A LIFE-COURSE PERSPECTIVE ON GANG MEMBERSHIP IN INDIGENOUS 
COMMUNITIES 

By 

Annord Kismet Okyere 

A THESIS 

Submitted to 
Michigan State University 
in partial fulfillment of the requirements 
for the degree of  

Criminal Justice—Master of Science 

2024 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ABSTRACT 

“Turning points” are life events that can positively or negatively change the trajectory of 

one’s criminal behaviors, attitudes and lifestyle (i.e., persisting, accelerating or desisting from 

crime). Through research, gang membership is a turning point that not only affects one’s 

trajectory into offending but also has detrimental effects on one’s health and well-being. Due to 

the historical and contemporary placement of Indigenous Peoples in the Americas brought on by 

settler colonialism, there are health and well-being disparities that negatively affect these 

populations. However, current research shows how Native Americans can use resiliency and 

strength as tools in combatting these disparities through cultural connection. The present study 

seeks to understand the relationship between Native gang members and their cultural ties while 

also seeking to better understand the impact gang membership may have on Native youth’s 

health and well-being. Using binary logistic regressions, the present study did not find support 

that gang membership and culture are connected, or that gang membership increases the 

likelihood of self-harm, suicidal ideation and school dropouts. But the results support previous 

literature that emphasize culture ties and strength as a buffer for Native health and well-being 

disparities which encourages further efforts to enculturate Native youth in their Native ways of 

life. Also, evidence shows that location (i.e., full-time on/off or part-time on tribal lands) may 

matter for Native youths’ engagement in gang activity which encourages further exploration of 

Native youth’s living arrangements in relation to their behaviors and identities. In conclusion, it 

is important to understand how historical trauma and current oppression have not only impacted 

Native youth’s health and well-being but in addition, have limited the cultural protections 

available to Native youth, especially those involved in gangs.  

 
 
 
 
 
 
This thesis is dedicated to my Cherokee Nation, and my Cherokee grandmother.   
As always, donadagohvi, until we meet again.

iii 

 
 
 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

I would like to acknowledge Dr. Caitlin Cavanagh, Dr. Christopher Melde, and Dr. Ariel 

Roddy for their expertise, time and moral support in the crafting of this thesis. With their 

guidance, I was able to create and execute a project that is not only important to the fields of 

criminology and Indigenous studies but also, to myself.  

iv 

 
 
 
 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................... 1 

METHODS .................................................................................................................................. 20 

RESULTS ..................................................................................................................................... 24 

DISCUSSION .............................................................................................................................. 28 

IMPLICATIONS, LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS ...................................... 34 

CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................................... 40 

BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 41 

APPENDIX .................................................................................................................................. 48 

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INTRODUCTION 

Turning points, a phenomenon established by Elder (1994) but furthered by Sampson and 

Laub, are life events that, either positively or negatively, change the trajectory of an individual’s 

behaviors, attitudes, and lifestyle. In criminology, turning points are often associated with 

persistence, acceleration or desistence from offending (Sampson & Laub, 2005). Entering a 

gang, individuals continue a path of persistence in criminal behavior (Thornberry, 2003; Pyrooz 

& Mitchell, 2015). Because gang membership and activity has been shown to negatively affect 

one’s life, life-course criminologists began examining it as a turning point in individual’s lives. 

Studies show that gang membership does change the trajectory of a gang member’s life for the 

worse in aspects such as mental and physical health, victimization, employment and education 

(Pyrooz et. al., 2024). However, there is realm of research examining individualized 

characteristics of gang membership to better understand how this turning point may affect 

different racial populations compared to aggregate data that has not been explored. Research 

must move in this direction because people of color may be facing the knifing off of 

opportunities caused by a turning point at a higher rate than those who are White due to historic 

disparities in positive opportunities. For Native Americans, it is especially important due to the 

effects of settler-colonialism in the United States, they disproportionally experience negative life 

aspects mental health (i.e. depression, suicide), physical health (homicide, victimization) and 

environmental health (i.e. tribal reservations). To prevent and intervene in Native gang 

membership, there is a need to find cultural-based practices that encourage Native 

connectiveness and opportunities that may buffer the effects of joining a gang for Native youth 

and young adults rather than the traditional practices already used to youth gang members. The 

present study will examine the association between cultural strength and gang membership, and 

1 

 
 
 
the association between gang membership and several negative life aspects: self-harm, substance 

use, and victimization in a Native-specific population.  

SAMPSON AND LAUB: AGE-GRADED THEORY 

In 1993, Sampson and Laub highlighted the presence of turning points in their age-graded 

theory of informal social control (1993). They examined the Glueck data which compared 500 

juvenile offenders at various ages with 500 juvenile non-offenders. In this study, they found 

themselves opposing the claims made by Gottfredson and Hirschi on the age-crime curve. 

Gottfredson and Hirschi believe that while marriage, employment and leaving school are age-

related and have potential associations with crime, that age would cause these effects regardless 

of the presence of these events (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). On the other hand, Sampson and 

Laub explain that these events are not only related to crime, but they are “turning points” that can 

alter the trajectory of an individual’s behavior, specifically criminal behaviors (1993). They 

explain that these turning points happen throughout life rather with the potential of changing the 

trajectory of someone’s criminal behavior, through the onset, acceleration or desistance from 

crime. Sampson and Laub argue that these transitional periods, or turning points, could happen 

well into adult life. In their 2005 article, Sampson and Laub laid out several distinct pathways 

through which turning points can change behavior and possibly lead to long-term consequences 

on one’s participation in criminal behavior (2005). First, crime is more likely to occur if one’s 

bond to society is diminished which relies on evidence rooted in social-control theories (Hirschi, 

1969). When individuals have a weakened relationship to their positive social bonds, their 

likelihood of engaging in antisocial behaviors is higher. Once an individual becomes aligned 

with antisocial behaviors, it begins to “knife off” their opportunities. Sampson and Laub 

conceptualize these opportunities as job stability, and marital relationship options which are 

inherently adult-age transitions (1993). The presence, or lack thereof, of these informal social 

2 

 
 
 
controls influences one’s deviance. Sampson and Laub also found that the supervision involved 

in these social bonds due to investment, and the routine of these informal bonds may help one 

desist from crime. For example, if someone is married or in a healthy relationship with children, 

they are loosely monitored by their partner because they expect them to meet expectations (e.g. 

be home for dinner; bathe the children; remain employed). Plus, the change in routine affords 

less time to associate with antisocial peers or behaviors.  

The final mechanism Sampson and Laub address when considering turning points was 

missing from their 1993 publication for which they were heavily criticized: human agency 

(Giordano, Cernkovich, and Rudolph, 2002; Giordano, Schroeder, and Cernkovich, 2007; 

Maruna, 2001). One’s identity, perception and decision making are not rigid, but instead is 

pliable in the presence of turning points. Elder (1994), a founding father of life-course theories, 

stated that is important because it is constructed by one’s choices and actions that are allowable 

in their current constraints and opportunities. If someone is born into a violent area, has an 

unstable family environment, and is abused, their potential for prosocial decision-making and 

perceptions may be limited. However, if they are introduced to a stable environment such as the 

military, they have more opportunities for prosocial relationships and behaviors. Being away 

from the environment and social life that may have encouraged antisocial attitudes, behaviors, 

and decision-making and the addition of prosocial social opportunities, the individual's 

perceptions and behaviors will change.   

GANG MEMBERSHIP AS TURNING POINT 

When examining gang membership, it is necessary to examine the relationship between 

gang initiation and delinquency through three different models: selection, social facilitation and 

enhancement (Thornberry et. al., 1993). First, selection is the process of active gang members 

recruiting adolescents who are already delinquent or show potential for delinquency. These youth 

3 

 
 
 
are already more likely to engage in delinquent behaviors than their non-gang member 

counterparts. This model is embedded in the belief that the gang is not creating delinquency but 

instead just offering a place for these predisposed to offending. Opposing this model is the social 

facilitation model which is centered in the gang causing delinquency. In this model, the average 

rate of delinquency for gang and non-gang members is relatively the same before joining a gang. 

However, after joining an environment that thrives on delinquency (i.e., theft, vandalism, drug 

trafficking, etc.), gang members become significantly more delinquent than those who never 

joined. Thornberry (1993) discusses selection as deviant behavior leading to gang membership 

while facilitation is gang membership leading to deviant behavior. Lastly, a mix of the two 

models, is the enhancement model of gang membership and delinquency. Enhancement is in 

support of selection where gangs recruit adolescents who show higher rates of delinquency but 

incorporates how the gang environment, attitudes and values can encourage increased 

delinquency once they have joined the gang. This process resembles the acceleration of 

delinquency seen in adolescents who join a gang, and therefore, a turning point of crime.  

