I I 71-11,892 KIRK, J r . , Gordon William, 1941THE PROMISE OF AMERICAN LIFEi SOCIAL MOBILITY IN A NINETEENTH CENTURY IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY, HOLLAND, MICHIGAN, 1847-1894. Michigan State University, Ph.D., 1970 History, general University Microfilms, A XEROXCom pany, Ann Arbor, Michigan THE PROMISE OF AMERICAN LIFE: SOCIAL MOBILITY IN A NINETEENTH CENTURY IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY, HOLLAND, MICHIGAN, 1847-1894 By Gordon W. Kirk, Jr. A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History 1970 ABSTRACT THE PROMISE OF AMERICAN LIFE: SOCIAL MOBILITY IN A NINETEENTH CENTURY IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY, HOLLAND, MICHIGAN, 1847-1894 By Gordon W. Kirk, Jr. The purpose of this study was to examine social and geographic mobility from 1847 to 1894 in a small Michigan community composed of the towns of Holland, Zeeland, and Holland Township. Differing from the previous communities studied, Trempealeau County, Newburyport, and Philadelphia, Holland typified a fourth type, an ethnically homogeneous community experiencing rapid economic and population growth. The small community at this time still remained the residence of the vast majority of Americans as well as being an important social institution; if mobility and attitudes towards it are to be examined, the small town must be studied extensively. In order to examine patterns of mobility, data for each working male in the Holland community were gathered from the manuscripts of the federal censuses of population from 1850 to 1880, the state census of 1894, and the federal censuses of industry and agriculture. Where possible Gordon W. Kirk, Jr. information from emigration records of The Netherlands concerning the occupations of residents of the Holland settlement was also collected. computerized, and analyzed. All data were then coded, Letters and reminiscences of early settlers, church records, and local newspapers were employed to obtain some idea of contemporary attitudes of the area's inhabitants towards success. During the years of this study the community's labor force expanded rapidly in response to economic growth, particularly the industrial sector. Net-migration most fully explained increases in the labor force, although net-vital forces came to play a relatively more important role in providing gains after 1870. In altering the composition of the labor force, net-vital forces and netoccupational mobility provided a disproportionate share of the gains to white collar and wealthier farm operators groups. On the other hand, the tendency of lower occu­ pational groups to have higher rates of in- and out­ migration as well as for net-migration to supply dispro­ portionate increases to less prosperous occupations implies that the geographically mobile tended to show less upward vertical mobility than those remaining in a community. findings from Holland and other fragmentary evidence suggest that historians crn no longer equate the "man on the move" with the successful "man on the make." The Gordon W. Kirk, Jr. Examination of both intra- and inter-generational occupational mobility as well as intra-generational wealth mobility revealed that residents of Holland enjoyed sub­ stantial movement. In addition, for those whose occu­ pational careers could be traced back to The Netherlands, a great deal of economic improvement accompanied immi­ gration to America. Many others, however, did not experience movement and a very large number left the settlement without achieving success. Yet, a sufficient number of cases of mobility existed to make the American dream seem credible to a substantial portion of the population. This may have been especially true in a community composed of immigrants from a country they believed to be socially and economically stagnant. While substantial rates of mobility took place in the Holland community, opportunity for movement declined with the passage of time. Not only did gross rates decrease, but also rates of upward movement declined at an even more rapid rate, particularly after 187 0. By contrast, significant increases characterized rates of downward mobility after 1870. The decline in minimum structural movement, mobility attributable to changes in the occupational structure, after 1870 offered the best explanation for these changing rates of movement. This indicated that the structural changes accompanying the settlement and early development of a community offered Gordon W. Kirk, Jr. greater inducements to mobility than those brought about by industrialization. Comparing rates of intra-generational mobility of the various occupational categories revealed that those at the bottom of the occupational structure experienced the highest rates of movement. In every time period under consideration, rural workers closely followed by blue collar workers had the highest mobility rates. By contrast, farm operators and white collar workers had the lowest rates of movement. Patterns of inter-generational mobility of sons grouped according to the occupations of their fathers showed that the offsprings of farm operators and white collar workers most closely followed the occupations of their fathers. A substantial portion of the sons of white collar workers, however, moved downward into blue collar positions. On the other hand, sons of rural workers and blue collar workers recorded the highest rates of m o ­ bility. By comparing other studies with these findings, some generatlizations were posited about the extent of economic opportunity in nineteenth century America. A comparison with Newburyport suggested that a relationship between occupational mobility and out-migration existed, i.e., lower rates of departure occurred when higher rates of mobility took place. A comparison with Curti's study indicated that the high level of opportunity for those at Gordon W. Kirk, Jr. the bottom of the agricultural occupational ladder in the early years of settlement diminished with its development. Blumin's findings concerning the period of merchant capitalism in Philadelphia closely paralleled those from the Holland community in that opportunity declined due to changes in the occupational structure as a result of industrial organization. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The preparation of a dissertation clearly illustrates the fact that "no man is an island." Both during the course of my graduate studies and particularly in the preparation of this s t u d y , many people have generously given of their time and effort. To Professor Jerome M. Clubb, Director of Historical Archives for the InterUniversity Consortium for Political Research, University of Michigan, an inestimatable debt is owed. As both friend and teacher, he patiently guided me through the early part of my graduate career and first introduced me to the possibilities of quantitative history. Later, he supplied valuable programming assistance and computer time at an especially harrowing phase in the writing of the manuscript. For their wise counsel and encouragement, the members of the Department of History at Michigan State University will always have by deepest gratitude. In particular Professors James H. Soltow and Madison Kuhn must be singled out for special recognition. Professor Kuhn's careful reading of this manuscript and valuable ii suggestions were most appreciated. Moreover, his gentle­ ness and incisive mind have made a lasting imprint upon me. Professor Soltow merits special consideration for his role as director of this dissertation. I am par­ ticularly grateful for his encouragement in pursuing this type of research and for his numerous helpful suggestions along the way. In addition his thorough reading and insightful criticisms of the drafts of this work helped to improve both the manuscript and my competence as an historian. In a mundane vein, his promptness in returning chapters as they were submitted removed many of the anxieties usually associated with the writing of a disser­ tation. The research involved in this study required the generous assistance of many institutions and their staffs. To Richard Hathaway of the Michigan State Library for his help in locating various materials and for bending the rules to allow me to withdraw certain items, I am most appreciative. Likewise, Michael Traugott of the Inter- University Consortium for Political Research was most generous in taking time away from his own work to assist me in programming. In addition, the staffs of the Heritage Hall Collections at Calvin College, Hope College Library, Michigan State Archives, and The Netherlands Museum of Holland, Michigan, were most helpful. Without question, however, the greatest debt is owed to my wife, Carolyn, who particularly in these days of Women*s Liberation made extreme sacrifices. Lovingly taking time out from her own graduate work in sociology, she served as both research assistant and editor in the preparation of this study. Perhaps even more importantly, she usually— but not always— listened with great patience to me ramble on about my work at all hours of the day and night. For her, I hope the adjustment from being married to both a graduate student and a dissertation to being married to a college professor will be most enjoyable. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I. II. III. IV. V. VI. Page INTRODUCTION .................................... 1 HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY, 1850-1894 22 MOBILITY PATTERNS AND THE COMPONENTS OF CHANGE IN THE OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE IN THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY ........................... 67 THE CONCEPT OF SUCCESS IN THE HOLLAND C O M M U N I T Y ........................................... 102 PATTERNS OF INTRA-GENERATIONAL OCCUPATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY ............. 13 2 PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE HOLLAND C O M M U N I T Y ....................... 19 3 VII. PATTERNS OF WEALTH MOBILITY IN THE HOLLAND C O M M U N I T Y ...........................................232 VIII. C O N C L U S I O N S ....................................... 258 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... v 277 LIST OF TABLES ge Total Population and Percentage of Increase in Total Population of the Holland Area and the North Central Division, 18501890 ........................................ 9 Rate of Growth of the Population and Industry of the Holland Community as Recorded in the Federal Censuses, 1850-1880 . 38 Industrial and Population Growth of the Holland Community as Recorded in the State Census, 1854-1894.................... 40 Selected Figures Related to the Agricultural Development of the Holland Community, 1870-1894 ................................. 47 Agricultural Development of the Holland Community, 1854-1894....................... 48 Changing Occupational Structure of the Holland Community, 1850-1894 ............. 51 Ethnic Composition of the Holland Community, 1850-1880.. ................................. 58 Sources of Increase in the Labor Force of the Holland Community, 1850-1880 ............. 69 Migration Rates for the Holland Community, 1850-60 .................................... 73 Migration Rates for the Holland Community, 1860-70 ..................................... 77 Migration Rates for the Holland Community, 1870-80 .................................... 82 Components of Change in the Labor Force of the Holland Community, 1850-60 (Based on 1860 Labor Forc e ) ....................... 87 vi Table 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. Page Components of Change in the Labor Force of the Holland Community* 1860-70 (Based on 1870 Labor F o r c e ) 90 Components of Change in the Labor Force of the Holland Community* 1870-80 (Based on 1880 Labor F o r c e ) .................... 9 Summary Measures of Occupational Mobility for the Holland Community Using Fifteen Occupational Groups* 1850-94 . . . . . Summary Measures of Occupational Mobility for the Holland Community Using Col­ lapsed Occupational Groups* 1850-94 . 3 140 . Changing Rates of Gross Mobility for Occu­ pational Groups* 1850-94................ . 146 150 Types of Occupational Mobility Occurring in the Holland Community Using Fifteen Occupational Groups* 1850-94..... .......... 152 Types of Occupational Mobility Occurring in the Holland Community Using Collapsed Occupational Groups* 1850-94..... .......... 153 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1850 and 1860 . 158 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1850 and 1870 . 159 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1850 and 18 80 . 160 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1860 and 1870 . • • • * 163 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1860 and 1880 . • » * • 164 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1870 and 1880 . 168 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1870 and 1894 . 169 Mobility Patterns for Those Listed in Both the Censuses of 1880 and 1894 . » • • vii • 172 Table 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. Page Intra-group Mobility Patterns of Farm Operators, 1850-80 ....................... 174 Intra-group Mobility Patterns of Rural Workers, 1850-80.......................... 175 Intra-group Mobility Patterns of Urban White Collar Workers, 1850-94. . . . 175 Intra-group Mobility Patterns of Urban Blue Collar Workers, 1850-94..... 176 Patterns of Mobility of Unskilled Workers in the Holland Community, 1850-94 . . . 33. Patterns of Intra-generational Occupational Mobility of Dutch-born and Non-Dutchborn Using Collapsed Occupational 180 Categories, 1850-94.............. 34. Summary Mobility Data by Age Cohorts for the Holland Community, 1870-80 182 35. Summary Occupational Mobility Data for Those Living in the Holland Community for Whom Occupational Data From The Netherlands was Available Using Collapsed Occupational Categories........................ 184 36. Summary Rates of Inter-generational Mobility for Fathers and Sons Appearing in the Same Census Controlling for Age, 1850-94........................... 197 37. Patterns of Inter-generational Mobility for Sons Ages 31-40 Appearing in the Same Census as Their Fathers, 1850-94 . . 38. 39. 40. 178 . 200 Patterns of Inter-generational Mobility for Sons Age 31-40 Appearing in a Census Ten Years Later Than Their Fathers, 18S0-94 . 2 02 Patterns of Inter-generational for Sons Ages 31-40 Appearing in a Census Twenty Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-94 . . . 203 Inter-generational Patterns of Mobility for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Urban White Collar Workers Appearing in the Same Census as Their Fathers, 1850-94........... 212 viii Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Urban White Collar Workers Appearing in a Census Ten Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-94 . 213 Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Urban White Collar Workers Appearing in a Census Twenty Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-94 . 215 Inter-generational Patterns of Mobility for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Urban Blue Collar Workers Appearing in the Same Census as Their Fathers, 1850-94................... 216 Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Urban Blue Collar Workers Appearing in a Census Ten Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-94 ............. 218 Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Urban Blue Collar Workers Appearing in a Census Twenty Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-94 ............. 220 Inter-generational Patterns of Mobility for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Farm Operators A p ­ pearing in the Same Census as Their Fathers, 1850-94.......................... 221 Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Farm Operators Appearing in a Census Ten Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-80.......................... 222 Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Farm Operators Appearing in a Census Twenty Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-80.......................... 223 Inter-generational Patterns of Mobility for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Rural Workers Ap­ pearing in the Same Census as Their Fathers, 1850-80.......................... 225 Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Rural Workers Appearing in a Census Ten Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-80.......................... 225 ix Table 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. Page Inter-generational Mobility Patterns for Sons (Ages 31-40) of Rural Workers Appearing in a Census Twenty Years Later Than Their Fathers, 1850-80 .......................... 227 Summary Measures of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility Based on Data From the Censuses of 1850, I860, and 1870.................... 242 Rates of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility, Real Wealth in 1850 Versus Total Wealth in 1860 .................................... 245 Rates of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility, Real Wealth in 1850 Versus Total Wealth in 1870 .................................... 246 Rates of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility, Total Wealth in 1860 Versus Total Wealth in 1870 .................................... 247 Rates of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility for Those Appearing in Both the Censuses of 1850 and 1860, Controlling for Age in 1850 .................................... 250 Rates of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility for Those Appearing in Both the Censuses of 1860 and 1870, Controlling for Age in 1860 .................................... 250 Rates of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility for Those Appearing in Both the Censuses of 1850 and 1870, Controlling for Age in 1850 ................................. 251 Rates of Intra-generational Wealth Mobility of Dutch-born and Non-Dutch-born, 1860-70 ................................. 254 x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION I. One of the basic tenets of the American Credo has been that this country is a land of unlimited opportunity. This view has not only been applied to native Americans but also to the millions of European immigrants who flocked to the American shore in the nineteenth century. Moreover, no other country can compare with the United States in the amount of praise that it bestows upon its self-made men, and in no other country do successful men go to such lengths to describe their menial origins.^" The acceptance of this fundamental belief has also provided a major explanation for the failure of radical political parties and labor movements to attract substantial followings. Important as it is, only recently have historians begun systematically to examine and question the validity of the "American Dream" for the nineteenth century. Previously, by relying largely on impressionistic evidence, scholars in all fields gave credence to the popular belief. 1 2 The advent of the Great Depression sparked a critical examination of the "Rags to Riches" assumption for the twentieth century. 2 Social scientists, who still regarded the nineteenth century as a land of unlimited opportunity, conducted most of the early studies challenging this view. W. Lloyd Warner, a social anthropologist, was one of the first to study stratification and mobility in the twentieth century. Accepting the view of the openness of nineteenth century society on the basis of impressionistic evidence, he presented the concept of "blocked mobility" in his Yankee City series. Warner argued that with the advent of industrialism and accompanying replacement of skilled crafts­ men by machine operatives, the opportunity for upward verti­ cal mobility decreased.^ Recently other students of social mobility either have refrained from making comparisons with the nineteenth century or have developed theories of mobility implicitly suggesting that there was less mobility in the nineteenth than in the twentieth century. and Bendix, Lipset for example, argue that the rate of social mobility increases as a nation industrializes, urbanizes, 4 and bureaucratizes. Implicitly this means that mobility rates for the twentieth century would be higher than those for the nineteenth century unless one wanted to advance the proposition that these three processes are declining in importance. Within the last decade or so, historians have become increasingly aware of social science methodology; out of 3 this awareness have come new and more systematic studies / seriously questioning the openness of nineteenth century society,5 The value of this approach was first illustrated in the elite studies dealing with the social origins of late nineteenth and early twentieth century business leaders. The traditional view had portrayed the back­ ground of the typical business leader as that of a poor farm boy or immigrant who rose to a position of prominence without the benefit of much education.5 This impression­ istic view of the social origins of the Robber Barons, moreover, was one of the basic assumptions of a major reinterpretation of the Progressive period.7 Systematic analyses of the backgrounds of the business eXTte by Francis W. Gregory and Irene D. Neu and by William Miller have seriously challenged this view. In a study of over 300 industrial leaders of the 1870's, Gregory and Neu found that less than 10 per cent came from working class origins. In addition, few were immigrants and only about one-fourth came from rural backgrounds. By contrast they found that the vast majority of their sample was of old New England stock, white-Anglo-Saxon-Protestant (primarily Episcopal, Presbyterian, or Congregational), and the sons of business­ men and professionals. Similarly William Miller in his study of the business elite of the first decade of the twentieth century found that fully 95 per cent came from upper or middle class backgrounds and that it was "to look 4 almost in vain" to find men of working class or immigrant backgrounds.® While these elite studies are of great value, they do not give us adequate answers to the question of mobility for the entire population. It is theoretically possible to conceive of a society where there is total self­ recruitment of the elites and a tremendous amount of vertical mobility occurring at all other levels of society. "It by no means follows," to use Stephan Thernstrom's words, "that if there was little room at the top, that there was g little room elsewhere." The problem of the openness of a society, then, is a far more complex problem requiring more than an appraisal of elite recruitment. It entails a systematic analysis of vertical mobility at all levels of society, a consideration of the changing occupational structure, and comparisons of boti over time and space. Thus the examination of nine­ teenth century social mobility becomes a multi-stage process. The first step is to determine how much mobility and what patterns of movement occurred at all levels within the sample selected for study. Next these findings need to be related to changes in the occupational structure in order to determine to what extent these changes affected the rates of mobility. Then the observed rates of mobility must be compared over space, that is, with studies of mobility in other places during the same time period, in order to determine what similarities and/or differences 5 existed between different types of communities. In addition, findings from the nineteenth century should be compared with those from the twentieth century in order to compare mobility rates over time. This type of analysis will enable scholars to deal more adequately with such questions as to whether or not the assumption of oppor­ tunity for the late nineteenth century is valid and whether or not rates of vertical mobility are changing in American society. Answers to these questions will help scholars to evaluate more precisely the effects of industrialization and the frontier on the fluidity of the nineteenth century social order. The extant literature on social mobility in the nine­ teenth century is not yet sufficient to give precise answers to the questions just raised. direction has begun. However, a move in this The first study of occupational mobility in a nineteenth century community to appear was Merle Curti's examination of Trempealeau County, Wisconsin, between 1850 and 1880. Selecting a frontier community with an ethnically heterogeneous population, his main purpose was "to apply objective tests to the Turner thesis about democracy" which Curti defined in part as involving the development of "equality of economic and cultural oppor­ tunity."^0 According to Curti's interpretation of his data, "The rich became somewhat richer, the poor become a great deal less p o o r . " ^ 6 Since this initial study, two examinations of mobil­ ity in urban areas have produced results contradictory to Curti's. Stephan Thernstrom's analysis of the unskilled workers of Newburyport, Massachusetts, from 1850 to 1880 offers a different picture of opportunity. From his examination of unskilled laborers, who comprised only 8 per cent of the work force of Newburyport, he concludes that there was little in their experiences to justify the con­ cept of unlimited opportunity. "These laborers and their sons experienced a great deal of occupational mobility,” Thernstrom concludes, but "only in rare cases was it mobility very far up the occupational ladder." 12 Also in contrast to Curti, Stuart Blumin in his study of vertical mobility in ante-bellum Philadelphia argues that the gap between the rich and the poor widened. He found that be­ tween 18 20 and 1860 upward rates of occupational mobility remained relatively constant while downward rates of movement steadily rose. 13 The paucity of occupational mobility studies for the nineteenth century and the apparently contradictory results they reveal strongly indicate that more studies of mobility are needed before American his­ torians can provide adequate appraisals of the nature of nineteenth century society. II. The purpose of this study will be to examine social mobility from 1847 to 1894 in a small community in western 7 Michigan composed of the towns of Holland, Holland Township. Zeeland, and This area, differing from Trempealeau County, Newburyport, and Philadelphia, typifies another type of community prevalent in nineteenth century America. Two of these, Philadelphia and Newburyport, represent different types of ethnically heterogeneous cities in the Northeast. The former is an example of a large ante-bellum commercial and industrial center while the latter typifies a medium-sized, post-Civil War industrial city. By con­ trast, Trempealeau County represents an ethnically hetero­ geneous, agricultural frontier community. Holland typifies a fourth type of community, an ethnically homogeneous frontier settlement that increasingly comes to rely upon light industry rather than agriculture. Holland was representative of many places in America inhabited by a sizeable proportion of the population. The small community at this time still remained the residence of the vast majority of Americans. In 1890, the federal census reported that out of a population of 62 million over 45 million still resided in cities and towns with a popu14 lation of less than 5,000. Not only did the American town contain a sizeable proportion of the population, but also it exerted tre­ mendous influence over American life and the American attitude towards mobility. Thorstein Veblen, both a product and a critic of the late nineteenth century town, asserted in 192 3 that the town was "one of the great 8 American^.institutions; perhaps the greatest, in the sense that it has had . . . a greater part than any other in shaping public sentiment and giving character to American culture. Writing in 1968, Page Smith further suggested that until the early decades of the twentieth century, with the exception of the family and the church, the small town was "the basic form of social organization experienced by the vast majority of A m e r i c a n s . " ^ If social mobility and attitudes towards it are to be investigated in the nine­ teenth century, then the small town must be examined ex­ tensively. The Holland area shared many common features with a substantial prop■ * % T c£ * :ki“ " 7,114 Bt 2,246 17.4 27,196 2856 105,844 2214 4,099 13.4 55,704 1034 10.5 21,672 -80t 6,555 18.4 51,810 64 11.3 107,457 1966 5,369 11.2 76,831 316 39,906 1,320 24.5 30,321 18*4 12,826 30,381 1,706 13.3 32,966 1874 21,130 58,667 3,949 11.7 1884 3*,139 49,775 1,780 1894 40,730 46,006 4,602 Per Cent increase 1854 17,446 . . 1*64 16,414 -64 1874 13,010 1884 T3”s ^ Per Cent Increase , . Pounds Butter Per Cent t range . . 20,’91 . . 4,097 14464 33.860 1734 1011 5,220 224 206,:;. 35,783 It 1,797 -174 1894 51,010 484 3.960 ,i6» Year Milch Cows 1854 503 1864 1,444 i 67 \ 1874 2,268 1884 1894 Source: 265 Per Cent Cnangc Sh~ P * - . . .. 6.7 9,381 Bushels Other Srain Per Cent Increase 362 1854 year *«*' Bushels of Wheat Horses 36 P« Cent change . Cxen Per Cent c ange . . 304 532 2854 431 42% 146* 980 32 188 -576 295,592 334 1,547 109 85 -554 327,196 lit 2,221 15 10 -88* Swine "charge' ^pulat^on c.iangu . . 1,083 . . - • 43’ . . 1, 559 J1 136’ 574 953 1194 1,052 -36* 74i 3,119 381 1 ,217 27f 2,496 1371 164 2,927 -64 1,143 -64 2,803 134 132* . . Census i Statistics of the State of Michigan. 1854, pp. 184-87; Census k Statistics of the State of hichTian, 1164, pp. 4*Tl-56: Census of the State of Michigan, 1874. pp. 2 7 0 - J 9 2 ; Census of the State Of Michigan, 1884: Agriculture and Hanufactories'] II, i - 3 0 9 ; Census of the State of fachiaan, 1 8 ^ 4 Agriculture, Manufactories, Mines and ‘Fisheries, II, 1-507. 