

survivors, consisting of 10 Black women and 1 White woman. Interviews lasted, on average, 80 

minutes. Interviews were conducted either in person at the advocacy center or by phone, based 

on the participant’s preference. Before the interview, the interviewer and participant went over 

the informed consent process together, which provided an overview of the research project, their 

right to terminate the interview or decline to answer questions, and an overview of the funder’s 

mandate in sharing the de-identified transcripts in a national data archive for other researchers to 

request access to qualitative data. 

Interviewers received participant verbal consent before beginning the interview and 

provided $50 compensation and a resource guide regardless of whether participants chose to end 

the interview early. If the interview was conducted over the phone, the graduate assistants would 

obtain their information to send the money via Western Union immediately after the interview 

ended. All interviews were audio recorded with the participants’ consent. After the interview, 

participants were thanked for their time and asked if they would like to remove any information 

from the finalized transcript, excluding the necessary removal of identifying information such as 

names, dates, and locations to ensure confidentiality. To ensure survivors’ emotional safety, 

advocates were also available to meet and support survivors if they were distressed during or 

after the interview. Though this option was available, none of the participants needed it/utilized 

it. 

39 

 
 
 
 
Interview Guide 

The interview guide provided a set of topics to discuss with survivors about their 

experiences receiving a SAK victim notification and their re-engagement with the criminal legal 

system. The semi-structured interview protocol consisted of seven larger sections focused on: 1) 

their reasons for participating in the interview (How did you hear about this study?); 2) 

background information on the assault that led to the SAK (Will you tell me about what 

happened in the assault?); 3) disclosure and help-seeking experience after the assault and during 

the court process (What happened right after the assault?, Who did you tell about the assault?); 

4) victim notification process (Can you take me through what happened when you were first 

contacted about your kit finally being tested?); 5) experience participating in the court process 

(e.g., re-engagement, prosecution, and sentencing; What happened during the re-investigation of 

your case?); 6) demographic questions (What is your gender?); 7) participant’s experience being 

interviewed and perspective on archiving their data in a national database? (What has it been like 

for you to talk about this experience with me?) 

The current study focused on survivors’ perspectives on healing and their help- seeking 

experiences from the time they were notified about their kit to the end of the court process. These 

questions were part of the larger study focusing on Section 5: experience participating in the 

court process (e.g., re-engagement, prosecution, and sentencing). This section consisted of 

questions about participants’ experience re-engaging with the criminal legal systems (What was 

it like for you to participate in the investigation?), their reasons for participating (What factors 

helped you to decide to re-engage in the investigation and prosecution? ), and what events 

transpired over the course of prosecution and sentencing phase (What was the final outcome of 

your case?). Additional questions pertained to participant’s experience accessing community 

40 

 
 
 
resources (What did they say or do that was supportive? Not supportive? ), their reflection on the 

court process as a whole (How do you feel looking back at the process as a whole?), potential 

experience with discrimination (Thinking back over the different experiences you’ve had with 

[AGENCY/PERSON] throughout this whole process, can you think of any times where you felt 

like you were treated differently, unfairly, or made uncomfortable because of some aspect of 

your identity?), what a survivor-centered approach within the court process would mean for them 

(To what extent would you describe the process of being notified as "survivor- centered"?) and 

their reflections on what has helped them heal (What has helped you to heal? What has been the 

most healing to you?). 

Analytic Method: Ideal-Type Analysis 

For the current study, Ideal-Type Analysis (ITA) was utilized to address focal research 

questions. Ideal-type analysis is a flexible qualitative analytic method that can be used with a 

range of qualitative data (e.g., longitudinal, cross-sectional, etc.) where a systematic comparison 

of cases leads to the formation of “ideal types” or grouping of similar cases, which is classified 

as a typology (Stapley, O'Keeffe, & Midgley, 2021). In other words, this analytic method 

identifies subgroups within the data, similar to quantitative cluster analysis, where each type is 

conceptually similar and distinct enough from other groups or types. The term “ideal” is meant to 

refer to an example of the phenomenon of study and not a complete representation of the 

concept, in this case, healing (e.g., that one case serves to typify all other characteristics of that 

group; Stapley et al., 2021, p. 6). In other words, the developers of this method use the word 

‘ideal’ to refer to a case that typifies all characteristics in the group (e.g., they are an ideal 

example of that group). Thus, this method helps qualitative researchers identify distinct 

subgroups that share common patterns and experiences. 

41 

 
 
 
With any qualitative approach, there are philosophical assumptions that inform the 

research methodology. Ideal-type analysis fits within a critical realist and constructivist 

perspective. In a critical realist perspective, ideal type analysis assumes ideal types are 

constructed from the perspective of the researcher at that moment and cannot be considered apart 

from the context in which they were constructed. In a constructivist perspective, ideal type 

analysis assumes ideal types as constructed from the researcher's and participant's perspectives 

and shaped by social and cultural context (Stapley et al., 2021). Ideal type analysis draws from 

two long-standing analytic approaches in qualitative research: cross-case analysis methods and 

case study methods. In cross-case analysis, data are coded and sorted until patterns emerge that 

are identified in the data, such as in grounded theory or thematic analysis approaches (Stapley et 

al., 2021). In case study analysis, each individual case is reviewed, identifying patterns of 

meaning within only one participant's account (Stapley et al., 2021). By combining both 

approaches, ideal type analysis can bring the individual perspective into its own context while 

“illuminating the variation or patterns that exist across the group of individuals” (Stapley et al., 

2021, p. 11). 

Data Analysis 

Ideal-type analysis, as outlined by Stapley and colleagues (2021), involved seven steps: 

1) becoming familiarized with the dataset, 2) writing case reconstructions, 3) constructing the 

ideal types, 4) identifying the optimal cases, 5) forming the ideal-type descriptions, 6) checking 

credibility, and 7) making comparisons. The data analysis process commenced with reviewing all 

29 transcribed interviews to identify segments relevant to the research aims of understanding 

Black female sexual assault survivors’ perspectives on healing post-engagement with the 

criminal legal system (step 1). 

42 

 
 
 
Additionally, the interviews were scanned for keywords such as “healing,” “coping,” and 

“support” to ensure comprehensive coverage of relevant data. Subsequently, individual case 

summaries were created for each survivor (step 2). These summaries were divided into two 

sections. The first section described the survivor's assault experience, reporting process, 

disclosure, utilization of resources, and support sought. The second section detailed the 

survivor's notification about their untested kit, reactions to re- engaging with the criminal legal 

system, resource utilization during re- engagement, case outcomes, and their current healing 

journey post-resolution of their backlogged cases, noting any utilized resources, support, and 

strategies found most beneficial. 

In constructing the case summaries for this study, I opted not to utilize pseudonyms and 

instead employed participant numbers. This decision was motivated by several considerations. 

Firstly, participants were not asked to provide their own pseudonyms during the interview 

process, which aligns with best practices for maintaining accurate representation and 

acknowledging participants' agency in selecting their identities (Itzik & Walsh, 2023). Secondly, 

abstaining from assigning pseudonyms aimed to mitigate potential researcher biases. As noted by 

Wang et al. (2024), the names assigned by researchers can significantly influence readers' 

perceptions and interpretations of participants' accounts. Ultimately, this approach was adopted 

to uphold the confidentiality of the survivors, who were not provided the opportunity to select 

their own names, thus ensuring the integrity of the research process. 

After creating the case summaries and choosing participant numbers, the cases were 

sorted into groups, identifying key similarities and differences between the cases (step 3). An 

audit trail was maintained to document analytic decisions regarding the placement of survivors 

into healing groups and any observed similarities and differences between cases. After creating 

43 

 
 
 
case summaries and categorizing each case into healing groups, an "optimal case" was identified 

for each group. The optimal case serves as a representation of the ideal type (step 4). 

Subsequently, each healing type was reviewed by comparing the case summaries of survivors to 

the ideal type of their respective group to ensure consistency within the groups. Following this, 

definitions were established for each healing group (step 5). 

After creating the definitions, identifying the optimal case, and naming each healing 

group, the credibility of the analyses was assessed. This process involved an independent 

researcher who did not participate in the creation of the ideal type to sort each of the participants 

based on the tentative definitions. Since this was a dissertation project, my chair served as the 

independent reviewer. My chair reviewed all data transcripts, the ideal type definitions, and 

applied the analysis rules to construct ideal types. The independent reviewer sorted the cases in 

the same manner. There was one case that needed further discussion to settle its placement in the 

types. (step 6). After credibility was established, contextual factors were identified relating to 

survivors’ experiences of institutional betrayal during their initial engagement and re- 

engagement with the criminal legal system. The contextual factors were: 1) whether or not 

survivors had a particularly bad experience reporting their assault to the police 2) and/or when 

re-engaging with criminal legal system, 3) the average time between their assault and 

notification, and 4) whether or not they utilized resources and/or supports post-assault and 5) 

whether or not they utilized resources and/or supports post-assault during their re- engagement 

with the criminal legal system. These contextual factors were used to examine the extent to 

which survivors’ experience of institutional betrayal shaped their healing journeys across the 

four healing groups (step 7). Lastly, the names for each of the identified healing groups were 

44 

 
 
 
finalized including the narrative description of the healing groups, the overview of optimal cases 

for each of the healing groups and key similarities within each of the identified healing groups. 

Assessing the Trustworthiness of the Data Analyses 

Miles, Huberman, and Saldana (2020) outlined multiple strategies for establishing the 

trustworthiness of qualitative analyses, such as confirmability, reliability, credibility, and 

transferability. Confirmability is concerned with the way that qualitative data are prepared and 

whether the conclusions drawn are plausible. In the current study, this was done by keeping an 

audit trail of the analytic decisions. In addition, step 6 involved checking for credibility, which 

was done by having my chair conduct an independent review of the data. Reliability refers to the 

quality and integrity of the study. This was met by providing an audit trail that showed a detailed 

log of how analytic decisions were made and the conclusions that were drawn from the data to 

create the subgroups and their characteristics. In addition, positionality statements can improve 

the reliability of the analyses. Such statements are important in that they serve as a reflection of 

the research background, identity, beliefs, perspectives, and biases that influence the research 

process (Hamilton, 2020). By acknowledging potential biases that are introduced into the 

research space that are evident in the researcher’s positionality, this allows others to assess the 

credibility of findings more effectively (Darwin Holmes, 2020). For this study, I developed a 

positionality statement, which is presented in the following section. That text explains how I 

engaged my positionality in this study. 

Credibility is concerned with the validity of the findings. Conducting a negative case 

analysis (NCA) and describing this work in the results. NCA involves a systematic search for 

cases/examples that do not align with emerging patterns or ideal types. The researcher must 

consider whether the patterns/types must be revised to accommodate the case, or whether the 

45 

 
 
 
negative case should be presented in its own right as a distinct finding. (Miles et al., 2020). For 

this study, there was one participant’s case that resulted in an acquittal, diverging from the 

prevailing pattern of guilty verdict or pleas. This outlier or negative case was thoroughly 

examined to determine its classification within the existing healing groups. Furthermore, distinct 

characteristics of the case were described to ensure accurate reflection of the participant’s 

healing journey, particularly in comparison to other cases within the same healing group. This 

enhanced the credibility and depth of the findings in that the disconfirming evidence – the outlier 

case - was considered and alternative explanations found in the data were described (Miles et al., 

2020). Lastly, there is transferability, which is concerned with the generalizability of the 

findings. For this study, transferability was addressed by providing a thorough write-up of the 

results and the scope of the population. This was done to ensure that the reader could assess the 

extent to which these findings were applicable to other related populations and contexts. In 

addition, the limitations of the generalizability of the study findings were noted in the discussion. 

Positionality Statement 

As a qualitative researcher, it is important to draw attention to how my positionality 

informed different aspects of the research process (Hamilton, 2020). I am a Black woman who 

has been involved in gender-based violence research for my entire academic career (since 2016). 

Throughout my research experiences, I have engaged with sexual assault and domestic violence 

survivors who have navigated finding resources and support from informal and formal systems 

with the unifying goal of healing and coping with their experiences. Regarding the larger study 

that these data were derived from, I was deeply involved in the research process. As previously 

stated, I had a large role in the data collection process for the larger study, where I interviewed 

10 Black women about their experiences. Considering the guiding assumptions of Black 

46 

 
 
 
Feminist Thought, I remained cognizant of my own assumptions and my role as a researcher that 

affect the research space (e.g., power dynamics; Hamilton, 2020). Given that our sample was 

majority Black women, as a Black woman, I had to acknowledge that our shared racial and 

gender identity did allow me an opportunity to engage with participants in an authentic way, but 

that is also where our shared connection ended, making me an outsider. I did not share the same 

experiences as the women in the study, who had been sexually victimized and ignored for many 

years by an institution that was handling their sexual assault cases and providing them with an 

opportunity to obtain some form of justice. Knowing this, I had to be aware of how I was 

received in the interviewing process, which had an impact on the information that was shared. 

Coming from a southern, suburban background where incidences of sexual violence were 

not as prevalent as in the metropolitan area of Detroit, hearing their stories of excessive violence 

by strangers and the lack of attention and intentional effort to bring these women any form of 

justice after waiting for over 5, 10, or even 20 years had a profound impact on me. Hearing their 

stories altered my perception of these institutions that encourage survivors to report their cases 

and engage with the legal process when they do not protect them. In addition to this change in 

perception, different theoretical perspectives, such as Black Feminist Thought (which also 

includes Intersectionality), Critical Feminism, and specifically transformative justice, have 

influenced how I have engaged with gender-based violence research and have shaped my views 

on healing and justice. Transformative justice rejects the need for more punitive approaches to 

addressing violence and offers alternatives such as focusing on community healing as well as 

individual healing without the investment or involvement of formalized institutions such as the 

criminal legal system or social services (e.g., state-sanctioned institutions; Mingus, 2022). Along 

with other contributions of Black feminism, transformative justice has been vital to Black 

47 

 
 
 
women's resistance strategies against sexual violence. This perspective guided me through the 

conception of my research questions in this dissertation study in examining how Black women 

heal in the aftermath of engaging with the criminal legal system, given that engaging in this 

system can bring about an additional layer of trauma (Herman, 2005, p. 574; see also Kim, 2020; 

Maier, 2011; Regehr & Alaggia, 2006). Assumptions that I hold about the criminal legal system 

and healing from sexual violence could have interfered with the data analysis process. For 

instance, my interpretation of healing is that it is an ongoing process that everyone goes through, 

and survivors deserve to have their voices heard on what healing looks like in this unique 

context. Although I have these assumptions, they may not be held by the participants, so I paid 

close attention to my interpretation of the participants’ views on what has been healing. For 

example, participants could find healing in the legal process or in formalized systems that once 

failed them. I checked my assumptions during the data analytic process by keeping an audit trail 

that bracketed my perceptions that are aligned with other orientations to healing that may not 

come up in the data. This allowed me to have an opportunity to reflect on how my values and 

assumptions about healing could have influenced the data analytic process. While I engaged in 

the process of bracketing and creating an audit trail to ensure that the results reflect an accurate 

picture of the healing types of the participants in the study, I acknowledge that my training in 

community psychology and theoretical perspectives had an impact on the research process. It is 

in my interest that how Black women have healed from this unique experience is highlighted, 

which can add to our understanding of what healing from sexual violence and institutional 

betrayal may entail. In addition, the research may present additional resources and supports that 

Black women need when and if they engage with these systems. Finally, I acknowledge that this 

dissertation is part of my own academic career and that my personal investment in this work is 

48 

 
 
 
tied to my academic goals and career aspirations of supporting Black women who experience 

violence. 

