CONSTRUCTING MULTIETHNIC GERMANY: USING MIXED METHODS TO STUDY MEDIA NARRATIVES OF THE GERMAN MEN’S NATIONAL FOOTBALL TEAM FROM 2006 TO 2018 By Tianyi Kou-Herrema A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of German Studies – Doctor of Philosophy 2024 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores media narratives surrounding the multiethnic German men’s national football team from 2006 to 2018, investigating how these narratives reflect and shape discourses of German national identity. The study spans thirteen years marked by major football tournaments, including the World Cups and European Championships, where the team served as mediums for discussions on belonging, inclusion, and diversity in Germany. Employing a mixed methods approach, this research examines how the national team and individual players, especially those with diverse ethnic backgrounds, were portrayed or vilified as embodiments of the evolving “Multikulti” (among a host of other terms) reality in Germany. The findings demonstrate the conditional nature of media acceptance of multiethnic players, often based on performance, and unveil deeper societal challenges related to ethnicity, race, and histories of migration within sports. This dissertation contributes to broader academic discussions on the role of sports in reflecting and shaping identity in contemporary Germany. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My PhD journey at Michigan State University has been one of learning, growth, and realizing dreams. Nearly eight years ago, on a cold, rainy Wednesday after having a flat tire incident on 127 North with our Fiesta, Ken and I visited MSU. I asked about the possibilities of researching football within the German context, and MSU’s German Program responded enthusiastically, saying “let us help you to get where you want to be.” Now, as I reflect on the work I have done and the path I have walked, meeting incredible people along the way, I am deeply grateful. This dissertation would not have been possible without the extensive support and guidance I received. Prof. Matthew Handelman gave a presentation about digital humanities (DH) at a colloquium during my first visit to MSU in 2016. Back then, I thought the subject seemed daunting and I felt “not smart” enough for it. But today, I have embraced it wholeheartedly, guided by his expertise in DH and genuine mentorship. In an age where the ability to write and articulate the reasoning behind one’s argument is increasingly undervalued, Prof. Handelman has helped me build skills in articulation and logical reasoning, which I believe are beneficial not only for my research but also for me as a human being who utilizes her Vernunft. My interdisciplinary research interests led to a diverse committee. Prof. Peter Alegi’s seminar on African Sports taught me to approach sports as an academic subject. In his course, I read historical German newspapers published between 1884 to 1922 in German South West Africa, examining the role of Turnen (Gymnastic). This practice inspired me to recount part of history through my work and also provided invaluable experiences in drafting chapter 2 of this dissertation. As my mentor and fellow football enthusiast, Prof. Senta Goertler exemplified strong work ethics through her dedicated teaching and mentorship. She believed in my potential and iii provided tangible feedback throughout my teaching practices and shaped me to be a communicative language educator. Her support extended beyond the classroom, from the long walks with her dogs to attending my presentation talk about football at the University of Freiburg in 2022. My strong interest in DH turned into fruitful research, thanks largely to the support of the DH@MSU community, particularly Prof. Kathleen Fitzpatrick. Attending workshops and summer schools allowed me to acquire vital skills and build networks essential for completing this dissertation. Prof. Fitzpatrick also introduced me to the Knowledge Commons project, where I deeply enjoyed working on natural language processing and machine learning tasks. These opportunities not only enhanced my PhD research but also secured the funding necessary for me to complete the degree. Prof. Johanna Schuster-Craig’s expertise in multiculturalism influenced my selection of terms related to “Multikulti” themes. Beyond her academic guidance, she has consistently spoken the truth and inspired me to pursue happiness with courage. A special thank you to everyone at the Computational Humanities Group at Leipzig University. Prof. Manuel Burghardt, Dr. Andreas Niekler, Dr. Thomas Efer, Dr. Janos Borst- Graetz, Vera Pointkowitz, Nicolas Ruth, Mirjam Köberlein, Silvia Gutiérrez, Lars Langer, Klaus Schmidt, and Sylvia Frömmert. I am grateful for the wealth of knowledge shared and the passion for technology that was ignited. Especially for Dr. Niekler for teaching me how to work with textual data and answering my beginner programming questions. From morning coffee and emergency creamer run to beers and laughs at Moritzbastei, Dhillons, and Café Luise, ice cream chats on the Hörsaal stairs, and sharing Spotify playlists—our conversations about technology, music, and work life balance will always hold a special place in my memory. Before going into personal acknowledgements, I want to mention the role of Artificial Intelligent (AI) tools in my research. In November 2022, many of us experienced the AI hype iv with OpenAI’s release of ChatGPT. Since then, I have actively participated in workshops, developer communities, academic speaks related to AI usage. I have gained a solid understanding of natural language processing, machine learning, and some of its applications. Throughout this dissertation, I used various large language models (LLMs) from ChatGPT, including GPT 3, 3.5, 4, and 4o. My usage includes language assistance—synonym searches, linking words and phrases searches, summarizing my drafts—and brainstorming through interactive dialogues. In addition, I used ChatGPT models to assist with coding in the R Markdown files, “topicmodels-24” and “SelectText4Read.” For example, rather than reading through the STM library documentation repeatedly, I used ChatGPT to generate code for creating subsets, selecting text, and managing files. This sped up my research process. I always made sure that I understood each line of code and ensured it aligned with my research goals. Showing appreciation and expressing love with words are things I have learned since moving abroad in 2015, as they were not common in the culture I grew up with. Rodney and Karen Herrema, my parents-in-law, have taken me as one of their own, demonstrating exceptional and unconditional love through words and actions. I am extremely proud to call them family. Here I also want to express deep appreciation for my parents, who provide unwavering and unconditional love. My dad 寇亚强 shows his love in numerous subtle ways, from reading poetry to me and reading books I used in my graduate studies with me, to grocery shopping and cooking with me—his actions speak volumes, even when he does not. From my mom 张美凤, I have inherited the positive traits that make me likable. Despite the physical distance between us, her love reaches me through messages, calls, and constant reassurances when I need them most. They both taught me to see myself as an independent strong individual, not just their daughter. From them, I gained the courage and confidence to live the life I want, to be who I aspire to be, and be v happy. The last paragraph is dedicated to my partner Ken Herrema, without whom none of this would have been possible. He was the driver during our first campus visit to East Lansing in that little Fiesta; he gives all the hugs and encouragement during late-night struggles with my readings and writings; he moved across continents multiple times between the US, China, and Germany, to support our relationship and my research pursuits. He is the exemplar of authenticity, always approaching life with kindness, honesty, and empathy. Since 2015, we have been on this shared life journey, filled with giggles and laughter, and a mutual quest for personal growth—just like the pine and maple trees who grow together and independently in the woods in Custer. Thank you for being by my side, and for having all the intellectual and silly conversations. Here’s to many more years to come. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATION.........................................................................................................viii INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................................................1 1 CHAPTER 1 RESEARCH METHODS.....................................................................................22 2 CHAPTER 2 HOSTING THE 2006 WORLD CUP: THE MAKING OF THE SUMMER FAIRY TALE................................................................................................................................65 3 CHAPTER 3 POST-2006 TO 2014: FROM THE SUMMER FAIRY TALE TO THE WORLD CHAMPION................................................................................................................................111 4 CHAPTER 4 2016 AND 2018: PLAYING ON THE FIELD OF TENSIONS........................164 CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................206 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................................................213 APPENDIX A: R MARKDOWN SCRIPTS...............................................................................235 APPENDIX B: INITIAL THIRTY ARTICLES .........................................................................256 APPENDIX C: NINE KEY CONCEPTS....................................................................................261 APPENDIX D: FOUR RESULTS OF DIFFERENT MODELS FOR TOPIC MODELING AT 80 TOPICS........................................................................................................................................262 vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS DFB Deutscher Fußball-Bund (German Football Association) NLP Natural Language Processing LDA Latent Dirichlet Allocation CDU Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Christian Democratic Union of Germany) CSU Christlich-Soziale Union in Bayern (Christian Social Union in Bavaria) AfD Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany) FIFA Federation Internationale de Football Association (International Federation of Association Football) DNB Deutsche Nationalbibliothek (German National Library) DH Digital Humanities STM Structural Topic Models DDR Deutsche Demokratische Rupublik GDR German Democratic Republic BRD Bundesrepublik Deutschland FRG Federal Republic of Germany NPD Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (National Democratic Party of Germany) UEFA The Union of European Football Associations ARD Arbeitsgemeinschaft der öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Consortium of Public German Broadcasters, also known as Channel One) ZDF Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen (German Channel 2) bpb Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (Federal Agency for Civic Education) AKP Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) viii INTRODUCTION The echoing national anthems in the stadium, the waving national flags on the street, and people walking around with wigs, garlands, and face painting in national colors—major football events such as the World Cup contribute to the creating, stating, and reinforcing of national identity across the globe. The morning after Germany’s win over Portugal in the third-place play-off in the 2006 men’s World Cup, more than half a million German fans gathered at Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate to express their gratitude for the men’s national team’s performance. The famous Fanmeile (fan fest), located between Brandenburg Gate and the Victory Column, was flooded with black-red-gold German flags. At the 2006 post-tournament party, three players—David Odonkor, Lukas Podolski, and Gerald Asamoah—performed a free-style of a classic German song “Marmor, Stein und Eisen bricht” (Marble, stone, and iron breaks), with fans repeatedly singing along the famous lyrics “Marmor, Stein und Eisen bricht, aber unsere, unsere Liebe nicht! Alles, alles geht vorbei. Doch wir sind uns treu” (Marble, stone, and iron breaks, but our, our love doesn’t. Everything, everything passes. But we are loyal) (carfal 00:00:10). In addition, politicians openly made appearances at crucial football games and interacted with team players. For instance, former German chancellor Angela Merkel attended all of the national team’s matches in the final stage of the men’s World Cups from 2006 to 2014 and took group photos with players in their changing rooms (Oltermann “Angela Merkel”). Football provides a space where different parties including players, fans, politicians, and the media publicly display support and belonging to their countries. Behind the seemingly unproblematic displays of national pride in 2006, Germans have struggled in the second half of the past century with expressing positive emotions toward their country, haunted by its infamous Nazi past and lingering questions of reunification in 1990 1 (Kattago 4), a period which also coincided with a rise in Neo-Nazi violence. It was only during the 2006 World Cup that Germany, through the universal language of football, reintroduced itself to the world as a fun, open, and welcoming country—a portrayal investigated, as we shall see in greater detail below, by scholars such as Stehle and Weber, Fischer and Mohrman, Schiller (“Siegen für Deutschland?”), and Zambon. This phenomenon of “party patriotism” (Schiller) allowed Germany, at least temporarily, to reconcile public displays of national pride with its complicated relationship to national identity. The ongoing search for a suitable platform to express this identity has evolved since the 2006 Sommermärchen (summer fairy tale), a term used to describe the euphoric celebration during the World Cup held in Germany. A critical approach employed by the Deutscher Fußball-Bund (DFB, German Football Association) was the cultivation and promotion of the men’s national football team as “multicultural” (among other terms), which has served as a cornerstone of crafting an image of Germany as a healthy, harmonic, and diverse nation in the past two decades. If, as Michael Krüger states, football has the potential to assist a multiethnic society in forging a national identity (526), then the DFB’s strategy of developing and promoting a multiethnic football team since at least 1998 can be seen as an effort to take advantage of shifting demographics in German society. Among larger post-unification discussions of German identity, the DFB started around 1998 to consider recruiting talented players from diverse backgrounds in order to enhance the team’s performance (Jungholt). This push toward a diverse team was also picked up by the media in the early 2000s. While players of color had played for the West German national football team prior to 2000, the possibilities for a multiethnic team greatly increased after the citizenship law reform in 2000.1 Changes to the citizenship law provide a path 1 A multiracial men’s national team prior to 2000 often included players with one German parent. For example, Erwin Kostedde, born in Münster to a German mother and an African American father, was the first mixed-race 2 to naturalization for individuals previously excluded from German citizenship, such as the children of Turkish Gastarbeiter (guest workers invited to work in Germany during the labor shortages of the 1950s and 60s), thereby making them eligible over time for the national the national team. The shift led to a notable performance by the U-19 team in 2002, setting a good foundation for future World Cups (Jungholt). In a 2006 interview, DFB President Theo Zwanziger highlighted football as an effective and accessible means of “integration,” a term like others brought with cultural, political, and social implications in Germany (“Dr. Theo Zwanziger”). The 2006 men’s national team included players from diverse backgrounds such as Ghanaian-born Gerald Asamoah, Swiss-born Oliver Neuville, and Poland-born Miroslav Klose and Lukas Podolski. This team embodied the multiethnic spirit promoted by the DFB, though the multiethnic aspect of the team received very limited media attention in 2006. In subsequent years, the men’s national team was actively promoted by the DFB as multiethnic under the term “Multikulti” with members serving as “role models” for migrants in society (Rehberg), both of which were reflected by the media narratives. The term “Multikulti” was frequently used by the media to describe the multiethnic U21 team in 2009 and the men’s national team in 2010.2 The 2010 men’s national team, which included eleven out of twenty- three players from diverse backgrounds—including those from immigrant and Aussiedler families,3 players with one German parent, and a naturalized citizen—was widely celebrated in player to represent West Germany in football. For more on Kostedde’s story, see “Erwin Kostedde: ‘Black players will always be second choice’” by Kres Harrington. Here it is crucial to note that having players of color does not equal to have a multiethnic team. An in-depth analysis is beyond the scope of current study. 2 A detailed description of this term, among others, is provided in the literature review section later in this chapter. 3 The German word Aussiedler describes German citizens along with their family members who lived in former German territories were forced to move after these territories were lost at the end of the Second World War; many to the Federal Republic of Germany to settle there. Edmund Spevack’s work “Ethnic Germans from the East: ‘Aussiedler’ in Germany, 1970–1994” defines this term very clearly. 3 the media as the “Multikulti-Elf” (multicultural-eleven) and “Multikultitruppe” (multicultural troop). This team became a symbol of diversity, unity, and success. Among them, Mesut Özil, the grandson of a Turkish Gastarbeiter (guest worker) was praised as an exemplar of integration and inclusion. However, the distinct focus on using the term “Multikulti” gradually faded after 2010 as the term itself was hotly debated by politicians and the media. Despite the fact that the team continued to be diverse, the portrayal of the 2012 European Championship and the 2014 World Cup-winning German men’s national team in the media rarely mentioned its multiethnic composition. Discussions about “party patriotism” and “nationalism” marked both the 2012 European Championship and the 2014 men’s World Cup (Schulte von Drach; Sammet). A noticeable shift occurred during the 2014 Fanmeile celebrations, where there were visibly fewer national flags (Sander). Additionally, the players’ T-shirts reflected this change; they featured the DFB logo and the sponsor’s name, rather than German national symbols and slogans. The motto transitioned from “Danke Deutschland” (Thank you Germany) in 2006 to “Danke Jungs” (Thank you, guys) in 2014, shifting away from associations with German national identity. This trend of distancing the team from traditional symbols of German identity became more pronounced after 2014, especially following the border opening in 2015, when Germany allowed migrants fleeing war and social unrest mainly in the Middle East to cross their borders and apply for asylum. Despite DFB President Reinhard Grindel upholding the men’s national team as a symbol of successful integration, it faced criticism from politicians like Alexander Gauland of the then- emergent rightwing party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany), who claimed that the team did not reflect German society, saying the national team is “schon lange nicht mehr deutsch” (has not been German for a long time) (Peters). The team’s subsequent 4 worsening performance, marked by internal discord and poor showing in 2018, was seized upon by some far-right politicians such as Björn Höcke as evidence against the effectiveness and representativeness of a multiethnic national team. This dissertation investigates the media narratives that surrounded the multiethnic dimension of the German men’s national football team, specifically focusing on the period from 2006 to 2018. This timeframe is pivotal because it covers key developments of media narratives about the national team. The year 2006, marked by Germany hosting the World Cup, represents a noteworthy shift in public expressions of national support, evidenced by the widespread use of flags and black-red-gold face paint by fans. After the reunification, 2006 can be seen as the starting point of positive media attention for the men’s national team as representative of an unproblematic German nation. Conversely, 2018 serves as a fitting conclusion to the research period. It was a year characterized by Germany’s unexpected early exit from the men’s World Cup and the high-profile departure of star multiethnic player, Mesut Özil, who left the team amid contentious circumstances citing unfair treatment because of his minoritized identity. These bookends encapsulate a transformative era in which the German men’s national football team prominently reflected and influenced discourses on national identity in Germany. The overarching research question this work seeks to address is: How did media narratives portray and utilize the multiethnic dimension of the men’s national team and players to influence ongoing discourses over German national identity during this time frame? To address this question, this study adopts a mixed-methods approach, analyzing media narratives both broadly and in detail. To cover the designated research period, I created a corpus of texts selected from the online offerings of major news outlets, including Die Tageszeitung (taz), Süddeutsche Zeitung, Der Tagesspiegel, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (F.A.Z.), Die 5 Welt, Bild, Die Zeit, Der Spiegel, Stern, Focus, and Frankfurter Rundschau. I selected these sources for their wide-ranging and diverse perspectives, which provided an array of political and cultural viewpoints that enrich our understanding of the team’s influence on broader societal discourse. Utilizing text analysis techniques, primarily topic modeling, this research uncovers patterns that facilitated the development of cultural arguments about national identity and provides an expanded vision of humanities-oriented investigation, incorporating resources from cultural products such as music and documentaries. This dissertation unfolds across four chapters, each pivotal to understanding the broader narratives surrounding the multiethnic dimension of German men’s national football team from 2006 to 2018. The first chapter lays the foundation of my mixed methods approach, detailing the procedures for data collection, preprocessing, and the analytical nuances revealed through topic modeling. Moving into the second chapter, the focus shifts to the 2006 men’s World Cup, a critical moment when Germany began to reconstruct its positive international image through its hosting of the games and its national team. The detailed historical context provided in chapter 2 facilitates an understanding of past narratives, allowing me to contrast them with narratives from the research period. The dissertation continues in the third chapter, which discusses the changes in media narratives on the multiethnic dimension of the men’s team from 2008 to 2014. The fourth chapter examines the decline of these previously celebrated narratives surrounding the multiethnic men’s team, analyzing changes in media portrayal and public perception of the team’s dismal performance. Finally, the dissertation concludes by summarizing the key findings of the three content chapters and describes the limitation of this project. Chapters 2 through 4 follow a similar analytical structure, which emerged during the research process. Typically, each chapter begins with an introduction featuring either anecdotes 6 or promotional media materials. Chapter 2 includes a historical context section that provides essential historical narratives fundamental to the entire dissertation. Each chapter’s opening is followed by a detailed analysis of computational results. Each chapter then analyses features of the discourse that reappeared during in my work in computational analysis. First, since music consistently appeared in narratives across various tournaments, it became evident that key artists and songs were utilized as a narrative tool to set the stage for the World Cup. The involvement of politicians and political-adjacent voices in these narratives became, second, clear, as indicated by the results of topic modeling (as I will explain in chapter 1). Lastly, I go into three or four distinctive narratives that dominated each period: the prominence of flags and other patriotic symbols, (not) singing the national anthem, and scandals around players or the team. All chapters end with a synthesized conclusion. This interdisciplinary dissertation positions itself at the intersection of German cultural studies, with an emphasis on media discourse analysis aided by digital humanities techniques. It aims to contribute to the growing body of research on the emergence of multiethnic German men’s national football team, exploring Germany’s self-perception as a multiethnic society and the dynamic nature of its contemporary national identity. Additionally, this study enriches the broader scholarly practice by exemplifying the application of mixed methods in cultural studies. The methodology—encompassing data collection, topic modeling, and the synthesis of extensive analyses from topic modeling outputs along with other supplementary materials—represents a robust interdisciplinary endeavor. While acknowledging its limitations, this dissertation aspires to serve as a practical model for future research in similar fields. 0.1 Literature Review As mentioned in the previous section, this dissertation is situated within a broader 7 academic dialogue that engages football, national identity, and German studies. The following literature review aims to contextualize the study among existing research while identifying the gaps that it seeks to address. Through elaborating on the ongoing discussions about football national teams and national identity, this literature review helps position this research within larger conversations. It begins by laying out existing scholarly work on national identity and the German men’s national team and then extends to explore how scholars have examined the multiethnic dimension of the team and viewed it as an endorsement of Germany as a multiethnic society. This review also includes studies on the national football teams in other cultural contexts, to provide a broader perspective as this is not a unique phenomenon for Germany. The specific focus of this dissertation is on the multiethnic dimension of the men’s national team, and it tracks changes in media narratives regarding these aspects over time. In addition, this section clarifies several critical terms, such as the previously invoked term “Multikulti,” and explains the rationale behind using “multiethnic” for greater inclusivity. The relationship between the German men’s football team, their World Cup performances, and German national identity has attracted scholars’ attention for quite some time. Kay Schiller’s article “Siegen für Deutschland? Patriotism, Nationalism and the German National Football Team, 1954-2014” (2015) depicts the evolution of this relationship between expressions of national identity and the team’s fortunes from the 1954 and 1974 World Cups, through the late 1980s, to the more recent tournaments in 2006, 2010, and 2014. Schiller’s work makes substantial contributions to the field, the foremost being that it demonstrates how the connection between people’s emotional distance towards the team and the team’s performance has evolved over time. Fans, politicians, and players have shown varying degrees of emotional engagement, which served as indicators of the state of German national identity (193). Winning 8 the 1954 World Cup sparked a wave of national pride in West Germany, whereas the 1960s and 1970s witnessed a period characterized by “denationalized displays of football enthusiasm” (181). However, Schiller’s work primarily focuses on historical tournaments and describes the sentiments in the 2006, 2010, and 2014 World Cups with terms like “partyotism” and “patriotism lite.” He states that it is unclear whether these three tournaments can serve as reliable indicators of the state of German national identity (193). This is where this dissertation expands the discourse around expressions of “partyotism” by beginning in 2006 and treating each major football tournament as a milestone to explore the evolving media narratives around the multiethnic national team. The computational time series analysis (in chapter 1.5.3) revealed the importance of the often-overlooked European Championships and the 2009 European Under-21 Championship. Both significantly shaped discourses around German football beyond the World Cup. A crucial insight from Schiller’s work, which informs this dissertation, is his caution against equating the rising acceptance of a multiethnic men’s national team with a positive political endorsement of “multiculturalism” (188). He notes that while multiculturalism has entered the German discourse, the term remains limited in its political and social reality (190). Guided by Schiller’s insight, this dissertation aims to answer how the media portrays the men’s team as a representative and promoter of a supposed multiethnic society and identifies the factors influencing these perceptions, while also pointing to the limitations of these discourses. Furthermore, while Schiller’s analysis concludes in 2014, a period marked by athletic success for the German men’s national team, it does not include the subsequent shifts towards more critical perspectives with respect to the ethnic makeup of the team. This dissertation extends the media narratives to 2018, an important year when the men’s team experienced its worst performance in 9 history. This time frame allows for a broader examination of views from politicians, fans, and players, especially during times of underperformance. Schiller’s warning—that the acceptance of the multiethnic men’s team does not equate to the reality of multiculturalism in German society—also resonates with German studies scholars. For instance, Maria Stehle and Beverly Weber critically analyzed the media coverage of the multicultural aspect of the men’s team during the 2010 World Cup and noted that despite the excitement surrounding the team’s diversity, underlying racism and cultural clichés persisted. Media narratives praised the team’s success as a combination of “German discipline” and the “flair” brought by players with migration backgrounds (111). This framing reinforces the idea that certain positive qualities are inherently “German” while others are attributed to a racialized “otherness.” Stehle and Weber also showcased the media’s focus on players with migration backgrounds expressing their “Germanness” by singing the German national anthem. They pointed out that these narratives often place a burden on these players to prove their belonging, while simultaneously reinforcing the idea that “Germanness” needs to be earned for these players (113). Due to the scope of their research, they primarily examined figures like Sami Khedira and an early-career Mesut Özil. Similar narratives were also present in 2006, when Lukas Podolski refused to sing the German national anthem, although it only received minimal media attention. This could be seen as a racialized double standard in expectations of proving “Germanness.” This dissertation builds on Stehle and Weber’s findings by broadening the analysis to include a wider range of players from diverse backgrounds as well as a wider time frame and source base. This expanded scope allows for a more expansive view of how “Germanness” is negotiated in the football narratives on multiethnic players. Using a similar approach, Mia Fischer and K. Mohrman focus on narratives around 10 Mesut Özil during the 2018 World Cup. Their work “Multicultural Integration in Germany: Race, Religion, and the Mesut Özil Controversy” (2020) not only deals with more up-to-date media discourses and also brings in the lens of Christianity and whiteness to study integration. Specifically, they analyze how the concept of “multicultural integration,” while seemingly inclusive, functions to uphold a racialized and religious hierarchy that privileges whiteness and Christianity (14). They study the controversy surrounding Özil’s photo with the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Özil’s subsequent resignation to demonstrate how this discourse sets a double standard for players with migration backgrounds and Muslim identities. Through this example, Fischer and Mohrman illustrate how integration ultimately demands assimilation into a dominant culture that is defined by whiteness and Christian values, rather than fostering genuine inclusion and acceptance of difference. Chapter 4 of this dissertation builds on Fischer and Mohrman’s work and investigates the media narratives surrounding Özil’s resignation in detail. Fischer and Mohrman’s findings echo an earlier discourse from 2016, where AfD politician Alexander Gauland made racially charged comments about Jérôme Boateng, a player of color, stating nobody would want Boateng as a neighbor. Gauland later explained his statement by adding, “Ich wusste nicht, dass er Christ ist” (I did not know he is Christian) (extra 3 00:00:23). This once again serves as evidence that the scope of this dissertation contributes to cast a wider analytic net and form a broader argument to address the research question of how the multiethnic men’s national team and players are portrayed and utilized by the media within ongoing discourses over German national identity. Kate Zambon’s 2014 article “Producing the German Civic Nation: Immigrant Patriotism in Berlin’s World Cup Flag Fight” similarly discusses the hierarchical nature of integration for non-ethnic Germans, which she describes as a “one-way street” where assimilation is the only 11 acceptable form of integration (14). Using the media’s celebration of a Lebanese family displaying a large German flag during the 2010 World Cup, she describes the complex position of non-ethnic Germans in relation to the nation. This dissertation will further investigate written narratives surrounding national symbols, particularly how non-ethnic German fans use flags, with a specific focus on the 2008 European Championship during the Germany vs. Turkey match. Additionally, Jacqueline Gehring’s analysis of media coverage during the 2010 World Cup demonstrates how the one-way street of integration is reflected in the portrayal of players with migration backgrounds. She notes a political divide where center-left media emphasizes the value of hyphenated identities, whereas center-right focuses on advertising players’ successful transformation into a “good” German (1971). Gehring’s insights into the political leanings of media outlets influenced my decision to include a range of media from various political alignments when building the customized corpus for this dissertation, which I will explain in detail in chapter 1. This dissertation also builds on and adds to studies of the multiethnic dimension of national football teams across Europe, particularly learning from research conducted on the French national football team. Laurent Dubois’ book Soccer Empire: The World Cup and the Future of France (2010) explores the complexities and contradictions of French colonial history and its interplay with French national identities through the biographies of prominent players, Lilian Thuram and Zinedine Zidane (30). Thuram, born in the French Indies before moving to mainland France at the age of 10, is a player of color who actively combats social injustice and racism both within and beyond the realm of professional football. Zidane, a French player of Algerian heritage, often emphasizes his Muslim identity but tends to avoid being openly political (31). Both figures have received significant media attention and have been highly politicized in 12 media discourse, willingly or not. Dubois illustrates how these athletes use the platform provided by their sporting success to address and challenge inequalities and injustices on and beyond the football field. Dubois’ analysis shows the unique historical situations each country faces— France, predominantly shaped by its extensive colonial past, and Germany, primarily influenced by its post-Second World War reconstruction of identity and its history of Gastarbeiter and Aussiedler. In discussing the unique historical context of Germany, it is crucial to define the terms used within this research, particularly the concepts of “Multikulti” and “Migrationshintergrund” (migration background), terms prevalent in German media discourse. The Statistisches Bundesamt (Federal Statistical Office) defined the latter term in 2009 as “Zu den Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund zählen, alle nach 1949 auf das heutige Gebiet der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Zugewanderten, sowie alle in Deutschland geborenen Ausländer und alle in Deutschland als Deutsche Geborenen mit zumindest einem zugewanderten oder als Ausländer in Deutschland geborenen Elternteil” (People with migration background include all those who immigrated to the present-day territory of the Federal Republic of Germany after 1949, as well as foreigners born in Germany and all those born in Germany as Germans with at least one parent who immigrated or was born as a foreigner in Germany) (Statistisches Bundesamt 5). This definition was later updated in 2011 and then in 2016, the latter of which states: Eine Person hat einen Migrationshintergrund, wenn sie selbst oder mindestens ein Elternteil nicht mit deutscher Staatsangehörigkeit geboren wurde. Im Einzelnen umfasst diese Definition zugewanderte und nicht zugewanderte Ausländerinnen und Ausländer, zugewanderte und nicht zugewanderte Eingebürgerte, (Spät-) Aussiedlerinnen und (Spät- ) Aussiedler sowie die als Deutsche geborenen Nachkommen dieser Gruppen. A person has a migration background if they themselves or at least one parent was not born with German citizenship. In detail, this definition includes immigrant and non- immigrant foreigners, immigrant and non-immigrant naturalized citizens, (late) resettlers, and the descendants of these groups who were born as Germans 13 (“Migrationshintergrund”).4 It is important to keep in mind that this term is a statistical concept (Groschwitz 134), not a cultural one. Helmut Groschwitz criticizes the usage of this term in media discourse for multiple reasons, such as that it reduces complex migration histories into a simplistic label, it creates a division between “wir” (us) and “andere” (others), and it reinforces a sense of alienation among those categorized under this term (138). In addition, Groschwitz argues that this term views culture as people’s “baggage” and it can be misleading (137). Furthermore, in media discourse, this term has acquired a negative connotation, contributing to prejudice and discrimination (137). In 2010, there were calls to find an alternative for this term such as Zuwanderungsgeschichte (immigration history), Neudeutscher (New German), Migra (a shortened form of the term “migrant”), etc (139). However, Groschwitz criticizes that searching for alternative terms might be a wrong approach as changing terms does not address the underlying issues caused by political discourse and ethnicization of a very diverse part of the population (139). In response to the evolving discussions, the Federal Statistical Office announced the replacement of “Migrationshintergrund” with “Einwanderungsgeschichte” (with an immigration history) in March 2023 (“Einwanderungsgeschichte”). Due to the timeframe of this dissertation, 2006 to 2018, the term “Migrationshintergrund” was widely used in media discourses. To avoid perpetuating negative connotations, when I must use the term, I chose the phrase “people with history of immigration” rather than “migration backgrounds.” Hoping to signal their unique experience and heritage, I will refer to these individuals by acknowledging specific marginalized groups within the broader category of 4 This definition is still currently displayed on the Federal Statistical Office website as of 2024, despite that the new term Einwanderungsgeschichte has been put in place since 2023 March. 14 “people with history of immigration,” such as “third-generation immigrants.” Similar concerns pertain to the term “Multikulti” and “multicultural.” In the 2010 article, for instance, Groschwitz advocated for the term “transcultural society” compared to the terms “multikulturell” (multicultural) and “Multikulti,” where the former emphasizes the distinction of all cultures, and the latter is often used in a culturally relativistic (if not openly pejorative) sense (139). This discussion shows the limitations of these terms in dealing with ethnic and racial differences. They serve more as a euphemism that dances around the realities of racial and ethnic diversity. Therefore, in analyzing the media portrayal of the multiethnic aspect of the national team, I chose the more inclusive term “multiethnic,” which goes beyond the superficial terms like “Multikulti” or the statistical term “people with history of immigration. Unlike “culture,” the term “ethnicity” includes cultural practices, value, and broader sociopolitical identities that individuals inherit and navigate within society. “Multiethnic” is a more precise term when discussing diversity on the team and in the society, as it signals the nuances of identity that go beyond cultural affiliations alone. Discussions around the use of “multicultural” to describe the team intensified during the 2010 tournament, with the media increasingly naming the team “Multikulti.”5 This was a high point in the broader debate about “Multikulti” in Germany. The term “Multikulti” gained enormous public attention later in 2010 when Chancellor Angela Merkel declared at a party meeting that “Der Ansatz für Multikulti ist gescheitert, absolut gescheitert!” (“The approach to multiculturalism has failed, absolutely failed!”) (H. Müller 00:00:10; “Integration: Merkel”). With the intention of reshaping the immigration debate raging in Germany, her bold statement about “Multikulti” overshadowed her many favorable comments about the “multiple cultures” in 5 This adjective “multikulturell” was first used in this corpus in 2006 where journalist Reinhad Mohr from der Spiegel called Germany “multicultural republic.” This was analyzed in chapter 2.3.2. 15 question, namely the culture of Muslims (Barker 77). This emphasis shows how discussions of “Multikulti” often become tightly linked to debates about Islam within Germany. However, many media used the terms “Multikulti,” “Multikulturalismus,” and “multiculturalism” interchangeably without fully acknowledging their differences in German and English. The term “multikulturelle Gesellschaft” (multicultural society) was defined in the Handwörterbuch zur politischen Kultur der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Dictionary of the Political Culture of the Federal Republic of Germany) as follows: “Der spezifische Stellenwert der Begriffsbildung in der BRD erklärt sich aus der Migrationsgeschichte mit den Stichwörtern Gastarbeiterzuzug, Aussiedlerzuzug, Asylgewährung mit den Folgenaspekten Familiennachzug, Ausländer der zweiten und dritten Generation, Geburtenüberschuss der Ausländer” (The specific importance of the term in the Federal Republic of Germany can be explained by the history of migration with keywords such as immigration of guest workers, immigration of ethnic Germans, granting of asylum with the consequent aspects of family reunification, second and third generation foreigners, excess births of foreigners) (von Heyl 275). A more recent definition of the term “multikulturelle Gesellschaft” can be found in Frank Beyersdörfer’s book Multikulturelle Gesellschaft (2004), where he states, “wenn sich innerhalb einer Gesellschaft viele verschiedene Kulturen befinden, wenn also Menschen, die verschiedenen Kulturen angehören, für längere Zeit und in größerer Zahl in dieser Gesellschaft leben” (when there are many different cultures within a society, that is, when people belonging to different cultures live in this society for a longer period of time and in large numbers) (49). Beyersdörfer also argues for the intrinsic value of a multicultural society in comparison to a monocultural one as the mutual cultural enrichment of groups or the vitality of society through immigration (50). The first, official definition is more descriptive, primarily focusing on demographics related to 16 Germany’s migration history. Unfortunately, this definition fails to capture people with one native German parent and one parent from outside of Germany who never migrated, who would still be perceived as part of the reach of “Multikulti” due to their multiethnic background. Beyersdörfer’s definition touches on the pragmatic potential of a multicultural society and offers a more inclusive understanding of this term. However, while his definition paints an optimistic view of “Multikulti” in Germany, it lacks a discussion of pragmatic solutions or policies that could facilitate the actualization of this ideal or the reality of the situation as it stands. The direct translation of “Multikulturalismus/Multikulti” in English would be “multiculturalism.” According to sociologist Stuart Hall, “multiculturalism” is described as the “strategies and policies adopted to manage and govern the problems of diversity and multiplicity which multicultural societies throw up” (209). It thus means strategies and policies that are created and implemented by policymakers and the state, which are far away from the discussions we will encounter in this dissertation. Hall describes the adjective form “multicultural” as “the social characteristics and problems of governance posed by any society in which different cultural communities live together and attempt to build a common life while retaining something for their ‘original’ identity” (209). Following Hall, Rita Chin proposes that there are many types of multiculturalism, such as liberal and conservative multiculturalism, weak and strong multiculturalism, and commercial multiculturalism (19). Important to note is that while the term “Multikulti” has been a feature of integration discourses for over two decades, it has primarily served as a discourse marker divorced from actual multicultural policies, such as the practices observed in countries like Canada (Chin). Germany has always lacked any formal attempt to create multicultural practices at the government level. This research explores the construction and perception of the men’s national team within 17 the context of the polyvalent adjective “multicultural” rather than that of specific policies of “multiculturalism” within Germany. This distinction was not commonly made in news articles as the term “Multikulti” was often used as a blanket term to describe the multiethnic composition of the team.6 Scholarly work tends to use the word “multicultural” without considering the fact that the usage of “Multikulti” or “multicultural” ignores the lack of policies of multiculturalism in Germany and excludes the subgroup of players of color without migration backgrounds, which means the nuances of multiethnic identities or the identities of people of color get lost in this expression. In addition, it is also important to note that players of color may come from diverse ethnic backgrounds. For example, one would likely consider Gerald Asamoah and Antonio Rüdiger as players of color, but Asamoah has Ghanaian heritage and Rüdiger has close ties to Sierra Leone. Therefore, as has probably already been noticed, this dissertation primarily uses “multiethnic” to refer to the diverse groups studied here. Moreover, when discussing national identity in the German context, the term “Integration” (integration) has often been part of the conversation, a fact that can be observed in this research project. In everyday use, “Integration” describes the process of incorporating a part into a greater whole (Schuster-Craig 5). In the realm of German politics and migration, the term was first employed in the 1970s to address the “integration problem of foreign worker families” (5). However, as Johanna Schuster-Craig has pointed out, “Integration” can be a potentially harmful signifier as it often implies that the process is a one-way street and restricts the roles that immigrants can play within German society, thus it should not be confused with “incorporation” 6 For example, journalist Daniel Theweleit describes the German U21 national team as a successful example of “Multikulti” in Germany (in the corpus). An article in the Süddeutsche Zeitung titled “Wurzeln bis nach Sibirien; Die deutsche U21-Auswahl dokumentiert die Multi-Kulti-Normalität im Fußball” portrays multiculturalism as commonplace in football, highlighting the team’s composition of players from diverse backgrounds (Hartmann, in the corpus). 18 or “inclusion” (6). In chapter 4, where I examine the media narratives surrounding the third- generation immigrant star player Mesut Özil, “integration” emerges as a key term in the media discourse. While I fully acknowledge the harm that the term can cause, when using direct quotes and translations, I still will use the word “integration,” since this is the term the media chose as the limits of its own discourse on inclusion. For general discussions, I employ the term “inclusion” to denote the aim of accepting and valuing people from diverse backgrounds in ways that respect their cultural uniqueness. As the discourse on inclusion in Germany evolved, legislative changes also played an instrumental role in redefining (literally) what it meant to be German, especially through the reform of the Nationality Law of 15 July 1999 (Federal Ministry of Justice “Nationality Act”). This legal change had profound implications for the composition of the national team in the decades examined here. Prior to this change, German citizenship was based on the principle of “ius/jus sanguinis,” meaning that citizenship was determined by one’s ancestry rather than place of birth. The reformed law introduced elements of “ius/jus soli,” where children born in Germany to non-German parents could also claim German citizenship under certain conditions. The reform also included the requirements for naturalization, including sufficient knowledge of the German language; commitment to the free democratic basic order of the Basic Law; and declaration of loyalty (Bundesministerium des Innern und für Heimat). This legislative change facilitated the possibility of forming a more diverse national team at the legal and national level. As a result, players like Mesut Özil, who would not have qualified for German citizenship prior to 2000, were now able to choose between Turkish or German citizenship and thus eligibility to play for the Turkish or German national team. Both Turkish and German football associations heavily recruited Özil, who became a German citizen at the 19 age of 17. Özil played for the German U19 team between 2006 to 2007 (Meakem). In 2009, his decision to play for the U21 German national team upset some fans in Turkey (Hellmann, “Özils schwerste Entscheidung”). Under FIFA’s regulation, even after the 2009 European Under-19 (U19) Championship, Özil still had time before his 21st birthday in October of that year to make his final decision regarding which country he wanted to represent (Bierschwale).7 Prior to the 2000 law changes, the men’s national team had seen players from diverse backgrounds like Patrick Owomoyela, born to a Ghanaian father and a German mother. The citizenship law reforms in 2000 mark a watershed moment, as they opened doors for players born in Germany to non-German parents to represent the country. Concurrently, the DFB’s initiatives can still be seen as a concerted effort to expand the talent pool by leveraging Germany’s increasing diversity. In turn, the media will use DFB’s actions as a reflection of a more diverse Germany, the problem of immigration, rise of right-wing politics, etc. Building on insights from scholarly work on football media narratives, national identity, and multiculturalism, this dissertation is situated within a broader, interdisciplinary academic conversation. The investigation of the period from 2006 to 2018 distinguishes this study from others, as does the breadth of its source base described in chapter 1, as it allows a comprehensive examination of evolving media narratives on the multiethnic aspect of the German men’s football team in the previous two decades. This time is marked by significant global political changes, including the 2015 migrant crisis and the rise of right-wing extremists in Europe. The subsequent four chapters take a deeper look at the specific media narratives in chronological order, discuss how these narratives helped shape public discourses of the multiethnic men’s 7 Noting at the time, dual citizenship was not legally possible, as Germany only began to allow dual citizenship following the law change on June 27, 2024. 20 national team, and explore how these narratives both reflected and influenced broader societal discussions about diversity and inclusion in Germany. 21 1 CHAPTER 1 RESEARCH METHODS 1.1 Introduction During the 2024 European Championship, political discussions about the German men’s national football team and the sport’s role in societal conflicts gained prominence in German mainstream media. A notable episode on a national talk show hosted by Markus Lanz debated whether accusations from the right-wing party AfD claiming the men’s national team is not “German enough” and labeling it a “politically correct mercenary force”—could undermine national unity (“Will die AfD” 00:20). Journalist Hajo Schumacher stated that a multiethnic football team reflected modern Germany, proposing that each victory served as proof of the AfD’s misguided beliefs to its followers (Rappsilber).8 Echoing this sentiment, Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (CDU, Christian Democratic Union of Germany) politician Serap Güler speculated that self-proclaimed patriots (the AfD and its followers) might hope for the team’s defeat to exploit their elimination as a political tool (Jerzy). YouTube viewers’ comments on Markus Lanz’s talk show suggest a growing concern about the politicization of football, with sarcastic voices such as “Wird Fußball politisiert?? die öff-rechtlichen jede Talkshow” (Is football being politicized? Every public-law talk show seems to think so). These discussions about football, politics, and players of color and/or migrant backgrounds, however, are not a new phenomenon unique in the 2024 tournament. They have been recurring themes surrounding major football tournaments since the early 2000s, with over 4000 articles published during this research timeframe. The debate over the representativeness of the national football team is complex and these debates evolve through various phases within media narratives. 8 Here the journalist used the word “Multikulti-Truppe” but in my writing, I chose the words “the multiethnic football team” for greater inclusivity. Detailed reasons explained at the end of the introduction chapter. 22 Scholars have examined media narratives surrounding the German men’s national football team and its multiethnic dimension, yet these studies often have a narrow scope—such as Stehle and Weber’s analysis of the 2010 World Cup, Zambon’s exploration of immigrants’ flag fight in Berlin, or Fischer and Mohrman’s investigation into the story of Mesut Özil. Typically confined to specific events or figures, their research sources are limited, with article corpora ranging from 55 news articles to a maximum of 650 articles. This dissertation, however, seeks to map a broader trajectory of such discourses over the past two decades. With the help of computational analysis, it aims to understand how the team was perceived as representations of a multiethnic society within the media. As this multiethnic national team emerged, how has their portrayal reflected and influenced the media discourse on German national identity? What social dynamics have shaped the conversation around the men’s national team during this period? Traditional methods of manually collecting and analyzing news articles for insights are no longer sufficient to adequately address these research questions. We are dealing with volumes of articles far beyond the 55 or 650 articles previously manageable by individual scholars. How, then, can we effectively study media narratives on a larger scale? In the digital humanities (DH) field, scholars have conducted research dealing with a larger quantity of literary text and applied text analysis techniques to identify patterns within a text collection. This approach of using text analysis tools can also be applied to social and cultural data as well. This research explores media narratives surrounding the multiethnic dimension of the German men’s national football team, primarily using news articles as data sources. Unlike literary texts, which typically follow specific genres and are often written by individual authors or groups writing within the same period, news articles are a product of a cohort of journalists. Their perspectives are influenced by their respective news outlets’ political and cultural 23 alignments. Unlike literary analysis, which may focus on character or thematic coherence, analyzing news articles requires attention to the overarching discursive and narrative structures and the use of discourse to understand how these structures help shape debates on national identity (Wodak). Journalistic articles, often quick and short, tend to be formulaic, frequently covering common topics in a structure manner. This characteristic makes them well-suited for computational analysis, which can identity recurring patterns and themes across a large corpus. When dealing with cultural data, it is beneficial to adopt a structured approach as suggested by scholars who analyze cultural data using computational methods. A structured approach, as discussed by Nguyen et al., systematically applies scientific methods to the analysis of cultural texts, ensuring that each step, from data collection to interpretation, is methodically planned and executed. In their 2020 article, “How to Do Things with Words: Analyzing Text as Social and Cultural Data,” they provide a framework for using computational methods to study cultural data, outlining five critical steps: 1) research questions, 2) conceptualization, 3) data, 4) operationalization, and 5) analysis. The research questions have been outlined in the Introduction and earlier in this chapter. More specific questions tailored to guide each subsequent chapter will be introduced at their beginnings. Step 2, conceptualization, often discussed within the historical context, will be elaborated upon in each chapter. This chapter introduces mixed methodological approaches and discusses how these approaches can be harnessed to analyze complex topics over a span of 13 years. Subsection 1.2 details these methods, while subsection 1.3 outlines specific steps for data acquisition and compilation. Step 4, operationalization, covered in subsection 1.4, discusses modeling considerations, data preprocessing, and the application of topic modeling to unpack cultural narratives. The analysis phase, referred to by Nguyen et al. as step 5, occupies the most 24 extensive part of this chapter. It involves analyzing topic modeling results from a computational angle, with limited deep reading to validate the computational findings and highlight useful insights that inform subsequent chapters. Lastly, this chapter also addresses the inherent limitations of these methods to ensure a transparent and critical assessment of the research process. 