Following the lead of Sampson and Laub (2005), Melde and Esbensen (2011) furthered 

the study of turning points in the life course in the lens of gang membership. Their reasoning for 

examining gang membership as a turning point relates directly to the mechanisms previously laid 

out by Sampson and Laub (2005) but the same elements were first examined by Thrasher (1927) 

and his examination of Chicago gangs. Thrasher observed how adolescent gang members joined 

gangs because it appealed to them outside of the usual conventional life in a developmental stage 

that has extensive idle time. Once they have been imbedded in the gang, morals and values tend 

to shift (1927). For example, youth in gangs did not consider theft in opposition to their morals 

due to the sheer abundance of robberies and burglaries but in conventional society, this would be 

against societal norms and values. While Thrasher set the foundation of gang research, the 

4 

 
 
 
addition of Sampson and Laub’s age-graded theory mechanisms gave researchers a framework to 

further examine the relationship between gang members and societal controls.  

First [bond to society attenuated], their bond to conventional society is diminished due to 

their entrenchment into the gang and its values. There is a loss of prosocial beliefs when joining 

a gang that knife off opportunities. Second [supervision/monitoring], the commitment and 

loyalty to one’s gang shows the investment into the relationship. This investment can come in 

assimilating to the gang’s symbols (i.e. gang signs, language, colors); engaging in dangerous 

activity for the sake of the gang; and receiving violence (i.e. jump-ins) which all are meant to 

strengthen their bonds to this unconventional society and social bonds. Third [routine activities], 

gang members are more likely to spend time away from supervision (e.g. kicked out of school 

for delinquency) and increase time with peers, especially deviant ones) which leads to more 

antisocial opportunities for gang activities such as drugs, alcohol, and gang rivalries (Melde & 

Esbensen, 2011). Lastly, Melde and Esbensen explained that gang membership has been shown 

to impact one’s attitudes, decisions and perceptions [human agency] (2011) A common attitude 

perceived in gang members is “anger identity,” which is their personal belief that they are easily 

agitated and quick to resort to violence. While found in those outside of gangs, this pre-existing 

attitude can be a deciding factor in an individual joining a gang. The effect of moving this 

attitude into a group setting allows for the intensifying of these already deviant attitudes/concepts 

and the diminishing of prosocial attitudes through social reinforcement which resembles the 

enhancement effect described by Thornberry (1993).  

They found evidence that gang membership is a turning point because it exerts an 

independent effect on delinquency when other differences are controlled for. First, it is associated 

with increased delinquency after joining. Second, those who joined had significantly lower levels 

5 

 
 
 
of education which shows “knifing off” effects associated with a turning point that leads to a 

negative life trajectory (i.e. loss of educational opportunities). Lastly, in the turning point 

framework, they found that membership does partially mediate the effects of delinquency. So, 

while most youth may be prone to delinquency, those youth who enter gangs are more likely to 

already be engaging in delinquency. When joining a gang, this engagement in delinquency is 

then amplified further, an enhancement effect. In all, Melde and Esbensen were able to uncover 

how gang membership can negatively impact one’s life simply by joining.  

Consequences of Gang Membership 

Melde and Esbensen’s focus on gang membership was an expansion of the long-term 

consequences associated with the trajectory of being in a gang. Besides them, other researchers 

have found key negative life outcomes associated with being a gang member. First, there is a 

decrease in educational attainment if one enters a gang (Thornberry, 2003; Levitt & Vankatesh, 

2001; Hagedorn, 1998; and Gilman et. al, 2014; Pyrooz, 2014). Of those who join gangs, they 

are more likely to drop-out of school and less likely to receive a high school diploma with one 

Milwaukee study showing that two-thirds of gang members did not graduate (Gilma et. al., 

2014). In another study examining from 1998 to 2009, Pyrooz found that youth gang members 

were 30% less likely to obtain a high school diploma (2014). Second, there is a decrease in job 

stability associated with gang membership (Thornberry, 2003; Levitt & Vankatesh, 2001; 

Hagedorn, 1998; and Gilman et. al., 2014). They are more likely to not be able to keep 

employment and are more likely to rely on illegal income than non-gang members which further 

entrench them into the “gang bubble” and away from conventional society. Third, there is an 

increase in offending for those who join gangs versus those who do not (Thornberry, 2003; 

Hagedorn, 1998; and Gilman et. al., 2014). Studies found that gang members are more likely to 

report committing a crime in the past year, be arrested in the past year, and incarcerated as an 

6 

 
 
 
adult than non-gang members. This directly positions gang membership as a turning point in the 

development of life-course criminology in that it changes the level of offending of those who 

identify as a gang member (Pyrooz & Mitchell, 2015). 

Lastly, gang membership has been shown to have negative consequences on an 

individual’s mental and physical health which can manifest in several ways. First, the rate of 

depression, substance use, suicide and suicide attempts are higher, sometimes two or three times 

higher, for gang members than non-gang members (Boyle & Hassett-Walker, 2008; Watkins & 

Melde, 2016; and Coid et. al., 2013). Not only were these rates higher when compared to the 

general population but when compared to other violent offenders, gang members still had higher 

rates of depression, suicide and other mental health illnesses (Coid et. al., 2013). Coid et. al., 

study showed how gang membership changes the trajectory of one’s pattern of criminal 

behavior. While violent men may endure some of these characteristics, they are not as affected as 

those who have had gang membership in their pathway. Second, gang members are more likely 

to be violently victimized, and therefore experience PTSD symptoms due to their victimization 

(Kulkami et. al., 2011; Li et. al., 2002; Kerig et. al., 2016; Boyle & Hassett-Walker, 2008). Gang 

members are often exposed to more direct and indirect violence than non-gang members. When 

examining youth with extreme exposure to violence, it is found that this exposure leads to a 

desensitized attitude towards violence and can increase one’s likelihood of being violent. For 

example, Beresford and Wood (2016) compared this desensitization to adolescents from child 

armies who while victims, often victimize others once they gain a “place” in the hierarchy of the 

militia (Betancourt et. al., 2010; Boothby & Thomson, 2013; Annan et. al., 2006). This is much 

like gang members who experience violence from their gang (i.e. jumped in) and in turn, inflict 

that violence onto others once they rise in the gang hierarchy. One form of violent victimization 

for gang members is sexual victimization, especially for female gang members. Studies have 

7 

 
 
 
found that women in gangs are abused by their non-gang members, rival gangs and their own 

gang with approximately 40-50% being victims (Fleisher & Krienert, 2004; Miller & Decker, 

2001; Fox, 2017).  Sexual victimization is built into female gang membership beginning with 

entrance into the gang (i.e., “sexing in”, a gang initiation ritual) that is built on gang rape (Miller, 

2001).   

While studies on the effects of gang membership on negative long-term aspects have 

provided examples of consequences for the general population of gang members, the future 

direction of gang membership as turning point must seek to understand if gang membership has a 

greater impact on some rather than others due to their culture and background. This study hopes 

to build on this gap in research by examining Native Americans and their culture, and how the 

loss of a cultural connection may turn individuals away from crime, including gang membership 

and activity.    

A NATIVE AMERICAN PERSPECTIVE 

Native Americans have and continue to experience the negative consequences of 

colonization due to centuries of genocide, assimilation, exile and forced government 

dependency. First established by Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998), the theory of historical 

trauma accounts for how these atrocities have spilt over into a collective loss that expands across 

generations. During the European colonization of the Americas, people native to the Americas 

experienced extreme culture loss through practices such as forced dependency, assimilation and 

exilement. 

Colonization 

When European colonizers first invaded the Americas, Native American tribes were self-

governed and prosperous. However, this diminished with the development of the United States, 

Canada and Mexico. With the help of the Discovery Doctrine and Johnson vs Macintosh, 

8 

 
 
 
Indigenous Peoples to the Americas became involuntarily dependent on the U.S. government 

(Utter, 2001). First, the Discovery Doctrine is centered in the belief that European discovery of 

the Americas gives exclusive rights to extinguish the Indian title of occupant, either by purchase 

or conquest (Pope Alexander VI., 1493). Native peoples were effectively no longer in control of 

their own governing bodies and instead, had their lands and tribes at the mercy of the dominant 

governing body. European colonizers gave themselves this right due to their belief in being the 

rational society compared to Native Americans (Ross & Gould, 2015). The Johnson v. 

MacIntosh case upholds this ideal (1823). It states that the U.S. has “unequivocal rule over its 

civilized inhabitants that were already there.” There was simply no way around it: Natives were 

under the oppression of this foreign governing body that wholeheartedly expected to diminish 

their autonomy. 