49 and 1874, improved acreage increased fourfold and then redoubled in the next twenty years. Information pertaining to crop production reveals similarly substantial increases for these years with the most spectacular rates of growth concentrated between 18 54 and 1874. In this twenty-year period, growth in the pro­ duction of staple crops compared favorably with the four­ fold increase in population. Corn increased three and one- half times, while wheat, other grains, potatoes, and hay rose almost eightfold, fivefold, twofold, and nineteen­ fold respectively. Increases for the next twenty years failed to match those for the earlier period. Corn pro­ duction expanded less than 2 per cent, wheat increased just slightly under 40 per cent, other grains rose 67 per cent, potato production grew 60 per cent, and the output of hay increased slightly over 70 per cent. None of these figures equalled the 168 per cent rise in population for the same period. Livestock and dairy production followed a comparable pattern of development. The number of cattle increased fivefold by 1874 and then rose only 36 per cent in the next twenty years. Likewise, the number of sheep in­ creased from zero in 1854 to 952 by 1874 and then rose by only 185 or less than 20 per cent in the following two decades. patterns. Swine provided the only exception to these Between 1854 and 1874, the number of swine de­ clined slightly and then almost tripled in the next two 50 decades. Rapid growth rates for dairy production were followed by much slower rates of expansion. The number of milch cows quadrupled by 1874 and then increased only 29 per cent in the next twenty years. Similarly butter pro­ duction showed a sevenfold rise during the early period, and only a 60 per cent increase in the latter period. While the pattern of growth for the community's economy was rapid, it was not constant for all sectors of the economy. Agricultural output rose sharply until the early 1870's and then leveled off. By contrast, the in­ dustrial sector of the economy enjoyed phenomenal growth far surpassing changes in the population throughout this period and more than offsetting the declining rates of agricultural growth. Such developments resulted in the community's gradual transition from a rural-based economy to one based increasingly on light industry. IV. The impact of economic development during these years produced major alterations in the occupational structure of the community. To a lesser extent it also affected the ethnic composition of the labor force. These years witnessed a decline in the proportion of people directly involved in agriculture (see Table 6). In 18 50, the federal census listed 46.1 per cent of the labor force as being employed in agriculture. This appears to be a very low estimate of the actual number involved since TABLE 6.— Changing occupational atructure of the Holland conmunity, 1850-1894. 1850 1860 1870 1880 1894* Occupation No. White Collar Workers Professional Big Businessmen Small Businessmen Clerical 6 Sales t No. 1 No. t No. » NO. 23 10 1 11 1 4.2 1.8 0.2 2.0 0.2 67 20 7 29 11 6.6 1.9 0.7 2.8 1.1 204 36 34 111 23 13.5 2.4 2.2 7.3 1.5 316 64 44 ISO 58 14.9 3.0 2.1 7.1 2.7 , * « 136 152 6.8 7.6 281 80 1 200 50.0 14.2 0.2 35.6 234 125 36 73 22.9 12.1 3.5 7.1 511 208 99 204 33.8 13.7 6.5 13.5 678 275 288 115 32.4 13.0 13.6 5.4 1,610 432 979 199 80.4 21.6 48.9 9.9 Farm Operators Farmers (over $5,000) Farmers ($1,001-$5,000) Farmers ($501-$1,000) Farmers (under $500) 50 0 8 8 34 8.8 0.0 1.4 1.4 6.0 321 0 115 133 73 31.4 0.0 11.2 12.9 7.1 649 26 416 156 51 42.9 1.7 27.5 10.3 3.4 690 61 462 129 38 32.6 2.9 21.8 6.1 1.8 Rural Workers Gardners Tenants fi Sharecroppers Farmers Without Farms Farm Laborers 208 2 0 195 11 37.1 0.4 0.0 34.7 2.0 409 8 0 277 124 40.1 0.8 0.0 26.9 12.0 149 7 0 89 53 9.8 0.5 0.0 5.9 3.5 432 5 19 172 236 20.4 0.2 0.9 8.1 11.2 34 1 1.7 0.0 , # , 15 18 0.7 0.9 Total 562 100.1 1,031 100.1 1,513 100.0 2,116 99.9 2,002 100.0 Blue Collar Workers Skilled Workers Semiskilled Workers Unskilled Workers *Indicates data for only the city of Holland. Township or Zeeland. 358 70 17.9 3.5 * The manuscripts of the state census are not available for Holland Source: Manuscripts of the Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Population of the United States; Manuscripts of the Eighth Census of the United States, I860: Population oil the United States; Manuscripts of the Ninth Census of the United States, 1870: "Population of~the United States; Manuscripts of the Tenth Census of the United States, i860: Population of the United States; (Microflined), Michigan State Library; Manuscripts at the Census of the State of~Michig'an, 1894, Michigan State Archives. 52 the vast majority of the 35.6 per cent of the labor force classified as laborers in 1850 more than likely worked in agriculture as farm laborers. At this time with the com­ munity still in the early stages of development and thus the primitive state of industry, the employment possi­ bilities for this unskilled labor group were limited to the agricultural sector of the economy performing such menial work as clearing land for other farmers. Assuming that most of those enumerated as laborers in 18 50 were actually involved in some type of agricultural pursuit, changes in the community's occupational structure indicate a marked trend away from agricultural employment. The proportion of the labor force involved in agriculture de­ clined from slightly over 70 per cent in 1860 to slightly more than 50 per cent in both 1870 and 1880, 52.7 per cent and 53.0 per cent respectively. In addition to the relative decreases, the compo­ sition of the agricultural labor force underwent major changes during these years. With the clearing of land, the proportion of farm operators and the percentage of those possessing more valuable farms increased dramatically. Between 1850 and 1870 the proportion of farm operators steadily increased from 9.0 per cent to 42.9 per cent be­ fore declining to 32.6 per cent in 1880. Not only did the number of farm operators generally rise, but also the value of their farms increased. None of the farmers enumerated in 1850 owned farms valued in excess of $5,000. By 53 contrast, 2.9 per cent of the labor force fell into this classification in 1880. Similarly that segment composed of farm operators with farms valued in the $1,001 to $5,000 range steadily increased attaining a high of 27.6 per cent of the labor force in 1870 before declining to 21.6 per cent in 1880. The proportion of farmers with farms valued at $1,000 or less, after increasing from 7.4 per cent to 20.0 per cent between 1850 and 1860, dropped to 7.9 per cent by 1880. In contrast to the farm operators, the proportion of rural workers within the labor force showed a general de­ cline with a great deal of fluctuation among the specific occupations comprising this broad classification. After a modest rise from 37.1 per cent to 40.1 per cent between 18 50 and 18 60, the proportion of rural workers fell pre­ cipitously to 9.8 per cent in 1870 before rising to 20.4 per cent in 1880. Among these agricultural occupations, gardeners, tenant farmers, and sharecroppers represented only a very small percentage, never more than 1 per cent of the labor force in the years under consideration. On the other hand, the proportion of farm laborers fluctuated widely in these years. While the number of farm laborers enumerated in the census of 1850 represents a gross under­ statement of their actual number, the proportion for the remaining censuses ranged from 12.0 per cent in 1860 to 3.5 per cent in 1870 before increasing to 11.2 per cent in 1880. 54 The last remaining occupational group "farmers without farms," which constituted a steadily decreasing proportion of the population, requires further explanation. The term "farmers without farms" refers to those individuals listed as farmers in the general census of population, but who were not enumerated in the census of agriculture. Due to the large number of them, their omission from the census of agriculture appears to be more than just an oversight on the part of the census taker. Historians dealing with this phenomenon have advanced a number of theories to ex­ plain who these people were. Paul Gates in his essay "Frontier Estate Builders and Farm Laborers" considers them to be farm tenants. 47 Mildred Throne suggests that many were farm laborers residing in households separate from their place of employment. 48 Merle Curti in his Trempealeau County study offers a third alternative. Con­ ceiving of them as an entity unto themselves, Curti sees them as simultaneously being farmers and farm laborers, farmers in the sense that they owned land, but land which had not yet been cleared. While in the process of clear­ ing their own land, these men worked for other farmers in order to earn a living and purchase needed equipment and livestock. 4 9 Curti*s view best fits the data available for the Holland community. During the early years of the settlement when much of the land remained uncleared, the proportion of "farmers without farms" in the labor force was much greater than in later years when most of the land 55 had been cleared. In 1850 and I860, this group comprised 34.3 per cent and 26.9 per cent respectively of the com­ munity's labor force. By contrast, only 5.9 per cent and 8.1 per cent respectively of the labor force in 1870 and 1880 fell into this category. Like the agricultural labor force, the non-farm work force also underwent significant changes. Not only did its size increase both relatively and absolutely, but also its composition was transformed. Between 1850 and 1880 the proportion of white collar positions rose from 4.1 per cent to 14.9 per cent of the labor force. Within this group the greatest absolute increase occurred among the business and proprietor groups which rose from 1.9 per cent of the labor force in 1850 to 7.1 per cent in 1880. At the same time the percentage of professionals expanded from 1.8 per cent to 3.5 per cent while the clerical and sales group dis­ played the largest relative increase in rising from 0.2 per cent to 2.7 per cent of the labor force. With the exception of 18 50 when a large number of agricultural workers were classified as unskilled laborers, data from the federal censuses indicate that the urban blue collar workers' share of the work force rose. Be­ tween 1860 and 1870 the percentage of the labor force falling into this category increased from 22.9 per cent to 33.8 per cent before declining only slightly to 32.4 per cent in 1880. Within this group, the largest increases occurred among the semiskilled workers whose share of the 56 labor force rose from 0.2 per cent in 18 50 to 13.6 per cent in 1880. This category, consisting primarily of factory operatives, provides some indication of the effects of industrialization on the community's occupational struc­ ture. By contrast, the proportion of skilled workers in the community remained fairly constant throughout this period. Their share of the labor force never varied by more than 2 per cent in any census between 1850 and 1880. Unlike the skilled workers, the proportion of unskilled workers fluctuated erratically. Even if one excludes the data from the 1850 census because of the inclusion of a number of farm laborers in the unskilled workers category, this wide variation remains. The proportion of unskilled workers in the labor force rose from 7.2 per cent in 1860 to 13.4 per cent the following decade before falling to 5.4 per cent in 1880. These changes in the occupational structure reflected the more rapid development of the industrial sector of the economy. The emergence of a bureaucratic structure commonly associated with industrialism manifested itself in the pro­ portion of the labor force holding white collar positions especially at the sales and clerical level. In addition, the number of factory operatives, as indicated by the data on semiskilled workers, increased substantially. Data gathered from the state census of 1894 for the city of Holland further reinforce this trend. By this date almost 18 per cent of the city's labor force held white collar 57 positions with 7.6 per cent falling into the clerical and sales category. Moreover, semiskilled workers comprised 49 per cent of the city's working force. While the occupational structure of the community experienced a major transition, the ethnic composition of the labor force remained relatively intact. Dutch immi­ grants or their offspring continued to comprise the over­ whelming majority of the labor force thus fulfilling Van Raalte's vision of a homogeneous community (see Table 7). Although a steadily declining majority, the Dutch-born comprised the majority of the labor force from 18 50 to 1880. Comprising over 90 per cent of the labor force in the first two decades this group proportionately fell off to 83.3 per cent and 61.8 per cent in 1870 and 1880 re­ spectively. The addition of many native-born sons of Dutch immigrants to the labor force partially accounts for the decreasing proportion of Dutch-born workers. For example, of the 543 workers in 1880 born in the North Central states, 429 or 79.1 per cent of them were of Dtuch immigrant parentage. The combined total of Dutch immi­ grants and their sons thus equalled 82.1 per cent of the community's labor force in 1880 and suggests that the de­ crease in the proportion of Dutch-born workers did not represent as great a decline in the homogeneity of the community as appears on the surface. An influx of non-Dutch migrants into the community also accounted for some of the decline in the proportion TABLE 7.— Ethnic composition of the Holland community, 1850-1880, 1860 1850 1870 1880 riace oi uircn No. % No. % % No. 97.3 951 92.2 1,258 83.3 North Central States 1 0.2 10 1.0 66 New England 4 0.7 7 0.7 Mid-Atlantic States 4 0.7 37 Other U.S. 1 0.2 Western Europe 4 English Speaking Countries % 1,308 61.8 4.4 543 25.7 14 0.9 15 0.7 3.6 99 6.6 120 5.7 0 0.0 2 0.1 4 0.2 0.7 22 2.1 40 2.6 72 3.4 1 0.2 4 0.4 31 2.1 53 2.5 Eastern Europe 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 Unknown 0 o • o 547 No. 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.0 Netherlands Source: Manuscripts of the U.S. Censuses, 1850-80. author. Percentages calculated by the 59 of Dutch-born workers. Persons born in the North Central states, Mid-Atlantic states, primarily New York, and immi­ grant groups from western Europe, particularly Germany, steadily increased their proportion of the labor force. This influx, however, resulted in only a modest diluting of Dutch influence in the community. Thus, by 1880 native- born residents of non-Dutch parentage comprised 12.0 per cent of the labor force, while immigrants from western Europe and English speaking countries totaled almost 6 per cent of the labor force. Nevertheless, the community as indicated by the labor force tended to maintain the ethnic homogeneity intended by its founder. This homogeneity prevailed not only because of the continuous influx of Dutch immigrants into the community but also because of the greater reluctance of this group to migrate out of the community. Generally non-Dutch members of the labor force displayed a greater propensity to leave than did their Dutch counterparts. and 1880, Between 1870 57 per cent of those born in The Netherlands remained in the community's labor force compared with only 32.4 per cent of the non-Dutch born. The only other group to approach the Dutch in rate of persistence were other immigrants from western Europe; 47.5 per cent of this group remained in the community between 1870 and 1880. The economic development of the Holland community precipitated a transformation of its labor force. Not only did the size of the labor force increase with the 60 expansion of the economy, but also a redistribution within the occupational structure took place. Between 18 50 and 1880 the proportion of the labor force involved in agri­ culture steadily decreased while the proportion holding urban occupations steadily increased thus reflecting the increasing importance of the factory in the community's economic life. Although major changes took place in the distribution of occupations within the labor force, its ethnic composition remained homogeneous, predominantly composed of first- and second-generation Dutch-Americans. FOOTNOTES B e r t a s Harry Wabeke, Dutch Emigration to North America: 1624-1860 (New York, 1944), pp. 84-86; Lucas, Netherlanders, pp. 42-43. 2Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 84-88; Lucas, Netherlanders, pp. 42-43. 3Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 86-89; Lucas, Nether­ l a n d er , pp. 44-50. ^Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 88-89; Lucas, Nether­ lander s , pp. 44-53. 5 Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 91-92. ^Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, p. 87; Lucas, Nether­ l a n d e r , pp. 53-56. 7Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, p. 91; Lucas, Nether­ l an de r, pp. 53-56. Q Lucas, Netherlanders, p. 55. 61 62 q Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 91-92. ^ L u c as , Nether landers, pp. 56-59. ■^Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, p. 95. 12 Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 115-17; Lucas, Nether­ lander s , pp. 68-76. ^ Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 114-15. 14 See for example: Lucas, Netherlanders; Aleida J. Pieters, A Dutch Settlement in Michigan (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1923); Albert Hyma, Albertus C. Van Raalte and His Dutch Settlement in the United States (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1947). 15 Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 8 9-90. * ^ A n t o n i e Brummelkamp and Albertus C. Van Raalte, "An Appeal to the Faithful in the United States of North America, May 25, 184 6," in Dutch Immigrant Memoirs and Related Writings, ed. by Henry S. Lucas (Seattle, 1955) , I, pp. 14-20. i7Cited in Wabeke, Dutch Emigration, pp. 89-90. 63 1R Emigration Records, The Netherlands, 1848-1876, Calvin College, Heritage Hall Collection. Figures com­ piled by the author. 19 Hyma, Albertus C. Van Raalte, pp. 120-27; Adrian Van Koevering, The Dutch Colonial Pioneers of Western Michigan: The Story of a Mass Movement of Nineteenth Century Pilgrims 20 (Zeeland, Mich., n.d.), pp. 295-96, 306. Lucas, Netherlanders, pp. 110-41. These townships and villages are included in the analysis of mobility in the Holland community. 21 22 23 Hyma, Albertus C. Van Raalte, p. 114. Pieters, A Dutch Settlement, p. 150. Van Koevering, The Dutch Colonial Pioneers, p. 315. 24Ibid., p. 321. 2~*Ibid. , p. 314. 26Ibid., p. 321. 27 Lucas, Netherlanders, p. 96. 28 Hyma, Albertus C. Van Raalte, pp. 146-67; Van Koevering, The Dutch Colonial Pioneers, pp. 295-96. 64 29 Ibid.; Lucas, Netherlanders, pp. 95-100. 30Lucas, Nether lander s , pp. 98-99. 33Ibid. , pp. 90-10 5. 32Ibid., p. 261. 33Ibid., pp. 261-62. 3 ^ Ibid., pp. 262-63. 35Ibid. , p. 263. 'Jr Engbertus VanderVeen, Life History and Remi­ niscences of Engbertus VanderVeen p. 27; Lucas, Netherlanders, pp. (Holland, M i c h . , 1911) , 262-63. 37 Lucas, Netherlanders, pp. 264-65. 38Ibid., pp. 286-87. 3 9U.S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Ninth Census of the United States, 187 0 : dustry and W e a lt h, pp. 40 Census of In­ 337-38. Manuscripts of the Census of Manufacturers, 1850 and 1860. 65 41 Manuscripts of the Census of Industry and Wealth, 1870. 4 2Manuscripts of the Census of Manufacturers/ 1880. 43 Census of the State of Michigan, 1884: Agri­ culture and Manufactories, II, 312-96; Census of the State of Michigan, 1894; Agriculture, Manufactories, Mines and Fisheries, II, 574-873. ^ Holland City News, August 3, 1890. 4 5Hiram Potts, e d. , Historical and Business Com­ pendium of Ottawa County, Vol. II: A Complete Historical, Statistical, and Geographical Compendium of Ottawa County's Public and Private Interests and Institutions (2 vols.; Grand Haven, Mich., 1893), p. 49. 46 Census of the State of Michigan, 1894: Agri­ culture, Manufactories, Mines and Fisheries, II, 574-873. 47 Paul W. Gates, "Frontier Estate Builders and Farm Laborers," in The Frontier in Perspective, ed. by Walker D. Wyman and C. B. Kroeber ^8,tildred Throne, (Madison, Wis., 1957), pp. 145-47. "A Population Study of an Iowa County in 1850," Iowa Journal of History, LVII 1959), 308. (October, 66 4 9 Curti, pp. 59-60. The Making of an American Community, CHAPTER III MOBILITY PATTERNS AND THE COMPONENTS OF CHANGE IN THE OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE IN THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY The growth and increasing industrialization of the Holland community precipitated not only an expansion of the labor force but also a redistribution within the occu­ pational structure. From one perspective alterations in the size and composition of a community's labor force can be viewed as a function of changes in its economic life. From another perspective certain demographic factors account for the changes in the size and composition of the labor force. Two demographic processes serve to alter the size of the labor force; the differential between in- and out-migration and the balance between those entering the labor force for the first time as a result of achieving adulthood and those leaving through either death or re­ tirement. While these processes account for changes in the size of the labor force, they also provide channels through which a community can fulfill its fluctuating occu­ pational needs and thus transform its occupational 67 68 structure. A third demographic factor, net-occupational mobility, although not altering the size of the labor force, offers another avenue by which a community can meet its varying occupational needs, and consequently is an additional source of change within the labor force.^ The following analysis will evaluate the effects of these demographic factors on the size and composition of the Holland community's labor force. The thirty-year period between 1850 and 1880 witnessed a spectacular expansion of the community's labor force as the number of employed males jumped from 562 to 2,116 Table 8). (see A net gain of this magnitude involved a turn­ over of more than 4,000 people. The differential between in- and out-migration supplied the largest source of in­ crease in the size of the labor force. matured by the 1870's, however, As the community the balance of those enter­ ing the labor force by virtue of attaining adulthood over those leaving through either death or retirement became an increasingly important source of expansion within the labor force. Although migration accounted for about 8 5 per cent of the total gains in the number of employed males in this thirty-year period, its influence waned after 1870. For the twenty-year period prior to this date combined total increases through net-migration not only equalled total increments in the labor force but also offset losses re2 suiting from the deficit of net-vital forces. Between 1 —• 00 H 00 in o 1 CO Ul Ul r t P> O o ft> a c \ o to to NJ Kl -O Ul vo o InMigration (— ~o OutMigration Ul *-* vo 4k 4k Ul NetMigration New Adults 4k 8.— Sources -vl TABLE o of in vo increase h-> the © 4k Ul VO o ro M O 1—* o in ~o Ul ■U CO Ul oi vo Ul 1 Ul Deaths of -J force 4k. VO ro labor <31 sj Ul o> O Ul 4k 00 4k <31 to VO Total Ul O Ul Ul 4k CO 4k b-> h-> • VO -o 4k VO • ro Ul 4k O • 1 -o • . oo -o Ul . *-* • -J VO 69 . Ul Ul NetMigrations % of Increase Net Vital Forces % of Increase 1850-1880. <31 community, Net Vital Forces ro 4k in Holland ~o to <31 M Ul the Retirement 70 1850 and 1860 net gains through migration numbered 44 3 while similar gains from vital forces totaled only 26. However, the following decade saw total increases stemming from net-migration exceed the expansion of the labor force by 37. The 1870's marked a turning point in the migration history of the Holland community in that gains through net vital processes began to play a more positive role than be­ fore in expanding the labor force. Increases eminating from migration continued to be the largest source of change but came to play a relatively less important role than earlier. In this decade, expansion due to net-migration decreased in absolute terms from 519 the previous decade to 357 and in relative terms from over 100 per cent to 59.2 per cent of the total increase. By contrast, the number of new adults entering the labor force exerted an important in­ fluence on the size of the occupational structure. The differential between new adults entering the labor force and those leaving through either death or retirement constituted 246 persons or 40.8 per cent of the total expansion of the labor force. While net-migration rather than net-vital forces most fully explains gains in the size of the labor force, it does not necessarily follow that migration alone ac­ counts for changes in the distribution of occupations within the work force. One may well have a situation where net-migration greatly enlarges the size of the labor 71 force, but where new occupational needs are met by members of the existing community as a result of either occupational mobility or new adults entering the labor force. Thus, in addition to net-vital forces and net-migration, internal changes resulting from occupational movement may alter the occupational structure of a community. Although they may vary, every community has its occu­ pational needs. Its patterns of occupational mobility and the self-recruitment of those reaching adulthood to replace those leaving through either death or retirement and to fill newly created occupational openings reflects the ability of a community to meet its needs internally. The degree to which these demands are not filled through selfrecruitment represents the failure of a community to meet its occupational needs and is manifested in changes result­ ing from net-migration. That is, to the extent that a com­ munity cannot fill its own demands, it must meet them by attracting a sufficient number of migrants who possess the needed occupational skills. Likewise, those members of the labor force who fail to adjust to the changes in the economy may have to leave the community and go elsewhere in search of employment.^ The ease with which increases resulting from netmigration can be sketched camouflages the complexity of this process. During the years under consideration, 2,227 working males entered the community while 908 moved out producing a net-gain of 1,319. That this process involved 72 the movement of over 3,000 people indicates that migration is a complex phenomenon having a greater impact on the com­ munity than is expressed by its net contribution to the growth of the labor force. The fact that the total number of in- and out-migrants during this period equalled almost 150 per cent of the labor force in 1880 further underscores the importance of this process. To fully understand its impact on the socio-demographic composition of the com­ munity, it is necessary to examine the patterns of mi­ gration and the characteristics of the migrants. Following this an analysis will be made of the relative importance of net-migration, net-vital forces, and net occupational mobility in altering the occupational structure of the Holland community. The analysis of rates of in-, out-, and net-migration for the labor force of the Holland community will be pre­ sented separately by decade. In order to keep the data comparable, percentage rates of out-migration will be determined from the beginning year of the decade and inand net-migration rates will be based on the last year of the decade under consideration. Following this analysis, patterns of migration by decade will be examined together in order to determine more general patterns. MIGRATION RATES FOR THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY, 1850-60. In the decade, 1850 to 1860, in-migration totaled 590 indi­ viduals representing 57.2 per cent of the labor force in 1860 (see Table 9). By contrast only 147 individuals left TABLE 9.— Migration rates for the Holland community, 1850-60. Occupation In-Migration ------------------No. % Out-Migration ------------------% No. Net-Migration ---------------% No. 40 13 3 15 9 59.7 65.0 42.9 51.7 81.8 9 6 0 2 1 39.1 60.0 0.0 18.2 100.0 31 7 3 13 8 49.2 35.0 42.9 44.8 72.7 Blue Collar Workers Skilled Workers Semiskilled Workers Unskilled Workers 166 82 28 56 70.9 65.6 77.8 76.7 84 25 0 59 29.1 31.3 0.0 29.5 82 57 28 -3 35.0 45.6 77.8 -4.1 Farm Operators Farmers (over $5000) Farmers ($1001-$5000) Farmers ($501-$1000) Farmers ($500 & under) 128 0 43 47 38 39.9 0.0 37.4 35.3 52.1 11 0 1 2 8 22.0 0.0 12.5 25.0 23.5 117 0 42 45 30 36.4 0.0 36.5 33.8 41.1 Rural Workers Gardeners Tenants & Sharecroppers0 "Farmers without Farms Farm Laborers 256 5 0 175 76 62.6 62.5 0.0 63.2 61.3 43 2 0 37 4 20.7 100.0 0.0 18.0 27.5 213 3 0 138 72 52.1 37.5 0.0 49.8 58.1 Totals 590 57.2 147 26.2 443 43.0 White Collar Professional Big Businessmen . Small Businessmen Clerical 6 Sales aThis category includes businessmen listed in the industrial census as being the owner or partner in a concern with a capitalization in excess of $1,000. ^This category includes all those listed in the general census as public offi­ cials, merchants, proprietors, and managers, and who are not listed in the industrial census as being the owner or partner in a concern with a capitalization of $1,000 or more. cNone listed in either the census of 1850 or 1860. I 74 the community or slightly more than 26 per cent of the total labor force of 1850. Excesses of in-migration over out-migration occurred at all levels of the occupational structure. The magnitude of these differences, however, varied by occupational group. Higher rates of in-migration in the decade of the 1850's generally took place in the lower levels of the occupational hierarchy. Among the agricul­ tural labor force, an almost perfect reverse correlation exists between the proportion of in-migrants comprising an occupational group and that group's economic status; 39.9 per cent of the farm operators and 62.6 per cent of rural workers were in-migrants. Within the latter cate­ gory, newcomers, in 1860, comprised 61.3 per cent of the farm laborers who represented the bottom of the agri­ cultural labor force. Likewise 63.2 per cent and 62.5 per cent respectively of the "farmers without farms" and gardeners, the groups immediately above the farm laborers, were in-migrants. By contrast, a smaller number of new­ comers filled the economically superior agricultural positions with the proportion of in-migrants with farms valued at less than $500, between $501 and $1,000, and between $1,001 and $5,000 being 52.1 per cent, 35.3 per cent, and 37.4 per cent respectively. Among urban workers, a similar pattern emerges. Again occupations found at the bottom of the occupational 75 scale had the highest proportions of in-migrants. New­ comers to the community comprised 70.9 per cent of those within the blue collar division; 76.7 per cent of the un­ skilled workers, 77.8 per cent of the semiskilled workers, and 65.6 per cent of the skilled workers. On the other hand, in-migrants comprised only 59.7 per cent of the white collar positions in 1860. The clerical and sales group, the lowest level of the white collar positions, was the only group to have a higher rate of in-migration than any of the blue collar positions. (81.8%) By contrast, the business groups contained a far lower percentage of new­ comers. In-migrants comprised 51.7 per cent of the small businessmen. Among businessmen owning businesses listed in the industrial census with a capitalization in excess of $1,000, 42.9 per cent were new arrivals. Only the pro­ fessional group constituted a major exception to this pat­ tern of steadily decreasing rates of in-migration. Prob­ ably because clergymen made up the vast majority of this group and were no doubt more geographically mobile than other white collar workers, the proportion of in-migrants in this group, 65.0 per cent, surpasses that of the two business groups. Between 1850 and 1860 little variation existed in the rate of out-migration between occupational groups. Excluding the sales and clerical group and gardeners who represented a combined total of three persons in the 1850 labor force, only the out-migration rate of 60.0 per cent 76 for professionals deviated sharply from the community average of 26.6 per cent. All remaining occupational groups' departure rates ranged within 8 per cent of the average. The net effect of the processes of in- and out­ migration brought about disproportionate increases in the numbers employed in certain occupations. Semiskilled workers and the clerical and sales people experienced the largest gains from this process with both recording gains equal to more than 70 per cent of their total number of 1860. Farm laborers were the only other occupational group where net-migration contributed more than 50 per cent of their total in 1860. On the other hand, net- migration accounted for a decrease of 4.1 per cent in the unskilled labor group even though it had high levels of both in- and out-migration. The remaining occupational groups all reported increases from net-migration ranging from 33 per cent to 50 per cent of their total number in 1860. MIGRATION RATES FOR THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY, 1860-7 0. The decade of the 1860's witnessed a slight decline in the impact of in-migration on the size of the occupational structure. Newcomers in this decade represented 53.8 per cent of the labor force compared with 58.1 per cent in 1860 (see Table 10). On the other hand, out-migration increased from 26.2 per cent to 28.7 per cent. TABLE 10.