1.2 Mixed Methods Approach: Utilizing Qualitative and Quantitative Methods in Cultural Studies Given the extensive timeframe and the diverse range of news agencies, this study requires computational assistance to manage and analyze the vast amount of data. The field of DH provides essential methodological guidance to navigate these complexities. Building on the need for a theoretical framework to guide this research, it is pertinent to consider the insights from Andrew Piper’s Can We Be Wrong? The Problem of Textual Evidence in a Time of Data published in 2020. Piper critiques the traditional methods of analyzing small text samples, highlighting their inadequacies over extended periods. He advocates for the adoption of mixed methods to assist humanities research with more nuanced, evidence-based arguments (Piper). The term “mixed methods” refers to Mixed Methods Research (MMR), a methodology that has been widely applied in the fields of social, behavioral, and health sciences over the past few decades. MMR encourages scholars to integrate qualitative and quantitative research techniques, methods, and approaches within one project. This integration aims to facilitate thorough interpretations and address complex research questions more effectively (Heyvaert, Johnson and Onwuegbuzie; Jackson et al.; Creswell). MMR has gained popularity among social scientists who combine quantitative data analysis with qualitative syntheses to address research questions. In the field of DH, this 25 approach involves integrating digital and traditional methods explicitly under the mixed methods framework. Scholars like Sá Pereira emphasize learning to incorporate quantitative methods without allowing them to overshadow the humanistic core of digital humanities inquiry. In other words, quantitative analysis should complement rather than diminish the value of qualitative, humanistic inquiry. Central to this approach is finding a balance and maintaining respect for different modes of inquiry. The concept of “scalable reading” shares similarities with mixed methods. This term was initially named “Not-Reading” by Martin Mueller in a collaborative academic blog post with English professors Stephen Ramsay, Ted Underwood, and Matthew Wilkens. Mueller later refined the term to “Scalable Reading,” defining it as a synthesis of “close” and “distant” reading.9 In this framework, close reading involves a detailed analysis of words and their roles within texts and contexts. In contrast, “distant reading” is a term popularized by Franco Moretti in his 2000 articles “Conjectures on World Literature” and “The Slaughterhouse of Literature.” He advocates for studying literature from a distance by treating literary works themselves as data (rather than focusing on canon) and applying sampling and statistical techniques (Moretti). Mueller acknowledges the advantages of using large digital corpora in supporting scalable reading, particularly their ability to highlight patterns based on statistical significance. However, human readers are the ones who can interpret these patterns. Scalable reading facilitates a dynamic of “zooming in and out” of digital and digitized texts, allowing researchers to examine both “text” and “context” at different distances. From describing these methodological frameworks, one can observe a common sentiment among DH scholars who utilize quantitative methods: computational techniques are meant to 9 His blog was open, and as of September 2024, it became only open to Northwestern users. URL: https://scalablereading.northwestern.edu/ Partial content can still be accessed using Wayback Machine. 26 complement, not replace, traditional humanities research. I and the following study share this belief: by detecting long-term trends and analyzing individual stories, we can more effectively address the open-ended research questions posed earlier. This integrative approach allows for a richer, more nuanced exploration of textual data. Many DH scholars who actively participate in methodological discussions around close and distant reading typically work with literary textual data. Before going into the technological details of my research, it is important to acknowledge the criticisms directed at computational literary studies (CLS) by Nan Z. Da. Da criticizes the use of computational methods in literary studies, highlighting their limitations in capturing the subtleties of literary texts (604). She also argues that the robustness of CLS findings is frequently overstated and that there is a fundamental mismatch between the statistical tools used and the complex nature of literary data (601). Literary texts, especially those from a single genre, employ complex narrative structures, nuanced character developments, and thematic depths that extend far beyond the surface-level word patterns. According to Da, CLS results are often either trivial or an overstatement of the statistical confidence with which non-trivial results are reached. In contrast, the application of computational methods such as topic modeling varies significantly between shorter textual formats like news articles and extensive literary texts. News articles, typically ranging from 600 to 800 words, present concise narratives and specific information relevant to timely events. Shorter texts allow for the effective use of topic modeling techniques to analyze themes and patterns across multiple articles from different agencies efficiently. Additionally, unlike some CLS approaches criticized by Da, this dissertation does not end its analysis at mere visualization and results presentation, but rather uses its finding as a starting point to go back into the primary material located with the help of computational 27 methods. My dissertation emphasizes a reciprocal relationship between quantitative methods (examining computational results) and qualitative humanistic analysis. Researchers Louisa Parks and Wim Peters propose a workflow approach using natural language processing (NLP) in mixed-methods text analysis. In their 2023 article, they state, “Mixing methods can overcome research errors, involve both representative samples and close attention to contexts” (380). They emphasize that in practice, research methodologies are often customized to meet scholarly needs, such as addressing specific research questions, and are influenced by factors like the research domain, the size of the text corpus, and the particular research interests (380). They outline a four-step workflow that functions cyclically, including the formulation of research questions, the choice of inductive/deductive methodology, the selection and application of NLP methods and tools, and manual expert interpretation, evaluation and exploration (385, Figure 2). This cyclical, integrative methodological framework resonates with the approach I adopted in this dissertation. Based on my domain knowledge and research interests, I initially formulated research questions. Following this, I conducted a preliminary review of thirty selected articles relevant to the multiethnic aspect of the national team in the media. During this review, I extracted various key concepts to help query the database (see chapter 1.3). After acquiring the data, I selected NLP methods and tools (e.g. topic modeling) to process and analyze the textual data (see chapter 1.4). Through qualitatively examining the topic modeling results, I refined the methods to more effectively analyze topic correlations (see chapter 1.5.2) and draw time series to visualize temporal changes in narratives (see chapter 1.5.3). I read through the top articles calculated as most relevant to selected topics. With the insights gained throughout this process, I revisited my initially proposed research questions, ensuring clarity on 28 what I could measure and analyze. In addition, I constructed the chapters and outlined the analytical structure within each one based on findings in the qualitative reading process. This methodological approach allows for a more holistic analysis that captures both the broad trends over the years and the intricate details within individual tournaments, thus addressing the depth and breadth required to explore the shifts in public discourse and national sentiment effectively. It is encouraging to find that DH scholars have increasingly embraced a wide range of mixed methods approaches, sometimes under different names such as “mixed-methodological digital humanities” or “scalable reading.” This methodology combines quantitative computational techniques with qualitative human interpretation and evaluation to analyze humanities data, which in my research, are cultural data from German newspapers. As described above, the cyclical nature of this workflow ensures that both quantitative and qualitative approaches are included throughout the process, and I consistently balance quantitative results with human interpretation, aimed at addressing humanities-focused research questions. Following the framework established by Nguyen et al., I turn now to the media data utilized in this dissertation. 1.3 Data When analyzing how media narratives have portrayed the German men’s national team and how the multiethnic composition of this team has been used to represent a multiethnic German society from 2006 to 2018, it became apparent that existing databases are very limited with respect to my research questions. These databases often lack the specific focus, depth, or customization needed to accurately address the subtle dynamics of national identity and individual narratives as portrayed across various media sources over an extended time period. This insufficiency called for the creation of a customized data collection that includes news 29 articles from a diverse array of outlets across the political spectrum and different types of publications. To ensure a balanced and representative dataset, I created my customized corpus by carefully finding and selecting articles from the Nexis Uni database. Nexis Uni is an academic search engine that contains vast range of journalistic documents. The frequency of articles corresponded with major football events, including the men’s World Cups (2006, 2010, 2014, 2018), the men’s European Championships (2008, 2012, 2016), the women’s World Cups (2007, 2011, 2015), and the women’s European Championships (2009, 2013, 2017). I selected these articles from eleven distinct major digital news outlets, including newspapers, magazines, and the most widely read tabloid, to cover a broad political spectrum from left to right. Given the political nuances inherent in discussions of national identity and inclusion, including sources across the political spectrum was essential to provide a well-rounded understanding of the narratives across different media outlets. This selection includes, with general political orientation marked in parentheses: ● Daily National Subscription Papers: taz/Die Tageszeitung (left-wing, green), Süddeutsche Zeitung (center-left), Der Tagesspiegel (liberal, centrist), Die Welt (center-right), Bild (center-right), Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (liberal-conservative) ● Weekly National Subscription Papers: Die Zeit (centrist/left-liberal) ● National News Magazines: Der Spiegel (left-liberal), Stern (left-liberal), Focus (liberal- conservative) ● Regional Papers: Frankfurter Rundschau (liberal) Before detailing the corpus-building process, I want to acknowledge the substantial guidance I received from the Computational Humanities Group (CHG) at Leipzig University, 30 particularly from Dr. Andreas Niekler. His expertise was invaluable in formulating and selecting queries, developing strategies for cleaning the data downloaded, and preparing it for further analysis. He provided critical insights and recommendations for the coding scripts. In recognition of his crucial contributions, the first-person plural “we” is used in the remainder of this and the upcoming subsections. Following the structure proposed by Nguyen et al., the following subsections will provide a detailed explanation of the processes from data acquisition to data compilation, documenting each step and, most importantly, the decisions we made along the way. This approach underlines that DH projects involve numerous steps where decisions are made based on the best available research knowledge of the researchers. Documenting these decision-making processes and their underlying reasoning is crucial for future scholars.10 We documented the computational approaches of this dissertation in three R Markdown files. The first file, “corpus_creator_reader,” contains scripts where we compiled all downloaded files from Nexis Uni into a single .rds file for further processing. The second file, “topicmodels- 24,” includes all steps from data preprocessing to the analysis of topics, as detailed in chapter 1.5. The last one is “SelectText4Read,” in which I created subsets for each tournament. I then analyzed articles based on their relevance to selected topics and incorporated the results into the respective chapters. All three R markdown files can be found under Appendix A: R Markdown Scripts. 10 Throughout my research stay at Leipzig University, I visited seminars, completed pilot projects, conducted testing, and presented at different research meetings. I was constantly learning and testing. Although I documented my progress at each stage, I did not centralize all documentations like a research journal. In retrospect, consolidating all learning processes and testing results would have been extremely beneficial. I hope future researchers can learn from this experience and consider maintaining a centralized journal for their work. 31 1.3.1 Data Acquisition Data acquisition is a critical first step in research projects that hinges on the quality and integrity of data. In this project, the absence of a suitable existing database necessitated seeking data from alternative sources. First and foremost, newspaper articles are protected under EU copyright laws and are not regarded as common property. According to the Urheberrechtsgesetz (Act on Copyright and Related Rights, UrhG) Section 60c Scientific Research Item (1), up to 15 percent of the work may be reproduced and distributed for non-commercial scientific research. This prohibits the scraping of news article websites and the downloading of their publications. Alternatively, using a search engine such as Google to aggregate all relevant news articles is impractical on a large scale. After unsuccessful trying to gain access to large news corpora, we eventually decided to build a customized corpus for this dissertation.11 Inspired by the work of Stehle and Weber, and Fischer and Mohrman, I evaluated several databases, including Access World News, Research Collection, Factiva, Nexis Uni, and Gale OneFile: News. After a thorough comparison, I selected Nexis Uni as the primary source for my research for multiple reasons. Firstly, Nexis Uni provides extensive coverage of German newspapers, including major publications such as Der Spiegel, Die Welt, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, etc. Secondly, it supports Boolean searching, a method that enhances search precision and speed by allowing the combination of keywords with operators like AND, OR, and NOT to define results. Thirdly, Nexis Uni offers advanced options for date 11 In fall 2021, Prof. Manuel Burghardt, the PI of the Computational Humanities Group at Leipzig University, acting on my behalf, contacted the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek (DNB, German National Library) to request access to their databases. Unfortunately, we were only granted access to 5-grams from news articles in their archive. An “n-gram” represents a contiguous sequence of “n” items from a given sample of text. The “n” specifies the number of words in the sequence, meaning that we could have only collected articles with sequences of up to 5 words at a time. Although Google’s Book Ngram Viewer is a well-known application of this technology, the limited scope of 5- grams proved insufficient for this research needs, as I aimed to conduct an in-depth analysis of the articles at a later stage. This led to the decision to abandon the use of data from the DNB. 32 filtering, allowing for more accurate temporal segmentation of data. Lastly, although it imposes certain retrieval limits (100 items per download), these constraints are more favorable than those of competing databases. Upon selecting Nexis Uni as the data source, I revisited the terms outlined in UrhG Section 60d concerning Text and Data Mining for Scientific Research Purposes to ensure full legal compliance. According to these regulations, reproductions are permitted exclusively for non-commercial scientific research. It also states that once the research has concluded, reproductions must not be shared with others, and any public access should be limited. 1.3.2 Compiling Data Upon identifying Nexis Uni as the data source, the next step is to compile the datasets through search, refinement, and retrieval. This task involved identifying and extracting news articles from Nexis Uni databases that align with the research questions. We developed a robust set of procedures to locate relevant articles within the Nexis Uni databases. The user manual provided by LexisNexis, “Developing a Search with LexisNexis,” offers clear guidance on the syntax and functions of the Nexis database, complete with practical examples. It outlines five essential steps for constructing a search: identifying two to four key concepts, selecting sources, choosing search terms, incorporating wildcards for word variations, and linking search terms using connectors such as AND and OR (3). Adhering to these guidelines, the initial step involved identifying relevant concepts. To aid this process, we initially selected thirty articles published between 2006 and 2018 by major German news outlets on the topic of the multiethnic national team. These articles were chosen from those I had previously reviewed and used during the writing and defence of my dissertation prospectus. I read these articles to identify key concepts that would help us locate additional articles later on. After thoroughly reviewing these articles, I 33 documented keywords from each one, which helped me identify common concepts. Details are documented in Appendix B. Numb er Title + Link Date (d/m/y) Publisher Keywords 1 2 3 Mehr als nur ein Spiel Flaggenparade der WM- Patrioten 08.06.2006 Der Spiegel Fußball, Triumph, politische, Globalisierung, WM, Mannschaft, WM-Titel, Nationalmannschaft, deutsch 12.06.2006 Der Spiegel Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Flaggen, Wir- Gefühl, Patriotismusdebatte, Weltmeisterschaft, die deutsche Mannschaft, Nationalmannschaft, WM, Patriotismus, nationale Symbole, Selbstbewusstsein, WM- Sieg, Wunder von Bern Deutschland scheitert an Italien 04.07.2006 Der Spiegel Klinsmann, Nationalmannschaft, Bundestrainer, WM, DFB-Elf, Mannschaft, Deutschland Table 1. Examples of metadata and keywords extracted from three articles among the 30 articles. As illustrated in the examples provided in Appendix B, I wrote down keywords representing various concepts and categorized them into nine distinct groups: team names, events, political subjects, team history, fan-related terminology, geographical references, individuals, symbols, and miscellaneous terms (see Appendix C). For instance, I identified seventeen different ways to refer to the same men’s team, including terms like “die deutsche Mannschaft,” “Fußball-Nationalmannschaft,” “DFB-Elf,” “WM-Elf,” and “Nationalelf.” This collection not only reveals common reporting styles about the team but also equips researchers with crucial concepts that will serve as guiding principles in future analyses. With the assistance of Nexis Uni’s search syntax, I crafted and tested three queries using the Nexis Uni web interface. Although this process is presented linearly, in practice, it involved numerous iterations and continual refinement of the search strings. For greater clarity, I tested 34 three combinations of different groups of concepts—among the nine groups identified in Appendix C—to determine their effectiveness. Combination 1 contains team names alongside “DFB.” Combination 2 includes specific player’s names, such as “Boateng.” Combination 3 has team names in conjunction with events, such as “Gaucho-Tanz.” Each combination presented inherent limitations. For example, using “Boateng” could yield articles discussing both Boateng brothers, one of whom plays for the Ghana national team; and some events were only relevant within a specific timeframe, like “Gaucho-Tanz” in 2014. Therefore, three overarching concepts that best captured the search goals were outlined to guide the research: “sports,” “team names,” and “geoframe.” Sports: football AND Team names AND Geoframe Fussball OR Fußball OR DFB deutsch! OR DFB Nationalmannschaft OR Mannschaft OR die deutsche Mannschaft OR National- mannschaft OR Fußball- Nationalmannschaft OR Fußball- Weltmesiterschaft OR Fußballnationalmannschaft OR Nationalteam OR Weltmeister OR Fußball-Weltmeister OR DFB-Elf OR WM-Elf OR WM-Team OR Elf OR DFB-Team OR Nationalelf OR DFB-Mannschaft Table 2. Three overarching concepts and keywords under each concept used in the search. During the iterative refinement of the search queries, we developed three queries to extract news articles from the Nexis Uni database. We then evaluated each query’s performance using the Nexis Uni web interface over the designated time frame from January 1, 2006, to December 31, 2018. Here are the results of three queries: Query 1 yielded 127,837 items, Query 2 produced 114,987 items, and Query 3 resulted in 5,739 items. For reference, three queries are listed below: 35 Query 1: (Fussball OR Fußball) AND (Nationalmannschaft OR Mannschaft OR National-mannschaft OR Fußball-Nationalmannschaft OR Fußballnationalmannschaft OR Nationalteam OR (deutsch! w/4 Weltmeister) OR Fußball-Weltmeister OR DFB-Elf OR WM-Elf OR WM-Team OR Elf OR DFB-Team OR Nationalelf OR DFB-Mannschaft) AND (deutsch! or DFB!) Query 2: (WM or EM) AND (Nationalmannschaft OR Mannschaft OR National-mannschaft OR Fußball- Nationalmannschaft OR Fußballnationalmannschaft OR Nationalteam OR (deutsch! w/4 Weltmeister) OR Fußball-Weltmeister OR DFB-Elf OR WM-Elf OR WM-Team OR Elf OR DFB- Team OR Nationalelf OR DFB-Mannschaft) AND (deutsch! or DFB!) Query 3: (deutsch! w/4 Nationalmannschaft OR deutsch! w/4 Mannschaft OR deutsch! w/4 National- mannschaft OR deutsch! w/4 Fußball-Nationalmannschaft OR deutsch! w/4 Fußballnationalmannschaft OR deutsch! w/4 Nationalteam OR deutsch! w/4 Weltmeister OR deutsch! w/4 Fußball-Weltmeister OR DFB-Elf OR WM-Elf OR WM-Team OR deutsch! w/1 Elf OR DFB-Team OR Nationalelf OR DFB-Mannschaft) AND (Fussball OR Fußball) AND (deutsch! or DFB!) The outcomes of each query exhibited significant variations, which required a thorough examination and evaluation of the search results. Due to the impracticality of reviewing a quarter of a million articles within the time constraints of writing a dissertation, we searched for a quantitative way to find which of these queries was best at locating news articles related to this research. In information retrieval, Precision at k (P@k) is a metric used to evaluate the relevancy of a set of retrieved documents. It answers the question: “Of the k results retrieved, how many are relevant?” “K” represents the number of items we manually check to determine if they fit with the research. Firstly, we ranked the articles based on their prevalence in Nexis Uni, which was also a recommendation listed in the Lexis Nexis user manual. Secondly, the value of “k” was set to 10 to assess the first 10 articles generated by each query. 𝑃@10 = 𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑣𝑎𝑛𝑡 𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑠 𝑣𝑖𝑒𝑤𝑒𝑑 𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑠 = 𝑛 𝑘 = 𝑛 10 The Precision at 10 (P@10) for queries 1, 2, and 3 for the first ten items all yielded perfect scores of 1 (100%). This means the top 10 relevant articles for each query all fit into this 36 research frame. We then extended the evaluation to P@10 for articles listed from 11-20, 21-30, 51-60, 101-110, 151-160, 201-210, 251-260, 301-310, 401-410, 501-510, and 1001-1010 for all three queries. Throughout this process, query 3’s results consistently produced the highest P@10. This indicated that query 3 delivered the most accurate search results within Nexis Uni for this research topic. The Precision at k test results also suggested that the research results provided a robust foundation from which we can identify a collection of articles and then analyze them using mixed methods. 1.4 Operationalization Subsection 1.4 goes into the phase of operationalization, a process described by Nguyen et al. as the development of specific measures for the concept of interests (5). They emphasize the necessity to “recognize gaps between what is important and what is easy to measure,” which serves as the guiding principle in this context (5). This statement also aligns with the sentiments of subsection 1.2 and highlights the importance of well-defined humanities research questions that drive the methodology. Again, the questions that guide this research are: In what ways is the multiethnic men’s national team represented in media narratives and how do these representations relate to discussions of German national identity? What social dynamics have shaped conversations around the team during the period of study?12 These questions form the backbone of the methodology, influence each step, and ensure that the digital procedures adopted are means to an end, rather than ends in themselves. Following Nguyen et al.’s suggestions, this subsection focuses on four key areas: model considerations, annotation, data preprocessing, and topic modeling. Each plays an important role in translating the theoretical research framework 12 When I refer to “the men’s team,” I primarily focus on the professional national football team but also include the U21 team from the 2009 European U21 Championship, which played an essential role in narratives related to “Multikulti.” 37 into measurable components that align with the overarching research questions. 1.4.1 Modeling Considerations A. Variable Types Given the focus of this dissertation on how media narratives evolve over time, it is crucial to maintain a consistent format for the date of publication for each article. This will help ensure that any temporal analysis is based on reliable and uniform temporal data. B. Supervised vs Unsupervised Learning Supervised learning involves using well-labeled data to predict outcomes for new, unlabeled data (Cunningham et al.). For instance, the term “Berlin” might be tagged as “geolocation,” and “Özil” as “player.” However, the dataset in this research does not have such predefined labels, which are essential for supervised learning. More importantly, the goal of this research is to uncover hidden patterns within the media narratives, which makes an unsupervised approach more appropriate. Unsupervised learning learns patterns from unlabeled data (Sun et al.) It does not require any labeled data as input and can be thought of as finding patterns in the data (Ghahramani et al.). This method allows for the exploration of data without the constraints of pre-assigned categories, offering a more flexible framework suitable for the uniquely tailored dataset at hand.13 1.4.2 Annotation Annotation, a sub-branch of NLP, involves the labeling of dataset elements to enrich text with additional, meaningful information. This often includes tagging parts of speech, semantic roles, or other linguistic features. In this research, the annotation process uses UDPipe, a tool that 13 This research uses topic modeling, which is a type of unsupervised learning. Machine learning includes a variety of techniques and algorithms used to find patterns and other tasks. Although topic modeling falls under the umbrella of machine learning, this research does not extend to the broader topics around machine learning algorithms and only focuses on the application of specific techniques. 38 provides pre-trained models for several NLP tasks including tokenization, part-of-speech tagging, and parsing. By employing UDPipe’s pre-trained models for Standard German, this step automates the annotation process, ensuring that the textual data is prepared properly for the upcoming steps. 1.4.3 Data Preprocessing Nguyen et al. emphasize that preparing data, especially unstructured data, can be highly time-consuming, a process often underreported in research publications (7). Acknowledging its critical importance, I documented every step of data preprocessing in this study as each decision can significantly influence the research outcomes. Indeed, data processing is already part of the hermeneutic process, which will be elaborated in subsequent chapters. We primarily used RStudio and relevant packages for data preprocessing, topic modeling, and analysis in this and upcoming steps. The data preprocessing for this study includes several key steps. As shown in subsection 1.3.2, we downloaded all 5,739 items generated from query 3 locally from the Nexis Uni database. We then converted all downloaded documents into a structured dataset. Most of these files were .docx files, with some exceptions being .pdf files. We manually proofread all .pdf files to ensure that each .pdf file had its corresponding .docx document so that no additional content was added to the dataset. During this process, we also merged duplicated items into one data entry. In the next step, we compiled all .docx documents into a data frame named “result,” which includes four predefined columns: “text,” “title,” “date,” and “publication.” This data frame is saved as “result_clean6-14-23.rds.” The process of assembling the dataset is detailed in the “corpus_creator_reader.qmd” file, and a screenshot below provides a visual reference of the data frame: 39 Table 3. Screenshot of the data frame displaying the four columns—text, title, date, and publication. For the next step, we used the UDPipe package to perform linguistic annotations, which involved parts-of-speech (POS) tagging for each word based on its definition and context, such as marking “Mannschaft (team)” as “Noun.” We then conducted tokenization and lemmatization, breaking down the text into informational building blocks and reducing words to their root forms. This annotation process, which typically took 30-50 minutes, and with results saved in “text_anndf.rds.” Saving the annotation results in .rds files is advisable as it streamlines the research process. Given the time-consuming nature of annotation, preserving these results ensures they would be available for subsequent analyses, which eliminates the need to repeat the entire annotation process. The dataset was then further refined, retaining only nouns, proper nouns, adjectives, and numbers. This refined dataset is saved under “filtered_text.rds.” We used the quanteda package to convert all tokens to lowercase and remove punctuations, numbers, symbols, and stop words, ensuring cleaner data for analysis (see Table 4 below). Stop words are commonly used words such as “and,” “the,” and “a,” which are typically filtered out before processing text because they offer little value in understanding the contents of the documents. 40 Table 4. Screenshot showing the converted tokens in the corpus. Instead of employing the commonly used Named Entity Recognition (NER) technique, this study opts for collocation detection to concentrate on understanding patterns—specifically, how words are used alongside other words—rather than identifying specific entities such as people or locations. The screenshot of the first 22 collocation results below demonstrates that this method successfully identified players’ names (michael ballack, thomas müller, joachim löw), football clubs (real madrid, bayern münchen, borussia dortmund), and a media agency (spiegel online). Table 5. Screenshot of the first 22 collocations. The top 500 word units were incorporated into a document term matrix (DTM), where 41 each was treated as a single token rather than being split into multiple parts. This approach prevented situations where phrases like “DFB Elf” (DFB’s Eleven) were incorrectly parsed into separate entities—“DFB” and “Elf”—which could change the intended meaning. This DTM was further refined to include terms appearing in at least 1% but no more than 99% of the documents. The final count of documents and terms in the DTM (4944 documents and 3170 terms) marks the completion of our data preprocessing phase. We repeated this preprocessing phase multiple times to ensure consistency. The recurring appearance of the same DTM improves the reliability and stability of the approach and sets the stage for the subsequent topic modeling phase. 1.4.4 Topic Modeling Topic modeling is a widely utilized and powerful analytical method for examining extensive collections of documents (Vayansky and Kumar; Barde and Bainwad). A topic model is a statistical tool that helps researchers identify “themes” or “topics” across selected documents by sorting words into groups based on their co-occurrence in the text. Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA), developed by Blei in 2003, is a probabilistic model that deduces topics through word co- occurrence patterns (Blei et al.; Lafferty and Blei). In recent years, numerous digital humanities projects have adopted LDA for topic modeling analysis (Erlin and Tatlock; Fu et al.; Khan et al.; Navarro-Colorado). As a leading method, LDA offers significant advantages in unsupervised learning within large text corpora. However, for this research, simply identifying overarching topics does not fully meet the analytical needs. A crucial aspect of this research is chronologically tracing the evolution of these topics. Structural Topic Models (STM) enhance LDA by incorporating metadata such as author information and publication dates. These features make STM a particularly well-suited method for this research. The DTM saved from previous steps serves as the foundation of topic modeling by 42 representing the frequency of terms across documents. We then transformed this DTM into a format that was compatible with the STM package in R. A critical aspect of employing topic modeling techniques is determining the optimal number of topics. To address this, we applied the soc.searchK() function within the STM package to conduct a thorough search. This function generated four diagnostic values for each number of topics: held-out likelihood, residuals, semantic coherence, and lower bound. Each metric provides distinct insights: held-out likelihood estimates the model’s predictive accuracy; residuals assess model fit; semantic coherence evaluates topic interpretability; and the lower bound indicates the overall quality of the model. As shown in Figure 1 below, at 80 topics, the model achieved a significant improvement in semantic coherence and held-out likelihood without sacrificing residuals and maintaining a stable lower bound. The decision to select 80 topics was influenced by a combination of these metrics reaching their optimal levels at this topic number, indicating a balance between model complexity (number of topics) and effectiveness (ability to meaningfully categorize and predict the data). 43 Figure 1. Diagnostic metrics: Displays performance across various topic numbers. The final step before obtaining the topic modeling results was model selection. This process was also critical as it determined the most presentative model of the underlying topics within the dataset. At first, the selectModel function from the STM package was used to help select the most suitable STM models (Roberts et al. 59). This function evaluated various models based on 80 topics, conducting 20 iterations to ensure the reliability of the results. In the semantic coherence visualization listed below, the x-axis represents semantic coherence, indicating that models positioned further to the right are more semantically coherent and thus more interpretable. Models higher on the y-axis (exclusivity) contained words that were unique to each topic, suggesting that the topics were well-differentiated and, consequently, more desirable. 44 Figure 2. Scatter plot generated by the selectModel function, showcasing results from four STM models. The plot illustrates variations in semantic coherence and exclusivity across the models. After closely examining the scatter plot produced by the selectModel function, it was challenging to determine which group of dots was positioned closest to the top-right, the area indicating optimal semantic coherence and exclusivity. Therefore, we made the decision to manually review the topics generated from each model to select the most suitable STM model based on the domain expert’s (in this case, the author herself) judgment. All results from this topic modeling evaluation were documented in Appendix D. The comparative analysis involved displaying results from all four models simultaneously and closely examining the content of each topic (see Figure 3 below). Although many topics were similar across the models, the first model stood out as more coherent and the topics were well-differentiated. For example, topic 64 focused on the team’s achievements and players; topic 21 addressed spectators and fans; topics 10 and 55 detailed performances on the pitch; topic 5 related to the team and their titles; topic 69 centered on the trainer Löw; and topic 65 covered fans, swag, and police interactions, which presented a particularly intriguing area for further investigation. 45 Additionally, specific topics such as topic 2 (kind, mensch, haus, freund, familie, schule), topic 39 (vater, frau, sohn, foto, bruder, mutter), topic 14 (merkel, politik, kanzlerin, cdu, spd, berlin), and topic 50 (türkisch, özil, türkei, türke, mesut_özil, deutsch, rassismus, land) each suggested distinct avenues worthy of deeper exploration. These insights led to the selection of model 1 for this research. Figure 3. A screenshot illustrating the manual comparison of results by listing them side by side for detailed review. In summary, the approach is founded in text analysis techniques such as LDA and STM, accompanied by numerical analysis to optimize the number of topics. We then manually reviewed the results to help ensure meaningful output. The continuation of work with the topic modeling results, consisting of 80 topics generated from model 1, will be discussed in the next subchapter. 46 1.5 Results Analysis of the Quantitative Methods This section presents the results of the topic modeling conducted using STM approach. The analysis starts with identifying important topics, where the results provide insights into the composition of the data collection. Further examinations, including topic correlation and time series analysis of selected topics, offer an overall view of the thematic evolution of the data. I will also refer to this analysis in individual chapters as they relate to the materials. 1.5.1 Topic Modeling Results As detailed in subsection 1.4.4, we generated 80 topics from model 1 and each topic contains eight most-related words. Upon thorough examination of all topics and informed by my previous knowledge of this subject matter, I identified and selected fourteen important topics for further exploration. This selection process was inherently subjective, as it relied on analytical judgments about the relevance and utility of each topic for the project. An overview of all 80 topics is provided below, with markers indicating which 14 were used to conduct initial qualitative analysis. 47 Figure 4. Topic modeling overview: 80 topics from model 1, highlighting 14 key topics, ordered by their prevalence in the corpus. Table 6 below displays the fourteen selected topics, ordered by their relative proportions within the corpus. It is important to note that the computational approach initially identifies topics by numbers only. I assigned names to each topic based on the most frequent words within each topic and my domain knowledge of the subject matter. In individual chapters, I reviewed articles most relevant to the identified topics and noticed that not all the initial names I assigned were accurate. For example, I initially labeled topic 50 as “Mesut Özil and Germany,” but later found “Turkish German relationship” to be more appropriate since not all articles exclusively discussed Özil. 48 Topic Number Topic Name Most Frequent Words Topic 7 Topic 21 Topic 5 The national team and Germany deutsch, deutschland, deutsche, land, gut, nation, deutsch_elf, deutsch_mannschaft Spectators (public viewing) spiel, groß, platz, berlin, stadt, public_viewing, fanmeil, bier The team and its achievements mannschaft, team, groß, jahr, erfolg, titel, deutsch_fußball, welt Topic 65 Spectators and authority Topic 49 Societal discussions Topic 4 Women’s team Topic 2 Early personal life fan, stimmung, polizei, fahne, anhänger, mensch, flagge, fußballfan frage, thema, fall, klar, kritik, öffentlich, medium, debatte frau, spielerin, frauenfußball, neid, kanada, silvia_neid, wm, bundestrainerin kind, mensch, klein, haus, freund, familie, schule, schüler Topic 54 History of the men’s team beckenbauer, 1990, franz_beckenbauer, weltmeister, 1974, 1954, held, matthäus Topic 39 Family vater, frau, sohn, foto, gut, leben, bruder, mutter Topic 56 Players (1) Topic 14 Politicians Topic 9 Klinsmann Topic 80 Players (2) müller, thomas_müller, khedira, özil, mesut_özil, kroos, sami_khedira, toni_kroos merkel, politik, kanzlerin, cdu, spd, politiker, berlin, angela_merkel klinsmann, jürgen_klinsmann, trainer, usa, bundestrainer, us, mannschaft, coach klose, podolski, boateng, schweinsteiger, neu, lukas_podolski, mertesacker, miroslav_klose Topic 50 Turkish German relationship türkisch, özil, türkei, türke, mesut_özil, deutsch, rassismus, land Table 6. Selected topics from topic modeling results based on model 1. After identifying fourteen key topics for detailed examination, we used the findThought function within the STM package to locate representative documents for each topic, which could enhance our understanding of documents with high topical relevance (Roberts et al.). This 49 function facilitated the extraction of the top ten articles per topic, which were then reviewed to find the overarching themes within the topic modeling outcomes. This review process served two primary purposes: validation of topic modeling results and re-evaluation of topic names’ appropriateness and accuracy. For example, it allowed for a manual inspection of the correlation between the “most related” articles, as determined by the algorithm, and my pre-existing knowledge of the corpus. This step proved to be invaluable as it helped me identify and correct any oversight in the coding process. While this oversight did not impact the initial topic modeling results, it could have led to errors in later stages when locating articles.14 A review of the articles from the corpus that are most relevant to the fourteen selected topics provided a broad understanding of the collected data. This foundational knowledge is critical in shaping the development of arguments in subsequent chapters. Here, I offer preliminary insights and a few examples of how the topics can be interpreted. This subsection provides an overview of the thematic structure without getting into the weeds of analyzing each topic in great detail. More detailed examinations are reserved for subsequent chapters. For example, topic 7, which ranks second in prevalence within the corpus, is named “the national team and Germany.” Articles related to topic 7 predominantly cover major football tournaments, highlighting significant narratives about the men’s national team. Notable narratives include the universal positive reception from both local and international spectators and political figures during the 2006 World Cup (articles 1, 4, and 7 under topic 7), the recurring theme of German flag displays in 2006 (article 4 under topic 7) and 2010 (article 6 14 This step took three days of work. When processing and preparing the text for topic modeling, four files were removed during the process. Efforts to locate these documents revealed that three contained empty text fields, and one file only included an HTML link. These four files hence only had content for “title,” “date,” and “publication,” but nothing under the “text” column. These four files were subsequently eliminated from the final dataset as they did not contribute to the topic modeling process. 50 under the same topic), the nickname “die Mannschaft” —which translates directly to “the team”—for the 2014 men’s national team (article 5), and discussions football’s intertwining with patriotism during the 2008 European Championship (article 8). In article 8 from the Frankfurter Rundschau titled “Vom Stolz auf die Balltreter” (From pride in the footballers), journalist Steinke wrote, “Erinnerungen an das Sommermärchen 2006 werden wach. Sonst tut man sich hier etwas schwer mit der Vaterlandsliebe,” (Memories of the 2006 summer fairy tale are awakened. Otherwise, it is a little difficult to feel patriotism here). Reflecting on the 2006 World Cup and questioning the surge of patriotism often linked with football, this article hints at the complex interplay between national identity and sporting events. This observation underscores the need to further explore the significance of the 2006 summer fairy tale phenomenon. Chapter 2 will focus on the creation and utilization of 2006 summer fairy tale narratives and how they contribute to the large discourse of having this diverse and positive men’s national football team represent a diverse and modern German society. Since this research draws on material both within and beyond the scope of this corpus, a brief note on citation is warranted. Throughout the following, any in-text citation that references “article X under topic X” or mentions “in the corpus” indicates that the article is part of the custom-built corpus described in this chapter. All such articles are listed in the “Bibliography” section under the subsection “Newspaper Articles in the Corpus.” Additionally, I have of course utilized materials outside of the corpus, recognizing that the corpus may not encompass all events from this 13-year period. News materials outside of the corpus as well as citations from secondary and theoretical literature follow general in-text citation style, author’s name or article title and page number. The term “located using” indicates that while the text is part of the corpus, it was identified using methods other than topic modeling. 51 Furthermore, the historical narrative of the men’s national team permeates media discourse. An analysis of articles related to topic 54, “The history of the men’s team,” confirms this statement. The 1954 World Cup Final, also known as the Das Wunder von Bern (Miracle of Bern) was depicted as a moment of national reassertion. Symbolized by the phrase “Wir sind wieder wer” (We are someone again), such narratives illustrate the expression of a collective belonging through sports achievements (article 6 under topic 54, “60 Jahre BRD; Der Sport verwundert”). These findings emphasize the need to illustrate the historical milestones and events in German football history that are integral to the narratives within the research period. Thus, chapter 2 will provide a detailed analysis of these historical moments in German football history, to help fully comprehend their impact and significance in shaping public and media discourse. Topics such as 56 and 80 highlight the significant role of players in media narratives, specifically focusing on members of the men’s team. Topic 56 predominantly discusses the on- field performance of players such as Per Mertesacker (articles 3 and 4 under this topic), Marco Reus (article 3 under the same topic), Mario Götze (articles 3 and 4), Manuel Neuer (article 3), Toni Kroos (article 4), Thomas Müller (articles 7 and 9), Jerome Boateng (article 9), Andre Schürrle (articles 3 and 9). Miroslav Klose and Lukas Podolski are mentioned across both topics. An article from Die Welt, “Sind diese Jungs wirklich aus Deutschland?” (Are the boys really from Germany?) (article 8 under topic 80) praised Lukas Podolski for challenging the stereotypes about the Germans and representing a more positive and relaxed image. Media coverage also occasionally mentions Podolski’s Polish roots, especially during matches between Germany and Poland. However, for the most part, his Polish ancestry is often overlooked in narratives that celebrate him as embodying a cheerful, modern German image, particularly as a 52 social media star. This complex portrayal of Podolski presents an intriguing contradiction. Despite having an immigration history, his Polish ethnicity and being a white player often leads the media to overlook his heritage and portray him in a more positive manner. This sharply contrasts with the portrayal of other players of color, regardless of their immigration history. This disparity shows the limitations of the categories used to describe players with diverse backgrounds, as discussed in the Introduction and, hence, is the reason the term “multiethnic” more accurately captures the diversity within the team. The differences in media representations of players with diverse identities will be further explored in Chapters 2, 3, and 4. On a similar note, regarding players with history of immigration, topic 50 focuses distinctly on Mesut Özil and his Turkish heritage, featuring several articles that discuss his challenging experiences and strained relationships within the team during the 2018 World Cup in Russia (see articles 4, 5, and 7 under topic 80). Although Özil’s on-the-pitch performance is also featured in discussions under topic 56 (article 4), topic 80 specifically touches on the discourse surrounding him following the controversial photograph with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in May 2018, as well as his exit from the men’s national team after the team’s dismal performance at the 2018 World Cup. The evolution of this narrative and its broader implications will be further discussed in chapter 4. Before transitioning into the next subsection, it is also important to note findings from articles associated with topic 4. Although this topic initially seems focused exclusively on the women’s team, a closer review of the ten articles examined reveals that only three directly address the women’s team’s performance or female football players (see articles 5, 6, and 10 under topic 4), with the remaining articles still about the men’s team. These three articles on the women’s team provide insightful observations. For example, in an article title “So können wir 53 nicht auftreten,” (We cannot perform like this) (article 6), women footballer Melanie Leupolz offers a very critical assessment of the team’s performance, stating, “Ich bin glücklich, dass wir gewonnen haben und Gruppenerster sind, aber wir wissen selbst, dass wir nicht gut gespielt haben” (I am happy that we won and finished first in the group, but we know that we did not play well) (Steinbichler 2015). Such self-critical reflections, particularly following a victory, are rarely seen among male players but are evident in the discourse surrounding female players. Furthermore, an article titled “Wer ist der Kerl auf dem Bild?” (Who is the guy in the picture) (article 5) from Spiegel Online focuses on Michael Fuchs, the only male in the women’s team photograph, and describes his contribution to the team, which further demonstrates how media attention sometimes still shifts towards the sole male figure despite the presence of world-class players like Nadine Angerer. Although these insights are derived from just the first ten articles reviewed, they suggest a potentially broader representation of the women’s team within the corpus. However, due to time constraints, this dissertation does not provide a complete analysis of the narratives surrounding the women’s national football team. I encourage future scholars to develop projects solely dedicated to studying the narratives surrounding the women’s team. 1.5.2 Topic Correlation Results and Analysis In the previous step, namely 1.5.1, I identified fourteen important topics for this research, and then qualitatively reviewed some of the most relevant articles for various topics. The insights derived from qualitative analysis offer thematic frameworks and structural guidance for the subsequent chapters. This subsection explores the correlations between all 80 topics, aiming to extract additional insights through various computational and visualization techniques. The initial approach involved a topic correlation visualization using functions provided by the STM package. However, this analysis yielded a minimally informative visualization, as depicted 54 below in Figure 5. The topics appeared overly clustered and failed to reveal discernible patterns or information that could facilitate further analysis. Nevertheless, including such outcomes demonstrate that not all existing techniques are universally applicable to individual projects, and encountering less informative results is common for any DH project. Figure 5. Visualization of topic correlation based on 80 topics generated from model 1. Given that the objective of this subsection is to explore the relationships among all topics, we implemented an alternative strategy to identify topics that frequently co-occur within the corpus. We used the topicCorr function in the STM library to generate a color-coded correlation matrix. In this matrix, deep blue signifies a strong positive correlation, while dark red indicates a strong negative correlation. This visualization displays the inter-topic relationships, with each matrix cell representing the correlation coefficient between two topics. For instance, the intersection of the row and column for topic 1 is dark blue, as every topic correlates perfectly with itself. Upon examination of this visualization, apart from a few blue spots at the intersection 55 of topics 30 and 36, the matrix lacks clear clusters of dark blue spots, thus offering limited additional insights or evidence to support narrative analysis in subsequent chapters. Figure 6. A color-coded visualization of the correlation matrix of all 80 topics. After reviewing the STM package’s documentation, hierarchical clustering emerged as an optimal approach for reducing complexity and grouping similar topics into coherent clusters. This method organizes related topics into clusters, visually represented by a dendrogram—a tree- like diagram that demonstrates the hierarchical relationships among topics. In this dendrogram, the x-axis represents “distance,” a metric indicating the dissimilarity between two clusters within the data space of the corpus. The y-axis, labeled “height,” indicates the point at which clusters merge. A lower height suggests that clusters are similar; a higher height indicates greater dissimilarity. For example, although topics 21 and 65 are positioned at a similar height to topics 10 and 48, indicating a comparable level, their separation along the x-axis shows that they are in very different thematic domains. Topics 21 and 65 are closely related to fans, beer, public viewing, police, and black-red-gold flags, whereas topics 10 and 48 predominantly focus on the 56 gameplay and players, featuring terms such as “strafraum (penalty area),” “tor (goal),” “torwart (goalkeeper),” “abwehr (defense),” “mittelfeld (midfield),” and “gegner (opponent).” Figure 7. A visualization of hierarchical clustering of all 80 topics. A close examination of the dendrogram reveals several insights. Topic 7, “the national team and Germany”, previously discussed in subsection 1.5.1, displayed a close relationship with topic 60, which includes terms like “elf (eleven), letzt (last), ende (ending), niederlage (defeat), spät (late), deutsch_elf (germany’s eleven), sieg (win), auftritt (performance).” This association could hint at a potential link between some sort of national identification and the team’s performance. This also resonates with Mesut Özil’s 2018 critique of the German Football Association where he stated, “Für Grindel bin ich Deutscher, wenn wir gewinnen, aber Einwanderer, wenn wir verlieren” (For Grindel, I am German when we win, but I am an immigrant when we lose) (Röhlig). This is a quote to which we will return often below. This preliminary insight invites further exploration in subsequent chapters, particularly through a chronological analysis to discern evolving dynamics over time. Moreover, the close relationship between topics 65 “spectators” and 21 “spectators and 57 authority” drew attention due to their focus on fan-related narratives, whether concerning beer and public viewing or interactions with the police. Although the primary focus of this research is the national team, the significance of fans and their interactions with symbols such as the black- red-gold flags warrants detailed examination. Another strong correlation can be observed between topics 2 “early personal life” and 39 “family.” Although the examination of documents associated with these topics did not yield significant insights for the primary argument— observations like schools’ concerns over students’ performance during tournaments were intriguing but far from the focus of this research—it did prompt the consideration of including narratives surrounding both Kevin-Prinz and Jérôme Boateng brothers in the analysis. Additionally, the logical connection between topic 55—which includes terms like “minute (minute), erst (first), treffer (goal), führung (leadership), chance (chance), pause (break), schuß (shot), and dfb_elf (DFB’s eleven)”—and topic 32, featuring “1:0, tor (goal), 1:1, 2:0, team, 2:1, 3:0, schiedsrichter (referee),” demonstrates the coherence in the description of game details. This coherence serves as evidence suggesting the reliability of the topic modeling results and the chosen model. The hierarchical clustering result unveiled particularly compelling insights about topic 50 “Mesut Özil”. This topic is juxtaposed at the same hierarchical level as topic 49, “societal discussion”, branching further into topics 58 (with terms like “dfb, verband (association), entscheidung (decision), deutsch_fußball_bund_dfb (german football association), deutsch_fußball (german football), nationalmannschaft (national team), deutsch_fußball_bund (german football association), vertrag (contract)”) and 62 (including “bierhoff (team’s manager), nationalspieler (national player), oliver_bierhoff, länderspiele (international matches), training, bundestrainer_joachim_löw (national team coach joachim löw), gündogan (player’s name), 58 teammanager_oliver_bierhoff’). The positioning suggests a complex interplay between Özil’s presence in social discourses and the broader social context, involving entities like the DFB and political figures. These interconnections warrant an extensive examination to unpack the dynamics at play. Chapter 4, particularly subsection 4.3.2, will look into the narratives surrounding Özil and aims to explore the social dynamics that influence the discourse around both individual players and the men’s national team during the period under study. In summary, this topic correlation analysis serves two purposes. Firstly, it demonstrates the appropriateness of the chosen model and the selection of topics. Secondly, it identifies specific incidents and narratives—such as those related to Mesut Özil—that require a more detailed exploration. Nevertheless, it is also important to recognize that hierarchical clustering within topic modeling is inherently exploratory and interpretive. While the insights gained from this analysis are valuable, they are intrinsically limited, without reading into the news articles. The next phase will adopt a more targeted approach and emphasize the integration of publication times (under the column name “date”) with topics to uncover further insights into how these topics have evolved and their contextual relevance. 