Assimilation  

The most direct explanation for the loss of Native American traditions and culture is 

forced assimilation. Assimilation is defined here as the process by which individuals or groups of 

differing ethnic heritage from the dominant culture are absorbed into this culture while their own 

is diminished. In the lens of the Native American population, assimilation is when their heritage, 

languages and other cultural characteristics were forcibly replaced by the Euro-centric dominant 

cultures. While there were countless efforts to assimilate the Natives into Euro-centric society, 

the use of boarding schools for Native youth was highly detrimental to Native history and 

traditions (Ross & Gould, 2015). Often compared to the ripping of enslaved African American 

children from their parents and families, Native youth were forcibly removed from their culture 

and known environment to be placed into boarding schools. At these schools, Native youth were 

mentally, physically and emotionally abused with a current recorded estimate of 500 children 

dying over the span of 150 years of their existence (Newland, 2022). However, beginning in 

9 

 
 
 
2022, the U.S. is investigating the true lethal impact of boarding schools on Indigenous youth 

with the Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative (U.S. Department of Interior, 2021). These 

abuses came down upon them when they could not properly assimilate into all areas of their 

colonizers’ culture such as language, religion, appearance, and more. The abuse allowed for the 

erasure of hundreds of Native languages into one, English; the erasure of dozens of Native 

religions and rituals into one, Christianity; and the erasure of hundreds of tribes into one 

collective, Native Americans. It was not until the American Indian Religious Freedom Act 

(1978) that the Natives were encompassed into the First Amendment and the freedom of religion. 

However, the U.S.'s goal of assimilation of the Indigenous Peoples led to irreparable damage to 

many aspects of native heritage and culture. 

Exile 

Again, using their believed right of discovery, the U.S. government was able to 

intimidate Native tribes into exile by pushing Natives off their tribal lands, and onto government-

led reservations. The 1830 Indian Removal Act allowed for the U.S. government to force 

treaties, or use the U.S. army, to forcibly remove Native Americans, from their location. To the 

Cherokees, the most notable forced exodus was nunna dual tsuny, to the country it became 

known as the Trail of Tears. It saw the relocation of 100,000 Native individuals into the 

Oklahoma-area. Members of the “Five Civilized Tribes” (Cherokees, Choctaw, Chickasaw, 

Creek and Seminole) were led out of their ancestral lands into the unknown. On the journey, 

Native people suffered many afflictions that led to fatal results such as colds, influenza, 

whooping cough, dysentery, freezing temperatures, starvation and more (Minges, 2001). 

However, their journey to exile was only one battle. Once there, these tribes continued their fight 

against epidemic diseases and starvation with depleted, or no, resources. While this was only one 

example of Native American exile, it was detrimental to the “Five Civilized Tribes,” and created 

10 

 
 
 
a fear of relocation in other tribal communities due to the severe loss of Indigenous People's 

lives: the death toll estimated at 4,000-8,000 Cherokees; 6,000 Choctaws; 3,500 Creeks; 3,000 

Chickasaws and 3,000 Seminoles (Thornton, 1984).  

The emotional and psychological wounding of losing one’s traditions, culture, ancestral 

homes, and identity (i.e. historical loss) has resulted in massive group trauma experienced by 

Native Americans that is unresolved. By developing the Historical Loss Scale and Historical 

Loss and Associated Symptoms Scale, Whitbeck et al. (2004) were able to compare a Native’s 

perception of historical loss (HLS) and the feelings associated with said loss (HLAS). They 

found that the higher a Native person scored on HLS, the likeliness to report depression is 

higher. Another study, specifically examining reservation-based Native adolescents and youth 

adults, added HLAS to their testing of adverse childhood experiences (ACE) (Brockie, 2015). 

They found that those who reported higher levels of depression, poly-drug use, and PTSD also 

reported higher raters of HLAS so there is evidence that historical trauma and loss impact Native 

people's mental and physical health.  

Physical and Mental Health Disparities  

When compared to the general population, Native Americans are more at-risk for 

negative life aspects than their non-Native counterparts, whether it be physical, emotional or 

mental. Native Americans have a 70% higher rate of suicide, which is higher than any other 

ethnic group and the second leading cause of death for Native Americans (Dorgan, 2010). 

Unfortunately, Native Americans are also more likely to be victimized than others in the general 

population at a rate of 42.2 out of 100, ranging from 2-6.5x more than other races whether 

sexual, violent, or intimate partner violence (IPV) (Brockie, 2012). According to the National 

Institute of Justice, 56.1% of Native women and 27.5% of Native men have been sexually 

victimized (Rosay, 2016). The NIJ released evidence that Natives are also exposed to more IPV, 

11 

 
 
 
with 55.5% of women and 43.2% of men experiencing, which is about 1.5x higher than their 

White counterparts. Native Americans are also 2.1x more likely to die by homicide than the 

general population. While the National Crime Victimization Survey may have more current 

statistics, it, like many measures, fails to put Indigenous Peoples in their own ethnic category. 

Again, this grouping of Natives can muddy the true rates of victimization. In the realm of 

addressing health disparities among Native Americans, it's imperative to acknowledge the 

multifaceted challenges they face. Research by Richer & Roddy (2023) underscores the scarcity 

of interventions tailored specifically for Indigenous populations, particularly in combating opioid 

use disorders, highlighting a crucial gap in culturally integrative treatment options. This dearth is 

exacerbated by historical trauma, as elucidated by Richer & Roddy (2022), necessitating 

comprehensive strategies that not only acknowledge tribal sovereignty but also effectively 

allocate resources to uplift Indigenous communities and mitigate the adverse impacts of settler-

colonialism. In order to establish a culturally competent study on gang membership which is 

known to put one on the trajectory of poor health outcomes (i.e. depression, suicide, homicide, 

substance use), researchers must recognize the already disadvantaged Native Americans are in 

health wise due to settler-colonialism.  

Resiliency and Cultural Connection 

Despite, and partly because of, the atrocities placed unto them through settler colonialism, 

the Indigenous People of the United States are resilient by use of their culture. Native American 

research is centered in strength-based approaches that use cultural practices, identity and 

connectiveness as protective factors, or buffers, to combat the disparities they may be facing 

health wise (Walters & Simons, 2002; Brockie et.al., 2018; Curie et. al., 2013). These buffers 

have been seen across Native literature and topics but especially in health and well-being. The 

Indigenist stress-coping model is a prime example of this framing of culture as a buffer (Walters 

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& Simons, 2002). Coined by Walters and Simoni, the model addresses how historical trauma and 

discrimination has led to an increase in Native health disparities. For example, Native women’s 

high rates of forced sterilization can be traced back to the direct loss of the matriarchal guidelines 

of culture due to assimilation. When settlers came, they diminished the role of women in the 

tribe and therefore, led to women having significantly less bodily autonomy. Over time, that loss 

of autonomy and therefore culture, transitioned into higher numbers of forced sterilization, which 

continues today. The authors discuss how if instead of erasing culture practices, we should be 

putting forth efforts to include traditional practices, language and rituals to mediate, or cope with, 

the effects of historical trauma. Brockie (2018) expands on this concept of mediating stressors by 

examining Native youth with type 2 diabetes through an Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) 

survey. When including cultural factors such as spiritual activities and connectedness, they found 

these factors were linked to better physical and mental health. The use of connectiveness and 

spiritual activities are key components of Indigenous way of life because they offer social 

support that is otherwise unseen by their colonizers. Lastly, one study showed that increase in 

native enculturation led to a decrease in prescription drug abuse unlike increased mainstream 

acculturation which increased prescription drug abuse (Currie et. al, 2013). The absence of 

Indigenous values such as cultural events, spiritual ceremonies and sense of community, and the 

presence of Canadian values such as observing Canadian holidays, general recreation and hockey 

increased one’s willingness to participate in illicit drug use. Through these examples, it is clear 

that the erasure of culture through settler colonialism was a direct threat to Native health and 

well-being because it took away an important protective factor from Indigenous People. 

However, through resiliency and strength-based approaches, there is the ability to reinstate and 

build upon these protective factors.   

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Tribal Reservations 

For those Native to the Americas, reservations are a direct symbol of the displacement 

and assimilation forced unto the Native peoples. While currently the center of tribal relations, 

reservations used to be government-enforced living for Native Americans meant to open up their 

lands for western expansion. When Bachman (1992) observed many reservations, they found that 

35-50% of Native Americans occupied these lands. While in 2020 the number has decreased to 

only 13% of Native Americans on tribal lands, the conditions and negative life aspects associated 

with reservation living must be examined (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). Tribal reservations 

experience a spectrum of conditions, but some are exceptionally worse than others (i.e., no 

running water, no heating or air conditioning, and no electricity (Bachman, 1992). Hailer (1998) 

found that unemployment rates on reservations are far greater than those of the general 

population, or even Natives as a whole. They found that reservations had an average 50% 

unemployment rate but that some reservations had closer to 80-90%. While Hailer’s estimates 

may need to be revisited, there is still disparities in the national averages of unemployment (U.S. 