49 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CHAPTER 3: RESULTS 

This study explored the healing journeys of Black women, specifically focusing on how 

they healed from sexual violence and institutional betrayal by the criminal legal system. To 

understand how Black women have healed from sexual violence and institutional betrayal, I 

explored two research questions: 1) How do Black women describe their healing journeys and 

their current state of healing after their backlogged sexual assault cases had been prosecuted; 2) 

How did Black women's experiences of institutional betrayal by the criminal legal system--in 

both their initial experiences with the legal system and in their re- engagement experiences-- 

impact their healing journeys and their current state of healing? Below, I present the findings for 

each research question in sequential order. 

Research Question 1: Description of Black Women’s Healing Journeys 

Using ideal type analysis, the Black women interviewed in this study described four 

distinct types of healing journeys. In each of the sub-sections below, the results will be presented 

in the following order: a description of one of the four ideal types, a summary of the optimal case 

for the ideal type, key similarities within the ideal types and some of the variations that also 

existed within each ideal type. Overall, the four types of healing journeys varied in the extent to 

which justice from the legal system served as a critical component of their healing and whether 

their expectations for justice were met. For some healing types, justice was an essential feature 

of their healing, but for others, less so. In addition, the four healing types also varied by whether 

survivors characterized their healing as just beginning, in progress, or completing as they can 

now refocus their attention on other aspects of their lives. Table 1 (see below) summarizes the 

four ideal types, and the assault and court characteristics that were integral in shaping each of the 

healing types. Each ideal type is represented in the columns; the rows summarize information 

50 

 
 
 
 
about the nature of the assault the survivors’ experienced as well as additional context about the 

survivors’ court cases. This table helps illustrate how the four ideal types varied with respect to 

their assault and court experiences. 

Table 1. 
Assault and Court Case Characteristics Among Black Women in the Sample (N = 29) 

Full 

Sample 
(N= 29) 

Ideal 
Group 1 
(n = 4) 

Ideal 
Group 2 
(n = 10) 

Ideal 
Group 3 
(n = 7) 

Ideal 
Group 4 
(n=8) 

75.9  
62.1  

100  
50  

80   
40   

57.1  
100   

75  

62.5 

34.5  

25  

40   

28.5  

37.5 

Sat. 

44.8 

Sat. 

75 

Sat. 

20 

Sat. 

14 

Sat. 

87.5 

Assault Characteristics 
Serial Offender (%) 

Notable Impacts of 
the Assault (%) 

Court Case Characteristics  
Assailant Incarcerated 
? (%) 
Satisfied with 
Case Outcome 
(%) 

Mix. 
37.9 
Mix. 
Unsat.  17.3  Unsat. 

Mix. 

Mix. 
25 
-  Unsat.  30  Unsat.  15  Unsat.  12.5 

Mix. 

71 

50 

- 

*Note: Sat:Satisifed; Mix:Mixed; Unsat:Unsatisifed 

Ideal Type 1: Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing 

Ideal Type Description. Four survivor cases represented the ideal type of “Justice 

Creates a Pathway to Healing.” Survivors in this group were in the early stages of the healing 

process, reflecting on how the assault has affected their lives following the resolution of their 

cases. Survivors defined healing within a retributive justice lens believing that in order to heal, 

there must be accountability for the harm caused by their assailants and that the punishment 

received should be reflective of that. As shown in Table 1, all survivors in this group were 

assaulted by a serial offender (100%). For the Black women in this ideal type, it was particularly 

important to see their offenders be held accountable not only for their victimization, but because 

they had victimized other women and could pose a threat to the safety of other women. Being 

51 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
able to witness their assailant be held accountable in court and assist in this effort led to many 

survivors in the group expressing satisfaction in the case outcome (75%). It is also important to 

note that in some of these cases, the assailants were already incarcerated, and new charges were 

brought against them based on the DNA results from testing these backlogged kits in an effort to 

extend their incarceration time. However, some assailants were free and in the community at the 

time of their court cases. For this ideal type, only 25% of the assailants were already 

incarcerated, which was the lowest percentage across all of the ideal types. In other words, a 

substantial portion of these serial offenders were free which heightened survivors’ sense of 

urgency for justice. Receiving retributive justice facilitated their pathway forward to heal and 

they were able to finally confront how the assault impacted their lives. They no longer had to 

worry about their safety or endure the confusion and pain of their cases being ignored or 

unresolved by the police. Importantly, many survivors in this group were deeply impacted by the 

assault (50%). Survivors described emotional and psychological challenges stemming from the 

assault, including emotional detachment and symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress 

disorder (PTSD). 

Furthermore, they detailed how the assault impacted their social relationships and 

academic performance, particularly leading to the discontinuation of educational pursuits and 

interpersonal relationship difficulties. Although many did not receive adequate support following 

their victimization to address these problems, attaining justice enabled them to begin actively 

engaging with support resources. Notably, justice and re-engagement with criminal legal system 

served as the catalyst for them utilize therapeutic resources such as counseling and advocacy, 

which were instrumental in helping these women feel ready to confront the emotional trauma 

that they carried since being assaulted. 

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Optimal Case. One survivor’s healing journey serves as a true embodiment of the 

healing group described above: Participant 22 is a 40-year-old Black woman with some college 

education. When she was 18, she was stalked, harassed, and assaulted by a Black man she 

referred to as an acquaintance and later learned was a serial offender. Even after the assault, her 

assailant continued to harass and threaten her and her family. When she reported her assault to 

the police, she was treated poorly and made to feel unimportant and that she had no value. She 

even reported the ongoing harassment but was met with a dismissive response from law 

enforcement: 

“The police back in 1998, yeah, they did not treat me well. I had to keep calling about the 

case. No updates about the case […] I never got support. The support that you supposed 

to get from the police department. I didn't receive support from nobody.” – Participant 

22. 

In an attempt to seek support from her family, she confided in her mother about her assault; 

however, her mother did not believe her and shared this disbelief with others in their community, 

leading to further isolation. In another attempt to seek support, the survivor attended rape 

counseling but noted that the counselor was consistently unavailable. Lacking support from her 

family, formal assistance from the police, or therapeutic resources like counseling, she chose to 

address the assault on her own and accept that no further action would be taken on her case. 

She coped by burying memories of her experience inside and keeping things to herself; 

however, the assault continued to impact her life in detrimental ways. She struggled with having 

intimate relationships with other men and was harmed by other partners. She ultimately dropped 

out of college and became hypervigilant, constantly worrying about her and her children’s safety. 

After struggling for 20 years to find support and some semblance of justice for her victimization, 

53 

 
 
 
she was notified that her sexual assault kit had been found and finally tested. She described being 

very happy that there were finally going to re-open her sexual assault case, and she was eager to 

move forward with the investigation and said, “And I said, "Let's do it. Let's get him. “I’m ready. 

I want to do this.” (Participant 22). She also grappled with anger over having to relive the trauma 

of being assaulted years later, stemming from fact that her kit was previously untested. Despite 

this, she remained determined to move forward with the court process. She shared the news of 

her case being reopened with her family and friends. Unfortunately, her family was once again 

unsupportive, yet her friends provided her with support and encouragement for her decision to 

pursue the legal process. During the court proceedings, the survivor engaged with a community- 

based advocate who provided her emotional support and other resources that she needed such as 

protective order against a former partner: 

“She was always there. She was always at court. She was there whenever I needed to talk 

to her. She went to court with me to get a PPO against my daughter's father. She paid for 

me to get a PPO for my kid's father and to help me look for somewhere else because we 

were homeless. […] Even when the landlord was trying to find out where we were for 

him and she was just very, very, very supportive.” – Participant 22 

At the end of her case, her assailant received a 7–15-year sentence. She wished her 

assailant received a longer sentence but accepted the time received as a form of accountability. In 

reflecting on her healing process, she noted how reengaging in court process with supportive 

legal personnel and being able to share how the assault affected her life in her victim impact 

statement was empowering: “I felt empowered because I could keep him from doing it to 

somebody else's child or somebody else for a while. And then when it's time for his parole I want 

to be there so I can prolong it.” (Participant 22). This process provided her with the justice she 

54 

 
 
 
sought and the closure she needed, which helped her begin to heal from this trauma. Since her 

case concluded, she continues to participate in therapy, which she said has been helpful for 

coping with recurrent traumatic memories and moving forward with her life. 

Key Similarities Within the Ideal Type. As demonstrated in the optimal case for this 

group, survivors in this healing type discovered that reengaging with the criminal justice system 

in pursuit of justice facilitated their ability to confront the fear and pain they struggled with in the 

aftermath of the assault. Receiving justice, specifically retributive justice in the form of 

incarceration, instilled a newfound sense of safety and security, enabling them to begin the 

healing journey. As another survivor from this healing group expressed “The most healing is 

knowing that that person is locked up and he can't hurt anybody else […] I could start my 

healing process. So, I won't have to look over my shoulders no more.” (Participant 27). Survivors 

in this group needed to feel safe in their community and being able to confront their assailant and 

acknowledge the harm caused helped them to begin the healing process. For these survivors, 

being able to witness their perpetrators be held accountable by the court system and no longer be 

able to hurt her other women served as catalyst for their healing. 

For survivors in this ideal type, choosing to move forward with the legal process allowed 

survivors to receive justice that they longed for, and begin to engage intentionally with 

therapeutic resources to help them process the assault. In the optimal case, the survivor noted 

how the support she received from the legal team as well as therapeutic support from her 

advocate and from therapy helped her heal more effectively than she had done in the past. 

Another survivor also talked about her experience with not being unable to confront her 

assault and begin the healing process until she was notified: 

55 

 
 
 
“I felt I never dealt with it when it actually happened. I went to the doctors, and I told my 

best friend and my brother and that was it. I've never talked about it again. I think I told 

my husband when I got married, but I never talked about it. It was kind of forcing me to 

deal with it, but then I got into church and kind of helped me and started seeing a 

counselor. Just recently I started seeing a counselor but, yeah, so church, that sort of 

thing kind of helped me…” – Participant 19 

While therapeutic resources were very important for this survivor healing process, she 

also described her faith and attending church as additional resources in initiating her healing 

journey. For this survivor and others in this group, being notified about their sexual assault kits 

and being offered a chance to re-open their cases held them realize that that they had not 

thoroughly addressed the assault in the past. Confronting their assailants also reopened emotional 

wounds that they had carried since the assault. Therefore, the decision to utilize therapeutic 

resources during and after the court process concluded was crucial for them to begin to heal from 

the assault. 

Overall, survivors in this group found the pursuit of justice through re-engaging with the 

criminal legal system as the catalyst to beginning to heal from their victimization. In other 

words, when their assailants were held accountable and incarcerated, these survivors were able to 

begin their healing process and seek additional resources to help them resolve their traumas. 

Ideal Type 2: Disengaged and Detached from Healing 

Ideal Type Description. Ten survivors' cases represented the ideal type of "Disengaged 

and Detached from Healing." These survivors decided to divert their focus away from addressing 

the assault following the resolution of their cases. For this group, healing was defined as the 

intentional effort of blocking any emotional or cognitive engagement with the assault and 

56 

 
 
 
preventing the assault and their legal cases from occupying any space in their lives. They 

achieved this by ignoring their victimization experience in order to move forward with their 

lives. Initially, these survivors believed that justice was essential for their healing process. 

However, as they re-engaged with the criminal legal system, they found that it did not provide 

them with the sense of justice or closure they had anticipated. As shown in Table 1, most 

survivors in this ideal type were assaulted by a serial offender, which amplified their resolve to 

seek justice and protect other women (80%). 

However, the majority of them were dissatisfied with the court process, with the highest 

percentage of dissatisfaction among this group (30% compared to 17.3% in the full sample, as 

shown in Table 1). This dissatisfaction often stemmed from the fact that this group had the 

largest percentage of assailants who were already incarcerated (40% compared to 34.5% in the 

full sample, as shown in Table 1). This meant that in some cases, more time was added to 

already substantial prison sentences, which did not meet these survivors’ standard of justice. For 

these survivors, they endured difficult court experiences reliving the trauma of their assaults, 

which added more years to their offenders’ prison time, but that outcome did not give them the 

peace and justice they felt they deserved. Given that re- engaging with the criminal legal system 

did not bring them justice or healing, these survivors adopted a deflection coping strategy to 

navigate life after the resolution of their cases, even though some reported being deeply impacted 

by the assault (40%). Many survivors in this ideal type stated that the assault caused significant 

emotional and mental health challenges that negatively impacted their relationships, occupational 

functioning, and physical well-being. By adopting a deflection coping strategy, survivors in this 

group decided to refrain from seeking formal support during and after their cases concluded as 

57 

 
 
 
they believed it would not be effective and it would have forced them to confront the emotional 

burdens stemming from their victimization experiences, which they had actively tried to avoid. 

Optimal Case. One survivor’s healing journey serves as a true embodiment of the 

healing group described above: Participant 20 is a 49-year-old Black woman who attended 

technical school. When she was 20 years old, she was assaulted at gunpoint by an unknown 

Black man. When she reported her assault to the police, she was told that she deserved to be 

raped and it was her fault: “the police treated me horrible., Because they told me I brought it on 

myself. So, after that, they had me actually crying, told me I deserved to get raped […] Yeah, it 

was a lot. That's what the police was doing.” (Participant 20). After being blamed and treated 

insensitively by the police, she no longer wanted any contact with the criminal legal system. 