1.5.3 Time Series Results and Analysis Following the topic correlation analysis, a time series examination was conducted to integrate the temporal dimension into the corpus analysis. In the analysis, several topics emerged as dominant, exhibiting significant correlations with others. This step aimed to study their temporal distribution patterns to support in-depth investigation in subsequent chapters that are structured chronologically. The first visualization was created for topics 7, 21, 65, 60, and 4. As shown in Figure 8, the x-axis represents time, while the y-axis indicates the proportion of each topic within the 59 entire corpus. Distinct colors have been assigned to each topic, with their corresponding keywords listed on the right side. Consistent with previous findings, topic 4, marked by the red line, predominantly relates to the women’s national team, while the other topics focus more on the men’s team. Topic 4 shows peaks in 2007, coinciding with the women’s team winning the World Cup in China; in 2011, aligning with Germany hosting the women’s World Cup; in 2013, corresponding to the women’s team securing their sixth European Championship title in Sweden; and in 2015, when the women’s team reached the semi-finals of the World Cup in Canada. Although I have previously mentioned that this dissertation does not focus on narratives surrounding the women’s team, the results further support the validity of the computational findings. This shows the importance of the topic and encourages future scholars to consider the women’s team as a subject for their research. Figure 8. Time series visualization of topics 7, 21, 65, 60, and 4, depicting their proportional changes over time. The remaining four topics exhibit similar trajectories, suggesting concurrent news activity during major football tournaments (peaks) and decreased attention between major 60 sporting events (valleys). These include the 2006 World Cup in Germany, where the men’s team secured third place; the 2008 European Championship in Austria, finishing as runners-up; the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, where they again achieved third place; the 2012 European Championship in Poland, reaching the semi-finals; the victorious 2014 World Cup in Brazil; the 2016 European Championship in France, advancing to the semi-finals; and the 2018 World Cup in Russia, where the team was eliminated in the group stage. This pattern suggests a need to focus on articles published during these tournaments in future chapters, particularly the extensive coverage in 2006, which underscores the summer fairy tale as a pivotal moment that deserves an in-depth exploration. Another possible avenue of inquiry would be to analyze the differences in media coverage between the peaks and valleys to check if there are distinct variations in how events are reported. However, while this approach could yield interesting insights, it is beyond the current scope of this research. Moreover, topic 65, containing keywords such as “fan, stimmung (atmosphere), fahne (flag), flagge (flag), schwarz-rot-gold (black-red-gold),” illustrates the ongoing discourse on flags from 2006 to 2018. The black-red-gold flag was often framed as an object people used to show support for the country, and flag-related narratives frequently involved discussions around patriotism during sporting events. However, this symbolism is not without its complexities. According to Majer-O’Sickey (2006), extremists and hooligans could use flags for hyperpatriotic purposes (90), which could trigger debates about inclusion and representation in national narratives. It is also worth noticing that the prominence of this topic consistently declined at each subsequent men’s tournament, dropping from over 10% to 8%, then to below 5% in 2014, and further decreasing in later years. This trend necessitates a detailed exploration of flag-related narratives in the upcoming chapters focused on the men’s team. 61 Moving on to the next time series visualization, the examination of two closely correlated topics—topic 50 “Turkish German relationship” (in red) and topic 49 “societal discussion” (in blue)— reveals concurrent spikes in their activity, firstly in 2008 and a decade later in 2018. This pattern prompts a focused review of articles from 2008 that discuss Mesut Özil’s decision to represent the German national football team over Turkey and aims to assess the media’s attitude toward him at that time in chapter 3. In chapter 4, attention will shift to the 2018 media coverage of Mesut Özil’s departure from the men’s national team, which he attributed to unfair treatment by the DFB and the media. Figure 9. Time series visualization of topics 49 and 50, depicting their proportional changes over time. In concluding the computational analysis, it is evident that the selected model (model 1) effectively generates relevant topics, thereby enriching our understanding of the corpus. The preliminary topic modeling results provided an overview of the corpus content. Further, the analysis of topic correlations revealed the distances and hierarchical relationships among topics, adding more insights for potential analysis in further chapters. Additionally, examining active 62 periods within selected topics across the corpus highlights specific timeframes for certain incidents, suggesting these periods should be analyzed qualitatively in future chapters. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the insights derived from the topics and metadata are limited without qualitative examinations of the original articles. Therefore, it is now time to turn to a qualitative analysis of the articles to address the proposed research questions. 1.6 Limitations I acknowledge inherent limitations in any research method, and this mixed-methods study is no exception. Numerous decisions throughout the research process have influenced the quantitative outcomes, from initial article reviews to keyword extraction, search query formulation, evaluation of search results, data preprocessing, data frame creation, number of topics selection, model selection, and even topic selection for time series analysis. I made these decisions based on my best judgment. For instance, the creation of search queries was guided by preliminary readings of articles and suggestions from Lexis Nexis’s user manual; the choice to use model 1 out of the four options was made by qualitatively examining all topic modeling results side by side, informed by the researcher’s understanding of the research context. Some decisions were shaped by resource availability, such as the selection of the Nexis Uni database; and the methods used to analyze topic modeling results and topic correlations were determined by the functionalities available in the STM library. Throughout this process, I made efforts to ensure transparency and clearly articulated the reasoning behind these decisions. As stated previously, the value of topic modeling results lies in its ability to reveal trends that prompt further analysis by reading texts within their context, a qualitative approach that will be employed in the subsequent chapters. It is also necessary to acknowledge that the computational approach does not capture 63 every aspect of the media landscape surrounding the German men’s national football team. There was an iterative back-and-forth process during the research: First, an ongoing dialogue between the articles within the corpus prompted additional searches outside the corpus to address emerging themes or gaps. Secondly, not all relevant articles within the corpus were captured by the initial topic modeling approach. Subsequent searches were conducted for specific terms like “multikul*” and “Tugend,” as described in chapter 3. These steps were essential to ensure thorough coverage and to adapt to the evolving understanding of the data landscape. This acknowledgement of the research’s iterative nature and the limitations of the chosen methods shows the complex nature of research. 64 2 CHAPTER 2 HOSTING THE 2006 WORLD CUP: THE MAKING OF THE SUMMER FAIRY TALE 2.1 Introduction The 2006 World Cup represented a critical moment in Germany’s football history, reflecting the complex interplay among sports, media, and identity formation. This event is documented in the film Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen (Germany. A Summer’s Tale 2006), where head coach Jürgen Klinsmann voices his concerns about the media’s potential impact on his team’s morale during the tournament. He was determined to shield his players from the extensive media scrutiny—a sign indicates that both the team and the tournament would attract significant attention (Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen 00:03:50). The German news magazine Der Spiegel alone published 714 articles about the team between May to July 2006, touching on a wide array of topics from sports to politics, culture, and economics. This voluminous coverage underscores the 2006 World Cup’s pivotal role in shaping public perceptions and its historical significance. The unprecedented media attention can largely be attributed to Germany hosting the World Cup for the first time since its reunification in 1990. Various entities, from the DFB to high-ranking political figures, including the president and the chancellor, invested considerable efforts to ensure the tournament’s success and memorability. The outcome of the tournament transcended mere athletic achievement. Sönke Wortmann, director of Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen, described the resulting public euphoria as a unique phenomenon since the post-Second World War era: Insofern war ich als Mensch unfassbar überrascht, aber noch überraschter, als Wissenschaftler. Was diese (Sommermärchen) bewirkt hat, ist nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg versucht worden, aber niemand hat das geschafft. … Ich denke die Euphorie ist das, was wir alle teilen. … Zum ersten Mal konnte man sich in Freiheit in völliger 65 Freude und in Überwindung des Selbstzweifels öffentlich bewegen. In that sense, I was completely surprised as a person, but even more surprised as a (social) scientist. What this (the summer fairy tale) has achieved has been attempted since World War II, but no one has managed to do it. … I think the euphoria is what we all share. … For the first time, one could move publicly in freedom, with complete joy and overcoming self-doubt (01:27:35).15 Wortmann’s expression of “euphoria” captures the atmosphere portrayed by the media during the 2006 World Cup. It reflects the nationwide excitement and unity elicited by this tournament. His words highlight an important moment, for the first time after the Second World War, the public could openly express their joy and unity surrounding a sporting event, which showcases a shift in how such events were experienced in Germany and depicted in German media. The goal of this chapter is to analyze the media portrayal of the multiethnic dimension of the men’s national team around the 2006 World Cup and how portrayals of the men’s national team intersected with discourse around the issues of multiethnic players and the multiethnic team as a whole. The examination extends from popular World Cup theme songs, and politicians’ gestures, to distinct narratives related to the multiethnic composition of the team, things that while not unique to this period, have been (or at least partially been) studied by scholars in the past. Therefore, providing historical context is essential to understand the evolving relationship between the men’s national football team and various German media entities, and participants who actively shaped these narratives. Building on the idea of using the men’s national team as a medium for rebranding Germany with a healthy, diverse national image in the public discourse, this chapter will also 15 The 2007-released DVD Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen comprises two discs. The first disc is the real film while the second disc features 105 minutes of previously unreleased scenes, including an 18-minute long interview with the director. The time stamp used in this quote is for disc 2. 66 explore the multiethnic reality of German society and its impact on identity formation in contemporary Germany as depicted through news articles about the team. The discussion progresses by looking at data results derived from the computational analysis discussed in the previous chapter and zooming in on specific incidents that crafted the overwhelmingly positive media narratives surrounding the tournament. These narratives not only continued to shape the positive image of the German men’s national team but also likely contributed to fostering an environment that attracted players who were instrumental in Germany’s strong performance at the 2010 World Cup. To address the overarching research questions stated in the Introduction, this chapter first examines the portrayal of the men’s national team in media before, during, and after the 2006 tournament; it then explores the ways in which these portrayals intersected with Germany’s multiethnic reality; lastly, it examines the social dynamics that contributed to shaping these discourses, focusing on the roles of the DFB, coaches, politicians, players, and fans. 2.2 Historical Context That Shaped the 2006 World Cup Narratives The extensive media coverage of the men’s national football team around the 2006 World Cup often stressed the tournament’s significance as a historical event for Germany. However, there was less emphasis on the broader historical context of the men’s team’s previous international performance. Acknowledging this history within this chapter is essential to understand the profound impact of politics on German football, particularly when considering periods like the Nazi era, where Germany serves as a stark example of political manipulation within the sport. During this period, football performances were employed as a means of representing the Nazi’s ideologies. Additionally, the regime imposed strict racial policies that determined which ethnicities could not represent the nation, leading to the exclusion and persecution of Jewish players. The mention of the Julius Hirsch Award in the 2006 narratives 67 directed attention to players of Jewish descent and their poignant stories. Moreover, the three memorable World Cups of 1954, 1974, and 1990 each carried symbolic meaning that resonated in the 2006 World Cup discourse, evidenced by the popular song “54, 74, 90, 2006” by Sportfreunde Stiller and extensive media coverage of these historical events. On April 5th, 1908, the DFB sent its first official team to compete in an international match, upon invitation from the Swiss Football Association (Joel & Schütt 19; Hesse- Lichtenberger 51). At this time, the concept of a “national team” was still forming, and the match was advertised as “Internationaler Match: die 11 besten Spieler von Deutschland gegen die 11 besten Spieler der Schweiz” (International Match: The 11 Best Players of Germany vs. The 11 Best Players of Switzerland) (see the image below). This match marked the German men’s national team’s debut on the international stage. The political implications of sports, already shown at this time, became even more obvious after the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. Despite boycotts by England, Belgium, and France, the German team still competed against other countries, including Italy, the Netherlands, and Sweden throughout the 1920s (Joel & Schütt 31). Figure 10. The official program of the first international game. Image credit: DFB News.16 Football during the Nazi regime revealed two primary facets: firstly, it served as a 16 DFB’s media database has been reconstructed. The previous URL cannot be accessed as of October 2024. However, one can still access the website using Wayback Machine with this URL: http://www.dfb.de/news/detail/premiere-1908-in-basel-das-erste-mal-33795/, as there was one backup in February 2024. 68 powerful representation of political power, like the famous 1936 Olympics in Berlin; secondly, the eligibility of players to represent the nation was strictly dictated by political policies. From 1936 onwards, the Nazi regime strategically used international football matches to cultivate the Third Reich’s image, showcasing friendly relations with like-minded governments. At the same time, these matches were utilized to distract people, projecting an illusion of normalcy despite political turmoil (Havemann). As Michael Krüger critically observed, football in the Nazi era was driven not by ideals, morality, art, or culture in football, but by money, power, reputation, and vanity (202). This era underscored how football could be exploited as a tool to promote a sense of collective identity. This political use of football was particularly evident during the 1938 World Cup. Despite Austria qualifying for the game, International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) mandated the transfer of Austrian players to the German team for the 1938 World Cup after the Anschluss (Annexation of Austria) (Dietschy 92). The German team’s coach was forced to form a mixed team consisting of six players from the so-called Altreich (Old Empire) and five Viennese players, a combination the media named the Großdeutsche Elf (Greater German Eleven) (Joel & Schütt 62). This team was intended to symbolize political unity and cohesion through sports, yet the hastily assembled team struggled with differing playing styles and insufficient practice time. They suffered a 2-4 defeat to Switzerland and were eliminated early from the tournament (63). The term Grossdeutsch (Greater German) traces back to the Deutsche Frage (German question) of the 19th century, which debated the unification of all German- speaking peoples under one national state. The Nazi regime’s framing of the football team as the Greater German Eleven was a deliberate attempt to harness history to further its political agenda of fostering strong nationalist sentiments, legitimizing territorial expansion, and unifying the 69 German-speaking population under its authoritarian rule. The mention of the Julius Hirsch Award in the 2006 media narratives prompted further exploration into the representability of players of Jewish descent, underscoring the changing criteria over time regarding who could represent the country in sports. Julius Hirsch, a prominent figure in this discourse, was the first national team player to score four goals in a single match and represented the German national team seven times from 1911 to 1913. His service as a soldier during the First World War from 1914 to 1918 earned him the 2nd Class Iron Cross. After returning from the war, he remained an active member of his local football club, Karlsruher FV, until 1933, when Jewish individuals were systematically expelled from sports clubs (Pilger). Between 1933 and 1943, Hirsch suffered under the discriminatory laws against Germany’s Jews and was finally deported to forced labor in Auschwitz in 1943 (Skrentny). The last trace of him is a postcard sent to his daughter on March 3rd, 1943, from Dortmund, stating “Dear loved ones, I have arrived, and am ok” (Tietz et al. 18). He was declared dead in 1945. Julius Hirsch was celebrated, persecuted, and ultimately murdered by the very country he always had hoped for (Peiffer “Gefeiert, verfolgt, ermordet”). His tragic end illustrates how eligibility to represent the nation could shift dramatically and was dedicated by the prevailing political powers. It took six decades after his death for the DFB to acknowledge his legacy by establishing the Julius Hirsch Prize, which honors those who fight against anti-Semitism and racism (“Julius Hirsch Preis”). During the 2006 World Cup, the Dortmund Fan Project embodied the spirit of the Julius Hirsch Prize. Under the motto “Kick racism out,” this fan project actively promoted a peaceful and tolerant tournament atmosphere and aimed at integrating young people from diverse backgrounds. DFB media praised the work done by the Dortmund Fan Project by spotlighting its role in challenging discrimination and 70 continuing the legacy of inclusion that Julius Hirsch embodied (“Julius Hirsch Preis 2006: Fan- Projekt Dortmund e.V.”). Following Julius Hirsch, Gottfried Fuchs was another Jewish player whose achievements marked a significant chapter in the history of the German men’s national team. Fuchs set a still- unbroken record by scoring ten goals in an international match against Russia during the 1912 Olympics. Like Hirsch, Fuchs also served in the military during the First World War, during which he was wounded four times. With the rise of the Nazi regime, however, he was forced to leave his sports club due to his Jewish heritage (Peiffer “Gottfried Fuchs”). In 1937, foreseeing the escalating threat, Fuchs emigrated to France and later to Canada in 1940, where he adopted the name Godfrey Fochs and began a new life. The renowned national coach, Sepp Herberger, who had admired Fuchs/Fochs as a young player, suggested inviting him to the 1972 Olympic Games. Unfortunately, the DFB rejected this invitation, citing budget constraints (Wulzinger). Fuchs/Fochs, the only surviving Jewish national player, passed away from a heart attack just four weeks before DFB’s decision, marking the end of the last Jewish player to have represented the German national team. His story, far less known and seldom discussed than Hirsch’s, shows a persistent reluctance to confront certain troubling aspects of Germany’s sporting history. This historical review aims to highlight key events and figures that contextualize our understanding of the 2006 World Cup by focusing on themes of representation and representability. It is important to point out that the conversation around multiethnic and multiracial players in German football did not begin in 2006. Earlier instances, such as the recruitment of players like Paulo Rink from Brazil and Sean Dundee from South Africa, who played on the national team in the late 1990s and early 2000, were also crucial. These players discussed in a 2002 article from Die Welt, represents earlier moments of diversity within the 71 team (Jungholt). In the post-war era, the 1954 Wunder von Bern (Miracle of Bern), the 1974 match between West and East Germany, and the 1990 World Cup victory just before reunification are not merely memorable moments, but were also touchstones invoked by the media in 2006 to construct a narrative continuity that linked Germany’s present to its historical experiences. This historical lens helps illuminate how collective memory is not static but is actively shaped and reshaped by media narratives to address current societal needs and sentiments. In the summer of 1954, the West German men’s national team achieved a historic upset defeating the “Mighty Magyars,” the Hungarian men’s national team that had been undefeated for four years to win the World Cup title. As the underdogs, the German team overturned a 0:2 deficit to a 3:2 win in the last six minutes of the match. This event, termed by media and historians as the “Miracle of Bern” is celebrated not just as a significant sports achievement, but as a moment of national resurgence (Jaedicke; Tomlinson & Young, xiii; Herzog 140). Indeed, the 1954 World Cup marked a significant moment in the use of media to create a shared national experience. As described by Franz Brüggemeier, people across both East and West Germany followed the tournament through TV and radio (622). Many business owners, including hotels, restaurants, and pubs, purchased televisions, aiming to attract customers to join in the communal viewing experience. This prefigured the public viewing phenomenon that became prominent during the 2006 World Cup (Herzog 139). The usage of new media during the 1954 World Cup enabled the creation of what Brüggemeier called a “virtual community” among Germans. This sense of community was not limited to virtual space but was also physically manifested through events like the journey of the Rote Blitz (Red Flash) train. This train carried the “Heroes of Bern” from Switzerland to Munich, stopping at various towns and cities along the 72 route. These stops allowed fans to celebrate with the returning champions, fostering a tangible sense of national community. Local media compared the team’s reception to that of the former Bavarian monarchy, with headlines such as “Kings could not have been received with greater enthusiasm” (Herzog 128). In addition, the Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) in the 1950s led to rapid reconstruction and resurgence of the national economy. Alongside the confidence boosted by the growing economy, the football victory had a profound impact in shaping a sense of collective belonging for post-war and post-Nazi West Germany. During this time, West Germans could find a source of pride in football after being shamed by the war. The 1954 World Cup came to symbolize a departure from the shadows of war and national humiliation. The 1954 World Cup victory filled a symbolic void in the early post-war era, providing West Germany with a much-needed source of joy that resonated nationwide (Pyta 8). The passionate commentary of German radio broadcaster Herbert Zimmermann, with his iconic call “Rahn schießt, Rahn schießt! TOR! TOR! TOR! TOR!” (Rahn shoots, Rahn shoots! GOAL! GOAL! GOAL! GOAL!), brought the exhilaration of victory to those unable to attend the match. Over time, his words became etched in the collective memory, symbolizing a new cultural orientation in West Germany (Pyta 11). This event’s memory was further reinforced by Sönke Wortmann’s 2003 documentary Das Wunder von Bern (The Miracle of Bern), which revisited the victory and its enduring impact in German collective memory. Through cultural products like this documentary, the collective memory was reshaped to promote a renewed sense of belonging, setting the stage for the 2006 World Cup. And yet the immediate political response to the 1954 victory was cautious. Government officials and mainstream media avoided associating the football achievement with broader nationalistic sentiment. CDU/CSU party leaders were cautioned against discussing the “German 73 football miracle” (Brüggemeier 624); Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and President Theodor Heuss only sent protocol-correct congratulatory telegrams to the team (Dawson et al. 3). While scholars like Kay Schiller suggest that West German politicians had not yet fully recognized the importance of football symbolism for the national psyche (Schiller 2014 181), it could also be interpreted that the nexus between sports and politics was considered too sensitive to engage with openly, given the history. This caution was also indicative of the sensitive post-war atmosphere where displays of patriotism were carefully moderated. Over the decades, there was a clear shift in how politicians perceived the role of football in society. By the early 2000s, the symbolic power of football in shaping collective identity had become widely recognized. In 2005, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder articulated this change during his speech at the opening of the exhibition “Football and Contemporary History – from Bern 1954 to Berlin 2006.” Schröder stated: Für viele war das nicht nur der Sieg in einem Endspiel zur Fußballweltmeisterschaft, sondern auch so etwas wie eine Bestätigung in der damaligen Zeit: “Es geht voran. Wir packen das.” Ich glaube, es war Ermutigung für viele Menschen in ihrer Lebensgeschichte, in ihrem Willen voranzukommen, nach oben zu kommen, das Land aufzubauen. Ich glaube, der Sport hat damals eine Kraft entwickelt weit über den Sport im engeren Sinne hinaus, also ‑ wie man das so schön sagt ‑ eine ökonomische, eine psychologische Bedeutung. For many, it was not just the victory in a World Cup final, but also something like a confirmation in that time: “We are making progress. We can do it.” I believe it was an encouragement for many people in their life stories, in their will to move forward, to rise, to rebuild the country. I believe that sport at that time developed a power far beyond sport in the narrower sense, a power with economic and psychological significance. Here, Schröder calls the 1954 World Cup final not just a sporting victory, but an important moment that reassured the German people of their progress towards rebuilding the country. This suggests that politicians in 2005 were not only able to reference this victory as a marker of progress but actively celebrated it as a milestone that motivated the country’s 74 rebuilding efforts. His words point out that football has developed a power far beyond sports and offers an economic and psychological force in society. This evolving perspective underscores how politicians, especially in the run-up to the 2006 World Cup, strategically recast historical narratives to enhance football’s importance, using it as a tool to unite and inspire the nation. In stark contrast to the 1954 World Cup, the 1974 tournament, though hosted by West Germany and ending with a home victory, received little attention from the media, spectators, or politicians. Historian Kay Schiller labels it as a “non-event,” attributing the lack of national enthusiasm to various factors including low economic growth, the residual impact of the 1960s student movements, and the overshadowing presence of the 1972 Munich Olympic Games where terrorists murdered Israeli athletes and coaches (Schiller 2014 221). However, the tournament offered a historically unique moment: it featured the only match between the East and West German national teams. This match transcended the realm of sports and served as a proxy for the ideological battles of the Cold War era. Jürgen Sparwasser’s 77th-minute goal led East Germany to an unexpected victory, which surpassed the expectations of its government.17 West Germany’s first diplomatic representative in East Berlin, Günter Gaus, believed that this game “temporarily created a self-confidence out of the GDR’s existence” (McDougall 87). The event helped achieve the goal of forging a separate GDR identity, aligned with the state’s socialist ethos rather than a unified German identity. This shift from being designated as a “socialist state of the German nation” to a “socialist state of workers and peasants” emphasized a strategic cultural and political realignment (McDougall 87).18 17 East Germany’s full name is Deutsche Demokratische Rupublik (DDR) and German Democratic Republic (GDR) in English. West Germany’s full name is Bundesrepublik Deutschland (BRD) and Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) in English. 18 Ironically, in a twist of fate, Sparwasser, the very player who symbolized the GDR’s football triumph in 1974, chose to flee to the West in 1988. 75 Yet, as historian McDougall’s research indicates, the euphoria from Sparwasser’s goal was short-lived. Many East German football fans exhibited “dual loyalty”, celebrating the GDR’s victory while feeling happy with the West German national team winning the overall tournament. Captain Franz Beckenbauer of the West German team was idolized by fans in both the GDR and FRG (McDougall 91). This complex interplay of loyalties underlines the nuanced struggle for identity during this period. While the 1974 tournament in reality lacked significant attention from fans, media, and politicians, it was depicted in 2006 as an important part of the sequence of Germany’s success in the World Cup. The nuanced details of the East attempting to build its separate identity, however successfully, were often overlooked or neglected in the 2006 media narratives. This portrayal thus further illustrates how collective memory is dynamic, continually adapted by media narratives to meet societal needs and sentiments, reflecting the ongoing negotiation between historical fact and contemporary interpretation. The 1990 World Cup happened during a summer filled with hope, just months after the fall of the Berlin Wall. On May 18th, East and West Germany signed a treaty regarding monetary, economic, and social union, setting the stage for official reunification in October. This tournament occurred at a time when people from both former Germanies eagerly anticipated a shared future by reuniting two states separated for over forty years. West Germany excelled throughout the tournament. They qualified first in their group and defeated the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia, and England, and eventually won with a 1:0 victory against Argentina in the final. This win helped the West German national team secure the FIFA World Cup Trophy and brought a reason for fans from both German sides to celebrate in the summer of 1990. Despite the celebratory atmosphere, the media and players maintained a reserved stance in linking their athletic performance to broader patriotic sentiments. A piece in Der Spiegel titled 76 “Die Elf als Gesamtbeckenbauer” (The eleven as a whole Beckenbauer) highlighted how the team consciously avoided fostering nationalistic fervor, in line with Egidius Braun’s statement, “Wir sind doch keine Chauvinisten” (We are not chauvinists after all) (Leinemann). This approach reflected a caution against excessive, aggressive patriotism. The media in 1990 even questioned whether the coinciding events of reunification and winning the World Cup were beneficial for Germany. As Jana Jöckel mentioned, the media expressed concerns that excessive excitement might destroy the good image the players and coaches had built up during the tournament (154). This sentiment was echoed by star players like Jürgen Klinsmann and Lothar Matthäus, who downplayed the connection between their on-field success and the socio-political changes occurring in Germany (Jöckel 155). By 1990, however, German politicians had begun to recognize and leverage the symbolic capital of football more effectively than in previous decades. Unlike the hesitant engagements of earlier tournaments, Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s visit to the team’s dressing room symbolized a proactive governmental embrace of football’s unifying potential. This visit marked a significant evolution in the political use of football, transforming it from mere entertainment to a potent medium for national representation and political messaging (Jöckel 154). The presence of national symbols and the West German anthem in the stadiums, coupled with the public’s enthusiastic participation (Jöckel 155), marked this shift towards a more openly patriotic celebration of football. The renationalization of football symbolism in 1990 was also part of a broader international trend, further fueled by the emergence of new nation-states following the collapse of communism (Schiller 2015 187). In summary, the evolution of Germany’s collective memory regarding the World Cup is deeply interwoven with its political and social history. It began with the national team’s early 77 international appearances. As the political landscape in Germany shifted, so too did the role of the team in representing national ideologies, especially during the Nazi era. During this period, the national team and football became platforms for political expression and control, where the eligibility of players to represent the nation was heavily regulated by racial policies. This historical context also provides insight into the shift in collective memory of the 1954 World Cup in 2006, which transitioned the team’s excellent performance from a mere sports victory to a symbol of national rebirth and unity. This transformation was particularly noticeable in the lead-up to the 2006 World Cup, where the “Miracle of Bern” was celebrated not only as a great athletic achievement but also as a foundational moment for modern Germany (Gangloff). This shift illustrates how collective memory is not static but evolves with societal values, media technology, and political narratives. Indeed, from the perspective of political participation, unlike the 1954 World Cup when politicians were still unclear about the power of football’s symbolic capital, and the 1974 World Cup where the West German government was reluctant to invest in the tournaments, the 1990 World Cup marks the year where politicians started to more openly embrace to work with the symbolic capital football brings. The reactivation of the Bekenntnis (commitment) of the nation through the football team and tournaments marked a clear indication of football’s evolution beyond mere entertainment, transforming into a powerful medium for national representation and political discourse. This analysis of football’s evolving role within German media and society sets the stage for a detailed analysis of the 2006 World Cup media narratives, which both reflected and shaped media discourse. 2.3 New Image, Multiethnic Reality, and the Path Forward Building on the methodological foundation laid in chapter 1, this subsection focuses on 78 one subset of 425 articles from the 2006 World Cup.19 Each article is analyzed for its relevance to predefined topics, with a “theta value” indicating its closeness to each topic. Theta value represents a distribution of topics over documents. Within the framework of 80 previously identified topics from chapter 1, six predominant topics within the 2006 subset exhibit central themes: public viewing practices (topics 21 & 65), the World Cup as a significant event (topic 35), the portrayal of the men’s team and Germany (topic 7), discourses surrounding head coach Jürgen Klinsmann (topic 9), and broader societal engagement (topic 37). To understand the dominant narratives with greater depth, I selected and examined the top ten articles most representative of each topic as determined by the topic modeling outcomes.20 For illustrative purposes, I take topic 7 (the national team and Germany) as an example and list their interesting insights from each article here. At the beginning of each article, I added a description of the aspect that interests me and the source at the end: 1. Historical comparisons: The media compared this team’s performance with its historical performance (“Fakt ist, wir sind staerker,” article 1 under topic 7). 2. Celebration and joyful atmosphere and cultural symbols: Descriptions of celebrations and public viewings are characterized by a festive, “party-like” atmosphere; the prevalence of the song “54, 74, 90, 2006” amongst fans symbolizes a unifying cultural motif; the public display of flags and national colors (Hertrich, article 2 under topic 7). 19 The entity “subset06wm_data” comprises articles published approximately one month before to one month after the 2006 World Cup (May 1 to August 1) and includes 425 articles. When examining the results, each topic was given values showing how dominant they are in this subset. The most prevalent topics during this period were topics 21, 65, 9, 7, 35, and 37. Some of these topics are described in chapter 1 and some aren’t. For example, topics 21 (spectators, public viewing), 65 (spectators and authority), and 7 (the national team Germany) showing high proportion value in 2006 made sense as this is the first World Cup where public viewing became common practice; topic 9 (Jurgen Klinsmann as a coach) indicates that there was a lot of discussion around the new head coach Klinsmann during this tournament. Interestingly, topic 37 (euro, film, mitarbeiter, bahn, weit, bank, geld, kunde) indicates that the entire society has participated in the 2006 narratives. 20 Code for this step can be found in Appendix A “SelectText4Read.Rmd.” 79 3. Politicians’ involvement: Explicit endorsements from political figures celebrating the team’s achievements (Hellmann, article 3 under topic 7). 4. Klinsmann’s coaching style: Jürgen Klinsmann was praised to be a brilliant person who brought a different perspective to football (Marwedel, article 4 under topic 7). 5. Löw’s coaching style: Jorgi Löw talked about his plan in terms of coaching the men’s national team (Kneer and Schulze, article 5 under topic 7). 6. Match report: Media coverage of a friendly match between Germany and Japan (“Schlechteste deutsche Mannschaft aller Zeiten,” article 6 under topic 7). 7. The joyful atmosphere from fans’ perspective: A narrative from a passionate fan describing his exhilarating experience during the 2006 World Cup, expressing hopes for similar enthusiasm in future tournaments (Fiszel, article 7 under topic 7). 8. Match report from international media: International media widely praised Italy’s victory over Germany (“Dieses unendliche Italien,” article 8 under topic 7). 9. Social analysis: The theory of “mutual assured diversity” suggested that now people possess diverse identities and nationalist fervor during events like the World Cup will fade (Malzahn, article 9 under topic 7). 10. Analysis of playing styles for all teams: The German men’s team was called “Hurra-Stil” (hurray style), which indicates the joyful image this team represented during the 2006 World Cup (Hettfleisch, article 10 under topic 7). The analysis of these ten articles reveals recurring themes that shape the narratives during the 2006 World Cup. The presence of music, such as the song “54, 74, 90, 2006,” and the description of public celebrations both hint at the joyful image projected by the German men’s football team. Discussions about flags and fans are also present in the narratives as symbols like 80 flags and the national anthem are often tied to identity and whether or how one displays these identities. The discussions around identity and diversity in article 9 under topic 7 described the newly proposed theory of “mutual assured diversity” drawing on the war term “mutual assured destruction.” While explicit discussions on players with history of immigration were not obvious in these ten articles, discussions on identity and diversity did occur, including a brief mention of player Niko Kovac who, although a resident of Berlin, chose to play for Croatian (Malzahn, article 9 under topic 7). This subset of articles paints a detailed picture of the cultural and societal impact of the World Cup in media discourse and shows the need for further exploration of these themes in detail. Building on the analytical structure I outlined in the Introduction, this subsection explores three substantial elements surrounding the 2006 World Cup: the role of official and fan-favored World Cup songs, the positive media image cultivated by the team’s commendable performance, and distinctive narratives concerning collective identity, symbolized by the presence of flags and the inclusion of players from migrant backgrounds. I derived this structural framework from both the computational findings and my examination of supplementary materials. 2.3.1 Music The official anthem of the 2006 World Cup, “Celebrate the Day”, was performed by the famous German musician Herbert Grönemeyer alongside Amadou & Mariam. Grönemeyer also recorded a German version, “Zeit, dass sich was dreht” (Time for Something to Change), which shared the melody but adopted different lyrics. In an interview, he revealed that he hoped his fellow Germans could grasp the message this song was trying to convey: it is about looking forward and embracing a new and lighter mood that can represent the Germans who are not well known to others (“Deutschland, was dreht?” article 1 under search “zeit, dass sich was dreht”). 81 Grönemeyer emphasized his intention to craft an anthem that would present Germans as more cosmopolitan than they might typically appear in the media (“Deutschland, was dreht?”). Despite not achieving the popularity of the subsequent unofficial anthem of the 2006 World Cup compared to the song “54, 74, 90, 2006”, this song established a celebratory and light-hearted mood for that summer’s World Cup festivities. “54, 74, 90, 2006” by Sportfreunde Stiller emerged prominently during the tournament, played in stadiums and sung by players and coaches during the celebration at Brandenburg Tor after the finals (Reimann, article 4 under topic 9). The media used “hoffnungsvoll” (hopeful) to describe this song (Dannoura, article 4 under topic 49 and article 1 under search “Stiller”). 54, 74, and 90 are the years when the (West) German national team won the World Cup. Adding 2006 to this title reflects the artists’ hope that Germany would win the World Cup at home that year. This song eventually became a fan anthem during the tournament (Flohr, article 4 under search “Stiller”). A Frankfurter Rundschau article, “Die größte Polonaise des Landes” (The largest polonaise in the country), quoted this song’s lyrics: “Für unsere langen Wege aus der Krise, Und aus der Depression, Lautet die Devise, Nichts wie rauf auf den Fußballtrohn” (For our long journey out of crisis, and out of the depression, that’s the motto: let’s get up to the football throne) (article 2 under search “Stiller”). The writer emphasized the widespread optimism and national happiness that characterized the period. The song’s lyrics capture a hopeful attitude, suggesting that the World Cup allowed many German fans to shift their focus from past crises such as World War II to celebrating potential future victories. This song resonated deeply with the public and became part of the cultural fabric of the 2006 World Cup discourse in Germany. Xavier Naidoo’s “Dieser Weg” (This Way), although originally released in 2005 without 82 connections to football, also gained significant traction during the World Cup. National team player Gerald Asamoah, acting as the team’s unofficial DJ, frequently played this song as pre- match motivation (Müller, article 2 under search “Naidoo”). Team Captain Michael Ballack mentioned in a post-match report that this song was also played in the dressing room after the defeat in the semi-final against Italy (Ballack, article 3 under search “Naidoo”). The lyrics “Dieser Weg wird kein leichter sein; dieser weg wird steinig und schwer” (This path will not be an easy one; this path will be rocky and difficult) resonated well with players and many fans when facing defeat and missing the chance to become World Champion at home. When invited to the celebration party in Berlin, singer Naidoo modified the lyrics to add elements that promote a strong sense of togetherness: “2010, könnte ihr Weltmeister sein. Und diese Nation steht hinter euch und zwar sehr” (2010, you could be world champions. And this nation stands firmly behind you). The lyrical change not only reflected hope for future success but also reinforced the collective support of the nation for its team. His performance was documented and used as the ending scene of the 2006 documentary Deutschland Ein Sommermärchen. This documentary premiered on German Unity Day in 2006. The song, the documentary, the choice of the day of the premier, and everything else all contributed to this collective lighthearted and joyful memory of the summer fairy tale that helped shape a positive image of Germany in public discourse. This image of a joyful nation will be the focus of the discussion in the following subsection. In addition, the involvement of multiethnic musicians in World Cup anthems and celebrations is another layer that is worth discussing. The collaboration of Amadou & Mariam from Mali on the song “Celebration of the Day” hints at the international and inclusive spirit that the 2006 World Cup tried to convey. Xavier Naidoo, born in West Germany to South African parents, was featured as the main singer at the post-tournament celebrations at Berlin’s 83 Fanmeile. In 2010 and 2014, music by artists of diverse backgrounds such as Bushido, Kay One, and Andreas Bourani were essential elements of the World Cup soundscape, further demonstrating this trend. While these artists were well-received, it is worth noting that media narratives in 2006 seldom focused on their multiethnic identities. This aspect saw more attention in subsequent tournaments, a topic that will be explored in further detail in chapter 3. 2.3.2 The Joyful Image Brought by the National Team In the 2006 World Cup, Germany not only hosted the tournament but also crafted a compelling narrative of joy and unity that resonated nationwide. This subsection explores the deliberate efforts to cultivate this positive image at various stages: before, during, and after the tournament. Initially the appointment of Jürgen Klinsmann as head coach set a cheerful tone, as he is a sharp contrast to the strict, discipline-oriented leadership styles of his predecessors like Rudolf “Rudi” Völler. As the tournament unfolded, the media extensively covered the vibrant opening ceremony and the overwhelmingly positive reactions to match outcomes, which greatly shaped public sentiment. Finally, the post-tournament period was marked by widespread expressions of pride and gratitude, culminating in a Danke (Thank you) phenomenon that solidified the tournament’s legacy as a unifying cultural event. Each phase contributed to fostering a collective mood of optimism that helped shape Germany’s collective identity in the 20th century in media discourses. To ensure a strong home performance in 2006, the DFB appointed former national team player Jürgen Klinsmann as head coach. Noted for his youthful and slightly prickly charm in the media during the 1990s (Leinemann, “Die Elf”), Klinsmann brought a refreshing contrast to the disciplined, machine-like approach of his own former coach, Franz Beckenbauer. This previous mechanized image matches popular international imagery of Germany as an ordered, industrious 84 society. Klinsmann’s progressive reforms emphasized individualism and creativity and set a solid foundation for the team’s public image makeover. In an interview, he pointed to the decisive 2-0 victory over Sweden as evidence that the team could achieve great goals through “Freude” (joy) and “positive Denkweise” (positive ways of thinking) (Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen 00:51:40). DFB’s president Theo Zwanziger openly expressed his proud feeling in both Klinsmann and the team, stating that their style of football brings joy to people and making this happen is the most valuable gain for the DFB (Schulze, in the corpus). Articles from this period leading up to the tournament consistently showcase Klinsmann’s role as a source of inspiration. For instance, in a Süddeutsche Zeitung article, Klinsmann was portrayed as an embodiment of a piece of hope for many Germans at the time: Seine Ankündigung im Sommer 2004, alle Rituale und Gewohnheiten zu hinterfragen, in Trainingsarbeit, Sportpsychologie oder Talentschulung Neues zu probieren, verbreitete ebenso Aufbruchstimmung wie die selbstbewusste Zielsetzung: “Wir wollen mit Offensivfußball und jungen Spielern im eigenen Land den WM-Titel holen.” Klinsmann fordert die von Steuererhöhungen, Rentenloch und zweistelliger Arbeitslosenquote frustrierte Nation auf, sich neu zu definieren - “der Welt zu zeigen, wer wir sind.” Eben kein mutloses Volk, das in der globalisierten Welt den Anschluss verpasst hat, sondern - zumindest im Fußball - neue Qualitäten vorweisen kann. His announcement in the summer of 2004 that he would question all rituals and habits and try new things in training, sports psychology, and talent development spread a spirit of optimism, as did his self-confident goal: “We want to win the World Cup in our own country with offensive football and young players.” Klinsmann called on the nation, frustrated by tax increases, a pension gap, and double-digit unemployment, to redefine itself - “to show the world who we are.” Not a despondent person who has missed the boat in the globalized world, but one who can demonstrate new qualities - at least in football (Röttgen, article 6 under topic 9). His bold declaration to challenge existing rituals and innovate in training brought a fresh perspective on the team to the public. His ambitious goal—to win the World Cup with a strategy centered on offensive play and young talent—was almost like a call to action for a nation grappling with economic and social distress. He urged the country to redefine its global image 85 not as a nation lagging in globalization but as one capable of displaying exceptional qualities, at least on the football field. This article suggests that under Klinsmann’s leadership, the team aimed to earn the title and, at the same time, to embody a larger narrative of national optimism. By advocating for a proactive approach, his leadership was portrayed as an important and foundational element in improving the national mood to a collective sense of possibility and pride. This crucial shift positioned the national team as a representation of broader societal optimism and repositioned Germany on the global stage. The positive national spirit was also vividly presented at the commencement of the 2006 World Cup, which kicked off in Munich in June with an opening ceremony marked by a dynamic blend of transition and modernity. The event opened with a traditional Bavarian Schuhplattler dance, followed by a mix of classic, reggae, and hip-hop performances. This combination of music styles presented both Germany’s traditional image and especially through music its modern and new identity (Pappenheim, article 10 under topic 9). A moving moment occurred as former World Cup-winning players from all around the world entered the field, stirring nostalgic feelings among the spectators as they waved and hugged each other. Federal President Horst Köhler’s speech deepened the emotional impact, stating, “Wir wünschen uns spannende Spiele, viele Tore und Fairplay. Möge der Fußball die Völker verbinden” (We wish everybody exciting games, lots of goals, and fair play. May football connect people) (Schwoissfuass 00:29:38). His words not only resonated with the audience but also perfectly aligned with the official motto, “Die Welt zu Gast bei Freunden” (direct translation: The world as a guest at friends’) (official translation: A time to make friends).21 Despite pre-tournament surveys indicating low confidence among German fans regarding 21 The English translation is not a direct rendition of the German text, but it is the officially accepted version of this slogan. 