— Migration rates for the Holland community, 1860-70. In-Migration Out-Migration Net-Migration uccupdtxon M M <1 n A ^ « /"V M No. % No. % No. % White Collar Professionals Big Businessmen Small Businessmen Clerical & Sales 109 27 10 61 11 53.4 75.0 29.4 55.0 47.8 18 6 0 7 5 26.9 30.0 0.0 24.1 45.5 91 21 10 54 6 44.6 58.3 29.4 48.6 26.1 Blue Collar Workers Skilled Workers Semiskilled Workers Unskilled Workers 381 147 63 171 74.6 70.7 63.6 83.8 81 38 13 30 34.6 30.4 36.1 41.1 300 109 50 141 58.7 52.4 50.5 69.1 Farm Operators Farmers (over $5000) Farmers ($1001-$5000) Farmers ($501-$1000) Farmers (under $500) 241 3 119 88 31 37.1 11.5 28.6 56.4 60.8 39 0 19 9 11 12.1 0.0 16.5 6.8 15.1 202 3 100 79 20 31.1 11.5 24.0 50.6 39.2 83 2 0 42 39 55.7 28.6 0.0 47.2 73.6 157 3 0 96 58 38.4 37.5 0.0 34.7 46.8 -74 -1 0 -54 -19 -49.7 -12.5 0.0 -60.7 -37.7 814 53.8 295 28.7 519 34.3 Rural Workers Gardeners Tenants & Sharecroppers* "Farmers without Farms" Farm Laborers Total *None listed in either the census of 1860 or 1870. 78 As in the previous decade, almost all occupational groups registered high proportions of in-migrants with those at the bottom attracting disproportionate numbers of new arrivals. Among agricultural occupations, higher rates of in-migration took place in the rural workers category than in the farm operators group, 55.7 per cent as opposed to 37.1 per cent. Farm laborers had the highest pro­ portion of newcomers with 73.6 per cent. By contrast, in­ migrants comprised only 11.5 per cent of those farm oper­ ators having farms valued in excess of $5,000. In be­ tween these two levels, the pattern did not appear as clearly as it had in the previous decade, but it still indicated a greater propensity for newcomers to comprise a larger proportion of positions of lower economic status than those of higher economic status. Moving up the rural occupational ladder, in-migration represented 4 7.2 per cent of the “farmers without farms," 28.6 per cent of the gardeners, 60.8 per cent of the farm operators owning farms valued at less than $500, 56.4 per cent of those with farms valued between $501 and $1,000, and 28.6 per cent of farm operators with farms valued between $1,001 and $5,000. Likewise, rates of in-migration among urban occu­ pations tended to be higher for the less remunerative occu­ pations than for the financially more rewarding occupations. Rates of in-migration equalled 74.6 per cent for blue collar positions and only 53.4 per cent for white collar positions. Within the blue collar category, skilled workers. 79 semiskilled workers, and unskilled workers had in-migration rates of 70.7 per cent, 63.6 per cent, and 83.8 per cent respectively. On the other hand, only the rate of 7 5.0 per cent for professionals approached these figures among white collar workers. In contrast to the 1850's, rates of departure in the 1860’s corresponded more closely to occupational levels. Generally larger out-migration rates characterized lower occupational groups more than higher ones. Within the agricultural labor force, rural workers had a higher pro­ portion of out-migrants than farm operators; 3 8.4 per cent of the former departed while only 12.1 per cent of the latter left the community. Moreover, none of the rates of out-migration for specific occupations listed in the farm operator category approached those for any occu­ pational group in the rural workers category. The urban work force displayed a comparable pattern of departure with those holding lower economic status occupations having the highest rates of out-migration. Among blue collar workers in 1860, 3 4.6 per cent outmigrated— 41.1 per cent of the unskilled workers, 36.1 per cent of the semiskilled workers, and 30.4 per cent of the skilled workers. With the exception of the cleri­ cal and sales group, rates of departure for urban white collar workers did not equal or surpass these rates of out-migration. Professionals had an out-migration rate of 30.0 per cent while among businessmen, none of the 80 large businessmen left and only 24.1 per cent of the small businessmen departed. Unlike the previous decade, net-migration resulted in gains to all urban occupational groups. Although the differential between in- and out-migration was large for all urban categories, disproportionate gains accrued to the blue collar groups. This process provided 69.1 per cent, 50.5 per cent, and 52.4 per cent respectively of the unskilled, semiskilled, and skilled workers in 1870. By contrast, net-migration accounted for a slightly smaller proportion of the white collar labor force contributing 58.3 per cent to the professionals, 29.4 per cent to the big businessmen, 48.6 per cent to the small businessmen, and 26.1 per cent to the clerical and sales group. Patterns of net-migration for the agricultural labor force also differed in the 1860's from those of the pre­ vious decade. Comparisons of the net-migration rates of farm occupations reveal that this process reduced the size of the rural workers group while enlarging the farm oper­ ators category. Thus, farm laborers, "farmers without farms," and gardeners had negative rates of net-migration. Conversely, all farm operator classifications reported gains from net-migration. The largest expansion took place among the smaller farm operators possessing farms valued at $1,000 or less, accounting for 50.6 per cent of the farmers in the $501-$1,000 and 39.2 per cent of those in the $5 00 and under groups. Among wealthier farm operators, 81 net-migration contributed smaller increases representing 24.0 per cent of those in the $1,001-$5,000 category and 11.5 per cent of those in the over $5,000 category. This pattern suggests that as the community was becoming in­ dustrialized, the process of migration added most strongly to the development of the urban labor group. token it also By the same provided an avenue of escape for those mar­ ginal agricultural workers who found the community less attractive as a result of increasing industrialization. MIGRATION RATES FOR THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY, 1870-80. During the decade of the 187 0's, in-migration rates con­ tinued their downward trend at an accelerated pace; in 1880, in-migrants comprised 38.9 per cent of the labor force com­ pared with 53.8 per cent and 57.2 per cent in 1870 and 1860 respectively (see Table 11). On the other hand, out­ migration rates continued their steady rise of 2 per cent per decade. Again with the exception of the professional group and the two lowest farm operator categories, rates of inmigration continued to be higher for low income occu­ pational groups than for the more prosperous ones. More­ over, in-migration occurred at higher levels for urban occupations than for rural ones with disproportionately high rates of in-migration taking place among the urban blue collar groups. Illustrative of this is the fact that in-migration accounted for over half of all blue collar wo.'iters in 1880. Only among professionals where TABLE 11.— Migration rates for the Holland community, 1870-80. Occupation In-Migration ----------------% No. Out-Migration -----------------% No. Net-Migration ---------------% No. White Collar Professional Big Businessmen Small Businessmen Clerical & Sales 113 34 9 49 21 35.8 53.1 20.5 32.7 36.2 70 19 2 39 10 34.3 52.8 5.9 35.1 43.5 43 15 7 10 11 13.6 23.4 15.9 6.7 19.0 Blue Collar Workers Skilled Workers Semiskilled Workers Unskilled Workers 366 136 157 73 54.0 49.5 54.5 63.5 228 84 39 105 44.6 40.4 39.4 51.5 138 52 118 -32 20.4 18.9 41.0 -27.8 Farm Operators Farmers {over $5000) Farmers {$1001—$5000) Farmers ($501-$1000) Farmers ($500 & under) 183 3 108 55 17 26.5 4.9 23.4 42.6 44.7 92 1 36 39 16 14.2 3.8 8.7 25.0 31.4 91 2 72 16 1 13.2 3.3 15.6 12.4 2.6 Rural Workers Gardeners Tenants 6 Sharecroppers "Farmers without Farms" Farm Laborers 161 2 12 55 92 37.3 40.0 63.2 32.0 39.0 76 3 0 42 31 51.0 42.9 0.0 47.2 58.5 85 -1 12 13 61 19.7 -20.0 63.2 7.6 25.8 Totals 823 38.9 466 30.8 357 16.9 83 in-migration comprised slightly more than half the total, did a similarly high rate occur. In-migration rates for the remaining white collar groups decreased as one moved up the occupational ladder and never accounted for more than 40 per cent of their total number in 1880. Thus, the tendency for lower occupational groups to have higher rates of in-migration persisted among urban occupational cate­ gories. Somewhat less explicitly this pattern also existed in the rural labor force; 26.5 per cent and 37.3 per cent respectively of farm operators and rural workers were new­ comers. Farmers with farms valued in excess of $5,000 and those in the $1,001-$5,000 group had the lowest proportion of in-migrants with 4.9 per cent and 23.4 per cent. With the exception of farm tenants who had an in-migration rate of 63.2 per cent, the remaining agricultural groups con­ tained newcomers ranging from 32 per cent to 4 5 per cent of their total number. Data pertaining to persistence rates for this decade similarly reveal that lower income occupational groups showed a greater propensity to leave the community than did higher income groups. Within the agricultural labor force only 14.2 per cent of the farm operators left while over half the rural workers departed. Moreover, none of the classifications within the farm operators group had out-migration rates approaching those of the occupational categories in the rural workers group. Urban occupational 84 groups revealed a similar pattern. Again with the ex­ clusion of the professional category, white collar urban workers had higher rates of persistence between 187 0 and 1880 than did their blue collar counterparts. within the latter group 51.5 per cent, 3 9.4 per cent, and 4 0.4 per cent respectively of the unskilled, semiskilled, and skilled workers departed. Likewise rates of out-migration declined as one moved up the urban white collar occupational ladder. Clerical and saleS people showed the highest rates of out-migration with 43.5 per cent leaving. Following them were the small businessmen and big businessmen with out-migration rates of 35.1 per cent and 5.9 per cent respectively. While net-migration provided slightly larger in­ creases to the urban labor force than to the rural one, changes varied widely between occupational groups within each category. Within the urban occupational structure, net-migration accounted for more than one-fifth of the members of only two occupational groups— 23.4 per cent of the professionals and 41.0 per cent of the semiskilled workers. By contrast, this process produced reductions in unskilled workers equal to 27.8 per cent of their total in 1880. Of the remaining urban occupations, the pro­ portion directly attributable to migration ranged from 6.7 per cent to 19.0 per cent of their 1880 total. In the rural labor force, net-migration accounted for 63.2 per cent of the farm tenants and 25.8 per cent of the farm 85 laborers. In no other rural g r o u p , however, did net- migration comprise more than 20 per cent of an occupational group and it resulted in an absolute decrease in the number of gardeners. The more general pattern of migration in the Holland community has major ramifications regarding the nature of nineteenth century society. This pattern reveals a greater propensity on the part of low-status occupational groups to be geographically mobile. In the decades of the 18 50's, 1860's, and 1870's, a disproportionate number of new arrivals found their way into the less prosperous eco­ nomic positions. Furthermore, data for the 1860's and 18 70's indicate that those leaving the community tended to hold similarly low positions. The broader implication, if these findings are representative of nineteenth century America, is that geographic mobility within the United States was not a viable avenue for upward occupational mobility. If holders of more lucrative occupations demon­ strated a higher propensity to remain geographically im­ mobile, this meant that the number of positions at or near the top of the occupational hierarchy open to the geographically mobile was disproportionately small. While in- and out-migration tended to occur with greater frequency at the lower levels, net-gains through this process, although steadily declining, continued to provide the major source of increase at all levels of the structure. In addition to contributing to the growth of 86 the community, net-migration met a substantial proportion of the community's occupational needs. With the steady transition of the community's economy from agriculture to industry, the semiskilled and skilled workers groups showed the most consistent gains through net-migration of all occupational groups in the community. In all decades, gains through net-migration comprised at least 40 per cent of the former group and only in 188 0 did it account for less than 40 per cent of the latter. Migration, however, is only one source of change in the occupational structure of a community. In order to evaluate fully the role of migration in this change, it is necessary to determine the importance of deaths, retire­ ments, and males reaching adulthood as well as occu­ pational mobility. Only when all these factors are con­ sidered can the impact on the occupational structure be fully assessed. COMPONENTS OF CHANGE IN THE LABOR FORCE OF THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY, 1850-60. During the decade, 1850-60, as pre­ viously pointed out, gains through net-migration equalled 90 per cent of the total increases in the labor force. Such gains, however, were not evenly apportioned through­ out the occupational structure (see Table 12). Within the urban occupational categories, net-migration exercised its greatest influence in the clerical and sales and semi­ skilled workers groups representing 7 7.8 per cent of the former and 7 2.7 per cent of the latter. Only among the TABLE 12.— Components of change in the labor force of the Holland community, (based on 1860 labor force). Net-Migration Net Occupational 1850-60 Net Vital O c c u p a t i o n ___________________________ Mobility______________ Forces No. % No. % No. % White Collar Professionals Big Businessmen Small Businessmen Clerical & Sales 31 7 3 13 8 52.2 35.0 42.9 44.8 72.7 13 3 3 5 2 19.4 15.0 42.9 17.2 18.2 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Blue Collar Workers Skilled Workers Semiskilled Workers Unskilled Workers 82 57 28 -3 35.0 45.6 77.8 -4.1 -104 -9 5 -100 -44.4 -7.2 13.9 -137.0 -25 -3 2 -24 -10.7 -2.4 5.6 -32.9 Farm Operators Farmers (over $5000) Farmers ($1001-55000) Farmers ($501-$1000) Farmers ($500 & under) 117 0 42 45 30 36.4 0. 0 36.5 33.8 41.1 150 0 62 75 13 46.7 0.0 53.9 54.9 17.8 4 0 3 5 -4 1.2 0.0 2.6 3.8 -5.5 Rural Workers Gardeners Tenants & Sharecroppers "Farmers without Farms" Farm Laborers 213 3 0 138 72 52.1 37.5 0.0 49.8 58.1 -59 2 0 -65 4 -14.4 25.0 0.0 -23.5 3.2 47 1 0 9 37 11.5 12.5 0.0 3.2 29.8 88 unskilled workers which declined substantially in this decade did migration produce a deficit (4.1%). Net gains from migration accounted for 35 per cent to 46 per cent of the remaining urban occupations. In the rural labor force, net-migration represented at least 30 per cent of the members of all occupational groups with the highest rates in the "farmers without farms" ers (49.8%) and the farm labor­ (58.1%) classifications. By contrast, net vital forces constituted only a small proportion, slightly more total expansion of the than 5 per cent, of the labor force in this decade. This process, furthermore, did not affect the size of any of the urban white collar positions but produced a deficit of 10.7 per cent in the urban blue collar work force. Within the latter group, unskilled workers revealed the largest decrease (32.9%) and only semiskilled workers showed an increase as a result of this process. On the other hand, net vital forces produced slight increases in the agri­ cultural labor force equalling 1.2 per cent of the farm operators and 11.5 per cent of the rural workers. The largest single increase to a specific occupation from this process accrued to the farm laborers which registered a gain of 29.8 per cent. Net occupational source of increase for mobility functioned primarily as a the more prosperous occupations. Within the urban white collar category increases through mobility equalled at least 15 per cent of all positions 89 while making only a small contribution to one blue collar position, semiskilled workers. Similarly among rural occupations, net occupational mobility played a larger role in filling positions at the top than at the bottom. Over 50 per cent of the farm operators in the $1,001-$5,000 and $501-$1,000 groups were directly attributable to gains arising from net occupational mobility. No other agri­ cultural group approached these proportions. By contrast, this process produced a deficit of 14.4 per cent in the rural workers category. COMPONENTS OF CHANGE IN THE LABOR FORCE OF THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY, 1860-70. Net-migration continued to be of prime importance in meeting the occupational needs of the community. As in the previous decade, this process played a prominent role in filling positions in the urban labor force, particularly blue collar positions in which it accounted for over half of all workers (see Table 13). By contrast, both net vital forces and net occupational mobility made negative contributions to the number of skilled and unskilled workers. Likewise, in all but one category net-migration provided a more important change in the white collar occupations than either vital forces or occupational mobility. Only among big businessmen did net occupational mobility contribute a higher proportion to the total than net-migration. TABLE 13.— Components of change in the labor force of the Holland Community, 1860-70 (based on 1870 labor force). Net-Migration Occupation No. % Net Occupational Mobility No. % Net Vital Forces No. % 91 21 10 54 6 44.6 58.3 29.4 48.6 26.1 40 -4 16 25 3 19.6 -11.1 47.1 22.5 13.0 6 -1 1 3 3 2.9 -2.8 3.0 2.7 13.0 Blue Collar Workers Skilled Workers Semiskilled Workers Unskilled Workers 300 109 50 141 58.7 52.4 50.5 69.1 -17 -15 6 -8 -3.3 -7.2 11.5 -3.9 -6 -11 7 -2 -1.2 -5.3 7.1 -1.0 Farm Operators Farmers (over $5000) Farmers ($1001-$5000) Farmers ($501-$1000) Farmers ($500 & under) 202 3 100 79 20 31.1 11.5 24.0 50.6 39.2 141 23 204 -48 -38 21.7 88.5 49.0 -30.8 -74.4 -15 0 -3 -8 -4 -2.3 0.0 -0.7 -5.1 -7.8 Rural Workers Gardeners Tenants & Sharecroppers "Farmers without Farms" Farm Laborers -74 -1 0 -54 -19 -49.7 -12.5 0.0 -60.7 -35.8 -164 0 0 -119 -45 -110.1 0.0 0.0 -134.7 -84.9 -22 0 0 -15 -7 -14.8 0.0 0.0 -16.9 -13.2 White Collar Professional Big Businessmen Small Businessmen Clerical & Sales 91 In the rural labor force, net-migration assumed a secondary role to net occupational mobility in explaining changes in the composition of the two farm operators groups at the top of the rural labor force; the mobility process contributed 88.5 per cent of the farmers with farms valued in excess of $5,000 and 49.0 per cent of those with farms valued between $1,001 and $5,000 in 1870. Among the re­ maining farm operators, however, a reversal of this pattern occurred. Here net-migration accounted for over half the farmers in the $501-$1,000 category and 39.2 per cent of those with holdings valued at $500 or less while net occu­ pational mobility produced deficits in both these groups. Net vital forces, on the other hand, did not make a posi­ tive contribution to any of the classifications within the farm operators group. All occupations within the rural workers category reported a decline in their total number between 1860 and 1870. The process of mobility produced deficits among the "farmers without farms" and farm labor­ ers equivalent to 134.7 per cent and 84.9 per cent re­ spectively of their total number in 1870 which far ex­ ceeded similar losses of 60.7 per cent and 3 5.8 per cent through net-migration. Net vital forces also prc&uced de­ creases in these groups, but these losses were far less than those derived from the other two processes. COMPONENTS OF CHANGE IN THE LABOR FORCE OF THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY, 187 0-80. During the 1870's, net- migration continued to strongly influence the changing 92 occupational structure supplying the largest increases to both the blue collar and farm operator categories Table 14). (see That net vital forces, however, provided the largest increases to the white collar and rural workers groups indicates the growing importance of this process in altering the occupational structure of the community. Furthermore, net occupational mobility served to increase the white collar and farm operators divisions more than the blue collar or rural workers groups. Although net vital processes supplied the largest source of expansion for the white collar category, netmigration provided the biggest increases for the two groups at the top of the white collar hierarchy accounting for 2 3.4 per cent and 15.9 per cent respectively of the pro­ fessionals and big businessmen. However, the combined contribution of mobility and vital forces to these groups totaled 20.3 per cent and 6.8 per cent. In addition, net vital forces was the largest source of expansion to the small businesmen and clerical and sales categories, equal­ ling 10.0 per cent and 41.1 per cent respectively of these groups. Thus, the 1870's marked the culmination of a trend; as the community stabilized, self-recruitment provided an increasingly larger proportion of the white collar positions. On the other hand, net-raigration continued to supply the largest source of increase to blue collar occupations. Gains attributable to net-migration were almost double the TABLE 14.— Components of change in the labor force of the Holland Community, (based on 1880 labor force). Net-Migration _ ^ .. Occupation___________ No. % Net Occupational Mobility ~______ No. % 1870-80 Net Vital Forces _____________ No. % 43 15 7 10 11 13.6 23.4 15.9 6.7 19.0 25 7 4 14 0 7.9 10.9 9.1 9.3 0.0 44 6 -1 15 24 13.9 9.4 -2.3 10.0 41.4 138 52 118 -32 20.4 18.9 41.0 -27.8 -36 1 4 -41 -5.3 0.4 1.4 -35.7 65 14 67 -16 9.6 5.1 23.3 -13.9 Farm Operators Farmers (over $5000) Farmers ($1001-$5000) Farmers ($501-$1000) Farmers ($500 & under) 91 2 72 16 1 13.2 3.3 15.6 12.4 2.6 16 36 14 -27 -7 2.3 59.0 3.0 -20.9 -18.4 -66 -3 -40 -16 -7 -9.6 -4.9 -8.7 -12.4 -18.4 Rural Workers Gardeners Tenants & Sharecroppers "Farmers without Farms" Farm Laborers 85 -1 12 13 61 19.7 -20.0 63.2 7.6 25.8 5 0 4 -4 -5 1.2 0.0 24.1 -2.3 -2.1 203 -1 3 74 127 47.0 -20.0 15.8 43.0 53.8 White Collar Professional Big Businessmen Small Businessmen Clerical & Sales Blue Collar Workers Skilled Workers Semiskilled Workers Unskilled Workers 94 total increase reported by the other two processes in the semiskilled category and over three times larger than gains from the other two sources in the skilled group. In the unskilled group which registered a decline in absolute numbers/ net occupational mobility, followed closely by net-migration, offered the most important exit for workers accounting for losses of 3 5.7 per cent and 27.8 per cent respectively. Net-migration also accounted for the largest gains in the farm operators group while net vital forces re­ ported deficits for all classifications within this cate­ gory. The top agricultural position, that of farmers own­ ing farms valued in excess of $5,000, provided an exception to this pattern. Here over half the positions were filled as a result of occupational mobility while migration contributed slightly more than 3 per cent to the total. By contrast, in the rung immediately below this group, netmigration comprised 18.4 per cent of operators in the $1,001-$5,000 range and mobility only 3.0 per cent. In the remaining two farm operator groups, net-migration was the only one of the three processes to make a positive contribution. Patterns of change in the composition of the rural workers group reveal a quite different picture with net vital forces supplying the largest gains. Only the farm tenants and sharecroppers group, an occupational category first listed in the census of 1880, provided an exception 95 to this pattern as net-migration accounted for 63.2 per cent of them. Net vital processes was the most important factor in explaining increases in the two lowest rural worker positions equalling over 40 per cent of the "farmers without farms" and over half the farm laborers in 1880. To a large extent these increases represented farmers1 sons entering the labor force who at some later date would probably take over at least a share of their father's farms. The results of this analysis of the components of change in the composition of the occupational structure between 1850 and 1880, similar to the analysis of increases in the size of the labor force, indicate that net-migration was the most important variable. There was, however, a tendency for net-migration to play a larger role in supply­ ing increases in lower income positions. In every decade this process provided the bulk of increases in urban blue collar positions. By contrast, gains in white collar positions supplied by internal processes, net occupational mobility and net vital forces, became increasingly impor­ tant and by the 1870's accounted for the bulk of the ex­ pansion. Although in the first two decades under con­ sideration gains from net-migration to the white collar labor force were larger than those provided by the other two sources of change, the magnitude of these differences failed to equal similar differentials in the blue collar category. 96 Much the same pattern persisted among the rural labor group. With the exception of 1850, net-migration accounted for the largest gains among farm operators, but it never supplied the largest increases in the wealthiest farm group and only in 1880 did it supply the largest increase in the second wealthiest group. By contrast, among the smallest farm operators, migration generally accounted for the majority of the increases; the 18 50's offered the only exception to this pattern. Within the rural workers group, the three components of change played consistent roles relative to each other in affecting the size of this classification. Net occu­ pational mobility always had the greatest negative or least positive effect on this group yielding deficits in the first two decades and the smallest increase during the 1870's. With the exception of the 1850's net vital forces was the most positive factor in altering the composition of the category; it produced the least negative effect in the 1860's and the largest positive influence the following decade. By contrast, after the 18 50's net-migration followed a middle path between these two other forces in determining the composition. The analysis of the data further reveals that differ­ entials between the community's younger men entering the labor force and others leaving through death and retire­ ment came to play a significant part in shaping the com­ munity's occupational structure. This was particularly 97 true of the clerical and sales group and the less prosperous agricultural positions of farm laborers and "farmers with­ out farms." To a large extent/ these positions provided training grounds for the sons of businessmen and farm operators. Growth in the size of the labor force of the Holland community, the preceding analysis has shown, resulted pri­ marily from gains accruing from net-migration. However, as the community matured, increases in the size of the labor force emanating from those members of the community attaining maturity became a major source of growth. Just as net-migration was the primary source of increase in the size of the labor force, so it was a major source of change in the occupational structure. It was further revealed, however, that both rates of in- and out-migration tended to be higher in lower occupational groups. Gains, then, from these processes were generally far lower for the positions at the top than gains from vertical mobility. The analyses of in- and out-migration and the other components of change in the composition of the labor force has broader implications for the study of occupational mobility. The tendency of lower occupational groups in the Holland community to have higher rates of in- and out­ migration as well as for net-migration disproportionately to supply increases to less prosperous occupations, if widespread in nineteenth century America, implies that the geographically mobile tended to show less upward vertical 98 mobility than those remaining in a community. So far a few studies have shown that out-migration occurs with greater frequency in positions at the bottom of the occupational 5 hierarchy. While these results are consistent with those from the above examination, their failure to analyze inand net-migration limit the possibility for broader general­ izations based on the findings from the Holland community, namely that the geographically mobile (both in- and out- migrants) disproportionately represented the lowest occu­ pational groups. These findings further suggest that studies of occu­ pational mobility in any community are dealing with an unrepresentative sample skewed toward the most occupation­ ally mobile. Thus, any analysis of mobility based on data drawn from city directories or census manuscripts will in­ flate upward mobility rates. The question of the degree of inflation, however, is open and will likely remain so for a long time. At present, it is virtually impossible to examine directly the relationship between geographical and occupational mobility due to the difficulty in tracing large numbers of individuals through the manuscripts of the federal censuses. Such conclusions, however, do not impair the usefulness of an analysis of occupational mobility in the Holland community. Only after patterns of migration and occupational mobility have been studied in a number of different types of communities can historians begin to make 99 meaningful inferences about the relationship between hori­ zontal and vertical movement and provide more precise answers to the question of the openness of nineteenth century American society. FOOTNOTES ^“Sidney Goldstein, Patterns of Mobility (Philadelphia, 1958), pp. 108-19. Data on death rates are based on estimates derived from the manuscripts of the federal census reporting social statistics. These data provide a listing of all who died during the census year. Thus, the deaths in the labor force reported for the beginning and end of a decade were averaged and multiplied by ten in order to obtain an esti­ mate of the number who died during a given decade. The total estimated number of deaths were then apportioned among the occupations within the labor force using the occupational distribution existing at the beginning of the decade. This procedure may overestimate the number of dead because it includes newcomers who died during the decade of their in-migration. 