Following the assault, she felt unsafe and started self-isolating. She also stopped working 

and was afraid to be outside the confines of her home. To cope with the impacts of the assault, 

she attended church with her mother, who she decided to confide in about the assault. Even 

though she found attending church to be healing, she noted that her mother was not as supportive 

as she needed by not providing her the space to talk about her assault. She decided to seek 

support from a therapist but stopped going because she felt the therapist was also unsupportive. 

As time went by and this survivor realized the police were not going to pursue her case, she 

decided to move forward with her life, prioritizing the care of her children. She also pushed the 

assault out of her mind enabled her to maintain her regular activities and attend to her children: 

“Even though I know I can't stop my life, I've got to go to work, I've got to do this, I've 

got to do that, you know take care of my children, all of that. That and take them, I used 

to be afraid to try to take them to the doctors and everything because I knew I had to 

catch the bus” - Participant 20. 

58 

 
 
 
After 20 years of blocking out memories of the assault and focusing on herself and her 

children, she was finally notified that her sexual assault kit was found and tested. She described 

feeling unsettled as her ‘past was coming to haunt her’ (Participant 20). She expressed anger 

about having to relive the assault after working hard to ‘put it out of her mind’ (Participant 20). 

Though she was angry that it took a very long time to be notified, she decided to move forward 

with the legal process, hoping it would provide her closure and help with forgiving herself. She 

shared the news of her case being reopened with some of her family but refrained from sharing 

with others due to their lack of support and the tendency to shift the focus away from her and 

onto themselves. She described the court process as emotionally difficult because she had to 

retell her story multiple times. Throughout the court process, she relied on the advocate’s 

emotional support to get through the court process but did not utilize any other resources at the 

end of her case, her assailant received an incarceration sentence of 25 years. 

Despite being happy with the outcome of her case, she noted that it did not bring her the 

closure she had hoped for because he was already in prison, and his additional sentence felt like 

merely prolonging his incarceration. She decided to resume blocking the assault from her mind 

as her way of coping and healing. Even after two decades of delayed justice, she continues to 

grapple with feelings of anger and regret upon receiving the notification: 

“I couldn't wait until the last day of it because I was stressed and depressed. To me, I still 

think that since it's been over that long, over 20 years, they shouldn't have even knocked 

on my door. Because I had trained myself not to think of stuff, you know what I went 

through. They just brought everything back up and I felt, to me I was like, "It would have 

been better for them to leave me alone.”- Participant 20. 

59 

 
 
 
As she described, she had invested significant effort into blocking out the assault, and she was 

determined to do so again after the court proceedings. Specifically, she noted that her process of 

healing involved “erasing [the assault] out of [her] mind” (Participant 20). While adopting a 

deflection strategy was her primary approach, she described utilizing prayer as another 

component of her healing journey. This allowed her to redirect her thoughts away from the 

assault and maintain focus on her life and the well-being of her children. 

Key Similarities Within the Ideal Type. As demonstrated by the optimal case for this 

group, survivors in this healing group made an intentional choice to avoid addressing the assault 

as they believed this approach would facilitate their healing. As another survivor described: 

“Just years of, "Out of sight, out of mind…It was a day I never forget. Just got to move on with 

life. Can't walk around with that over my head [...] I'm not a pity party person. Just move 

forward.” (Participant 16). As indicated in this quote, survivors in this group demonstrated 

significant mental fortitude to focus on other events in their lives. 

Survivors in this ideal group also were unable to receive the support that they desperately 

needed when they were first assaulted. As noted in the optimal case, survivors made several 

attempts at seeking support but encountered challenges that discouraged them. Another survivor 

from this group described her experience trying to access resources following the assault: 

“And I remember not being able to answer [that] question and being so uncomfortable 

that I didn't want to go back […] but I was like wow to ask that the first time I sit down 

with you, not, I don't remember her asking me anything else but, "What did they do to 

you?" And I just remember not being ready” - Participant 23 

This survivor’s experience highlights the lack of adequate support she received following 

her victimization, resulting in her feeling reluctant to seek further support. Consequently, 

60 

 
 
 
survivors in this groups found that their approach to blocking out the assault served as the most 

effective strategy to move forward with their lives. Survivors in this ideal type wanted to 

reengage with the criminal legal system in the hope that they would find closure and healing, but 

their expectations were not met. Another survivor in this group shared her experience: “I thought 

that him being in jail would help, but that really didn't, so I don't know […] Nope, [him going to 

jail] didn't help at all. I just know where he is now” (Participant 18). For the survivors in this 

group, it was common that they did not feel closure or satisfaction from the resolution of their 

legal case because that outcome did not ease their pain and suffering. Another survivor described 

how the case outcome did not amount to justice for her: 

“My main thing was just that he was already serving the life sentence. So, it really didn't 

make a difference. As far as him, like is that really justice for somebody if a person is 

already in prison, already doing life? It doesn't feel like it.” – Participant 11 

Another survivor shared how her case outcome did not amount to justice for her. She had 

been assaulted by two men, but only one them received a prison sentence: “I don't feel 

healed, and I don't feel like I got justice. Because the judge gave him a break, like he needed a 

break. And nothing happened with the other guy, so I don't feel like nothing 

happened.”(Participant 23). These survivors’ experiences highlight how the criminal justice 

system was not able to provide them the justice that they sought particularly because many 

assailants were already in jail serving sentences, which many survivors felt diminished the 

significance of their victimization. This dissatisfaction with the criminal legal system coupled 

with the lack of support they received from people in their lives prompted these survivors to 

disengage and withdraw as a means of coping with their trauma. 

61 

 
 
 
 
Ideal Type 3: Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing Distress 

Ideal Type Description. Seven survivors represented the ideal type of “Healing is an 

Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing Distress,” whereby they were still actively 

engaging in the healing process and grappling with the enduring effects from the assault and 

their experiences with the criminal legal system. In this group, healing was seen as a continuous 

process that involves both positive growth and transformation, as well as coping with the 

ongoing negative impacts of the assault on their lives. As shown in Table 1, every survivor in 

this group was profoundly impacted by the assault (100%). All of these survivors experienced 

significant negative effects from the assault on the emotional, mental, and physical health. 

Survivors in this group also had to endure and manage long-lasting impacts of the assault 

such as dealing with co-morbid illnesses, chronic pain, sexual dysfunction and managing sexual- 

transmitted infections. Survivors in this group also described how the assault significantly altered 

their life trajectory, leading to changes in occupations, discontinuation of their educational 

pursuits and loss of ambition. Unlike other groups presented, survivors in this group decided 

early on to incorporate active coping strategies and seek formalized support resources shortly 

after their victimization. This was prompted due to the profound impacts the assault had on their 

physical, mental, and emotional well-being. 

The coping strategies and resources they used varied based on the extent of the assault's 

impact and how they perceive these strategies affecting their mental health. Experiencing these 

impacts drove home their need for justice as a part of the healing process, strengthening their 

resolve to participate in the criminal legal process. However, many survivors in this group 

expressed mixed reactions to their cases outcome, even though a small percentage of survivors 

had an assailant who was already incarcerated (28.5%) and this group had the least number of 

62 

 
 
 
assailants who were serial offenders (57% compared to 75.1% in the full sample, shown in Table 

1). This showed that while engaging with the criminal legal system did provide some sense of 

justice, it was not sufficient to bring closure and complete healing. The enduring negative 

impacts that survivors in this group had to manage underscored that their healing processes 

extend beyond seeking accountability for their victimization. 

Optimal Case. One survivor’s experience embodies the essence of this healing group 

described above. Participant 25 is a 45-year-old Black woman with a master’s degree. When she 

was 21 years old, she was kidnapped, abducted off the street and assaulted by two unknown 

Black men who were later identified as serial offenders. When she reported the assault to the 

police, she noted how the interaction was harmful and made her angry: 

“The first time I dealt with the police was really bad to the point where I thought no 

matter what happens, never ever, ever deal with the police no matter what… I mean it's 

so personal and the police are armed or they're apathetic. You may just be in the middle 

of it. I totally understand people coming forward and then saying, no. I understand it all 

now” - Participant 25 

Their disbelief and dismissive attitude gave her firsthand insight into why sexual assault 

survivors opt to not report their victimization. Following the assault, her life was drastically 

altered. She developed severe anxiety and PTSD. She started self-isolating and noted several 

other manifestations of her trauma such as experiencing dissociation and losing her hair and 

teeth. In addition to the physical and psychological impacts stemming from the assault, she 

changed her career paths in college. Overwhelmed with the impacts of the assault, she decided to 

disclose to her mother and sister but found their responses unsupportive and dismissive. She also 

disclosed to friends but was met with more unsupportive and dismissive responses. Not being 

63 

 
 
 
able to receive support from family or friends, she turned to formal support to help her cope with 

her victimization and was connected to a psychiatrist and therapist. After 20 years of engaging 

with therapeutic supports to help her address the impact of the assault on her life, she was then 

notified about her sexual assault kit. She described being notified as a deeply distressing 

experience, especially when she found out that they did not test her kit initially: 

“ I would just be so sad and so depressed after every interaction that I would tell them, 

"Let me know when I have to talk to you again because when I get that call out of the 

blue, it just like really, really, really ruins my day." (Participant 25). 

She felt outraged, unsafe and revictimized by the experience. She ultimately decided to 

reengage with the criminal legal system but was not hopeful of a positive outcome given her past 

experiences with the criminal legal system. After being notified, she shared news of her case 

being reopened with her sister and mother. Unfortunately, she was met with the same 

unsupportive reactions. During the court process, she experienced significant distress to the point 

her hair started falling out again. She continued to utilize the support of her psychiatrist and 

therapist and shared how she did not utilize additional support resources, like the advocate, 

because she was not ready to open up to yet another person. At the end of her case, her assailants 

were convicted where one received 80 years and the other was committed to psychiatric 

institution. Reflecting on her healing process, she shared how she was happy that her assailants 

were held accountable but still wishes she had never been assaulted. She shared how the court 

process brought upon another period of depression and distress; however, she continues to utilize 

therapy and psychiatric support to help her cope and heal. She also described some positive 

aspects from re-engaging in the court process stating that “It also helped me forgive myself. I felt 

like I lost 20 years of my life, and just didn't get a lot done. As I said, I was just so crippled by 

64 

 
 
 
the unfairness and the uncertainty of it” (Participant 25). She attributed forgiveness towards 

herself and being able to mourn her losses resulting from the assault as integral to her healing 

journey. 

Additionally, she highlighted the significance of focusing on other activities in her life as 

a means to prevent feeling overwhelmed or ruminate about her sexual victimization: 

“I had to put conscious, really concentrated effort into staying busy and remembering to 

give myself a break, which I don't think I had done before. I just multi-tasked to the point 

of oblivion so my mind wouldn't be still and maybe rest on that. Stay busy and stay 

active.” - Participant 25. 

Her ability to balance engagement in various activities as well as finding time to rest has helped 

her to remain on her healing journey and avoid regressing back into bouts of depression, 

preventing her from ‘just totally give up on life’ (Participant 25). 

Key Similarities Within the Ideal Type. As demonstrated in the optimal case for this 

group, survivors in this group all have been deeply impacted by the assault resulting in physical 

and mental wounds that they have been trying to heal throughout their lives. For instance, one 

survivor who had been diagnosed with mental health disorders prior to the assault, experienced a 

worsening of her conditions following the assault and shared: “I got my justice, but he still took 

so much out of me. I still have to talk about it. That's why I'm trying to come to support groups 

and stuff where we talk about support because I don't really have a lot of support 

now.”(Participant 26). Survivors this group had all made intentional efforts to seek support to 

address their physical, mental, and emotional needs following the assault. While survivors in this 

group all accessed different resources to help them cope with the severe impacts, like managing 

multiple mental health disorders and chronic pain issues stemming from the assault along their 

65 

 
 
 
healing journey, the extent to which they engaged with formalized resources depended on their 

mental health concerns. In other words, survivors decided to engage with resources that would 

not cause a significant disruption to their mental stability. As one survivor shared: 

“I never went through the therapy process […] I don't think that I would want to talk to 

somebody about it, because I don't know. I don't know what type of mental thing that'd 

bring, you know. I feel like I'm in kind of in a good place, because I know he's still locked 

up. I don't have to worry about it.” - Participant 6 

Another survivor shared how she opted out of using formalized resources like therapy 

and instead utilized community organizing as a way to heal. She shared how advocating for other 

survivors and her organizing efforts helped her to heal: 

“So just to be a part of the solution instead of not doing anything, which to a certain 

extent I feel as a survivor we have a certain level of responsibility ourselves to make sure 

that it ends with us so to speak […]So just to actually act on that and to put my words 

into actions instead of, "Oh someone should do something about it," I became that 

person. And that helped me heal a lot because I brought that same healing. I refuse to 

heal without being able to help as many of us that this affected as possible. So for me to 

help pull people out of the same pit that this situation threw me in, meant a lot to me” - 

Participant 1 

While survivors in this group are still managing the enduring effects of their victimization 

and their experiences with the criminal legal system, they also had made positive strides 

forwards such as personal growth, self-forgiveness, and other positive development since their 

cases concluded. For instance, another survivor shared: “I’m back in school now. I’m working 

and taking my meds every day and going to the doctor’s appointments and really trying to talk a 

66 

 
 
 
lot about issues from my past. Trying to live the best life I can” (Participant 26). In summary, 

survivors in this healing group continued to grapple with the enduring effects of sexual violence. 

Despite facing these long-term challenges, they are making positive developments in their lives 

such as improving their mental health and wellbeing. 

Ideal Type 4: Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault 

Ideal Type Description. Eight survivors represented the ideal type of “Healed and 

Embracing Life Beyond the Assault.” These survivors felt that they were completely healed and 

have now successfully moved beyond the assault and were now focusing on other aspects of 

their lives. In this group, survivors felt healed because they have been able to confront and 

openly discuss the assault, along with leveraging the support in their lives to foster personal 

growth as they continued moving forward. Similar to the other healing groups described, a 

majority of the survivors had an assailant who was a serial offender (75%) and they wanted to re- 

engage with the system to protect public safety. Most of the survivors in this type were satisfied 

with the outcome of their case (87.5% compared to 44.8% in the full sample, as indicated in 

Table 1). Survivors in this group found the most satisfaction due to the court process meeting 

their expectations in regard to the punishment their assailant received even though some had an 

assailant who was already incarcerated at the time (37.5%, see Table 1). Despite a majority of 

survivors in this group being severely affected by the assault (62.5%), experiencing issues such a 

self-blame and hypervigilance regarding their safety, many have managed to overcome these 

adverse effects. Throughout their healing journey, they have tapped into various support 

resources such as assistance from family, friends, and formal support services, often combining 

these sources. This network of support has been a critical element in their ability to heal and 

address the impact of their victimization. The survivors in this group described improved self- 

67 

 
 
 
image improved self- image, alleviated fears, a sense of security, and a newfound ability to 

contribute positively to their community. With a robust support system in place, effectively 

addressed the assault impact on their lives, and obtained the justice that they sought through re-

engaging with the criminal legal system, survivors in this group felt they were healed and 

reached the end of their healing journey. 