86 the national team’s chances—most deemed a semi-final appearance satisfactory—attitudes shifted dramatically after the team’s victory in the opening match (“Umfrage zeigt: Keine großen Erwartungen an Fußball-WM”, article 1 under topic 22). Former player Christoph Daum articulated a connection between the team’s athletic performance and their symbolic representation. He noted, “Für einen neuen deutschen Fußball, der von einer unheimlichen Leidenschaft geprägt ist. Ich habe wirklich das Gefühl, daß alle Spieler mit Herz spielen und sich mit dem Nationaltrikot identifizieren” (For a new German football that is characterized by an incredible passion. I have the feeling that all players play with heart and identify with the national jersey) (“Die deutsche Elf wird begeistern,” article 1 under topic 21).22 While media coverage primarily focused on game results and Klinsmann’s notable decision not to play Michael Ballack, Daum openly discussed the potential and positive impact of this youthful team on the country. During an interview with Die Welt, when a reporter commented that playing for Germany sounds like a national mission, Daum responded insightfully: Den hat die komplette Mannschaft. Denn Fußball ist ein Ventil für viele, weil sie aus einer Tristesse ausbrechen wollen und versuchen, mit dem Fußball wieder wer zu sein. Es ist wie mit der Schlagzeile “Wir sind Papst”: Die Menschen sagen sich, wir sind wieder wer, wenn wir Weltmeister werden. Dann sind nicht nur die Spieler, dann sind 80 Millionen Weltmeister. Ein Erfolg dieser jungen Nationalmannschaft könnte in unserem Land viel bewegen. Er könnte aufzeigen, dass du etwas erreichen kannst, wenn du an dich glaubst, wenn du selbst etwas tust. The whole team has that. Football is an outlet for many people because they want to escape from sadness and try to be somebody again through football. It is like the headline “We are Pope”: people say to themselves, we’ll be somebody again if we become world champions. Then it is not just the players, 80 million people will be world champions. The success of this young national team could make a big difference in our country. It could show that you can achieve something if you believe in yourself and do something yourself (“Die deutsche Elf wird begeistern,” article 1 under topic 21). Daum’s response, both blunt and precise, highlights the symbolic significance the 22 This response is to answer the proposed question: Wofür steht Klinsmanns Team? (What does Klinsmann's team stand for?) 87 national team held at that moment. Football, as Daum describes it, served not merely as a competitive sport but as an outlet for many, a means to break away from the gloomy past and redefine one’s identity by being something new. The quoted headline “Wir sind Papst” (We are Pope), which emerged following the election of German-born Joseph Ratzinger as Pope Benedict XVI, captured a similar sentiment of national pride. It was voted the second most significant phrase of 2005 in Germany (“Hintergrund: Die Wörter des Jahres - 2005 und früher”; “Wort des Jahres von Gfds”). It shares a similar linguistic structure with the phrase “Wir sind Weltmeister” (We are World Champions), which was commonly echoed by fans during the World Cup tournament. While seemingly grandiose and even clichéd, this sentiment illustrated how millions in Germany projected their identification with their country through the football team’s efforts as with the selection of Ratzinger. Thus, the team was tasked with more than just athletic competition; they represented a broader hope, acting as representatives for those seeking to be someone different, something better, to reinvent and uplift themselves. Under Klinsmann’s enthusiastic leadership, the German national team became a symbol of this new ideal. As the national football team advanced through the tournament, public viewing events not only provided physical spaces for fans to gather but also served as arenas for collective memory-making (Raithel 362). In these settings, German fans grappled with how to express their support for their country. Given the problematic nature of Germany’s nationalism in the past, the public has historically faced challenges in manifesting any form of positive collective identity, often treading cautiously around any display of patriotism. However, participating in the 2006 World Cup tournament allowed fans to display their support towards Germany by wearing black- red-gold-themed decorations at party-alike sporting events. This was documented by a group of journalists at Der Spiegel: 88 Fußball herrscht derzeit über nahezu jeden Winkel des Landes. Er besetzt die Köpfe, die Herzen, er macht aus Deutschland ein anderes Land, wie in einem Sommermärchen, ein gebanntes, fröhliches, ein Land unter einem schwarzrotgoldenen Tuch. Seit dem 9. November 1989 hat es keine größere Party gegeben als diese. Damals feierten die Deutschen mit sich, jetzt feiern sie mit sich und der Welt. Football currently dominates almost every corner of the country. It occupies people’s minds, and hearts, it turns Germany into a different country, like in a summer fairy tale, a spellbound, happy country, a country under a black-red-gold blanket. There hasn’t been a bigger party than this one since November 9, 1989. Back then, the Germans celebrated with themselves, now they celebrate with themselves and the world (Brinkbäumer et al., located by reading through the 2006 subset of the corpus). The journalists characterized this type of patriotism as “unverklemmt” (unabashed) and “weltoffen” (cosmopolitan) (Brinkbäumer et al.). They noted that the 2006 World Cup represented the largest celebration since the events of 1989 when Germany celebrated reunification among themselves. Even better, in 2006 Germany celebrated with the global community, which can be seen as a transformative moment where the country openly embraced its new image through football. Scholars have also discussed the significance of this World Cup in shaping a positive national image and its influence on expressions of patriotism within the German context. Kay Schiller pointed out that 2006 marked a new phase in the acceptance of national symbols within German football nationalism (2015 188). The term “Party patriotism” or “Partyiotism,” introduced by Anne Wollenhaupt in her analysis of 2006, describes this phenomenon. Despite her criticism that party patriotism distracted the public from significant political actions, she acknowledged that it was indeed at this tournament that the national football team (along with politicians, business, and the media) made Germany a premier cultural and social hub in the world and reshaped Germany’s image on a global stage (Wollenhaupt). Another important aspect of the narratives is the evolving perception of “feeling pride in being German.” During an interview conducted by Der Spiegel, multiple interviewees mentioned 89 that they felt more comfortable expressing pride in their national team during the tournament (Brinkbäumer et al.). This shift in sentiment was not limited to fans but also evident among public figures. Theo Zwanziger, the executive president of the DFB, openly expressed his endorsement, “Ich bin stolz auf diese Mannschaft. Und ich bin stolz auf den Bundestrainer” (I am proud of this team, and I am proud of the coach) (Schulze). Even after the defeat against Italy in the semi-final, Klinsmann still openly praised his team by pointing out the positive changes this team brought to the country: Er lobte seine Mannschaft, das Publikum, das ganze Land. „In dieser Mannschaft herrscht ein wunderbarer Geist, wir haben großen Fußball gezeigt,“ sagte er. Dass „die Welt ein neues Gesicht von Deutschland gesehen hat“, und dass „die Mannschaft ein ganzes Land stolz gemacht hat.“ He praised his team, the crowd, the whole country. “There is a wonderful spirit in this team, we played great football,” he said. “The world has seen a new face of Germany” and “the team has made an entire country proud.” (“Sehr müde, sehr kaputt, sehr traurig,” located by reading through the 2006 subset of the corpus). Klinsmann focused on the positive influence of the German national football team’s performance on the country’s global image. Terms like “ein neues Gesicht von Deutschland” (a new face of Germany) suggest a departure from the past negative perceptions associated with Germany. The pride expressed in his words hints at the broader societal and political positivity brought by this team in the public discourses. Journalist Claus Christian Malzahn wrote, “Die Weltmeisterschaft um gute Laune haben die Deutschen diesmal gewonnen—und darauf dürfen wir wirklich stolz sein” (The Germans won the World Cup for good mood this time and we can be really proud of that) (Malzahn, article 9 under topic 7). Media outlets did not shy away from but embraced this newfound sense of pride, which shows that feeling proud for this joyful and modern Germany has been accepted. Cities across the nation also participated, with banners such as “Stuttgart ist stolz auf Euch!” (Stuttgart is proud of you!) (see image below). Interestingly, this pride was primarily directed 90 towards the German national football team. The DFB, Coach Klinsmann, the cities, fans, and even the country were all proud of this team that not only delivered an impressive athletic performance but also refreshed Germany’s image globally, providing a reason for widespread celebration and enjoyment. Figure 11. Fans at the Fanmeile in Berlin wave flags and hold a sign that reads “Wir sind STOLZ auf Euch!” (We are PROUD of you!) during the 2006 World Cup. Image credit: DPA (Picture is used in article “Wir können auch anders”). Figure 12. A huge poster was displayed in front of the team hotel in Stuttgart. 07.07.2006. Image credit: DPA (Picture was featured in the article “Fußballwahnsinn 2006”). In addition to the prevailing sentiment of pride, the emergence of a “danke” (thank you) phenomenon following the 2006 World Cup deserves attention. Journalist Frank Patalong observed this expression of gratitude as a new phenomenon in Germany. This trend may have been influenced by the grassroots “Dankesbrief” (Thank You Note) project initiated by Malte Münchert and Andre Doerk, which collected messages of thanks from across the country, and 91 addressed them to the national team (Patalong, article 19 under topic 7). After the team’s semifinal loss to Italy, singer Xavier Naidoo composed a 7-minute heartfelt tribute song titled “Danke (Thank you)” dedicated to the national team. Although he eventually began to release material that appealed to right-wing supporters, Naidoo had a close relationship with the national team in 2006 and composed several songs for them.23 While there is little evidence to suggest that Naidoo’s song initiated the widespread expression of gratitude, his song encapsulated the national sentiment, thanking everyone from the players to the coaching staff. The opening line, “Uns bleibt nichts zu tun, außer danke zu sagen” (There is nothing left for us to do except say thank you), captures the collective sentiment of appreciation. This wave of gratitude was carried from the third-place playoff celebration in Stuttgart to the large-scale celebration at the Berlin Fanmeile. All 23 players, coaches, and support staff wore a T-shirt saying “Danke Deutschland” (Thank you Germany) in black-red-gold on the front, and “Teamgeist 82 Millionen” (Team spirit 82 million) on the back. At the Fanmeile, a projector displayed a slide stating, “Danke. Das war richtig gut für Deutschland” (Thank you. That was really good for Germany). Meanwhile, fans gathered in front of the Brandenburg Gate, wearing T-shirts stating “Danke. Ihr seid unsere Weltmeister der Herzen” (Thank you. You are our world champions of hearts) (Reimann, article 4 under topic 9). Many were holding “Danke” posters, some handmade and others produced by the “Deutschland Land der Ideen” initiative (Willnow). The players held a massive banner with “Fans, wir danken Euch - Ihr seid Fan-Weltmeister!” (Fans, we thank you - you are fan world champions!) (Ullstein Bild). This collective expression of gratitude goes beyond simple celebration and reflects a deep, shared pride that was uniquely 23 Mentioning his work here does not imply the author’s endorsement of Naidoo’s current behavior. For more information, see the article titled “Right-wing song lyrics put German singer in the spotlight.” 92 manifest through football. It fostered a sense of unity and appreciation across Germany. In this discourse of appreciation, political figures such as Chancellor Angela Merkel and the newly appointed president of Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland (ZdJ, Central Council of Jewish People in Germany), Charlotte Knobloch, were prominent. Merkel praised all citizens as the true ambassadors of the country, using the inclusive “we” in her speech, echoing the earlier sentiments of “Wir sind Weltmeister” (We are world champions!). She stated: “Möge die Stimmung, mit der wir uns als Deutsche der Welt präsentiert haben, weit über diesen Sommer hinausreichen!” (May the spirit with which we, as Germans, have presented ourselves to the world, extend far beyond this summer!) (“Merkel: WM war wunderbares Geschenk,” located by reading through the 2006 subset of the corpus). Her hope was clear—she wished for the positive image of Germany, cultivated by its citizens, to extend beyond the World Cup, and continue to bring positive changes for the country. Additionally, Knobloch echoed Merkel by stating that Germany had presented a cosmopolitan and hospitable face, while also remaining unafraid to acknowledge its historical responsibility. She contributed to the discourse of pride by stating, “Ein Deutschland, das sich seiner historischen Verantwortung bewusst ist und so deutlich Flagge bekennt, darf zu Recht stolz auf sich sein.” (A Germany that is aware of its historical responsibility and acknowledges it can rightfully be proud of itself) (“Merkel: WM war wunderbares Geschenk”). In a lighter vein, even Deutsche Bahn joined in the celebratory mood by displaying a massive poster outside of the Berlin central train station: “Danke für starke Spiele, tolle Tore - und dass Sie mit uns gefahren sind!” (Thank you for the great games, great goals - and for traveling with us!) (A-C-K). As journalist Frank Patalong put it: Deutschland hat Danken gelernt. Das ist neu. Seit Tagen danken alle allen anderen, die Mannschaft den Fans, die Fans der Mannschaft, Klinsmann sowieso und in alle 93 Richtungen, die Kanzlerin dem Klinsmann und der zurück, die deutschen Fans den ausländischen Gästen und die wiederum Deutschland. Germany has learned to thank. That is new. For days, everyone has been thanking everyone else, the team the fans, the fans of the team, Klinsmann of course and in all directions, the Chancellor to Klinsmann and him in return, the German fans to the foreign guests and they in turn to Germany (Patalong, article 19 under topic 7). This reciprocal expression of thanks, flowing back and forth among the team, fans, and public figures, represented a new phenomenon in the German public sphere. While often regarded historically as reserved, Germany’s public acknowledgment of gratitude and pride during the 2006 World Cup illustrates a significant cultural shift. This newfound appreciation was more than just a reflection of joy and success but a broader embrace of a public, shared expression of positive national sentiment that had, perhaps with good reason, been less visible in the recent past. This friendly, polite, historically-informed, and appreciative atmosphere marked the end of the so-called summer fairy tale. This subsection has traced the evolution of media perceptions surrounding Klinsmann’s team—from initial skepticism to being celebrated as symbols of pride. The 2006 World Cup signified a period when Germany began to portray itself as a fun, welcoming nation, adept both on the field and as a gracious host. Regardless of the durability or authenticity of this image as a representation of society, this period marked a historical moment where discussions of such topics regarding the nation and national pride became possible. Football, especially the men’s national team, along with the black-red-gold flags, face paints, jerseys, and scarves, became a vehicle for disseminating narratives of pride and gratitude. These elements fostered positive collective memories and momentarily increased tolerance towards patriotism and cultural identification. Among the positive narratives, there were also critical voices that challenged this form of patriotism by debating if there should be post-tournament flag regulations. For example, Der Spiegel’s 94 journalist Reinhard Mohr wrote: So ist der “neue deutsche Patriotismus” eben keine Rückkehr zu einem alten, überkommenen Nationalbewusstsein, sondern, ganz im Gegenteil, eine Loslösung von den anachronistischen Stereotypen der Vergangenheit: hier der dumpfdeutsche Patriot mit Gartenzwerg und Schäferhund, dort der antinationale Kämpfer für den Fortschritt in der Welt. Die letzten Wochen haben es ganz praktisch beglaubigt: Die deutsche Nation ist weder geschichtsvergessen noch geschichtsversessen - sie ist eine weltoffene, demokratische und, ja, multikulturelle Republik. Und darauf kann man ja wohl ein bisschen stolz sein. Punkt. Aus. Ende der Durchsage. So the “new German patriotism” is not a return to an old, outdated national consciousness, but, quite the opposite, a break from the anachronistic stereotypes of the past: here the dull German patriot with garden gnome and German shepherd, there the anti-national fighter for progress in the world. The last few weeks have confirmed this in a very practical way: the German nation is neither oblivious to history nor obsessed with history - it is a cosmopolitan, democratic and, yes, multicultural republic. And we can be a little proud of that. Period. End. End of announcement (Mohr, “Oh Schreck”). The introduction of the term “multicultural republic” into the discourse is noteworthy, suggesting that somehow this World Cup displayed Germany as a multicultural republic, something to take modest pride in. However, the mere presence of flags across districts like Neukölln, Kreuzberg, and Wedding, and chants of “Germany! Germany!” during matches, does not suffice as evidence of a harmonious multicultural, multiethnic society. It raises the question: Can a nation claim to be successfully multicultural based solely on the ambiance of a football event, without robust multicultural policies? The answer is likely no. Nevertheless, it is crucial to examine the team’s composition and the narratives surrounding players identified as migrants. Such an analysis will offer a deeper understanding of how multiethnic realities were portrayed through the World Cup’s narratives and their impact on identity formation in Germany during the 2006 tournament. 2.3.3 Distinctive Narratives on Multiethnic Reality The positive rebranding of Germany as a country in media discourses, through the performance of its men’s national team and hosting the World Cup, was indeed a successful 95 endeavor. Beneath this jubilant cover, however, other distinctive narratives contributed to the debates about collective national identity during the 2006 World Cup. As mentioned at the beginning of this subsection, discussions around flags, the national anthem, and “mutual assured diversity” theory can be found in the corpus. Besides the already examined topic 7 “the national team and Germany” and topic 65 “spectators and authority” contains more content regarding flags and fans. Retrieving and reading through the top ten articles most relevant to topic 65 revealed that the usage of the black-red-gold flag in migrant communities attracted media attention. Although there is no specific topic among the 80 selected topics dedicated to players of color in 2006, narratives about them are present in the corpus. I simply needed to search for them based on my knowledge of these players. 2.3.3.1 Fans, Flags, Identification, and Inclusion The discussion surrounding the black-red-gold flags during the 2006 World Cup provides valuable insight into how media narratives intersected with the realities of a multiethnic society. The widespread adoption of these flags within migrant communities was largely viewed as a positive development. It linked the festive atmosphere of the football tournament to potential advancement in societal inclusion. However, this perspective is only partially accurate. Skeptical and critical voices from different groups emerged, showing doubt about the lasting impact of this moment of national unity. The acceptance of the black-red-gold flag among the migrant communities was a notable transformation during the 2006 World Cup. For instance, Mürtüz Yolcu, a 45-year-old business owner, in an interview with taz, expressed his astonishment at seeing immigrant-operated shops in Kreuzberg, Neukölln, and Wedding displaying German flags, and migrants from Turkey or Lebanon adorning their cars with these flags, often alongside their own national flags (Wierth, in 96 the corpus, located by searching “fahnen”). He held a very positive view of this change and thought it was “wunderbar” (wonderful) that Turkish Germans were cheering on the German team with German flags. He interpreted this acceptance and normalization of using flags to show support for one’s country and express national enthusiasm about football as an example of mutual learning between local Germans and long-term migrant residents in Germany (Wierth). He pointed out, “We have learned a lot from the Germans. Now they learn from us: our love for football and how to handle flags” (Wierth). This sentiment was reinforced by other interviewees, such as Yener, who stated “Deutschland ist doch unsere neue Heimat. Mit dem Herzen mögen wir noch immer in der Türkei sein. Die Realität sagt uns: Ihr lebt ja hier, in Kreuzberg, in Berlin, in Deutschland.” (Germany is our new home. We may still be in Turkey in our hearts. The reality tells us: you live here, in Kreuzberg, in Berlin, in Germany) (Nonnenmacher, located by searching “fahnen”). The word Heimat (home) conveys a strong sense of belonging, which indicates that the interviewee has developed an emotional connection with Germany, their new home. Similarly, in the diverse community of Altona in Hamburg, Hüseyin, who identified as Turkish, said that Germany is his Heimat and this is where he feels at home. He clarified that supporting the German national team did not betray his Turkish heritage because, after all, Germany is also his “Land” (country) (Eusterhus, in the corpus, located by searching “fahnen”). This expression of dual identity exemplifies a broader sentiment among the migrant communities, suggesting a complex form of belonging that goes beyond simple patriotic displays. Similar sentiments are observed in other news articles where people with history of immigration history used symbols like black-red-gold flags to demonstrate their support. Restaurant owner Ghassan Hassoun commented that wearing black-red-gold flags and fan 97 clothing was his way of showing support for the football team and showcasing his “integration” into German society (“Mit der Fahne und der Fankleidung, zeige er auch, ‘wie gut ich in Deutschland integriert bin’”) (Stolzenberg). This expression points at Hassoun’s marginalized status and reflects his struggle for legitimacy in the society through demonstrating support of the German football team. Furthermore, the notion of having “two hearts” or a “heart divided in two” is a common theme among people with history of immigration in Germany. This rhetoric might echo the famous line from Goethe’s Faust where he writes, “Zwei Seelen wohnen, ach! in meiner Brust” (Ah! Two souls are living in my chest) (Goethe). In Christopher Stolzenberg’s article “Ein bisschen Einheit” (A little bit of unity), young Arabic and Turkish Germans in Kreuzberg and Neukölln expressed their complex identities using the language of a divided heart. Jamal al-Rabah, a cafe owner of Saudi Arabian heritage, displayed a large Saudi Arabian flag in front of the shop door and a small black-red-gold flag hanging below it. He explained that his heart was divided into two, one for his heritage and one for his life in Germany. Similarly, Cem from Altona described his internal conflict: “Manchmal pochen zwei Herzen in deiner Brust und du kannst nichts dagegen tun” (Sometimes two hearts beat in your chest and there’s nothing you can do about it) (Eusterhus). Kate Zambon explains that when immigrants actively choose to adopt the new flag instead of merely inheriting their birth nation’s flag, it signifies an endorsement of Germanness, illustrating its appeal as an identity (8). Journalist Jürgen Leinemann characterized the 2006 World Cup’s national celebrations as a transformative moment for Germany’s collective identities. In his article “Ein glückliches Volk” (A Happy Country), he observed: Und ganz so, als hätte es die monatelangen Diskussionen um “Parallelgesellschaften” nie gegeben, wedeln auf der Berliner Fan-Meile zwischen Brandenburger Tor und Siegessäule Araber und Türken aus Kreuzberg und Neukölln nach Toren des aus Polen stammenden Deutschen Lukas Podolski mit schwarzrotgoldenen Fahnen. In der 98 globalisierten Welt sind kollektive Identitäten wählbarer als früher, auch flexibler und variabler. And just as if the months-long discussions about “parallel societies” had never happened, Arabs and Turks from Kreuzberg and Neukölln waved black-red-gold flags on the Berlin fan mile between the Brandenburg Gate and the Victory Column after goals by the Polish-born German Lukas Podolski. In the globalized world, collective identities are more selectable than before, and also more flexible and variable (Leinemann). The concept of “Parallelgesellschaften” (parallel societies) was introduced by sociologist Wilhelm Heitmeyer in 1996 to describe ethnic or cultural-religious minoritized group that maintains a distance from the majority society into which they have immigrated (Gorchakova 6). The so-called integration challenges faced by members of Turkish German communities— marked by discrimination, restricted educational opportunities, and lower socioeconomic status—indicated the persistence of these parallel societies (Mueller). Due to the intense debates surrounding “Parallelgesellschaft,” this term was voted the second most significant Word of the Year in 2004 (“Wort des Jahres von Gfds”). However, Leinemann’s depiction of the 2006 World Cup presents an alternative narrative. The public celebration of the German team by members of supposed parallel societies suggested a potential bridging of gaps between segregated communities. It also challenges the notion that ethnic and cultural divisions are impossible to overcome within modern, “global” German society. Politicians such as the Integration Commissioner Maria Böhmer also engaged in the discourse through interviews on topics like new patriotism and inclusion. She was pleased to see all the black-red-gold flags displayed alongside flags representing people’s heritage within these communities. At the same time, she emphasized that living together in Germany means working collaboratively to create conditions for the so-called integration. She noted that the younger generation was interacting with their identities in a more positive, independent, and self- confident manner (Birnbaum et al.). Despite her optimistic view, she provided little detail on 99 specific plans during the brief interview. Like many discussions on this subject, the interview drew attention to the positive influence of the World Cup on migrant communities. The use of flags, jerseys, and chants to support Germany by individuals with migrant backgrounds is seen as a means of participating in national celebrations, which can contribute to inclusion. Nonetheless, skepticism remains within the discourse. For example, Muharrem Aras, a local football enthusiast from Berlin, criticized the fact that it took way too long for players who have immigration history to make it to the national team because players of Turkish origin have hardly any chances to be selected for the German national team (Wierth; the reality of Turkish Germans being regularly included on the team changed, of course, with the citizenship law change in 2000). Members of the migrant communities also argued that the festive display of flags was merely a temporary phenomenon. It was driven by young people’s desire to celebrate and have fun and, most importantly, not be excluded from German society (Nonnenmacher). However, this short-lived happiness would hardly address or solve any deeper societal issues in the migrant communities (Nonnenmacher). Although there might be some minor positive changes, these changes are unlikely to remove the barriers to “integration” in neighborhoods like Kreuzberg and Neukölln (Nonnenmacher). Indeed, without a clear awareness, a determined effort to improve, and well-defined integration policies, the inclusion hyped by football events can only go so far. In addition, it is necessary to consider the dissenting voices that emerge from the far-right side of the political spectrum, which starkly contrast the generally positive narrative surrounding the acceptance of the black-red-gold flag in migrant communities. Extreme-right supporters expressed anger and hostility over people of color waving German flags in 2006: Der Fußball-Patriotismus integriert in der Tat jeden, dessen Deutschkenntnisse ihn dazu befähigen, bei irgendeinem Migranten ein schwarzrotgoldenes Tuch zu erwerben. Was 100 mit der Schwarzenparade im Weiß der Nationalelf vorexerziert wird, klappt auf der tanzenden Straße sowieso. Hier werden selbst Neger zu deutschen Patrioten.24 Football patriotism does indeed integrate anyone whose knowledge of German enables them to buy a black-red-gold scarf from any migrant. What is demonstrated with the black parade in the white of the national team works in the dancing street anyway. Here even Blacks become German patriots (Mohr, “Verdampfte Traurigkeit”). This statement by Jürgen Gansel, a chief ideologist of the neo-Nazi Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD, National Democratic Party of Germany)25, starkly illustrates the antagonistic stance that some far-right politicians have towards the inclusivity observed during the 2006 World Cup. Gansel criticized what he perceived as performative and superficial integration, held merely by shared enthusiasm for football and consumerism. His use of the term “Deutschkenntnisse” (knowledge of German) suggested an exclusionary belief that genuine “integration” goes beyond linguistic and cultural assimilation. At the same time, the passage denies the possibility that migrants can achieve such “integration.” Moreover, his portrayal of migrants predominantly as small business owners not only reinforces stereotypical views but also demeans their social status within German society. Gansel’s use of the derogatory term to describe Black individuals demonstrates the racist undertones of his rhetoric. By deliberately excluding Black people from the notion of German patriotism, he categorizes individuals based solely on skin color, exposing a deeply ingrained racist ideology. This language not only marginalizes but also dehumanizes, reflecting a broader far-right agenda that seeks to define German identity in narrow, ethnically and racially homogeneous terms. His 24 The term “Neger,” used in the original German text, appears in this dissertation for purposes of historical and contextual accuracy. This term is considered highly offensive in contemporary usage. It is quoted here to preserve the authenticity of the source material, which reflects the language used by right-wing extremists. In translating this term to English, it has been changed to “Black” to avoid perpetuating offensive language while maintaining the intent and meaning of the original text. This decision is in line with current academic standards for sensitive and respectful language use. The inclusion of such terms and their discussion is not an endorsement but rather a necessary part of analyzing the rhetoric of right-wing extremism and its impact on societal attitudes towards race and ethnicity. 25 In 2023, this party renamed itself to Die Heimat (The Homeland), and it is a far-right neo-Nazi political party. 101 statement reveals a fear of losing a so-called pure German culture, pushing back against the multiethnic and multiracial realities of modern Germany that were celebrated during the World Cup festivities. In summary, numerous reports highlighted minority migrants adorning their businesses, homes, and vehicles with German flags alongside those of their countries of origin. This visible enthusiasm was often celebrated by journalists as an indication of a somewhat successful “integration.” However, while these displays caught the public eye, the media largely avoided addressing deeper inclusion policies and preferred to focus on more superficial aspects of migration and “cultural integration.” This evolving narrative, which continued to develop in subsequent international events, will be further explored in the next two chapters. 2.3.3.2 Players Beyond the flag narratives within migrant communities, significant discussions in the media also revolved around players with migrant backgrounds. A Deutsche Welle article stated: “The national team reflects the ethnic diversity of Germany,” (Fong) which raised a critical question: Can ethnic diversity be redefined simply through the inclusion of players with history of immigration? This topic requires a thorough analysis of the narratives surrounding these players to develop more nuanced arguments. This exploration sets the stage for deeper discussions in subsequent chapters on migration and inclusion and underscores how the 2006 World Cup marked a transformative era in the politics of German football. The 2006 World Cup was Miroslav Klose’s third appearance for the German national team, where he won the FIFA Golden Boot by scoring five goals. Born in Poland, Klose moved to West Germany with his father, who was given Aussiedler status, a term used to describe ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union who were given German citizenship 102 under the right of return. His decision to play for Germany in 2001 was a challenging one. Similarly, Lukas Podolski, also born in Poland, emigrated to West Germany at the age of two with his parents. After being rejected by the Polish national team in 2003, Podolski joined the German squad in 2004. His outstanding performance in 2006 earned him the Best Young Player award, outshining Messi and Ronaldo. He was also featured on the cover of the documentary Deutschland, Ein Sommermärchen. The media often referred to Klose and Podolski as the “Dreamteam” (Gödecke), “Traumsturm” (dream storm) (“Deutschland ist Weltmeister,” located by searching players), “Angriffsduo” (“Hohes Tempo in Dortmund,” in the corpus, located by searching players’ names) praising their synergy on the field, especially highlighting how the 28- year-old Klose mentored the younger attacker Podolski. Their dynamic partnership was frequently celebrated for its seamless coordination and mutual understanding during matches (Kramer, in the corpus; Schaefer, both in the corpus, and located by searching players’ names).26 A prominent narrative centered on Podolski’s decision not to sing the German national anthem before games, regardless of the opponent (Brinkbäumer et al.; Anthem of Poland and Germany 01:01). On the day before the World Cup commenced, Bild published “Franz fordert: Singt und siegt für Deutschland!” (Franz demands: Sing and win for Germany!) This article put Podolski and Robert Huth under the spotlight as the two players who refrained from singing the national anthem. It also mentioned that Podolski had promised to start singing on June 9th (“Franz fordert”). Bild also quoted Franz Beckenbauer, “Ich wünsche mir, daß alle Spieler bei der Hymne mitsingen. Das muß bei so einem wichtigen Turnier einfach sein” (I wish that all players would sing along with the anthem. It simply must be that way at such an important 26 The rare instances where the Polish heritage of Klose and Podolski was highlighted typically pertained to their personal lives, such as their girlfriends forming groups at the training camp based on their shared Polish background (Gartenschläger, “Bundestrainer Klinsmann Setzt Auf Die Partner Seiner Spieler,” in the corpus). 103 tournament) (“Franz fordert”). Beckenbauer’s statement added pressure on Podolski to change his behavior. Despite this, Podolski consistently chose not to sing the anthem throughout his matches for Germany. Overall, the media coverage did not extensively focus on their Polish backgrounds, except for minor aspects like Podolski’s stance on the national anthem. The debate over whether to sing the anthem would later become a more contentious issue, a topic that will be further explored in subsequent chapters. David Odonkor, another key player in the national team’s success, is of mixed heritage with a Ghanaian father and a German mother. Born and raised in Germany, he was recruited by Klinsmann primarily for his exceptional speed, stepping in for the injured Kevin Kurányi. The media’s focus on Odonkor was largely on his athletic abilities rather than his ethnic background. Before the tournament, there were debates on whether he was too young for the team; however, his performance shifted public opinion significantly, especially his crucial role in Germany’s win over Poland, and his contributions in the match against Italy.27 Aside from a brief mention during an interview about his limited contact with his father, who returned to Ghana when Odonkor was five, his multiethnic heritage received almost no attention in the media coverage (Schächtele and Wurm). Oliver Neuville, another crucial striker, made headlines when he scored a decisive goal off an assist from Odonkor. Born in Switzerland to a German father and an Italian mother, with his grandfather originally from Belgium, Neuville was eligible to represent any of the four nations, but he chose Germany. Often used as a substitute, he has a history of scoring vital goals for the national team: one during the round-of-16 against Paraguay in 2002 and another goal against Poland in 2006. In a post-World Cup interview, Neuville openly admitted that he was not 27 I searched and read all the articles that contained Odonkor in the corpus in 2006 and came to this conclusion. 104 fluent in German and was still learning the language. The interviewer asked about his complex family background, discussed his cultural identity, and asked to which culture he felt most aligned: Frage: Ihr Vater war Deutscher, Ihre Mutter ist Italienerin, Sie sind in der französischen Schweiz aufgewachsen. Hat es manchmal Nachteile, wenn man so vielen Kulturen angehört? Wissen Sie, wo Sie hingehören? Neuville: Ich muss sagen, dass ich mich überall wohlgefühlt habe. Ich habe 22 Jahre in der Schweiz gelebt und habe mich dort wohlgefühlt. Danach habe ich in Spanien gelebt, auch da habe ich mich wohlgefühlt. Und danach in Deutschland. Anscheinend kann ich mich überall wohlfühlen. … Frage: Ist die Schweiz trotzdem so etwas wie Heimat für Sie? Neuville: Was ist Heimat? Meine Schwester und mein Sohn wohnen dort, meine Mutter lebt im Tessin und in Kalabrien. Ich muss sagen, da ist es am schönsten. Wenn ich in die Schweiz fahre, dann wegen der Familie. Alte Freunde habe ich gar nicht mehr so viele dort. Question: Your father was German, your mother is Italian, and you grew up in French- speaking Switzerland. Are there sometimes disadvantages to belonging to so many cultures? Do you know where you belong? Neuville: I have to say that I felt at home everywhere. I lived in Switzerland for 22 years and felt at home there. After that, I lived in Spain, where I felt at home too. And then in Germany. Apparently I can feel at home everywhere. … Question: Is Switzerland still something like home for you? Neuville: What is home? My sister and my son live there, and my mother lives in Ticino and Calabria. I have to say that’s the nicest place there. When I go to Switzerland, it is because of my family. I don’t have that many old friends there anymore (Bremer and Schäfer). Neuville skillfully navigated questions about cultural belonging. He expressed feeling “wohlgefühlt” (comfortable) in all the places he had lived and summarized his feelings as “it seems like I can feel good everywhere.” Despite the interviewers’ attempts to discuss Heimat with Neuville, he maintained straightforward responses and avoided complicated questions about identity. When the interviewers learned that Neuville would leave early for training to avoid being late, they commented, “Das ist aber sehr Deutsch” (that’s very German). Neuville responded with a simple “Vielleicht” (maybe). This interaction seemed to be an effort by the 105 interviewers to draw links between the player and the country he represented—through aspects like family heritage, sense of belonging, or even behavior. However, Neuville often gave vague answers to avoid committing to one country or another. And yet, throughout the discussion, it was clear that his standing as a legitimate member of the national team was never questioned. On a different note, players of color like Gerald Asamoah faced significantly harsher treatment from the public. Asamoah, who emigrated to Germany with his family in 1990 at the age of 12, became the first African-born Black player to represent Germany when he joined the national team in 2001 (Habermeyer).28 Asamoah participated in both the 2002 and 2006 World Cups and was known for boosting team morale as the designated DJ in the dressing room. In contrast to the other players mentioned, Asamoah encountered racism even before the tournament began. His appearance in the promotional video for the “Du bist Deutschland” (You are Germany) campaign (allycatz 01:37) sparked a severe backlash from the Brandenburg-based neo-Nazi group “Schutzbund Deutschland,” which proclaimed, “Nein, Gerald, du bist nicht Deutschland! Du bist BRD!” (No Gerald, you are not Germany. You are the FRG!) (“Plakat- Aktion”). This group, based in Brandenburg—a state that was part of the former East Germany—refused to recognize Asamoah’s legitimacy as a representative of Germany. Instead, they viewed him as belonging to the former West Germany, which they perceived that having the most immigrants. This perception shows a profound ignorance among the group members about the labor migration that occurred in the GDR. Moreover, it hints at deeper, ongoing discussions about the differences and gaps of identification between West and East Germans following reunification. During the summer of 2006, narratives around Asamoah were predominantly positive. He 28 Previous players with Black ancestry, Erwin Kostedde and Jimmy Hartwig, were born in Germany to African American fathers and German mothers. 106 was celebrated as the beloved DJ in the dressing room, lifting everyone’s spirits. He played songs by Xavier Naidoo, which Naidoo had composed for the team. His contribution to creating a harmonious team atmosphere was frequently acknowledged, with numerous articles crediting him for the grand celebrations in Stuttgart and at the Berlin Fanmeile. His German identity went unquestioned, and the media refrained from exploiting his story as a symbol of successful integration. However, the narrative shifted dramatically in October 2006 during a friendly match against Georgia in Rostock (in the former GDR). Asamoah was subjected to racist insults every time he touched the ball, which contrasted with the previously peaceful and positive portrayal he had enjoyed: Beim Pokalspiel stimmten dort die Rostock-Fans rassistische Beleidigungen an, wann immer Asamoah an den Ball kam. Jeder dieser „Uguuguugu“-Rufe, sagt der dunkelhäutige Stürmer nun, habe ihn getroffen. Und das Schlimmste daran: Dieses Affengebrüll ist nur das letzte Glied in einer langen Kette. Kürzlich wurden seine Frau und eine Cousine auf einer Kirmes als Neger verhöhnt, und schon zuvor musste Asamoah in so manchem Stadion Uguugu-Rufe ertragen und sich vor Bananen schützen, die von den Tribünen geworfen wurden. During the cup match, Rostock fans chanted racist insults whenever Asamoah touched the ball. The dark-skinned striker now says that each of these “Uguuguugu” chants hit him. And the worst thing about it is that this monkey roar is just the last link in a long chain. Recently, his wife and a cousin were mocked as blacks at a fair, and before that, Asamoah had to endure “Uguugu” chants in many a stadium and protect himself from bananas thrown from the stands (Stoldt, located by searching players in the corpus). The disturbing scene described by Asamoah illuminates the harsh reality that, despite being loved and respected during the World Cup, players of color continued to confront racism and racial discrimination. The use of “Uguuguugu” by fans, which mimics animal sounds, serves to dehumanize Asamoah. The continuation of these racist attacks, from football stadiums to public spaces like fairs, shows an acceptance of racial abuse in public spaces. These incidents in Rostock were not an isolated event. Asamoah, along with another Nigerian player, Otto Addo, 107 faced similar racist acts as early as 1997, including having bananas thrown at them and enduring racially based insults and boos. These persistent racist behaviors show the long-existing and long-enduring presence of racism and right-wing extremism within Germany’s national football sphere. The stark contrast between these moments of hostility and the previous summer’s euphoria is particularly disheartening. After being celebrated as a national hero, Asamoah was quickly subjected to intense hatred from fans, based solely on his skin color. The rapid shift from warm acceptance to cold (racist) rejection underscores the complexities and challenges of achieving real inclusion and acceptance. These experiences not only shattered the faith of many but also led Asamoah to question his future in playing for Germany. Such incidents force a reevaluation of the racial dynamics within German society and highlight the significant discrepancies between public celebration and private discrimination. In summary, it was clear that not all players with migrant backgrounds received the same treatment from the media and fans. While Klose and Podolski’s ethnic backgrounds were rarely mentioned, and they were celebrated for their contributions, players of color like Asamoah faced racism on and off the pitch. Players like Neuville and Odonkor were depicted mainly for their athletic performance rather than their heritage. These disparities demonstrated the complex dynamics of race, media representation, and fan behavior, and further showcased the varied experiences of players depending on their perceived identity. 2.4 Conclusion The 2006 World Cup in Germany marked a significant moment in the nation’s football history, intertwining sports, media, and identity formation. This chapter has explored some of the historical influences and emerging media narratives surrounding the German national team in 108 2006. The euphoria of the 2006 World Cup, often referred to as a summer fairy tale, was a result of carefully planned media campaigns and governmental efforts that aimed to present a new image of Germany—one that was open, global, welcoming, and inclusive. It was a period when the country, historically cautious with nationalistic displays, embraced a more liberal form of patriotism, catalyzed by football. This World Cup was not just about winning matches; it was about winning hearts and redefining the German image on the global stage with a (somewhat) multiethnic football team. The positive portrayal of players like Miroslav Klose, Lukas Podolski, and David Odonkor in the media, and their acceptance by the fans, exemplified this shift. Beneath this surface of unity and joy, media narratives on players of color indicate deeper and persistent social challenges. While there was considerable focus on the positivity surrounding people in immigrant communities waving the black-red-gold flags, critical discussions of racism and exclusion, such as the insults and racism experienced by Asamoah, were less frequent. The dichotomy of celebration and discrimination raised questions about the depth of Germany’s acceptance of its own multiethnic reality. Was the party-patriotic fervor a genuine embrace of a more diverse society, or was it a superficial layer placed over unresolved social tensions? The narratives of players with history of immigration were crucial in this discourse. They were celebrated as national heroes when representing Germany on the global stage but often faced challenges on and off the pitch that highlighted ongoing struggles with identity and belonging. The media coverage, predominantly positive during the World Cup, tended to gloss over these deeper issues, focusing more on the unifying aspects of the team’s success. Looking ahead, the period post-2006 up to the 2014 World Cup presents a further evolution of these themes. The next chapter will discuss how the media representation of the 109 national team evolved during this period, exploring the continuing journey of German football in the context of a multiethnic society. It will examine the ongoing dialogue around national identity, integration and inclusion, and representation in sports, set against the backdrop of significant footballing as well as cultural events. This exploration aims to understand not just the highs of victory and the unity it can bring, but also the challenges and complexities that come with representing a modern, diverse country on the world stage. 110 3 CHAPTER 3 POST-2006 TO 2014: FROM THE SUMMER FAIRY TALE TO THE WORLD CHAMPION 3.1 Introduction A 2009 television advertisement depicts a summer garden party: guests of various ethnic backgrounds arrive, each bringing dishes reflective of their cultures. In the backyard, a grill sizzles as people dressed in ethnic outfits chat with each other. As a football game starts, everyone gathers in front of the TV. A voiceover says, “What do all these people have in common?” and responds, “Their children play for the German national teams.” The screen then displays a message—“Football is the Future,” marking the advertisement’s conclusion (DFB - Integration Wortmann).29 This advertisement was supported by the DFB, which aimed to use this harmonious multiethnic image within a garden party to represent the multiethnic reality of German society. Football was a unifying force across diverse backgrounds. Whether this portrayal accurately reflects reality or merely represents an idealized image marketed to the public, it underlines the increased use—and potential exploitation—of national teams and their media representations to promote a sense of belonging within society after 2006. Building on the discussions in the previous chapter about the attempt of the 2006 men’s World Cup to reshape Germany’s global image in media discourses, this chapter extends the exploration of media narratives around the men’s national football team from 2008 to 2014. This period for the men’s national football team, marked by major international tournaments like the 2008 European Championship, the 2010 World Cup, the 2012 European Championship, and culminating with the 2014 World Cup victory in Brazil, was crucial for not only its sports 29 The YouTube video referenced became inaccessible as of September 24, 2024, during the revision phase. Despite this, the video’s authenticity and existence are supported by Kay Schiller in his article “Siegen für Deutschland?” The link provided in Schiller’s work was also nonfunctional upon verification. 111 achievements but also the intensity in debates about belonging in contemporary German society in public discourses that occurred during it. Following the methodological framework established in previous chapters, this analysis examines articles with high relevance to predetermined topics (such as topics 7, 21, 65, 49, and 50 as identified in chapter 1). A set of top fifteen articles for each topic, selected based on their theta values (theta value representing a distribution of topics over documents), serves as the foundation for a detailed examination of evolving media narratives during this period.30 A detailed explanation will be provided in each subsection corresponding to each tournament. Guided by the overarching research questions introduced at the beginning of this study, this chapter examines the media narratives about the men’s team constructed from 2008 to 2014. This includes the early stages of building a multiethnic and multiracial team in 2008 and 2009; the full exploitation of the “Multikulti” narratives in 2010; the portrayal of players who did not sing the national anthem as scapegoats during defeats in 2012;31 and diminished discussion of the team’s multiethnic composition alongside reflections on party patriotism leading up to and in 2014. Each subsection of this chapter not only follows the chronological progression of major football tournaments but also examines how the narratives influence political and social dynamics in media discourses. As with the other chapters in this dissertation, this analysis includes analysis of songs as narrative tools, interactions with political figures, and broader public discourses. Overall, the journey from 2008 to 2014 is a reflection of the power of football in shaping narratives about national belonging and the continuous effort to balance patriotic 30 I took the same approach in chapter 2. 31 The criticism of players who chose not to sing the national anthem as a form of protest or personal choice echo similar events in other sporting contexts internationally. For instance, in American football, a former player Colin Kaepernick began kneeling during the national anthem or sitting as a form of protest against police brutality and racial discrimination. More see Hauser’s article “Why Colin Kaepernick Didn’t Stand for the National Anthem.” 112 pride with inclusive social policies and politics. 3.2 Waking Up After the Summer Fairy Tale: The 2008 European Championship This chapter adopts the same methodology outlined in chapter 2, which involves the creation of a focused article subset for qualitative analysis. This subset includes a total of 265 articles, spanning one month before and after the 2008 tournament.32 The relatively smaller subset size reflects the lower level of attention the 2008 European Championship attracted compared to major tournaments like the 2006 World Cup. The fact that the championship was held outside Germany and its primary appeal to European fans likely contributed to its narrower reach. Analysis in chapter 1.5.3 revealed that topics 21 (spectators at public viewing), 65 (spectators and authority), and 7 (the national team and Germany)—concerning public viewing practices and the portrayal of the men’s team and Germany—occupied the second largest proportion of the corpus (refer to Figure 4 in chapter 1). Furthermore, discussions surrounding the Turkish German relationship (topic 50) and broader social issues (topic 49) were more prevalent in 2008 (see Figure 9 in chapter 1), presumably caused by the Germany vs. Turkey match in the semi-finals. This subsection will explore the 2008 tournament as a continuation of the 2006 summer fairy tale rhetorics, especially through its narrative strategy and the continuous development of public viewing. Moreover, it focuses on the narratives emerging from the Germany vs. Turkey match, examining their contribution to social discussions about players and fans with history of immigration in Germany. In June 2008, Austria and Switzerland hosted the European Championship jointly. After securing victories over Poland and Austria in the group stage, Germany defeated Portugal in the 32 Specific steps can be found in Appendix A “SelectText4Read.Rmd.” 113 quarter-final and Turkey in the semi-final but ultimately lost to Spain in the championship’s final match. Football narratives often leverage historical success to craft contemporary stories, a tactic discussed in the previous chapter with the explicit usage of the 1954 “Miracle of Bern” during the 2006 World Cup. A similar narrative strategy was employed in 2008. In the lead-up to the tournament, Süddeutsche Zeitung launched a series titled “Magic Moment,” aimed at sparking national interest in the 2008 tournament by retelling the German national team’s past success.33 Journalist Hans-Jürgen Jakobs from Süddeutsche Zeitung wrote about the revolutionary impact of the 1972 European Championship team on public perception regarding their modern playing skills (Jakobs, in the corpus). He noted that Uli Hoeneß, only 20 years old at the time, stood out in the team for his “youthful and wild” playing style that revolutionized the traditionally conservative image of German football. Jakobs cited the British Daily Mail, which praised this team for redefining the stereotypical German character. The journalist stated, “Die Deutschen hatten also erstmals auf der Insel gesiegt - nicht mit teutonischem Kampf, sondern mit moderner Spielkunst. Nicht mit einem Abwehrbollwerk, sondern mit Angriffsspiel” (The Germans had won on the island for the first time—not with Teutonic fighting, but with modern gamesmanship. Not with a defensive bulwark, but with attacking play). “Teutonic” is a term historically associated with ancient Germanic tribes known, among other things, for their ferocity, while the term “defensive bulwark” linked wartime defenses with the team’s old on- field defensive tactics. This description drew distance from traditional images of German football, such as the “Teutonic” fighting spirit and the “defensive bulwark” approach that is associated with conservative, boring, slow, defensive-focused, and unmodern. This shift resonates with the rebranding efforts during the 2006 World Cup, where Germany sought to 33 I located these series by reading through articles chronologically. 