3Net vital forces is not used in the traditional manner in this context. Instead of being the differential between the birth- and death-rates, it denotes the balance between newcomers entering the labor force as a result of 100 101 achieving adulthood and those leaving through either death or retirement. 4 Goldstein, Patterns of Mobility, pp. 138-39. 5 Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress, p. 96; Curti, The Making of an American Community, pp. 60-76; Throne, Population Study of an Iowa County in 1850," p. 311; William L. Bowers, "Crawford Township 1850-70; A Popu­ lation Study of a Pioneer Community," Iowa Journal of History, LVIII I (January, 1960), 8-10. "A CHAPTER IV THE CONCEPT OF SUCCESS IN THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY In various forms, the concepts of self-help and success have constituted a major theme in American thought from the time of Jonathan Edwards to that of Norman Vincent Peale. Whether defining success in terms of a Divine Christian plan, a more perfect democratic society, or pure economics, its advocates have emphasized the role of the individual in this process. Clergymen, poets, educators, politicans and statesmen all have exhorted their audiences about the virtues of self-help. During the period between the end of the Civil War and the beginnings of the Great Depression, homolies on success reached the zenith of their popularity in the major newspapers and magazines. Little, however, is known about the prevalence of these views and the variations they assumed in the numerous small towns dotting the American countryside. In particular, the nature of these doctrines of success in the small immigrant communities remains unknown. In order to at least partially answer these 102 103 questions it is necessary to compare attitudes towards mobility in the Holland community^ with those prevailing in the popular literature. This requires an examination in some detail of the various nuances and the evolution of the gospel of success to the end of the nineteenth century. The results of this inquiry will then be compared with the prevailing attitudes toward mobility in Holland in order to determine to what extent it was in the mainstream of American popular thought. Throughout the whole of American history, the concept of success and the self-made man, while being a continuing theme, has assumed numerous forms and meant many different things to its various proponents. One student of the American Gospel of Success has delineated three strands of thought extant in the nineteenth century which simultane­ ously competed with each other and blended together to shape the popular view of success. The oldest of these traditions, rooted in the con­ servative Protestant Ethic, assumed a stable social order and stressed "the values of piety, frugality, and diligence in one's worldly calling" in preparation for the world to come. Within this framework, success was defined as respectability in this world and eternal salvation in the next.^ Reflecting the anxiety arising from the conflict between traditional values and an emergent industrial society, the advocates of this view sought "to strike a 104 balance between traditional social and religious ideals and the spirit of individual economic enterprise" by reasserting the traditional self-disciplinary values within the framework of a stable society. This attempt to create a balance frequently manifested itself in ad­ monishments against the dangers facing a young man entering the business world, Xn particular, recipients of these warnings were cautioned against following the impulses of their "appetites and passions," immoral business practices, 4 and speculation. This preoccupation with the dangers facing the young businessman can be understood as a result of the Calvinistic doctrine of Original Sin and also because the proponents of this traditional view of success held serious reservations about the emerging business society. Re­ jecting speculation, dishonesty, and greed, the conserva­ tive advocates of self-improvement envisioned success as the direct result of faith in God and the virtues of selfdiscipline. Offering little in the way of practical advice, they asserted that the real functions of frugality and diligence was not economic betterment, but moral merit, a modest standard of living, ease of mind, domestic happiness, and maintenance of the status quo. 5 This concept of the self-made man dominated the first half of the nineteenth century. It was expounded not only in the popular literature but also in the 105 schools of that, period. Ruth Elson, in her ex a m i nation of nineteenth c e n t u r y t e x t b o o k s , points o u t that d u r i n g the ante-bellum period schools stressed both the selfd isciplinary vir t u e s and the need for e v eryone to r e c o g ­ nize his s tation in life.** However, undergoing p r o f o u n d eco n o m i c change, in a country a v i e w of success w h i c h emb r a c e d a stable social order and w a s suspicious of an emerging business society could n o t hope to m a i n t a i n its p r e - e m i n e n t position. d o c trine declined, A l t h o u g h the p o p u l a r i t y of the it remained a m a j o r c o m ponent of the popular se l f - h e l p ideology and was re a s s e r t e d by Horatio Alger and others in the children's novels in the second half of that century. A d v o c a t e s of "rags to riches" themes also re t a i n e d m u c h of the doctrine's m o r a l i s t i c flavor and its admoni t i o n s to be industrious, frugal, and p i o u s .^ A second strand of thought, pearing in the p o p u l a r literature, seldom explic i t ly a p ­ deni e d the assumption of a stable social o r de r and linked success to individual fulfillment and social progress. This concept of success found its b a sic f ormulation in the wri t i n g s of Franklin and J e f f e r s o n and later in those of Emerson. C o m mon to all three m e n was a rej e c t i o n of the stable social order, and the belief that one's p l a c e in society should be defined by his abilities and not by his rank in the t r a ­ ditional hierarchy. Closely con n e c t e d w i t h the assumption 106 of the dynamic social order was the view that the abundance of America in the form of free land and plentiful markets made American society much more fluid than European society. Like other doctrines of success, this one advo­ cated self-improvement as the vehicle for mobility. Education, both formal and informal, was the main source of self-improvement and provided the widest possible opportunity for all to benefit from the fluid social order. Although Franklin and Emerson, in particular, spoke of material success, their concept of success was not material betterment but social improvement and human fulfillment.® Although Emerson had a broad concept of success, later advocates of "rags to riches" adopted many of the material aspects of his thoughts on success. Emerson argued that in the vast majority of cases wealth was the result of a superior understanding of the laws of the world. The development and nurturing of understanding for the achievement of worldly success required a number of mental qualities and convications. The first of these was a belief in causality; every successful man realized that no matter how trivial an action may seem it had a conse­ quence. Timeliness or being in the right place at the right time Qnerson regarded as being more important than the traditional virtues of industry and frugality. Success further required definite physical and mental 107 traits. Health obviously was a necessity. Almost as important as health were personal force and magnetism which Emerson elucidated by using the metaphor of natural electricity. To Emerson, humble origins which he saw as "a preceptor whose lessons cannot be forgotten" offered the best environment for the development of these assets. This emphasis on the dynamic individual as well as the belief in a fluid social order was later adoped by advo­ cates of a more secularized and materialistic concept of 9 success. With the decline of the conservative or traditional Protestant doctrine of success and the failure of the ideas of Franklin, Jefferson, and Emerson to capture the public imagination, a third school of thought placing its emphasis solely on the individual getting ahead in economic terms emerged. Although it borrowed a great deal from other doctrines of success, the new view put them in a more secularized and materialistic cast. One of the basic tenets of this new success gospel was that America was an open society, particularly in contrast to the social stagnation existing in Europe. The ideas of Jefferson and others as well as the apparent abundance of America and her rapid industrial advancement fostered the belief that American society was extremely fluid and that American institutions were responsible for this condition. The opportunity extant in this society the new philosophers of success viewed not so much as a means of promoting the 108 general welfare but as a means of simply making money. Furthermore, the unrestrained individual accumulation of wealth would automatically foster social p r o g r e s s .'*'0 Reflecting the influences of the conservative Protes­ tant Ethic and using a basically moralistic rhetoric, the new advocates of success continued to emphasize individual character and the virtues of thrift and hard work. The traditional virtues, however, were not totally applicable to a society undergoing a social and economic transfor­ mation. Qualities which had previously made a good shopkeeper were no longer necessarily those needed by a man seeking to build a large railroad network. diligence, Frugality, and piety by themselves provided neither adequate explanations nor a sufficient guide to success. The average industrial worker and farmer of the 1890's had to practice these virtues just to maintain a subsistence standard of living. This maldistribution of the new abundance led the success philosophers to develop a new doctrine of individualistic competition emphasizing the qualities of forcefulness, competitiveness, and initiative in which a large number of individuals competed for a few limited prizes, in many respects this was an application of the ideas of Emerson on competition to the materialistic concept of s u c c e s s . ^ In addition to these qualities, education played an important role in this doctrine of success not only as a conveyor of the new qualities but also as the vehicle for 109 preserving the open society. Education, however, was no longer viewed either as the means of creating a more democratic society and fostering individual development or for perpetuating certain values and displaying social responsibility. Instead, the latter group viewed education and personality development as the acquisition of the necessary and practical skills and qualities to enable one to be a worthy competitor in the struggle for success in the business world. 12 A curious blend of and tension between the three major strands of thought provided the basis for the pre­ vailing concept of success in the last half of the nineteenth century. The middle class Protestant Ethic and the new doctrine stressing economic advancement made the major contribution to the popular view of success. The version of success emphasizing human fulfillment and social progress played a lesser role in molding the popular expression of success. The children's novels of Horatio Alger and others provided the most popular expression of success in the last half of the century. Appealing primarily to the middle class and espousing the Protestant Ethic, Alger's heroes are well-brought-up sons of middle class property holders. Usually coming from rural backgrounds and later migrating to large urban centers, the hero is made socially mobile through either personal or family 110 misfortune--most frequently the father is dead and the son is supporting his mother. In achieving success, he exhibits the traditional self-disciplinary virtues of the Protestant Ethic. Education and self-culture are also stressed, not as a means of making money, but as a means of securing contentment in one's calling. However, just as misfortune reduces his status, success results not only from hard work and frugality but also from a fortuitous circumstance; the performance of a noble deed gains him the allegience of a benefactor. Moreoever, the hero humbly realizes his indebtedness to the benefactor. Even then success for Alger's boy is not a meteoric rise to the top but rather a modest fortune of $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 white collar position. and a secure Furthermore, only a few of them become active in manufacturing or mining, the most rapidly growing industries by the 1 8 9 0 's. The great reward, then, for Alger's hero is to become a member of the middle class embracing all the values of that class as proscribed in the Protestant Ethic. The only deviation from this pattern is the introduction of the element of chance into a scheme of things that otherwise equated "middle class respectability" with "spiritual grace." 13 While much of the advice in the children's novels by such writers as Alger was a rejuvenation of the oldest tradition of self-help, other disciples of success broke with this tradition and increasingly emphasized the Ill a t t a i n m e n t of w e a l t h a nd p r o v i d e d s u g g e s t i o n s purpose. f or t h a t This often resulted in some confusion in the self-help literature when on one page there would be a story admonishing young men that the surest way to succeed was to find a niche which provided a tranquil environment while the following page would carry a story praising the accumulation of wealth and reminding the reader that the road to wealth was "rough and rocky." Eventually a break with the old view became more apparent as many disciples of self-help more and more stressed the attainment of wealth and provided suggestions for that end. 14 Wyllie has pointed out, As Irwin "It was a poor newspaper or m a g a ­ zine that did not publish portraits of the rich, sketches of their lives, estimates of their fortunes and pictures of their dwellings." Often these portraits offered practical advice ranging from frugality and diligence to 15 foresight and inventiveness for achieving fortune. Largely as guardians of traditional moral conduct, women also began to play a prominent role in the success literature after the Civil War. Most of the self-help pamphlets celebrated the role of the mother and wife as major external influences in the achievement of success. Leading businessmen and politicians in recounting their lives paid homage to their mothers and "the lessons icarned at their knee." , Once a young man left home, it expected that he would marry a women who would offer 112 the blessings of female comfort and counsel while bringing qualities of character into the home. Such a women need not have material possessions but should act as a buffer against loose women, gambling, drink, and other damaging vices.16 A merging of the various schools of thought formed the concept of success in the latter part of the nineteenth century. An increasing emphasis on wealth gradually replaced the older idea of finding contentment in one's worldly calling. Yet, restrictions remained. Warnings against speculation and preoccupation with wealth continued to be sounded. While new qualities were added to the self- disciplinary virtues, frugality and hard work retained a pre-eminent position in all advice on success. The new women's role in the success literature served to reinforce these older values. In addition, the emphasis on education somewhat transformed became an important device enabling everyone to compete freely in the open society. To a great extent, the inhabitants of the Holland community reflected the prevailing American attitudes toward success. Frequently, as indicated by the agreement between the memoirs of the early residents and newspapers of the settlement, elements of the traditional Protestant concept of success seemed to predominate. This no doubt was due in part to the fact that the majority of residents embraced strongly Calvinistic religious v i e w s . Secondly 113 and more importantly, smaller communities less affected than large urban centers by industrialism were somewhat tardy in accepting the more materialistic concept of success. 17 When they existed, however, the differences in the concept of success between Holland and the popular literature were only slight. Moreover, the minor vari­ ations distinguishing Holland were probably not any greater than those differentiating any other community. 18 The most pronounced divergence from the Protestant Ethic in the community concerned the nature of the social order. From the very beginning, and indeed even before migration to America, the Dutch who settled Holland enthusiastically embraced the proposition that, in contrast to Europe, America was a free and open society where one could more easily attain economic success. grating, Before e mi­ future leaders of the migration received e n ­ couraging reports from their fellow countrymen in America. One immigrant wrote to friends in The Netherlands that he ate "pork and meat three times a day." 19 Acknowledging that it was difficult to break away from his home in The Netherlands, another immigrant wrote that, nevertheless, he had no desire to return home. Writing from Decatur, Illinois, he reported that "there are no poor people— if one is well he can earn good wages," and "the schools are 114 Letters such as these profoundly influenced the leadership of the migration and presumably the migrants. The above letters were included in a pamphlet encouraging migration to America rather than to Java published by Van Raalte and Brummelkamp. These two leaders, writing in another pamphlet in that same year entitled "An Appeal to the Faithful in the United States in North America," spoke of the social stagnation existing in their homeland. This languishing and outward wretched condition of many of our members, and thousands of our fellow citizens--which stands near related to the deplorable material state of this country, occasioned by the superabundance of its population, and the consequently mutual pressing— the poor, decaying condition of trade and handicraft— the diminution of wages— the invasion of rights of conscience--and, finally, the quite exhausting tributes or taxes which are daily required to balance our enormous State's debt— by all this we see that our middle class disappears, the wealth of the wealthy increases, and the laboring classes, often, notwithstanding their best efforts, are quite unable, according to the expressed will of God "That every man should work that he might eat," to get any kind of fixed and sufficient employment by which to make their scanty living, much less to provide for their houses, and to lay something aside in behalf of the widow and fatherless, and the promotion of God's kingdom upon the e a r t h . 2 1 The following year, Hendrick Scholte, leader of a band of Dutch immigrants to Iowa in the late 1 840's expressed a similar view of The Netherlands. In a seventy-two page pamphlet published at the end of 1847 he deplored the "cramping economic life of the country." 22 After settling the immigrants continued to perceive America as a mobile society. In "An Open Letter to All My Friends in The Netherlands" Cornells Van Der Meulen, an 11 5 early minister in t h e community, "land of abunda n c e " w h e r e can earn one's bread." 23 spoke of A m e r i c a as "in the s w e a t of o n e's b r o w one A l b e r t u s C. Van Raalte, leader of the e a rly H o l l a n d community, the was e q u a l l y i m ­ p r e s s e d by the p r o s p e c t s for success in America. kee n plea s u r e , " he w r o t e two years after the initial settlement, a "It is "after a g r e a t s t r u g g l e to taste the s w eet fruits of one's labor and p r o f i t t i n g by e x p e r i e n c e to anticipate a brighter future." 24 Another settler described the o p p o r t u n i t i e s in the col o n y as excellent. years after the f o u n d i n g of the colony, 25 Eight the e d i t o r of the Dutch language n e w s p a p e r n o t e d that "all our p o p u l a t i o n are at work, and all are g e t t i n g r i c h e r e v e r y day." following y ear an o b s e r v e r from G r a n d Rapids 26 The r e p o r t e d that man y of the r e s idents of the s e t t l e m e n t ass u r e d h i m "that w h e n they first came to the S e t t l e m e n t they w e r e penniless, but are n o w w o r t h as m u c h as $5,000 o r $6,000." 27 This was in m a r k e d c o n t r a s t to the p i c t u r e of m o b i l i t y in The N e t h e r l a n d s p a i n t e d by V a n R a a l t e and B r u m m e l k a m p in their "Appeal to the F a i t h f u l " a d e c a d e earlier. This p e r c e p t i o n of A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y p e r s i s t e d thr o u g h o u t the last half of the n i n e t e e n t h century. Th e homilies on g e t t i n g r i c h a p p e a r i n g in local n e w s p a p e r s i m p l i c i t l y e m b r a c e d this assumption. Moreover, the view of the op e n n e s s of A m e r i c a n soc i e t y was g i v e n e x p l i c i t e x p r e s s i o n in the m e m o i r s and b r i e f a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s of 116 many early settlers. Egbert Frederiks, recalling in 1881 the simple origins of the colony, expressed the attitude of many of the early settlers. "When we think back upon those times and reflect how poor and needy our people were in those days and what . . . they became in later days, we could not have imagined it." 2 8 The Protestant Ethic, however, tempered this ex­ uberance for the open society. Like much of the self- help literature published in the United States before the turn of the century, attitudes toward success in the Holland community still revealed strong strands of the doctrine. Speaking on the nature of happiness, Van Raalte advised his son "that man cannot attain happiness in the making of pleasure and in the accumulation of money, though they may be good in their place and within the proper limits," Happiness requires more than the accumulation of money; it depends on having a "life in the Service of God." 29 Similar prohibitions against relying solely on wealth for the achievement of happiness found expression in the local papers. One such article warned against striving to become rich. The maun desiring wealth was juxtaposed to the man who preferred "to surround himself and his family with such comforts as his means afford, rather than pinch and stint, with the hope of some day having enough to buy his neighbor's property at forced sale at half its value, and sell it to the other man with 117 more money than wit who comes along, for twice what it is worth ."'*0 When most discussions of success translated themselves into monetary figures, the highest sum mentioned was approximately $14,000, a figure not out of line with 31 the success achieved by the hero of an Alger novel. Implicit in this view was also the assumption that one should seek a middle class occupation, either as a white collar worker or as a farm operator. The early settlers of Holland quickly recognized education as a vehicle for achieving middle class respec tability. The clergymen of the community played a prominent role in the promotion of education, not only for the perpetuation of certain religious values but also for economic advancement. Speaking at a meeting of the Holland Classis in favor of a plan for devoting greater resources to education, Reverend Cornelius Van Der Meulen pointed out that the people of the community "can not enjoy any real prosperity and welfare without the training 32 and education of the youth." In addition to the clergy, newspapers vigorously promoted education. An article exhorting parents on their responsibilities to their children concluded by admonishing parents to "spare no pains nor money necessary to secure your children a thorough practical education." 3 3 In a follow-up article, the paper advised youth to learn a trade arguing that 34 "most industrialists started this way." Not only were 118 the youth encouraged to pursue an education, but local newspapers also warned them against sacrificing it for worldly vices. "Let our boys forego the cost of tobacco and catch inspiration from the best books. Let them turn their backs on the tempting glass," the paper further counselled, "and spend their money in stimulating the mind." 35 Education thus was emphasized not only as a practical means of attaining success but also as a function of self-discipline for both parent and child. In addition to education, mobility depended on the traditional self-disciplinary virtues of the Protestant Ethic. Always regarded as necessary for success, these virtues occasionally were depicted as being sufficient in themselves for success. Of the self-disciplinary virtues, attention most frequently centered on frugality and indus­ try as the keystones of success. Rarely was success mentioned without some reference to one or the other. Commenting on the growth of the city, the local newspaper remarked that "the hopes of the early settlers were being fully realized, prosperity with frugality was filling our 36 coffers." Not only was collective frugality seen as essential to community wealth but also personal frugality was necessary for individual wealth. "To save," a newspa­ per article exhorted the people of Holland, "is absolutely 37 the only way to make a solid fortune." Thrift was closely linked with the avoidance of indebtedness. 119 Articles bearing such titles as "How to Make Money" warned readers to "never go into debt and see that you do not 38 spend more than you make." While stressing the virtue of frugality, the papers often provided advice on how to accumulate a large savings. One article entitled "Five Cents a Day" demonstrated how a boy of fifteen by polishing his own boots and avoiding tobacco could save five cents a day which when invested at 5 per cent interest would 39 reach almost $14,000 by the time he was sixty-five. One advertiser even suggested that thrift was the "remedy for hard times." His solution for economic depression was to encourage people to "stop spending so much on fine clothes, rich food and style." 40 Closely linked with frugality was the virtue of industry. Throughout the last half of the nineteenth century both the clergy and the press exhorted the virtues of hard work and diligence. One early settler recalled that the colonist would leave the church services revital­ ized "to renew the struggle in the forest and hew out a 41 home and competence." Likewise, Van Raalte advised one of his sons serving in the Civil War to "Let it always be evident that you are throwing yourself into your work wholeheartedly, for we all know that a man cannot succeed unless he puts his whole self into his task."4 2 In addition to the pulpits, the press expounded the virtues of hard work and diligence. Stories and articles 120 frequently encouraged parents to inculcate the selfdisciplinary virtues in their children. One such article advised parents that "if you have the future of your children at heart, you should train them in the habits of 43 industry and self-reliance." Similarly, a resident of Holland in a letter to the editor deploring the behavior of certain young people commented, "Happy is it for the boy whose father keeps him in the wood shed sawing wood and splitting kindling, or whose mother makes him draw pails of water." 44 Most of the advice on self-discipline, however, was aimed at all members of the community. In 1872, the local newspaper advised that "industry well directed will give a man a competency in a few years." 45 "If you can't get good wages," the residents of Holland were further counselled, "work for your board rather than do nothing, or go into debt, or live off the earnings of charity of another." 4 6 Others were encouraged to devote their "whole time in pursuit of your business." 47 Success articles further called upon incipient Horatio Algers to be system­ atic and pay attention to detail. One article suggested that like health, success in life "is to be gained by attention to detail." 48 "The merchant who does business i.i a slipshod way,” another column warned, "is not the man who succeeds." 