Optimal Case. One survivor’s experience embodies the healing group described above: 

Participant 2 is a 60-year-old Black woman with a high school education. When she was 36, she 

was assaulted at gunpoint by an unknown Black man who was later identified as a serial 

offender. She disclosed the assault to her parents who helped her contact the police and provided 

emotional support during the reporting process. When she reported her assault to the police, they 

were supportive and took her case seriously, trying to identify the perpetrator. The police 

identified a possible suspect, and the survivor was asked to participate in a line-up, but she was 

unable to identify the assailant, so the police decided to no longer pursue her case. This survivor 

was frustrated that her cases was no longer being investigated by the police, so she sought 

counseling to address the trauma of the assault. She did note that at times she suppressed the 

feelings of the assault and tried to focus on raising her child as a way to cope with her case no 

longer being pursed. After 20 years of focusing on living her everyday life, she was finally 

notified that her SAK had been tested. She described the experience as overwhelming due to all 

the memories of the assault rushing back to her mind: 

“I was kind of sad and kind of happy all at once. It was just a blast from the past that just 

slapped me in the face. That start of everything started floating back. The rape and the 

emotions, my mom, my sister, it was just, started just floating back. And I had actually 

pushed everything to the back of my head, to live a normal life.” - Participant 2 

68 

 
 
 
Even though being confronted by the assault again was difficult, she decided to 

participate in the reinvestigation of her case. After being notified, she shared the news that her 

case was being reopened with her family. They were initially angry with the fact that it took 20 

years for her case to be reopened but were supportive of her decision to move forward with the 

legal process. During the court proceedings, she utilized resources from a community-based 

advocacy organization and worked with their advocates throughout her trial. At the end of her 

case, her assailant was convicted and incarcerated (the survivor did not disclose the length of the 

sentence in her research interview). Reflecting on her healing process, she has made significant 

progress in her life following the conclusion of her case. She stated that being engaged with 

advocacy support services, her family and her faith helped her to view herself differently, stating, 

“I don't really identify with that term victim. I identify with the term survivor” (Participant 2). 

Reengaging with the criminal legal system with the aid of an advocate and other supports 

provided her with the strength to confront the assault and successfully navigate the legal process, 

allowing her to move beyond the assault. In addition, to the support and being satisfied with her 

case outcome, her faith and family support helped her heal. 

Key Similarities Within the Ideal Type. As demonstrated in the optimal case, survivors 

in this group have been able to draw upon key supports such as therapy and/or advocacy services 

to help them heal from the assault. Survivors in this group have reflected on what they have 

experienced and have come to terms with being victimized and with surviving that victimization. 

One survivor shared how she changed her perspective about the assault and that shift was helpful 

to her healing: 

“I was like, I'm done with this. I'm not about being around a past of mine that I blamed 

myself to make myself feel comfortable. I'm accepting the fact that I am a victim. I accept 

69 

 
 
 
the fact that I was not in the wrong. Don't get me wrong. That was like a little shocker, 

like a little shield opened up in my brain like, "Dang, I didn't ever think I can look at that 

when I know that I literally did stuff." - Participant 15 

Another survivor shared that being healed meant that she was able to reflect on what 

happened to her without feeling emotionally overwhelmed, “But I’m healed and that’s that. I 

don't have to talk about it no more, but if I do talk about it, I'm not as hurt.” (Participant 30). 

Many of the survivors in this group felt they were no longer reliving the assault and were 

able to move forward in the lives. As shown in the optimal case, survivors in this group also 

shared personal growth they have experienced and how they are moving on with their lives. 

For instance, one survivor shared how being able to heal allowed her to focus on building her 

new life: 

“I got reasons to live today. You know, so no... I don't have a desire and I like how my 

life is today so, my life is going good. When I leave transitional housing, I'm going to 

school for. I'm trying to find out about the entrepreneurship school. Because I want to 

either do a restaurant or a shelter.” - Participant 4 

Overall, survivors in this group felt they were able to heal because they confronted what 

happened to them, and the assault no longer caused significant emotional upheaval in their lives. 

Survivors now felt ready and able to focus on other aspects of their lives. 

Research Question 2: Impact of Institutional Betrayal on Black Women’s Healing Journeys 

The results of the ideal type of analysis (Research Question 1) revealed four distinct types 

of healing among the survivors in the sample. Some were just beginning their healing journeys 

(Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing), some felt they had completed their journeys (Healed and 

Embracing Life Beyond the Assault). Others were struggling with continued feelings of anger, 

70 

 
 
 
frustration, and trauma, and were coping by trying to block out that distress (Disengaged and 

Detached from Healing) or by engaging multiple resources to work through the ups and downs 

they were experiencing (Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing 

Distress). My second research question sought to explore why survivors might be in different 

places in their healing journeys and the extent to which their experiences of institutional betrayal 

by the criminal legal system has impacted their healing. For Research Question 2, I examined 

how survivors’ experiences when they initially reported the assault to the police and their current 

experiences with the legal system during their re- engagement shaped their healing journeys. 

Specifically, I examined five contextual factors: 1) having a particularly bad experience 

reporting their assault to the police 2) and/or when re- engaging with criminal legal system 

(criminal legal system), 3) the average time between their assault and notification, and 4) 

utilization of support post-assault and 5) utilization of support during their re-engagement with 

the criminal legal system (criminal legal system) regarding their sexual assault cases. I examined 

the extent to which survivors’ institutional betrayal during their initial contact and their re-

engagement experiences may have shaped their healing journeys. 

To understand how institutional betrayal was operationalized for the study and how it 

was experienced by Black women in the sample, I will begin by presenting an overview of these 

contextual factors for the entire sample (see Table 2) and a summary of each of the factors for 

the overall sample. After, I will present the results pertaining to how institutional betrayal was 

experienced within each of the ideal types. The ordering of the ideal type grouping will follow a 

different order than observed in Research Question 1 in order to explicate how institutional 

betrayal varied across the healing typologies. 

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Table 2. 
Institutional Betrayal-Related Contextual Factors Among Black Women in the Sample (N = 
29) 

Full 
Sample 
(n = 
29) 

Ideal 
Group 1 
(n = 4) 

Ideal 
Group 2 
(n = 10) 

Ideal 
Group 3 
(n = 7) 

Ideal 
Group 4 
(n=8) 

62.1 

50 

80 

50 

50 

Yes  82.7  Yes 

75  Yes 

80  Yes  85.7  Yes  87.5 

No 

17.3  No 

25 

No 

20  No  14.3 

No 

12.5 

16.4 

19.8 

18.6  

15.3 

12.9 

10.3 

-   

10   

14  

- 

Yes  93.1  Yes 

100  Yes 

80  Yes  100 

Yes 

100 

No 

6.9  No 

- 

No 

20  No 

- 

No 

- 

Contextual Factors 
Particularly Bad 
Experience Reporting 
Assault (%) 
Support After Assault (%) 

Time Between Assault 
and Notification (Avg. 
Years) 
Particularly Bad 
Experience Re-Engaging 
with criminal 
legal system (%) 
Support During 
Re- Engagement 
(%) 

Overview of Entire Sample 

Most survivors in this study experienced institutional betrayal in their initial experiences 

reporting the assault to the police years. For example, 62% described having a particularly bad 

experience reporting their assault to the police when they were first assaulted. Survivors were 

often told by law enforcement that the assault was their fault or that they were otherwise to 

blame to for what happened to them. In addition, the police did not provide victims with 

information about their sexual assault kits, and they were not responsive to their requests for 

updates and action in their cases. Survivors waited on average 16 years after they reported the 

assault to the police to receive any information about their rape kits. This meant that survivors 

were unaware for over a decade that their kits had not be submitted to a forensic crime laboratory 

for forensic DNA testing, and that no new investigatory action had been taken in their case. 

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These experiences of institutional betrayal by the criminal legal system left survivors feeling 

hopeless, angry, and distrustful of formalized systems. As such, most survivors did not reach out 

for other types of support after their initial reporting experiences. Overall, most survivors in this 

sample did have some form of support after the assault (82.7%), but this was primarily informal 

support from family and friends, as opposed to structured counseling or advocacy services. 

Survivors appreciated having support from family and friends, but on balance, it was not 

sufficient to heal from the assault and the institutional betrayal they experienced during the initial 

reporting. 

Whereas most survivors experienced institutional betrayal during their initial reporting 

experiences, only small percentage of survivors (10.3%) stated that they had another negative 

experience with law enforcement personnel during their re-engagement after they were notified 

that they rape kit had been finally tested. These survivors felt they were misled, uninformed, and 

to some extent deceived by legal system personnel during their re-engagement experiences. They 

indicated that they were not fully informed and prepared for the arduous court process. Although 

they were not revictimized as severely during their re-engagement, they were angry and hurt that 

they once again were not treated fairly and respectfully. In addition, this repeated experience of 

institutional betrayal seemed to deter these survivors once again from seeking formal support 

services (e.g., counseling, advocacy). In other words, it appears that negative experiences with 

the criminal legal system—whether during the initial report and/or during the re-engagement 

process—erodes survivors’ trust in other formal help. Institutional betrayal by the criminal legal 

system deterred and dissuaded survivors from engaging with formalized resources, including 

those that may have been helpful to them on their healing journey. Of note, most survivors 

(89.7%) did not experience additional institutional betrayal by the criminal legal system during 

73 

 
 
 
their re-engagement. Most indicated that they received adequate information and support from 

police and prosecutors, and it appears that this positive experience (and lack of institutional 

betrayal) restored survivors’ trust in formalized systems. 

Most survivors (93.1%) had access to multiple forms of support during their re-

engagement and court process, including both informal networks and formalized resources, such 

as counseling services, advocacy, and tangible resources like housing, transportation, and other 

essential resources that they may have not received after their assault years ago. Thus, in the 

overall sample, institutional betrayal served as a deterrent and dissuaded survivors from 

engaging with formalized resources, but how these negative experiences shaped survivors’ 

healing journeys varied across each ideal type. By way of preview, Group 1 (Justice Creates a 

Pathway to Healing) and Group 4 (Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault) were similar 

in the fact that survivors only experienced institutional betrayal during the initial engagement 

with the criminal legal system. However, the two groups had differing responses to the increased 

responsiveness from legal actors upon re-engagement. For Group 1, these positive experiences 

helped them prepare to start their healing journey, while for Group 4, these final interactions 

with the legal system helped complete their healing journey. By contrast, Group 2 (Disengaged 

and Detached from Healing) and Group 3 (Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth 

and Managing Distress) were similar in the fact that survivors experienced institutional betrayal 

during the initial engagement and during their re-engagement. However, these two groups 

differed in the level of support during re-engagement, which seemed to have an important impact 

on their healing journeys. These findings will be presented in detail in the following sections. 

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Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing 

In this group, institutional betrayal played a pivotal role in their healing process during 

their initial engagement with the legal system. Survivors in this group experienced the longest 

wait time of about 20 years to be notified about their sexual assault kit. About half of the 

survivors in this group discussed they were treated poorly by the police when they initially 

reported their assault (50%). One survivor shared her interaction with the police that left her 

feeling unworthy: 

“I told them the incident, what happened. They made me feel like I was nasty, dirty, they 

made me feel like I was low, they asked me all kinds of questions. Did you want him to do 

that to you? Is you just saying that? I wouldn't just say I was raped, I wouldn't just lie on 

a person. If he didn't do it. When I was making a police report, I cried […] because you 

all made me feel like I wanted this to happen to me. And it made me think you all didn't 

believe what I was telling you all.” – Participant 27 

Relative to the entire sample, 75% of the survivors in this group had support after they 

were initially raped (compared to 83% in the full sample; See Table 2). One survivor shared her 

experience with not receiving adequate support: 

“…The support that you are supposed to get from the police department. I didn't receive 

support from nobody[…] And because nobody ever did nothing, I had to make peace with 

it...I had to bury it myself in order to go on with the rest of my life because I would have 

just been stuck.” - Participant 22 

Not receiving an adequate response from the criminal legal system following their report 

of their assault, coupled with the prolonged delay of being notified their sexual assault kit, 

contributed to the sense of hopelessness that they would not be helped. Initially, survivors in this 

75 

 
 
 
group decided to adopt a coping strategy of blocking out the assault due to the poor treatment 

they received from the police when they reported their assault. For example, one survivor shared 

that, “No, when it first happened, I didn't have an advocate, I didn't seek help. I just forgot about 

it. I blocked it out.” (Participant 27) and choose to stop seeking support from other formalized 

systems, in some cases even family and friends. 

While their experiences of institutional betrayal during their initial engagement with the 

legal system significantly shaped their healing journey, survivors in this group did not experience 

institutional betrayal when they reengaged with the criminal legal system (no participant stated 

that they were treated poorly or hurt by legal personnel during their reengagement, See Table 2). 

This time, the survivors receive a supportive, trauma-informed approach from the legal team, 

which included being informed about the legal process, being believed by the legal team, and 

providing them with resources. This response contributed to survivors actively addressing the 

assault and engaging with needed resources to help begin their healing journey. This was evident 

by all survivors in this group having support during their re-engagement process (100%). One 

survivor shared: 

“…they did the job and helping me understand what was going on. Again, the, I guess, 

grievance process that I would go through, and I did. They suggested different things to 

do if I felt like I needed it, and I could always come back to them and get some help, I 

believe. The advocate was there for support. It was helpful.”- Participant 19. 

For this “Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing” group, the absence of institutional 

betrayal during their legal re-engagement made it easier for survivors to initiate their healing 

journey. They were able to begin to process their sexual victimization by actively pursuing 

the necessary resources and support essential for their healing process. 

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Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault 

This group also experienced institutional betrayal only during their initial experiences 

with the criminal legal system. Half (50%) of the survivors in this group indicated that they were 

treated particularly poorly. One survivor shared her experience with law enforcement being non-

responsive when she tried to help them apprehend her assailant: 

“He was texting my babysitter trying to lure her to a motel off of eight-mile somewhere. 