114 cultivate a positive and inclusive national image through football. By recalling the dynamic and youthful essence of the 1972 team, Jakobs hoped to remind the public of the ongoing evolution in the team’s identity, which he linked with its playing style. Such a narrative not only aims to engage a broader demographic, but also seeks to sustain the summer fairy tale spirit by linking past success with current aspirations, and further molding the perception of the German men’s national football team as vibrant and progressive. As the national team advanced through the tournament, the enchanting spirit of the 2006 summer fairy tale was indeed reawakened. Across Germany—from homes to pubs, stadiums, and numerous public viewing spots—fans celebrated the team’s victories by displaying German flags and singing songs dedicated to the men’s team (Eckhard). The festive atmosphere, bursting with beers, laughter, flag-waving, and car parades after the national team’s win on the pitch mirrored the fairy tale festivities two years ago. Journalist from Tagesspiegel Jesse Eckhard described these festivities as “Gemeinschaftserlebnisse” (community experiences) (article 7 under topic 7). Public viewings provided the physical space for large groups to convene, and the competition offered a common goal that unified fans. The public display of symbols like the black-red-gold flags and the normalized singing of the national anthem among players and fans suggested a widespread acceptance of a supportive and inclusive national identity.34 Eckhard depicted the sentiment of these events as a “Ein entspannter, nicht ‘von oben’ verordneter Patriotismus kehrte ein, kein gespannter Nationalismus” (relaxed patriotism, not imposed “from above” nor as tense nationalism). Echoing some scholars’ description of this phenomenon as “party patriotism” (mentioned in chapter 2, subsection 2.3.2), Eckhard labeled it “sportlicher Patriotismus” (sporting patriotism) and wrote “Schließlich ist für ein (faktisches) 34 Interestingly, the issue of players not singing the national anthem later became a heated topic of debate, though it is not central to the argument presented here. 115 Einwanderungsland wie die Bundesrepublik Verbindendes wichtig” (Finally, for a (de facto) immigration country like the Federal Republic, unifying factors are important). Knowing what happened in the following years, relying on sporting patriotism as a unifier could have been an oversimplified solution for Germany’s complex social reality. This approach risks overshadowing the deeper, systemic issues that hinder the inclusion process. Nonetheless, it was a novel idea in 2008, emerging amidst the collective euphoria following the summer fairy tale. This “sporting patriotism” was also tested during this tournament, especially during the semi-final match between Germany and Turkey. The game itself was a nail-biter: Turkey opened the scoring in the 22nd minute, but Germany quickly scored four minutes later. Miroslav Klose put Germany ahead in the 79th minute, only for Semih to draw Turkey level again seven minutes later. Ultimately, Philipp Lahm scored in the 90th minute, securing Germany’s place in the final and ending Turkey’s run in the European Championship. The match was not only thrilling but also catalyzed broader discussions in the media about football, national belonging, and inclusion. While the prevalent sentiment reported in the media suggested that fans with complex identities tended to have dual allegiance, it is important to note that these portrayals may not fully reflect the actual sentiments of the community. Though media reports often represent selected perspectives, it remains valuable to showcase what news outlets choose to report, while also acknowledging that they may amplify certain viewpoints over others. During interviews with the Turkish community in Wolfratshausen, near Munich, conducted by the Süddeutsche Zeitung, many expressed their support for both teams, with one saying, “Ich freue mich für beide Mannschaften, egal ob Deutschland oder die Türkei gewinnt” (I am happy for both teams, whether Germany or Turkey wins) (“Deutschland hat einfach bessere Karten,” article 7 under topic 50). Similar sentiments were reported in Der 116 Spiegel, where Ahmet Hirac, a second-generation Turkish German from the suburbs of Hamburg, wore a Turkish shirt on the day of the semi-final and planned to wear his German jersey on the finals day. When talking about the Turkish teams’ defeat, Hirac said he was happy regardless of the outcome (Ataman et al., article 8 under topic 50). Journalist Halit Celikbudak of Frankfurter Rundschau in his article “Zwei Herzen in einer Brust” (Two Hearts in One Chest) mirrored this sentiment, using the phrase “two hearts in one chest,” which I have discussed in section 2.3.3.1 of chapter 2. He noted the display of both German and Turkish flags on cars and balconies, encouraging fans to celebrate together and hoping this game would mark a milestone in German Turkish friendship (Celikbudak, article 2 under topic 50). At the same time, some voices proposed that which team Turkish Germans chose to cheer for could indicate their level of “integration” (a term chosen by the media). Sociologist Dirk Halm, in his interview with taz, emphasized the complexity of identity among Turkish Germans, particularly during the 2008 European Championship (Am Orde, article 1 under topic 50). He challenged the idea that supporting the German team signifies complete integration and stated that dual identities were common among second and third-generation Turkish Germans. This phenomenon, he argued, cannot be simplified into a binary choice during international games, which he viewed as an outdated model that induces unnecessary identity conflicts. Halm criticized the narrative that integration success can be measured by whom one cheers for during a football match. Instead, he proposed that a genuine measure of integration would be the inclusion of Turkish-origin players on the German national team, offering young people role models to foster a sense of belonging. His insights point towards the need for deeper discussions on inclusion and representation in symbols like the football team (or even players), which could facilitate a more nuanced understanding of belonging and inclusion beyond superficial displays 117 of national allegiance. Furthermore, the mention of Turkish-origin players joining the German national football team indicates an increased attention not only on a multiethnic fanbase, but also a multiethnic team, which became more of a possibility after the citizenship law change in 2000 (as discussed in the introduction chapter). This reform enabled children born in Germany to non- German parents, such as the children or grandchildren of Turkish Gastarbeiter, under certain conditions to claim German citizenship (while giving up their current citizenship and, hence, enabled their eligibility for selection onto the national team. A similar sentiment was shared by Cem Özdemir, the then-chairman-designee of the Bündnis 90/Die Grünen (Alliance 90/Green Party). In a 2008 interview, he highlighted the absence of players with Turkish roots on the German men’s national team (Giglio).35 Özdemir emphasized the importance of having a player who could consistently represent Germany over an extended period, serving as a role model. This lack of representation hindered young people of Turkish origin from identifying with the team. While acknowledging that football could not replace political action or policy, he noted that it reflected societal dynamics, particularly how certain groups felt excluded from a sense of belonging (Wittershagen). His criticism of the DFB’s perceived inaction in integrating young players of Turkish origin was not entirely accurate, however, as the DFB had already begun recruiting players from diverse backgrounds for their U21 team—a point that will be elaborated on in the following subsection. Nonetheless, Özdemir’s comments highlight a crucial intersection between sports and social inclusion that was often picked up and used by politicians and media narratives alike: the national team can serve as potent symbols of either inclusion or exclusion. This narrative reflects how the 2000 change in 35 This article is not part of the corpus but was located through an internet search. As noted in chapter 2, I also include sources external to the corpus when necessary because the corpus alone does not encompass all relevant material. This approach further shows the essential role of researchers (in this case, me) play in humanities-oriented research projects. 118 citizenship laws created not only a pathway, but also precipitated calls for players of Turkish descent to join the German national football team. Before moving on to the next subsection, it is important to also note the varied terminology used by the media to describe individuals or groups from minoritized backgrounds in Germany. This reflects ongoing efforts to articulate complex identities, and the sometimes ineffectiveness or insufficiency of these efforts. The terms “türkischstämmige Bürger” (citizens of Turkish origin) (“Deutschland hat einfach bessere Karten”), “der Deutschen - und der Deutschtürken” (the Germans - and the German Turks) and “türkischstämmige Bevölkerung” ( Turkish-born population) (Am Orde), “türkischen Berliner” (Turkish Berliner) (Loy, article 11 under topic 7), and “ein Kind türkischer Einwanderer” (a child of Turkish immigrants) and “Hamburger Türke” (Hamburg Turk) (Ataman et al.) appear in the cited articles. Terms like “eingebürgerte Türken” and “türkischstämmige Bürger” both about the legal status of this demographics; and “Deutschtürken” and “türkischstämmige Bevölkerung” deal with the mixture of cultural identities regardless of people’s citizenship. This linguistic nuance was explored in a 2012 Die Zeit article titled “Deutscher, Türke, Deutschtürke? - oder was?” which pointed out the ambiguity in the language describing this demographic. It explained that some media outlets continued to refer to Turkey as the homeland of people in Germany with Turkish roots (Altmeier).36 This illustrated the media’s ongoing struggle to find terminology that accurately and respectfully represents minority groups in Germany and indicated a broader societal challenge in recognizing the dual identities of these people, particularly as many were not citizens due to the legal context, especially since Germany only allowed dual citizenship starting June 2024. 36 I did not identify any clear political patterns in the terms of favored by various news outlets. I suspect that awareness of specific terminologies was still developing during this time. 119 3.3 2009 UEFA European Under-21 Championship As mentioned in the previous subsection, both politicians and scholars expressed a desire for players with history of immigration to be on the national team in 2008, because they could serve as role models for younger fans who share similar identities. The DFB’s U21 team in 2009 was indeed a preliminary endeavor in presenting such a lineup to the public.37 This team, with its diverse composition, not only won the Championship title but also attracted media attention. Many members of this squad were later selected for the national team, the exact team that was to be praised for being “multicultural” during the 2010 South Africa World Cup. The 2009 U21 team included nine multiethnic or multiracial players. Media coverage during this period was in a learning phase regarding appropriately addressing and engaging with players from diverse backgrounds. The terminology used to depict the team varied, and debates about whether players sang the national anthem began to resurface. This makes the 2009 narrative somewhat of a rehearsal or testing ground for the forthcoming World Cup with its intense focus on the team’s multiethnic makeup. The discourses surrounding the national team this year covered a wide range of topics, from players’ family backgrounds and decisions to choose German citizenship (over their previous citizenship), to their play styles, accents, and whether they chose to sing the national anthem. This multifaceted discussion in 2009 set a precedent for how narratives were constructed in subsequent tournaments. The U21 team secured their first European Championship title in Sweden, defeating Italy 1:0 in the semi-final and England 4:0 in the final. As expected, the U21 level did not draw much 37 The Germany national youth football team includes U-19, U-18, U-17, U-16, and U-15 teams. “U” stands for “under.” Unlike the World Cup, the European Championship (UEFA) set competitions by age groups, such as U21, U19, and U17 for men, and U19 and U17 for women. Many players on the national teams started their careers in these youth teams. Jérôme Boateng started at U17 and then joined U19; Lukas Podolski started at U17 and progressed within the system; Sami Khedira was in U17 and then was recruited to the U21 team. 120 media or fan attention compared to the official national team. Efforts to analyze this event involved creating a subset of this tournament, which consisted of only 9 articles. Given the limited size of this subset, it did not require a focus on specific topics, but rather a thorough reading of all the articles. Despite the small number of articles, they provided highly intriguing insights. First and foremost, the media associated the team’s athletic success with its multiethnic composition, often under the term “Multikulti.” For instance, a Zeit Online article titled “Erfolgsgeheimnis bunte Vielseitigkeit” (The secret of success is colorful versatility) indicated this association. While “bunt” (colorful) typically refers to a broad type of diversity encompassing various ethnic and cultural backgrounds, there is a risk that such terms might be interpreted—or misinterpreted—to focus on skin color. This potential oversimplification would reduce the complex nature of personal identities to mere visual distinctions. Diversity manifests in various forms: individuals may share skin color but differ in ethnicity, or players of color raised in Germany may consider themselves to be the same as their teammates in culture and upbringing. In their article, Stehle and Weber argue that this reductive view led to a problematic race-based dichotomy between individuals with history of immigration (players of color) and those perceived as ethnic German (white players). As part of the media’s exploration of the U21 team’s multiethnic composition, they provided in-depth accounts of the players’ family backgrounds, specifying ones with one German parent and detailing where the players were born and raised. These narratives frequently concluded with stories about the players’ decisions to represent the German national team. Dennis Aogo, for example, with a Nigerian father and a German mother, was born and grew up in Karlsruhe. He was invited to join the Nigerian Football Association but declined. In an 121 interview, he openly stated that he had no doubt about his German identity and that he was proud to be able to play for Germany (Hartmann; Derichs, both found in the corpus). As previously mentioned, Mesut Özil, whose grandfather was a Turkish guest worker, was born and raised in Gelsenkirchen, and became German citizen at the age of 17 and gave up his Turkish passport (Bierschwale). Despite recruitment efforts from both Turkish and German football federations, Özil opted to play for Germany, stating: “Das ist auch keine Entscheidung gegen meine türkischen Wurzeln. Meine Familie lebt nun in der dritten Generation in Deutschland, ich habe mich hier immer wohlgefühlt und meine Chancen in den Junioren-Auswahlteams des DFB bekommen” (This is not a decision against my Turkish roots. My family has lived in Germany for three generations. I have always felt comfortable here and received my opportunities with the DFB’s junior teams) (“Özil für Deutschland”).38 These declarations were often used by the media as affirmations of German football’s attractiveness, subtly endorsing the idea that players of diverse backgrounds actively choose playing for the German national team because it offers better opportunities or a more welcoming environment. Another aspect that is related to change in citizenship law in 2000 is evident in the ways journalists wrote about players’ family backgrounds, showing ongoing challenges within German media to address societal diversity. Articles described Manuel Neuer and Benedikt Höwedes as coming from “einem rein deutschen Elternhaus” (a pure German family) (Theweleit, in the corpus, located by reading through the 2009 subset of the corpus) and being the only ones “mit rein deutschen Wurzeln” (with pure German roots) (Hartmann, in the corpus, located by reading through the 2009 subset of the corpus). The word choices here “rein” which could be translated as “singular” or “completely,” but means “pure” point out the distinctiveness of 38 This is a source I searched on the internet and is not part of the corpus. 122 Neuer’s and Höwedes’ family backgrounds compared to their teammates, hinting a separation based on heritage. The term “pure” also recalls Nazi-era fascist and eugenicist discussions of the “purity” of the “German race.” Furthermore, players of color, particularly Black players like Dennis Aogo and previously Gerald Asamoah like in 2006, faced hostility. The national team has recurrently been criticized for being “undeutsch” (not German), a sentiment deeply rooted in notions of ethnic purity and often exploited by right-wing extremists (Hölter). In confronting criticism that the national team was too “undeutsch,” players with diverse backgrounds were compelled to justify how their identities enriched the team to create a positive blend of players and playing styles. Mixed-race player Aogo mentioned his African heritage, associating it with physical strength, which he suggested complemented European training tactics to the team’s advantage. Similarly, Özil’s playing style, often mentioned in conjunction with his German Turkish identity, was described according to its “Leichtigkeit” (lightness), contrasting with the traditional German heavy and defensive play style (Theweleit). This association of ethnic or racial identity with playing style in media narratives introduces a critical discourse that framed players’ diverse backgrounds as essential to their athletic capabilities and their value on the team. Such portrayals subtly perpetuate stereotypes that link race and ethnicity with specific physical attributes or skills. This practice not only reinforces simplistic views of identity, but also instrumentalizes players’ backgrounds, reducing their contributions to mere byproducts of their ethnicity. Language, particularly players’ dialects, was also a focus in media discussions, serving as another indicator of the team’s diversity. Manuel Neuer remarked on the variety of dialects within the team: Boateng speaks with a bit of a Berlin dialect, and Khedira has a bit of a Swabian accent (Hartmann). It is notable that the ethnic German player, Neuer, was the one asked to 123 comment on his teammates’ dialects. The implication here is nuanced: Why was Neuer the one asked? Was it because only a “pure” German can judge others’ accents? This indicates a persistent, narrow-minded stereotype within German society—attitudes that perpetuate the exclusion of those who, despite sharing the same cultural upbringing, are seen as different due to their race and ethnicity. Lastly, the controversy surrounding whether or not players sing the national anthem before each game persisted from 2006 to 2009. Since 2006, when public scrutiny focused on players like Lukas Podolski for not singing (as discussed in chapter 2), similar attention continued with the U21 team, even leading to complaints to the DFB (Hartmann). Team manager Oliver Bierhoff shared that they sometimes receive letters of complaint when someone doesn’t sing and it could be seen on television (Hartmann). Dennis Aogo felt compelled to declare, “I am proud to play for Germany, even if I don’t sing the anthem,” resonating a similar sentiment expressed by Podolski in 2006 (Hartmann). The expectation that players sing the national anthem seems to have intensified from 2006 to 2009. While the practice of honoring the state symbol through song was only institutionalized by the DFB in 1984 under Helmut Kohl’s influence, it wasn’t until Franz Beckenbauer’s encouragement in 1990 that singing became widespread (Schmid, in the corpus). In 2009, the expectation to sing has reached a point at which failing to do so might lead to a questioning of one’s national allegiance. This shift towards expected participation in the anthem reflected a rigid, arguably naive stance on national identity, emphasizing conformity over individual expression. In summary, the recruitment strategies initiated by the DFB in the early 2000s, which culminated in the formation of a notably multiethnic U21 team in 2009, set a precedent for the discussions around “Multikulti” at the 2010 World Cup. The successes and media engagement 124 with the U21 team paved the way for more intensified debates in media narratives about the national identity, inclusion, and representation in football. By the time of the 2010 World Cup, the groundwork laid by these earlier teams had established a framework within which “Multikulti” could be exploited as a key element of Germany’s positive image. 3.4 Waka Waka 2010: Interplay of Multikulti, Politics, and Third Place During the 2010 South Africa World Cup, the German men’s team progressed impressively, topping their group, then defeating England 4:1 and Argentina 4:0 in the knockout stages. Despite losing to Spain in the semi-finals, they secured third place and replicated their success from the 2006 tournament at home. Following established procedures from earlier subsections and chapters, I created a subset of 506 articles published between May 1 and August 1, 2010. Key topics identified included topics 7, 49, and 50, with the top 15 articles for each being individually reviewed. Since topic 56 contains the names of players who were active during this tournament, this topic was also included. I also included topic 14 for its relevance to political figures. Preliminary readings from chapter 1, subsection 1.3.2 compiling data, indicates that three of the thirty initial articles reviewed from 2010 mentioned terms related to “Multikulti” (for details see Appendix B). A keyword search for “multikul*” in the corpus revealed 18 articles published in 2010 that discussed this theme.39 Additionally, I conducted individual searches for Mesut Özil and Jérôme Boateng to understand their media representation more deeply. This tournament marks the peak usage of “Multikulti” narratives, aligning with media’s reflection of an image of a diverse society in public discourse through the portrayal of a multiethnic team. Moreover, the media depicted a German society ready for inclusivity, suggesting that these players can be seen as role models for young Germans and they could be included in German 39 The syntax in the Rscript is “multikul\\w*”to make sure it can capture variations of “Multikulti.” 125 society as long as they follow so-called traditional virtues. 3.4.1 Music and ’Schland Not long after the 2009 European Championship, the 2010 World Cup was ready to bring another year of celebration and partying to people in Germany and around the world. Even though the German men’s national team was in South Africa, spectators at home were well accustomed to the summer football festivities, a tradition established in past tournaments since 2006. Musicians such as Sportfreunde Stiller updated the title of their hit from “54, 74, 90, 2006” to “54, 74, 90, 2010” to express their heartfelt wishes to the team (Blogrebellen). Similar efforts were seen in Bushido and Kay One’s “Fackeln im Wind” (Torch in the Wind) Bonfire’s “Deutsche Nationalhymne” (Germany’s national anthem), and among others (Lenz and Reißmann). Among these songs, one that went viral and was frequently mentioned in the media was “Schland o Schland” by a student group called Uwu Lena from Münster. They wrote this song in an hour and a half, initially to entertain family and friends, but it ended up becoming a popular national anthem. A remix of “Satellite” by Lena (the 2010 Eurovision winner from Germany), this song resonated deeply with the public during the time of national pride and international visibility (Arnu and Hackenberger, located in corpus through searching “schland”). Scholars have extensively analyzed Eurovision for its influence on national branding and representation, which underscored its importance in shaping social narratives (Sandvoss; Meijer; Fricker & Gluhovic). The celebration of Germany’s Eurovision victory continued into the football world, with CDU politician Peter Harry Carstensen remarking, “Wir haben nicht nur Lena, wir können auch Weltmeister werden” (Not only do we have Lena, we can also become world champions) (“Worte der Woche,” in the corpus, located by reading through articles published in 2010). The 126 melody’s popularity from “Satellite” propelled “Schland o Schland” to fame very quickly. “Schland,” a nickname for Germany, became the most popular word in the summer of 2008 (Schmidt, in the corpus, located by searching “schland” in the subset 2010 of the corpus). The term’s origins can be traced back to 2005 when Stefan Raab of the Cologne Brainpool Group registered this word as a patent, nearly a year before the 2006 World Cup— though he had mentioned this joke on a talk show during the 2002 World Cup (Leurs). Regarding the term itself, journalist Christopher Schmidt described it as “soft to the ear” and noted that “das hat etwas Freundlich-Regressives” (there is something friendly and regressive about it) (Schmidt, in the corpus). Michael Ebmeyer, the author of Das Spiel mit Schwarz-Rot- Gold (The Game with Black-Red-Gold), expressed a lighter mood the term “Schland” carries, which provides people the chance to observe their country differently than they would otherwise (Leurs). The term “Schland” offers a casual, playful alternative to “Deutschland,” which carries the weight of a troublesome Nazi past. This new term “Schland” creates an evolving narrative that depicts Germany as a country characterized by joy, positivity, and modernity, as we have been in the 2006 narratives. This simplified term is associated with festive atmospheres and allows people to sidestep any serious societal debates. It enables fans to shout “Schland” (or “Schlaaaaaaand”) as an expression of support for Germany, the country while distancing themselves from overt displays of patriotism (e.g., the official national anthem, Das Deutschlandlied). Although “Schland” has been used in the media and is widely recognized by Germans, it has never been officially acknowledged as a nickname for Germany by Duden, not in 2010, and not 14 years later, as I wrote this dissertation. 3.4.2 Politicians and the National Football Team If music and the “Schland” narrative contributed to shaping a continued positive German 127 image where people could demonstrate support for the country without associating with its dark past, politicians were instrumental in bringing the multiethnic composition of the German national team to the forefront. As scholar Jacqueline Gehring suggested, Chancellor Angela Merkel hailed the team as role models for the entire country, for those of German origin and those seeking to integrate. This subsection explores how politicians used the national team’s diversity and athletic success during the 2010 World Cup to craft narratives that cultivated a sense of shared identity and purpose that extended beyond the realm of sports. First and foremost, Chancellor Merkel’s interaction with the team, including her pep talks and personal attendance at matches, marked a distinct departure from the reserved demeanor of past German politicians. Journalist Hajo Schumacher contrasted Merkel’s active involvement at the 2010 World Cup with the distant, cold treatment the men’s national team received in 1974 and 1996 (Schumacher, located in the corpus by searching “Merkel”). For example, before the quarter-finals against Argentina, Merkel provided a pep talk where she praised the team’s cohesion despite diverse backgrounds, a message that resonated with her political narrative of unity and inclusion: “Die Mannschaft versteht sich so gut” and “Trotz all der verschiedenen Charaktere und Ursprünge. Jeder könne sich in der deutschen Elf auf jeden verlassen, der Trainer habe einen beeindruckenden Teamgeist hergestellt” (I think it was great how the team gets along, despite all the different characters and origins. Everyone in the German squad can rely on each other, and the coach has established an impressive team spirit) (Schumacher, in the corpus). Merkel’s reference to “Charaktere und Ursprünge” (characters and origins) indicates her recognition of the diverse makeup of the team, both in the personalities and the range of ethnic and national origins. Furthermore, Merkel’s emphasis on trust and reliability among team members encapsulates the essence of what she perceives as successful integration (again, the 128 term media used). The idea that each player, regardless of origin, can depend on one another, symbolically suggests a society where diverse individuals support and uplift each other. Lastly, the use of the term “Teamgeist” (team spirit) serves as a powerful metaphor for national unity. Merkel’s praise of the coach’s ability to foster such spirit speaks to her vision of leadership—not just within sports, but also within the country. Secondly, Christian Wulff, who was newly elected as Federal President in the summer of 2010, emphasized the importance of teamwork in a successful team. He framed this diverse team’s achievements as a product of effective teamwork and more importantly, social virtues, as documented in a Süddeutsche Zeitung article: Der Erfolg der deutschen Nationalelf bei der Weltmeisterschaft in Südafrika habe gezeigt, wie wichtig gutes “Teamwork” sei, sagt er. Dies gelte auch für die Politik. „Man muss sich nicht lieben, aber Stil, Respekt, Achtung und Wertschätzung müssten gewahrt bleiben.“ Beim 4:0-Sieg gegen Australien am Sonntagabend habe jeder deutsche Spieler für und nicht gegen den anderen gekämpft. The success of the German national team at the World Cup in South Africa showed how important good “teamwork” is, he says. This also applies to politics. “You do not have to love each other, but style, respect, consideration and appreciation must be maintained.” In the 4-0 victory against Australia on Sunday evening, every German player “fought for and not against the others.” (“Präsidentenwahl,” located in the corpus by searching “Wulff”). Interpersonal values and social virtues such as respect and appreciation were touted as panaceas for societal challenges. However, these acknowledgments overlook the substantial institutional support from the DFB, both financially and systematically, that underpinned the team’s success (“DFB Buch ‘Integration A-Z’”). Additionally, the good team spirit among players could partially be attributed to the fact that many of them were/are teammates from their clubs, which also significantly contributed to the team’s dynamics. While drawing parallels between the success of the national team and broader societal inclusion, one might object that it is unrealistic to expect these qualities alone to foster a harmonious and functional society without 129 concrete structural support from the federal government. Similar sentiments can be observed in Wulff’s inaugural speech, where he cited examples of what he considered cultural integration, like merging German discipline with Turkish dribbling (Wulff). Wulff used the athletic skills of Turkish German player Mesut Özil, particularly his signature dribbling skills, as a metaphor for the strengths that Turkish identity can contribute to German society. This analogy extended beyond individual attributes and symbolized the potential harmonious blending of diverse cultural traits to enhance national cohesion and success. The active utilization of the multiethnic and multiracial national team by politicians did not, however, escape critique. Skepticism persisted about whether the unity displayed by the national team accurately reflects broader societal integration or governmental efficiency (Fehrle). Journalist Brigitte Fehrle, in her article “Pause für die Realsatire” (A Break for the Real Satire) published by Frankfurter Rundschau, criticized that football was used as a distraction during political turmoil (located in the corpus by searching “merkel”). She wrote, “Der Fußball rettet in erster Linie die politische Kultur im Land, die drohte, in der absoluten Entgrenzung aller bürgerlichen Umgangsformen unterzugehen” (Football is primarily saving the political culture in the country, which was in danger of being lost in the absolute dissolution of all bourgeois social etiquette). This critique was echoed in “Endspiel für Angela Bierhoff und Jogi Merkel” (The Last Match for Angela Bierhoff and Jogi Merkel), where the men’s national team was portrayed as embodying unity, clear goals, and resilience—qualities absent in the government. “Erfolgreicher Fußball lebt von drei Ressourcen, nämlich Tempo, richtigen Entscheidungen unter hohem Druck und blindem Vertrauen - nichts davon bieten die Koalitionäre derzeit.” (Successful football thrives on three resources: speed, correct decisions under high pressure, and blind trust—none of which the coalition currently offers) (Schumacher, in the corpus). These 130 observations underline the dissatisfaction some held towards the coalition led by Merkel and consisted of CDU, CSU, and the Freie Demokratische Partei (FDP, Free Democratic Party), despite politicians’ attempts to use the sporting event’s success to promote inclusion. From Lena’s Eurovision victory to the football tournament, politicians sought to leverage the entertainment and sports industry to foster a positive national image and advocate for societal inclusion. They emphasized values such as respect and appreciation and used the multiethnic and multiracial national team as an example of success. However, the politicization of football did not equate to substantive institutional support at the legal or policy level, raising questions about the depth and effectiveness of these efforts. This gap between public representation and policy reality sets the stage for a deeper exploration of the media’s extensive use of the term “Multikulti” and its implications, which will be discussed in greater detail in the upcoming subsection. 3.4.3 The Overall “Multikulti” Narratives in the Media 3.4.3.1 The Team During the 2010 World Cup, the rap song “Fackeln im Wind” (Torch in the Wind) by German artists Bushido and Kay One set the tone of national spirit and became a defining song for the tournament. Created specifically for this tournament, the song states, “Und ja, wir Deutschen sind grad so stolz … Und ich glaub’ ich sprech’ für das ganze Land; Wenn ich sag’ geht raus und gewinnt diesen Kampf” (We Germans are now so proud … I think I speak for the whole country when I say we go out and win this fight). Both artists, embodying Germany’s multiethnic landscape, come from mixed heritage—Bushido’s father is Tunisian, and Kay One’s mother is Filipino. The shared Tunisian heritage linked Bushido with the national player Sami Khedira, who later brought the song into the national team’s locker room, quickly becoming the 131 tournament’s anthem (Kneer “Bushido,” located in the corpus by searching “musik”). The media named the 2010 squad the “Multikulti-Elf” (multicultural-eleven) and “Multikultitruppe” (multicultural troop), with eleven out of 23 players coming from multiethnic, multiracial backgrounds. A search for “multikul*” across the entire corpus revealed that 18 articles published in 2010 discussed this theme, a significant increase compared to one article in 2008 and two in 2009. Just like in 2009, the media devoted significant coverage to explaining and exploring the players’ diverse backgrounds. This team was portrayed in overwhelmingly positive terms, celebrated for its youth, vibrancy, and diversity—qualities that were again broadcasted as representative of a joyful, modern, open Germany. Journalist Lars Wallrodt from Welt Online, captured this sentiment, stating, “In Südafrika spielt derzeit eine deutsche Mannschaft, auf die das Land lange gewartet, nach der es sich gesehnt hat” (There is currently a German team playing in South Africa that the country has been waiting for and longing for a long time) (“Nationalelf,” located in the corpus by searching “multikul*”). This depiction reflected a deeper national yearning for a harmonious and vibrant image that not only emerged post-reunification but also traces back to the country’s efforts to redefine itself after the Second World War. This yearning for transformation was captured in the media narratives: “Diese Mannschaft trägt die Hoffnungen des Landes mit sich in die Welt hinaus. Die Hoffnung nach Leichtigkeit und Frohsinn. Sie ist wie ein Heilmittel gegen die ‘German Angst’” (This team carries the country’s hopes out into the world. The hope for lightness and happiness. It’s like a medicine for “German Angst”) (Wallrodt). The term “German Angst” here could refer to both the “Sturm und Drang” of the stereotypical, brooding German as well as and the internal anxieties stemming from its troubled history and decades at the center of the Cold War. Describing the team as a “medicine” illustrates their impact beyond the pitch. This portrayal 132 positioned the players as agents of social-psychological change, calming down national fear and anxieties and symbolically healing past scars through their vibrant and inclusive display, fostering a narrative of renewal and optimism. Undoubtedly, the media portrayed the team as a symbol of the nation by showcasing its significance as a representation of Germany’s evolving identity. As described by Wallrodt and Gartenschläger, “Es ist kein Wunder, dass Deutschland in diesen Tagen anders erscheint, man muss sich nur die Mannschaft ansehen: Sie ist jung, multikulturell und sie verfügt - trotz ihrer Niederlage gestern - über ein Feingefühl, für das sie weltweit beliebt ist” (It is no wonder that Germany seems different these days, you only have to look at the team: it is young, multicultural, and - despite its defeat yesterday - it has a sensitivity for which it is loved around the world) (Wallrodt and Gartenschläger, located in the corpus by searching “multikul*”). The national team became a symbol in the media to represent Germany’s new era of openness and diversity, an image crafted to resonate with both its own citizens and the international community. Another narrative strategy observed first in 2009 continued in 2010 and involved linking players’ ethnicities to their play styles and claiming that these diverse play styles were assets to the team. By 2010, another focal point had been added, which was that despite the players’ differences they all embodied core German virtues. The absence of the team’s captain Michael Ballack, due to injury, unexpectedly benefited the team and freed it from the traditional authoritarian leadership style. The young team embraced a more dynamic and fluid approach to the game. Media commentators frequently linked this change to the players’ diverse backgrounds and showed how their multiethnic heritage influenced and enriched the team’s style of play. For instance, Lars Wallrodt humorously noted, “Es spielt plötzlich Mittelmeerküche statt Eisbein, 133 und das ist auch kein Wunder bei elf von 23 Spielern mit Migrationshintergrund. Bei der Nationalmannschaft herrscht Multikulti, das funktioniert” (Suddenly Mediterranean cuisine is being played instead of boiled pork knuckle, and that’s no wonder given that eleven of 23 players have a migrant background. The national team is multicultural, and it works) (Wallrodt). This marked a significant departure from the traditional image of the national team as a “Panzer”—powerful but slow and less aesthetic, typically winning through brute force (Kneer “Bushido”). In contrast, the newer team was seen as combining Southern European flair (and other influences) in the attack with disciplined defense, which demonstrated a refreshing change in the team’s dynamic. At the same time, the narrative began to incorporate the concept of “German virtues.” In an interview with Stern, Bastian Schweinsteiger was asked whether the “Multikultimix” (multicultural mixture) contributes to the team’s newfound “Leichtigkeit” (lightness). Schweinsteiger’s immediate response was: “Die Jungs sind ziemlich deutsch, täuschen Sie sich da mal nicht, die sind verdammt diszipliniert” (The boys are quite German, make no mistake, they are damn disciplined) (Löer and Schneider, located in the corpus by searching “multikul*”). This comment suggested a defensive stance, where Schweinsteiger quickly moved from “lightness” back to the disciplined German attributes. It implied that the players, including those with multiethnic backgrounds, adhered to what would be called elsewhere “traditional German virtues,” such as discipline. While these diverse identities were celebrated and contributed to a dynamic national team image, they still required a commitment to discipline, clear goals, and hard work—traits that were seen as fundamentally German. This theme is mirrored in interviews conducted by Süddeutsche Zeitung with national team player Sami Khedira. He also linked diverse cultural roots to varying play styles but 134 emphasized the importance of having “German virtues” as the guiding principle, “In der Offensive haben wir, auch dank der unterschiedlichen Wurzeln, schon viele Möglichkeiten, den Gegner auszuspielen. Aber das geht nur, wenn wir auch die deutschen Tugenden betonen. Sonst funktioniert es nicht” (In the offensive, we have many opportunities to outwit the opponent, thanks to our different roots. But that only works if we also emphasize the German virtues. Otherwise it won’t work) (Kneer “Bushido”). As a multiethnic player himself, Khedira’s statement of treating “the German virtues” as foundations for any success reveals the tension between the often-praised diverse cultural traits and the seeming need for traditional German traits. This demonstrated a dual expectation placed upon multiethnic players—they are celebrated for adding diversity and dynamism to the team but are simultaneously expected to follow a rigid set of characteristics defined by discipline and efficiency. This narrative subtly reinforced the idea that successful inclusion involves not just participation but also assimilation into predefined cultural norms, which raised questions about the inclusivity of such an approach. It also suggested that while the team’s composition has evolved, the criteria for acceptance and recognition within this framework still depended heavily on traditional German virtues. This ongoing balancing act between celebrating diversity and reinforcing traditional norms continues to shape the discourse surrounding the men’s national team and its representation of contemporary German society. In summary, in 2010 the media enthusiastically embraced the new image of the men’s national team while emphasizing the benefits of its multiethnic composition and dynamic style of play. Simultaneously, there was a clear demand of multiethnic players affirming their adherence to the “German virtues”—discipline, hard work, and goal-oriented thinking—attributes that they credited for their success. Such narratives suggested that despite the celebration of “Multikulti,” 135 traditional values remained central and continued to shape how inclusion and diversity were perceived and valued during the 2010 World Cup. 3.4.3.2 Individual Players The men’s national team’s image in the media has markedly improved from 2006 to 2010, yet various incidents involving the players with diverse backgrounds underscore persistent complexities. This subsection will explore the narratives surrounding four key players, each representing a subgroup under “Multikulti”: the Boateng brothers, Sami Khedira, and Mesut Özil. Initial media reactions framed Kevin-Prince Boateng negatively, only to later thank him, reflecting a dramatic narrative shift. Sami Khedira’s choice not to sing the national anthem echoes the 2006 discourse involving Lukas Podolski. Moreover, the 2010 World Cup became a pivotal moment where the media intensely focused on Mesut Özil as what they described as a symbol of successful integration. As discussed earlier in this chapter, national allegiance for fans was a significant theme in 2008, particularly during the match between Turkey and Germany. For players, the stakes were even higher. Both Boateng brothers have the same Ghanaian father but have different German mothers, and both were raised and grew up in Germany. Jérôme Boateng had been representing Germany since the U15 level, while his brother, Kevin-Prince Boateng, opted to play for Ghana in 2009 after years in the German national youth system (Dobbert, located in the corpus by searching “boateng”). The media criticized Kevin-Prince for choosing Ghana and for a club game incident that injured Michael Ballack, leading to Ballack’s absence from the World Cup. Before the Germany vs. Ghana match, phrases like “Der für viele deutsche Fans ein rotes Tuch ist” (he is a red rag for many Germans) showed intense public animosity towards him (“Voll unter Spannung,” in the corpus located by searching “boateng”). The “red rag” here, similar to 136 the red cloth used to provoke bulls in bullfighting, symbolizes how Kevin-Prince Boateng’s presence often triggers a strong negative reaction from the fans. Oliver Bierhoff, the team manager, felt compelled to clarify that Germany was competing against Ghana, not Kevin- Prince, which indicated a highly personalized narrative of animosity directed at him (“Körperbetontes Spiel und im Konter gefährlich,” in the corpus located by searching “boateng”). Media portrayals often simplified the Boateng brothers’ complex identities. Kevin-Prince was pictured as the “bad boy” of football and Jerome as the “good boy” (Dobbert; “Voll unter Spannung”). The Süddeutsche Zeitung captured this contrast: “Sie erzählt das Leben zweier sehr unterschiedlicher Männer, der eine gelassen, der andere ständig unter Strom, der eine geduldig, der andere getrieben, der eine friedlich, der andere aggressiv” (It tells the lives of two very different men: one calm, the other under constant on edge; one patient, the other stressful; one peaceful, the other aggressive) (“Das Schweigen der Brüder,” in the corpus located by searching “boateng”). This is a typical narrative technique used to dramatize and simplify complex identities. The one who chose to play for the country of his father was given all the negative descriptions and the one who stayed to play for Germany possesses all the good qualities, without going into the complex reasons they might have made these decisions. This stark contrast in their portrayals proves the differing societal expectations placed on athletes based on their decisions.40 As the tournament progressed, the narrative surrounding Kevin-Prince Boateng began to 40 This section focuses solely on media narratives concerning the Boateng brothers during the specified period (in 2010). It is important to note that subsequent developments have emerged regarding Jérôme Boateng, including charges related to physical assault and accusations of abusive behavior toward partners. These allegations contrast sharply with the media’s portrayal of him as a role model in 2010. This shows the complexities and sometimes dissonance between public personas and personal conduct. This kind of development also reveals the challenges in upholding public figures as role models. 137 shift. Initially blamed for his tackle that injured German captain Ballack, Kevin-Prince found himself in an unexpected position when some began to thank him for attributing Germany’s unexpectedly good performance to Ballack’s absence. This ironic twist in public sentiment was captured by a reporter’s remark: “Es ist ein interessanter Zweig dieser Geschichte, dass er die deutsche WM-Elf damit wahrscheinlich entscheidender beeinflusst hat, als er das als DFB- Spieler je vermocht hätte” (It is an interesting branch of this story that he probably influenced the German World Cup team more significantly than he would ever have been able to as a DFB player) (Scholz, in the corpus located by searching “boateng”). This complex interplay of blame and gratitude showed the unpredictable nature of sports narratives, and how athletes could be recast by the media depending on the evolving circumstances of the game. Kevin-Prince Boateng’s interview with Bild provided him an opportunity to share the story from his perspective: “Ich verspüre weder Hass noch irgendetwas dergleichen” (I don’t feel any hatred or anything like that), Boateng stated. “Aber eines ist auch klar: Die deutschen Funktionäre, die mich permanent kritisiert haben, können mir jetzt gerne bei der WM zuschauen und mich beurteilen. Vielleicht kommen sie irgendwann zur Ansicht, dass auch sie etwas falsch gemacht haben im Umgang mit mir” (But it is also clear: the German officials, who have constantly criticized me, are now welcome to watch me at the World Cup and judge me. Maybe at some point, they will come to the conclusion that they also did something wrong in their dealings with me) (Scholz, in the corpus). Despite numerous articles discussing widespread hatred towards him in Germany, this piece suggested that the DFB’s potentially unfair treatment of players was not isolated, as evidenced by similar experiences later recounted by Mesut Özil in his later letter. Such narratives imply that when players do not follow the DFB’s expectations, DFB officials may exclude them. 138 Another contrast emerged during the Ghana vs. Germany game, specifically during the national anthem ceremony. Cameras lingered on each brother for over six seconds as the anthems played—a deliberate choice that did not go unnoticed by the press. According to a report from Süddeutsche Zeitung, Kevin-Prince bowed his head and closed his eyes during the national anthem, while Jérôme kept his head up and eyes open. Neither of them sang a single syllable (“Das Schweigen der Brüder,” in the corpus located by searching “boateng”). This decision reignited a longstanding debate about national loyalty for footballers: Kevin-Prince potentially risked public anger had he sung the Ghanaian anthem, while Jerome’s silence during the German anthem also drew criticism. The brothers’ actions, or lack of action, once again, added to the complex discourse around the national anthem and players with multiethnic and multiracial backgrounds. It reflected broader societal tensions regarding national allegiance and inclusion. Whether players choose to sing the national anthem remained in 2010 an important point in discussions of inclusion. Another player with a diverse background, Sami Khedira, decided to explain his reasons for not singing the German national anthem in an interview. He explained that singing is not a requisite for national allegiance, stating, “Meine Meinung ist, dass Singen nichts damit zu tun hat, ob ich mich mit einem Land identifiziere. Bei mir kann sich jeder hundertprozentig darauf verlassen, dass ich mich wie ein Deutscher fühle” (My opinion is that, singing has nothing to do with whether I identify with a country. Everyone can be absolutely sure that I feel like a German) (Kneer “Bushido”). Born and raised in Germany, Khedira affirmed his commitment to the DFB team and Germany by stating he has never considered playing for any team other than Germany and emphasized his strong sense of belonging towards Germany. His attitude and behavior challenge traditional views on demonstrating national 139 allegiance through singing the anthem. Out of respect for his family roots in Tunisia, he chose to remain silent during the German anthem (Kneer “Bushido”). By choosing not to sing, he demonstrated that national belonging, shown through symbolic gestures, should be measured by actions rather than simply following ceremonial rituals, especially for players with complex heritages and identities (or who perhaps do not trust their singing abilities). Despite the journalist asking if the “non-singers” (who also are the ones with complex identities) from the team ever talked about all starting to sing just to end this debate, Khedira responded, “Wir reden manchmal drüber, aber ein großes Thema ist das nicht” (We talk about sometimes, but this is not a major topic) (Kneer “Bushido”). Such narratives indicated that although players like Khedira are ready to move beyond conventional national symbols to a more inclusive and personal expression of national belonging, the media was clearly not ready in 2010. Finally, I will explore the narrative surrounding Mesut Özil here as a foundation for future analysis in chapter 4. Özil’s critical contributions in the 4:0 victory over Australia, where he was instrumental in three of the four goals, showed his value on the world stage. In a post- game interview, Özil reaffirmed his dedication to the national team, stating, “Deutschland setzt auf mich, dieses Vertrauen will ich zurückgeben” (Germany relies on me and I want to return that trust) (Rumpf, located in the corpus by searching “Özil”). His synergy with Thomas Müller was noted by the media, with Christof Kneer describing their dynamic, “In der DFB-Elf verschmelzen der ultraleichte Südländerstil des türkischstämmigen Özil und die draufgängerische Ader des bayerischen Brauchtumsstürmers zum stilvollen Mentalitäten- Herkunfts-und-Bewegungs-Mix, der das Spiel der ganzen Elf kennzeichnet” (In the DFB team, the ultra-light southern style of the Turkish-heritage Özil and the daredevil streak of the traditional Bavarian striker merge to create a stylish mix of mentality, origin, and movement that 140 characterizes the game of the entire team) (Kneer “Gerland trifft Messi,” located in the corpus by searching “Özil”). This statement invokes a number of tropes linking geography, ethnicity, and ultra-light southern playing style, as previously discussed. But it also reduced a player’s ethnicity in their playing style, where Özil’s Turkish heritage is painted as exotic and distinct. This portrayal contrasts Özil and Müller by emphasizing their differences in mentalities, origins, and play styles. This distinction, while perhaps meant as a compliment, nonetheless reinforced the perception of Özil as divergent from the traditional German image. By doing so, it sidelined the potential for a more inclusive German identity that embraces diverse heritages co-equally as German. Moreover, politicians did not hesitate to embrace the narrative of Özil as a symbol of integration success, a sentiment reinforced by Cem Özdemir from the Green Party who had expressed similar hopes in 2008. The media revisited Özil’s challenging upbringing in Gelsenkirchen-Bismarck, and his current success as a footballer on the national team. Maria Böhmer, the Federal Government Commissioner for Migration, Refugees, and Integration, emphasized the sport’s role in societal cohesion and called German football “vorbildlich für die Gesellschaft” (exemplary for society) and an “Integrationsmotor” (motor for integration) because of players like Sami Khedira and Mesut Özil (Ewers; Löer; Schneider, in the corpus). Despite the narrative that Özil had always been clear in his decision to play for Germany, reports from 2009 depicted his struggle with choosing between the German and Turkish teams, suggesting the decision was far from straightforward. By 2010, however, media portrayals firmly cast him as resolutely committed to the German squad. This narrative set the stage for the still-young Özil, paving the way for stories in the years to follow, which would look deeper into themes of inclusion and national identity. It is intriguing that German news articles depicted Özil as 141 confidently choosing to play for Germany, despite significant interest from the Turkish Football Association. Moreover, it is crucial to recognize the formal stance of the DFB on inclusion, as outlined in their Nachschlagewerk (reference work) “Integration A bis Z.” Launched in response to the diverse composition of the national teams, especially during the 2006 and 2010 World Cup squads, the DFB has committed to fostering ‘integration’—a term repeatedly used by the DFB— through football. According to the reference work, the DFB’s policies and actions contribute to enhancing football’s role as a societal force, promoting inclusion, and reflecting Germany’s multiethnic reality. 3.4.4 Conclusion of 2010 The 2010 World Cup served as a profound cultural and social phenomenon for Germany, not just as a sporting event but as a canvas reflecting the positive yet changing image of national diversity. Following Germany’s Eurovision victory, the national team embarked on their journey to South Africa, with support from fans and politicians. Chancellor Merkel and others aligned themselves with a new narrative of unity and strength through this team. Narratives of “Multikulti” were frequently in the mainstream discourse, centered around the team’s diverse composition. As the team’s style on the pitch shifted from the traditional defense-focused style to a more fluid and vibrant form of play, the media strategically drew attention to this shift both as a result of the multiethnic composition of the team and as an image of a more diverse nation. This shift faced challenges, as debates around national allegiance and inclusion persisted. These tensions were captured by mixed reactions to players’ decisions regarding national allegiances and the singing of the national anthem. The presence and achievements of players like Sami Khedira and Mesut Özil brought their diverse backgrounds to the forefront. At least for most of the media, these athletes signaled that modern Germany was ready for inclusivity as long as it 142 focused on maintaining traditional virtues such as discipline and resilience. As Germany navigated these changes, the stage was set for further exploration of these themes at the European Championships in 2012. 3.5 An Uneventful Tournament? 2012 European Championship41 The European Championship generally attracts less attention than the World Cup, and the 2012 tournament was no exception. It is important to remember that shortly after the 2010 World Cup, Chancellor Angela Merkel famously declared that attempts to build a “multicultural” society in Germany had “utterly failed” (“Integration: Merkel”). Despite this political backdrop, media narratives around this tournament, however, continued to evolve, particularly in how they addressed the multiethnic and multiracial composition of the team by emphasizing and promoting so-called German virtues. The team’s loss in 2012 also led to media criticism directed at players with complex identities, foreshadowing the intense scrutiny that would rise when performance expectations were not met. Six years after the summer fairy tale, fans were used to watching the game at public viewing spots across Germany. The multiethnic and multiracial composition of the team was widely accepted, and the media dedicated less time to recounting the detailed life stories of players with more complex backgrounds. Germany had established its global image, partially thanks to the positive representation and achievements of the men’s national team. Expectations were high as another summer of football, beer, and festivities approached. The public was eager for the men’s national team to win the title, especially after their semi-final eliminations in the previous two World Cups (“Alles auf Sieg,” in the corpus, located through reading through the 41 As this chapter was being written, the Russian-Ukrainian war has been ongoing for over two years. The process of reviewing articles about cities like Kharkiv and Donetski, which hosted the 2012 European Championship, evoked a sense of melancholy. These cities have been significantly altered by the war. Writing and revising this chapter had been emotional. 