49 X21 W h ile the press and p u l p i t enc our age d eve ryone to practice the self-disciplinary virtues, it was commonly believed that, with the possible exception of parental advice, humble origins provided youth with the most favorable environment for the absorption of these values. Commenting on the progress of the colony in 1849, Albertus C. Van Raalte observed "a scant purse can also teach us to arise a little earlier, a little sooner 50 beginning to work, a little more earnest prayer." Frequently stories and articles followed the pattern of Horatio Alger novels. The son of the wealthiest parents squanders his inheritance largely as a result of his lack of discipline. By contrast, the boy from more humble origins who practices the virtues of self-discipline achieves moderate wealth and success. A typical article glorifying the virtues of poverty noted that 90 per cent of the children who "have been under the influence, and have inherited a fortune accumulated by miserly parents have been injured, if not ruined by it." On the other hand, the majority of children who "have withstood the temptations and overcome the difficulties of life and come up to an honorable manhood,” the article concluded, "have been trained in the virtue of p o v e r t y . " ^ Integrally bound to the self-disciplinary virtues was an emphasis on honesty and integrity. "Without in­ tegrity," the Holland City News editorialized, "you can 122 never rise to distinction and honor"; poverty, in all 52 probability, would follow deceitful practices. Another article expounding the traditional virtues warned that "above all things be honest."'*^ Thus, the self- disciplinary virtues and honesty and integrity of the Protestant Ethic and later reflected in the Horatio Alger novels also provided the magic formula for the attainment of modest wealth and middle class respectability in the Holland community. Nevertheless, a tension existed between the dominant Protestant Ethic and the new more materialistic version. While practical suggestions for gaining wealth and the virtues of forcefulness, aggressiveness, and self-reliance always appeared in newspaper homilies on success, they became more explicit as the twentieth century approached. Implicit in these values was a greater emphasis on the accumulation of money. Typical of the blending of the old with the new was sun article appearing in 1873 entitled "How to Get Rich." While stressing that wealth obtained from inheritance or speculation did not constitute "solid fortune," the article went on to point out that wealth comes to those who, in addition to practicing the selfdisciplinary virtues, "place themselves in a position to grasp hold of fortune when it appears in view." 54 In the following decade, the emphasis on competition and forcefulness became increasingly apparent in the 123 published success stories. Illustrations of this new emphasis manifested themselves in an article entitled "Help Yourself" in which traditional self-disciplinary virtues are relegated to a secondary position. the road to wealth to climbing a mountain, Likening the article beseeched prospective aspirants to wealth to "fight your own battles" and to "ask no favors of anyone." Concluding with a challenge comparable to Russell Conwell's Acres of Diamonds, the article exhorted readers "Whether you work for fame, for love for money or anything else, work with your hands and heart and brain. day you will conquer." 55 Say, 'I will' and some Similar to these "How to" articles, newspaper portraits of local business leaders also included the more materialistic virtues. The Holland paper depicted one successful businessman of the early seventies as "one of those independent go ahead men."'**’ In the following decade forcefulness and aggressiveness played an even larger role in the vignettes of successful businessmen; "push" replaces "go ahead." According to the paper two prominent local businessmen illustrated "what can be accomplished with merit as foundation, and enterprise, push, honesty and business integrity as developing forces."^ In addition to forcefulness and competitiveness, marriage and the selection of a proper mate were deemed 124 important in the drive for success. One writer admonished young men to "marry while you are young and then struggle up together." 5 8 Once married it was assumed that the wife would play a prominent role in helping her husband get ahead. "The help of a good, careful, prudent housekeeper," it was believed, "enables a man to advance his business 59 prospects more than anything else a woman can d o . ” While stories extolling the advantages of marriage in attaining success were directed to males, other stories sought to remind women of their obligations to the success of their husbands. One story for young ladies stressed both the importance of the wife and the need for frugality. "A careless, extravagant, bad wife is the greatest curse a man can have; a good one is the greatest blessing. Another article admonishing women to practice thrift in the kitchen concluded by reminding wives that "in all these little points we must be on the alert, or the garbage bucket will devour our substance."®^ Thus, in juxtapo­ sition to the popular literature as described by Cawelti in which women were depicted as bulwarks against subversion of the traditional moral values, the Holland newspapers emphasized the practice of the self-disciplinary virtues in the h o m e . In general Holland probably differed little from other small communities. As Merle Curti concluded in his study of Trempealeau County, the papers there also 125 celebrated the virtues of hard work, thriftiness, and honesty. 62 In this respect, Holland was typical of other small communities in the latter part of the nineteenth century. As such, success and the means of achieving it as propounded in the Holland community also differed little from that expressed in the popular American literature on success; both reflected the tension between the old Protestant Ethic and the new, more materialistic version. There may have been a little less stress on the latter in the Holland community than in the popular literature, but the similarities overwhelmed the differences. FOOTNOTES ^Hereafter, Holland and the Holland community will be used interchangeably to designate the city of Holland, Holland Township and Zeeland. 2 John G. Cawelti, Apostles of the Self-Made Man (Chicago and London, 1965), pp. 3-6; Self-Made Man in A m e r i c a ; (New York and London, Irwin G. Wyllie, The The Myth of Rags to Riches 1954), pp. 3-4. 3 Cawelti, A p o s t l e s , pp. 4-5. 4 I b i d . , pp. 48-51. 5I bid., pp. 49-54. 8Ruth Miller Elson, Guardians of T r a d i t i o n ; Schoolbooks in the Nineteenth Century pp. 268-69. 7 8 Cawelti, A p o s t l e s , pp. I b id., pp. 12-19, 54-55. 53-55, 126 87-89. (Lincoln, American 1964), 127 9Ibid., pp. 87-89. ^8 Ibid. , p . 5 . 11Ibid., pp. 168-85. 12Ibid., p. 174. 13R. Richard Wohl, "The 'Rags to Riches Story's An Episode of Secular Idealism," in Class, Status, and Power, edited by Bendix and Lipset, pp. 390-91; Wyllie, The Self-Made M a n , p. 119; Cawelti, Apostles, pp. 102-23. ^C a welti, Apostles, pp. 119-21, 177. 15Wyllie, The Self-Made M a n , p. 119. 16Ibid., pp. 29-32. 17 Cawelti, Apostles, p. 172. 18Ibid., p. 121. 19 20 p . 38. Quoted in Lucas, Netherlanders, p. 61 Quoted in Pieters, A Dutch Settlement in Michigan, 128 21 Antonie Brummelkamp and Albertus C. Van Raalte, "An Appeal to the Faithful in the United States of North America May 25, 1846," in Dutch Immigrant Memoirs, ed. by Lucas, I, 16. 22 land: Hendrick P. Scholte, Nieuwjaarsgeschenk Aan Neder­ Een Ernstig Woord Aan Vorst en Volk (Amsterdam, 1847), quoted in Lucas, Netherlanders, p. 164. 23 Letter, Cornelius Van Der Meulen, October 8, 1847, The Netherlands Museum, Archieves, Holland, Michigan, Van Der Meulen Letter File. 24 Letter, A. C. Van Raalte to C. G. DeMoen, Febru­ ary 11, 1849, quoted in Marian M. Schoolland, The Story o£ Van Raalte 25 (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1951), p. 69. Letter, J. Kolvoord to Lucas Dangremond, 1850, The Netherlands Museum, Kolvoord File. 26 De Hollander, August 29, 1855 quoted in Lucas, Netherlanders, p. 265. 27 De Nieuwsbode, March 11, 1856 quoted in Lucas, Netherlanders, p. 265. 28 "Egbert Frederiks' Pioneer Memories" in Dutch Immigrant Memoirs, ed. by Lucas, I, 71. 129 29 Quoted in Schoolland, The Story of Van Raalte, p. 115. 3QHolland City N e w s , November 13, 1886. 31Ibid., October 25, 1884. 32 Classis Hollandt Minutes 1848-1858, trans. by a joint committee of the Christian Reformed Church and the Reformed Church in America (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1943), p. 101. 33Holland City N e w s , March 23, 1872. 34Ibid., March 30, 1872. 3^Ibid., August 12, 1882. 36Ibid., February 5, 1872, 37Ibid., May 10, 1873. 38Ibid., April 30, 1881. 39Ibid., October 25, 1884. 40 Ibid., February 14, 1880. 130 41 Cornelius Van Loo, "The Early History of Zeeland," Dutch Immigrant Memoirs, ed. by Lucas, i, 249-50. 42 Quoted in Schoolland, The Story of Van Raalte, p. 120. 43Holland City N ews, March 23, 1872. 44Ibid., November 27, 1875. 45Ibid., July 13, 1872. 46Ibid., November 20, 1875. 47Ibid., April 30, 1885. 48Ibid., June 30, 1885. 49 Ibid., August 29, 1883. 50Letter, A. C. Van Raalte to C. G. De Moen, Febru­ ary 1, 1849, quoted in Schoolland, The Story of Van Raalte, p. 69. ^ Holland City News, March 23, 1872. 52Ibid., July 13, 1872. 53Ibid., April 30, 1881. 131 54Ibid., May 10, 1873. 55Ibid., August 24, 1889 56Ibid., May 26, 1872. 57Ibid., March 3, 1888 C O Ibid., March 9, 1872. 59Ibid., March 23, 1872 60Ibid., March 17, 1877. 61Ibid., June 16, 1888 62 Curti, The Making of an American Community, p. 121 CHAPTER V PATTERNS OF INTRA-GENERATIONAL OCCUPATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY I. The analysis of social mobility# while proving a complex problem for sociologists and other students of contemporary society# provides even greater difficulties for historians of the nineteenth century. Most students of social stratification agree in theory at least that a number of complex variables comprise the concepts of class and status. Unfortunately data bearing on many of these variables are simply not available to historians. Il­ lustrative of this is the impossibility of employing the interview technique which students of contemporary society can employ to acquire prestige ratings of individuals by other members of the community. These limitations necessitate that the historical study of social mobility rely solely on the available objective criteria that make up only a part of the concept of social status. The most commonly employed objective criterion and one available to students of the late 132 133 nineteenth century is occupational rank. Such an approach to the historical study of mobility does not distinguish historical studies from the overwhelming majority of twentieth century studies undertaken by sociologists. For while not conceptualizing of occupation as the sole vari­ able in a comprehensive theory of class or status, sociologists have relied upon changes in occupation to infer changes in social status. Such procedures were developed and justified, write Westoff, Bressler, and Sagi, "partly as a concession to methodological diffi­ culties and partly from theoretical considerations supported by empirical evidence."^ Underlying the latter concession is the fact that occupation more than any other variable has determined or at least has set limits on the other variables in a comprehensive theory of class. Thus students of social mobility, while theoretically ac­ knowledging that many variables shape social status, have frequently based their measurements of social mobility on occupational change. More recently the explanatory power of occupation as an indicator of social status has undergone critical examination and been found wanting. Using the factor analytic method, Westoff, Bressler, and Sagi found that neither inter-generational nor intra-generational occu­ pational mobility is strongly correlated with any of a large number of hypothesized indices of social mobility. 134 The implication of their study "is that one can not safely infer knowledge of one dimension of mobility from knowledge of another." 2 Such conclusions, plus the fact that historians do not have access to data bearing on the other variables commonly used in determining social status and measuring mobility, offer serious obstacles to the historical study of mobility. A recent and brilliantly conceived article by Stuart Blumin suggests one way of circumventing this impasse. Arguing that "social mobility may not be the only way of conceptualizing the 'open society,'” he contends that when the self-help literature of the nineteenth century spoke of success, it was invoking a concept of success that was more economic than social. Economic mobility, moreover, is a far more tangible concept than social mobility in that it offers a more direct concept with which to examine the openness of a society. In addition, it is more easily quantifiable than the less tangible concept of social mobility. Blumin reasons, "Thus," "if we shift our ultimate goal from that of measuring social mobility to that of measuring the closely related but conceptually distinct phenomenon of economic mobility, we may hit upon, if not a necessarily more valid inference, at least a more readily testable o n e ."^ Partly because of the lack of adequate data on wealth, Blumin suggests that in ante-bellum Philadelphia 135 it was "virtually impossible to study economic mobility . . . without reverting to the inferential method of 4 occupational mobility." Likewise the data for the Holland community necessitate the use of this inferential method. This is due in part to the lack of probate re­ cords and the unorganized nature of the tax records which list the property holdings of individuals in several different places within reports. The failure of these records to provide additional information such as age, wife's name, and children's names makes it virtually impossible to trace individual careers over time. The most satisfying sources for the Holland community are the manuscript schedules of the federal census which for 1860 and 1870 list each inhabitant's occupation and the value of his real and personal property with the latter desig­ nation including both tangible and intangible goods. No doubt these schedules contain a large number of inaccu­ racies, both honest and dishonest. Nevertheless, because of their inclusiveness and the information contained in them, they are a great aid to the study of economic mobility. Unfortunately the federal census manuscripts of 1850 and 1880, the state census of 1894, and the data on immigrants from The Netherlands do not contain comparable information on wealth and only the census of 1850 includes information on real wealth. Therefore, if economic m o ­ bility is to be studied for a period longer than ten years. 136 it will have to be inferred from occupational mobility computed by tracing the individual career patterns of members of the community. Before pursuing such an analysis, it will be neces­ sary to test the validity of the inference of wealth from occupation, that is, to answer the question of how strong the relationship is between occupation and wealth in the Holland community. Relying on data from the manuscripts of the federal census for 1870, the relationship between occupation and total listed wealth was measured. data from the census of 1860 could have been used, Although 1870 data were selected to test the relationship for a number of reasons. One was that data from this year came closest to the median year of the time span of this study. More importantly, by this date the community had matured suf­ ficiently so that if a relationship existed between wealth and occupation, it would have appeared by then; that is, in the earlier days of the community with vast tracts of unimproved land there was less variation in wealth between members of the community. In order to analyze this relationship, fifteen occupational groups were collapsed into four categories and four wealth intervals were established. This re­ lationship is best examined through the use of analysis of variance which compares the significance of the variation of wealth between the occupational groups to the variation 137 within each occupational group. Expressed as Eta 2 , this relationship increases in m a g n i t u d e as the amount of "between v a r i a t i o n ” increases relative to the amount of "within variation." Thus as the variation in wea l t h 2 between occupational groups increases Eta will m ove away 2 from 0 and tend towards 1. Therefore, if Eta equals 1, it indicates that all the v a r iation in w e a l t h occurs between occupational groups and that within any occupational group there is no variation in wealth. Conversely, if there is no variation in weal t h b etween occupational groups, 2 5 Eta will equal 0. The results of this analysis suggest that there was a moderately strong relationship between wealth and occupation. When the four by four table is employed. Eta equals This means that occupation in the Holland .24. 2 community accounted for about one-fourth of the variation in wealth. From this, however, it is readily apparent that changes in occupation do not completely explain differences in wealth. This is n o t surprising when one considers the other variables involved in such a re lation­ ship. The age, the wealth of the individual's family {including those who may or m a y not have received their just inheritance), dowry, the ambition, the number of children, the size of the wife's the frugality and the number of years practicing a particular occupation, for example, may help to explain w h y men in the same o c c u ­ pational group have varying amounts of wealth. 138 Assuming that variables such as age, length of time in the occupational group, size of family, and wife's dowry account for most of the unexpected variation, it is entirely possible that if these factors were controlled for, the relationship between occupation and wealth would be much stronger. To illustrate this point let us assume that age is the only other variable explaining wealth and that as one grows older his wealth increases. Therefore if a twenty year old unskilled worker becomes a businessman and there is a degree of overlap between the wealth of some members of both occupational groups, the question becomes was he economically upwardly mobile? He probably was, ceasing to be a poorer than average unskilled worker and becoming a poorer than average businessman. example, From this the wealth of the individual might not be known, but we can predict that at some time he improved his economic status. In analyzing the relationship between occupation and wealth such subtleties as this are obscured and weaken the relationship between the two known v a r i ­ ables. For these reasons, while remembering that occu­ pation only explains one-fourth of wealth by itself, it seems safe to infer economic mobility from occupational m o b i l i t y .** Once the relationship between occupation and wealth has been established, it is possible to evaluate the openness of the Holland community by employing the concept 139 of economic mobility. The remainder of this chapter will consist of an analysis of intra-generational occupational mobility as one indication of the openness of a society. The following chapter will then deal with intergenerational occupational mobility and Chapter VII will examine intra-generational wealth mobility using economic data from the manuscripts of the federal census for 1850, I860, and 1870. This will allow for a further check on the relationship between wealth and occupational mobility. In these various analyses, attention will be focused on trends in mobility, patterns of movement for various occupational groups, and a comparison of rates of upward and downward mobility. Finally, these findings will be compared with the results of other mobility studies in order to offer broader generalizations about the openness of nineteenth century American society. Summary measures of occupational m o bility for the Holland community indicate both that the opportunity for occupational mobility increased with the length of one's stay in the community and that rates of movement decreased in every decade following 1850. Using the same fifteen point occupational scale as employed in the analysis of changes in the occupational structure in Chapter III, Table 15 presents data supporting both these points Table 15). (see For example, of those w h o remained in the community between 1850 and 1860, slightly more than TABLE 15.— Summary measures of occupational mobility for the Holland Community using fifteen occupational groups, 1850-94. 50-60 50-70 50-80 60-70 60-80 70-80 70-90* 80-94* Percentage Mobile Observed 75.4 85.3 91.6 70.0 79.6 47.7 53.5 43.8 Minimum Structural Movement 51.6 73.7 83.2 43.9 57.2 11.7 23.8 10.1 (Observed Minus Minimum) Circulation 23.8 11.6 8.4 26.1 22.4 36.0 29.5 33.7 Cramer V .379 .344 .270 .433 .364 .478 .397 .422 *Data for these years is only for the City of Holland. 141 7 5 per cent were mobile. By contrast over 90 per cent of those within this group who stayed in the community until 1880 experienced occupational movement. Likewise, the rate of movement for those listed in both the censuses of 1860 and 1880 surpassed the rate for those in the 1860-1870 group; a comparison of the data for the 1870-80 and 1870-94 samples yields similar results. Not only does the proportion of those mobile increase with the passage of time but also the strength of the relationship between beginning and ending occupation weakens with the length of time elapsing between these two points. Cramer V, an overall measure of association suggested by Jackson and Crockett which has an upper limit of unity indicating a perfect relationship and a lower limit of 0.0 indicating no relationship whatsoever, illustrates the declining strength of the relationship between beginning and ending occupation with the passage of time. Thus Cramer V was lower for those appearing in the census of 1850 who remained in the community until 1880 (.270) than for those appearing in 1850 who stayed until 1860 (.379). A similar pattern emerged for those who were listed in both the censuses of 1860 and 1680 and 1860 and 1870. Likewise Cramer V was lower for those who appeared in both the censuses of 1870 and 1894 than for those listed in both 1870 and 1880. Therefore, the percentage rates of mo­ bility and the measure of association between beginning 142 and ending occupation both support the conclusion that the opportunity for occupational mobility increased with one's lengthening duration in the community. Perhaps even more importantly, the data in Table 15 also suggest that rates of occupational mobility declined between 1850 and 1894. As the data reveal, rates of mobility for the decades 1850-60, 1860-70, 1870-80 as well as for the years 1880-94 declined from over 75 per cent for the first decade to less than 50 per cent for the last time period. pattern. Again Cramer V further illustrates this The relationship between beginning occupation and destination became increasingly stronger for each succeeding decade, rising from .379 for the first decade to .478 for the 1870-80 time period. Only for the years 1880-94 did this relationship decrease slightly. That these trends occurred at a time when the community was industrializing raises doubts about the Lipset and Bendix thesis that social mobility increases concomitantly with industrialization, urbanization and bureaucratization. A closer inspection of the mobility measures suggests that mobility attributable to structural changes accounted most fully for the decline in gross rates of occupational movement. The middle two rows in Table 15 offer a means of measuring the impact of changes in the occupational structure on gross rates of mobility. Minimum structural movement represents the minimum amount of mobility neces­ sary to accommodate changes in the occupational structure. 143 Such movement expressed as a percentage may then be seen as that proportion of gross mobility resulting directly from changes in the occupational structure. This figure is derived by subtracting the total for each row from the total of each corresponding column of the mobility matrix and then dividing the total sum of either all positive or all negative values by the total sample. The difference between this figure and observed mobility Jackson and Crockett label circulation or the amount of mobility not directly attributable to structural change, i.e., the mutual exchange of occupations by members of the comQ munity. The data from the Holland community reveal that in each successive decade or time period after 1850 minimum structural movement decreased with the largest decline occurring between the 1860's and the 1870's. By contrast, circulation increased, although gross mobility rates and Cramer V indicate a decline of fluidity in the occupational structure. Such findings suggest that the establishment and development of the community provided greater changes in the occupational structure of the community than did the beginnings of industrialism and consequently provided a greater impetus to occupational mobility than did in­ dustrialization . This also indicates that, if structural change is controlled for, the amount of mobility as denoted by circulation in the Holland community rose. The usefulness 144 of this calculation, however, is questionable. It over­ looks the fact that a dynamic reverse correlation may exist between circulation and the amount of structural change occuring. That is to say that structural stagnation or lower rates or structural change may induce a greater mutual exchange of occupation or circulation relative to the total amount of mobility. Moreover, observed rates of mobility and the strength of the relationship between beginning and ending occupation offer better indications of the openness of a society than does a measure that controls for structural change. The latter measure, while useful for breaking mobility down into its components, does not offer the best measure of the openness of a social structure because it eliminates one of the dynamic elements in determining occupational movement. That is, one could conceive of a society in which high rates of occupational mobility occurred directly as a result of structural change and a society with far lower rates of occupational mobility occurring without the aid of structural change. The question then becomes which society is more open and offers greater opportunity? The answer must be that society experiencing the greatest mobility regardless of the relative influences of structural change and circulation. Collapsing the fifteen occupational categories used in the above analysis into four basic categories--urban white collar, urban blue collar, farm operators (those listed in the agricultural census as owners of improved farms), and rural workers (those holding agricultural occupations but not listed in the census of agriculture)— provides a second means of measuring mobility. Movement between these collapsed occupational categories represents more significant mobility than that between the fifteen occupational groups. When the four point classification system is employed, only those moving from one broad occupational category are counted among the mobile. By contrast, when the fifteen point occupational scale is utilized, those moving from one occupation to another whether it falls in the same broad occupational classi­ fication or not are included among the occupationally mobile. While there are some advantages to using the collapsed occupational classifications instead of the finer ones, both types need to be employed in order to get a fuller understanding of the nature and pattern of economic mobility. Although the observed rates of mobility for the collapsed categories followed the same pattern as those using finer occupational distinctions, several significant differences existed between the two examinations Table 16). (see Not surprisingly, the first difference is that rates of movement using the collapBed classifications were lower than in the earlier analysis employing fifteen occupational categories. This is to be expected since in TABLE 16.— Summary measures of occupational mobility for the Holland community using collapsed occupational groups, 1850-94. 50-60 50-70 50-80 60-70 60-80 70-80 70-94* 80-94* Percentage Mobile Observed 64.4 76.5 80.7 39.6 47.9 21.2 23.8 19.6 Minimum Structural Movement 44.1 68.4 75.7 28.7 35.4 5.1 4.9 5.6 (Observed Minus Minimum) Circulation 20.3 8.1 5.0 10.9 12.5 16.1 18.9 14.0 Cramer V .472 .331 .268 .530 .462 .608 .546 .590 ♦Because of the lack of rural occupations in the data for the city of Holland summary measures for these two columns are based on 3 x 3 tables using two urban and one rural occupational classifications. 147 the latter examination a man moving from an unskilled to a semiskilled position would not be regarded as occupationally mobile. A second and more important difference is that the observed or gross rates of mobility declined more sharply after the first decade using the collapsed rather than the finer occupational categories. For example# in the earlier analysis gross rates of mobility fell from 7 5.4 per cent during the 1850' s to 43.8 per cent between 1880 and 1894 while in the latter analysis they fell from 64.4 per cent during the first decade to 19.6 per cent in the last time period. Cramer V further supports this observation con­ cerning the increasing rigidity of the occupational structure. The second analysis# as Table 16 indicates# reveals a much stronger relationship between beginning and ending occupation than did the first. Moreover# the differ­ ence for each decade and the 1880-94 time period was at least .093 and became progressively larger for the later time periods. This means that not only did occupational mobility decline but also that significant mobility# i.e.