Census Bureau, 2020). The general U.S. population only has an unemployment rate of 4.0% 

while all Native Americans have a rate of 11.1%. Lastly, life on reservations brings about greater 

health disparities for Native Americans. The risk of alcoholism mortality is 6x higher than the 

national average, and homicide rates are double the national average (Hailer, 1998). However, 

the main health disparity for those on reservations is the rates of suicide. While Native 

Americans already experiences higher rates of suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts and suicide 

completions, life on the reservation brings about a new horror level. For example, on a North 

Dakota tribal reservation, the rates of suicide were 5x higher than the surrounding non-tribal 

lands (Dorgon, 2010). While that is one reservation, the state of North Dakota found that on their 

reservation lands, there were at least 6 attempts and 1 completion every five days. Life on a tribal 

14 

 
 
 
reservation can influence an individual from socioeconomic status to mental health issues. 

Current research on Native Americans is limited in its consideration for reservation status of 

their participants. Overlooking reservation status, researchers have potential of misinterpreting 

results due to the disparities of living on reservations versus not. 

Taking into account the historical trauma of being exiled and forced onto reservations, 

the current environmental plight of Native Americans can be linked to settler colonialism and its 

continued erasure of culture. Many times, Native Americans were moved from their more 

prosperous lands to make room for white settlers, and exiled to unfamiliar, harsh lands, which 

has contributed to furthering Native disparities. 

Native American Gang Membership 

Native participation in gangs went unnoticed until the early 1990s, Native participation in 

gangs. Studies have shown a rough estimate 15% of Native youth were currently involved in 

gangs according to a 2008 study (Theriot & Parke, 2008). While African American/Black 

(35.3%) and Hispanic/Latino (46.2%) gang membership may be higher than Natives, it is hard to 

compare considering the National Youth Gang Survey does not include Native Americans as 

their own race/ethnicity, but instead groups them in “All Other” where they are an obscure 

percentage of the 7.0% (National Youth Gang Survey, 2012). Despite making up a small 

percentage of youth gang members, Native youth gang membership is on the rise. Since 1994, 

Native gang presence and membership has doubled with 400 gangs and 4,500 gang members 

(Freng, 2012).  

Native vs Non-Native Youth Gang Members 

Hailer (1998) still remains one of the only studies that examined the similarities and 

differences in Native youth gang membership versus non-Native youth, particularly those on 

reservations. A key similarity between Native youth gang members and other gangs was the 

15 

 
 
 
opportunities provided in their environment. Hailer found that tribal reservations closely 

resemble the conditions of inner cities found in gang literature, with low employment levels, 

high poverty, and high levels of substance abuse. Their shared plights have left room for gangs to 

emerge and thrive.  

One key difference Hailer found that made Native youth gang members dissimilar from 

non-Native gang members is the phenomenon she calls “between cultures.” Native youth on 

tribal reservations are exposed to the traditionalist views of those in the tribe who wish to bring 

back a traditional, culturally relevant way of life while the outside society pulls them away from 

these values. This can be seen in schools with non-Native, non-reservation gang youth who bring 

in the outside gang culture to Native youth who attend schools of the reservation. The push and 

pull relationship between a youth’s identity is unique to Native gang members who may choose a 

gang identity to divert themselves from the identity crisis of “between cultures. When examining 

the role of identity, Native youth may be more highly susceptible to gang membership due to 

loss of cultural identity. For example, Hailer (1998) mentions that Native youth rarely have rites 

of passage into adulthood in the current day due to assimilation. These rituals once gave youth, 

especially young men, a sense of purpose and ties to their Native persona. With the loss of these 

traditions, Native youth may be searching for outlets that increase their sense of identity which 

gang membership has been shown to do.  

PRESENT STUDY 

Native Americans are disproportionately experiencing poverty, violence, and negative 

mental and physical health symptoms than other races which research has shown can be linked to 

their oppression and historical trauma endured after assimilation, genocide, and exile. Their 

disparities offer less positive life opportunities, compared to their non-Native peers, with the 

potential to change their life course trajectory away from a life of antisocial behaviors, low 

16 

 
 
 
employment, and lack of education. At the same time, gang membership is a turning point in life 

that once joined, can negatively affect one’s life by slowly knifing off opportunities and 

entrenching one in gang culture. Gang membership is associated with an increase in antisocial 

behaviors, violence, poverty, and negative mental and physical health symptoms. If Native youth 

are already disproportionately experiencing these negative life aspects, then joining a gang will 

only double down on their potential negative life trajectory. Instead of lifting them out of 

conflicts, it will further knife off positive life opportunities that are already scarce on 

reservations and in the United States as a whole.  

Gang Membership and Cultural Strength 

The historical loss and associated loss symptoms experienced by Native peoples must be 

considered when examining Native youth’s reasoning for becoming a gang member. To further 

research on HLS and HLAS, this study seeks to include presence of a cultural identity; strength 

of cultural ties to one’s Native culture as a predictor for youth gang membership. In their study 

of Native women, Walters and Simoni found that culture factors can be used as a buffer for 

Native women and stressors that lead to poor health outcomes (i.e. cardiovascular diseases, 

diabetes, death). Their Indigenist stress-coping model used culture as a protective factor for poor 

health outcomes. To support their findings, the present study will examining the association 

between cultural strength and Native health and well-being outcomes. It is predicted that those 

with stronger cultural ties will be less likely to have poor health outcomes and dropping out of 

school than those who report having weaker cultural ties.  

Next, the present study will use the examine the use of cultural strength as a protective 

factor could illuminate for whom Native gang membership is attractive. This study predicts that 

Native youth who are more strongly connected to their culture and identity will be less likely to 

engage in gang membership. Those Native youth who do not join gangs may not endure the 

17 

 
 
 
enhancement of negative life aspects that come with being a Native gang member such as higher 

rates of suicide, victimization and more.  

Self-Harm and School Dropouts 

Native youth experience disparities in self-harm, suicidal thoughts and actions and 

educational attainment that are linked to HLS and HLAS, along with high rates of poverty and 

unemployment. The rates of negative life aspects will be greater for Native youth who are gang 

members than non-gang members due to the effects of gang membership. While other Native 

youth may experience the shortage of positive opportunities (i.e. healthy lifestyle, employment, 

education) associated with being an Indigenous person in the United States, Native youth gang 

members may experience a vacuum of these opportunities through the knifing off of positive 

opportunities associated with Sampson and Laub’s turning point theory, and more room for 

entrenchment into delinquent activities and the consequences of delinquency. This study predicts 

that if a Native youth identifies as a gang member, then they will experience more negative life 

aspects such as poor health outcomes and increased victimization.  

RQ1: Are strong ties to a Native youth or young adult’s culture associated with health 

and well-being? 

H1a: If a Native youth has strong ties to their Native culture, then they will be less 

likely to engage in acts of self-harm, thoughts of suicide and attempt suicide than 

Native youth who report to have weaker cultural ties.  

H1b: If a Native youth has strong ties to their Native culture, then they will be less 

likely to dropout of school than those who report to have weaker cultural ties.  

18 

 
 
 
 
 
RQ2: Are strong ties to a Native youth or young adult’s culture associated with their 

engagement in gang membership? 

H2: If a Native youth reports to have a strong relationship to their culture, then they 

will be less likely to become a gang member than a Native youth with weaker culture 

ties.  

RQ3: Does being a gang member further exacerbate the health and well-being 

disparities resulting from colonization for Native youth? 

H3a: If a Native youth is a gang member, then they are more likely to experience 

negative life outcomes reported as thoughts of self-harm, and committing acts of self-

harm than already severely disadvantaged Native youth who are not gang members. 

H3b: If a Native youth is a gang member, then they are more likely to experience 

negative life outcomes in the form of dropping out of school than already severely 

disadvantaged Native youth who are not gang members. 

19 

 
 
 
 
 
METHODS 

Participants 

The present study examines data from the Effect Methods to Assess Exposure to Violence 

and Victimization Among American Indian and Alaska Native Youth: The Trial Youth 

Victimization Study (TYVS). The study included three study sites located in Alaska and New 

Mexico: one was conducted on a reservation, or tribal land while the other two were in urban 

locations (Melton & Chino, 2021). The participants were 359 Indigenous youth and young adults 

between the ages of thirteen and twenty years old. However, participants who did not report on 

their engagement in gang activity, (N=5, 1.4% of the full sample) were excluded from the study’s 

analyses, resulting in a sample size of 354 surveyed Indigenous youth.   

Measures 

Demographics. Age and gender were used as demographic covariates. Age was coded as a 

continuous variable while gender was coded as a binary variable with males as the reference 

category (0= Male; 1=Female). Due to the low number of transgender and gender non-

conforming participants (N=6), these participants were removed from analysis to avoid 

misrepresenting their experiences and/or having an underpowered analysis regarding gender.  