143 2012 subset of the corpus). An article titled “Alles auf Sieg” (Everything for victory) captured this sentiment: It portrayed the team as a tournament favorite that filled fans and coaches with pride. There was a shared confidence that this team would restore German football’s fame by not only playing beautiful football but also winning the title. Media narratives followed patterns similar to previous years, albeit with some minor changes: before and during the tournament, the media refined “German virtues” to include diversity, and politicians linked this team’s success to broader societal integration. Post-tournament discussions, however, criticized the team’s multiethnic composition, foreshadowing the narratives of 2018, where Mesut Özil said, “I am a German when we win, but I am an immigrant when we lose” (Röhlig). Creating the subset of news articles for this tournament followed the established procedure: selecting articles published from one month prior to the tournament to one month afterward, which resulted in a subset of 321 articles. A qualitative examination focused on significant topics such as 7 (the national team and Germany) and 49 (societal discussions). During this analysis, I identified two additional narratives, which prompted further qualitative readings on search results for articles containing variations of “multikul*” and “tugen*.” Narratives from 2010 evolved subtly by 2012 as the German national team moved further away from the “tank”-like style of play towards what was described as a Southern European flair. Concurrently, the concept of “deutsche Tugend” (German virtue), traditionally associated with discipline, clear goals, and hard work, underwent a noticeable transformation. The media began to infuse these virtues with attributes such as “Kreativität, Inspiration, selbst Integration” (creativity, inspiration, and even integration), branding them as the new German virtues (“Alles auf Sieg,” located in the corpus by searching “multikul*”). This shift reflected a broader redefinition of what characteristics were considered important in Germany, at least in the 144 sporting world. This minor change suggested Germany was embracing a more holistic and progressive self-identity in both sporting excellence and cultural openness and adaptability. This evolution was further supported by comments from legendary goalkeeper Oliver Kahn. In an interview with journalist Lars Gartenschläger from Die Zeit, Gartenschläger brought up the traditional virtues of previous national teams. Kahn’s response began with praising the national team’s performance under pressure during the match against the Netherlands. He critically assessed the role of German virtues in modern football, stating, “Und außerdem gewinnst du doch heute keine Spiele mehr, wenn du dich nur auf die deutschen Tugenden verlässt. Du brauchst ein funktionierendes System und qualitativ hochwertige Spieler, die eine Spielidee taktisch umsetzen können” (And besides, you don’t win games these days if you only rely on the German virtues. You need a functioning system and high-quality players who can tactically implement a game idea) (Gartenschläger “Oliver Kahn”). As a former national team leader and an embodiment of these “traditional virtues,” Kahn’s statement carried significant weight. It underscored a shift from relying solely on traditional disciplines to embracing a more dynamic and strategic approach in the national team. Furthermore, politicians, notably Chancellor Merkel, continued to influence narratives around the multiethnic composition of the team. Again, in 2010 Merkel had declared that the “Multikulti” approach had utterly failed. Yet, in 2012, Merkel again praised the team as a societal cross-section, stating that it exemplified successful integration where players of ethnic German backgrounds and those with diverse ethnic heritages collaborated under a wonderful team spirit (Medick). She posited this dynamic as a representation of German society and indicated potential societal initiatives that could mimic this model of integration. Additionally, it is noteworthy that despite a significant reduction in “Multikulti” narratives over the past two 145 years, this theme persisted in 2012. In this year, the corpus included four articles that contained references to the term “Multikulti.” Journalists like Gartenschläger still described the team as a successful embodiment of “Multikulti” during the 2012 European Championship. While narratives endorsed by politicians often presented this team as a true representation of Germany’s multiethnic and multiracial society, they overlooked crucial aspects that contribute to the team’s cohesion. This portrayal disregarded the substantial institutional support from the DFB in developing players with diverse ethnic and racial identities and the ongoing narratives since 2006 that had paved the way towards this moment (Kröner; “DFB Buch ‘Integration A- Z’”). Moreover, a significant number of players, specifically eight from Bayern Munich, had formed bonds over club allegiance and shared a broad fan base due to their regular interactions at the club level. By merely branding this team as a symbol of successful social integration, such narratives oversimplified the complex challenges of integration, which encompass legal issues, social justice, education, and collaborative efforts across various units. Despite early successes, Germany had its fourth semi-final defeat in major tournaments since 2006. The media’s response intensified dramatically after this loss, with ideological criticism dominating the discourse. Lars Wallrodt, Lars Gartenschläger, and Julian Wolff of Die Welt, in their article “Auf der Suche nach der verlorenen Identität” (In search of lost Identity), attributed the loss to an ideological overload (Wallrodt et al., located in the corpus by searching “multikul*”). They suggested that an overemphasis on “Multikulti” narratives may have detracted from the team’s focus. Players who chose not to sing the German national anthem on camera were heavily criticized by the journalists: Vielleicht ist die Mannschaft schlicht ideologisch überfrachtet. Eine toreschießende Wollmilchsau wird gewünscht. Multikulti soll sie sein, aber bitte geschlossen die deutsche Hymne singen, am besten mit der Inbrunst der Italiener. Fußballerisch wenn möglich modern und offensiv spielen, aber stets mit Rückbesinnung auf die deutschen 146 Tugenden, quasi elf grätschende Rastellis. Perhaps the team is simply ideologically overloaded. They want a goal-scoring jack of all trades. They want it to be multicultural, but please sing the German anthem together, ideally with the fervor of the Italians. In terms of football, play modern and offensively, if possible, but always with a return to German virtues. Eleven sliding Rastellis, so to speak (Wallrodt et al.). The term “toreschießende Wollmilchsau” (a goal-scoring wonder pig) is a sarcastic twist on the phrase “Eierlegende Wollmilchsau” (a pig that produces milk and lays eggs/ jack of all trades above), indicating an all-in-one solution. “Rastelli” is an Italian surname. Here, the journalists humorously suggest that ideally, the players should adopt some characteristics of the Italian playing style, hence the reference to “Rastellis.” Most of all, they must return to the “German virtues.” This contrasted sharply with the attitude the media held just weeks earlier when they had high hopes for this team that could play beautiful football and win matches. This criticism also reflected a fake acceptance of a multicultural or multiethnic team that was conditioned on only satisfying performance. Diversity was celebrated and utilized when the team performed well, yet players of complex identities—and the idea of complex identity itself— quickly became scapegoats in times of defeat. Not singing along to the national anthem was tolerated to a certain extend when the team won; once there was a setback, these players and their actions were immediately scrutinized, judged, and criticized. Moreover, the modern style of play was also criticized after the defeat. Journalists quickly reiterated the paramount importance of German virtues, which implied that lacking these virtues was the primary reason for the team’s loss, or that these virtues alone could have miraculously turned the tables. Despite the national team performing poorly under the old German virtues and play style before the 2006 summer fairy tale, journalists conveniently overlooked this while busy criticizing the 2012 team. In summary, these narratives reveal the underlying attitudes that existed in German media in 2012: politicians continued to portray this team as a representation of a multiethnic German 147 society while calling it and praising it as an example of successful integration. However, the media tended to assign blame following defeats by targeting players with diverse backgrounds (Wallrodt et al.). Despite the significant professional contributions of these players, their ethnic backgrounds and not aligning with traditional German virtues became focal points of criticism during failures. These discourses offered a preview of how the team might be treated in future tournaments when outcomes fell short of expectations, illustrating a conditional acceptance of diversity that depends on success. 3.6 We Are the Champions 2014 The men’s national team faced substantial challenges leading up to the 2014 World Cup, marked by numerous injuries to key players, a public scandal involving player Kevin Großkreutz, and coach Joachim Löw losing his driver’s license due to traffic offenses (“Joachim Löw verliert Führerschein”). In the month preceding the tournament in Brazil, there wasn’t much positive news about the team, while public expectations for this team remained extremely high. Fans were no longer content with the team just being the “world champion of our hearts”; they demanded success, specifically a title. The pressure was put on both the players and coach Löw. The media frequently used the term “liefern” (deliver) to describe the expectations placed upon them.42 This can be observed in many articles, such as one that stated: “Die jungen Wilden müssen Männer werden. Sie stehen im Zenit ihres Könnens. Die Talente müssen sich jetzt so entfalten, dass ein großer Sieg dabei herausspringt. Die Mannschaft, die Spieler müssen endlich liefern” (The young wild ones have to become men. They are at the peak of their abilities. The talents must now develop in such a way that a great victory results. The team, the players, finally have to deliver) (Halbach, located 42 I noticed this term “liefern” during my initial screening of the 2014 subset articles. 148 in the corpus by searching “liefern”). As another put it: “Aufgrund der Tatsache, dass Deutschland seit einigen Jahren schon eine hohe Anzahl von qualitativ hervorragenden Spielern besitzt, sind nicht wenige Experten der Meinung, dass die Mannschaft endlich liefern müsse” (Because Germany has had a large number of excellent quality players for several years, quite a few experts are of the opinion that the team finally has to deliver) (Gartenschläger, “Chaos- Trainningslager”). With a squad consisting of top-tier talent, reporters also put pressure on the coach, “dass der Bundestrainer endlich einmal liefern müsse” (the national coach finally has to deliver) (Hermanns, located in the corpus by searching “liefern”) or “Nicht nur, weil er zum dritten Mal ein Halbfinale erreichte, war es ein besonderes Spiel für Löw. Er will liefern, wie er sagt, den Titel liefern” (It was a special game for Löw, not just because he reached a semi-final for the third time. He wants to deliver, as he says, deliver the title) (Fritsch, located in the corpus by searching “liefern”). Despite this backdrop of negative publicity and enormous pressure, the team embarked on their journey to Brazil. Taking the same approach as previously, I created a subset of 365 articles focusing on topics 7 (the national team and Germany), 21 (spectators), and 49 (societal discussions). After reviewing the titles of the first 100 articles, I identified 12 articles for further examination. From previous sections, it is evident that politicians have consistently influenced the shaping of the narratives surrounding the national team, particularly on the topic of integration since 2010. Hence, I conducted a detailed qualitative review of articles related to politicians like Angela Merkel. Additionally, a search for “Tugend” (virtue) was carried out due to its relevance in earlier subsections. The term “Multikulti” seemed to have vanished from the narratives by 2014, as a search of “multikul*” only returned one result. Instead, discussions centered on “patriotism” and “racism” emerged, particularly in relation to a specific incident involving the Gaucho dance 149 during the 2014 celebration ceremony. (This dance, performed by the German players after their victory, mimicked the traditional posture of a “Gaucho,” stereotypically representing Argentine cowboys. This incident will be described and analyzed later in this section.) The insights from these qualitative analyses inform further discussions in this subsection about music, politicians, and distinctive narratives, including debates on patriotism and the Gaucho dance. 3.6.1 Music: Cheers to Us The 2014 World Cup was accompanied by Andreas Bourani’s hit song “Auf Uns” (Cheers to us), released on April 25, 2014, and chosen as the official anthem for the tournament in Germany. Unlike prior World Cup hits that often emphasized sports history (e.g. “54, 74, 90, 2006/2010”) or national pride (e.g. “Schland o Schland”), this song resonated on a more personal level, mainly celebrating joy and friendship. Originally an ode to his friends, the song became a viral sensation (“Augsburger Andreas Bourani”). It captured the collective spirit of the tournament with lyrics that spoke of hope and unity. Take the lyrics: “Ein Hoch auf das, was vor uns liegt/Dass es das Beste für uns gibt/Ein Hoch auf das, was uns vereint/Auf diese Zeit” (Cheers to what lies ahead/That there is the best for us/Cheers to what unites us/At this time), captured feelings of happiness, joy, and the significance of sharing important moments with loved ones. The sentiments encapsulated in this song closely resemble those in songs from previous years. However, Germany’s victory at this tournament prompted numerous fans to leave comments on its YouTube video, sharing their cherished memories of the tournament and celebrating football’s unifying power. The official music video featured scenes of everyday people in Berlin, including minority ethnic groups and LGBTQ couples, and it captured their joyful celebrations of life. Bourani intentionally included these diverse groups to advocate for inclusivity in society. This further 150 reflected his own experiences as an adoptee of North African descent who identifies as Bavarian (“Andreas Bourani engagiert sich gegen Diskriminierung”; “Andreas Bourani: Ein Hoch auf das Leben”). Despite being adopted at four days old and having no ties to his birthplace, Bourani often faces questions about his origins and identity. Journalists frequently ask about his birth mother, and he has expressed that even when he claimed his Bavarian identity, it seldom satisfied the curiosity of others (“Spielerfrauen sind nicht mehr zeitgemäß”). Unlike previous musicians from diverse backgrounds, Bourani was the first to publicly address such issues, which could indicate that topics like discrimination and racism were increasingly finding space and attention in media discourse. Having Bourani and his song to be the designated song of the 2014 World Cup hinted at the media’s push toward narratives of greater diversity and inclusion during this tournament. 3.6.2 Politicians: “Muttivation” In 2014, politicians continued their involvement in narratives surrounding this multiethnic football team. Chancellor Angela Merkel’s frequent attendance at matches, her meticulously chosen outfits, and the players’ active engagement with politicians on social media all contributed to shaping a cohesive national image, colored in black-red-gold. This tournament marked a wrap-up of what had started in 2006, signaling Germany’s successful distancing from its dark past and its aspirations to expand its political influence within the European Union and beyond on the global stage. During this tournament, both the politicians and the players became the embodiment of a successful, fun, progressive national image. Their interactions in the media, complemented by black-red-gold color-themed elements, contributed to a relaxed and appealing global image for Germany. Unlike in 2010, when politicians often leveraged the World Cup to distract public 151 attention from dissatisfaction with the federal government, the context had shifted by 2014. Merkel, having won the federal election in the fall of 2013, was now more securely established in office. The media drew comparisons between Merkel and former chancellors such as Helmut Schmidt and Helmut Kohl, who experienced both victories (in 1974 and 1990) and defeats (1982 and 1986). The article concluded that Merkel’s visit to the locker room was particularly well- received, contrasting with her predecessors’ more reserved approach (Hoidn-Borchers, located in the corpus by searching “Merkel”). By 2014, social media had started to play an important role in broadcasting and reaching a broader audience for public relationship purposes. Chancellor Merkel traveled to Salvador da Bahia to attend Germany’s first group-stage game against Portugal (Adam, et al.). After the match, she visited the locker room, where she gave an encouraging speech, praised the team’s performance, and participated in a group photo. Positioned centrally in the photo, Merkel stood out in her signature red blazer and white suit pants, surrounded by players in German kits and others in red shirts and black pants. Her hands clasped together and a broad smile on her face, the photo—captured by her PR team—appeared in many reports. Tagesspiegel journalist Joachim Huber playfully wrote, “Das ist Mutti, das ist ihre Mannschaft, das ist ‘Muttivation’” (This is Mother, this is her team, this is “Muttivation”) (Huber). This passage cleverly links Merkel’s nickname “Mutti” (mommy) with the team. The media not only personalized her relationship with the players but also connected it with notions of motivation, guidance, and leadership. While this term conveys familiarity, it can also invoke problematic gender stereotypes, subtly suggesting a nurturing role rather than a professional one. Additionally, player Lukas Podolski posted a selfie with Merkel after the match against Portugal, captioned in five languages—German, English, Polish, Turkish, and Chinese—“The 152 Chancellor and me after the victory” (“Podolski’s Selfie Post on Twitter”; Lukas Podolskis’ Facebook post). This image received 13 million views, 399 thousand “Likes,” and over 8 thousand comments on Facebook. This was an exemplification of strategic social media use. The multilingual captions broadened the post’s appeal, engaging both domestic and international fans. This action by Merkel and the players, consistently using such public interactions, minimized the perceived distance between political and cultural leaders and the people, feeding into the narrative of a harmonious German society. The reality may differ, but the collaborative image crafted by politicians and athletes resonated with the public. Figure 13. Lukas Podolskis’ Facebook post, a selfie with Merkel. Images credit: Podolski. Besides social media, Merkel’s deliberate fashion choices were also part of the 2014 narratives. During the final match between Germany and Argentina, accompanied by Federal President Joachim Gauck, Merkel returned to Brazil (Beikler and Birnbaum, located in the corpus by searching “Merkel”). She wore her iconic necklace, consisting of black, red, and gold stones—a piece she first used at her swearing-in ceremony in 2009 and during a television debate with Social Democratic Party of Germany candidate Peer Steinbrück in 2013. The media 153 affectionately referred to this necklace as the “Schlandkette” (Germany necklace) (Becker, located in the corpus by searching “Merkel”). This necklace, subtly incorporating the black-red- gold colors of the national flag, has become synonymous with significant political occasions of which the WM was now one (Becker). Notably, Merkel chose not to bring her football-shaped, national-colored “Schlandtasche” (Germany purse) to this game, perhaps to avoid an overt display of nationalism (Becker). In summary, the 2014 World Cup saw a strategic alignment between political figures and the national team. With the help of social media, both parties capitalized on the unified, and progressive image of Germany, forged since 2006, now on the global stage during the 2014 tournament. This effort showcased a redefined national image through shared public narratives and symbolic gestures. 3.6.3 Distinctive Narratives 3.6.3.1 Schland and Discussions on Party Patriotism and Nationalism During the 2014 World Cup, displaying the black-red-gold color scheme had become a norm among fans. At public viewing spots across the country, fans got creative with their decorations, having everything from headbands and makeup to sandals and even Easter Bunny ears in these three colors (“Hunderttausende bejubeln die Müller-Gala”). They sang, waved, and cheered for their team competing thousands of miles away in Brazil. As the team progressed through the tournament, compliments on the team’s performance quickly overshadowed the negative comments from their rocky start (“Lauffreudig, aggressiv und ideenreich,” in the corpus, located by reading through the 2014 subset of the corpus). By the time of this tournament, narratives directly associated with “Multikulti” had largely vanished from the media coverage of the men’s team, evidenced by only a single article containing the term “multikul*” in the entire subset of articles from 2014. Instead, discussions shifted to concepts such as “good” 154 patriotism and “bad” nationalism. Discussions on such topics often revolved around flags, and 2014 was no different. In Berlin-Kreuzberg, a district known for its diverse population, while many neighbors displayed German-themed decorations, one family notably stood out for hanging a blue flag with “Vorrunden Aus” (Group Stage Out) on their balcony. When interviewed, they made a statement that associated the display of national colors with a shallow form of patriotism: “Wer sonst nichts hat zum Stolzsein, hat immer noch Patriotismus” (Those who have nothing else to be proud of still have patriotism) (Bock). A similar sentiment was found in an article by Tagesspiegel journalist Helmut Schümann, who questioned whether the collective display of the flag represented an insensitive form of patriotism, with fans cries of “Germany! Germany!” Although the discussions on patriotism early in the tournament were not extensive, the team’s 7:1 victory over the host and historically strong Brazil, followed by winning the trophy, undoubtedly sparked more discussions on these topics both in Brazil and back home in Germany. To address the potential danger of party patriotism escalating into dangerous nationalism fueled by World Cup victories, journalists wrote numerous reports on this topic during the tournament. Paul Hofmann and Anne-Sophie Balzer elaborated the fine line between patriotism and nationalism: the former meant people were proud of German democracy or Germany’s achievement, in this sense, the men’s national team’s performance on the pitch; while the latter involved a strong sense of superiority, with a more aggressive form of loyalty. This distinction echoed former Federal President Johannes Rau’s often-quoted definition: “Ein Patriot ist jemand, der sein Vaterland liebt. Ein Nationalist ist jemand, der die Vaterländer der anderen verachtet” (A patriot is someone who loves his fatherland. A nationalist is someone who despises the fatherlands of others). Indeed, nationalistic and racist signs or behaviors were present as part of 155 the narratives in 2014. According to Belltower News, one German fan tweeted during the Germany-Ghana match, stating “Hoffentlich sterben paar Schwarz mitten auf dem Spielfeld an AIDS” (Hopefully a few Black people die of AIDS in the middle of the field) (Fröschner).43 Linking African people with AIDS and openly wishing death upon them is racist and extremely problematic behavior. Additionally, two German fans were seen with their faces painted black and wearing white T-shirts marked “Ghannia” during the same match (@im_nauseous). This act of racial misrepresentation, known in the US as blackface, was not only insensitive but deeply insulting. Such incidents reveal how quickly celebratory patriotism can devolve into overtly racist expressions. These narratives showed the precarious balance between national pride and the undercurrents of racialized nationalism that can perpetuate discrimination and xenophobia under the guise of team support. It is also noteworthy that these discussions were primarily featured in liberal media outlets such as Belltower News, rather than gaining widespread attention across a broader spectrum of media platforms. Given the nature of a national football event, in which two teams represent their countries aiming to emerge as winners, it is all too easy for fans to blur the line between supporting their own nation and disrespecting another (Kern). While national level football tournaments are not inherently nationalistic, they can be instrumentalized, turning into platforms where nationalistic behaviors manifest, as presented above. As fans immerse themselves in the festive atmosphere, surrounded by peers and beer, this fine line can be easily crossed without awareness of their actions or the potential consequences.44 Politicians from the left-leaning party “Grüne Jugend” (Green Youth) suggested that transitioning from patriotism to nationalism required only a small 43 Belltower News is an anti-fascist news outlet. It was founded in 2007 by Die Zeit and was named under “Netz gegen Nazis” until renamed in 2017. 44 This phenomenon is not unique to Germany, as it has been studied in other cultural context, see Bertoli’s “Nationalism and Conflict: Lessons from International Sports.” 156 step, a notion supported by sociological studies that suggested that patriotism often evolves into nationalism (Adam). Politicians from Green Youth viewed the display of flags as a form of patriotism and warned that weeks of emphasis on such symbols could be dangerous. Members of the Green Youth had previously expressed similar concerns during other tournaments, actively removing flags from vehicles to “free public space from national symbols” (Adam). However, 2014 marked the first year that these views gained broader resonance and were acknowledged by mainstream media. Lastly, Georg Diez from Spiegel offered a critical perspective on the superficial nature of party patriotism. He suggested that party patriotism merely filled a void that should be instead addressed politically, culturally, and socially (Diez). Diez criticized that the public too often quickly equated winning the World Cup and Germany being a strong and healthy country. He argued: “Das ganze Gerede vom positiven Patriotismus fußt dabei seit 2006 auf der Annahme, dass es vorher oder außerhalb dieses WM-Gefühls nichts Erhebendes gibt in diesem Land - eine Aussage, die nicht wahrer wird dadurch, dass man sie dauernd wiederholt” (Since 2006, all the talk of positive patriotism has been based on the assumption that there is nothing uplifting in this country before or outside of this World Cup feeling—a statement that is not made any more true by constantly repeating it) (Diez). Indeed, as we have seen in past years, politicians exploited the World Cup to distract the public and enhance their images for political gain (Schumacher, in the corpus). The media was preoccupied with using the success of the national team to present a progressive German image. Then, when things went south, players from diverse backgrounds were thrown under the bus and criticized for not singing the anthem. The narratives surrounding the national team, as well as those of individual players, should not be seen as an always accurate representation of Germany’s multiethnic and multiracial reality, overlooking both its potential 157 successes and the very real struggles faced by minorities. 3.6.3.2 Gaucho Dance Discussions On July 15, 2014, continuing a tradition established in 2006, players, coaches, and fans convened at the Brandenburg Gate Fanmeile to celebrate the national team, now with a World Cup victory. The Tagesschau article titled “Weltmeister in Berlin: WM-Party am 15. Juli 2014 - waren auch Sie dabei?” (World champions in Berlin: World Cup party on July 15, 2014 - were you there too?), provided a comprehensive description of the festivities and detailed everything from the plane arrival and greetings to the bus parade, live performances, and even the Bratwurst served—everything except for a brief mention of the Gauchos incident (Myrrhe et al.). This article only briefly touched on this with two sentences: “Eine Episode, die zum Glück ähnlich schnell vergessen war, wie die Sprintqualitäten von David Odonkor. Und dabei wollen wir es auch belassen” (An episode that was fortunately forgotten just as quickly as David Odonkor’s sprinting qualities. And we want to leave it at that) (Myrrhe et al.) What exactly occurred that people preferred to forget so quickly? The term “Gaucho” typically refers to a notoriously brave cowboy in the South American context, rich with historical significance and considered an icon in Argentine and Brazilian cultures. At the Fanmeile celebration stage, players including Roman Weidenfeller, André Schürrle, Shkodran Mustafi, Miroslav Klose, Mario Götze, and Toni Kroos performed a controversial dance. Hunched over, they sang, “So gehen die Gauchos, die Gauchos gehen so” (This is how the Gauchos go, the Gauchos go like this), then stood up to sing, “So gehen die Deutschen, die Deutschen gehen so” (This is how the Germans go, the Germans go like this). They performed the routine once and then encouraged the 400,000 fans on site to join in. This scene, documented in Welt Online’s article “Singende Weltmeister” (The Singing Champions), modified a children’s song, “So reit’ der Cowboy.” Gauchos, here, referred to 158 Argentina, whom the Germans beat in the final. The performance sparked varied reactions: Rieke Havertz of taz described it as a “kriegergleichen Überhöhung des eigenen Selbst” (warrior-like exaltation of one’s self), criticizing the national team for showing disrespect to their final opponent. Another two taz journalists Deniz Yücel and Daniel Bax held opposite opinions on each other. The former argued that this dance was just part of the celebration and called the dance “harmlos” (harmless) because mocking your opponent has always been part of sports. He even praised the players for their deep understanding of fan culture (Yücel). On the other hand, Bax first acknowledged that there were much rougher situations in sports. However, performing such a gesture in front of 400,000 people might not be appropriate. It set a bad example for younger generations who saw the national team players as role models. These role models demonstrated that it was acceptable to mock your opponents and to show little respect after a victory. Moreover, he criticized the DFB for not performing their role adequately, leaving the hosting responsibilities to the very tired players instead of to professional hosts. This controversial situation, which could damage Germany’s recently improved image, was entirely avoidable (Bax). Shortly after the celebration, players responded to defend themselves. Mustafi addressed the criticism as overly harsh and unnecessary, stating, “Wir sind Weltmeister geworden. Wir wollten feiern. Für uns war das einfach ein Gesang” (We became world champions. We wanted to celebrate. For us, it was simply a song) (“Gaucho-Tanz in Berlin”). Although Lukas Podolski did not participate in the dance, he expressed frustration over people always finding something to criticize (“Gaucho-Tanz in Berlin”). DFB President Wolfgang Niersbach also defended the players’ dance, stating, “Es tut uns leid, wenn dies bei einigen falsch und missverständlich rübergekommen ist” (We are sorry if this was perceived as wrong and misleading by some), and 159 he further expressed his intention to apologize to the head of Argentina’s Association (“So geh’n die Gauchos”). Niersbach explained that the team manager Bierhoff informed him the players had come up with this idea spontaneously, driven purely by emotion and joy, nothing else. The Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (bpb, Federal Agency for Civic Education) attempted to take a balanced stance and agreed that the players should not be accused of intentionally defaming others (Sander et al.). They noted that such dances were common in football stadiums and had not historically caused concern. However, when such performances were moved to a stage where they might be interpreted politically, a more careful consideration was necessary. As the bpb states, “Auch wenn dies nicht die Absicht einer Nationalmannschaft ist, so kann sich keine Sportart bei Länderspielen von einem nationsorientierten Charakter freisprechen, und ein Teil davon ist es, sich von anderen Nationen zu unterscheiden” (Even if not the intention of the national team, no sport can entirely disassociate from its nation-oriented character in international matches, which inherently involves distinguishing itself from other nations). In 2014, the multiethnic and multiracial men’s national team finally won the World Cup title, but the following celebration quickly turned around to a demonstration of crude cultural stereotypes. This reverting to simplistic national caricature, labeling Brazilians and Argentinians as “Gauchos” exemplified entrenched national stereotypes and deep-seated prejudices. The Gaucho dance at Fanmeile and the subsequent justification of this behavior all indicate a disheartening reality: while there had been notable effort towards openness and inclusivity through discourses over the years, especially in the media, this bizarre moment of celebration indicated the still problematic nature of cultural acceptance and inclusion in Germany and was a preview of what was to come after 2014. 160 3.6.4 Conclusion of 2014 The 2014 World Cup journey for Germany’s men’s national team, despite a turbulent start, ended in a memorable celebration that transcended sporting victory. The widespread adoption of Andreas Bourani’s anthem “Auf Uns” served as a catalyst for national belonging that emphasized a collective “we” over nationalist symbols. At the same time, it also led to debates about the thin line between healthy patriotism and detrimental nationalism. Increased political involvement saw figures like Chancellor Angela Merkel utilizing the global stage to bolster both personal and national images, weaving political agendas with the country’s sporting achievements. As victory celebrations unfolded, they also brought to light underlying tensions about national identity and the appropriateness of public displays of the sometimes acceptable, sometimes unacceptable party patriotism. The controversy surrounding the Gaucho dance particularly highlighted the complexities of cultural sensitivity in a joyful yet critical public eye. This World Cup not only celebrated success on the football field but also prompted a reflective examination of Germany’s societal values, proving that football can indeed mirror deeper national discourses. As the German men’s team moved forward, the echoes of this tournament served as a reminder of the powerful role sports—and the media’s coverage of sporting events— play in shaping, challenging, and reflecting cultural and political landscapes. 3.7 Conclusion of Chapter 3 Over the eight-year span from 2006 to 2014, the portrayal of the German men’s national football team in the media underwent a profound transformation. This period marked a shift from celebrating the team’s achievement during the summer fairy tale narratives of 2006 to more complex media representations by 2014, which relied on themes of “Multikulti,” diverse identity, and successful models of integration. The media narratives evolved from a simplistic celebration 161 of sport to nuanced discussions about the nation’s multiethnic reality and its implications for societal integration. The term “Multikulti” dominated in 2010 but diminished shortly thereafter. Of course, neither the term “multicultural” nor “players with history of immigration” fully captures every player’s situation, which is why this research employs the terms “multiethnic” and “multiracial” to describe the varied backgrounds of the players. Discussions about the team shifted from emphasizing its diversity to treating such diversity as the norm. This evolution in narrative sparked deeper societal reflections on discrimination, racism, patriotism, and nationalism, which indicated a maturation in the public discourse surrounding national identity. The athletic ups and downs of this period allowed the media to highlight and sometimes scrutinize players on the men’s national team. When the team performed well on the pitch, players of diverse backgrounds were praised and treated as role models of integration in Germany. Yet, during losses, these players were the first to be scrutinized, and their every decision was examined to determine whether their commitment to Germany was genuine. Among the players often being put under the microscope, those of color faced more criticism and harsher judgment compared to white players of Polish descent. This selective focus demonstrated an ongoing challenge in media representation and public discourse, where players of color were often the ones who had to prove themselves, further proving the persistence of racial inequality within the discourse. The 2014 World Cup not only marked a turning point of sporting success but also reflected broader societal shifts in Germany. The victories on the field and their coverage in the media intertwined with national debates about identity, patriotism, and nationalism. This chapter illustrated how football served as a lens to reflect broader social dynamics within the German 162 media. While diverse, the depiction of the team represented an idealized image that did not fully mirror reality but was crafted and marketed to promote the idea of social integration through the sport. As Germany moved forward, the legacies of these narratives continued to influence public discourse, setting the stage for further exploration in the subsequent chapter on the post-2014 era. 163 4 CHAPTER 4 2016 AND 2018: PLAYING ON THE FIELD OF TENSIONS 4.1 Introduction In the summer of 2016, childhood photos of the men’s national football team players were featured on Kinder chocolate packaging as part of a promotional campaign for the upcoming European Championship in France. This was not the first time Kinder used childhood photos of the national team’s players; similar promotions occurred in 2014 for the World Cup. Lukas Podolski commented that his son was proud to see his father’s face on the chocolate box (Winter). Back in 2014, there was little media attention surrounding Kinder’s limited edition chocolates, with minor criticism from nutritionists who were concerned about promoting excessive chocolate consumption to children (Winter). However, the 2016 campaign took a turn when players of color were targeted and criticized by certain groups who implied players of color should not be depicted on the chocolate boxes. A Facebook group named “Pegida BW- Bodensee” posted, “Vor Nichts wird Halt gemacht. Gibts die echt so zu kaufen? Oder ist das ein Scherz?” (Nothing will be stopped [scared face] Can you really buy them like that? Or is this a joke?) along with chocolate boxes featuring Boateng and Gündoğan’s childhood pictures. This comment implied that these players of color should not be depicted on chocolate boxes as they should not be considered representations of the country. The childhood photo of Sami Khedira, who is of Tunisian descent, was similarly used by Kinder in 2014 without any controversy (“Kinderschokolade: Pegida-Anhänger”). However, in 2016, the inclusion of players of color on the chocolate boxes upset certain groups. What has changed? What social factors might have influenced this shift? One of the major changes was the so-called European migrant crisis in 2015, which received extensive media attention and generated extensive debates about people of color and their position in 164 Germany. In September 2015, Germany announced that migrants could cross its borders and apply for asylum. Chancellor Merkel’s famous declaration, “wir schaffen das” (we can handle it) with regard to arrival of migrants in Germany was widely regarded as a defining moment in her government’s refugee policy (Delcker). In addition, the founding of the anti-migrant and Islamophobic movements Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes (Pegida, Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the West) in 2014 contributed to the sharpening of nationalistic and xenophobic sentiments. Pegida’s agenda has focused on anti- Islamic rhetoric and far-right extremism. By 2016, such debates and their aftermath had reached the football world, where players of color were targeted by conservative groups (including new rightwing parties such as the AfD) and criticized as unfit to represent the country on both the football field and commercial platforms like the Kinder chocolate box. At a time when Europe was grappling with the so-called migrant crisis and rising nationalist sentiments, the portrayal of a diverse German national football team in the media during two major football tournaments provided a lens through which to examine an evolving set of societal aspirations and challenges. This chapter continues the methodological approach used in the previous two. I created subsets for each tournament and timed them to match the 2016 European Championship and the 2018 World Cup. For each subset of articles, I identified the most dominant topics based on theta values in each article and then examined the ten most relevant articles to these topics. Detailed discussions of these findings are provided in subsections corresponding to each tournament. The overarching research question—how the multiethnic and multiracial aspect of the men’s team shaped media narratives over time—focuses here on 2016 and 2018, three years characterized by significant political discourse generated by fans, players, and DFB officials alike. The issues observed in earlier years, such as hostility towards players of color, heated debates around 165 national allegiance through symbols such as anthem and flags, and discussions surrounding party patriotism and nationalism, intensified as the team’s performance declined and society focused more on the meaning and implication of diversity. Following the analytical structure established in previous chapters, this chapter starts with the role music plays in setting the joyful atmosphere for the tournament through singing about fostering collective support among fans and players. It then progresses to examine the infiltration of right-wing political rhetoric into mainstream media narratives. Throughout both tournaments, discussions centered heavily on patriotism, nationalism, and integration. Slightly different than previous tournaments, the 2018 analysis is divided into three temporal segments—before, during, and after the tournament—to address the ongoing discourse surrounding Turkish players Mesut Özil and İlkay Gündoğan. While many scholars have isolated Özil’s resignation from the national team as a singular incident (Stehle and Weber; Fischer and Mohrman), this analysis treats it as part of continuous narrative development, placing the events surrounding it into a broader context. The primary aim is to demonstrate how the narratives during these years became highly politicized, with both left- and right-leaning parts leveraging the team and its players for political advantage. 4.2 The 2016 European Championship The subset for the 2016 European Championship comprised 184 articles published from one month before to one month after the tournament. The most dominant topics during this period were topic 7 (the national team and Germany), topic 10 (match details), and Topic 14 (politicians). The prominence of topic 7 aligns with its established significance in the overall corpus. Articles strongly associated with topic 7 often provided insights that enhanced understanding of the tournament. For instance, a 2016 Spiegel article mentioned Boateng’s 166 outstanding performance and noted that his excellence on the pitch had secured him a stable position on the team. It portrayed him as a confident player and prepared to take on a leadership role (Ahrens, “Feder-Boa,” article 8 under topic 7). As a player of color potentially assuming a leadership role on the national team, Boateng attracted undue attention from right-wing politicians and fans, as we will explore in this subsection. Despite topic 10 seemingly being very descriptive and focusing on neutral match details, it unexpectedly included articles praising the team as a representation of successful integration (Mutlu, article 3 under topic 10). This demonstrated that narratives around diversity, inclusion, and integration remained relevant during this period. Surprisingly, some articles showing high relevancy under topic 14 (politicians) discussed diversity and German virtues, portraying Sami Khedira not as a player with a multiethnic background, but as one who embodied German virtues through hard work (Schneider, article 7 under topic 14). These results also suggested that topic modeling might not be entirely reliable with smaller subsets. It once again proves that quantitative results alone are insufficient for a comprehensive analysis, and researchers must evaluate them manually to ensure a holistic understanding of the materials at hand. 4.2.1 Music: Mutual Support From the 80 Million People Since 2006, music increasingly played a pivotal role in setting the tone and fostering a sense of unity and collective enthusiasm around football tournaments. These songs reflect broader themes of solidarity, teamwork, and collective pride, which are crucial during tournaments like the European Championship. In 2016, musician Herbert Grönemeyer, in collaboration with young DJ Felix Jaehn, created “Jeder für Jeden” (Everyone for everyone), which was chosen by the public broadcaster ARD as the official song for their coverage of the European Championship (“Der ARD EM-Song 2016 steht fest”). It was a new approach for this 167 year where the DFB, players, and musicians collaboratively created the tournament’s official song. Players contributed their ideas and even participated in the recording by clapping along to the beat, while video footage of them was included throughout the music video. The song captured a wide spectrum of emotions typical of football matches—from fear and doubt to exhilaration and victory—portraying these feelings as a collective experience. It emphasized the vital role of mutual support and solidarity among players and fans. The lyrics, “Das ist das Leben; Einer für alle und alle eins mit dir; Jeder für jeden; Das Versprechen: ‘Gemeinsam passiert’s’” (That is life, one for all and all one with you. Everyone for everyone. The promise: “Together it will happen”) captured the essence of teamwork in football and underscored the importance of each team member’s contribution toward a unified goal—winning the game. The recurring title phrase “Everyone for everyone” fosters a sense of interconnectedness and mutual support. It suggested that the team’s success is the result of collective contributions from players, coaches, and fans. By promoting messages of mutual support and collective effort, the song functioned as a powerful motivational tool for the players while deeply resonating with fans, reinforcing a sense of shared identity. This communal spirit is a critical element in supporting both team cohesion and fan engagement, highlighting the integral role of music in the cultural landscape of football. ZDF, another public broadcaster, chose Mark Forster’s song “Wir sind groß (We are Big)” as its official anthem for EM16 (“Mark Forsters ‘Wir sind groß’ wird EM-Song des ZDF”). Unlike the football-specific anthem by Grönemeyer and Jaehn, Forster’s track explored themes of exploration, friendship, and making memories. The recurring line, “Die Welt ist klein und wir sind groß” (the world is small and we are big), encouraged listeners to explore, enjoy every moment, and live life to its fullest. Although this song lacked a direct connection to 168 football, the song’s message of hope, positivity, and creating lifelong memories with loved ones resonated with the DFB’s strategy of fostering positive narratives focused on creating positive memories—from the 2006 World Cup summer fairy tale to the victory in 2014. Beyond the official anthems selected by ARD and ZDF, Max Giesinger adapted his hit romance song “80 Millionen” for the football context (“Fußballhits zum EM-Start”). The music video kicks off with a commentator’s shout-out for Mario Götze, celebrating the goal that secured Germany’s 2014 World Cup victory. Instead of showing a love story set in Berlin as depicted in the original music video, Giesinger dedicated this version to the national team, with lyrics encouraging unity and perseverance: “Es wird nicht leicht, aber ihr schafft das schon. Denn ihr seid nicht alleine. Hinter euch stehen 80 Millionen” (It won’t be easy, but you can do it. Because you are not alone. There are 80 million people behind you). The music video featured people in the streets singing these words, showing widespread support for the team. Unlike previous years, where musicians from diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds contributed to the creation of popular tournament-themed songs, this year’s predominately white lineup of musicians could reflect a shift in cultural representation or selection criteria within the event’s organizational approach. Players listening to these songs, fans singing along in homes, parties, pubs, or public viewing areas, and journalists writing about their significance all contributed to making these songs an integral part of the football narratives. The use of music during tournaments has evolved into a sophisticated strategy, with artists crafting or tailoring their compositions for major events like the European Championships. Common themes include creating lasting memories, promoting unity, fostering collective support among fans and players, and conveying the idea that the entire nation is behind the team. The enormous power of music was also noticed and utilized by politicians, with one notable incident where the song “80 169 Millionen” was played at an AfD party event without the artist’s permission (Wohlfrom). This led Geisinger to take legal action against the party, which he publicly opposed (Wohlfrom). This incident showed the growing trend among political parties, especially those on the right, to co- opt and exploit music and sports for their own publicity—a theme that will be further explored later in this chapter. 4.2.2 Politicians and Football: The Rise of Right-Wing Ideologies in Football Narratives The involvement of politicians during major tournaments has been part of the narratives surrounding the national team since 2006, and the European Championship 2016 was no exception. A notable development during this period was the right-wing party, the AfD’s, interaction with the team, which particularly targeted players of color. The AfD was established in 2013, but did not gain enough support to pass the 5% electoral threshold to be in the Bundestag (German federal parliament) during the 2013 federal election. These interactions illustrated how right-wing politicians used and shaped football narratives as tools to gain publicity, employing racist and populist rhetoric along with anti-Islamic sentiments to further alienate multiethnic and multiracial players in public discourse. Before the tournament began, Alexander Gauland, Vice Chair of the AfD, made a controversial statement in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung about Jérôme Boateng. He stated: “Die Leute finden ihn als Fußballspieler gut. Aber sie wollen einen Boateng nicht als Nachbarn haben” (People like him as a football player. But they don’t want to have a Boateng as a neighbor) (Wehner and Lohse). The framing of Gauland’s statement warrants close examination: his use of “die Leute” (people) and “sie” (they) instead of the first person “I” strategically distanced himself from the statement. He masked his own racist opinion by attributing it to a broader group, thus suggesting he was speaking on behalf of others who share similar views. 170 This rhetoric aimed to present the speaker as a voice of the “pure” or “real” people, a common definition of populism where politics was seen as an expression of the general will of the people (Mudde 2010; Lees; Berbuir et al.). In this scenario, Gauland positioned himself as speaking for “the people” (although not “das Volk”). Furthermore, referring to Boateng as “einen Boateng (a Boateng)” dehumanizes Jérôme Boateng by reducing him to a mere representative of a minority group based solely on his race. Given that Jérôme’s half-brother, Kevin-Prince, has had a complicated relationship with the DFB and German fans, Gauland’s statement can be interpreted as a rejection of both brothers by the people. Such rhetoric not only took away individuality but also used one person to generalize about a broader group, a hallmark of racist discourse. Gauland’s assertion that “people don’t want a Boateng as a neighbor” insinuated that individuals like Boateng, due to their skin color, were undesirable neighbors, behaved poorly, and did not fit into the community. The baseless linkage between skin color and negative behavior or an inability to integrate into “mainstream” society was inherently racist. Such statements used football to perpetuate harmful discriminatory beliefs and underscored the deeper ingrained prejudices that could pervade public discourse. A few days after his initial remarks about Boateng, Gauland further questioned the legitimacy of players of color representing Germany on the football field. In an interview with Der Spiegel, he stated “Eine deutsche oder eine englische Fußballnationalmannschaft sind schon lange nicht mehr deutsch oder englisch im klassischen Sinne” (A German or an English national football team has long since ceased to be German or English in the classic sense) (Hölter; “AfD- Vize im ‘Spiegel’”). This statement again exemplified populist radical right-wing ideologies, which sought to redefine who was eligible to play for the national team in very exclusionary, “classical” racial terms. According to Cas Mudde, nativism entails a combination of nationalism 171 and xenophobia, which is a key feature of the populist radical right ideology (2010). By claiming that the national team is no longer “German in the classic sense,” Gauland evoked a nostalgic and narrow view of who could represent the country. This strategy aimed to create a division between the “native” (Mudde 1173), the so-called “true” Germans or English and those, who, despite their contributions and legal status, were perceived as outsiders or the “non-native” groups. By doing so, it appealed to individuals who felt that their identity was being threatened by diversity and people with migrant backgrounds, thus aligning with the populist right-wing agenda of creating an “us vs. them” narrative. The discussion surrounding the family heritage and identity of players of color was, of course, not new. It has been a heated topic since 2010 when the men’s national team first introduced its “Multikulti” lineup. Already in 2016, Jérôme Boateng, born to a Ghanaian father and a German mother, was targeted by right-wing politicians because of his skin color. Growing up in Berlin and rising up through DFB’s youth talent program, Boateng has been an important part of the German national teams since he was 16 years old. His background and achievements had clearly established his legitimacy in playing for the national team. By employing populist statements, right-wing politicians like Gauland aimed to challenge who could represent the country at sporting events and used such rhetoric to stir up sentiments of exclusion and division, questioning the legitimacy of players who did not fit their narrow definition of the classically German group. Lastly, as Mudde proposed, the basis of the nativist distinction can be multifold, including ethnic, racial, and religious prejudices, which are often combined in different forms (Mudde 2016, 4). In a follow-up interview with ZDF, Gauland further elaborated on his proposition: “Was ich gemeint habe und was eigentlich völlig klar ist, dass Menschen in ihrem 172 Heimatgefühl nicht von zu viel Fremden bedrängt werden wollen. Da ist Herr Boateng, das habe ich dann gelernt das falsche Beispiel, weil er Deutscher ist. Das wusste ich auch gar nicht und ähm weil er Christen ist” (What I meant and what is quite clear is that people do not want their sense of home to be harassed by too many foreigners. Mr Boateng is the wrong example, I learned that, because he is German, I did not know that, and um, because he is a Christian) (extra 3, 0:18). This explanation highlights the nativist underpinnings of Gauland’s views and showcased his belief that “foreigners” threaten the German sense of home. Gauland’s criteria for who was considered a “foreigner” or a “German” remained vague, but seems to exclude at least any non-Christians, and problematic. His immediate conclusion, based solely on Boateng’s skin color, that people who are not white are not Christians and, hence, do not belong in Germany, exemplifies a broader societal challenge: the struggle to recognize and appreciate the diverse identities that constitute modern Germany. The assumption that visible differences, such as skin color, automatically align with foreignness indicates deep-seated misconceptions about nationality, religion, and representation. Gauland’s introduction of religion into the discussion was particularly telling. As Mia Fischer and K. Mohrman argued, Germanness has been typically racialized primarily in terms of whiteness and Christianity (14). When Gauland discovered that Boateng was a Christian, Boateng became moderately more accepted in Gauland’s eyes. However, this acceptance did not extend to other players, such as Mesut Özil, who was criticized for visiting Mecca (Hölter). This further showed Gauland’s selective application of criteria based on racial and religious prejudices. In contrast, during the 2014 World Cup, Chancellor Merkel promoted a message of unity and inclusiveness, celebrating the diversity of the men’s national team. Her engagement was seen as an effort to reinforce a more inclusive definition of “Germanness” that embraced 173 inclusion. In summary, while Merkel’s rhetoric in 2014 offered narratives that sought to unity rather than divide, Gauland’s statements exemplified how right-wing politicians used ethnic, racial, and religious prejudices to question the legitimacy and belonging of individuals who did not fit their narrow definition of “Germanness.” Such discourse helped further their divisive and exclusionary agenda. 