So I called the detective. I tell the detective, "Hey, he's trying to lure my babysitter to a 

motel." If she agrees to meet him, will you guys set an ambush and capture him? The 

police detective himself said, "We don't have the manpower to do that. I would 

recommend you don't meet this man or report your babysitter," and that was that..” - 

Participant 17 

While the survivors in this group experienced the shortest wait time to have their cases 

reopened (12.9 years) relative to the overall sample (16.4 years), these survivors still endured 

over a decade of uncertainty about their legal cases. In addition to having the shortest wait time, 

this group had the highest percentage of survivors who had some type of support following the 

assault (87.5% compared to 82.7% in the full sample, See Table 2). Unlike the “Justice Creates a 

Pathway to Healing” group (described above), their support systems consisted of blend of 

informal support network and formalized support. This meant that they had a robust support 

system immediately after the assault and their initial report to the police, which allowed many 

victims to begin their healing journeys right away. 

The survivors in this “Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault” did not 

experience institutional betrayal during their re-engagement with the criminal legal system (0% 

stated that they were treated poorly or hurt by legal personnel during their reengagement, See 

77 

 
 
 
Table 2). Similar to the “Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing” group (described above), the 

survivors received a supportive, trauma-informed approach from the legal team consisting of 

responsive legal actors that were helped them navigate through the court processes, responsive to 

safety concerns that arose and offering additional resources. All survivors (100%) indicated that 

they received comprehensive support and resources during the re-engagement process. For 

example, one survivor shared “I had as much support as I did until I got to court and had support 

from [Redacted: law enforcement agency], the prosecutors, you know the whole team.They were 

really there.” (Participant 4). This markedly different experience with legal system personnel, as 

well as the increased sources of support, had a clear positive impact on survivors’ healing 

journeys. Survivors in this group felt that they had reached the end of their healing journeys and 

were now prepared to transition into a stage where they could redirect their focus toward positive 

life pursuits. 

Disengaged and Detached from Healing 

In this group, institutional betrayal was evident in both their initial engagement and in 

their re-engagement experience with the criminal legal system. Survivors in this group 

experienced the second longest wait time of nearly 19 years to be notified about their sexual 

assault kit. Relative to the entire sample, survivors in this group were overwhelmingly victim-

blamed and treated poorly by law enforcement when they reported their assault (80% vs. 62.1% 

in the full sample, See Table 2). One survivor shared her experience with the police and how it 

impacted her moving forward with seeking support: 

“they told me I brought it on myself […] told me I deserved to get raped. Yeah, it was a 

lot. That's what the police was doing. They wanted me to come back to them to do 

something else. I said no, not after what they talked to me about.” - Participant 20. 

78 

 
 
 
These initial experiences with LE were retraumatizing, and survivors disengaged to 

protect themselves, but also felt hopeless. Survivors in this group found some type of support 

after they were assaulted but still was less than the overall sample (80% vs. 82.7% in the full 

sample, See Table 2). Their support systems were mostly their informal support network such as 

family and friends providing emotional support and assistance seeking medical care. They had 

fewer formal support resources for addressing the assault, leading many survivors to withdraw 

and bury their memories of the assault and their experience with law enforcement so they could 

try to move on with their lives. One survivor recounted how the lack of support in her life led her 

to mask her pain: 

“But I think the healing it do be like sex and drinking. Like drinking and sex. I drink a lot. I 

can't lie. I drink a lot now. I drink a lot more than I used to drink. I didn't drink a lot. And 

that reason I'm going to momma like sometime, "Oh, sometimes I feel depression." She's like, 

"You're not depressed." I'm like, "No, I'm not depressed," and I'll go drink and be like, 

"Okay, I'm fine.” And then I'll go have sex. Because that's what I use to get my mind off of 

everything” - Participant 8 

This group experienced institutional betrayal not only during the initial engagement with 

the criminal legal system but also during their re-engagement with the criminal legal system 

(10% stated that they were treated poorly or hurt by legal personnel during their reengagement, 

See Table 2). Survivors recounted harmful interactions they had during the re- engagement 

process such as being misled and somewhat coerced to go through the court process. One 

survivor shared her experience of being coerced to re-engage by the legal team: 

“At that time, there was situations I was dealing with. They did tell me they were going to 

help me with that, but they didn't […] It's like they were more concerned with that case, 

79 

 
 
 
which I understand that was their main purpose of contacting me. But don't tell me you were 

going to help me with something and then ... It's like once they got the information they 

needed from me, they were gone.” – Participant 16. 

This second act of institutional betrayal led them to become increasingly distrustful of the 

criminal legal system. This distrust harbored by survivors in this group towards the criminal 

legal system further reinforced their reluctance to seek out support. This reluctance was 

demonstrated by their higher likelihood, compared to other groups in the sample, of not having 

support when they re-engaged with the criminal legal system (80% vs. 93.1% in the full sample, 

See Table 2). The same survivor who felt misled and coerced by the legal system actors during 

the reinvestigation of her sexual assault case shared:  

I just felt like after the police, how they ... Promising what they was going to do and 

didn't, it wasn't no point for me to try to reach out to try to get help for anything else 

because, like I said, people will say anything to wheel you in. But once you wheeled in, 

just keep riding along. I didn't want to go for another ride.” - Participant 16 

The recurrent experience of institutional betrayal, coupled with insufficient support both prior to 

and after re-engagement, underscores why these survivors' journeys toward healing were defined 

by a deliberate choice to withdraw and refrain from engaging with the traumatic memories and 

events. 

Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing Distress 

This group experienced institutional betrayal in the initial and reengagement experiences 

with the criminal legal system. About half of the survivors in this group were victim-blamed and 

treated poorly by law enforcement when they reported their assault (50%). For instance, one 

survivor shared how the police treated her when she reported her assault: 

80 

 
 
 
“The police got there and they thought I was a prostitute. I'm like, "The guy raped me 

here. The guy raped me." They collected the evidence and they found my change and 

tissue, but the police didn't want to investigate my case. They thought I was a prostitute. 

They said, "Are you lying? We going to put you in jail," and whatnot. They took me to 

1301, the bullpen. They threw me in the bullpen.” – Participant 26. 

Additionally, the survivors in this group had an average wait time of 15 years from 

reporting their assault to the police and being notified about their sexual assault kit. While the 

poor response from law enforcement, coupled with the wait time of 15 years contributed to 

survivors feeling hopeless about receiving justice and distrustful of the criminal legal system, 

they were more likely than other groups in the sample to seek out support following their 

victimization (85.7% vs. 82.7% in the full sample, See Table 2.). Unlike the “Disengaged and 

Detached from Healing” group (described above), many survivors in this group opted to seek 

support to address the assault given the severe impacts of the assault that were ever-present. One 

survivor described how the impacts resulting from her assault pushed her to seek support: 

“I have a lot of disabilities myself. I was already disabled when the guy attacked me and 

I became more disabled later on and whatnot […] Go to all my treatments because I'm so 

sick and stuff. I'm physically sick and mentally sick.” - Participant 26 

For this survivor and others in the group, the institutional betrayal they experienced during their 

initial contact with the police was demoralizing, getting support to address the physical and 

mental health impacts stemming from the assault were necessary. Receiving this support soon 

after they were assaulted allowed them to address the immediate impacts following their 

victimization, and also encouraged them to address other ways the assault impacted their lives. 

81 

 
 
 
Survivors in this “Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing 

Distress” group also experienced institutional betrayal during the re-engagement process (14% 

vs. 10.3% in the full sample, See Table 2). Survivors recounted harmful interactions they had 

during the re-engagement process such as being misled by the legal system. For instance, one 

survivor shared her experience of being misled by the legal system actor about the whereabouts 

of their assailant: 

“And my response was, "You all got him? You all caught him, you all have him?" She 

told me, "Yes." My question and my reaction was based on her leading me to believe that 

they had him in custody. The reality was they just had a hit on his DNA. And she didn't 

clarify that. I didn't actually find out he was still on the streets until the day […].I felt lied 

to, I felt manipulated because that's not what they initially told me. They told me that they 

had him, and that was implicit of having him in custody. – Participant 1 

Furthermore, the same survivor recounted an instance during the court process of being 

described in a derogatory manner by legal systems actors who were working on her case. 

Survivors who were betrayed a second time by the criminal legal system felt 

retraumatized by the entire process which had a severe negative effect on their healing journey. 

For example, the same survivor who had treated poorly by legal system actors during the re-

engagement process shared: 

“I was treated better during the process than in the aftermath, but I also had been lied to 

basically that they were very nice, and fawning. If I could go as far as to use that word, 

they were really fawning, "Oh yes everything's fine. We're here for you." But by the time 

we go to court and got to the trial, the prosecutor basically was like, "Oh well we know 

that they had jobs, but who's to say that they weren't prostitutes on their days off or in 

82 

 
 
 
their down time?" So when we get to court and you're the prosecutor who's supposed to 

be defending me, to insinuate that I could have been a prostitute, just as the defense 

attorney just called me, how are you on my side?” - Participant 1 

This encounter with institutional betrayal, particularly being labeled derogatorily by legal system 

figures she trusted to assist in apprehending her assailant, left the survivor feeling invalidated 

and wronged. Because of this repeated betrayal, she was reluctant to seek any further formal 

assistance or engagement from similar systems. She went on to explain that: 

“I'm actually not on medication at the moment, and I haven't been on medication 

basically since my case ended the way it did. And how can you continue to get help and 

see these people and take these medications […] you wouldn't need this medication if this 

problem had been handled properly in the beginning.” – Participant 1 

Though this survivor chose to forgo engaging with formal mental health services, she did reach 

out to others in her community and began organizing and raising awareness about sexual 

violence as a way to cope and heal from the assault and her revictimizing experience with the 

legal system. 

Overall few survivors experienced institutional betrayal during re-engagement but for 

those who did and had early support in their healing journey were more likely to be in the 

“Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing Distress” group. Unlike the 

“Disengaged and Detached from Healing” group, all survivors in this group had an array of 

support during their re-engagement with the criminal legal system (100%) including informal 

support, medical care, psychiatric care, mental health therapy, as well as community-based like 

advocacy as well as community organizing. These supports played a crucial role in enabling 

83 

 
 
 
survivors within this group to progress on their healing journeys, despite encountering difficult 

and revictimizing experiences when re-engaging with the criminal legal system.

84 

 
 
 
CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION 

This dissertation study explored the healing trajectories of Black women, focusing on 

their experiences of healing from sexual victimization, the institutional betrayal inherent in the 

Detroit’s rape kit backlog, and their encounters with the criminal legal system. Framed within a 

socioecological context of trauma and informed by Black feminist and Intersectionality theory, 

this study examined how Black women’s healing from sexual violence was compounded by 

distress arising from multiple ecological contexts, including their contact with the criminal legal 

system. Utilizing ideal-type analysis, this study identified four distinct groups of survivors who 

varied in their healing journeys. These groups were then compared based on contextual factors 

related to their experiences with the criminal legal system to understand how this additional 

trauma influenced their healing trajectories. To the best of my knowledge, this is the first study 

to explore how Black women heal after re- engaging with the criminal legal system regarding 

their previously untested rape kits. The research sheds light on how Black women seek support 

and justice as part of their healing process. Furthermore, it offers insights into this specific subset 

of Black women as they navigate their healing journey, sharing the resources and strategies they 

employed to heal from both sexual violence and institutional betrayal. In the following sections, I 

will summarize the study's findings, contextualize them within existing literature on healing from 

sexual trauma, and explore their implications for research and practice regarding healing from 

sexual violence and institutional betrayal among Black women. 

Summary of Key Findings on Healing from Sexual Violence and Institutional Betrayal 

The aim of this study was to understand how Black women heal from the dual experience 

of sexual violence and institutional betrayal. The first research question explored 

85 

 
 
 
 
 
  
in this study was: How do Black women describe their healing journeys and their current state of 

healing after their backlogged sexual assault case had been prosecuted? The findings revealed 

significant variability in the healing journeys of Black women, largely influenced by 

socioecological factors. To date, prior research has tended to focus on intra- individual factors 

(e.g., emotional regulation, self-efficacy etc., Ahrens et al., 2010; Bryant- Davis et al., 2011; 

Bryant-Davis et al., 2015; Draucker et al., 2009; Reid et al., 2023; Singh et al., 2013). This study 

underscores how ecological contexts are more salient for survivors. Specifically, this study found 

that the support and resources survivors received—or did not receive—had a profound impact on 

their healing journeys. 

Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing. In the first group, survivors’ healing process 

could only begin once they had received justice. For these survivors, the opportunity to re- 

engage with the criminal legal system and to see their perpetrators held accountable was the 

necessary precursor to healing. Justice created a sense of safety and security, thereby 

empowering survivors to commence their healing journey. Notably, obtaining justice allowed 

survivors to actively engage with therapeutic resources to help them confront their victimization 

experience. These findings highlight that for some Black women justice and healing are indeed 

interconnected. The extent to which justice is necessary for survivors’ healing remains a point of 

contention in the literature. Some scholars have argued that engagement with the legal system 

can be therapeutic and facilitate healing (Herman, 2023; Regehr & Alaggia, 2006; West, 1999). 

Other scholars have argued that healing is not possible through the current criminal legal system 

and is not designed to support victims’ healing. (Julich & Landon, 2017; McGlynn & 

Westmarland, 2019; Mulla, 2014). Additionally, certain scholars posit that justice for survivors 

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of sexual assault should extend beyond mere punitive measures such as incarceration (Herman, 

2024; Kim, 2018; McGlynn & Westmarland, 2019; Quinlan, 2020). 

Despite these divergent viewpoints among scholars, the findings of this study underscore 

that for some Black women, justice in the form of incarceration was pivotal and helped them feel 

safe and secure so they could embark on the healing process. Previous studies on survivors’ 

healing processes and strategies point to similar findings related to their pursuit of justice 

(Draucker et al., 2009; Hester et al., 2023; Scoglio et al., 2020). As noted above, survivors in this 

first group of this study emphasized how justice afforded them the safety and security necessary 

to engage in the healing process. This notion of having safety and security established as a 

prerequisite for engaging in the healing process is consistent with Herman’s (1997) first stage of 

healing whereby survivors prioritize their need for establishing safety and stability within 

themselves and their surroundings. In addition, Draucker et al. (2009) meta-synthesis on healing 

practices of sexual assault survivors also found that survivors pursue justice in order to support 

their safety. Similarly, Scoglio et al. (2020) found that practitioners have also noted that some 

survivors need to see their perpetrators held accountable in order to heal. The findings of this 

study are consistent with these prior works in that some survivors felt safe after their assailants 

were incarcerated, which allowed them to fully engage in the healing process. 