Tribal Lands. Given the historical consequences of Native people being forced onto 

government-sanctioned reservations (i.e., decreased quality of life through unemployment, 

poverty, increased mental health issues, and victimization), whether or not youth lived on tribal 

lands was included as a covariate. Participants were asked to report where they usually live (such 

as a reservation or other tribal jurisdiction: 0 = “Full time on tribal lands”, 1= “Part-time on and 

off tribal lands”, and 2= “Full time off of tribal lands.” 

20 

 
 
 
Gang Involvement. Participants were asked to report if they had any involvement with a violent 

gang in the past twelve months. Participants either reported “No personal gang involvement”, or  

“Yes, I am a (initiated) member of a gang.” (0=No, 1=Yes). 

Culture as a Source of Strength. On a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (never) to 6 (always), 

participants were asked “Does your culture help you to be strong?”. 

Self-Harm. Participants were asked to report on their frequency of self-harm practices, 

behaviors, and thoughts for the past twelve months via three items. Participants reported if they 

had cut or burned themselves, with response options: 0= “No”, 1= “Thought about it but did not 

do it”, or 2= “Yes”. Additionally, youth reported whether they had ever thought about suicide 

(0=No, 1=Yes), and if they had ever attempted suicide (0=No, 1=Yes).  

School Drop-out Participants reported whether or not they had dropped out of school. The 

dichotomous response choices were “Yes, I dropped out of middle or high school”, or “No, I did 

not drop out of middle or high school” (0= No, 1=Yes). 

Analytical Plan 

RQ1: Are strong ties to a Native youth or young adult’s culture associated with health and 

well-being? 

To address the first research question, the present study will conduct bivariate 

correlations to examine the relationship between a Native youth or young adult’s cultural 

strength and two categories of negative life outcomes: self-harm and school dropout.   

21 

 
 
 
 
 
 
RQ2: Are strong ties to a Native youth or young adult’s culture associated with their 

engagement in gang membership? 

To answer the second research question, the present study will use a binary logistic 

regression to examine the relationship between a Native youth or young adult’s cultural strength 

and their engagement in gang membership.  

 Using age, gender and tribal status as covariates, the study aims to evaluate how a Native 

person’s strong or weak connection to their Native culture can predict their gang status. The 

predicted outcome is reported gang membership. 

RQ3: Does being a gang member further exacerbate the health and well-being disparities 

resulting from colonization for Native youth? 

To address the third research question, the present study will use three binary logistic 

regression models and a multinomial logistic regression model to examine the relationship 

between a Native youth or young adult who identifies as a gang member and two categories of 

negative life outcomes: self-harm and school dropout. 

First, using age, gender, tribal status and cultural strength as covariates, the study aims to 

evaluate how a Native person’s gang status can predict poor health outcomes, as operationalized 

through self-harm (i.e., cutting and burning; thoughts of suicide; and attempting suicide). Two 

binary logistic regression models will be conducted with thoughts of suicide and attempts of 

suicide as the outcomes, respectively. A multinomial logistic regression model will be conducted 

with self-harm behaviors as the outcome. 

Second, the present study will use a binary logistic regression model to conduct analyses 

on the relationship between a Native youth or young adult who self-identifies a gang member 

and dropping out of school. Keeping age, gender, tribal status, and cultural strength constants, 

22 

 
 
 
the study aims to evaluate how a Native person’s gang status can predict school dropout. The 

predicted outcome is one’s current educational status.  

23 

 
 
 
 
 
Descriptive Analyses 

RESULTS 

First, descriptive analyses were conducted (see Table 1). In the present study, there are 

more female participants (51.9%) than male participants (48.1%). Of these participants, 52.8% 

lived full-time on tribal lands, 12.6% were part-time on and off tribal lands, and 34.6% were full-

time off of tribal lands. On average, participants were around 16-17 years old (M=16.71; 

SD=2.370). For culture strength, participants on average rated their strength on the higher side of 

the 1-6 scale with most the average being culture gives them strength frequently (M=4.62; 

SD=1.580). Of the sample, 32% had thoughts of suicide; 15.1% had attempted suicide; and 3.9% 

had dropped out of school. Lastly, when reporting on self-harm, 12.5% of participants reported 

“thought about it but did not do it” and 13.1% answered “Yes”. Importantly, 5.6% of participants 

reported being gang members. 

Bivariate Analyses 

Bivariate correlations were conducted among study variables to ensure that all model 

variables were related as expected (see Table 2). Of the covariates, age was significantly 

positively correlated with tribal living status (r= .259, p= <.001); gang membership (r= .222, p= 

<.001); self-harm (r= .222, p= <.001); thoughts of suicide (r=.190, p=<.001); attempted suicide 

(r=.227, p= <.001); and school dropout (r=.231, p= <.001). Gender was significantly positively 

correlated with self- harm (r= .139, p=.009) and thoughts of suicide (r= .132, p= .014), and 

negatively correlated with gang membership (r= -.183, p <.001). Tribal living status was 

significantly negatively correlated with cultural strength (r=-.453, p=<.001). It was significantly 

positively correlated with gang membership (r= .171, p=<.001); self-harm (r=.241, p= <.001); 

thoughts of suicide (r= .096, p=.021); and school dropouts (r=.166, p=.002). Gang membership 

was not significantly associated with thoughts of suicide (r=.051, p=.338); and attempted suicide 

24 

 
 
 
(r=.103, p=.054). However, it was significantly positively correlated with self-harm (r=.138, 

p=.009); and school dropout (r=.139, p=.009). 

Cultural strength was not significantly associated with gang membership (r=-.081, p=.128). 

However, in support of RQ1, cultural strength was significantly negatively correlated with self-

harm (r=-.188, p=<.001)); thoughts of suicide (r=-.141, p=.009); attempted suicide (r=-.137, 

p=.010); and school dropouts (r=-.117, p=.028).  

Binary Logistic Regressions 

Model 1 (see Table 3) used binary logistic regression to test the relation between cultural 

strength and gang membership, while age, gender and tribal living status were used as covariates 

[r2=.290 , X2(5, p <.001) =33.964). The hypothesized relation between cultural strength and gang 

membership was not statistically significant (OR= .868, p= .452). However, the relationship 

between tribal status and gang membership was statistically significant (OR= 5.904, p= .027), 

such that participants who lived part-time on and off tribal lands were 490.4%more likely to 

report being a gang member in the past year. Also, the relation between cultural strength and age 

was statistically significant (OR= 1.533, p=.007), such that those who were older were more 

53.3% more likely to use their culture as a source of strength than younger youth. Lastly, the 

relation between cultural strength and gender was statistically significant (OR= .107, p=.004), 

such that males were 89.3% more likely to use their culture as a source of strength than females. 

Model 2 used a binary logistic regression to test the relation between gang membership and 

thoughts of suicide while age, gender, tribal living status, and cultural strength were used as 

covariates [r2=.099, X2(6, p<.001) =24.590]. The hypothesized relation between gang 

membership and suicidal thoughts was not statistically significant (OR=1.304, p=.632). 

However, the relation between gender and thoughts of suicide is statistically significant 

(OR=1.998, p=.006), such that male participants are 99.8% more likely to have thoughts of 

25 

 
 
 
suicide than female participants. Also, the relation between age and thoughts of suicide is 

statistically significant (OR=1.175, p=.004), such that older youth are 17.5% more likely to 

contemplate suicide than younger participants. Lastly, the relation between cultural strength and 

thoughts of suicide is statistically significant (OR=.822, p=.021), such that those with a weaker 

cultural ties are 17.8% more likely to contemplate suicide than those who report a stronger 

cultural ties.  

Model 3 (see Table 5) used binary logistic regression to test the relation between gang 

membership and attempted suicide, while age, gender, tribal living status and cultural strength 

were used as covariates [r2=.102, X2 (6, p=.003)=20.046]. The hypothesized relation between 

gang membership and suicide attempts was not statistically significant (OR=1.177,  p=.802). 

However, the relation between attempted suicide and age were statistically significant 

(OR=1.278, p=.001), such that those youth who are older are 27.8% more likely to attempt 

suicide than younger youth. Lastly, the relation between cultural strength and attempted suicide 

is statistically significant (OR=.796, p=.036), such that those with a weaker cultural connection 

are 20.4% more likely to attempt suicide than those with a stronger cultural ties. . 

Model 4 (Table 6) used binary logistic regression to test the relation between gang 

membership and dropping out of school, while age, gender, tribal living status and cultural 

strength were used as covariates [r2= .343, X2(6, p <.001) =35.710]. The hypothesized relation 

between reported drop-out and gang membership was not statistically significant (OR= 1.512, 

p=.608). However, the relation between dropping out to school and age was statistically 

significant (OR=2.450, p=.002), such that youth who are older are 145.0% more likely to drop-

out than youth who are younger.  