4.2.3 Distinctive Narratives during the 2016 European Championship 4.2.3.1 We Are Diverse, We Are the Mannschaft, We Are the Role Models The 2016 European Championship narratives were marked by a stark contrast between the progressive stance of the DFB and the disturbing narratives pushed by right-wing politicians targeting players of color such as Jérôme Boateng and Mesut Özil. The term “Vielfalt” (diversity) persisted in the discourse and became a central theme. The DFB and progressive politicians heavily promoted diversity, which will be discussed in this subsection. During this tournament, the media portrayed the national team as a representative of diversity and positioned players from diverse backgrounds as role models for others in society. In response to the “Boateng neighbor” comments by Gauland, DFB president Reinhard Grindel criticized these statements as “einfach geschmacklos” (simply tasteless) and accused Gauland of exploiting the popularity of players like Boateng for political gain (Wehner and Lohse). Grindel also praised Boateng as an outstanding player and a wonderful human being who was also socially committed and a role model for many young people (Wehner and Lohse). This firm stance by the DFB president resonated with their dedication to fostering a culture of diversity and inclusion within the team and the broader football community. Similar sentiments came from the team manager Oliver Bierhoff, who pointed out the recurring nature of such attacks against team members. He stated: “Es ist ja nicht das erste Mal, 174 dass wir mit solchen Aussagen konfrontiert werden. Sie bedürfen keiner weiteren Kommentierung, die Personen diskreditieren sich von alleine” (This is not the first time that we are confronted with such statements. They require no further comment; the people discredit themselves) (Wehner and Lohse). Bierhoff’s comment revealed the unfortunate continuity of racial critiques directed at the players, mirroring the criticisms faced by the 2009 U21 team for being “un-German.” From questioning players’ legitimacy to represent the nation to disseminating baseless statements that judge players’ characteristics based on their race, anti- diversity rhetoric has persisted in media narratives. In this tournament, DFB officials heavily promoted diversity to battle such narratives. In a subsequent interview with Bild, Bierhoff reiterated the importance of diversity within the team: “Wir leben in unserer Mannschaft die Vielfalt. Solche unqualifizierten Aussagen, werden deshalb als das abgetan, was sie sind. Es belastet Jerome nicht, aber es ist unschön, weil er in eine Diskussion kommt, in der er nicht rein will” (We live diversity in our team. Such unqualified statements are therefore dismissed for what they are. It doesn’t affect Jerome, but it is unpleasant because he gets involved in a discussion he does not want to be part of”) (“Nach Entgleisung von AfD-Vize Gauland”). The use of “live” in his statement showed the ongoing and active pursuit of diversity within the team. Bierhoff’s statement emphasized the team’s unity and resilience in the face of external pressures, while also hinting that DFB officials were aware of the team and its players being co-opted into discussions they preferred to avoid. In addition to personal statements from DFB officials Grindel and Bierhoff, the DFB released a promotional video titled “Wir sind Vielfalt” (We Are Diversity) in response to the media hype surrounding the “Gauland/Boateng” discourse. The video featured the faces of all players, transitioning from one to the other, and concluded with the messages “WIR SIND 175 VIELFALT” (We are diversity) and “WIR SIND DIE MANNSCHAFT” (We are the team), to emphasize the team’s diverse composition (DFB-Team). This video received over 22,000 Likes and over 1.1 million views on Facebook, with many comments expressing support for a diverse national team. This release showed DFB’s strategic attempt to promote diversity and inclusion as integral elements of the national team’s identity from a public relations approach. Moreover, the DFB continued its efforts to promote diversity and enhance integration by appointing former national player Cacau as the integration officer. The Brazilian-born player aimed to leverage his experience as an immigrant to assist others in integrating into German society (“Cacau: Es beginnt ein neuer Lebensabschnitt”). Echoing the sentiments that national team players served as role models for other immigrants, Özcan Mutlu, the sports policy spokesman for the Alliance 90/The Greens parliamentary group, published an article in Tagesspiegel titled “Ein Team als Vorbild” (A Team as a Model). Mutlu argued that diversity has become one of the trademarks of German football, a transformation attributed to the DFB’s ongoing development of young talent since 2000. According to Mutlu, the German men’s national football team was a powerful and appropriate symbol of integration, serving as a good model for many old and new immigrants who aspired to build a bright future in Germany (Mutlu, article 3 under topic 10). This connection was particularly strong among children and teenagers who admire football players with whom they could identify. However, Mutlu also acknowledged that sports alone were not an “Allheimittel” (cure-all) for integration challenges. He argued that true integration required efforts at all levels, especially in education, and required addressing the pervasive issue of structural racism that affects young people daily. In conclusion, Mutlu expressed a desire for the whole country: “So vielfältig und erfolgreich wie die deutsche Fußball-Elf schon heute ist, wünsche ich mir unser 176 ganzes Land” (I would like our entire country to be as diverse and successful as the German football team already is today). This statement praised the exceptional efforts of the DFB and others in building and sustaining a multiethnic and multiracial national team. Most importantly, it recognized that the team’s success was held by significant support systems—systems that were often absent for the majority of immigrants. While the team can serve as an inspiration, it alone cannot resolve systemic societal issues. Thus, there was a need for a comprehensive approach to inclusion and equality. These narratives build on discussions around the multiethnic aspect of the team and go beyond superficial praise; they call for substantive structural changes. Politicians, especially those with history of immigration, have begun to advocate for reforms that extend beyond the sports arena to improve support systems for all, not just football players. This advocacy, however, often fall short of promoting true inclusion, as acceptance remains conditional upon success. This reflects a deeper societal challenge in fully embracing diversity without reservations. 4.2.3.2 Patriotism, Nationalism, National Anthem, and Flags During the 2016 European Championship, the interplay of sports (mainly players), nationalism, and identity politics came sharply into focus. Central to this were the recurring discussions surrounding the national anthem and the black-red-gold flags, which dominated the public sphere and stirred debates over patriotism and nationalism. Within this context, national team players, fans, politicians, and the media all played crucial roles in shaping narratives that reflected broader societal tensions. A pivotal moment was when star player Thomas Müller openly supported his teammates’ decision not to sing the national anthem. In an interview with Die Welt, Müller stated: Man kann nicht alle Menschen zufrieden stellen. Für die einen ist die Nationalhymne ein schönes Zeichen des Zusammenhalts, für andere ein Symbol für zu viel Patriotismus. Ich 177 singe sie gern, weil ich damit aufgewachsen bin und sie mal im Musikunterricht gelernt habe. Die Hymne geht doch über Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit, da gehört sicher auch die Freiheit dazu, nicht zu singen. Ich habe vollen Respekt für all meine Mitspieler, die sie nicht singen wollen. Die widersetzen sich ja nicht dem Land, sondern kämpfen anschließend mit Herz und Seele für den Sieg. Warum muss daraus so ein großes Ding gemacht werden? You can’t please everyone. For some people, the national anthem is a beautiful symbol of unity. For others, it is a symbol of too much patriotism. I like singing the anthem because I grew up with it and learned it in music class. The anthem is about unity, justice, and freedom. That certainly includes the freedom not to sing it. I have full respect for all my fellow players who don’t want to sing it. They aren’t opposing the country; they are fighting with heart and soul for victory. Why does it have to be made into such a big deal? (Wallrodt and Wolff). The topic of singing the national anthem has been recurrent since 2006. Lukas Podolski of Polish descent did not sing along in 2006. The media noticed it but did not spend too much attention on this matter (see subsection 2.3.3.2). Each tournament has seen players from increasingly diverse backgrounds face this choice, including the Boateng brothers in 2010, and all players in 2012 who did not sing were criticized for not singing after losses in 2012. While the 2014 victory overshadowed the discussion, this topic resurfaced in 2016. Many seem to forget that the practice of players singing the national anthem only began after German reunification. For many years, singing the German national anthem was not part of football events, largely due to the complexities of Germany’s history in the previous century. In 2016 the media shifted its approach; instead of interviewing players who chose not to sing, they sought comments from Thomas Müller, a player widely recognized as representing the ethnic German group on the team. This approach almost appeared that the media were looking for Müller to provide some form of legitimation or endorsement regarding this matter. Müller categorized opinions on the national anthem into two perspectives: a symbol of unity and a marker of excessive patriotism. However, interviews from previous years with players who chose not to sing suggested that their reasons were not related to excessive 178 patriotism. For instance, Sami Khedira explained that he did not sing because he wanted to respect his Tunisian part of the family. He said that singing should not be used as a measure of one’s identification with or belonging to a country (refer to subsection 3.4.3.2) and his action on the field would show his loyalty. Indeed, Müller’s response underscored the importance of individual liberties and prompted a reflection on the broader implications of national symbols in a multiethnic society. Although he personally chose to sing the anthem, he respected his teammates’ decisions to do otherwise, emphasizing that the anthem’s message of freedom should naturally include the freedom not to sing. Müller pointed out that not singing did not equal opposing the country.45 Echoing sentiments similar to Khedira’s from 2010, Müller redirected the discussion surrounding football back to what matters most on the field: winning. Competitiveness is fundamental in sports, and when a team is assigned to carry national representation (even briefly), winning becomes paramount. Historical narratives demonstrated that as long as the team won, the players’ individual choices, including whether or not to sing the national anthem, were generally ignored. While some advocated for individual freedom regarding the national anthem, the reaction of certain fans painted a very different picture. Under the DFB’s “Wir Sind Vielfalt” video and the accompanying post, some commentators were fixated on whether some players chose not to sing the national anthem. This rhetoric intensified during the 2016 tournament, particularly affecting players of color. For example, one Facebook user criticized players with migration backgrounds for opting out of singing the anthem. The comment received 23 likes and generated 45 As discussed in a footnote in chapter 3’s introduction, American football player Colin Kaepernick chose not to stand for the national anthem, expressing that he could not show pride in a country that oppresses Black people and people of color (Hauser). Some athletes opt not to sing or stand during the anthem. These actions are not demonstrations against the country but rather reflect nuanced disagreements with the sentiments traditionally associated with these patriotic displays. 179 a debate with 46 replies. The comment stated, “Komisch ist bloß dass die ‘Deutschen’ mit Migrationshintergrund die Nationalhymne nicht mitsingen” (The only strange thing is that the “Germans” with a migration background do not sing the national anthem) and “ich sag das, es ist halt bloss wahnsinnig komisch dass die Leute die nicht typisch deutsch aussehen nicht mitsingen und all anderen fast durchgangig” (I am saying that, it is just incredibly weird that people who don’t look typically German don’t sing along, and almost all of the others do) (Freter). The commentator used quotations around “Deutsch” (German) to imply that people with migration backgrounds were not real Germans. The phrase “typisch Deutsch” (typical German) shares similarities with Gauland’s phrase “classical German” and reveals a narrow-minded definition that equates being German with being white. This rhetoric ignored the multiethnic and multiracial reality of Germany’s diverse population and the contributions of individuals from various backgrounds. Moreover, this statement was factually flawed as it overlooked the behavior of white players with history of immigration, like Lukas Podolski, who had also chosen not to sing the anthem in the past. This ongoing discussion re-emerged at every major tournament, disproportionately targeting players of color. In previous tournaments, both fans and DFB officials expressed discontent with players who chose not to sing the national anthem and urged them to sing so the team could be seen as unified in public. By 2016, these narratives began to evolve, with players who did not sing increasingly being labeled as outsiders and critiqued for not fitting the “classical German” framework. As discussed in chapter 3, previous tournaments generated debates around patriotism and nationalism linked to the display of black-red-gold flags, yet most discussions remained relatively neutral. During the 2006 World Cup, waving flags symbolized a warm welcome to international guests and embodied a spirit of global friendship. By the 2010 tournament, flags 180 and chants of “Schland” evoked feelings of happiness and hope among the fans. However, the 2016 European Championship marked a distinct shift in this phenomenon, largely due to the increased appropriation of these flags by right-wing supporters and hooligans, groups that sometimes overlapped in their ideologies and actions. For instance, AfD politician Björn Höcke prominently featured a German flag as his background during a talk show appearance, where he controversially described asylum seekers as “sozialen Sprengstoff” (social dynamite) (Meier and Dernbach; “Günther Jauch: Björn Höcke”). Additionally, football hooligans carried the black- red-gold flag to France, where they started riots in the center of Lille and attacked Ukrainian supporters before the first group match (Buschmann et al.). Another notable incident involved supporters from Dynamo Dresden, who were photographed with a German imperial war flag (“Wie kamen deutsche Hooligans ins Stadion”), a group later confirmed as right-wing extremists by authorities (Reißmann). These instances of flag usage raised significant concerns. Journalist Andreas Borcholte commented on the situation, noting that those who most eagerly wave German flags were often the least inclusive and showed minimal tolerance (Borcholte). This behavior among right-wing populists and nationalists has increasingly complicated the act of flag-waving, transforming it from a symbol of identifying with the fun, welcoming, fairytale- style German image to—one could say: back to—one of exclusion (Borcholte). Indeed, from 2060 to 2016, the context in which such national (or nationalistic) symbols appeared had shifted dramatically. This change was largely in response to the so-called migrant crisis in 2015 and the rise of global populism, which led to national symbols being increasingly used by nationalist groups to promote exclusionary agendas. Flags became tools exploited by supporters of right-wing ideologies and were given a strong nationalist connotation. This shift was not sudden but part of a gradual transformation in the symbolic value of the flags, influenced 181 by broader political developments. Between 2014 and 2016, the political landscape changed dramatically and led to public use of the flag from a symbol of unity to a marker of division. The Green Youth had already recognized the potential dangers of this development as early as 2014. Party members advocated against using the black-red-gold flag merely as a symbol of party patriotism, which they argued could lead to division (discussed in 3.6.3.1). They continued their advocacy in 2016, and suggested people use the less controversial DFB flag for public displays of support. A spokesperson of the Green Youth explained their concerns in an interview: “Aber grundsätzlich grenzt man sich mit der Stärkung der eigenen Gruppe immer auch von anderen ab. Wenn es um Herkunft, Abstammung oder das Vaterland geht, entsteht daraus schnell gewaltvoller Hass. Gerade in Zeiten von AfD und Pegida müssen wir darauf aufmerksam machen” (But fundamentally, strengthening your own group always sets you apart from others. When it comes to origin, ancestry, or the fatherland, violent hatred quickly arises. Especially in times of AfD and Pegida, we must draw attention to this) (Hagen). This comment explained that the reinforcement of in-group identities, especially when tied to origin or home country, could foster exclusion and hostility towards out-groups. This dynamic was intensified by the rhetoric from political parties like the AfD. They capitalized on societal discontent during the migrant crisis and directed blame toward specific demographics, in both society and football, to intensify divisions among people. The transformation of flag-waving from a unifying activity to one that might cause division and xenophobia represented a profound shift in the cultural and social landscape of Germany. The once festive “flag sea” and joyful chants of “Schland” from previous tournaments were now overshadowed by these divisive discourses. As public discourse and social interactions were increasingly impacted by these charged political dynamics, xenophobia and populism 182 became more visible and acceptable in everyday life and also entered the football realm, during major football tournaments. 4.2.4 Conclusion of 2016 Once again, despite the DFB’s efforts to foster a positive public image, the national football team cannot be seen as a direct reflection of society, but perhaps more as a project of societal aspirations. The team represented a sort of “miracle,” cultivated within the controlled environment of the DFB, where significant resources—both manpower and capital—were invested. This allowed the team to serve as a symbolic example and, to some extent, as a successful project that could inspire further generations. Both FIFA and the DFB have interests in creating a globally appealing team to maximize profitability, while German politicians may leverage this image to paint a more positive perception of Germany on the world stage. However, it is critical to recognize that this construct was and always had been precisely that—a construct. While players might indeed have served as role models and symbols of integration and unity, equating the team with a true representation or with the broad acceptance of Germany’s multiethnic and multiracial society is flawed. The team’s composition and the narratives surrounding it were shaped by selective processes that did not mirror the complex realities of everyday life in a diverse society. This misidentification risked oversimplifying the challenges and progress of societal inclusion and could lead to a false public understanding of what a functioning and inclusive multiethnic society truly entails. By racializing the players and styles of play, the national football team’s portrayal had dual effects—either fostering a sense of unity or reinforcing divisive stereotypes, which could complicate the public discourse on what a multiethnic society entails. Another significant issue that should be considered is the fragility of the symbolic 183 meaning attached to the national team, which was directly tied to their athletic performance. In 2016, the German team was still promoted as a symbol of unity and diversity, projecting a harmonious image with strong public support and confidence in the team’s ability to foster a sense of solidarity, despite external pressures from figures and groups like Gauland and the AfD. We must also acknowledge the substantial social transformations that took place between 2014 and 2016, especially in the political landscape, marked by the rise of the right-wing party AfD after its founding in 2013 and movements such as Pegida in 2014. The conditional praise and celebration of a multiethnic and multiracial national team became problematic when their sporting performance no longer satisfied the DFB and fans. Similar patterns were observed in France, where victories and defeats heavily shaped media narratives. A victory on the football field often led to a celebration of a collective French identity, while a loss quickly gave rise to divisive, racialized blame (Blaschke). The prevailing sentiment became, “Wenn die Mannschaft gewinnt, ist sie französisch. Wenn sie verliert, ist sie zu schwarz oder zu muslimisch” (If the team wins, it is French. If it loses, it is too black or too Muslim) (Blaschke). These sentiments will be eerily close to Özil’s statements in the coming years. This troubling conditional acceptance based on performance seemed almost prophetic for the German national team in 2018. As the outcomes of games changed and reactionary voices grew louder in public discourse, the inclusive narratives promoted by organizations like the DFB were either reinforced or undermined. As we transition to discuss events of the 2018 World Cup, it is crucial to keep in our view how athletic performances impacted discourses surrounding the national team and certain players. 4.3 The 2018 World Cup in Russia Despite losing the European Championship semi-final to France in 2016, the belief in 184 Germany’s men’s national team remained strong, with high hopes of defending the World Cup title in 2018. The players, the DFB, fans, politicians, local authorities, and public viewing vendors were all ready to recreate the magical summer fairy tales of 2006 and subsequent years. Key play Jérôme Boateng voiced his ambition to win another World Cup title with this high- quality team (“Deutsche Nationalelf: Boateng glaubt an WM-Teilnahme”). Chancellor Angela Merkel visited the national team’s training base shortly before the opening match to extend her best wishes, which reflected leadership support (Krull). Major German cities like Hamburg invested significant financial and human resources into hosting WM 2018 Fanfests, with Hamburg’s venue being the largest public viewing spot in Northern Germany, accommodating up to 40,000 visitors (Bergmann-Gruppe). Breweries and retail stores also geared up for another summer fairy tale in 2018, anticipating increased sales driven by the festive atmosphere (“Deutsche Tore sind gut für das Geschäft,” in the corpus). However, this widespread preparation and optimism would soon be tested by unforeseen challenges and controversies that emerged during the tournament, starting with losing the first match against Mexico. Despite the high anticipation in Germany before the tournament, the men’s national team’s performance served as a sobering wake-up call. The national team was eliminated in the group stage with humiliating scores, suffering a loss to Mexico, barely winning over Sweden with a last-minute goal, and being defeated by two goals from South Korea—their worst results since 1938. Instead of the anticipated summer fairytale, the national team’s World Cup journey ended prematurely and dismally, with a flood of disappointment and criticism. This dramatic turn of events revealed the fragile and contingent nature of narratives around unity and diversity tied to sports success. With the team’s significant losses, a flood of criticism emerged suggesting that winning games was a prerequisite for positive narratives. 185 For my analysis here, the subset of news articles from the 2018 World Cup contains 240 articles published from one month before to one month after the tournament. As reported in chapter 1 (see Figure 9), topics 49 (societal discussions) and 50 (Turkish German relationships) were particularly prominent in the summer of 2018. Examination of the articles most relevant to these topics revealed extensive criticism of the team. For the first time, nine out of ten articles under topic 49 criticized the team’s early elimination, with journalists and former national players expressing disappointment in the team, players, and coach. Additionally, under topic 50, narratives centered around Mesut Özil—from his photo with the Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to his resignation from the team—dominated the discourse. These discourses also echoed larger ideological tensions on the global stage. In May, just before the tournament, Mesut Özil and İlkay Gündoğan found themselves at the center of a political controversy. They attended an event in London and took a picture with Turkish President Erdoğan, whose authoritarian policies have drawn widespread criticism. Was this a sign of support for authoritarian politics? This meeting sparked major media backlash that would resurface during the tournament. This section follows the structure of previous discussions by starting with a brief analysis of the official team songs that set the mood for the upcoming tournament. The narratives then shift to the complex issues surrounding Turkish German players Mesut Özil and İlkay Gündoğan, focusing on their actions and decisions after being photographed with Erdoğan. 4.3.1 Music: Togetherness Compared to previous years where songs celebrated Germany’s sporting history (2006), fostered a more relaxed image (2010, “Schland o Schland”), or created memories with loved ones (2014), the theme for this World Cup song centered on togetherness. ARD’s official song 186 by Die Fantastischen Vier and Clueso, titled “Zusammen” (Together), directly promoted this theme, with lyrics like “Wir sind zusammen groß; Wir sind zusammen eins” (We are great together; we are one together) and “Denn nur zusammen ist man nicht allein; Komm lass uns alles miteinander teilen” (Because only together are you not alone. Come on, let’s share everything with each other). ARD chose this song because it encapsulated the spirit of the World Cup, with the hope of building a sense of unity. As in previous years, this song became a staple at home, bars, and public viewing spots due to its catchy tune and thematic emphasis on togetherness (“‘Zusammen’ von Die Fantastischen Vier”). This song reflected an effort to foster a sense of unity and collective spirit amidst growing societal divisions and the political controversies of the tournament. Another popular song for the World Cup, “Flutlicht” (Floodlight), included numerous sporting elements in its music video and was full of symbolism. It featured flags, black-red-gold colors, and phrases celebrating concepts of “unity”. It opened and closed with phrases like “unsere Fahnen” (our flags) and “unsern Farben” (our colors), which employed these distinctive symbols to set the stage for the World Cup. Sung from the fan’s perspective, it used the first- person plural, “Wir steh’n hinter euch wie ein zwölfter Mann” (We stand behind you like a twelfth man), a phrase deeply resonant in football culture where fans were seen as an essential part of the team—almost like an extra player off the pitch. The song also mentioned, “Denn heute Abend geh’ die Kinder später schlafen; Um davon zu träumen, mal so wie ihr zu sein” (Children will stay up late, dreaming of being like you). These narratives referred to the national team players as inspirations and role models for young fans. The lyrics, “Wir werden zu Helden, sind stark in Einigkeit” (We will become heroes, strong in unity), echoed the hero rhetoric first used in media narratives in 2006. The first-person plural “wir” (we) reinforced the message of 187 unity among players and fans. This recurring emphasis on unity within popular songs prompts a critical examination: might these themes reflect not just aspirations but also a compensatory response to a perceived lack of unity within the national football team or nation itself? Such portrayals in popular culture might mirror underlying realities or unmet desires within team dynamics. This speculation is not without evidence, considering the photo incident with Erdoğan that caused unwanted negative criticism to the team and a need to emphasize, or remind fans of a commitment to, togetherness. During the tournament, the repercussions of such an incident became increasingly apparent. The next subsection will look deeper into this incident, particularly focusing on the narratives surrounding key players Mesut Özil and İlkay Gündoğan. This event underscored existing divides and brought the question of unity to the forefront of national discussion. 4.3.2 Players, Politics, Inclusion: The Symbolized Photos In analyzing the quantitative results from section 1.5.3, it became evident that topics 49 “societal discussions” and 50 “Turkish German relationships” were not only highly correlated but also featured prominently during the 2018 World Cup, as indicated by their high mean values. This result led to the retrieval of 15 closely related articles for each topic, which I then examined in detail to understand the unfolding of events and public discourse. The discussions around these topics were divided into three distinct phases: the initial controversy around Mesut Özil and İlkay Gündoğan’s photo with President Erdoğan in May 2018; the reaction from the German media before Germany’s early tournament exit; and the subsequent fallout, especially marked by Özil’s open letter announcing his departure from the national team. This examination seeks to uncover the interplay between football and politics in the media narratives and shed light on how they shaped public perceptions and discussions on inclusion. 188 4.3.2.1 Before the Tournament Media narratives leading up to the tournament heavily criticized two players on the national team, Mesut Özil and İlkay Gündoğan, for their photograph with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in May 2018. Both Özil and Gündoğan are third-generation Turkish Germans, whose grandparents arrived in Germany as guest workers and who grew up in the Ruhr area of Gelsenkirchen. Özil has been a key player on the national scene since his debut in 2009, and Gündoğan has been on the team since 2011. In May 2018, Özil and Gündoğan, along with other players of Turkish origin playing in the Premier League in England, attended a charity event hosted by the Turkish government, which under Erdoğan has received international media attention for its authoritarian politics. At the event, they presented Erdoğan with jerseys from their clubs, Arsenal and Manchester City. Gündoğan signed his jerseys and wrote in Turkish “To my president, with my respects” (Oltermann “Özil and Gündoğan”). This gesturer was seen by the media as players showing of loyalty to a foreign country. Erdoğan’s party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), later posted these photos on social media as part of his political campaign. These photos caused enormous media uproar, leading to harsh criticism of both players from the DFB, politicians, and fans. DFB president Reinhard Grindel sought to distance the organization from Erdoğan’s political agenda, stating: Der DFB respektiert und achtet selbstverständlich die besondere Situation unserer Spieler mit Migrationshintergrund. Aber der Fußball und der DFB stehen für Werte, die von Herrn Erdogan nicht hinreichend beachtet werden. Deshalb ist es nicht gut, dass sich unsere Nationalspieler für seine Wahlkampfmanöver missbrauchen lassen. Der Integrationsarbeit des DFB haben unsere beiden Spieler mit dieser Aktion sicher nicht geholfen. The DFB respects and values the special situation of our players with a migrant background. But football and the DFB stand for values that Mr Erdoğan does not pay sufficient attention to. That is why it is not good that our national players allow 189 themselves to be abused for their election campaign maneuvers. Our two players certainly did not help the DFB’s integration work with this action (“DFB kritisiert Gündogan und Özil,” in the corpus, located by reading through articles in the 2018 subset published in May). Grindel acknowledged the unique challenges faced by players with history of immigration and suggested that these players were exploited (“missbrauchen/abused”). This suggests that Grindel knew that players were unaware that this picture would be used for a political campaign, as Gündoğan later explained. The underlying conflict here revolved around the clash of values between the DFB and Erdoğan’s party represent. By emphasizing the DFB’s integration efforts, Grindel implied that integration was fundamentally about aligning people with diverse backgrounds with mainstream values and, at least theoretically, opening the mainstream to diverse voices.46 Over the years, the DFB has been championing this multiethnic and multiracial football team and its players as symbols of their successful integration initiatives. However, when the actions of these players did not align with expectations, they were quickly criticized for allegedly undermining these integration efforts. This criticism suggested that the DFB, if not the media and Germany as a whole, hat not genuinely become more inclusive of diverse perspectives reverting back to one-way talk of (here, failed) “integration.” This response exposed a conditional acceptance that hinged on conformity to predefined values, revealing a potential instrumentalization of players in promoting the DFB’s image. Politicians also voiced their concerns and pointed out the potential damage to Germany’s democratic values caused by these players’ behavior. Angela Merkel’s spokesman Steffen Seibert stated that this situation raised questions and invited misunderstandings, urging the two players to clarify their actions publicly (“Angela Merkel kritisiert Gündogan und Özil”). Sevim 46 Here I still used the word “integration,” because it was used in the quoted primary materials. However, I explained why I chose “inclusion” over “integration” in the introduction chapter, 0.1 Literature review section. 190 Dağdelen, from the Left party, criticized the players for posing with Erdoğan during a period when Turkey was persecuting supporters of democracy and imprisoning journalists (Dağdelen). Long term chairman of the Alliance 90/The Green party, Cem Özdemir, who has been an advocate of having Turkish German players on the team since 2008, now criticized the players for their behavior and reminded them to “noch einmal die Begriffe Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Demokratie nachzuschlagen” (look up the terms of rule of law and democracy again) (“Bosbach zu Erdogan-Treffen”). This rhetorical reminder served as a public rebuke, reinforcing the defense of democratic principles embedded in Germany’s constitution. Not only were left-leaning politicians, who hold ideologies opposed to Erdoğan’s, particularly vocal in their criticism, but the CDU’s sports spokesperson also criticized the players’ actions as detrimental to the “integration” of people of Turkish origin in Germany, stating, “Wir wollen, dass die türkischen Mitbürger hierzulande die Bundesrepublik als ihr Land betrachten. Und dann bekennen sich zwei herausragende Persönlichkeiten zu einem anderen Staat. Das ist nicht in Ordnung” (We want fellow citizens of Turkish origin to view the Federal Republic as their country. And then these two prominent figures appear to pledge allegiance to another country. This is unacceptable.) (“Bosbach zu Erdogan-Treffen”). The use of the phrase “bekennen sich zu einem anderen Staat” (pledge allegiance) was particularly intriguing, as it framed the interaction as a declaration of loyalty to a foreign power, though in reality, the players gave Erdoğan their professional club jerseys, without acknowledging the picture would be used for any political campaign. This event marked a departure from previous interactions, such as Merkel’s frequent celebrated visits to the locker room. The different treatments from the media illustrates a stark contrast in how such scenarios are perceived and politicized in 2018. While these players must 191 maintain a public image, framing their encounter with Erdoğan as a betrayal of their country was, arguably, an exaggeration. It reflects a profound shift in the political dialogue from a once- celebrated “Multikulti” to a more scrutinized and politicized view of players’ actions and showed a growing sensitivity to displays of support in an increasingly polarized environment. The backlash from political figures reflected broader societal concerns about national identity and belonging that also resonated among fans. This widespread disapproval in the media also contributed to negative interactions between the players and the wider fanbase. During two pre-World Cup test matches, some fans booed both players whenever they touched the ball. Off the field, an incident occurred where Gündoğan’s car window was smashed while he played inside the stadium. Gündoğan felt that the severe backlash directed at him and Özil was disproportionate and unjustified (“Gündogan spricht über Reaktionen auf Erdogan-Foto”). In an attempt to clarify his position, he issued a written statement explaining the circumstances surrounding the event with Erdoğan. He stressed that neither he nor the other players intended to make a political statement with the photos or support Erdoğan’s campaign. Concluding his statement, Gündoğan reaffirmed his commitment to the DFB’s values and recognized the responsibilities of his public role (“Wirbel um Trikot-Geschenk - Gündogan erklärt das Erdogan- Treffen”). Despite his efforts to provide context, major media outlets continued to focus primarily on the controversy rather than his clarification. Despite the negative and critical voices, team manager Oliver Bierhoff tried to preserve harmony within the team. After all, a united national team could enhance performance on the pitch, and advancing in the tournament remained the team’s top priority. Bierhoff publicly supported the players, stating “Ich habe nach wie vor überhaupt keine Zweifel an Mesuts und Ilkays klarem Bekenntnis, für die deutsche Nationalmannschaft spielen zu wollen und sich mit 192 unseren Werten zu identifizieren. Die beiden waren sich der Symbolik und Bedeutung dieses Fotos nicht bewusst, aber natürlich heißen wir die Aktion nicht gut und besprechen das mit den Spielern.” (I still have no doubts about Mesuts und Ilkay’s clear commitment to playing for the German national team and identifying with our values. Neither of them was aware of the symbolism and meaning of this photo, but of course, we do not approve of the action and are discussing it with the players) (“Der DFB Stellungnahme zum Treffen mit Erdogan”). His statement aligned with Grindel’s emphasizes on values identification and acknowledged that the photo was taken for its symbolic meaning. When repeatedly questioned by television reporters about his stance on this matter, Bierhoff displayed clear frustration and even anger. He appeared annoyed and stated that the media were unwilling to move beyond the controversy despite Gündoğan’s extensive clarifications and interviews (“Bierhoff kanzelt ARD-Moderator”). Media narratives gradually began to adopt a more critical and reflective tone. Oliver Fritsch from Zeit pointed out the pervasive exploitation of players’ identities across various entities, from the DFB to sponsors and fans. Players such as Özil and Gündoğan were positioned as exemplars of a diverse Germany for years. However, they were not always equipped with the knowledge to answer political questions effectively. Fritsch noted, “Auch in politischen Fragen haben Blöd- und Blindheit unter Kickern auch ohne Migrationshintergrund Tradition.” (Even in political questions, stupidity and blindness have a tradition among footballers, even without a migration background). A similar sentiment was shared by Peter Ahrens, who challenged the notion that football players should be viewed first as athletes. He emphasized that while players are often seen as role models, it is crucial to remember that they are also humans, susceptible to the same influences as anyone else. The fact that the players become role models was also and above all due to the fact that they were marketed to the public by the DFB as such (Ahrens). 193 In summary, the DFB was keen to clarify the distinction between their values and those represented by Erdoğan, a stance that appeared inconsistent when compared to their muted response to Lothar Matthäus’ interaction with Vladimir Putin in June 2018. During his visit in the summer of 2018, Matthäus openly said that “Ich bin halber Russe” (I am half Russian) and expressed feeling “zu Hause” (at home) in Russia (“Lothar Matthäus spricht im Kreml mit Wladimir Putin”). This contrast in reactions showed a disparity in how the DFB handles its public stances and raises questions about their consistency and impartiality. Nonetheless, Bierhoff’s effort to protect the players and downplay the situation in the media was part of a broader narrative that continued to evolve throughout the tournament. Politicians painted this symbolized photo as evidence of these two players’ pledge of loyalty to another country and hurting democracy and integration. Fans treated them poorly with booing and harassment outside of the pitch. Gündoğan’s explanation of his action and apology did not attract too much attention. The interplay between the players’ public profiles, the DFB’s promotional strategies, and politicians’ use of players to advance ideological agendas has been a recurring theme in football narratives. As the team’s performance declined, these dynamics only grew more complex, which further showcased the challenges of maintaining sportsmanship and national representation in the highly politicized arena of modern football. 4.3.2.2 During the Tournament and Immediate Media Response During the brief participation of the German national team in the World Cup tournament, critical discussions surrounding the incident involving Özil and Gündoğan continued to dominate mainstream media narratives. Before the first match against Mexico, Die Welt continued to scrutinize Özil’s demeanor and silence, contrasting it sharply with Gündoğan’s public statements and apologies (“Der Erdogan-Skandal hat gestört, war sogar belastend”). Phrases such as “Sie 194 sorgten für viel Wirbel… – zwei deutsche Nationalspieler Wahlkampfhilfe für Erdogan geleistet haben” (They caused a lot of stirs… two German national players have provided election campaign assistance for Erdoğan) were prevalent. Despite Gündoğan’s efforts to clarify that their intentions were non-political when the photo was taken, the use of the active verb “leisten” (to provide assistance) portrayed their involvement in the campaign as deliberate. The media expressed dissatisfaction with Özil’s attitude and his silence, comparing him unfavorably to the “remorseful” Gündoğan. Die Zeit echoed this sentiment and indicated that it was now up to Özil to restore the trust placed in him with his performance: “Nun aber gilt es Leistung zu zeigen. Auf dem Platz, wo er sich nicht aus der Verantwortung stehlen sollte” (Now it’s time for him to demonstrate his performance on the pitch, where he shouldn’t shirk his responsibilities) (“Zumindest Löws Vertrauen ist Mesut Özil sicher”). This commentary framed Özil as someone who had potentially betrayed the trust of the DFB and its supporters. The phrase “not shirk his responsibilities” passive-aggressively blames him for his silence and not offering any apology. However, Özil was held to a standard and a role—that of a role model—which the DFB and media had crafted for him, but which he himself may not have embraced. During the tournament, the national team coach Joachim Löw aimed to reinforce the team’s unity and public image by defending Özil and Gündoğan. He asserted his long-standing knowledge of the players and emphasized their full alignment with German values: “Diese beiden Spieler sind in Deutschland wirklich gut integriert. Das kann ich versichern” (These two players are really well integrated in Germany. I can assure you of that) (Feldenkirchen, in the corpus, located by searching “özil” in the subset of the corpus). The term “integration” plays in the entire scandal a key role. Only a few years ago, these players were advertised as exemplars of “successful integration.” Yet, with one picture, their perceived integration success was suddenly 195 cast into doubt, and now required endorsements from authority figures to reaffirm it. Löw and his staff consistently reassured the public and fans of the players’ suitability to represent Germany, likely in an effort to quell the increasing calls from fans to exclude them from the team. Germany’s opening game ended in a 0:1 defeat to Mexico. Before this match, the media intensely focused on Özil’s silence and the loss further fueled media and fan criticism, this time targeting his performance on the field. Some journalists accused Özil of failing to justify Löw’s trust, criticizing his lack of presence on the pitch and his failure to thank the fans post-game (Gartenschläger). Others pointed to his failure to play a major role in the game (“Gescholtener Özil sucht seine Rolle”).47 Despite attempts by journalist Oliver Fritsch from Die Zeit to maintain a balanced perspective, a judgmental tone was evident in the concluding sentence of this report: “Ob die Deutschen Özil auspfiffen, ist nicht überliefert. Falls ja, man hätte es nicht gehört” (Whether the Germans booed Özil is not documented. If so, it would not have been heard) (“Der Weltmeister, ein fetter Kater,” in the corpus, located by searching “özil” in the subset of the corpus). Before the second game, ex-professional football player Dietmar Hamann defended Özil and described the ongoing critical rhetoric as a “witch hunt.” He highlighted the unfair blame attributed to Özil: “Läuft es, sind alle happy. Läuft’s nicht, ist Özil schuld” (If things are going well, everyone is happy. If things aren’t going well, it's Özil’s fault) (“Hände weg von Özil”). This defense echoed sentiments previously seen when the national team lost in the 2012 47 Many of the articles referenced in this chapter were not part of the corpus. There are indeed articles written on Mesut Özil, as a search within the 2018 subset of the corpus yielded 77 articles mentioning “Özil.” Throughout the writing of this chapter, I discovered numerous informative articles outside of the corpus that offered compelling narratives, which were instrumental in addressing the research questions. Therefore, I have incorporated many of these external articles to construct and strengthen the arguments presented in chapter 4. 196 European Championship and when the French team lost in 2016. It reflected a recurring pattern in which players with complex identities were quickly made scapegoats during defeats, especially if they had already been involved in controversies. After Germany’s last-minute victory over Sweden, Özil posted a selfie with Reus on his social media with the caption: “What! A! Fight! We are one team - on and off the pitch. No matter what they say”; it received over 65,000 likes. His post could be seen as a public reaffirmation of solidarity within the team, countering the negative press and showing a collective spirit that somewhat transcends off-field controversies. However, in the final match, Germany suffered a tragic loss to South Korea, ending their World Cup journey at the bottom of the group with only three points. This defeat marked a critical moment, causing nearly all involved parties to reflect on the loss. In 2018, when Twitter (currently named “X”) was a prominent platform for player-fan interaction, many players voiced their disappointment or self-criticism through Twitter. For example, Mario Gomez tweeted, “Wir waren nie eine homogene Mannschaft” (We were never a homogeneous team) (Bayer), hinting at underlying discord within the squad. Most critically, the media singled out Özil as the scapegoat (Ahrens, “Mannschaft oder Gruppe?” in the corpus), intensifying blame on him for the loss—a narrative that only worsened as the summer progressed. Not surprisingly, members of the AfD quickly politicized the national team’s defeat, targeting Özil specifically. Jens Maier, an AfD member of the German Federal Parliament made an unfounded accusation that Özil deliberately underperformed against South Korea and claimed that Germany would have won without him (Maier’s Tweet). The poster “Zufrieden, mein Präsident?” (Satisfied, my president?) implied that Özil had played to benefit the Turkish president. However, it was not Özil but Gündoğan who had originally used the phrase “my 197 president” at the meeting. Maier manipulated this detail to provoke anger among his followers towards Özil, and by proxy people of color and migrants, as a means of furthering his political agenda by spreading misinformation. Figure 14. Jens Maier posted this image under his Tweet after the loss to South Korea. Image credit: Jens Maier. Furthermore, Jessica Bießmann, an AfD representative in the Berlin House of Representatives, called for both Özil and Gündoğan to be expelled from the national team, claiming that only then could Germany return to the next World Cup with a “real” national team (Rhein). Her use of the word “real” insinuated that she considered the current team with players with Turkish roots not “real”, echoing Alexander Gauland’s racist assertation in 2016 that the national team was no longer “German.” Former national team player Lothar Matthäus commented on Özil’s performance, saying: “Ich habe bei Özil auf dem Platz oft das Gefühl, dass er sich im DFB-Trikot nicht wohlfühlt, nicht frei ist, ja fast: als ob er gar nicht mitspielen möchte. Da ist kein Herz, keine Freude, keine Leidenschaft” (On the field, I often feel that Özil does not feel comfortable in the DFB jersey, almost as if he does not want to play. There is no heart, no joy, no passion) (“Kein Herz, keine Freude, keine Leidenschaft”). His remarks were published in his column for the tabloid, Bild. As an official of the DFB at the time, Matthäus’s assumption was entirely subjective and undoubtedly sent a negative signal. It was alarming that publicly discrediting someone based on their origins and denying the membership on the national 198 team had become so acceptable and natural, as journalist Christoph Cöln at Die Welt expressed (Cöln). 4.3.2.3 Exiting the National Team and Open Letter Discussions: Value Differences? On June 29, after Germany’s exit from the World Cup, Özil tweeted his disappointment, stating the elimination hurt deeply and that he needed time to recover. Eight days later, DFB President Grindel publicly urged Özil to make a statement after his vacation, claiming that fans deserved answers (Catuogno, in the corpus; “Die Fotos und ihre Folgen”). On July 22nd, Özil responded with three letters posted on Twitter that addressed his meeting with Turkish president Erdoğan, the media and sponsors’ reactions during this time, and critiquing the behavior of high- level DFB officials, particularly Grindel. Özil’s decision to write all three letters in English instead of German suggested his intention to reach a global audience beyond Germany. In his first letter, Özil stated, “I have two hearts, one German and one Turkish.” This narrative, echoing sentiments expressed by fans from diverse backgrounds in previous tournaments (see subsection 2.3.3.1). He clarified that his meeting with Erdoğan was not politically motivated but was an act of respect toward the country of his family’s heritage. In the second letter, Özil criticized the media for scapegoating him as a primary reason for the national team’s defeat in Russia and claimed that right-wing politicians were attempting to turn the nation against him. Despite the team’s overall dismal performance, Özil, having been a key player in previous wins, found himself at the center of criticism. Many critics pointed to him meeting with Erdoğan as indicative of a divided loyalty, which they claimed undermined team morale and focus. Özil continued to point out the disparity in coverage between his meeting with Erdoğan and Lothar Matthäus’s meeting with Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin, where Matthäus mentioned his wife’s family’s Russian heritage (“Matthäus spricht im Kreml mit Putin”). This meeting 199 received significantly less attention and less criticism, which led Özil to question whether his Turkish heritage made him a particular target for criticism. In his final and longest letter, Özil provided a detailed account of DFB President Reinhard Grindel’s behavior and lack of support during this crisis. Özil believed that he was made a scapegoat for Grindel’s incompetence. His statement, “I am a German when we win, but I am an immigrant when we lose,” encapsulated his frustration with being targeted and alienated in his own country. Despite receiving numerous awards for integration and inclusion and his contribution to Germany’s 2014 World Cup victory, Özil stated that he still felt marginalized in German society. By using the term “immigrant,” Özil not only tells his personal experience but also taps into the broader, contentious debate about immigration that intensified in Germany post-2015. This rhetoric draws on the increasingly heated anti-immigration sentiments following Germany’s border opening in 2015. It shows how these societal dynamics can affect even well- established figures like Özil who are seen as part of a “Multikulti” Germany when convenient but are otherwise distanced from the national identity during periods of turmoil. Towards the end, he noted the inconsistent naming practices in the German language, pointing out how he and other people with Turkish heritage were often referred to as “German- Turkish”48, whereas players of Polish descent were not similarly labeled “German-Polish.” This issue was also analyzed in the 2008 narratives within this research, and little improvement has been noted over the past decade. The implication is that the extra signifier is required for players of color, whereas white players with a history of migration count more easily as “German.” He concluded his series of letters with his formal resignation from the national team, ending with a powerful call to action: “Racism should never, ever be accepted.” 48 Özil himself used this term “German-Turkish” in his open letters. 