Disengaged and Detached from Healing. By contrast, survivors in the second group 

viewed healing as a deliberate avoidance of one's trauma, characterized by an intentional effort 

to disregard or suppress the experience of victimization. Avoidance served as a healing balm, 

enabling survivors to distance themselves from their victimization and continue with 

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their lives. Notably, this mode of healing paralleled with Black women's reluctance to engage 

with formal therapeutic resources, indicating their desire to move forward without revisiting their 

traumatic experiences. 

Prior conceptual and empirical works have noted that some survivors engage in a strategy 

of avoidance as a means of healing, but there is debate about whether this approach does indeed 

promote healing. Some scholars view avoidance, trauma minimization, or suppression as a 

protective factor that allows survivors to find short-term relief and reduce their risk of 

revictimization (Bedard-Gilligan et al., 2014; Hofmann & Hay, 2018; Roth & Cohen, 1986; cited 

in Leiner et al., 2012); while others have argued that avoidance is a maladaptive behavioral 

response to trauma that contributes to survivors’ inability to emotionally regulate, emotionally 

regulate and increases their risk for developing psychological disorders (Davis, Resnick & 

Swopes, 2011; Roth & Cohen, 1986; Wegner et al., 1987; cited in Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006). 

Whereas some scholars argue that avoidance is a maladaptive coping strategy, the findings of 

this study suggest a different perspective. For some Black women, deliberately avoiding their 

victimization was a clear, conscious choice and was in fact healing for them. Prior empirical 

research has found that avoidance is a widespread coping strategy for sexual assault survivors 

(Draucker et al., 2009; Littleton et al., 2007; Ullman et al., 2007). For instance, in Draucker and 

colleagues (2009) meta-synthesis on healing practices of sexual assault survivors, they noted 

survivors use of avoidance was to minimize the assault’s impact and suppress intrusive thoughts 

to resume their daily lives. While this approach to healing is initially employed as a method to 

cope with distress, empirical research shows that avoidance of can have detrimental long-term 

consequences, including increased levels of self-blame, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 

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and anxiety disorders (Bryant-Davis et al., 2011; Najdowski & Ullman, 2009; Ullman et al., 

2007; Ullman et al., 2014). 

Despite its potential drawbacks and limited benefits, avoidant coping may have different 

meaning and utility for some Black women. True to Black feminist approaches, it is important to 

put these findings in the appropriate context. Survivors adopting this approach typically lacked 

support following their assault and their re-engagement with the criminal legal process failed to 

meet their expectations of justice. As noted previously, survivors’ perceptions of justice can play 

a significant role in their healing process (Regehr & Alaggia, 2006; Regehr et al., 2008), so it 

stands to reason that if survivors did not find justice, they would need to reframe their healing 

journeys. Consequently, it is understandable for some Black women in this study avoiding and 

suppressing their victimization experience was healing. As described by Herman (1997) and 

echoed in her later work (Herman, 2024), survivors need to feel a sense of agency and choice in 

the healing process. Thus, choosing to avoid confronting the assault and not allowing it space in 

one's life can be viewed as taking back control, which for them is what constitutes healing. 

Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth and Managing Distress. In the 

third group, healing was viewed as an ongoing and dynamic process, marked by continuous 

growth and progress, while acknowledging the pervasive negative effects of sexual violence 

across multiple facets of their lives. Contrary to the predominant clinical- medical model 

focusing on minimizing distress and negative psychological symptoms (Hegarty et al., 2016; 

Lomax & Meyrick, 2022; Regehr et al., 2013; Vickerman & Margolin, 2009), this healing type 

underscores that survivors need more than the alleviation of negative affect to feel healed. For 

these survivors, healing goes beyond addressing psychological and emotional well-being, and 

also includes addressing broader domain such as physical health and sexual functioning 

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(Banyard et al., 2011; Loya, 2015; Martin & Macy, 2011; Murn & Schultz, 2022; Rin & 

Thomas, 2013;Vitek & Yeater, 2021; West, 1999). 

Other studies have also found that healing is a holistic and dynamic journey (Smith & 

Kelly, 2001; Sinko et al., 2020). In Sinko and colleagues' (2020) study on survivors' healing 

processes, healing was described as a cyclical journey fluctuating between positive growth and 

managing challenging moments. Recognizing healing as a complex journey, incorporating 

numerous layers of impact from the assault, this group of survivors emphasized the importance 

of justice in their healing process. Justice not only brought them closure and a sense of safety but 

also fostered positive growth, increased self- assurance, and facilitated self-forgiveness. 

However, it is important to note that while justice was a crucial component of the healing 

process for Black women in this study, it was not sufficient for survivors in this group who were 

severely impacted by the assault. As previously discussed, there is considerable debate on 

whether survivors' pursuit of justice through the current criminal legal system can support their 

healing and recovery (Julich & Landon, 2017; McGlynn & Westmarland, 2019; Mulla, 2014; 

Regehr & Alaggia, 2006). Justice may only address a portion of survivors' challenges, as injuries 

persist throughout their lives (Regehr &Alaggia, 2006). The findings of this study suggest that 

justice can facilitate healing to some degree, but additional support and resources are perhaps 

more critical for some survivors. Notably, survivors in this group engaged with various resources 

and coping strategies, including community organizing and activism, which significantly 

influenced their healing process. For example, research by Stidham and colleagues (2021) on the 

altruistic behaviors of survivors found that involvement in activism positively supported their 

healing journey. Likewise, other empirical studies have also found that diverse support 

mechanisms are utilized by survivors throughout their healing journeys and these varied methods 

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are often beneficial (Draucker et al., 2009; Guggisberg et al., 2021; Scoglio et al., 2021; Stidham 

et al., 2012). 

Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault. In the fourth group, survivors defined 

healing as a process of directly confronting their victimization experiences and leveraging 

multiple support resources so they could grow and become resilient. This approach is consistent 

with Herman’s (1997) third stage of recovery in which survivors being to shape a new future for 

themselves by processing their victimization experience and gaining a sense of empowerment. 

Similarly, Robinson (2003) refers to this phase as the ‘integration,’ whereby survivors process 

their victimization, undergo emotional upheaval, and gradually allocate less cognitive energy to 

their past experiences, allowing them to move forward and enjoy their lives. Of note, both 

Herman (1992) and Robinson (2003) conceptualize healing from sexual violence as a 

continuous, lifelong journey of personal growth, but in this study, the survivors in this group felt 

they had reached a clear endpoint in their healing journey. These survivors felt they had 

completed their post-assault healing and were now redirecting their focus towards other life 

pursuits. 

Empirical research often highlights significant milestones in individuals' healing 

journeys, marked by achieving closure and gaining a deeper understanding of their victimization 

experience, but much of this literature does not endorse the idea of healing having a definitive 

endpoint, as was found in this study (Catabay et al., 2019; Draucker et al., 2009; Smith & Kelly, 

2001; Pollino, 2023; Singh et al., 2013; Sinko et al., 2020). For instance, Draucker et al. (2009) 

identified personal growth, such as transitioning from a victim to a survivor identity, engaging in 

activities to counteract victimization, and reassessing one's self-concept, as critical aspects of 

healing. Nevertheless, these developments were not construed as signaling the conclusion of the 

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healing process but rather as integral components of it. It is important to note that this study 

examines survivors’ understanding of healing at a specific time point, lacking the ability to 

determine whether they may need to revisit their revictimization experience in the future. 

Nonetheless, the findings of this study suggest that survivors regard the healing process 

as having a clear endpoint, marked by redirecting their focus to other areas of their lives and 

forgoing deeper analysis and processing of their victimization experience. 

The survivors in this group acknowledged a clear conclusion to their healing journey, whereby 

justice helped facilitate that closure. In addition to receiving justice, survivors in this group 

benefited from a robust support network consisting of therapists, family members, and legal 

professionals, which was already established following their victimization and re- engagement 

experiences. Previous empirical research highlights the significant advantages of comprehensive 

support systems for survivors recovering from sexual violence (Bryant-Davis et al., 2011; Leech 

& Littlefield, 2011; Lorenz et al., 2020; Scoglio et al., 2020; Ullman, 1999). These findings 

emphasize the importance of having such supportive systems in place, along with the ability to 

pursue and receive justice, in achieving a sense of complete healing. 

Summary of Key Findings on The Impact of Institutional Betrayal on Healing 

The second research question explored in this study was: How did Black women's 

experiences of institutional betrayal by the criminal legal system--in both their initial experiences 

with the legal system and in their re-engagement experiences--impact their healing journeys and 

their current state of healing? Smith et al. (2014) referred to institutional betrayal as 

“wrongdoings by institutions against individuals who trust or depend on them” (p. 459). To date, 

institutional betrayal has been studied primarily in the context of how universities, the military, 

and workplaces have responded to sexual assault survivors (Andresen et al., 2019; Monteith et 

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al., 2016; McQueen et al., 2021; Smith & Freyd, 2013; Smith & Freyd, 2017), and this study 

expands this literature by exploring how betrayals by the criminal legal system impact Black 

women. All survivors in this study experienced some degree of institutional betrayal: all reported 

their assaults to the police and submitted to the collection of a rape kit, expecting that the police 

would investigate their cases and hold their perpetrators accountable. Instead, the police closed 

their cases with minimal investigation and put their untested kits in storage. In addition, most 

survivors experienced negative victim-blaming treatment by the police during their initial 

reporting experiences. However, some survivors had negative experiences during both the initial 

reporting experiences and their re-engagement experiences after their rape kits were finally 

tested. The ways in which institutional betrayal affected survivors’ healing journeys varied based 

on whether had negative experiences only at the initial report or whether they experienced 

additional retraumatization at the time of their re- engagement. 

Institutional Betrayal During Initial Engagement with Criminal Legal System. 

Survivors in the two of the healing groups, “Justice Creates a Pathway to Healing” and “Healed 

and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault,” experienced institutional betrayal only during their 

initial engagement with the legal system. This consisted of insufficient and retraumatizing 

responses from law enforcement upon reporting their sexual assault. 

Furthermore, legal personnel neglected to thoroughly investigate and process their sexual 

assault kits, which represents a failure of the criminal legal system that persisted for more than a 

decade. This institutional betrayal significantly impeded survivors' healing journeys, leading to 

many opting to forgo seeking additional support post assault. Survivors found themselves unable 

to progress or embark on their healing journey due to retraumatizing experience they had when 

they reported their victimization to law enforcement and the unresolved nature of their cases. 

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Consequently, they grappled with feelings of being undeserving victims, which deterred them 

from accessing potential support within formalized systems designed to address their 

victimization. 

The deterrent effect of institutional betrayal on survivors help-seeking efforts is 

concerning given that prior literature emphasized the significant impact of survivors' first 

interactions with informal and formal support systems on their choices regarding seeking 

additional assistance (Kennedy et al., 2012; Lorenz & Jacobsen, 2024; Strazynski et al., 2005; 

Ullman, 1999). For instance, Kennedy et al.’s (2012) model of help attainment emphasizes that 

survivors weigh the potential risks and benefits associated with seeking help. The findings of this 

study are consistent with Kennedy et al.’s (2012) model in that the help- seeking efforts of 

women in this study were greatly impacted by the initial responses they received from either 

informal or formal support systems. Specifically, when faced with harmful responses by formal 

support systems, as in the case of institutional betrayal, survivors were highly discouraged, and it 

diminished their motivation to seek further support. For the survivors in the “Justice Creates a 

Pathway to Healing" group, the impact of institutional betrayal was minimized due to the 

responsiveness of legal actors when they re- engaged. Despite being treated poorly during initial 

engagement with the criminal legal system, survivors encountered a markedly different and more 

trauma-informed response during re- engagement, which facilitated their ability to begin their 

healing journey. In addition to finally testing their sexual assault kits and reinvestigating their 

cases, survivors noted how legal personnel exhibited increased transparency regarding the court 

process, demonstrated belief in their accounts of their victimization experiences, and offered 

additional resources such as transportation, court advocacy, and open communication. The 

actions taken by the criminal legal system personnel helped foster a sense of support and 

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validation among these survivors, enabling them to begin their healing journey. These findings 

offer support to the concept of ‘institutional courage,’ which Freyd and colleagues defined as 

when institutions seek to repair harm caused and offer support after committing an act of 

betrayal (Freyd & Becker- Blease, 2024; Smith & Freyd, 2013). Institutional courage consists of 

institutions taking responsibility for the harm inflicted, fostering trust within the community, 

committing to transparency, responding effectively, and demonstrating support for survivors 

(Gómez et al., 2023; Freyd & Becker- Blease, 2024; Smidt et al., 2023; Smith & Freyd, 2013). 

The findings of this study contribute to our understanding of institutional courage by illustrating 

how this concept, in practice, positively impacts survivors’ healing process. 

For the survivors in the "Healed and Embracing Life Beyond the Assault" group, their 

persistence in securing a substantial support system post-assault mitigated the effects of 

institutional betrayal. Despite experiencing institutional betrayal, members of this group were not 

deterred from initiating the healing process and addressing their victimization experience, 

indicating the resilience-enhancing role of strong support networks in navigating the aftermath of 

assault. These findings are enlightening given that prior empirical research highlights the 

importance of establishing a support system following victimization, which acts as a protective 

factor against negative mental health outcomes and maladaptive coping strategies (Borja et al., 

2006; Bryant-Davis et al., 2011; Ullman et al., 2018). For example, Borja et al.’s (2006) study on 

positive and negative adjustment and social support revealed that having both informal and 

formal support systems in place correlated with reduced endorsement of PTSD and related 

symptoms. Similarly, Ullman et al.’s (2018) study found that survivors’ support networks played 

a vital role in encouraging and facilitating survivors’ utilization of coping strategies to address 

their safety needs. The current study’s findings are consistent with this empirical research on the 

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importance of support systems. Moreover, they contribute to our understanding of how these 

social support networks can serve as a protective factor against the impacts of institutional 

betrayal. Specifically, such networks aid survivors in processing their victimization experiences 

and accessing necessary resources post-assault. 

Institutional Betrayal during Both Initial and Re-Engagement with Criminal Legal 

System. As previously mentioned, every Black woman in this study experienced institutional 

betrayal in their initial interactions with the criminal legal system. However, some survivors 

experienced additional instances of institutional betrayal during re- engagement. Institutional 

betrayal during re-engagement involved legal actors misleading survivors, using personal records 

to discredit them, and employing coercive tactics to compel them to participate in the legal 

process. The institutional betrayal experienced during the re- engagement process significantly 

hindered the survivors' healing journey, leading to heightened discouragement, retraumatization, 

and ongoing avoidance of formalized resources. Importantly, survivors notably chose to opt-out 

of utilizing resources they had already accessed. 