26 

 
 
 
To examine the relation between gang membership and self-harm, a multinomial logistic 

regression model was planned. However, 0 gang members had engaged in self-harm behaviors, 

so the model was dropped from the study.  

27 

 
 
 
 
 
Culture and Poor Life Outcomes 

DISCUSSION 

In alignment with previous Indigenous-based research, the present study found that 

culture connectiveness does have an impact on the Native population. When predicting whether a 

stronger cultural connection will decrease the likelihood of poor life outcomes, operationalized 

as self-harm, suicidal thoughts, attempted suicide and school dropouts, our hypothesis was 

supported. Those who reported a stronger cultural connection were significantly less likely to 

engage in self-harm, have thoughts of suicide, make a suicide attempt or drop out of school. This 

finding further highlights the need for the Native-based studies to continue to incorporate culture 

as a protective factor for the Native population.  

Culture and Gang Membership 

When predicting whether a stronger cultural connection will decrease the likelihood of 

gang membership, results showed that our hypothesis was not supported. Those who reported a 

strong cultural connection were not significantly less likely to be a gang member than those who 

reported to have a weak cultural connection. This is likely due to the low base rate of youth who 

reported being gang members (5.6% of the sample), which made it difficult to detect an effect. 

However, those who reported living part-time on and off tribal lands were significantly 

more likely to report being a gang member than those who lived full time on tribal lands. In gang 

literature, there is support of gang diffusion or “migration”, between urban and rural 

communities (Maxson, 1998) This gang developmental process is seen through ”gang migrants”, 

youth who are already established gang members in their former jurisdiction, who migrate into a 

new jurisdiction bringing in their previous gang influences; (Moore, Vigil & Garcia, 1983; 

Maxson, 1998). The motives for migration vary: some transcending borders to escape the 

influences of the gang, some rotating between the two to establish different “branches” of the 

28 

 
 
 
gang; but mostly, people migrate to seek out social advantages (i.e., increased job stability, better 

school systems, and safer environments).  While it usually pertains to the diffusion relationship 

between urban-rural communities, Native American criminologists have often used the same 

framework for the diffusion relationship between tribal and non-tribal communities 

(Donnermeyer et. al., 2000; Whitbeck et. al., 2002; Hailer & Hart, 1999). The emergence of 

Native gangs has been linked to the migration of those from outside tribal lands that introduced 

these tribal communities to mainstream gangs and increased gang-like activities (i.e., higher rates 

of violent crime and delinquency). For example, one study found that reservations with gangs 

reported that their nearest off-reservation school had gangs (Hailer & Hart, 1998). This is 

important because it creates a pathway for the 90% of Native youth who attend non-tribal 

schools in non-tribal jurisdictions to be exposed to gang activity that then seeps back into tribal 

lands (National Indian Education Association, 2008). However, there is also evidence that some 

Native gangs, especially present day, have emerged from tribal lands themselves (Hailer & Hart, 

1999; Maxson, 1998; and Grant & Feimer, 2007). Culture can be a center of gang bonding in 

Native gangs due to the shared experiences of their environment (i.e., job instability, poor 

education), shared historical trauma, or shared characteristics (i.e., tribal affiliation). So, those 

youth who are living part-time on and off reservation lands may be more likely to become a gang 

member because they may be experiencing the effects of diffusion that try to penetrate the 

boundaries of tribal lands while also experiencing the presence of gangs that have emerged from 

tribal lands. Being exposed to both of these environments rather than just one, could be the 

reason why this particular group of Native youth were significantly more likely to select into 

being in a gang.    

The results could also be the effects of what Hailer witnessed in their examination of the 

differences between Native and non-Native gang members (1998). They found that youth in 

29 

 
 
 
“Indian Country” often felt like they were “between cultures”: a personal dilemma that fuels 

pressures from one’s Native community and the outside world. Their Indigenous strain comes 

from those in the community who want to revert to traditional Native ways (i.e., rituals, holistic 

health, and community-orientation) while the outside world tempts them through exposure to 

potential rewards (i.e., illegally obtained funds, feeling of belonging, and illicit substances). This 

identity crisis can leave Native youth to examine outlets that help to establish their own identity 

in their two worlds, and unfortunately, one of these outlets is becoming a gang member.  

Gang Membership and Poor Health Outcomes 

When examining the relationship between Native gang membership and poor health 

outcomes, our hypothesis was not supported. There was no significant difference in self-harm, 

suicidal thoughts or attempted suicide between Native gang members and non-gang members, 

again potentially due to power issues arising from the low base rate of gang members. Indeed, 

for self-harm, the prevalence of cutting and burning oneself as a Native gang member was too 

low to conduct analyses. While these are the results of individual level testing of self-harm and 

suicidal ideation, further examination of the environment and its gang affiliation must be 

examined. As shown in a study conducted in a prison, those surrounded by a higher gang 

percentage, their own or non-affiliated gangs, resulted in less life threatening and non-life 

threatening self-harm (Rhodes, 2022). Rhodes (2022) explained two potential reasonings for this 

finding: 1) there is increased social support coming from the gang that can dilute the feelings of 

hopelessness that promote suicidal ideation and self-harm; and 2) the violence among gangs in 

the unit are a substitute for self-violence (Day et al., 2015). So, if these areas on or off tribal 

lands are gang-infested, there is a possibility the high prevalence of gangs may attribute to the 

low reporting of self-harm, suicidal ideation, and attempted suicide.   

30 

 
 
 
Age was significantly related to both suicidal thoughts and suicide attempts. As Native youth 

increased in age, their likelihood of having suicidal ideations (i.e., thoughts and attempts) 

increases. These results follow national and global trends that show that suicide and suicidal 

ideations are most prevalent in those age 15-19 (Duarte et. al, 2020; Lee et. al., 2019; Center for 

Disease Control and Prevention, 2020). One study of suicide trends found that suicide was the 

second leading cause of death for 15–19-year-olds (Duarte et. al., 2020) This revelation was also 

examined by Lee (2018), and they found that between 2006-2015, 63% of suicides were those 

17-19 compared to 37% of participants who were 13-16. So, it is unsurprising that our results 

showed how age can predict outcomes such as suicidal thoughts and attempts when this age 

group has a high prevalence of completed suicide. For suicidal thoughts only, gender was a 

significant factor in predicting this outcome. If Native youth were male, then they were almost 

twice as likely to report considering suicide in the last year than Native female youth. This 

follows global trends of suicidal thoughts: while females are more likely to engage in self-harm 

and unsuccessful attempts at suicide (De Munck, Portzky & Van Heeringen, 2009; Shain et. al, 

2016), males are more likely to have completed suicide (Lee, 2018). Lee et. al. found that 67% of 

completed suicides from 2006-2015 were males compared to the female rate of 33%. So, while 

our results may not show significance in gender for attempted suicide, the frequency of male 

youth reporting suicidal thoughts is concerning considering they may be more likely to take 

lethal, and sadly successful, action.  

Lastly, a participant’s reporting on their cultural strength was significantly related to both 

suicidal thoughts and attempted suicide. For youth who reported their culture often helped them 

to be strong, they are less likely to be engaged in suicidal ideation than those who reported their 

culture does not often help them to be strong. Again, our results coincide with previous Native 

literature that cultural connectiveness and strength can be protective factors in combatting certain 

31 

 
 
 
aspects of Indigenous health such as suicidal ideation (Whitbeck et. al., 2004; Walters & Simoni, 

2002; Brockie, 2015; Brockie, 2018; Currie, 2013). Considering that suicide is the second 

leading cause of death for Native Americans 10 to 34 years old, the need to find ways to build up 

one’s engagement with their culture, and there for their perception of how their culture can be a 

helpful tool, is dire (SAMHSA, 2020).  

Gang Membership and School Dropouts 

When examining the relationship between Native gang membership and school dropouts, 

our hypothesis was not supported. There was no significant difference in drop-out rates between 

Native youth who were gang members and not gang members. However, our analysis found 

there is an association between age and school dropouts for our sample of Native youth and 

young adults: as participants grow older, they are more likely to drop-out of school than younger 

Native American youth. According to the National Center for Education Statistic in 2021, since 

2012 American Indian/Alaska Natives have the highest high school drop-out rate than any other 

race or ethnicity (2021). Because Native youth are 10.2% more likely to drop-out compared to 

the national rate of 5.1% with the second leading group being Hispanics at a 7.8% high school 

drop-out rate, there is a need to understand at what age in school that educational interventions 

should occur to combat this rate. Native-based studies have uncovered several reasons for why 

Native students are more likely to not graduate, or dropout than non-Native students such as 

disproportionate disciplinary actions (i.e., increased referrals, suspensions, and expulsions); held 

back at higher proportions; and more impacted by risk factors for dropping out (i.e., missing a 

day for sickness, cutting class, and being home alone afterschool) than their non-Native 

counterparts (Locklear et. al., 2020; Wallace et. al., 2008; Brown & Tillio, 2013; Gastic, 2017; 

Dever et. al., 2016). It could be that our sample of older youth and young adults have endured 

32 

 
 
 
these disproportionate experiences, often felt by Native youth, longer than their younger 

counterparts leading to their increased rate of school dropouts.  