# movement across the blue-white collar line# the farm worker-farm operator line and the urban-rural line declined even more rapidly than did mobility between the finer occupational lines. Thus # it appears that after the initial period of settlement# the social structure of the community became increasingly more rigid# especially after 148 1870 and particularly in terms of movement from one broad occupational category to another. A closer examination of these mobility measures indicates, as it did in the previous appraisal, that mobility resulting from alternations in the occupational structure most completely accounted for the decline in gross rates of movement. Moreover, when the collapsed occupational categories are employed, the decline in minimum structural movement was greater than when finer occupational distinctions were employed. In the former instance mobility attributable to changes in the occu­ pational structure declined from 44.1 per cent for the first decade to 5.6 per cent for the 1880-94 time period while in the latter case the drop was from 51.6 per cent to 10.1 per cent. Again the largest decrease, using the collapsed occupational categories, took place beween the decades of the 1860's and 1870's. By contrast, circulation or the mutual exchange of occupations fluctuated between 10 per cent and 21 per cent during this time period. These findings strongly suggest that occupational mobility in the Holland community declined sharply in the years under consideration and that the major reason for this decline was the decrease in mobility attributable to changes in the occupational structure. This offers additional support to the contention that the changes in the occupational structure accompanying the establishment and development of the community offered a far greater 149 stimulus to mobility than did those changes brought about by industrialization. Comparing the rates of various occupational groups over time offers some additional insights into the sources of decline of mobility in the Holland community Table 17). (see As the data in Table 17 indicate the greatest source of decrease in any given decade accrued to either the blue collar or rural workers group. Between the 1850*s and the 1860's, the proportion of blue collar workers mobile fell 31 per cent. a decline of slightly more than Farm operators revealing 20 per cent were the only other group suffering a decrease. Differentials in the rates of movement of various occupational groups for the decades of the 1860's and the 1870's show that the rural workers group which revealed a decline of over 30 per cent, was the only occupational category experiencing a decrease in mobility. Both the blue collar and farm operator groups enjoyed increases of less than 1 per cent. Only the white collar category with an increase of more than gain. 10 per cent revealed a substantial Because of the nature of the occupational data for 1894, it is only feasible to compare the mobility rates of those holding non-agricultural occupations in the 1880's with those in the 1870's. Such am analysis reveals that both blue collar and white collar workers suffered a decline in occupational movement. However, blue collar 150 TABLE 17.— Changing rates of gross mobility for occu­ pational groups, 1850-9 4. White Collar 18501860 18601870 18701880 18801894 0.0 14. 3 (6.7) 26.7 (1 2 .6 ) (32.4) 69.0 (46.9) 38.0 (20.4) 38.2 (25.5) 10. 4 (57.5) 29.0 (9.2) 8.4 (39.6) (55.4) 72.8 (40.4) 82.9 (33.3) 50.0 (6.5) 64.4 39.6 (3.6 )a Blue Collar Farm Operator Rural Worker Total Gross Rate of Mobility 8.8 21.2 22.2 64.5 (1 0 .1 ) b 19.6 Figures in parentheses represent each occupational g r o u p 1s proportion of the total labor force remaining in the community in that decade. ^In this column, all agricultural workers are lumped together in one category due to the nature of the data. workers with a decrease of over 25 per cent saw their rates of mobility fall far faster than did white collar workers whose rate fell less than 5 per cent. This examination would seem to suggest that as mobility declined as a result of the decrease in minimum structural movement that those groups at the bottom of the occupational ladder saw their rates of mobility fall disproportionately faster than those at the top. While the summary data just presented offer impor­ tant indications of the long range trends in mobility, it 151 provides few insights into the relative amounts of upward and/or downward movement of members of certain occupational groups. Such information, however, can be obtained by inspecting out-flow charts, that is, the percentages of row cells in mobility tables. Data drawn from these charts showing rates of upward and downward mobility appear in Tables 18 and 19. Percentages presented in the former are based on mobility tables using the fifteen point occupational scale while data presented in the latter are based on tables using the collapsed occupational cate­ gories . Results from both examinations show in addition to the sharp decline in gross rates of mobility that rates of upward occupational movement declined even more acutely. When finer occupational distinctions are used, these rates declined from 54.4 per cent for the decade 1860-70 to 27.1 per cent for the following decade and to 15.7 per cent for the 1880-94 time period. These decreases became even more dramatic when collapsed occupational categories are employed falling from 26.3 per cent for the 1860's to 7.2 per cent and 5.2 per cent for the next two time periods. Equally important is the fact that throughout this period upward occupational mobility using collapsed occupational categories declined at a much faster rate than when finer occupational distinctions are employed. This would suggest that opportunity for substantial upward TABLE 18.— Types of occupational mobility occurring in the Holland community using fifteen occupational groups, 1850-94. 1850-60 1850-70 1850-80 1860-70 1860-80 1870-80 1870-94 1880-94 Percentage Mobile 75.4 85.3 91.6 70.0 79.6 47.7 48.4 40.5 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 43.0 50.5 54.0 54.7 63.8 27.1 25.4 15.7 1.5 3.2 2.6 10.7 14.8 16.0 31.2 4.3 4.0 5.6 2.5 1.0 5.0 7.9 9.1 4.2 5.7 6.5 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 2.3 Percentage Urban to Rural 28.5 Percentage Rural to Urban 1.5 2.1 28.4 4.2 TABLE 19.— Types of occupational mobility occurring in the Holland community using collapsed occupational groups, 1850-94. 50-60 50-70 50-80 60-70 60-80 70-80 70-94 80-94 Percentage Mobile 64.4 76.5 80.7 39.6 47.9 21.2 23.8 19.6 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 33.0 42.5 44.5 26.3 33.1 7.2 9.0 5.2 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 1.5 1.4 0.0 1.1 1.6 4.1 6.6 6.9 Percentage Urban to Rural 28.5 28.4 31.2 4.3 4.0 5.6 2.5 1.0 Percentage Rural to Urban 1.5 4.2 5.0 7.9 9.1 4.2 5.7 6.5 154 mobility declined more rapidly than did the possibilities for less significant movement. Although rates of upward occupational mobility declined in every decade after 1850 at a faster rate than occupational mobility in general, it still remained true that one's chances for upward occupational movement increased with the length of his residency in the com­ munity. As Tables 18 and 19 show, the portion of the group listed in the census of 1850 that remained in the community through 1870 or 1880 had a much higher proportion of upwardly mobile persons than did the entire group appearing in the censuses of 1850 and 1860. This pattern persisted for those appearing in the census of 1860. Again, those who remained until 1880 had a far higher rate of upward mobility than did those in the 1860-70 group. The exception to this pattern came with the 1870 group. Using the finer occupational grouping of fifteen, the data show a lower rate of upward mobility for the 1870-94 than for the 1870-80 group with the latter having an upward mobility rate 1.7 per cent higher than the former. However, collasped occupational categories indi­ cate just the reversal of this process with the 1870-94 group having a rate 1.8 per cent higher than the 1870-80 one. It would seem then that in general the longer a person remained in a community the greater would be his chances not only for occupational mobility but also for 155 upward movement. It should be noted# however# that after 1870 rates of upward mobility were less affected by the duration of one's stay in the community than previously. While upward rates of mobility declined# downward rates of mobility increased with 1870 again appearing to be the major turning point. In the two decades before 1870# regardless of the type of occupational classification used# the proportion of the total sample downwardly mobile never exceeded 4 per cent. By contrast in the two decades after 1870# downward rates of mobility in all cases ex­ ceeded 4 per cent. Using the fifteen point occupational scale# the rates of downward movement were 10.7 per cent and 16.0 per cent for the time periods 1870-80 and 1880-9 4 respectively. As with measures of gross and upward mo­ bility# collasped occupational categories show lower rates of downward mobility. This type of classification reveals downward rates of mobility of 4.1 per cent for the decade of the 1870's and 6.9 per cent for the 1880-94 time period. The last two rows of Tables 18 and 19 treat urban to rural and rural to urban occupational movement. Only in the 1850's did these processes involve a large proportion of the labor force of the Holland community. decade 1850-60# In the 30 per cent of those remaining in the community moved from a rural to an urban occupation or vice versa; the bulk of the total group (28.5 per cent) left an urban occupational classification for a rural one. 156 This rather high proportion seems due more to errors in the manuscripts of the federal census for 1850 than to any peculiar migration pattern. As pointed out in Chapter II, it appears that an overwhelming proportion of those listed in the census of 1850 as laborers could have more appropriately been designated "farmers without farms” or farm laborers. Furthermore, the proportion of unskilled laborers moving to rural occupations constituted almost one-fourth of those who remained in the community between 1850 and 1860. After 1860 rural to urban and urban to rural occupational movement never exceeded oneseventh of the labor force. Moreover, after 1860 (the decade 1870-80 being the exception) rural to urban exceeded urban to rural migration. The relationship of urban-rural and rural-urban occupational movement to occupational mobility as well as the mobility patterns of the major occupational groups will be analyzed by decade in the following tables and dis­ cussion. Most of this analysis will be based on patterns discerned from using four broad occupational categories— urban white collar, urban blue collar, farmers with farms reported in the agricultural census, and agricultural workers, those without farms listed in the agricultural census. 157 MOBILITY PATTERNS FOR THOSE LISTED IN THE 18 50 CENSUS. Of those who were listed in the census of 1850 and enumerated in later censuses of the Holland community, the greatest amount of mobility occurred within those groups at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy 21, and 22). (see Tables 20, Within the urban blue collar group, over 60 per cent of those holding such positions in 1850 had g moved into rural occupations by 1860. This was due in part to the fact that a number of people listed as laborers in 1950 were actually agricultural workers. Nevertheless, of those moving into rural occupations the vast majority became farmers with farms listed in the agricultural census. By 1860 38.6 per cent of the 1850 urban blue collar workers owned improved farms and cent were rural workers without improved farms. 22.2 per By con­ trast less than a third remained blue collar workers and the remaining positions. 8.2 per cent moved into urban white collar Those within this group who remained in the community through the 1860*s and 1870's showed even greater mobility. By 1880, 58.0 per cent of the urban blue collar workers of 1850 owned improved farms while 5.0 per cent were rural workers. Of the 37.0 per cent who remained in urban positions, 16.0 per cent were white collar workers and 21.0 per cent retained their blue collar status. Like their urban counterparts, rural workers without farms in 1850 displayed substantial mobility. However, TABLE 20.— Mobility patterns for those listed in both the censuses of 1850 and 1860. Occupation Urban White Collar Urban White Collar 12a 100.0C Urban Blue Collar 13 8.2 Farm Operators Rural Workers Total Urban Blue Collar Farm Operators Rural Workers Total 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 12 100.0 3.6 3.6 52.0 3.9 49 31.0 90.7 14.5 61 38.6 33.7 18.1 35 22.2 45.5 10.4 158 100.0 46.9 46.9 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 4 12.9 7.4 1.2 22 71.0 12.2 6.5 5 16.1 6.5 1.5 31 100.0 9.2 9.2 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1 0.7 1.9 0.3 98 72.1 54.1 29.1 37 27.2 48.1 11.0 136 100.0 40.4 40.0 100.0 7.4 54 16.0 100.0 16.0 181 53.7 100.0 53.7 77 22.8 100.0 22.8 337 100.0 100.0 100.0 48.0b 3.6<* aFigure in the upper left-hand corner of the cell represents the number appearing in that cell. ^Figure in the upper right-hand corner represents the percentage of the column. CFigure in the lower left-hand corner represents the percentage of the row. ^Figure in the lower right-hand corner represents the percentage of the total sample. This pattern will persist in all subsequent tables unless otherwise noted. TABLE 21.— Mobility patterns for those listed in both the censuses of 1850 and 1870. Occupation Urban White Collar Urban Blue Collar Farm Operators Rural Workers Total Urban White Collar 6 100.0 17.1 2.1 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6 100.0 2.1 2.1 Urban Blue Collar 23 16.1 65.7 8.1 39 27.3 86.7 13.7 76 53.1 40.0 26.7 5 3.5 33.3 1.8 143 100.0 50.2 50.2 Farm Operators 2 8.0 5.7 0.7 3 12.0 6.7 1.1 16 64.0 8.4 5.6 4 16.0 26.7 1.4 25 100.0 8.8 8.8 Rural Workers 4 3.6 11.4 1.4 3 2.7 6.7 1.1 98 88.3 51.6 34.4 6 5.4 40.0 2.1 111 100.0 38.9 38.9 35 12.3 100.0 12.3 45 15.8 100.0 15.8 190 66.7 100.0 66.7 100 0 5.2 285 100.0 100.0 100,0 Total 15 5.2 TABLE 22.— Mobility patterns £or those listed in both the censuses of 1850 and 1880. Occupation Urban White Collar Urban Blue Collar Farm Operators Rural Workers Total Urban White Collar 3 100.0 12.0 1.5 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3 100.0 1.5 1.5 Urban Blue Collar 16 16.0 64.0 7.9 21 21.0 84.0 10.4 58 58.0 40.6 28.7 5 5.0 55.6 2.5 100 100.0 49.5 49.5 Farm Operators 1 7.6 4.0 0.5 1 7.6 4.0 0.5 11 84.6 7.7 5.4 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13 100.0 6.4 6.4 Rural Workers 5 5.8 20.0 2.5 3 3.5 12.0 1.5 74 86.0 51.7 36.6 4 4.7 44.4 2.0 86 100.0 42.6 42.6 25 12.4 100.0 12.4 25 12.4 100.0 12.4 143 70.8 100.0 70.8 9 4.5 100.0 4.5 202 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total 161 little of this mobility was into urban occupations. Only one person listed as an agricultural worker in 1850 had moved into an urban occupation by 1860. The vast majority of these rural workers eventually became owners of improved farms. By 1860, 72.1 per cent of this group owned farms and only 27.2 per cent remained agricultural workers. Those within the group who remained in the community until 1880 showed even greater mobility. By 1880 less than 5 per cent of the rural workers remained in the same position. Of the remainder 86.1 per cent owned farms listed in the agricultural census and slightly over 9 per cent held urban occupations— 5.8 per cent as white collar and 3.5 per cent as blue collar workers. Within the groups at the top of the rural and urban occupational hierarchies , as the data pertaining to downward mobility has already suggested, rates of mobility were less than for those groups at the bottom. Urban white collar workers listed in the census of 1850 remained to­ tally immobile in the ensuing years, exhibiting neither downward mobility nor movement into rural occupations. On the other hand, farmers listed in the agricultural census for 1850 exhibited some mobility. Between 1850 and 1860, 16.1 per cent of this group moved into the rural workers category and 12.9 per cent became urban blue collar workers. Those remaining in the community until 1880 altered this initial pattern. Over 80 per cent of the faimers listed 162 in the census of agriculture for 1850 and who remained in the community until 1880 still owned operating farms. By contrast, none were rural workers and the remaining 15.2 per cent were equally divided between urban white collar and blue collar workers. MOBILITY PATTERNS FOR THOSE LISTED IN THE CENSUS OF 1860. The rural workers again displayed the greatest movement of any occupational group listed in the census of 1860 (see Tables 23 and 24). By 1870 only 17.1 per cent of those in this group still in the community retained their same position. Over two-thirds had become farm operators and slightly more than 15.0 per cent had moved into urban occupations, 4.3 per cent as white collar workers and 11.4 per cent as blue collar workers. This last figure would suggest that moving from a rural to an urban occupation was probably not a major avenue of upward m o ­ bility. Data for those in this group who remained in the community until 1880 reveals even greater mobility and further illustrates trends already pointed out. By 1880 the proportion of rural workers retaining their original occupational status had fallen to 8.8 75 per cent had become farm operators. per cent, while over The proportion holding urban occupations, moreover, remained almost the same, but with a slightly higher percentage (6 . 1 as com­ pared with 4.3) holding white collar positions. TABLE 23.— Mobility patterns for those listed in both the censuses of 1860 and 1870. Occupation Urban White Collar Urban Blue Collar Urban White Collar 36 85.7 44.0 5.7 3 7.1 2.7 0.5 2 4.8 0.5 0.3 1 2.4 2.2 0.2 42 100.0 6.7 6.7 Urban Blue Collar 25 19.4 30.5 4.0 80 62.0 71.4 12.7 19 14.7 4.9 3.0 5 3.9 10.9 0.8 129 100.0 20.4 20.4 Farmers Operators 12 4.8 14.6 1.9 5 2.0 4.5 0.8 229 91.6 58.6 36.3 4 1.6 8.7 0.6 250 100.0 39.6 39.6 9 4.3 11.0 1.4 24 11.4 21.4 3.8 141 67.1 36.1 22.3 36 17.1 78.3 5.7 210 100.0 33.3 33.3 82 13.0 100.0 13.0 112 17.7 100.0 17.7 391 62.0 100.0 62.0 46 7.3 100.0 7.3 631 100.0 100.0 100.0 Rural Workers Total Farm Operators Rural Workers Total TABLE 24.— Mobility patterns for those listed in both the censuses of 1860 and 1880. Occupation Urban White Collar Urban Blue Collar Farm Operators Rural Workers Urban White Collar 26 86.7 35.1 5.3 2 6.7 2.7 0.4 2 6.7 0.6 0.4 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 30 100.0 6.1 6.1 Urban Blue Collar 27 29.3 36.5 5.5 47 51.1 64.4 9.5 15 16.3 4.6 3.0 3 3.3 12.0 0.6 92 100.0 18.6 18.6 Farm Operators 10 5.2 13.5 2.0 7 3.6 9.6 1.4 169 88.0 52.3 34.1 6 3.1 24.0 1.2 192 100.0 38.8 38.8 Rural Workers 11 6.1 14.9 2.2 17 9.4 23.3 3.4 137 75.7 42.4 27.7 16 8.8 64.0 3.2 181 100.0 36.6 36.6 Total 74 14.9 100.0 14.9 73 14.7 100.0 14.7 323 65.3 100.0 65.3 25 5.1 100.0 5.1 495 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total 165 In contrast to rural workers, farm operators showed the least mobility. Over 90.0 per cent of those in this category and also appearing in the census of 1870 remained in the same position. Only 1.6 per cent of this group fell into the rural workers category while the remaining 6.8 per cent moved into urban occupations. However, unlike the rural workers who moved into urban occupations, the m a ­ jority of the farmers with farms found white collar rather than blue collar occupations; 4.6 per cent became white collar workers compared with 2.0 per cent who became blue collar workers. Those within this category who remained in the community until 1880 revealed slightly more m o ­ bility. The percentage remaining immobile fell slightly to 88.0 per cent while the proportion moving downward increased to 3.1 per cent and those moving into urban occupations increased to 8.8 per cent, again with the majority finding white collar positions. Within the urban occupational structure there was not as great a differential between the proportion of white and blue collar workers mobile as between the two agricultural occupational groups. Of the blue collar workers 62.0 per cent remained in the same position and 19.4 per cent moved up to white collar positions. Thus, blue collar workers showed somewhat lower rates of upward mobility than did their counterparts in agricultural occupations. However, of the urban workers who moved into 16b rural occupations, the majority became farmers owning improved farms. About one-seventh of this group became farm operators while only 3.9 per cent became rural workers, suggesting that moving from an urban to a rural occupation was more likely to result in upward mobility than moving from a rural to an urban occupation. As with other occupational groups, urban blue collar workers who remained in the community until 1880 tended to display greater mobility. This was truer for upward mobility than for movement from an urban to a rural position. By 1880 29.3 per cent of the blue collar workers had moved into white collar positions as compared with only 19.4 per cent by 1870. During these same years, however, the proportion moving into rural occupations increased by only 1.0 per cent of the total sample of blue collar workers but with a slightly higher proportion than in the previous decade becoming farm operators, 16.3 per cent as opposed to 14.7 per cent. Unlike their counterparts in 1850, urban white collar workers listed in the census of 1860 did show some mobility. In both the periods 1860-70 and 1860-80 over 85.0 per cent remained immobile while 7.1 per cent and 6.7 per cent respectively were downwardly mobile. Likewise the proportion moving into rural occupations did not change drastically with only 7.2 per cent moving into this cate­ gory between 1860 and 1870 and 6.7 per cent between 1860 167 and 1880 with the vast majority in both cases becoming farm operators. MOBILITY PATTERNS FOR THOSE LISTED IN THE CENSUS OF 1870. As in the previous decades# rural workers remained the most mobile occupational group (see Tables 25 and 26). Exactly one-half of this group were mobile between 1870 and 1880. The bulk of this mobility consisted of movement up the agricultural occupational hierarchy with 32.7 per cent of the group becoming farm operators. The remainder of those mobile moved into urban occupations with slightly more entering blue rather than white collar positions. Just as agricultural workers had the highest rates of movement, farm operators again had the lowest rates of mobility. During this decade over nine-tenths of this group retained the same occupation. Of the remainder, 3.2 per cent suffered downward mobility and 5.7 per cent moved into urban occupations, primarily blue collar po­ sitions . By 1894, because the data for that year pertain only to those living in the city of Holland, only a few people listed in the census of 1870 as having rural occupations appeared in the census. As a result, rural workers and farm operators were collapsed into one category for purposes of analysis. Of this small group, 41.7 per cent still held agricultural occupations, one-third were blue TABLE 25.— Mobility patterns for those listed in both the censuses of 1870 and 1880, Occupation Urban White Collar Urban White Collar 74 73.3 58.7 9.2 19 18.8 11.3 2.4 8 7.9 1.7 1.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 101 100.0 12.6 12.6 Urban Blue Collar 41 20.1 32.5 5.1 126 61.8 75.0 15.7 30 14.7 6.5 3.7 7 3.4 14.9 0.9 204 100.0 25.5 25.5 Farm Operators 7 1.6 5.6 0.9 18 4.1 10.7 2.2 405 91.2 88.0 50.6 14 3.2 29.8 1.7 444 100.0 55.4 55.4 Rural Workers 4 7.7 3.2 0.5 5 9.6 3.0 0.6 17 32.7 3.7 2.1 26 50.0 55.2 3.2 52 100.0 6.5 6.5 126 15.7 100.0 15.7 168 21.0 100.0 21.0 460 57.4 100.0 57.4 47 5.9 100.0 5.9 801 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total Urban Blue Collar Farm Operators Rural Workers Total 169 T A B L E 2 6 . - - M o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s for t h o s e l i s t e d in b o t h c e n s u s e s of 1870 an d 1894. Urban White Collar Urban Blue Collar Farm Occupation the Total Urban White Collar 34 81.0 70.8 27.9 8 19.0 12.1 6.6 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 42 100.0 34.4 34.4 Urban Blue Collar 11 16.2 22.9 9.0 54 79.4 81. 8 44.3 3 4.4 37.5 2.5 68 100.0 55.7 55.7 Farm Occu­ pation 3 25.0 6.3 2.5 4 33.3 6.1 3.3 5 41.7 62.5 4.1 12 100.0 9.8 9.8 Total 48 39.3 100.0 39.3 66 54.1 100.0 54.1 8 6.6 100.0 6.6 122 100.0 100.0 100.0 collar workers and the remaining quarter held white collar positions. Within the urban occupational categories, slightly higher rates of mobility occurred among blue collar than among white collar workers between 1870 and 1880 with 38.2 per cent of the former and 26.7 per cent of the latter being mobile. The majority of the mobility taking place among the blue collar workers was movement into white collar positions; slightly more than one-fifth of the blue collar workers enjoyed upward occupational mobility. Of the remaining blue collar workers, 14.7 per cent became farm operators and 3.4 per cent became agricultural workers. Unlike in previous decades when movement out of 170 an occupational group increased with the passage of time# manual workers listed in the census of 1870 and also found in the state census of 1894 displayed less mobility than the 1870-80 group. Almost four-fifths of the 1870-94 group remained immobile while 16.2 per cent entered white collar positions. As one might expect by the nature of the census material for 1894 only a few (4.4 per cent) moved into agricultural occupations. Somewhat similar patterns prevailed among white collar workers during these years. Partly due to the absence of any urban to rural movement by the 1870-94 group, total mobility out of white collar positions was lower for this group than for the 1870-80 one, 19.0 per cent as opposed to 26.7 per cent. None of the former group entered a rural occupation while almost 8 per cent of the latter became farm operators. On the other hand, downward mobility rates for the 1870-80 and the 1870-94 group were almost identical (18.8 per cent and 19.0 per cent). MOBILITY PATTERNS FOR THOSE LISTED IN THE 1880 CENSUS. Unlike the analyses for the previous decades, only three occupational classifications will be employed be­ cause the census of 1894 provides data only for the city of Holland and lists very few agricultural workers and also because there is no accompanying agricultural census to make possible distinguishing farm operators from 17 X "farmers without farms" (see Table 27). As previously pointed out, there was less mobility in this time period than at any other time under consideration. This lack of mobility is most clearly illustrated in the urban blue collar group. Almost nine-tenths of those classified as blue collar workers in the census of 1880 retained this same position in 1894. Of the remaining number 9.1 per cent moved up to white collar positions and 1.1 per cent moved into agricultural positions. Among white collar workers appearing in the censuses of 1880 and 1894, 21.2 per cent moved downward into blue collar positions and 1.0 per cent assumed agricultural occupations. Be­ cause of the nature of the data for 1894, those holding agricultural occupations showed the highest level of m o ­ bility. Of those recorded in both censuses, 4 5.2 per cent moved into urban blue collar positions and 19*4 per cent secured white collar positions. Some general patterns of mobility emerge from this analysis of those listed in the censuses of 1850, 1860, 1870, 1880 and 1894. As might be expected, rates of upward mobility tended to increase with the length of residency in the community. Secondly, those occupational groups at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy tended to show the highest levels of mobility. In all time periods except 1880-94, urban blue collar workers and rural workers had higher rates of mobility than did white 172 TABLE 27.--Mobility patterns for those listed c e n s u s e s of 1 8 8 0 a n d 1894. Urban White Collar Occu­ pation Urban Blue Collar Farm Occu­ pation in b o t h the Total Urban White Collar 77 77.8 77.8 25.2 21 21.2 10.9 6.9 1 1.0 7.1 0.3 99 100.0 32.4 32.4 Urban Blue Collar 16 9.1 16.2 5.2 158 89.8 81.9 51.6 2 1.1 14.3 0.7 176 100.0 57.5 57.5 Farm Occu­ pation 6 19.4 6.1 2.0 14 45.2 7.3 4.6 11 35.5 78.6 3.6 31 100.0 10.1 10.1 Total 99 32.4 100.0 32.4 193 63.1 100.0 63.1 14 4.6 100.0 4.6 collar workers or farm operators. 100.0 306 100.0 100.0 In terms of upward occupational mobility agricultural workers showed greater mobility than did manual urban workers. The relationship between movement from a rural to an urban occupation or vice versa varied according to the occupational group. Urban blue collar workers benefitted the most from such changes. In every time period where it was possible to identify farm operators, the majority of manual workers moving into rural occupations became farm operators. contrast, By agricultural workers moving into urban job categories usually became blue collar workers. The reason for this difference probably lies in the fact that marginal rural workers were being forced out of agricultural 173 positions due to the changing economy of the community and the relatively declining prosperity of agriculture whereas the blue collar workers who moved into rural occupations probably only did so after they had accumulated sufficient resources to purchase a farm. As for urban white collar workers and farm operators, it was more likely that an urban white collar worker moving to a rural occupation would become a farm operator than it was that a farm operator moving to an urban occupation would secure a white collar position. Mobility within the broad occupational categories employed in the preceding analysis varied greatly. Among farm operators there was substantial movement within that broad occupational category (see Table 28). Mobility charts for the decades 1850-60, 1860-70, and 1870-80 reveal that in only the last decade did fewer than half of those remaining in this category enjoy movement within this broad grouping. Most of this mobility, moreover, was upward owing to the rising value of farms primarily as a result of farmers bringing higher proportions of their acreage under cultivation. This also accounts for the decrease in intra-group mobility during the decade of the 1870*s since by then most of the land had already been improved. In the other broad agricultural occupational cate­ gory, the pattern was the reversal of that occurring in 174 TABLE 28.— Intra- group mobility patterns of farm operators. 1850-80. 1850-60 1860-70 1870-80 % Mobile 81.8 62.4 32.8 % Upwardly Mobile 77.3 62.0 24.2 4.5 0.4 8.6 % Downwardly Mobile 22 Total the farm operators group. 229 405 As previously indicated in the analysis of mobility between broad occupations! categories, rural workers were the most mobile and farm operators the least mobile. Within categories, however the pa'ttern was just the reverse (see Table 29). decades under consideration, In only one of the 1860-70, were more than one- third of those who remained in the rural workers category mobile. Within the urban white collar classification, likewise, there was very little intra-group mobility Table 30). (see No more than 34.0 per cent were mobile within this broad classification in any of the time periods between 1850 and 1894. This mobility moreover was largely confined to movement between the two groups of businessmen and in the latter decades by mobility from the sales and clerical group into one of the two business groups. As with the urban white collar and the rural workers there was very little mobility within the urban blue collar 175 TABLE 29.--Intra-group mobility patterns of rural workers, 1850-80. 1850-60 % Mobile % Upwardly Mobile % Downwardly Mobile Total 1860-70 1870-80 18.9 36.1 23.1 5.4 30.6 11.5 13.5 5.6 11.5 37 26 36 TABLE 30.— Intra-group mobility patterns of urban white collar workers, 1850-94. 