Despite the largely negative consequences of institutional betrayal during re- 

engagement, which led some survivors to discontinue their use of previously accessible 

formalized resources in their healing journeys, others were not deterred from seeking support to 

aid them on their healing journey given that they incurred substantial physical and mental health 

impacts stemming from the assault. For the group, “Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing 

Growth and Managing Distress,” their persistence in seeking support throughout the re-

engagement process stemmed from their need to address the severe impact the assault had on 

their lives. 

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While some survivors may be discouraged from seeking support due to institutional 

betrayal, those who perceived their experience of sexual violence as life-threatening and were 

unable to cope adequately with the experience alone sought additional support. Prior empirical 

research is consistent with these findings whereby survivors are more likely to seek support 

based on the assessment of the severity of their victimization and its resulting impacts (Ameral et 

al., 2020; Fisher et al., 2003; Fisher et al., 2016; Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2011). In essence, the 

severity of how the assault impacted their lives compelled them to seek support. 

In addition, some survivors in the “Healing is an Ongoing Process of Balancing Growth 

and Managing Distress” group were inspired by their experience of institutional betrayal to 

explore alternative resources and strategies for healing, such as becoming involved in activism. 

These findings align with prior empirical research highlighting diverse coping strategies that 

include engaging in altruistic efforts (Draucker et al., 2009; Guggisberg et al., 2021; Scoglio et 

al., 2021; Stidham et al., 2012). Furthermore, emerging studies suggest that institutional betrayal 

can serve as a catalyst for involvement in activism endeavors. In a study conducted by Linder 

and Myers (2017), survivors expressed a sense of motivation to enhance institutional responses 

by actively participating in advocacy efforts, with the aspiration of fostering improvements for 

future generations. Although Linder and Myers' (2017) research was situated within a university 

context, the findings of the current study are in line with their work, as survivors in this study 

similarly recounted how their encounters with institutional betrayal inspired them to advocate for 

and provide support to other sexual assault survivors, aiming to prevent similar experiences for 

other individuals in the community. 

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Limitations of Study 

In any research study, the specific context of the project and its methodology constrains 

the generalizability of the findings. This study specifically focused on the experiences of 

cisgender Black women who chose to re-engage with the criminal legal system. Consequently, 

the findings likely do not extent to other groups of Black women survivors, particularly those 

who did not participate or declined the opportunity to re- engage with the legal system regarding 

their previously untested sexual assault kits. 

Although a small subset of Black women with other gender and sexual identities were 

included in the study, a more diverse sample reflecting a range of identities would align better 

with Black feminist theory and Intersectionality, which emphasize the diversity within the 

experiences of Black women (Collins, 2000; Patterson et al., 2016). The focus of this study was 

to understand the healing experiences of cisgender Black women who engaged with the criminal 

legal system, recognizing this is a select subset of a far more diverse population of Black sexual 

assault survivors. 

There are several methodological limitations of the study that must be noted. First, in this 

project, we interviewed Black women survivors after their court cases had been adjudicated, and 

our hope was to interview those whose cases were resolved by guilty pleas and those who went 

to trial. In the end, we were able to recruit survivors whose trials ended in convictions, but we 

were not able to interview many survivors whose trial ended in acquittals. Previous research has 

highlighted the challenges in locating survivors who engage with the legal system post-case 

conclusion, especially when those cases end in an acquittal (Campbell et al., 2024; Lorenz & 

Jacobsen, 2021). It is possible that survivors whose cases ended in acquittals had different 

experiences of institutional betrayal and different healing journeys. While it is plausible that 

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survivors whose cases ended in acquittal could have notably different healing experiences, it is 

important to note that a substantial number of Black women in the study expressed 

dissatisfaction with the criminal legal system. Therefore, it is conceivable that survivors with 

acquittal outcomes might have shared feelings and experiences similar to those survivors who 

were interviewed for this study. 

Secondly, while this dissertation study was conceptually grounded in both Black Feminist 

and Intersectionality theory, there were challenges in analytically integrating Intersectionality 

theory as initially intended. This limitation stemmed from the nature of the data obtained from 

the broader study. Specifically, participants were not guided during the interviews to explore 

how their intersecting identities (e.g., race and gender) influenced their healing processes and 

experiences of institutional betrayal. While some participants did mention perceived differential 

treatment by law enforcement due to being Black women, the larger study did not delve deeply 

into this aspect concerning their healing journeys and experiences of institutional betrayal. 

Consequently, this study could only draw on Intersectionality theory at a conceptual level, rather 

than analyzing it in depth as initially envisioned. 

Thirdly, the interview protocol employed in this study explored sexual assault survivors' 

experiences with victim notification, re-engagement with the criminal legal system, and 

advocacy. Although two interview questions assessed their healing journey at the upon 

resolution of their backlogged cases, the interview protocol did not prompt project staff to delved 

deeply into how specific strategies, resources, and supports (excluding advocacy) utilized by 

survivors contributed to their healing process. 

Understanding this information for each survivor could provide valuable insights and 

potentially uncover further variations within the healing groups. While some survivors 

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voluntarily shared such details, there was no dedicated subset of questions or probes in the 

interview protocol to systematically gather information on how these strategies and resources 

influenced their healing journey. 

Lastly, it is important to note that this study lacked a survivor member check session, 

which would have been particularly valuable given the nature of the secondary data analysis 

conducted. Member checking, as emphasized by Candela (2019), is essential in qualitative 

research for enhancing trustworthiness by allowing participants to validate the accuracy of the 

data and ensure their voices are accurately represented. Having a member check session would 

have provided an opportunity to further elucidate the groupings of survivors and ascertain 

whether participants agreed with the naming and grouping. However, I was not able to recontact 

survivors as the informed consent protocol used in this study did not ask survivors for permission 

to recontact them after the interview. Therefore, other strategies were used to address 

trustworthiness. As described in the Methods chapter, an independent researcher who did not 

participate in the development of the healing groups followed the outlined process of ideal-type 

analysis and identified the same groupings. Although this does not address whether survivors 

agree with the interpretation of the data, this alternative procedure does affirm that the primary 

investigator’s methods were sound and replicable. 

Implications for Future Research and Practice 

Despite these limitations, the current study has important implications for future research 

on Black women’s experiences healing from sexual assault as well as practical applications for 

service providers. 

Future Directions for Research on Black Women’s Healing. The study's findings 

suggest several areas that merit further investigation. A central focus of this dissertation was to 

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examine the healing trajectories of Black women after the resolution of their backlogged cases. 

While the study revealed variability in these healing journeys, future research could delve deeper 

into certain modalities beyond those uncovered in this study. For example, exploring the role of 

religion and faith in the healing process of Black women from this population could yield 

valuable insights. Prior research has found that spirituality is an important component of how 

Black women cope with stresses and trauma (Ahrens et al., 2010; Bryant-Davis et al., 2011; 

Knapik et al., 2008). By shedding light on the significance of religion and faith in healing, future 

research can better address the imperative of “making visible the multiple realities of Black 

women and incorporating the interests and values of participants as a collective while fostering 

opportunities for self- determination and self- definition” (Collins, 2000; as cited in Patterson et 

al., 2016, p.58). 

Furthermore, this study revealed a subset of Black women who did not avail themselves 

of therapeutic resources and instead employed strategies such as avoidance to navigate their 

experiences of victimization and institutional betrayal. Recognizing the need to move Black 

women’s experiences and ways of knowing from the margins and refraining from viewing their 

experiences through a deficit lens, it is evident that some Black women may perceive revisiting 

their victimization experience in a therapeutic setting as detrimental to their well- being. 

Therefore, future research should continue to explore how Black women who avoid therapeutic 

interventions or perceive revisiting their traumatic experiences as counterintuitive still achieve 

healing. Illuminating the diverse perspectives of healing for Black women, which may diverge 

from conventional frameworks, validates their experiences, enriches our understanding of 

healing within the field, and challenges “what the Western world has defined as the ideal for all 

women” (Duma et al., 2007, p. 9). 

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Furthermore, although the study did not extensively investigate institutional courage, 

future research focusing on Black women who have re-engaged with the criminal legal system 

and experienced institutional courage could significantly contribute to the field. Such research 

endeavors would provide insight into how Black women perceive institutional courage within the 

criminal legal system and identify strategies for how these institutions can better support Black 

women who choose to re-engage regarding backlogged cases. 

Implications for Practice. This dissertation holds significant implications for practice, 

particularly regarding survivors' access to comprehensive support services beyond those 

provided by the criminal legal system. It emphasizes the need for enhanced wrap- around support 

for survivors and advocates for the establishment of informal community- based networks. This 

study highlighted the critical importance of establishing comprehensive support networks and 

addressing survivors' victimization experiences, irrespective of the response from the criminal 

legal system. These findings emphasize the need for a multidisciplinary approach to sexual 

assault response, ensuring survivors have access to a diverse array of resources and services 

independent of the criminal legal system (Mallios & Markowitz, 2011). For instance, Sexual 

Assault Nurse Examiner (SANE) programs provide survivors with crucial resources without 

necessitating involvement with law enforcement (Campbell et al., 2005). SANEs not only 

document forensic evidence but also offer essential mental health and medical support, 

comprehensively addressing the impact of the assault. 

Moreover, they collaborate closely with community organizations serving sexual assault 

survivors, addressing their multifaceted needs (Fehler-Cabral et al., 2011; Zweig et al., 2021). As 

previously mentioned, survivors' engagement with responsive and supportive formal systems can 

mitigate harm from the criminal legal system and potentially prevent institutional betrayal. 

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Therefore, it is imperative for Black women who have experienced assault to access SANEs, 

which can provide immediate support in a trauma- informed manner and offer access to legal 

options if desired. 

The findings of this study may also be helpful to clinicians working with sexual assault 

survivors who had backlogged cases. Firstly, the study provided empirical validation for the 

healing stages delineated in the works of Herman (1992) and Robinson (2003), suggesting that 

survivors tend to navigate through these stages of healing. However, it was observed that some 

survivors may not engage with these healing stages in a uniform manner, and some may not be 

accurately represented in these stages. For instance, the study revealed that some survivors found 

healing through avoidant coping, rather than actively confronting their victimization experiences. 

While scholars and clinicians may typically perceive avoidant coping as maladaptive, it is 

essential to contextualize its effectiveness for survivors. In this study, survivors grappled with a 

lack of control over how law enforcement handled their cases and investigations, as well as the 

legal process and the likelihood of receiving justice. Given this context and the broader 

understanding of how Black women have historically coped with systemic oppression, avoidant 

coping mechanisms could be interpreted as a means of reclaiming power and regaining control 

over their lives. By minimizing the intrusion of the assault in their lives, these survivors were 

able to heal and progress forward (Feinstein, 2018). As such, clinicians may need to re-interpret 

avoidant coping and re-consider how it may be helpful to survivors. 

In addition to implications for clinicians working with this population, this study 

highlights the significance of recognizing and endorsing alternative healing approaches for Black 

women outside the purview of the criminal legal system. Tarana Burke's (2024) Survivor 

Agenda Initiative underscores the inadequacies of solely relying on the criminal legal system for 

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ensuring survivor safety, thus emphasizing the need for diverse avenues toward healing. 

Therefore, support providers are pivotal in assisting survivors in exploring these pathways, 

which may encompass engagement in social activism concerning sexual assault. While social 

justice activism represents one such avenue, other community-based solutions merit heightened 

attention and support. For instance, community-based collectives like survivor-led Philly Pissed 

and their ally-group Philly Stand Up have established enduring processes for engaging 

perpetrators of violence, fostering supportive and healing communities for accountability (Kelly, 

2011). Likewise, survivor-led community collectives such as Creative Interventions have created 

process to engage and map out informal support networks tied to experiences of violence and 

help them work through options for addressing harm caused (Creative Interventions, 2012; 

Dixon, 2020). These approaches resonate with transformative justice practices that prioritize 

addressing harm without dependence on formalized systems or institutions (Armatta, 2018; Kim, 

2018; Mingus, 2022). Elevating awareness and support for these community-based strategies to 

address sexual victimization enables others to envision the possibility of strength-based and 

survivor-led approaches to addressing harm. In alignment with bolstering these community- 

based solutions, Tarana Burke's (2024) Survivors Agenda Initiative advocates for increased 

funding for survivor- driven and community-based holistic healing strategies that prioritize 

survivors' well-being, healing, and pathways to achieving justice and accountability. 

Additionally, this study’s findings highlight necessary reforms within the criminal legal 

system regarding its response to institutional betrayal. Foremost among these reforms is the 

continued prioritization by legal personnel of processing and testing Sexual Assault Kits (SAKs) 

associated with the national backlog. This backlog represents a significant failure of the criminal 

legal system, inflicting harm on numerous survivors. Therefore, it is crucial for legal 

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jurisdictions across the United States to establish kit testing as a standard procedure to prevent 

such occurrences from recurring. An instrumental measure taken by the criminal legal system to 

address this issue and ensure it does not happen again is through the creation and implementation 

of the Sexual Assault Kit Initiative (SAKI) Project (Sexual Assault Kit Initiative, 2023). Through 

this government-funded project, legal jurisdictions across the U.S are provided support to 

properly test sexual assault kits, re-open sexual assault cases move forward with the prosecution 

of sexual assault backlogged cases (Sexual Assault Kit Initiative, 2023). In addition, SAKI 

provides training to legal personnel working on these backlogged cases to help them become 

more trauma-informed and victim-centered (Lathan et al., 2019). In Campbell et al’s 

(forthcoming) study, survivors explained how SAKI team members can provide trauma informed 

support after experiences of significant institutional betrayal. 

Conclusion 

This dissertation study offered a comprehensive exploration into the healing trajectories 

of Black women following experiences of sexual victimization, compounded by the institutional 

betrayal inherent in Detroit's rape kit backlog and encounters with the criminal legal system. By 

framing the study within a socioecological context of trauma and drawing on Black Feminist and 

Intersectionality theory, it has illuminated the nuanced challenges faced by Black women in their 

healing journeys. Through ideal-type analysis, the research identified distinct survivor groups 

and elucidated how institutional betrayal influences their paths toward healing. Moreover, this 

study fills a critical gap in the literature by examining how Black women navigate healing after 

re-engaging with the criminal legal system, underscoring the importance of support and justice in 

their healing processes.  