33 

 
 
 
 
 
IMPLICATIONS, LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS 

Implications 

When examining the present study’s results, it is important to address the contemporary 

issues facing Native Americans that are caused by settler colonialism, acculturation, and 

discrimination. It is not ethical to make policy without efforts to lower disparities facing the 

Indigenous Peoples of America because they are directly linked to historical trauma. First, efforts 

need to be made to address how low socioeconomics, job instability, low educational attainment, 

mental health issues (i.e., depression, suicide, PTSD, substance use), and physical health issues 

(i.e., sexual and violent victimization) are most certainly the fault of hundreds of years of 

colonization and erasure. After so much historical trauma, it is not enough to only suggest how to 

increase culture as a strength, or resiliency factors but instead must address how the 

discrimination is ongoing and still creating these disparities seen today.  

For the Native youth gang members who live part-time on and off tribal lands, a culturally 

adaptive approach would be key in diminishing the potential pressures put on these youth from 

inside and outside of tribal lands (Bernal, Jimenz-Chafey & Domenech Rodriguez, 2009). While 

the focus of treatment would not be establishing a culture connection, it would take into account 

the specific conditions of Native life in America (i.e., health disparities, low education levels, 

high unemployment and poverty, etc.), which are often associated with gang membership as 

well. By taking these factors into account, there is an increased ability to understand why Native 

youth are choosing to give into gang activity due to their positionality in society rather than 

centering their actions related to Western society. 

There are also several efforts that in gang resistance that are rooted in cultural aspects and the 

rebuilding against a collective trauma that resemble a culture-specific approach (Falvicov, 2009; 

34 

 
 
 
Puyallup Tribe of Indians, n.d.). One such effort supported by tribal council funding, The 

Puyallup Gang Resistance Education and Training (G.R.E.A.T.) Program in Tacoma, 

Washington, combines the G.R.E.A.T. curriculum (i.e., school-based gang and violence 

prevention sessions) with cultural and language aspects that may not be available outside of the 

program such as meeting with elders; gathering to sing, dance and drum together; use of 

indigenous lands and plants; and traditional storytelling, artistry and more (Puyallup Tribe of 

Indians, n.d.). During their time in the program, participants have shown how strengthening their 

cultural connectiveness has decreased their gang involvement and positive perceptions about 

gang affiliation.  

For the youth who showed suicidal ideologies (i.e., thoughts of suicide and attempted 

suicide), literature on establishing a zest for life could help alleviate the feelings often associated 

with suicide especially for older youth and males (Fraser et. al., 2015; Shahram et. al., 2021). 

One study showed that establishing traditional rituals can offer as a protective factor to suicide 

by using traditional Inuit hunting activities that center around land use and affirming one’s 

identity (Fraser et. al., 2015). Other cultural protective factors to suicide include rebuilding 

connections to the land, community and family (Barker, Goodman & DeBeck, 2017; FitzGerald 

et. al., 2017). Culture Forward, a research guide developed by through listening sessions with 

stakeholder (i.e., tribal elders, Native youth leaders, teachers and the health board), highlights 

five cultural themes that participants attributed to target disproportionate suicide rates: 1) how 

one can harness social connectedness as a strength; 2) connections to land and elders to thrive; 3) 

traditional practices and knowledge (i.e., language and rituals); 4) emphasizing Native youth 

having their own tribal autonomy for change; and 5) tribal and community leaders continuously 

empowering and caring for youth (O’Keefe et. al., 2022). These connections root Indigenous 

youth who before claimed a sense of hopelessness often felt through discrimination and 

35 

 
 
 
colonialism into a culture that promotes Native well-being. In a society where Native youth are 

the highest rates of suicide, regardless of gender, it is dire that Native youth are enculturated to 

save them from this devastating outcome.  

To help address the significant rate of school drop-out for older Native youth, the education 

system needs to evaluate why Native students are disengaging from their educational pathway. If 

Native students are facing higher discrimination in the way of disproportionate disciplinary 

practices and graded repetitions, there is a need to address underlying biases that were embedded 

into our society in the initial colonization of the United States since these biases were once an 

educational tool to “kill the Indian” (e.g. mandated Native boarding schools).  

In order to better prepare educators and administrators, the National Congress of American 

Indians (NCAI) and the National Indian Education Association (NIEA) (2010) have created 

guidelines to creating a positive learning environment for Native youth (Sprague et. al, 2013). 

First, they emphasize the need for personnel preparation on Native culture, values and ideologies 

in order to combat the use of microaggressions and biases. When allowing for different cultural 

viewpoints, it puts behaviors and attitudes in a better perspective for educators that could 

dissuade them from misinterpreting these behaviors as negative. For example, a key attribute of 

retention rates in non-Native schools is understanding of absenteeism. Educators have 

recognized that Native youth tend to “stop out”, or stop coming to school for many days while 

not fully dropping out (Rosen, Warkentein & Rotermund, 2019). While this is seen as abnormal 

and often taken as a youth dropping out in Western-centered society, this custom is innate to 

Natives. Students often use these times to connect with family and community during urgent 

times because these cultures uphold these values over that of personal growth and duties, even if 

that is formal education. When students return to school, schools that embrace differing cultural 

36 

 
 
 
views are willing to adjust to the absent student’s needs while others may not be as willing to 

help considering these are often unexcused and unexplained absences. Second, the organizations 

emphasize the need to promote a positive identity development and belonging by incorporating 

traditional elements of Native life. Implementing this in tribal and non-tribal schools would 

combat the effects of setter colonialism that disallows Native empowerment. Lastly, they 

emphasize the need to incorporate parents into the educational system in an effort to engage 

further in cultural practices (NCAI & NIEA, 2010). If parents are involved, it increases a Native 

student’s sense of belonging and adds an advocate for not only the child but also the Native 

community the family is a part of. The NCIA and NIEA believe that these guidelines will 

contribute to decreasing the disparities in disciplinary actions through better understanding of the 

Native population of students, and their historical and contemporary positioning. While it is 

important to incorporate these practices at all educational levels, the present study highlights the 

implementation of these practices may be more beneficial for older Native youth (i.e., high 

schoolers) than younger Native youth.  

Limitations and Future Directions 

While this data set is unique in its inclusion of cultural strength and connection, it does 

have its limitations. First, while this study was based on the life-course theory of turning points, 

the data were cross-sectional, which does not allow for causal connections on whether gang 

membership truly changed the trajectory of a Native youth compared to Native non-gang 

members. Moving forward, longitudinal research will help us better understand the true nature of 

these interactions. If the survey could test the before- and after-effects of gang membership, it 

would allow us to examine the models of selection, facilitation and enhancement after joining a 

gang. If future research shows a difference in self-harm, suicidal thoughts and attempts after 

joining a gang, it will support the model of social facilitation in gangs as these actions are 

37 

 
 
 
increased due to the gang membership. However, if it remains stable, it will support the selection 

model that these actions were already present in the gang members and not due to being in a 

gang. Lastly, if we see that there is the presence of these poor health outcomes before gang 

membership that increased after joining a gang, it will support the model of enhancement in that 

gang membership exacerbates self-harm, suicidal thoughts and suicide attempts. This same way 

of thinking can be applied to how educational attainment changes over time for gang members if 

this was a longitudinal study. It would allow research to corner how Native youth are impacted 

by gang membership in line with current gang activity literature.  

Second, only a small number of Native youths reported to be gang members in the past 

year (n=20), causing analyses to be underpowered. With a larger sample, we may see more 

significant associations between all the models tested. Thirdly, while this is a Native-based 

survey, the inability to identify tribe, or nation of the youth could impact the results tested. The 

effects of settler colonization and erasure have led to Indigenous Peoples being grouped together 

as if one when truly, Nations are not the same from values to practices to language and more. It 

may be that some tribes have managed to implement more culture buffers to decrease gang 

membership, decrease suicide and suicidal ideologies, and increase educational attainment than 

others. To address these limitations, future directions should be rooted in expansion of the survey 

into different cities and tribal lands, Oklahoma being an area of potential. Despite being a less 

populated state, Oklahoma has a massive gang presence in urban areas such as Tulsa and 

Oklahoma City but also in rural areas such as Lawton and Bartlesville with around 15,000 gang 

members total (Oklahoma Gang Investigation Association, n.d). Also, Oklahoma is unique in its 

positioning in relation to Indigenous Peoples due to its legacy as “Indian Territory”, which 

stemmed from the forced relocation of the Five Civilized Tribes in the Trail of Tears and the 

other 33 recognized Nations, but also in its current criminal justice climate (United States 

38 

 
 
 
Attorney’s Office for the Northern District of Oklahoma, 2022). Decided in 2020, the McGirt v. 