1850-60 1860-70 1870-80 1880-94 % Mobile 25.0 25.0 33.8 11.7 % Upwardly Mobile 12.5 11.1 23.0 6.5 % Downwardly Mobile 12.5 13.9 10.8 5.2 12 36 74 77 Total 176 category. No more than one-third of those remaining within this group in the time periods between 1850 and 1894 showed occupational movement within this broad classification (see Table 31). However, mobility within this category in­ creased as the movement of blue collar workers into other occupational categories diminished. Primarily this change resulted in increased movement of unskilled workers into the semiskilled workers group and thus reflected the in­ creasing importance of the factory in the economic life of the community. TABLE 31.— Intra-group mobility patterns of urban blue collar workers, 1850-94. 1850-60 1860-70 1870-80 1880-94 % Mobile 18.4 21.3 30.1 29 .7 % Upwardly Mobile 18.4 15.0 24.6 17.1 0.0 6.3 5.6 12.7 59 80 % Downwardly Mobile Total 126 158 A more detailed analysis of the mobility patterns of the urban blue collar workers will now be made in order to allow for some comparisons with the findings of Stephan Thernstrom's study of unskilled laborers in Newburyport. Thernstrom found that 64 per cent, 74 per cent, and 79 per cent of the unskilled workers remained immobile in the time periods 1850-60, 1860-70, and 1870-80 respectively. 177 By contrast only 9.7 per cent/ 33.3 per cent, and 19.4 per cent of the unskilled workers in the Holland community did not change occupations during comparable time periods Table 32). (see Moreover, only for the 1880-9 4 time period did the proportion of workers not switching occupations exceed 50 per cent. The greater opportunity for upward occu­ pational mobility in the Holland community may in part explain why out-migration rates in Newburyport far exceeded those in Holland. In the former community rates of de­ parture only fell below 60 per cent once (59 per cent during the 1870's) while in Holland they only surpassed 50 per cent on one occasion of the 1870's). (51.5 per cent for the decade Part of the discrepancy in the findings from the two communities may be explained by the fact that because Therstrom used census data from only the city of Newburyport, many of those unskilled workers moving into rural occupations were not detected and consequently were recorded as out-migrants. However, even when this factor is taken into consideration, upward mobility rates still remained higher in the Holland community than in Newbury­ port. Eliminating those workers who moved into agri­ cultural occupations from the sample, the proportion of unskilled workers retaining the same position never surpassed 60 per cent in any decade or time period under consideration. Similarly, the proportion of unskilled workers moving into white collar positions in the Holland 178 TABLE 32.— Patterns of mobility of unskilled workers in the Holland community, 1850-94.a 1850-60 1860-70 1870-80 1880-94 90. 3 (102) 66.7 (24) 80.6 (54) 47.4 (9) 8.8 (10) 2.8 (1) 10. 4 (7) 10.5 (2) % Into Skilled Workers Category 3.5 (4) 13.9 (5) 11.9 (8) 10.5 (2) % Into Semi­ skilled Workers Category 4.4 (5) 16.7 (6) 25.4 (17) 21.1 (4) % Into Farm Operators Category 45.1 (51) 22.2 (8) 23.9 (16) % Into Rural Workers Category 28.3 (32) 11.1 (4) 9.0 (6) 5.3 (1) 67 19 % Mobile % Into White Collar Positions Total 113 36 l u m b e r s in parentheses represent raw figures. • • 179 community far exceeded the proportion in Newburyport. Thernstrom found that in no decade did more than 5 per cent of the unskilled laborers became non-manual workers. By contrast, if those manual workers in Holland who moved into a rural occupation are eliminated, the percentage of manual laborers entering white collar occupations was 33.3 per cent, 4.2 per cent, 15.6 per cent and 11.1 per cent re­ spectively for the decades of the 1850's, 1860's, and 1880's and for the time period 1880-94. These findings suggest that greater opportunity existed for those at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy in newly es­ tablished communities than in the older communities of the E a s t . ^ Other variables, such as age and ethnicity, often affect rates and patterns of occupational mobility. For this project controlling for ethnicity does not reveal substantially different patterns of mobility. Compli­ cating this type of procedure is the fact that the Dutchborn and their off-springs comprised over 90 per cent of the samples for any given time period. Thus, this study, primarily aimed at analyzing mobility in a nineteenth century ethnic community, puts certain limitations on controlling for ethnicity. With the exception of the first decade under con­ sideration, gross rates of mobility for the Dutch-born and non-Dutch-born groups did not differ by more than 2 per cent (see Table 33). It should be further pointed out, TABLE 33.— Patterns of intra-generational occupational mobility of Dutch-born and non-Dutch-born using collapsed occupational categories, 1850-94. 1850-60 1860-70 1870-80 1880-94 Dutch non-Dutch Dutch non-Dutch Dutch non-Dutch Dutch non-Dutch % Mobile 64.8 42.9 39.6 40.0 21.2 21.7 19.0 20.5 % Upwardly Mobile 32.7 42.9 26.4 25.0 7.5 4.8 3.9 7.1 1.5 0.0 1.0 2.5 4.3 2.4 7.8 5.5 % Urban to Rural 29.1 0.0 3.9 10.0 5.4 7.2 1.7 0.0 % Rural to Urban 1.5 0.0 8.3 2.5 3.9 7.2 5.6 7.9 % Downwardly Mobile Total 330 7 591 40 718 83 179 127 181 however, that in the first decade there were only seven people in the labor force who were not born in The Nether­ lands. In addition, no great difference existed in the rates of upward or downward mobility between the groups after 1860; the differentials between both groups never surpassed 4 per cent. Although the differentials between the two groups were greater for urban to rural and rural to urban occupational movement than for other types of mobility, no consistent pattern presented itself to suggest that one group differed substantially from another. From the preceding analysis it seems safe to conclude that there was little relationship between ethnicity and occupational mobility in the Holland community. Such a relationship might be found to exist if the non-Dutch-born were broken down into specific ethnic groups. However, the small number of this group precludes such an examination. Employing age cohorts provides a more rewarding method for analyzing mobility patterns within the Holland community than does ethnicity (see Table 34). In the time period with the largest sample, 1870-80, age played a major role in determining rates of occupational mobility. As the data in Table 34 indicate, rates of movement were disproportionately higher for the two age groups under thirty in 1870 than they were for the three age groups between 31 and 60. In the former mobility rates surpassed 60 per cent while in the latter they never exceeded TABLE 34.— Summary mobility data by age cohorts for the Holland community, 1870-80.* 1870-80 11-20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Data For Total Sample Percentage Mobile 68.4 61.9 41.6 46.3 43.3 47.7 Cramer V .452 .401 .516 .497 .626 .478 *The fifteen point occupational scale is used and age cohorts are based upon the age of the subject in 1870. 183 47 per cent. In addition, a far weaker relationship between beginning and ending occupation existed for the under thirty groups than for the over thirty groups. Cramer V indicates that this relationship was at least .045 weaker for any age cohort under thirty than for any cohort over thirty. While this examination of intra-generational mobility has concentrated on occupational movement in one ethnic community, it has so far overlooked the relationship between emigration from The Netherlands to America and occupational mobility. Such an analysis, however, is possible because between 1846 and 1877 the Dutch government collected data on occupation, religion, age, and martial and economic status for all those emigrating. This infor­ mation makes it possible to trace the occupational careers of a number of the residents of the Holland community back to their native land and thus to provide some observations on the relationship between occupational mobility and immigration. For those whose occupational careers could be traced back to The Netherlands, substantial occupational mobility accompanied migration to America. Table 3 5 presents rates and patterns of mobility based on a comparison of the occupations in The Netherlands of immigrants, grouped according to the decade of their departure, and their occupations as enumerated in the various censuses of the 184 TABLE 35.— Summary occupational mobility data for those living in the Holland community for whom occupational data from The Netherlands was available using collapsed occupational categories. 18S0 1870 1860 1880 Those leaving The Netherlands before 1850 Percentage Mobile Percentage Upwardly Mobile Percentage Downwardly Mobile Percentage Urban to Mural Percentage Rural to Urban Sample 60.0 6 8.5 64.9 70.2 2.2 6.8 B.e 10.6 25.6 9.6 3.5 0.0 28.9(3.3)* 3.3 90 49.3(27.4)* 2.7 73 50.9(43.9)* 1.8 57 55.3(46.8)* 4.3 47 Those leaving between 1850 and 1859 Percentage Mobile Percentage Upwardly Mobile Percentage Downwardly Mobile Percentage Urban to Rural Percentage Rural to Urban Sample 55.0 36.4 64.3 0.0 4.5 35.7 10.0 0.0 0.0 45.0 (10.0)* 31.8 (27.3)* 0.0 0.0 20 22 28.6(28.6)* 0.0 14 Those leaving between 1860 and 1869 Percentage Mobile Percentage Upwardly Mobile Percentage Downwardly Mobile Percentage Urban to Rural Percentage Rural to Urban Sample 56.7 53.8 10.0 3.8 6.7 7.7 23.3(20.0)* 16.7 30 38.5(38.5)* 3.8 26 "Figures in parentheaes represent the proportion of imnigrants who moved from an urban blue collar position in The Netherlands to the farm operators category in the Holland Ccesiunity. 185 Holland community. In only one instance, as the data indicate, did fewer than half of any group of immigrants fall into the same broad occupational category to which they belonged in The Netherlands (those who left The Netherlands before 1850 and who were enumerated in the census of 1870). On all other occasions, at least half and more commonly 60 per cent or more experienced occu­ pational movement. In almost every instance, movement from an urban to a rural occupation or vice versa supplied the major source of mobility. In particular, a great deal of movement from an urban occupation in The Netherlands to a rural one in the Holland community occurred. This type of movement accounted for almost half of the entire mobility for all groups in every decade between 1850 and 1880. By contrast, the reverse process, that is, movement from rural to urban occupations represented a far smaller proportion of the total mobility; in only one case did more than 5 per cent of a group experience this type of movement. A closer inspection of the movement from an urban occupation in The Netherlands to a rural one in Holland indicates that this was the major avenue of upward mo ­ bility. For every group of immigrants leaving The Netherlands between 1846 and 1869, a substantial portion left urban blue collar positions in the old country to become farm operators in the new world. Of those departing 186 before 1850, the census reveals that 3.3 per cent had been blue collar workers in The Netherlands and were now farm operators. The next three censuses, 1860, 1870, and 1880, show, however, that 27.4 per cent, 43.9 per cent, and 46.8 per cent respectively of those who migrated before 1850 followed comparable occupational paths. Likewise those who departed from The Netherlands during the 1850's revealed a similar pattern. The proportion of those migrating in these years who were blue collar workers in The Netherlands and farm operators in the Holland com­ munity rose from 10.0 per cent in 1860 to 27.3 per cent in 1870 and 28.6 per cent in 1880. Those departing from The Netherlands in the 1860*s also contained a high proportion of blue collar workers who became farm operators. The censuses of 1870 and 1880 reveal that 20.0 per cent and 38.5 per cent respectively of those whose occupational careers could be traced back to The Netherlands followed this same route. From this analysis it is evident that mobility from an urban occupation in The Netherlands to a rural one in the Holland community was a major avenue of upward mobility. Although movement from urban to rural occupations comprised the bulk of the mobility for those whose occu­ pations could be traced back to The Netherlands, signifi­ cant amounts of upward and downward movement also occurred. These types of mobility generally followed distinct 187 patterns with upward movement increasing and downward movement decreasing with each successive decade; the only exception to this pattern was for those who emigrated during the 1860's. For example, of those who departed before 1850, the percentage experiencing upward movement increased from 2.2 per cent in 1850 to 10.6 per cent in 1880 while the proportion suffering downward mobility decreased from 25.6 per cent in 1850 to 0.0 per cent in 1880. Likewise for those who departed during the 1850's the proportion of upwardly mobile increased from 0.0 per cent to 35.7 per cent between 1860 and 1880 and the per­ centage of downwardly mobile fell from 10.0 per cent to 0.0 per cent. Those departing during the 1860's displayed a different pattern of mobility with the number of upwardly mobile decreasing from 10.0 per cent to 3.8 per cent and the proportion downwardly mobile increasing slightly from 6.7 per cent to 7.7 per cent between 1870 and 1880. However, the slight decline in the number of upwardly mobile and the slight increase in the number of downwardly mobile was more than offset by the 18.5 per cent increase in the number of migrants who had moved from a blue collar position in The Netherlands to a farm operator position in the Holland community. Thus, taking into consideration patterns of upward mobility and movement from an urban to a rural occupational category, emigration to America seems to have resulted in a substantial improvement in the economic position of a large number of Dutch immigrants. 188 This analysis of mobility has indicated several patterns of intra-generational mobility in one nineteenth century ethnic community. Perhaps the most significant result of this examination is that rates of mobility declined as the community developed and industrialized. These rates particularly declined for those at the bottom of the occupational ladder. It is particularly important in this regard that mobility between broad occupational categories declined even more rapidly than did the observed mobility using finer occupational distinctions. This implies that the social structure was becoming more rigid and more resistant to major changes. It further suggests that the structural development of the community and the clearing of land provided a greater impetus to mobility than did subsequent industrialization. Likewise rates of upward mobility declined rapidly after 1860 and at higher rates than did mobility in general. These developments are most clearly illustrated by using the collasped occupational categories. The only type of mobility to increase was downward mobility. From this analysis it seems that oppor­ tunity in the Holland community diminished as the twentieth century approached. A closer inspection of mobility in the community reveals that a disporportionate amount of mobility occurred at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy. In every time period under consideration rural workers followed by urban blue collar workers had the highest rates of mobility. 189 Moreover# it was the rural workers who had the highest rates of upward mobility. However# of those rural workers who moved into urban positions, the majority usually assumed blue collar positions. By contrast, the blue collar workers, although having lower rates of upward mobility, generally enjoyed greater success when moving into rural occupations with a majority who followed such a pattern becoming farm operators in every time period under con­ sideration. Furthermore, the unskilled workers of the Holland community experienced far more occupational m o ­ bility than did their counterparts in Newburyport. Within the broad occupational categories, there was far less mobility occurring within than between the broad occupational groups. This was true for all urban occu­ pations and rural workers while farm operators provided the only exception to the pattern. It was further found that ethnicity in this largely homogeneous community did not play a major factor in mobility. By contrast age was found to significantly alter rates of mobility as those in the under thirty age brackets were far more mobile than their older counterparts. Lastly, the data on immigrants indicate that substantial opportunities for upward mo­ bility accompanied geographic movement from The Netherlands. The gross rates of inter-generational mobility, although declining, revealed that the residents of the com­ munity enjoyed a great deal of movement. In addition, the 190 data on immigrants suggest that emigration from The Netherlands to the Holland community also offered sub­ stantial opportunities for upward mobility. Although these mobility rates were impressive, many others did not experience occupational movement and a large number left the community without achieving success. Yet, enough examples of success existed to give credibility to the American dream, particularly to a group of immigrants from a country they believed to be socially and economically stagnant. FOOTNOTES ^Charles F. Westoff, Marvin Bressler and Philip C. Sagi, "The Concept of Social Mobility: An Emprical In­ quiry," American Sociological Review, XXV (June, 1969), 378. 2Ibid., pp. 383-84. 3 Stuart Blumin, "The Historical Study of Vertical Mobility," Historical Methods Newsletter, I (September, 1968), 3. ^Ibid., p. 4. C For a further discussion of analysis of variance see Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (New York, Toronto and London, 1960), pp. 242-72. 6Blumin, "The Historical Study of Vertical Mobility,” pp. 7-8. Elton F. Jackson and Harry J. Crockett, "Occupational Mobility in the United States: A Point Estimate and Trend Comparison," American Sociological Review, XXIX 1964), 5-15. 191 (February, 192 8Ibid. Q This and the following examinations of individuals who appeared in various censuses is restricted to those who remained in the Holland community. ^°Thernstromf Poverty and Progress ,p. 96. CHAPTER VI PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY I. While intra-generational mobility provides one indi­ cator of the openness of a society, it is not the only means by which the fluidity of a social structure can be measured. Inter-generational mobility provides a second and perhaps equally important yardstick for appraising the opportunity extant in a social order. The importance of this second measurement can quickly be illustrated. One could easily conceive of a society in which a great deal of intra-generational mobility occurred but where the occu­ pational career of the next generation was almost completely determined by fathers' occupations. Any evaluation of the openness of such a society that ignores the relationship between father's and son's occupation, therefore, would be misleading. The fact that nineteenth century success literature was not only optimistic about one's chances of improving his own economic position but also equally enthusiastic 193 194 about the future of the next generation further underscores the need for an analysis of inter-generational mobility. Thus, for the man who had been unable to move up the occu­ pational hierarchy, there was always the consolation that his son would be able to achieve economic goals unobtainable for himself. That such aspirations were not foreign to Americans is indicated by the number of admonishments appearing in the self-help literature to parents on how to prepare their children for a successful career.'*' To what extent then were the sons of the residents of the Holland community tied to the occupations of their fathers? Moreover, did the relationship between father's and son's occupation grow stronger in the latter years of the nineteenth century as rates of intra-generational mobility declined? The answer to these and similar questions will provide clearer guidelines with which to evaluate the openness of the community's social structure, to examine the impact of industrialization on the social structure of a recently established community, and to draw some conclusions about late nineteenth century American society. The measurement of intet-generational mobility poses far more complex methodological considerations than does the estimation of intra-generational movement. In the latter, a comparison of the individual's occupation at two different points in his career is sought while the former involves a comparison between father's and son's 195 occupation. The problem then becomes, at what stage in the careers of the two individuals is this analysis most appropriate? This question is particularly acute with regard to the career of the son. A large portion of the sons in the Holland community entered the labor force in their teens or early twenties and it is reasonable to assume that they took positions in the occupational hier­ archy far lower than they would ultimately achieve. The examination of intra-generational mobility which reveals that the highest rates of occupational mobility occurred among those under thirty years of age supports this as­ sumption. Moreover, a study of occupational mobility in Oakland, California, showing that over one-half of the white collar and professional workers at one time held manual positions further underscores this point and emphasizes the need to compare the occupations of two individuals at similar stages in their careers. 2 A partial solution to this problem can be achieved by controlling for the age of sons and concentrating the examination of intergenerational mobility on sons over thirty years of age since it is reasonable to assume that by this age a higher level of occupational stability would have been achieved than for a younger group. Summary mobility data for the Holland community illustrate that controlling for the age of sons and focusing attention on those over thirty offer a more complete picture of inter-generational movement. This method of 196 comparing the occupations of fathers with sons classified according to age yields quite different patterns of mo­ bility than when only gross mobility rates are employed (see Table 36). As these data indicate, the largest increases in rates of inter-generational mobility took place among those sons falling into the two age cohorts under thirty. The proportion of sons under twenty who were mobile increased rapidly from 23.1 per cent in 1850 to 71.8 per cent in 1880 with only a slight decrease in 1870. Similarly, with the exception of 1860, rates of movement for sons in the 21-30 age group steadily rose from 52.4 per cent to 73.6 per cent between 1850 and 1880. Thus, the increments in the gross rates of inter-generational mobility resulted largely from the increases securing to those in the under thirty age group. Moreover, for this age group, almost all of this movement consisted of either urban to rural, rural to urban, or downward occupational mobility. If anything, then, such findings would indicate that the opportunity for economic improvement gradually diminished after 1850. However, both these data and what is known of the rates of intra-generational mobility of those under thirty imply that the best means of examining inter-generational mobility would be to concentrate on sons over thirty years of age. In addition to controlling for son's age, using father's occupation at a point somewhat earlier in time than the son increases the likelihood that father's and TABLE 36.— Summary rates of inter-generational mobility for fathers and sons appearing in the same census controlling for age, 1850-94. Under 20 (15-24)* 21-30 (25-34)* 31-40 (35-44)* 51-60 (55-64)* 41-50 (45-54)* 1850 23.1 (3) 52.4 (11) 57.1 (4) 1860 66.7 (34) 47.9 (23) 52.9 (9) 100.0 (2) 1870 58.3 (7) 60.4 (29) 62.5 (20) 50.0 (4) 1880 71.8 (84) 73.6 (134) 60.8 (31) 62.5 (10) 1894 19.8 (16) 23.5 (8) 33.3 (4) • • • * • • • * • • 100.0 (3) ^ • • Average (Gross Mobility Rates) Sample Size 43.9 (18) 41 58.0 (69) 119 61.2 (63) 103 71.2 (264) 371 21.1 (28) 133 *Ages in parenthesis represent age cohorts for those sons listed in 1894. Numbers in parenthesis denote actual number belonging to cells. In this and all subsequent tables in this chapter, mobility rates will be based on the four collapsed occupational categories employed in Chapter V. 198 son's occupation will be compared at similar stages in their careers. Ideally, then, it would be best to compare father's occupation in 1850, for example, with the occu­ pations of sons over thirty in 1870. Such an examination would increase the probability of comparing two individuals' occupations at reasonably similar points in their careers. While this type of analysis would be ideal, it does have some serious limitations. One major defect is that it greatly reduces the size of the sample for examining inter-generational mobility. The acquisition of a more representative group, however, offsets this loss of a sizeable segment of the sample. A second weakness of this method is that it limits the efficacy of the investigation for analyzing long-range trends in inter-generational mobility. If son's occupation were compared with that of his father's at a point twenty years earlier, then 1870 would be the earliest date that occupational data per­ taining to the son could be used; thus, there would only be three points of observation instead of five for gauging trends in inter-generational movement. Consequently, in order to avoid some of these shortcomings, the occupations of sons over thirty will be compared to those of their fathers appearing in the same census and in the preceding census as well as in the one twenty years earlier. In this manner, it will be possible to make some estimates of the changing rates of inter-generational mobility over longer periods of time while keeping in mind that at times 199 father’s and son's occupations will not always be compared at similar stages in their careers. Centering the examination of inter-generational mobility on those sons over thirty reveals that opportunity in the Holland community, as indicated by rates of gross mobility and upward movement, declined with the approach of the twentieth century. By contrast, downward mobility tended to increase during these same years. Examining mobility rates for only those sons in the 31-40 age group because the size of the older cohorts are too small for purposes of analysis and comparison, the data reveal that inter-generational mobility rates varied by less than 10 per cent for fathers and sons appearing in the same census for each decade between 1850 and 1880. Moreover, these rates do not denote any trend that would sustain the thesis that inter-generational movement was increasing (see Table 37). Between 1850 and 1860 mobility declined a little over 4 per cent to 52.9 per cent before rising by slightly more than 9 per cent during the 1860's. In the following decade, rates again dipped slightly to 60.8 per cent in 1880. After this year, rates for this group fell precipitously; of those in the 25-34 and 3 5-44 age groups in 1894, only 23.5 per cent and 3 3.3 per cent respectively 4 experienced inter-generational movement. On the other hand, comparing the occupations of sons with those of their fathers who appeared in an earlier census indicates a decrease in rates of inter-generational 200 TABLE 3 7 .--Patterns of inter-generational mobility for sons ages 31-40 appearing in the same census as their fathers 1859-94. , 1850 1860 1870 1880 Percentage Mobile 57.1 52.9 62.5 60.8 23.5 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 0.0 35.3 28.1 9.8 2.9 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 42.9 5.9 15.6 27.5 17.6 Percentage Urban to Rural 14.3 11.8 6.3 9.8 0.0 0.0 Percentage Rural to Urban 0.0 0.0 12.5 13.7 2.9 8.3 7 17 32 51 34 12 Sample * 1894* 33.3 8.3 16.7 •Figures on the left-hand side of this column denote sons in the 2 5-34 age bracket while those on the righthand side are for sons in the 3 5-44 age group. 201 mobility, especially after 1870. Analyzing the occupations of sons in the 31-40 group who appeared in a census ten years after their father illustrates this point Table 38). (see The results of this investigation show that rates of inter-generational mobility dwindled slightly (1.6 per cent) between 1860 and 1870 before declining over 10 per cent to 50.8 per cent during the 1870's. The census of 1894 reveals that 46.3 per cent and 51.4 per cent respectively of the sons in the 25-34 and 35-44 age groups held occupations different from their fathers in 1880. In order to make the age cohorts comparable to the 31-4 0 group, the rates of inter-generational mobility for the 25-34 and 35-44 categories were averaged.^ Such a pro­ cedure yields an estimated rate of movement of 4 8.9 per cent. This indicates that rates of inter-generational mobility after suffering a slight decline in the 1860's, fell sharply the following decade and remained fairly constant after 1880. Likewise, when father's occupation at a point twenty years earlier is compared with son's in the 31-40 age group, inter-generational mobility rates show a substantial decline in the 1870's and then remained relatively constant after 1880 (see Table 39). In 1870 two-thirds of the sons held occupations different from their fathers in 1850. By contrast, in 1880 only 55.4 per cent of the sons having fathers enumerated in 1860 displayed inter-generational movement. This decline of over 10 per cent was reduced TABLE 38.— Patterns of inter-generational mobility for sons age 31-40 appearing in a census ten years later than their fathers, 1850-94. Fathers 1880 Sons 1894* Fathers 1860 Sons 1870 Fathers 1870 Sons 1880 Percentage Nobile 65.0 63.4 50.8 46.3 51.4 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 25.0 31.7 4.8 6.0 5.7 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 10.0 9.8 20.6 19.4 14.3 Percentage Urban to Rural 30.0 7.3 6.3 0.0 2.9 Percentage Rural to Urban 0.0 14.6 19.0 20.9 28.6 Sample 20 41 63 67 35 ‘Figures on the left-hand side of this column denote sons in the 25-34 age bracket while those on the right-hand side are for sons in the 35-44 age group. 202 Fathers 1850 Sons 1860 203 TABLE 39.— Patterns of inter -generational for sons ages 31-40 appearing in a census twenty years later than their fathers , 1850-94. Fathers 1850 Sons 1870 Fathers 1860 Sons 1880 Percentage Mobile 66.7 55.4 47 .4 68.4 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 36.1 17 .9 7.0 18.4 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 2.8 14 .2 19.3 18.4 Percentage Urban to Rural 2 2 .2 1.8 0.0 0.0 Percentage Rural to Urban 5.6 21.4 21.1 31.6 Sample 36 56 57 38 Fathers 1870 Sons 1894* ♦Figures on the left-hand side of this column denote sons in the 25-34 age bracket while those on the right-hand side are for sons in the 35-44 age group. 