105 

 
 
 
Moving forward, it is essential to continue exploring the diverse experiences of Black 

women with backlogged cases and to integrate community-rooted healing modalities into sexual 

assault services. By recognizing and supporting healing approaches grounded in Black women's 

lived experiences, future research and practice can better address the complex needs of survivors 

and foster more inclusive and effective healing processes. 

106 

 
 
 
 
 
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APPENDIX A: IRB DETERMINATION OF EXEMPT RESEARCH –SECONDARY 
ANALYSIS 

126 

 
 
 
 
 
 
APPENDIX B: VICTIM NOTIFICATION STUDY QUALITATIVE INTERVIEW 
PROTOCOL 

CODIS HIT REENGAGEMENT 

SAK Victim Notification  
Survivor Interview Guide 
(Updated 8/22/2019) 

Participant ID Number ___________________ 

Interviewer ID Number______________ 

Date Interview Conducted ________________     Length of Interview _________________ 

INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTIONS: Paraphrase this section.  

I really appreciate your willingness to talk with me today and share your experiences.     
The information you provide will be extremely helpful. 

Before we get started, I need to get your consent to be interviewed (go through     
procedures to obtain informed consent).   

Do you have any questions before we start?   

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTIONS: Keep all notes taken on this interview guide.  

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SECTION ONE 

INVOLVEMENT IN THE INTERVIEW 

INTERVIEWER NOTES: ice -breaker, no in-depth probing needed. 

I’d like to start off by talking a little about how you heard about this study and how you 
decided to participate in the interview. 

Q1. How did you hear about this study? 

Q2. Why did you decide to participate? 

Q3. Were there specific things that made you reluctant to agree to an interview? 

[if yes] 

a.  How can we address those concerns as we go through the interview? 

SECTION TWO 
BACKGROUND ON THE ASSAULT 

So, for this section I will be asking you some questions about the assault. I understand that 
you have had to tell this story many times and these questions are just to get background 
and context of the assault. You can share as much as you feel comfortable with.  

Q4. Will you tell me about what happened in the assault?  

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask all if not shared (Q4a-h)  

a.  How long ago did the assault happen? _______________ 

b. How old were you at the time of the assault? ______________ 

c. Did you know the assailant? If so, what was your connection to them?  

1 = NONE, WERE STRANGERS 
2 = KNEW EACH OTHER BY SIGHT 
3 = FRIENDS, CASUAL 
4 = FRIENDS, CLOSE 
5 = DATING/RELATIONSHIP, CASUAL 
6 = DATING/RELATIONSHIP, SERIOUS 
7 = EX-INTIMATE PARTNER  
8 = PARENT/GUARDIAN/STEP-PARENT 
9 = GANG RAPE/ STRANGER 
10 = GANG RAPE/ ACQUAINTANCE 
11 = OTHER FAMILY MEMBER 

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12 = OTHER (________________________________) 
13 = DON’T REMEMBER 

[ask only if were in a relationship or it was family] 

c1. Where you living with the assailant?  

1 = YES 
0 = NO 

[Ask only if she was the victim of non-stranger rape)] 

c2. Was this assault part of an isolated incident or was it part of ongoing abuse? 

1 = SINGLE SEXUAL ASSAULT 
2 = MULTIPLE SEXUAL ASSAULTS  
3 = EMOTIONALLY ABUSIVE 
4 = NON-SEXUAL PHYSICAL VIOLENCE 

d. What was the assailant’s race/ethnicity? 

1 = WHITE 
2 = AFRICAN-AMERICAN/BLACK 
3 = LATINO/HISPANIC 
4 = NATIVE AMERICAN INDIAN 
5 = ASIAN AMERICAN 
6 = ARAB AMERICAN 
7 = OTHER (Specify____________________________) 
8 = DON’T KNOW 

e. In addition to the injury of rape itself, were there any other physical injuries you 
sustained from the assault?  

1 = YES (Specify__________________________________________________) 
0 = NO 
2 = DON’T KNOW 

f. Was a weapon used in the assault? 

1 = YES (Specify__________________________________________________) 
0 = NO 
2 = DON’T KNOW 

g. Was the assailant using alcohol at the time of the assault? 

1 = YES 
0 = NO 
2 = DON’T KNOW 

h. Was the assailant using drugs at the time of the assault? 

129 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1 = YES (GO TO QUESTION h1) 
0 = NO (GO TO QUESTION i) 
2 = DON’T KNOW (GO TO QUESTION i) 

h1.  Assailant was using _______________________ (fill in)  

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask if not shared (Q4i-j). 

So, I would like to ask you about whether you were using alcohol or drugs at the 
time of the assault. Before you answer, please let me explain why we have included 
this question. What happened to you was in no way your fault. Regardless of your 
answer, you are in no way to blame for what you experienced. Again, we only ask 
these questions because sometimes people who were using alcohol or drugs when 
they were assaulted may be treated differently by police, medical staff, or others. 
Remember that if you do not wish to answer any of the questions in the interview, 
just let me know that you would prefer to move on. 

i. Were you using alcohol at the time of the assault? 

1 = YES 
0 = NO 
2 = DON’T KNOW 

j. Were you using drugs at the time of the assault? 
1 = YES (GO TO QUESTION j1) 
0 = NO (GO TO QUESTION  15) 
2 = DON’T KNOW (GO TO QUESTION 15) 

j1. You were using ___________________ (fill in)   

SECTION THREE 
EXPERIENCE AFTER THE ASSAULT 

Now I would like to discuss with you your experiences after the assault. 
INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTIONS: Focus on post-assault disclosure. Make sure to ask about 
formal help-seeking immediately after the assault, as well (e.g., how they were treated by LE, 
medical staff, etc.)  
Q5. What happened right after the assault? What did you do immediately afterwards? 

Q6. Who did you tell about the assault? 

a.  Why did you decide to tell them? What were you hoping they would say or do? 

b.  How did they react? What did they say or do that was supportive? Not supportive? 

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SECTION FOUR 
CODIS HIT RE-ENGAGEMENT NOTIFICATION 

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTIONS: Keep focus on initial notification; clarify responses if needed.  
Now I would like to talk about what happened during your first initial notification that 
your kit had finally been tested. These first questions are about when you were first 
notified. I will have more questions later on about what happened after the notification.  

SECTION 4A 
HOW DID NOTIFICATION GO 

Q7. Can you take me through what happened when you were first contacted about your kit 
finally being tested?  

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask specific questions if not shared.  

a.  Who contacted you? 

b.  Did you meet face to face? 

c.  Who else (if anyone) was involved?  

d.  Was an advocate present? 

e.  What was your experience with [the people who notified you] like for you during the 

initial notification? How were you treated when you were contacted by them?  

f.  How did they explain the reasons that your kit had not originally been tested? 

g.   How did they react? What did they say or do that was supportive? Not supportive? 

h.  Was there anything that you wish they had done differently? 

Q8. How did you feel when they explained that your sexual assault kit had not previously been 
tested? 

Q9. How did you feel when you were told that your kit had now been tested, and had matched 
with DNA from the national database? 

Q10.  How did you feel about moving forward with an investigation right after you were 
notified? 

131 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
SECTION 4B 
HELP-SEEKING IMMEDIATELY AFTER NOTIFICATION 

So now we are going to shift a little bit to right after you were first notified that your kit 
had been finally tested and what happened in the in the days or weeks right after you were 
notified.  
INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Keep focus on post notification; clarify responses if needed 
Q11. How did you feel after you talked to [the people who notified you]? 

Q12. Who did you tell about being notified about the results of your kit?  
Q13.  Why did you decide to tell them?  

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask specific question if not shared 

a.  How did they react? What did they say or do that was supportive? What did they say    or 

do that was not so good? 

SECTION FIVE 
CODIS HIT REENGAGEMENT EXPERIENCES 

I’d now like to talk you now about your experiences working with law enforcement and 
prosecutor on re-investigation and prosecuting your case. 

SECTION 5A 
INITIAL RE- ENGAGEMENT PROCESS 

Q15. How much time passed between when you were first contacted about your kit and when 
you had your next meeting with the people investigating your case?  

Q16. What factors helped you to decide to re-engage in the investigation and prosecution?  

Q17. What were your concerns about participating? How were those concerns addressed? 

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask if not shared 

a.  How did concerns about your own safety or well-being impact your decision about 

whether or not to participate? 

Q18. What happened during the re-investigation of your case? 

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask if not shared. 

132 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
a.  What was it like for you to participate in the investigation?  

b.  How were you treated during the investigation? 

c.  Is there anything you wish had happened differently during the investigation? 

Q19. What happened during the prosecution of your case?  

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask if not shared. 

a.  What was the final outcome of your case? 

b.  What was it like for you to participate in the prosecution?   

c.  How were you treated during the prosecution? 

d.  Is there anything you wish had happened differently during the prosecution? 

SECTION 5B 
HELP-SEEKING IMMEDIATELY DURING LEGAL PROCESS 

Now we will be focusing on what community resources you reached out to after you 
decided to participate in the legal process. Some of these community resources may be 
the same as the ones you utilized after the initial notification, however, we will be 
referring to the time when you participated in the legal process and afterwards.  

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Keep focus on help-seeking during legal process and 
afterwards; clarify if needed.  

Q20. Now I’d like to get a sense of what community resources you may have contacted from  
the time you were notified about your kit through the end of your case.   

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Walk through “Community Resources” sheet. Make sure all 
types of services or names of organizations were discussed. (i.e., ask about additional 
interactions before moving on). 

If answered “yes” to contacting any type of service or name or organization, continue to Q21.  

Q21. I’d like to talk about your experiences with the community resources you contacted as a 
result of participating in your case. What was your experience with ______________ like for 
you?   
INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTION: Ask specific questions if not shared. Ask for each service 
provider mentioned. Make sure to differentiate at what point in the notification/re-investigation 
process they used each resource, and for how long they engaged with each resource.  

133 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
a.  How were you treated when you contacted _____________? 

b.  What did they say or do that was supportive? Not supportive? 

c.  Was there anything you needed from _____________ that you didn’t get? If so, what was 

it?  

INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTIONS: If participant contacted an advocate, continue to (d). If 
participant did not use advocacy, jump to Section 5C. Be sure to clarify timepoint (was this 
during notification or after notification during help-seeking process).   

d.  Was the advocate you contacted from WC-SAFE? Or, was the advocate part of the 

prosecutor’s office or police department?  

If community based: 

If prosecutor office: 

d1. Did you understand 
that the advocate would 
keep your information 
confidential? How did you 
feel knowing that the 
advocate would keep 
anything you told her 
confidential? 

d2. Did you understand 
that the advocate at the 
prosecutor office had limits 
to what they would keep 
confidential? How did you 
feel knowing that?  

SECTION 5C 
REFLECTING ON RE-ENGAGEMENT PROCESS AS A WHOLE 

Moving now to the current day, I’d like to ask you a few questions about how you feel     
now about the whole experience of finding out your kit had not been testing and engaging 
in investigation (and prosecution) of your case.  

Q22. How long has it been since the prosecution of your case concluded? _______________ 

Q23. Thinking about it now, how do you feel looking back at the process as a whole?              
(Probe: If you could go back and decide whether or not to be notified about the outcome of    
your kit, would you choose to be notified?) 

a.  How do you feel about the outcome of your case? 

b.  How do you feel about having the choice of whether or not to re-engage in investigation 

and possibly prosecution? 

c.  Was there anything you wish had been done differently in this process, from being 

notified about your kit through the end of your case?  

134 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
INTERVIEWER INSTRUCTIONS: Ask about the investigator who notified them, the prosecutor,   
and any other social service agency they mention working with (e.g., advocate, etc.) 

d.  Some survivors have described being treated differently because of their race, ethnicity, 
gender, or other aspects of themselves. We’d like to ask you about times when you may 
have experienced that in your interactions with the different people you had contact with 
during this process. Thinking back over the different experiences you’ve had with 
[AGENCY/PERSON] throughout this whole process, can you think of any times where 
you felt like you were treated differently, unfairly, or made uncomfortable because of 
some aspect of your identity? 

e.  How would you improve the notification process for other survivors whose cases are 

being re-investigated because their kit was finally tested? 

Q24. Sometimes people say they want a process like prosecution to be survivor-centered.      
What does the phrase “survivor-centered” mean to you? 

a.  To what extent would you describe the process of being notified as                        

“survivor-centered”? 

Q25. What has helped you to heal? What has been the most healing to you? 

SECTION SIX 
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION 

Finally, I would like to ask a few quick demographic questions to learn more about the 
people being interviewed. 

Q26. What is your gender? _________ 

Q27. What is your race? 
MARK ANSWER THAT APPLIES 
1 = WHITE 
2 = AFRICAN-AMERICAN/BLACK 
3 = LATINO/HISPANIC 
4 = NATIVE AMERICAN INDIAN 
5 = ASIAN AMERICAN 
6 = ARAB AMERICAN 
7= OTHER(Specify__________________) 
8 = DON’T KNOW 

Q28. How old are you? __________________ 

Q29. What is your educational background? ____________ 

135 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
SECTION SEVEN 
CLOSING 

We are nearly finished. I’d like to ask some final questions about your overall experience   
of this interview. We’re always in the process of revising this interview, which is why I’d 
like to get your feedback on the interview. It would be really helpful for me if you’d be 
honest about what this was like for you. Don’t worry—you won’t hurt my feelings. 

Q30. What has it been like for you to talk about this experience with me? 

Q31. How can we improve the interview? 

Lastly, I’d like us to circle back to something we talked about at the very beginning of     
our interview, which is the requirement that we share a copy of the anonymous transcripts 
with our funders both for their records and so that other researchers can learn from what 
you’ve had to say.  

Q32. Your safety and comfort is the top priority to us. In addition to names, dates, and locations, 
is there anything we talked about today that you’d like us to take out of the transcripts before we 
share them with our funders?  

The requirement that researchers share anonymous transcripts of their interviews is 
getting more and more common, and we want to make sure that you have a chance to    
share any feelings they might have about this requirement.  
Q33. What do you think about the requirement that researchers share copies of their    
anonymous transcript with their funder and with other researchers? 

Q.34. How important do you think it is that people have a chance to give input on what pieces  of 
their transcript is and is not shared with funders and other researchers?  

Q35. What do you think is the best way to let people know about this requirement?            
(Probe: How could we improve this process in the future?)  

Thank you very much for your time. I appreciate you sharing your experience.                 
Do you have any questions for me? 

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