Oklahoma ruling granted federally recognized tribes the criminal jurisdiction over crimes 

committed on tribal lands or by a Native person (2020). This increased sovereignty has allowed 

Nations located in Oklahoma to implement their own punishments but also their own 

preventative and intervention measures. So, future examination may show that there are some 

additional buffers in these locations that stray youth away from gang membership compared to 

those outside of the state.   

Lastly, this is a call for future research to examine gang membership as its own poor 

health outcome, especially for Native youth who disproportionally endure poorer health 

outcomes. As stated, current gang literature shows the effects gang membership has on an 

individual can increase poor life outcomes such as increased PTSD, suicide and suicidal ideation, 

rates of offending, substance use and other mental and physical health outcomes. So, it is fair to 

say that being in a gang itself is detrimental to the individual. By placing gang membership as a 

health outcome for Indigenous Peoples, we could use models such as the Indigenist stress-coping 

model to truly test if cultural connections such as rituals, language, and identity can be a 

protective factor of engaging in gang membership. 

39 

 
 
 
 
 
CONCLUSION 

The present study sought to better understand the population of Native youth who are 

gang members compared to those who are not gang members through examining cultural 

strength, health disparities, and school drop-out rates. This comparison of Native gang members 

vs non-gang members sought to further the gang literature that has established gang membership 

as a turning point that has detrimental effects on one’s life course in a field that rarely focuses on 

this population. While there were no significant differences between our gang members and non-

gang members in these outcomes, we found evidence that the positionality of Native youth—

specifically, tribal living status-- plays a part in these outcomes. Future research on this 

population in a gang-related context should focus on using cultural buffers such as a 

strengthened sense of strengthened identity, resiliency programs and traditions (i.e., land-

connection, rituals, etc.) to mediate the effects of poor mental health and school dropouts in order 

to dissuade Native youth from many negative life aspects, and potentially, gang membership. It 

is the hopes of the author that it would lessen the effects of settler colonialism in different aspects 

of Native youth life while also protecting against gangs.    

40 

 
 
 
 
 
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47 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Table 1:  Descriptive statistics. 

APPENDIX 

Variables 

Age 

Gender 

Male 
Female 

Tribal Living Stats 

Full-time on  
Part-time on/off 
Full-time off 

Cultural Strength 

Never 
Rarely 
Sometimes 
Frequently 
Very Frequently 
Always 

Gang Membership 
No 
Yes 
Self-Harm 
No 
Thought about it but did not do it. 
Yes 
Thoughts of suicide 
No 
Yes 
Attempted Suicide  
No 
Yes 
School Dropouts 
No 
Yes 

N 
359 
Frequency  % 

% 
13-20 

Mean 
16.71 
Valid % 

SD 

2.370 

47.1% 
50.7% 

48.1% 
51.9% 

52.6% 
34.5% 
12.5% 

3.6% 
7.2% 
18.9% 
11.4% 
8.6% 
48.5% 

52.8% 
34.6% 
12.6% 

3.7% 
7.4% 
19.3% 
11.6% 
8.8% 
49.3% 

93.0% 
5.6% 

94.4% 
5.6% 

73.8% 
12.5% 
13.1% 

74.2% 
12.6% 
13.2% 

66.9% 
31.5% 

86.0% 
32.0% 

84.4% 
15.0% 

84.9% 
15.1% 

96.1% 
3.9% 

96.1% 
3.9% 

169 
182 

189 
124 
45 

13 
26 
68 
41 
31 
174 

334 
20 

265 
45 
47 

240 
113 

303 
54 

345 
14 

48 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Table 1 (cont’d) 
Total 

359 

49 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Table 2: Bivariate correlations matrix.  

Correlations 

Age of 
Responde
nt 

Gender 

Tribal 
living 
statues 

Cultural 
strength 

Gang 
members
hip 

Self-
harm 

Thoughts 
of suicide 

Pearson 
Correlati
on 
N 
Pearson 
Correlati
on 
N 
Pearson 
Correlati
on 
N 
Pearson 
Correlati
on 
N 
Pearson 
Correlati
on 
N 
Pearson 
Correlati
on 
N 
Pearson 
Correlati
on 
N 

Trib
al 
livin
g 
statu
s 
.259
** 

Cultur
al 
streng
th  
-.041 

Gang 
members
hip 
.222** 

Age of 
Respond
ent 
1 

Gend
er 
-.092 

359 
-.092 

351  358 
1 

-
.029 

353 
-.010 

354 
-.183** 

351 
.259** 

351  350 
1 
-.029 

358 
-.041 

353 
.222** 

350  358 
-.010 

-
.453
** 
345  352 
.171
** 

-
.183*
* 

346 
.171** 

345 
-
.453** 

352 
1 

353 
-.081 

353 
.128 

350 
1 

Self
-
har
m 
.210
** 

357 
.139
** 

349 
.241
** 

356 
-
.188
** 
352 
.138
** 

Thoug
hts of 
suicide 
.190** 

Attempt
ed 
suicide 
.227** 

School 
Dropo
uts 
.231** 

353 
.132* 

357 
.041 

359 
-.095 

346 
.096 

349 
.109* 

351 
.166** 

352 
-.141** 

356 
-.137* 

358 
-.117* 

348 
.051 

352 
.103 

353 
.139** 

354 
.210** 

346  353 
.139*
.241
** 
* 

350 
-
.188** 

354 
.138** 

353 
1 

349 
.534** 

353 
.505** 

354 
.208** 

357 
.190** 

349  356 
.132* 
.096 

352 
-
.141** 

353 
.051 

357 
.534
** 

352 
1 

356 
.562** 

357 
.141** 

353 

346  352 

348 

349 

352 

353 

353 

353 

49 

 
 
 
 
 
 
Table 2 (cont’d)  

Attempted 
suicide 

School 
Dropouts 

Pearson 
Correlation 
N 
Pearson 
Correlation 
N 

.227** 

357 
.231** 

.041  .109* 

-
.137* 
349  356  352 
.166* 

-
-
.117* 
.095 
351  358  353 

359 
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). 
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). 

.103 

.505**  .562** 

1 

.116* 

353 
.139** 

356 
353 
.208**  .141** 

357 
.116* 

357 
1 

354 

357 

353 

357 

359 

50 

 
 
 
Table 3: Binary logistic regression examining cultural strength and gang membership. 

OR 
1.533 

Predictors 
Age  
Full-time on tribal lands 
Part-time on/off tribal lands 
Full-time off tribal lands 
Culture gives strength 
Gender 
Table 4: Binary logistic regression examining gang membership and thoughts of suicide. 

95% CI 
[1.127, 2.086] 
[1.32, 4.51] 
[1.226, 28.432] 
[.722, 14.554] 
[.601, 1.254] 
[.023, .495] 

p 
.007*** 
.084 
.027*** 
.125 
.452 
.004*** 

5.904 
3.243 
.868 
.107 

OR 
1.304 
1.998 

Predictors 
Gang membership 
Gender 
Full-time on tribal lands 
Part-time on/off tribal lands 
Full-time off tribal lands 
Age 
Culture gives strength 
Table 5: Binary logistic regression examining gang membership and attempted suicide. 

p 
.632 
.006*** 
.483 
.355 
.699 
.004*** 
.021*** 

[.680, 2.934] 
[.487, 1.618] 
[1.053, 1.312] 
[.696, .971] 

95% CI 
[.441, 3.859] 
[1.216, 3.283] 

1.413 
.888 
1.175 
.822 

OR 
1.177 
1.425 

Predictors 
Gang membership 
Gender 
Full-time on tribal lands 
Part-time on/off tribal lands 
Full-time off tribal lands 
Age 
Culture gives strength 
Table 6: Binary logistic regression examining gang membership and school dropouts.  

p 
.802 
.286 
.513 
.403 
.712 
.001*** 
.036*** 

[.594, 3.656} 
[.390, 1.901] 
[1.101, 1.492] 
[.642, .986} 

95% CI 
[.330, 4.198} 
[.743, 2.735} 

1.473 
.861 
1.2782 
.796 

Predictors 
Gang membership 
Gender 
Full-time on tribal lands 
Part-time on/off tribal lands 
Full-time off tribal lands 
Age  
Culture gives strength 

OR 
1.512 
.411 

1.715 
3.775 
2.450 
.778 

95% CI 
[.311, 7.344] 
[.113, 1.502] 

[.201, 14.631] 
[.684, 20.849] 
[1.376, 4.362] 
[.517, 1.170] 

p 
.608 
.179 
.2.65 
.622 
.128 
.002*** 
.228 

51