200 These letters broke Özil’s long silence during the entire Erdoğan photo affair and prompted an immediate response from the German media. The discussion remained centered around values. A common criticism from major news outlets was that Özil’s statement failed to clarify his stance on “Werten” values, particularly in terms of human rights and freedom of expression, whether he aligned more closely with German principles or those of Erdoğan’s (“Mit dieser Generalabrechnung macht er sich selbst zum Buhmann,” in the corpus; Brügelmann; Wolff; Eder). Journalists argued that failing to address this point suggests that Özil either did not understand or chose to ignore the main criticism directed at him, which was that Erdoğan’s political values do not align with those of Germany. Most media reports implied that by depicting the meeting as a private, friendly encounter, Özil overlooked the reality that politicians and their campaigns are always poised to exploit such interactions for political advantage. However, adherence to perceived national values is not a prerequisite for being on the national team and it was disproportionately imposed on players with diverse backgrounds; certainly a meeting with Putin could have been construed also as an endorsement of authoritarian politics. The expectation that athletes, particularly those from diverse backgrounds, should explicitly endorse German “Werten” raises questions about identity and belonging within the national team. This requirement is often associated for players perceived as “non-Germans,” which suggests a dual standard based on ethnicity. Such expectations echo back to the traditional German “Tugenden” discussed in previous chapters, where virtues such as discipline and order are highlighted as central to German identity. The selective application of these values to players of diverse backgrounds underlines a deeper societal struggle with “Multikulti” and the conditional acceptance within the national discourses. The second major reaction was that Özil would no longer be seen as a role model, 201 particularly in terms of integration for immigrants in Germany, which could have detrimental effects on future generations. More than half of the young players in the German youth national teams at the time had histories of migration, and there was a concern that these talented players might be discouraged by the fallout from the Özil incident (“Mit dieser Generalabrechnung macht er sich selbst zum Buhmann,” in the corpus). Michael Eder from FAZ expressed fear about the potential negative impact of Özil’s statements on other young people with migration backgrounds. Despite acknowledging the term “German-Turkish” was criticized in Özil’s statement, Eder continued to use it in his article, which also illustrated a reluctance to depart from long-establishing modes of expression. This sentiment was echoed in an article from Die Welt, which stated, “Ein Weltmeister, der lange als Vorbild für Integration galt, rechnet mit dem Verbandspräsidenten, Medien und Sponsoren ab” (A world champion who was long considered a role model for integration is settling scores with the association president, the media, and sponsors) (Wolff). The collective anxiety evident in these reactions highlighted a broader societal challenge: when a longstanding role model publicly expressed his distrust and disappointment in a system that once praised him as a successful symbol of integration, how should those who created the narratives and the narratives themselves respond? How can specific players, the men’s national team, or even football itself continues to be framed as unifying forces fostering inclusion within Germany’s multiethnic and multiracial society? Among all these voices, a journalist at Frankfurter Rundschau suggested that it was the DFB and the Chancellor who turned the once shy boy into an ambassador for integration, potentially against his will. This decision, made years ago, functioned well for a time but had now backfired. Mesut Özil, a professional football player with a dual identity, found himself caught in the crossfire of Turkish President Erdoğan’s successful election campaign, the DFB’s 202 failed title defense, and a debate driven by politicians across the spectrum (“Mit dieser Generalabrechnung macht er sich selbst zum Buhmann”). Özil’s transformation from an individual who plays good football to a public symbol of integration also came with pressure. When national sentiments and international politics collide, individuals like Özil can become focal points for broader societal debates. The entire Özil narrative showcased the complexities of navigating public identity in a time of shifting political landscapes. This incident also served as a reminder that while football can unite, it could also expose and amplify existing societal conflicts and push athletes into roles they may have not chosen for themselves. The discourse surrounding these debates continued for months, with discussions around racism within the national team and broader society drawing significant attention. DFB President Grindel admitted retrospectively that he should have been more supportive of the players when they faced racist attacks from right-wing extremists (“Hätte mich deutlicher positionieren müssen”). This ongoing discourse opens the possibility for further scholarly projects to examine how discussions of racism within football and broader society continue to evolve in response to such high-profile incidents. 4.3.3 Conclusion of 2018 The 2018 World Cup exposed the deep-rooted issues of racism and dual standards within German football, media, and broader society. Mesut Özil’s resignation from the national team, following intense scrutiny over his meeting with Turkish President Erdoğan, showed the complex interplay of cultural identity and national loyalty. His departure was not only a personal decision; it also reflected the broader societal tensions and the often harsh reality of being a public figure with a multiethnic background in the political climate of 2010. His statement, “I am a German when we win, but I am an immigrant when we lose,” encapsulated the conditional acceptance faced by individuals of diverse backgrounds. The fallout from this incident raised the 203 need for national reflection on the values of inclusion and acceptance in Germany. It also caused a crucial discussion about the role of sports figures in advocating for societal changes and presented the need for sports organizations like the DFB and the media to foster a truly inclusive environment. 4.4 Conclusion of Chapter 4 Throughout 2016 and 2018, the intertwining of football with political and social narratives in Germany demonstrated that football served not just as entertainment but also through its coverage in the media as a reflection of the country’s struggles with diversity and debates over social inclusion and integration. From the controversy over Kinder Chocolate’s use of players of color to Özil’s exit from the national team, each event created complex layers of media narratives surrounding diversity and inclusion in Germany. Right-wing politicians increasingly targeted players of color and players with history of immigration to gain public attention and promote their agendas, with a prominent example being Gauland’s claim during the 2016 European Championship that nobody would want Boateng as their neighbor. Discussions around nationalism and patriotism related to whether players sang the national anthem, and the black-red-gold flags were increasingly given nationalist connotations and interpretations. Despite efforts to promote togetherness and unity through the official songs at the 2018 World Cup, the discourse was fused with conflicts, blame, and distrust. The different actions taken by these players led to vastly different media outcomes; with Gündoğan’s statement and apology, he was somewhat forgiven, while Özil’s silence led to intense critiques from the DFB, his teammates, and politicians—especially from the right-wing party AfD. He was depicted as the country’s public enemy number one, at least politically. Most critiques centered on the differing values represented by the two countries and asked Özil to take a public stance. With his 204 resignation from the national football team, Özil left the media grappling with the portrayal of a once-celebrated role model for integration, who claimed to have faced discrimination throughout his time. Such discussions sparked by these tournaments have proven pivotal in examining the role of sports as a mirror to society, showing both progress and setbacks in Germany’s ongoing discourse on race, identity, and belonging. The shifts in public and media perceptions emphasize the urgent need for dialogue and understanding in the evolving narratives of national belonging. 205 CONCLUSION Over the past decade, the German men’s national football teams have faced intense media scrutiny and served as a medium that reflected broader societal debates about national identity, inclusion, and diversity. This dissertation has traced how the media narratives surrounding this team from 2006 to 2018, with an eye toward the multiethnic aspect of the team, have reflected and shaped the public perception of belonging and identity in Germany, providing unique insights into the intersection of sports, politics, and social issues. As Germany struggled with its Nazi past and social challenges after reunification, the media portrayal of its football team offers a way to study the tensions and aspirations of a new era in German history. This conclusion revisits the core research questions posed at the beginning of this study: How did media narratives portray and utilize the multiethnic dimension of the men’s national team and players to influence ongoing discourses over German national identity during this time frame? This conclusion synthesizes the findings from each period to provide a comprehensive summary of the men’s national football team’ relationship to discourses on national identity in Germany. Chapter 2 demonstrated that the 2006 World Cup in Germany marked a pivotal moment in the country’s post-war history. This tournament, often referred to as Sommermärchen, provided an opportunity for a country burdened by its dark past to foster a joyful, inclusive, modern image on the world stage. The collective efforts of musicians, the DFB, politicians, and fans—through songs, public viewings, and open endorsements—all contributed to this rebranding effort. The German men’s national team and everyone involved (players and coaches) were portrayed as representations of optimism and unity that were closely associated with Germany’s new global image. This era was characterized by a sense of pride and gratitude, evident in the widespread Danke narratives that promoted a collective spirit of positivity and 206 pride. Symbols related to Germany were central to the discourse during the 2006 World Cup, especially the national anthem and flag-waving within and outside the stadium. Early discussions about patriotism were marked by the acceptance of so-called “party patriotism,” which allowed patriotic displays within the new, festive yet non-chauvinistic national atmosphere. Moreover, players with multiethnic and multiracial backgrounds received varying treatment in the media. White players who chose not to sing the national anthem did not receive much media scrutiny, while some players of color had to combat racist comments and behavior from fans. This difference highlights the discrepancies in how players, based on their ethnic and racial backgrounds, were (and often still are) perceived and treated differently by the media. It also exposes the complexities within the narratives of representativeness and identity, indicating that while the surface narrative is and has been one of positivity, underlying tensions about race and belonging remain unresolved. Chapter 3 explored how Germany aspired to recreate the summer fairy tale in the years after 2006, with the media and public discourse mentioning “party patriotism” as a potential unifying force. The 2008 European Championship, particularly the Germany vs Turkey match, put the spotlight on the dual allegiances of people with diverse backgrounds. Narratives around this match showed the complexities of national loyalty among German residents of Turkish descent. Politicians also criticized the lack of Turkish German representation on the men’s national team, which prompted discussions about inclusion and representation in football in Germany. By 2009, the efforts of the DFB to build a diverse U21 team were coming to fruition and were widely recognized in the media, which signaled a deliberate move towards promoting the 207 idea of “Multikulti” in the media attention surrounding the team. This shift was further supported by the selection of many multiethnic and multiracial players from the U21 team for the national team in the 2010 World Cup in South Africa. The 2010 tournament represented the highpoint of “Multikulti” media attention, where the team was celebrated as the “Multikulti-Elf,” symbolizing a new, inclusive German identity. During this period, popular songs and slogans about “Schland” continued to allow people to celebrate and cheer for their team and country without the historical burden of nationalistic patriotism. Politicians such as Christian Wulff and Angela Merkel seized these moments to promote respect and appreciation for diversity. They often used the national team’s diverse composition as a success story of integration. Prominent players such as Sami Khedira and Mesut Özil were celebrated for their athletic performance and more importantly, for bringing their diverse heritages (and, of course, playing styles) into the team. Such narratives in the media suggest that modern Germany was ready to embrace a new, inclusive identity rooted in traditional virtues like discipline and resilience. The portrayal of Germany’s men’s national football team as a symbol of a multiethnic and multiracial society continued into the early 2010s. Media narratives continued to praise this diverse team as an exemplar of successful integration. However, this praise was conditional and closely tied to the team’s athletic success. The team was celebrated when they advanced in the tournament but faced harsh criticism upon defeat. Players from diverse backgrounds often faced disproportionate scrutiny, especially regarding symbols of national allegiance, like not singing the national anthem. These narratives also extended to judging whether these players’ behaviors aligned with “traditional German virtues” such as discipline. The enormous criticism following the semifinal loss at the 2012 European Championship once again demonstrated the conditional acceptance of players from diverse backgrounds. By 2014, themes of inclusion and diversity had 208 become even more prevalent in the discourse, as evidenced by the selection of official World Cup anthems in Germany that celebrate a diverse unified country. The team’s outstanding performance in Brazil, highlighted by a historic 7:1 victory over the hosts that culminated in winning the title, momentarily overshadowed deeper societal issues. Players, the DFB, and fans fully embraced the “party patriotism” to its fullest extent. However, increasing incidents of racism showed that party patriotism can quickly escalate or degrade into dangerous nationalism. Additionally, the victory celebrations, particularly the controversial “Gaucho dance,” sparked debates over cultural sensitivity. While a World Cup victory may temporarily cover social tension, these tensions resurface soon after the celebratory fervor fades. Chapter 4 focused on how after the start of the international migrant crisis in 2014, right- wing political ideologies began to infiltrate football narratives, particularly affecting the German men’s national team. In 2016, players of color faced increasing scrutiny both from right-wing politicians and certain fan groups, who questioned the players’ qualifications to represent Germany. For instance, Alexander Gauland of the AfD made unsettling remarks about Jérôme Boateng, suggesting that while people might appreciate him as a player, they wouldn’t want him as a neighbor. Such statements, along with criticisms aimed at multiethnic and multiracial players who did not sing the national anthem, underscored growing xenophobic sentiment. Despite these challenges, the DFB attempted to uphold an image of diversity and continued to showcase the team as a model of integration, celebrating its multiethnic and multiracial makeup. The conditional acceptance of the team based on their performance became increasingly problematic when the team performed poorly during the 2018 World Cup. Although the tournament’s official anthem praised “togetherness,” the media atmosphere surrounding the team was one of judgment and mistrust, particularly after the media reported on Mesut Özil and İlkay 209 Gündoğan’s meeting with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in May 2018. The team’s dismal performance only exacerbated the situation and led to intense media backlash, especially towards Özil, who eventually resigned from the team citing persistent discrimination from the DFB. His departure challenged the previously celebrated narratives of successful integration and revealed the shortcomings of promoting diversity and inclusion as a rhetorical technique and through the profiles of individual players. The chronological analysis of major football tournaments reveals the evolving narratives surrounding the men’s football team—from helping shape a healthy, modern national image in 2006 to symbolizing a diverse society in 2010 and 2014, and eventually, the challenges of failing to maintain that representative load in 2016 and 2018. This dissertation contributes to the broader academic discourse surrounding sports, national identity, and media by providing a comprehensive analysis that captures the evolution of narratives over eight major football tournaments. Unlike previous studies that often focus on singular events or players, this research demonstrates the continuous transformation of the German national team’ media portrayal. It illustrates how players of diverse backgrounds have been utilized differently—from symbolizing a “Multikulti” team and serving as examples of successful integration to being blamed or distrusted after defeats. This time series also sheds light on how narratives are constructed and disseminated based on players’ identities but also social and political contexts. White players or players considered to be “ethnically German” have enjoy less criticism and greater acceptance, and their actions—such as not singing the national anthem—are often overlooked. In contrast, players with multiethnic or multiracial backgrounds frequently have to emphasize their identification with their German heritage, regardless of their upbringing and life experiences. Players of color with history of immigration, such as the descendants of Turkish Gastarbeiter, 210 are often held to the highest standards and expected to follow and align with so-called traditional German values closely. This dissertation encourages further research to explore comparative studies of sports teams from other countries to understand how national identity is shaped in different cultural contexts. Additionally, extending the research beyond 2018 could provide insight into how narratives have become increasingly polarized and how Mesut Özil’s resignation continues to impact discussions on diversity and inclusion in Germany. Furthermore, a full analysis of gender dynamics within media narratives is worth exploring. While there are news articles mentioning the German national women’s team in the corpus, and I acknowledge the importance of studying the narratives around the women’s team, a full account of the women’s national team was unfortunately beyond the scope of this dissertation. I encourage future researchers to design projects specifically focusing on the women’s football team. Such studies would enhance scholarship and potentially inform policymaking and media practices related to women’s sports. The implications of this dissertation are grounded in its findings and methodology, but also limited by some of the challenges encountered along the way, particularly regarding data access. A critical resource for this research, the DFB’s media database, underwent a merger around 2015 that caused inconsistencies in timestamp entries. Many articles published before 2015 were marked as January 1st, 2015. This prevented me from using DFB-published articles to track changes in media narratives from the perspective of the DFB. Additionally, in 2024, while writing and revising this dissertation, the DFB restructured its media database again, making many previously accessible articles unavailable to the public. These issues draw attention to the broader challenges researchers face when relying on external databases for chronological media studies. 211 In the end, I want to acknowledge the significant workload for researchers committed to mixed methods, which has been both demanding and fulfilling throughout this journey. This approach is time-intensive and requires extensive training, as I wanted to fully understand what the algorithm does to the data before confidently applying it to the language corpus. As I progressed in my learning, the technology itself continued to evolve, which made this a journey of constant learning, practice, and committing to methods without being overly concerned about whether they were the most cutting-edge. Striking this balance has allowed me to interpret the results from computational analysis with confidence, while also incorporating my own domain knowledge in German cultural history to construct a meaningful interpretation of the findings. Overall, this approach not only enriches this research but also lays the groundwork for future studies that might explore similar themes or employ similar approaches. As I consider the limitations of this work, it becomes clear that data accessibility and methodological complexities have greatly shaped the scope and depth of the findings. These challenges align with the ongoing need for methodological innovation and improvements in data management within digital humanities research. 212 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. 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Zambon, Kate. “Producing the German Civic Nation: Immigrant Patriotism in Berlin’s World Cup Flag Fight.” Popular Communication, vol. 12, no. 1, Jan. 2014, pp. 1–16. 234 APPENDIX A: R MARKDOWN SCRIPTS Rmd file 1 “corpus_creator_reader” Step1: Collecting Files # list all files in this specific folder, call it data_docx, and check the fi rst 6 data_docx <- list.files(path = '/Users/TianyiKou/Documents/R/soccertextmining /data/', full.names = TRUE, recursive = TRUE, pattern = "\\.docx$") head(data_docx) Step 2: Get data frame “extracted_texts” # this step took 1 minute require(readtext) extracted_texts <- readtext(data_docx, docvarsfrom = "filepaths",dvsep = "/") head(extracted_texts) Step 3: Creating data frame “result” library(stringr) library(tidyverse) result <- tibble(text=character(), title=character(), date = date(), publicat ion = character()) for (i in 1:nrow(extracted_texts)){ rows <- extracted_texts$text[i] #ERROR HANDLING possibleError <- tryCatch({ start_body <- str_locate(rows, "Body")[2] start_body <- start_body + 1 end_body <- max((str_locate_all(rows, "([A-Z][^\\.!?]*[\\.!?])")[[1]])[," end"]) #end_body <- str_locate(rows, "Classification")[1] #end_body <- end_body -1 body_text <- str_sub(rows,start_body,end_body) line_breaks <- str_locate_all(rows,"\\n") if(!is.na(body_text)){ result <- result %>% add_row( text=body_text, title=str_sub(rows, 1, str_locate(rows, "\\n")[2]), date = str_sub(rows, line_breaks[[1]][2,2]+1,line_breaks[[1]][3,2]-1), publication = str_sub(rows, line_breaks[[1]][1,2]+1,line_breaks[[1]][2, 2]-1) ) } 235 } , error=function(e) { e print(paste("Oops! --> Error in Loop ",i,sep = "")) } ) #if(inherits(possibleError, "error")) next #print(paste(" End Loop ",i,sep = "")) } saveRDS(result,file = "result_clean6-14-23.rds") 236 Rmd file 2 “topicmodels-24” Step 1: Preprocessing Read the cleaned .rds file Here I already have the cleaned data frame “result.” Just need to load it first. 4948 observations/documents and 4 variables (text, title, date, publication) result <- readRDS("result_clean6-14-23.rds") POS tagging + filtering Using the UDpipe (ger) for POS tagging and only take noun, proper noun, adjectives, and numbers. library(udpipe) library(dplyr) m_ger <- udpipe::udpipe_load_model("german-gsd-ud-2.5-191206.udpipe") # tokenization, tagging, dependency parsing # This process takes about 40 minutes text_anndf <- udpipe::udpipe_annotate(m_ger, x = result$text,trace = 100) %>% as.data.frame() %>% dplyr::select(-sentence) saveRDS(text_anndf,file="text_anndf.rds") #I checked how many unique_ids are in this "text_anndf.rds" file text_anndf < readRDS("/Users/TianyiKou/Documents/R/soccertextmining/text_annd f.rds") library(dplyr) unique_doc_ids <- unique(text_anndf$doc_id) number_of_unique_docs <- length(unique_doc_ids) #The results is 4948-3=4945. I found the three missing documents. They are no t included bc they have empty text column. See screenshot, their IDs are: 302 1, 3798, 4200. filtered_text <- text_anndf %>% filter(upos %in% c('NOUN','PROPN','ADJ','NUM' )) saveRDS(filtered_text,file="filtered_text.rds") #Here I want to check again unique_doc_ids_after_annotation <- unique(filtered_text$doc_id) number_of_unique_docs_after_annotation <- length(unique_doc_ids_after_annotat ion) print(number_of_unique_docs_after_annotation) #Still 4945! 237 Further cleaning filtered_text <- readRDS("/Users/TianyiKou/Documents/R/soccertextmining/filte red_text.rds") library(quanteda) library(udpipe) x <- corpus(result$text) tokens <- as.tokens(split(filtered_text$lemma, filtered_text$doc_id)) # Here I changed the min_nchar to 2 # I switched the collocations to 500, then it includes zweit weltkrieg library(quanteda) corpus_tokens <- tokens %>% tokens(remove_punct = TRUE, remove_numbers = FALSE, remove_symbols = TRUE) %>% tokens_tolower() %>% tokens_remove(pattern = stopwords("de"), padding = TRUE) %>% tokens_select(min_nchar = 2) Collocations collocations <- quanteda.textstats::textstat_collocations(corpus_tokens, min_ count = 25) collocations <- collocations[1:500, ] DTM corpus_tokens <- tokens_compound(corpus_tokens, collocations) #Here if you look at the corpus token, it's still showing 4945 elements. DTM <- corpus_tokens %>% tokens_remove("") %>% dfm() %>% dfm_trim(min_docfreq = 0.01, max_docfreq=0.99, docfreq_type = "prop") #!!!! This step is where I missed one document! # have a look at the number of documents and terms in the matrix DTM <- dfm_subset(DTM, ntoken(DTM) > 0) #I found it # doc_ids_before <- docnames(DTM) # DTM <- dfm_subset(DTM, ntoken(DTM) > 0) # doc_ids_after <- docnames(DTM) # missing_one_doc <- setdiff(doc_ids_before, doc_ids_after) # print(missing_one_doc) # specific_dtmdoc <- result[result$doc_id == '541',] # cat(specific_dtmdoc$text) #IT WAS A: Weblink: http://www.welt.de/videos/sport/article4305313/Nationalel f-gegen-Berti-Vogts-Team. #Here should be 4944 3170 dim(DTM) 238 Step 2: Calculating K & Getting Topics Finding K topics This step requires a lot of computing power. It was calculated at Leipzig University’s cloud clusters. The end result is 80 topics make the most sense. library(stm) dfm_stm <- convert(DTM, to = "stm") saveRDS(object = dfm_stm,file = "dfm_stm_6-14.rds") dfm_stm <- readRDS("dfm_stm_6-14.rds") # system.time( # soc.searchK <- searchK(documents = dfm_stm$documents, # vocab = dfm_stm$vocab, # K = c(10,20,30,40,50,60,70,80,90,100,110,120,130,1 40,150), #specify K to try # N = 495, # matches 10% default # proportion = 0.1, # default # heldout.seed = 1234, # optional # M = 10, # default # cores = 10, # default # max.em.its = 75, # init.type = "Spectral", # verbose=TRUE) # ) # saveRDS(soc.searchK, "models.rds") soc.searchK <- readRDS("models.rds") plot(soc.searchK) Fitting models #Use 80 topics, this will take an hour. Plot will show dots, 4 options. 1 loo ks the best. soc.Select <- selectModel(dfm_stm$documents, dfm_stm$vocab, K=80, max.em.its=75, runs=20, seed=8458159) saveRDS(soc.Select, "socSelect.rds") plot <- plotModels(soc.Select) 239 Topic modelings results selectedmodel <- soc.Select$runout[[1]] plot_summary <- plot(selectedmodel, type = "summary", n=8) saveRDS(selectedmodel, "model1-23-3-24.rds") Cleaning the ‘result’ to “result_clean” Creating ‘result_clean’ by removing all the entries that are not used in the model! I need to do it now, because I want to make sure i can use ‘result-clean’ when I examine topics. # Identify the documents to be reviewed and removed # Adding doc_id as a simple sequence of numbers result$doc_id <- 1:nrow(result) darn_docs <- result$doc_id %in% c('541', '3021', '3798', '4200') # Print the text of these documents for proofreading print(result[darn_docs, 'text']) # Remove the specified entries from the dataset result_clean <- result[!darn_docs, ] result_clean$doc_id <- 1:nrow(result_clean) # Save the cleaned data frame to a new RDS file saveRDS(result_clean, "result-clean23-3-24.rds") Checking topics Using ‘findThoughts’ function to investigate a few topics. library(dplyr) library(readr) library(stm) #Load the dataset result_clean <- readRDS("result-clean23-3-24.rds") selectedmodel <- readRDS("model1-23-3-24.rds") output_dir <- "/Users/TianyiKou/Documents/R/soccertextmining/findThoughts_csv " if (!file.exists(output_dir)) { dir.create(output_dir) } topics_to_examine <- c(7, 21, 5, 65, 49, 4, 2, 54, 39, 56, 14, 9, 80, 50) new_topics_to_examine <- c(60,67,32,55,76) for (topic_num in new_topics_to_examine) { processed_texts <- stringr::str_sub(result_clean$text[as.integer(stringr::s tr_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc", ""))]) thoughts_data <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = processed_texts, n = 1 0, topics = c(topic_num)) 240 document_texts <- thoughts_data$docs[[1]] thoughts_save <- data.frame( sequence = seq_along(document_texts), text = document_texts) file_name <- paste(output_dir, "/thoughts_topic_", topic_num, ".csv", sep = "") write.csv(thoughts_save, file_name, row.names = FALSE) } #setwd("/Users/TianyiKou/Documents/R/soccertextmining/findThoughts_csv") #Loop through the specified topics for (topic_num in topics_to_examine) { processed_texts <- stringr::str_sub(result_clean$text[as.integer(stringr::s tr_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc", ""))]) thoughts_data <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = processed_texts, n = 1 0, topics = c(topic_num)) document_texts <- thoughts_data$docs[[1]] thoughts_save <- data.frame( sequence = seq_along(document_texts), text = document_texts) file_name <- paste(output_dir, "/thoughts_topic_", topic_num, ".csv", sep = "") write.csv(thoughts_save, file_name, row.names = FALSE) } #This is when I only tried with one topic. # processed_texts <- stringr::str_sub(result_clean$text[as.integer(stringr::s tr_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc", ""))]) # # thoughts7_data <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = processed_texts, n = 8, topics = c(7)) # # #str(thoughts7_data) # #Check dataframe # #str(thoughts7_data$docs[[0]]) # # document_ids <- thoughts7_data$index$'Topic 7' # document_texts <- thoughts7_data$docs$'Topic 7' # #setwd("/Users/TianyiKou/Documents/R/soccertextmining/findThoughts_csv") # thoughts7_save <- data.frame(document_id = document_ids, text = document_te xts) # write.csv(thoughts7_save, "thoughts7_data.csv", row.names = FALSE) library(stm) library(stringr) library(readr) #This is how i can get all the images. 241 result_clean <- readRDS("result-clean23-3-24.rds") thoughts7<- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_clean $text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 80 0), n = 10, topics = c(7))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts7, width = 200, main = "Topic 7 The national team and Germa ny") thoughts21 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(21))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts21, width = 200, main = "Topic 21") thoughts5 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_clea n$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 8 00), n = 10, topics = c(5))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts5, width = 200, main = "Topic 5") thoughts65 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(65))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts65, width = 200, main = "Topic 65 spectators and authority" ) thoughts49 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(49))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts49, width = 200, main = "Topic 49") thoughts4 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_clea n$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 8 00), n = 10, topics = c(4))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts4, width = 200, main = "Topic 4 women's team") thoughts2 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_clea n$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 8 00), n = 10, topics = c(2))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts2, width = 200, main = "Topic 2") thoughts54 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(54))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts54, width = 200, main = "Topic 54") thoughts39 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(39))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts39, width = 200, main = "Topic 39") thoughts56 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle 242 an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(56))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts56, width = 200, main = "Topic 56") thoughts14 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(14))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts14, width = 200, main = "Topic 14") thoughts9 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_clea n$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 8 00), n = 10, topics = c(9))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts9, width = 200, main = "Topic 9") thoughts80 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(80))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts80, width = 200, main = "Topic 80") thoughts50 <- findThoughts(selectedmodel, texts = stringr::str_sub(result_cle an$text[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(DTM),"doc",""))], end = 800), n = 10, topics = c(50))$docs[[1]] plotQuote(thoughts50, width = 200, main = "Topic 50") Step 3: Further Analysis 3.1 Topic Correlation This step will give me a plot to show the relationship between different topics # I tried to only display certain topics' relationship. Didn't work. I gave u p. Then tried something new, it worked. Haha topic_correlation<-topicCorr(selectedmodel) plot(topic_correlation) #Results looked very meh topic_correlation_matrix <- topic_correlation$cor corrplot(topic_correlation_matrix, method = "color", type = "upper", order = "hclust", tl.col = "black", tl.srt = 45) distance_matrix <- as.dist(1 - topic_correlation_matrix) hc <- hclust(distance_matrix, method = "average") plot(hc, main = "Hierarchical Clustering of Topics", xlab = "Distance", sub = "", cex = 0.9) 3.2 Certain topics’ proportion over time The topics I chose are: 7-deutsch, 21-fan scene, 65-flag discussion, 50-e=oezil, 14-politiks, 39- family, 2-family, 4-women. 243 library(stringr) library(readr) library(lubridate) library(reshape2) library(ggplot2) library(dplyr) # Assuming selectedmodel$theta contains the topic proportions theta = selectedmodel$theta # Your existing date parsing logic result_clean$parsed_date_month <- str_extract(result_clean$date,"[0-9]{1,2}\\ . [A-Za-zäöü]* [0-9]{4}") %>% str_replace("ae","ä") %>% readr::parse_date(., "%d. %B %Y", locale = locale("de")) result_clean$year_month <- floor_date(result_clean$parsed_date_month, "month" ) # Aggregate topic proportions by month # Ensure that rownames in DTM can be correctly matched with rows in result filtered_result = result_clean[as.integer(stringr::str_replace_all(rownames(D TM), "doc", "")), ] topic_proportion_per_month <- aggregate(theta, by = list(year_month = filtere d_result$year_month), sum) # Assuming topwords contains topic names and is aligned with columns in theta colnames(topic_proportion_per_month)[2:(80+1)] <- topwords # Select the topics of interest (e.g., 7, 21, 65, 4, 39) and melt the data fo r plotting topics_of_interest1 <- c(1, 4 + 1, 60 + 1, 7 + 1, 65 + 1, 21 + 1) # +1 becau se the first column is year_month topics_of_interest2 <- c(1, 50 + 1, 49 + 1) vizDataFrame <- melt(topic_proportion_per_month[topics_of_interest1], id.vars = "year_month") vizDataFrame <- melt(topic_proportion_per_month[topics_of_interest2], id.vars = "year_month") # Plotting ggplot(vizDataFrame, aes(x = year_month, y = value, color = variable)) + geom_line() + scale_x_date(date_breaks = "2 month", date_labels = "%b %y") + ylab("Proportion") + theme(axis.text.x = element_text(angle = 90, hjust = 1), axis.title.x = element_text(size = 12, face = "bold"), plot.title = element_text(hjust = 0.5)) 244 3.3 Creating .csv for further use # Theta is a matrix that can be combined with filtered_result output <- cbind(filtered_result, theta) # Formatting the entire data frame formatted_output <- data.frame(lapply(output, function(x) format(x, digits=2, nsmall=2, scientific = FALSE))) # Writing to CSV write.csv(formatted_output, file="output4944new.csv", row.names = FALSE) 245 Rmd file 3 “SelectText4Read” Step 4 Select Documents and View Texts This document serves the function of creating data subset for further close reading. ## 4.1 Sort data based on publication date. #Load pre-cleaned csv file data1 <- read.csv("/Users/TianyiKou/Documents/R/soccertextmining/output4944ne w.csv") View(data1) # Load the dplyr package library(dplyr) data1$parsed_date_month <- as.Date(data1$parsed_date_month, format = "%Y-%m-% d") sorted_data1 <- data1 %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) View(sorted_data1) 4.0 Create subset for WM2006 library(dplyr) subset06wm_data <- sorted_data1 %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) %>% filter(parsed_date_month >= as.Date("2006-05-01") & parsed_date_month <= as .Date("2006-08-01")) head(subset06wm_data) summary(subset06wm_data) View(subset06wm_data) summary_stats_06 <- summary(subset06wm_data) means <- sapply(subset06wm_data[, paste0("X", 1:80)], mean, na.rm = TRUE) sorted_means <- sort(means, decreasing = TRUE) sorted_means 4.0.1 Check for Topic 21 with WM2006 topic21_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X21)) View(topic21_subset06wm_data) print(topic21_subset06wm_data$text[1:10]) 4.0.2 Check for Topic 65 with WM2006 topic65_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X65)) View(topic65_subset06wm_data) print(topic65_subset06wm_data$text[1:10]) 246 4.0.3 Check for Topic 9 with WM2006 topic9_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X9)) View(topic9_subset06wm_data) print(topic9_subset06wm_data$text[1:10]) 4.0.4 Check for Topic 7 with WM2006 topic7_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X7)) View(topic7_subset06wm_data) print(topic7_subset06wm_data$text[1:10]) print(topic7_subset06wm_data$title[1:30]) 4.0.5 Check for Topic 35 with WM2006 topic35_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X35)) View(topic35_subset06wm_data) print(topic35_subset06wm_data$text[1:10]) print(topic35_subset06wm_data$title[1:20]) 4.0.6 Check for Topic 37 with WM2006 topic37_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X37)) View(topic37_subset06wm_data) print(topic37_subset06wm_data$text[1:10]) print(topic37_subset06wm_data$title[1:15]) 4.0.7 Check for musik1 with WM2006 musik1_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% filter(grepl("Stiller", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(musik1_subset06wm_data) print(musik1_subset06wm_data$text) print(musik1_subset06wm_data$title) 4.0.8 Check for music2 with WM2006 musik2_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% filter(grepl("Zeit, dass sich was dreht", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(musik2_subset06wm_data) print(musik2_subset06wm_data$text) print(musik2_subset06wm_data$title) 4.0.9 Check for music3 with WM2006 musik3_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% filter(grepl("Naidoo", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(musik3_subset06wm_data) print(musik3_subset06wm_data$text) print(musik3_subset06wm_data$title) 247 4.0.10 Check for Topic 14 with WM2006 topic14_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X14)) View(topic14_subset06wm_data) print(topic14_subset06wm_data$text[1:10]) print(topic14_subset06wm_data$title[1:20]) 4.0.11 Check for party patriotism with WM2006 party_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% filter(grepl("party", text, ignore.case = TRUE) & grepl("patriotismus", tex t, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(party_subset06wm_data) print(party_subset06wm_data$text) 4.0.12 Check for fahnen with WM2006 fahnen_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% filter(grepl("fahnen", text, ignore.case = TRUE) & grepl("schwarz", text, i gnore.case = TRUE)) View(fahnen_subset06wm_data) print(fahnen_subset06wm_data$text[21:22]) 4.0.13 Check for fahnen2 with WM2006 fahnen2_subset06wm_data <- subset06wm_data %>% filter(grepl("fahnen", text, ignore.case = TRUE) & grepl("patriotismus", te xt, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(fahnen2_subset06wm_data) print(fahnen2_subset06wm_data$text) 4.1 Create subset for EM2008 #I viewed sorted_data1 and selected a range of date that looks good subset08em_data <-sorted_data1[894:1158, ] 4.1.1 Check for Topic 7 within EM2008 topic7_subset08em_data <- subset08em_data %>% arrange(desc(X7)) View(topic7_subset08em_data) print(topic7_subset08em_data$text[7]) This step is where I proofread all the 15 articles and decide if there are anything fun to write about. Often times I found good things to write. 4.1.2 Check for Topic 21 within EM2008 topic21_subset08em_data <- subset08em_data %>% arrange(desc(X21)) View(topic21_subset08em_data) print(topic21_subset08em_data$text[1:15]) 248 4.1.3 Check for Topic 65 within EM2008 topic65_subset08em_data <- subset08em_data %>% arrange(desc(X65)) View(topic65_subset08em_data) print(topic65_subset08em_data$text[1:15]) 4.1.4 Check for Topic 49 within EM2008 topic49_subset08em_data <- subset08em_data %>% arrange(desc(X49)) View(topic49_subset08em_data) print(topic49_subset08em_data$text[1:15]) 4.1.5 Check for Topic 50 within EM2008 topic50_subset08em_data <- subset08em_data %>% arrange(desc(X50)) View(topic50_subset08em_data) print(topic50_subset08em_data$text[1:15]) 4.1.6 Check for Topic 54 within EM2008 topic54_subset08em_data <- subset08em_data %>% arrange(desc(X54)) View(topic54_subset08em_data) print(topic54_subset08em_data$text[1:15]) print(topic54_subset08em_data$title[1:15]) 4.2 Create subset for UEFA 2009 #I viewed sorted_data1 and selected a range of date that looks good subset09_u21 <-sorted_data1[1277:1285, ] View(subset09_u21) print(subset09_u21$text) 4.3A Create subset for WM2010 #I viewed sorted_data1 and selected a range of date that looks good #subset10wm_data <-sorted_data1[894:1158, ] subset10wm_data <- sorted_data1 %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) %>% filter(parsed_date_month >= as.Date("2010-05-01") & parsed_date_month <= as .Date("2010-08-01")) # View the filtered and sorted data View(subset10wm_data) 249 4.3B Create another subset for WM2010, using the old way. #I viewed sorted_data1 and selected a range of date that looks good subset10wm_data2 <-sorted_data1[1500:2000, ] # View the filtered and sorted data View(subset10wm_data2) 4.3.1 Check for Topic 7 within WM2010 (germany) topic7_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X7)) View(topic7_subset10wm_data) print(topic7_subset10wm_data$text[1:15]) 4.3.2 Check for Topic 5 within WM2010 (title) topic5_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X5)) View(topic5_subset10wm_data) print(topic5_subset10wm_data$text[1:15]) 4.3.3 Check for Topic 14 within WM2010 (politicians) topic14_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X14)) View(topic14_subset10wm_data) print(topic14_subset10wm_data$text[1:15]) print(topic14_subset10wm_data$title[1:15]) 4.3.4 Check for Topic 49 within WM2010 (social discussions) topic49_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X49)) View(topic49_subset10wm_data) print(topic49_subset10wm_data$text[1:15]) print(topic49_subset10wm_data$title[1:15]) 4.3.5 Check for Topic 50 within WM2010 (Mesut) topic50_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X50)) View(topic50_subset10wm_data) print(topic50_subset10wm_data$text[1:15]) 4.3.6 Check for Topic 56 within WM2010 (players) topic56_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X56)) View(topic56_subset10wm_data) print(topic56_subset10wm_data$text[1:15]) 250 4.3.7 Players ozil_entries <- subset10wm_data %>% mutate(ozil_count = str_count(text, regex("Özil", ignore_case = TRUE))) %>% filter(ozil_count > 3) head(ozil_entries$text) summary(ozil_entries) sorted_ozil_entries <- ozil_entries %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) View(sorted_ozil_entries) print(sorted_ozil_entries$text) # Filter rows where 'text' column contains 'Özil' and any variation of 'multi kul...' ozil_multikul_entries <- ozil_entries %>% filter(grepl("Özil", text, ignore.case = TRUE) & grepl("multikul\\w*", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) # View the entries that mention 'Özil' and any variation of 'multikul...' View(ozil_multikul_entries) print(ozil_multikul_entries$text) 4.3.8 Politicians politics10_entries <- subset10wm_data %>% filter(grepl("Merkel", text, ignore.case = TRUE) | grepl("Wulff", text, ign ore.case = TRUE)) head(politics10_entries$text) sorted_politics10_entries <- politics10_entries %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) View(sorted_politics10_entries) print(sorted_politics10_entries$text[27:36]) print(sorted_politics10_entries$title[27:36]) 4.3.9 Overall Multikulti Narratives multikulti_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% filter(grepl("multikul\\w*", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(multikulti_subset10wm_data) print(multikulti_subset10wm_data$text) 4.3.10 Boateng boateng_subset10wm_data <- subset10wm_data %>% filter(grepl("boateng", text, ignore.case = TRUE) & grepl ("kevin-prince", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(boateng_subset10wm_data) print(boateng_subset10wm_data$text[19:27]) 4.4 Create subset for EM2012 subset12em_data <- sorted_data1 %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) %>% 251 filter(parsed_date_month >= as.Date("2012-05-15") & parsed_date_month <= as .Date("2012-08-01")) head(subset12em_data$text) summary(subset12em_data) # View the filtered and sorted data View(subset12em_data) 4.4.1 Check for Topic 7 topic7_subset12em_data <- subset12em_data %>% arrange(desc(X7)) View(topic7_subset12em_data) print(topic7_subset12em_data$text[1:10]) 4.4.2 Check for Topic 49 topic49_subset12em_data <- subset12em_data %>% arrange(desc(X49)) View(topic49_subset12em_data) print(topic49_subset12em_data$text[1:14]) 4.4.3 Overall Multikulti Narratives multikulti_subset12em_data <- subset12em_data %>% filter(grepl("multikul\\w*", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(multikulti_subset12em_data) print(multikulti_subset12em_data$text) 4.4.4 Tugend? tugend_subset12em_data <- subset12em_data %>% filter(grepl("tugen\\w*", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(tugend_subset12em_data) print(tugend_subset12em_data$text) 4.5 Create subset for WM2014 subset14wm_data <- sorted_data1 %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) %>% filter(parsed_date_month >= as.Date("2014-05-15") & parsed_date_month <= as .Date("2014-08-01")) head(subset14wm_data$text) summary(subset14wm_data) # View the filtered and sorted data View(subset14wm_data) 4.5.1 Check for Topic 7 topic7_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X7)) View(topic7_subset14wm_data) print(topic7_subset14wm_data$text[1:10]) 252 4.5.2 Check for Topic 21 topic21_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X21)) View(topic21_subset14wm_data) print(topic21_subset14wm_data$text[1:10]) 4.5.3 Check for Topic 49 topic49_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X49)) View(topic49_subset14wm_data) print(topic49_subset14wm_data$text[1:10]) 4.5.4 First 100 entries group1_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data[c(10, 22, 53, 59, 60, 68, 77, 83, 8 5, 91, 92, 100), ] print(group1_subset14wm_data$text) 4.5.5 liefern liefern_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% filter(grepl("liefern", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(liefern_subset14wm_data) print(liefern_subset14wm_data$text) 4.5.6 Politics politics14_entries <- subset14wm_data %>% filter(grepl("Merkel", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) sorted_politics14_entries <- politics14_entries %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) View(sorted_politics14_entries) print(sorted_politics14_entries$text[11:19]) 4.5.7 Tugend tugend_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% filter(grepl("tugend", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(tugend_subset14wm_data) print(tugend_subset14wm_data$text) 4.5.8 Overall Multikulti Narratives multikulti_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% filter(grepl("multikul\\w*", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(multikulti_subset14wm_data) print(multikulti_subset14wm_data$text) 4.5.9 Nationalismus(0) or Patriotismus (3) patriotismus_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% filter(grepl("patriotismus", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(patriotismus_subset14wm_data) print(patriotismus_subset14wm_data$text) 253 4.5.10 Rassismus(5) rassismus_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% filter(grepl("rassismus", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(mus_subset14wm_data) print(patriotismus_subset14wm_data$text) 4.5.11 Gauchos(5) gauchos_subset14wm_data <- subset14wm_data %>% filter(grepl("gauchos", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(gauchos_subset14wm_data) print(gauchos_subset14wm_data$text) 4.6 Create subset for EM2016 subset16em_data <- sorted_data1 %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) %>% filter(parsed_date_month >= as.Date("2016-05-15") & parsed_date_month <= as .Date("2016-08-01")) head(subset16em_data$text) summary(subset16em_data) # View the filtered and sorted data View(subset16em_data) 4.6.1 Check for Topic 7 topic7_subset16em_data <- subset16em_data %>% arrange(desc(X7)) View(topic7_subset16em_data) print(topic7_subset16em_data$text[1:10]) 4.6.2 Check for Topic 10 topic10_subset16em_data <- subset16em_data %>% arrange(desc(X10)) View(topic10_subset16em_data) print(topic10_subset16em_data$text[1:10]) 4.6.3 Check for Topic 14 Politik topic14_subset16em_data <- subset16em_data %>% arrange(desc(X14)) View(topic14_subset16em_data) print(topic14_subset16em_data$text[1:10]) 4.7 Create subset for WM2018 subset18wm_data <- sorted_data1 %>% arrange(parsed_date_month) %>% filter(parsed_date_month >= as.Date("2018-05-01") & parsed_date_month <= as .Date("2018-08-01")) head(subset18wm_data$text) 254 summary(subset18wm_data) # View the filtered and sorted data View(subset18wm_data) print(subset18wm_data$text[13]) 4.7.1 Search zusammen zusammen_subset18wm_data <- subset18wm_data %>% filter(grepl("zusammen", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(zusammen_subset18wm_data) print(zusammen_subset18wm_data$text) 4.7.2 Ozil articles moe_subset18wm_data <- subset18wm_data %>% filter(grepl("özil", text, ignore.case = TRUE)) View(moe_subset18wm_data) print(moe_subset18wm_data$text) 4.7.3 Check for Topic 50 topic50_subset18wm_data <- subset18wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X50)) View(topic50_subset18wm_data) print(topic50_subset18wm_data$text[1:15]) 4.7.4 Check for Topic 49 topic49_subset18wm_data <- subset18wm_data %>% arrange(desc(X49)) View(topic49_subset18wm_data) print(topic49_subset18wm_data$text[1:15]) 255 Nu mb er 1 APPENDIX B: INITIAL THIRTY ARTICLES Title + Link Date (d/m/y) Publisher Keywords Mehr als nur ein Spiel 08.06.2006 Der Spiegel Fußball, Triumph, politische, Globalisierung, WM, WM-Titel, Mannschaft, Nationalmannschaft, deutsch 2 Flaggenparade der WM-Patrioten 3 Deutschland scheitert an Italien 12.06.2006 Der Spiegel Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Flaggen, Wir- Gefühl, Patriotismusdebatte, Weltmeisterschaft, die deutsche Mannschaft, WM, Nationalmannschaft, Patriotismus, nationale Symbole, Selbstbewusstsein, WM-Sieg, Wunder von Bern 04.07.2006 Der Spiegel Klinsmann, Nationalmannschaft, 4 Weltmeister der Herzen 05.07.2006 Stern Bundestrainer, DFB-Elf, WM, Mannschaft, Deutschland Weltmeister, Stolz, Klinsmann-Elf, deutsche(n) Fußball- Nationalmannschaft, die Mannschaft, Turnier, WM-Titel, 1954, 1974, 1990, Deutschland, DFB 5 Ein glückliches Volk 13.12.2006 Der Spiegel Sommermärchen, Fußball-WM, Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft, Patriotismus, Nation, die deutsche Mannschaft, Fußball- Weltmeisterschaft, WM, Fußball- WM, Mannschaft, Nationalmannschaft 6 Asamoah erzielt juristischen Erfolg gegen Neonazis 30.05.2006 Der Spiegel Nationalspieler, Deutschland, BRD Table 7. A full table showing metadata and keywords extracted from three articles among the 30 articles, used in chapter 1.3.2. 256 Table 7 (cont’d) 7 8 9 Die Multikulti-Elf: “Wir sind ein Team” 12.06.2010 Deutsche Wells Sport Die multikulturellste Truppe der DFB- Geschichte 15.06.2010 Merkur Sport 24.06.2010 Die Welt Multikulturelles Team führt Deutschland zum Erfolg 10 “Party-Patriotismus ist Nationalismus” 29.06.2012 Süddeutsche Zeitung 11 Im Schatten des Titels 16.07.2014 FAZ Multikulti-Elf, ausländische(n) Wurzeln, FIFA WM, Migrationshintergrund, soziale Integration, Integration, Minderheiten, WM-Kader, Nationalmannschaft, DFB, Globalisierung, Flagge, Sommermärchen Multikulti, (deutscher) Flagge, Migrationshintergrund, Nationalmannschaft, die multikulturellste Truppe, Vater, Mutter, türkischstämmig, Polen, tunesisch, bosnisch, spanisch, Integration, Gastarbeiterfamilien, DFB, Löw, Plastedeutschen, Ausweisdeutschen, Rassismus, Adler, Brust, identifizieren Löw-Elf, DFB, multikulturelles Team, Integrationsgipfel, WM-Elf, Bindestrich-Fußballvirtuosen, Sommermärchen 2006, Bindestrich- Deutsche, WM, Nationalismus, Flagge, Identitäten WM 2006, schwarz-rot-goldene, Nationalflaggen, Patriotismus, Deutschland, Public Viewing, Berlin, Fußballfans, Nationalfarben, National-mannschaft, Deutschlandfahnen, Fahnenmeere, schwarz-rot-geil, WM, WM 2010, Symbol, national(en) Identität, stolz, Nationalismus, “Patriotismus” Fußball, Mannschaft, EM 2016, Fußball-Nationalmannschaft, Weltmeister 12 Brasilien 2014: 23.06.2014 Multi-Kulti-WM mit erstaunlichen Zahlen Frankfurter Rundschau Das deutsche WM-Team, Mannschaft, Joachim Löw, Multi- Kulti-Weltmeister 257 Table 7 (cont’d) 13 Deutsche 23.06.2014 Migazin.de DFB, Nationalmannschaft, Nationalelf Ein Integrationsmotor? 14 Der schmale Grat zwischen Patriotismus und Nationalismus 15 16 Feiertag mit Schalalalala So feierte Berlin die Weltmeister 23.06.2014 Die Zeit 15.07.2014 FAZ 15.07.2014 Der Tagesspiegel 17 So gehen Gauchos 15.07.2014 FAZ 18 Deutschlands 16.07.2014 FAZ “goldener Moment” 19 Niersbach bedauert Irritationen um “Gaucho-Tanz” 16.07.2014 FAZ Migrationshintergrund, interkulturell, Fußball- Weltmeisterschaft, Fußball, Nationalteam, WM-Titel, EM-Titel, Weltmeisterschaft, Multikulti Party-Patriotismus, WM-Spiels, Mannschaft, DFB, Fußball, Nationalmannschaft, Nationalismus, Fahne, deutsche Mannschaft, deutsche(n) Weltmeistermannschaft, Nationalmannschaft, stolz Weltmeister, die deutsche, Nationalmannschaft, Public Viewing, Weltmeistermannschaft(en), Fan- Meer, Traum, Pokal, WM-Pokal, Deutschland-Fahne, WM- Mannschaften, Fans Weltmeistern, Fußballspiele, Weltmeister, Fanmeile WM-Erfolg, Weltmeistertitel, Deutsche, Fußball-Weltmeister, 2014, Deutschland, Wiedervereinigung DFB-Präsident, Weltmeister, die deutsche Elf, DFB-Chef, Düsseldorf, Gaucho-Tanz 20 Wer verliert, wird 17.07.2014 brüskiert Süddeutsche Zeitung Nationalspieler, Deutschland, Weltmeister, Fußball(s), Minderheit, Nation 21 Kapitän Lahm tritt 18.07.2014 FAZ zurück Deutsche, Fußball- Nationalmannschaft, Triumph, Weltmeisterschaft, Joachim Löw, Nationalmannschaft, DFB-Elf, DFB, DFB-Team, WM-Titel, Deutschland 258 Table 7 (cont’d) 22 “Die Nationalmannschaf t ist schon lange nicht mehr deutsch” 23 Gauland: “Die Nationalelf ist schon lange nicht mehr deutsch” 24 “Zur Freiheit gehört, die Hymne nicht zu singen“ 25 Grüne Jugend über Fußballpatriotismu s “Man könnte die Mannschaft auch mit DFB-Fahne unterstützen” 26 EM 2016: Warum der Fußball- Patriotismus nicht harmlos ist 03.06.2016 Die Zeit AfD-Vize, Nationalmannschaft, multikulti, Nachbar, Boateng, 2006, Deutschland, Weltmeisterschaft, Europameisterschaft, Wurzeln 03.06.2016 Tagesspiegel Identität, Fußball- 12.06.2016 Die Welt Nationalmannschaft, Fußballnationalmannschaft, Migrationshintergrund, Nationalmannschaft, Symbol, multikulti, multikulturelle Deutschland, EM, Weltmeister, Nationalelf, Multikulti, Nationalmannschaft, Deutschland, Migranten, Patriotismus, AfD, 2010 13.06.2016 Der Spiegel Schland, Fanmeilen, Fußball-EM, Fußballfans, Gemeinschaftsgefühle, Party-Patriotismus, die Mannschaft, Nationalismus, DFB-Fahne, Schwarz-Rot-Gold, EM 16.06.2016 Tagesspiegel Fußball-Patriotismus, EM, Europameisterschaften, Männerfußball, Fanmeile, Miroslav Klose, Nationalfahnen, EMs, WMs, Nationalismus, Patriotismus, Fahnenmeere, schwarz-rot- goldenen, AfD, Grüne, DFB-Team, DFB-Mannschaft, DFB-Elf, EM- Spiel, CDU, Hooligans, Mannschaft Fanmeile, die deutsche Mannschaft, Fans, Mannschaft, 2006, Deutschlandfahne, Sommermärchen, Weltmeistertitel, Schland, Schland-Geschichte, Party, DFB-Elf, Jürgen Klinsmann, schwarz-rot-gold, Multikulti, Weltmeister, stolz, Nationalmannschaft 27 Fanmeile Berlin - Die Party ist zu Ende 29.06.2018 Die Welt 259 Table 7 (cont’d) 28 Mesut Özil tritt aus 22.07.2018 der Nationalmannschaf t zurück Tagesspiegel Fußball-Nationalteam, Weltmeister, Fußball-Weltmeister, Nationalmannschaft, WM, DFB, DFB-Chef, WM, Fußball 29 Özil ist gescheitert 23.07.2018 Tagesspiegel Mannschaft, Nationalelf, an der populistischen Stimmung im Land Nationalmannschaft, WM, Russland, deutschen Fußball- Nationalmannschaft, Rücktritt, DFB-Präsidenten, Rassismus, Populismus, AfD, CSU 30 Wir und die 27.07.2018 Mannschaft - zwischen AfD und Multikulti Rheinische Post DFB, Nationalmannschaft, Fußball- Nationalmannschaft, Nationalelf, WM-Kader, National-Mannschaft, multikulti, Deutschland, WM 2006, Mannschaft, 1954 260 Concepts Team names Events APPENDIX C: NINE KEY CONCEPTS Expressions Mannschaft, Nationalmannschaft, die deutsche Mannschaft, National- M(/m)annschaft; Klinsmann-Elf, Löw-Elf; Fußball-Nationalmannschaft, Fußballnationalmannschaft, Fußball- Weltmeister, Fußball-Nationalteam; Multikulti-Elf, WM-Kader, Truppe, Team, WM-Elf, WM-Team, Multi- Kulti-Weltmeister, Nationalteam, Nationalelf; Weltmeistermannschaft(en), WM-Mannschaft(en), Weltmeister(n), die deutsche Elf, DFB-Elf, DFB-Team, DFB-Mannschaft Fußball-Weltmeisterschaft, Fußball-EM, EM(s), WM(s), Weltmeisterschaft, Europameisterschaft(en), 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 1954, 1972, 1990, EM-Spiel, Wunder von Bern, WM- Sieg, EM 2016 Political subjects Gaucho-Tanz, Gauland, AfD, CSU, Nachbar, Kinder, Patriotismusdebatte, Nationalismus, Selbstbewusstsein Team history DDR, BRD, DFB, Wiedervereinigung, Sommermärchen Fan-related terminology Geographical references Fans, Fan-Meer, Fanmeile, Party, Fußballfans Berlin, Deutschland, Düsseldorf, Südafrika, Brazil, Südkorea, Russland Individuals Klinsmann, Bundestrainer Symbols Symbol, Fahne, Deutschland-Fahne, Flaggen, Gauchos, Fahnenmeere, schwarz-rot-golden, Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Brandenburger Tor, Trikot, Stern, Hymne Miscellaneous terms Traum, Albtraum Table 8. Nine key concepts summarized from the reading process of the initial 30 articles. 261 APPENDIX D: FOUR RESULTS OF DIFFERENT MODELS FOR TOPIC MODELING AT 80 TOPICS Figure 15. Topic modeling results generated based on model 1. 262 Figure 16. Topic modeling results generated based on model 2. 263 Figure 17. Topic modeling results generated based on model 3. 264 Figure 18. Topic modeling results generated based on model 4. 265