204 only slightly by increases during the following time period. Data from the census of 1894 reveal that 47.4 per cent and 68.4 per cent respectively of the sons in the 25-34 and 35-44 age groups did not possess occupations similar to their fathers in 1870 with the average of the two categories being 57.8 per cent. Thus mobility rates for this group of sons declined substantially in the 1870's and showed only a mild increase between 1880 and 1894. These examinations of inter-generational mobility all suggest that rates of movement remained constant up to 1870, and the latter two treating sons who appeared in a census later than their fathers indicate that mobility declined substantially in the 1870's before stabilizing at lower levels during the 1880's. Thus far this investigation of inter-generational mobility has focused primarily on gross rates of movement without inspecting the direction of that movement. Xn order to obtain a better indication of the openness of a society, it is necessary to have some estimates not only of gross mobility but also of rates of upward and downward occupational movement. Once again the most accurate means of examining the direction of inter-generational mobility would be to concentrate on sons in the 31-40 age group. By comparing the occupations of these sons with those of their fathers in various censuses some indication of the direction of inter-generational movement can be obtained. 2 05 PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOBILITY FOR SONS APPEARING IN THE SAME CENSUS AS THEIR FATHERS. When rates of both upward and downward movement are computed for fathers and sons appearing in the same census, a general pattern of diminishing opportunity emerges after 1860 (see Table 37). The proportion of sons upwardly mobile initially increased from 0.0 per cent in 1850 to 35.3 per cent in 1860. After this early rise, however, rates steadily fell to 28.1 per cent and 9.8 per cent respectively for 1870 and 1880. Moreover, data from the state census of 189 4 indicate a further decline in the rate of upward movement; only 2.9 per cent of those in group and 8.3 per cent in the 35-44 the 2 5-34 age agebracket enjoyed upward mobility. On the other hand, downward rates of movement, after falling initially between 1850 and 1860, rose during the next twenty years. The proportion of sons downwardly mobile declined drastically from 42.9 per cent in 1850 to 5.9 per cent in the following census. After this rates climbed to 15.6 per cent in 1870 and then reached a high of 27.5 per cent in 1880. The census of 1894, however, reveals that these rates again shrank to approximately their 1870 level, 17.6 per cent and 16.7 per cent for sons in the 25-34 and 35-44 age groups. When urban to rural and rural to urban occupational mobility are considered, the former, in general, declined 206 while the latter rose after 1860 thus reflecting the growing importance of an urban economy in the community. The proportion of sons experiencing inter-generational movement from an urban to a rural occupation fell from 14.3 per cent in 1850 to 6.3 per cent in 1870 before rising slightly to 9.8 per cent in 1880. By contrast/ rates of rural to urban migration consistently increased after 1860. Although the censuses of 1850 and 1860 do not reveal anyone moving in this direction, the 1870 census indicates that the proportion of sons following this pattern rose to 12.3 per cent and the ensuing decade saw the proportion further increase to 13.7 per cent. PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOBILITY FOR SONS APPEARING IN A CENSUS TEN YEARS LATER THAN THEIR FATHERS. Unlike for sons who appeared in the same census as their fathers, rates of upward inter-generational mobility for sons listed in a census ten years later than their fathers rose, fell precipitiously, and then increased slightly (see Table 38). These rates of upward movement rose from 25.0 per cent for sons in 1860 to 31.7 per cent for those enumerated in the following census. In 1880, however, upward mobility rates fell and only increased very slightly for sons listed in 1894. The census of 1880 reveals that rates of upward movement declined sharply to 4.8 per cent. Moreover, after 1880 they did not increase sufficiently to regain their earlier level; of those sons appearing in the 1894 census, only 6.0 per cent and 5.7 per cent respectively 207 of those in the 25-34 and 3 5-44 age groups displayed upward mobility. Rates of downward movement for this group tended to rise just as they had for sons appearing in the same census as their fathers. A comparison of rates of downward mobility for sons listed in 1860 with those in 1870 reveals only a slight decrease from 10.0 per cent to 9.8 per cent. The proportion of sons downwardly mobile jumped to 20.6 per cent for those listed in 1880 with fathers enumerated in 1870. During the 1880's and early 1890's, these rates declined only slightly. In 1894, 19.4 per cent and 14.3 per cent respectively of the sons in the 25-34 and 35-44 age groups with fathers listed in the 1880 census suffered downward mobility. Rural to urban and urban to rural occupational movement for this group closely paralleled that of sons who appeared in the same census as their fathers. Urban to rural mobility, for example, dropped substantially after 1870. Thirty per cent of the sons listed in the census of 1860 with fathers in the previous enumeration displayed movement from an urban to a rural occupation. in the following censuses, By contrast, 1870 and 1880, only 7.3 per cent and 6.3 per cent respectively, entered rural occupational categories. On the other hand, movement from a rural to an urban occupation steadily increased. In 1860 none of the sons moved from a rural to an urban occupation, but in 208 1870 and 1880, 14.6 per cent and 19.0 per cent of the sons experienced this type of inter-generational mobility. PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOBILITY FOR SONS APPEARING IN A CENSUS TWENTY YEARS LATER THAN THEIR FATHERS. Upward inter-generational movement declined for sons who appeared in a census twenty years later them their father (see Table 39). Over 35 per cent of the sons listed in the census of 1870 who had fathers cited in the census of 1850 experienced upward inter-generational mobility. However, the proportion of sons enjoying a similar experience steadily declined afterwards. In 1880 only 17.9 per cent of the sons possessed occupations at a higher level than their fathers. Data from the census of 1894 further illustrates this decline; only 7.0 per cent and 18.4 per cent respectively of the sons in the 25-34 and 35-44 age groups with fathers listed in the 1870 census experienced upward inter-generational mobility. Just as in the analysis of other groups of sons, rates of downward mobility for sons appearing in a census twenty years later than their fathers tended to increase in later decades. Of the sons enumerated in the census of 1870, only 2.8 per cent suffered downward occupational movement. For those listed in the census of 1880, however, this rate swelled to 14.2 per cent. Likewise, sons found in the census of 1894 with fathers enumerated in 1870 experienced even higher rates of downward mobility. 209 W i t h i n the 2 5-34 and 35-44 a g e groups, 19.3 p e r c e n t and 18.4 per cent of these sons held lower level occupations than their fathers had. The nature of the state census of 1894 which included only the city of Holland limits the examination of sons moving from an urban background to a rural occupation or vice versa to those enumerated in 1870 and 1880. These two points of observation, however, further indicate that urban to rural movement declined while rural to urban mobility increased. The proportion of sons adhering to the former pattern fell from 22.2 per cent in 187 0 to 1.8 per cent in 1880. On the other hand, the proportion of sons following the latter path jumped from 5.6 per cent to 21.4 per cent during this same period. The above examinations of patterns of intergenerational occupational mobility suggest that the social structure of the Holland community became increasingly rigid in the latter decades of the nineteenth century. It was found that sons in the 31-40 age group generally enjoyed less upward inter-generational mobility after 1870 than they had previously. Not only was this true when the son’s occupation was compared to his father's in the same year but also when the son's occupation was compared with that of his father's ten or twenty years earlier. While the opportunity for upward movement shrank, the probability that a son would hold an occupational position lower than 210 his father steadily increased, particularly after 1870. Patterns of rural to urban and urban to rural movement for all sons indicate that rates for the former tended to increase while those for the latter declined as the twentieth century approached. The most obvious explanation for this last development is that this type of movement reflected the increasing importance of an urban economy to the Holland community. Analyzing patterns of inter-generational mobility controlling for the occupation of the father can also be helpful in determining the openness of a social structure and in shedding light on how that structure operates. Such an examination reveals variations in the patterns of movement of sons originating from different economic groups. Controlling for father's occupation, however, yields somewhat small samples and consequently reduces the value of the patterns drawn from them. Yet, even with small samples, some general estimates of the trends and patterns of the occupational movement of the offsprings of fathers holding different occupations can be obtained. PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOBILITY FOR SONS OF FATHERS HOLDING WHITE COLLAR POSITIONS. Generally the sons of white collar workers pursued comparable occupations. In almost all cases, the largest number of sons held white collar occupations and of those who did not hold such positions, the majority became farm operators. Indications 211 of this pattern can be seen by comparing the occupations of sons in the 31-40 age bracket who appeared in the same census as their fathers (see Table 40). Although the number in this sample is rather small, this limited data suggest that the majority of the sons of white collar workers either possessed similar positions or became farm oper­ ators. Only data from the censuses of 1860 and 1870 which had a combined total of five sons run contrary to this pattern. Of these five, none held white collar occupations and only one listed himself as a farm operator. However, the census of 1880 reported that 44.4 per cent of the sons assumed white collar positions and an equal number became farm operators. Likewise, the census of 1894 indicates a continuation of this trend; of those in the 2 5-34 cate­ gory, 64.3 per cent held white collar occupations and 88.9 per cent of those in the 35-44 group found similar positions. The residual in both groups, however, entered blue collar occupations. The offsprings of white collar workers appearing in a census ten years later than their fathers, with the ex­ ception of 1870, more clearly reveal the tendency of these sons to assume comparable positions (see Table 41). Only one of the five sons listed in 1870 became a white collar worker while the remaining four were either urban blue collar or rural workers. However, for those sons who appeared in the censuses of 1880 and 1894 with fathers 212 TABLE (ages 4 0 . - - I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s of m o b i l i t y for sons 31-40) o f u r b a n w h i t e c o l l a r w o r k e r s a p p e a r i n g ih the s a m e c e n s u s as t h e i r fat he rs , 1850-94. 1894* 1850 1860 1870 1880 White Collar 0.0 0.0 0.0 44.4 64.3 88.9 Blue Collar 0.0 100.0 75.0 11.1 35.7 11.1 Farm Operators 0.0 0.0 25.0 44.4 0.0 0.0 Rural Workers 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 • m 0 1 4 9 Sample • 14 m 9 *Left-hand column denotes those in the 25-34 age group and the right-hand column those in the 35-44 age bracket. Agriculture data in this and subsequent tables of this nature for 1894 lumps all those employed in agriculture into one category because no census of agriculture exists in order to differentiate farm operators from other rural workers. listed in the previous census, a strong propensity for them to be either white collar workers or farm operators existed. Within the 1880 group, 30.8 per cent of the sons held white collar positions and 53.8 per cent were farm operators. In addition, of sons in the 2 5-34 age group enumerated in 1894, exactly one-half secured white collar positions and 16.7 per cent were employed in agriculture; also, 45.5 per cent and 36.4 per cent respectively of those in the 35-44 age bracket possessed white collar and agricultural positions. For those sons appearing in a census twenty years later than their fathers, the pattern of a high rate of occupational inheritance was not as strong as in the TABLE 41.— Inter-generational mobility patterns for sons (ages 31-40) of urban white collar workers appearing in a census ten years later than their fathers, 1850-94. Fathers 1860 Sons 1860 Fathers 1860 Sons 1870 Fathers 1870 Sons 1880 Fathers 1880 Sons 1894* White Collar 0.0 20.0 30.8 50.0 45.5 Blue Collar 0.0 20.0 7.7 33.3 18.2 Farm Operator 0.0 0.0 53.8 16.7 36.4 Rural Worker 0.0 60.0 7.7 • 13 12 Sample 0 5 • •Left-hand side of the column denotes those in the 25-34 age group and the right-hand side those in the 35-44 age bracket. • 11 • 214 previous two appraisals (see Table 42). Only one of the five sons enumerated in 1870 claimed a white collar po­ sition while the remainder entered either blue collar or rural worker positions. By contrast, two-thirds of the sons listed in 1880 were farm operators with the remaining falling into either the blue collar or rural workers cate­ gory. Likewise, over 60 per cent of the sons in the 25-34 category appearing in the census of 1894 with fathers enumerated in 1870 held either white collar or agricultural positions. On the other hand, a majority of the sons in the 3 5-44 age bracket claimed blue collar positions and only 15.4 per cent and 30.8 per cent re­ spectively found employment in either white collar or agricultural occupations. From this and the previous two analyses, it appears that the sons of white collar workers usually found middle class positions either as white collar workers or farm operators. However, some notable ex­ ceptions, as pointed out, exist. These exceptions plus the smallness of the samples reduce the validity of a broad generalization and merely denote a trend. PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOBILITY FOR SONS OF FATHERS HOLDING BLUE COLLAR POSITIONS. Although a sub­ stantial minority of the sons of blue collar workers entered either white collar or agricultural occupations, the majority usually assumed manual urban positions. most instances, mobility into a white collar position never exceeded 25 per cent of the entire sample and In 215 T A B L E 4 2 . — I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s for sons (ages 31-40) o f u r b a n w h i t e c o l l a r w o r k e r s a p p e a r i n g in a c e n s u s t w e n t y y e a r s l a t e r t h a n t h e i r fa thers, 185 9- 94 . Fathers 1850 Sons 1870 Fathers 1860 Sons 1880 Fathers 1870 Sons 1894* White Collar 20.0 0.0 58.3 15.4 Blue Collar 60.0 2 2 .2 33.3 53.8 0.0 66.7 8.3 30.8 20.0 11.1 Farm Operator Rural Worker Sample 5 9 • » * • 13 12 *Left-hand column denotes those in the 2 5-34 age group and the right-hand column those in the 35-44 age bracket. frequently represented a far smaller percentage. Moreover, like those blue collar workers who through the process of intra-generational mobility moved into agricultural occu­ pations, the bulk of the sons entering agricultural pursuits became farm operators rather than rural workers. Examining inter-generational mobility patterns for sons of blue collar workers appearing in the same census as their fathers indicates a high level of occupational inheritance except in those instances where particularly small samples existed (see Table 43). The first two censuses under consideration, 1850 and 1860, provide little information with which to gauge patterns of movement. In 1850, two of the three sons listed retained manual positions while the third moved up into a white 216 TABLE (ages 4 3 . - - I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s of m o b i l i t y for sons 31-40) of u r b a n b l u e c o l l a r w o r k e r s a p p e a r i n g in the s a m e c e n s u s as t h e i r f athers, 185 0- 94 . 1894 * 1850 1860 1870 1880 White Collar 33.3 0.0 42.9 14.3 14.9 24.0 Blue Collar 66.7 0.0 14.3 64.3 83 .6 72.0 Farm Operator 0.0 0.0 28.6 7.1 1.5 4.0 Rural Worker 0.0 0.0 14.3 14.3 3 0 Sample 7 14 » • 67 • • 25 ♦Left-hand column denotes those in the 2 5-34 age group and the right-hand column those in the 35-44 age bracket. collar position, and the following census did not list any sons of blue collar workers. The 1870 sample, containing only seven sons, reveals that 42.9 per cent of the sons secured white collar positions and 28.6 per cent became farm operators. On the other hand, the next censuses offer a sharp contrast to the 1870 data. In both these censuses, the vast majority of the sons retained the occupations of their fathers while only a small proportion entered the white collar occupational category. Of the sons appearing in the 1880 enumeration, 64.3 per cent remained in the blue collar group and only 14.3 per cent secured white collar positions. pursuits, The remainder entered agricultural 14.3 per cent as rural workers and 7.1 per cent as farm operators. In 1894, the proportion inheriting the 217 occupational position of their fathers increased; among sons in the 2 5-34 age group, 83.6 per cent remained immobile while only 14.9 per cent achieved white collar status. For those in the 35-44 age bracket, the pro­ portion not mobile equalled 72.0 per cent and 24.0 per cent moved into non-manual urban occupations. Thus, with the exception of 1870 which included only seven sons, the offsprings of blue collar workers tended to pursue occu­ pations comparable to their fathers. In contrast to the above group, sons enumerated in a census ten years later than their fathers had a smaller percentage inheriting the occupational status of their fathers (see Table 44). Of those sons listed in 1870, 37.5 per cent continued the occupation of their fathers while one-fourth became white collar workers and an equal number were farm operators. In the next census, the pro­ portion following in their fathers' footsteps increased to exactly one-half of all sons. Of the remainder, 16.7 per cent, 25.0 per cent, and 8.3 per cent respectively were white collar workers, farm operators, and rural workers. Similarly, the census of 1894 reveals that about one-half of the sons followed the occupation of their fathers. Occupational inheritancy rates for sons in the 25-34 age group were 53.7 per cent with the remaining sons divided about equally between white collar and agricultural occu­ pations. The next oldest age group found 47.6 per cent TABLE 44.— Inter-generational mobility patterns for sons (ages 31-40) of urban blue collar workers appearing in a census ten years later than their fathers, 1850-94. Fathers 1850 Sons 1860 Fathers 1860 Sons 1870 Fathers 1870 Sons 1880 Fathers 1880 Sons 1894* White Collar 0.0 25.0 16.7 24.1 23.8 Blue Collar 0.0 37.5 50.0 53.7 47.6 Farm Operator 0.0 25.0 25.0 22.2 28.6 Rural Worker 0.0 12,5 8.3 • 12 54 Sample 0 8 » ♦Left-hand side of the column denotes those in the 25-34 age group and the right-hand side those in the 35-44 age bracket. • 21 • 219 holding manual positions while 23.8 per cent and 28.6 per cent respectively secured employment in white collar and agricultural positions. A majority of those sons appearing in a census twenty years later than their fathers displayed a strong pro­ pensity to move out of the blue collar category Table 45). (see Only in 1870 did a majority keep the occu­ pational classification of their fathers. The following census, however, saw this proportion slip to 40.0 per cent. Of those leaving the manual category, 10.0 per cent held white collar positions, 40.0 per cent were farm operators, and the remaining 10.0 per cent became rural workers. Similarly, the census of 1894 reveals that about the same proportion of sons as in 1880 took up the occupation of their fathers. Within the 25-34 age group, 48.8 per cent secured employment in manual positions, slightly more than a quarter entered white collar occupations, and the rest found openings in agriculture. The rate of occupational inheritancy in the next oldest age category was considerably lower with only 34.8 per cent recorded as manual workers. Although a sizable segment of the sons of blue collar workers, particularly those appearing in a census twenty years later than their fathers, either entered white collar positions or found employment in agriculture, primarily as farm operators, the largest portion of sons still remained in manual positions. 220 T A B L E 4 5 . — I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s for sons {ages 31-40) o f u r b a n b l u e c o l l a r w o r k e r s a p p e a r i n g in a census tw enty yea rs later than thei r f a t h e r s , 1850-94. Fathers 1850 Sons 1870 Fathers 1860 Sons 1880 Fathers 1870 Sons 1894* White Collar 16.7 10.0 25.6 30.4 Blue Collar 66.7 40.0 48.8 34.8 0.0 40.0 25.6 34.8 16.7 10.0 43 23 Farm Operator Rural Worker Sample 6 10 ♦Left-hand column denotes those in the 25-34 age group and the right-hand column those in the 35-44 age bracket. PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOBILITY FOR SONS OF FATHERS IN THE FARM OPERATORS CATEGORY. The overwhelming majority of the sons of farm operators pursued occupations in agriculture. Frequently these positions were as rural workers rather than as farm operators. While this might seem to indicate downward mobility, a more reasonable explanation seems to be that these sons were serving apprenticeships prior to assuming the operations of their fathers' farms. Thus, the pattern of inter-generational mobility suggests that the sons of farm operators followed more closely in their fathers' footsteps than did the sons whose fathers possessed urban occupations. For those sons who appeared in the same census as their father, almost all held some type of rural 221 occupation (see Table 46). The censuses of I860, 1870, and 1880 reported that 26.6 per cent, 55.6 per cent, and 46.7 per cent of the sons were farm operators. Moreover, all of the remaining sons in 1860 held positions as rural workers. Sons enumerated in 1870 and 1880 deviated somewhat from this pattern. In 1870, one-third became rural workers and the remaining 11.1 per cent were manual workers. Likewise, the following census listed 26.7 per cent of the sons as rural workers, 20.0 per cent as manual workers, and 6.7 per cent as white collar workers. TABLE 46.— Inter-generational patterns of mobility for sons (ages 31-40) of farm operators appearing in the same census as their fathers, 1850-94. 1850 1860 1870 1880 White Collar 0.0 0.0 0.0 6.7 Blue Collar 0.0 0.0 11.1 20.0 Farm Operator 0.0 28.6 55.6 46.7 Rural Worker 0.0 71.4 33.3 26.7 18 15 Sample 0 7 Similarly most of the sons who appeared in a census ten years later than their fathers followed some type of agricultural pursuit 1860, (see Table 47). The censuses of 1870, and 1880 all reported that over 70 per cent of these sons were employed in rural occupations. In 1860, 27.3 per cent became farm operators and 45.5 per cent rural 222 4 7 . — I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s fo r s o n s 31-40) of f a r m o p e r a t o r s a p p e a r i n g in a c e n s u s t e n years later than thei r f a t h e r s , 1850-80. Fathers 1860 Sons 1870 Fathers 1870 Sons 1880 0.0 o • o TABLE (ages Fathers 1850 Sons 1860 7.4 Percentage Blue Collar 27 .3 12.0 7.4 Percentage Farm Operator 27.3 40.0 77 .8 Percentage Rural Worker 45.5 48.0 7.4 11 25 Percentage White Collar Sample 27 workers while 27.3 per cent found their way into urban occupations, all as manual workers. an ever smaller percentage, The next decade saw 12.0 per cent, holding urban occupations, again all as manual workers. rural workers, proportion, Most became 48.0 per cent, while a slightly smaller 40.0 per cent, were farm operators. In 1880, the number of sons holding farm operator positions rose to 77.8 per cent with the others equally divided between the 7 three remaining occupational groups. Likewise, sons cited in a census twenty years later than their fathers demonstrated a strong propensity to enter agricultural occupations (see Table 48). Over two- thirds of the sons of farm operators listed in 1870 with fathers enumerated in 1850 secured employment in 223 T A B L E 4 8 . — I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s for sons (ages 31-40) o f f a r m o p e r a t o r s a p p e a r i n g in a c e n s u s t w e n t y y e a r s l a t e r t h a n t h e i r f a t he rs , 1 850-80. Fathers 1850 Sons 1870 Fathers 1860 Sons 1880 4.5 3 .8 Blue Collar 27 .3 0.0 Farm Operator 22.7 65 .4 Rural Worker 45.5 30.8 22 26 White Collar Sample agriculture; 2 2.7 per cent became farm operators and 4 5.5 per cent were rural workers. Of the remainder who entered urban occupations, the vast majority became blue collar workers with 27.3 per cent becoming manual workers and only 4.5 per cent entering white collar positions. The following census reveals that an even higher proportion of these sons remained in rural occupations. Almost two- thirds, 65.4 per cent, became farm operators and 30.8 per cent secured positions as rural workers. From these analyses, it would seem that the least amount of intergenerational mobility took place among the sons of farm operators paralleling to a great extent the patterns of intra-generational mobility of farm operators. Moreover, most of the sons who did move out of rural occupations found employment as blue collar rather than as white collar workers. 224 PATTERNS OF INTER-GENERATIONAL MOBILITY FOR SONS OF FATHERS IN THE RURAL WORKERS CATEGORY. This group dis­ played the largest amount of inter-generational movement of all the sons examined. Only in rare instances did more than one-half of them pursue the same occupation as their father. With the exception of 1860, the majority of sons who appeared in the same census as their father were not rural workers (see Table 49). The 1850 census lists only one of the four sons in the sample as a rural worker; of the remaining three» one was a manual worker and the other two were farm operators. By comparison, in 1860 two-thirds remained rural workers while of the other three, one was a farm operator and two became blue collar workers. In the next two censuses, 1870 and 1880, the overwhelming majority of these sons were farm operators. The 1870 census cate­ gorizes 66.7 per cent as farm operators and lists the other third as rural workers. In addition, the following enumeration classifies all but one of the thirteen sons as farm operators. An examination of sons enumerated in a census ten years later than their fathers yields a similar pattern (see Table 50). A vast majority of the sons in the censuses of 1860, 1870, and 1880 never assumed the same occupation as their fathers and in most cases became farm operators. The only possible exception to this pattern was the census of 1860 which indicates that 44.4 per cent of the sons inherited the occupation of their fathers while only 225 TABLE (ages 4 9 . — I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s of m o b i l i t y for sons 31-40) of r u r a l w o r k e r s a p p e a r i n g in the sam e c e n s u s as t h e i r f a t h e r s , 1850-80. 1850 1860 1870 1880 0.0 0.0 0.0 7.7 Blue Collar 25.0 22.2 0.0 0.0 Farm Operator 50.0 11.1 66.7 92 .3 Rural Worker 25.0 66.7 33.3 0.0 White Collar Sample 4 3 9 13 TABLE 50.— Inter-generational mobility patterns for sons (ages 31-40) of rural workers appearing in a census ten years later than their fathers, 1850-80. Fathers 1850 Sons 1860 White Collar Fathers 1860 Sons 1870 Fathers 1870 Sons 1880 0.0 0.0 0.0 Blue Collar 33.3 0.0 0.0 Farm Operator 22 .2 66.7 100.0 Rural Worker 44.4 33.3 0.0 Sample 9 3 11 226 22.2 per cent became farm operators and the remaining third found emp]oyment as manual workers. Of the three sons reported in 1870, two are listed as farm operators and the other as a rural worker. By contrast, the 1880 census classifies all eleven sons as farm operators. Although the examination of rural workers’ sons appearing in a census twenty years later than their father is somewhat limited because the nature of the data allows for only two points of observation, the available data do suggest that a high rate of inter-generational mobility occurred (see Table 51). Of the three sons in 1870, two followed in the occupational footsteps of their fathers and the other one became a blue collar worker. The next census, 1880, reports 63.6 per cent of tne sons as farm operators and the rest as rural workers. From the above examinations of the inter-generational movement of the sons of rural workers, it is apparent that this group experienced the highest rates of mobility. Moreover, the majority of this movement, in most cases, was upward into the farm operator classification. II. Patterns and rates of inter-generational occupational mobility of sons in the 31-40 age group mirrored trends in intra-generational movement. In general, gross rates of inter-generational mobility remained constant up to 1870. After this date, however, they declined somewhat but not to 227 TABLE (ages 5 1 . — I n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s for sons 31-40) of r u r a l w o r k e r s a p p e a r i n g in a c e n s u s t w e n t y years later than their fathers, 1850-80. Fathers 1850 Sons 1870 White Collar Blue Collar Farm Operator Rural Worker Sample Fathers 1860 Sons 1880 0.0 0.0 33.3 0.0 0.0 63.6 66.7 36.4 3 11 the extent that they had in the examination of intragenerational movement. Similarly, upward rates of inter- generational mobility rose initially for sons appearing in the same census as their fathers, but after 1860 these rates declined substantially just as they had in the analysis of intra-generational movement. For sons enumerated in a census ten or twenty years later than their father, upward rates decreased after 1870. Like the pattern of intra-generational mobility, downward rates after an initial decrease increased markedly after 1870. general trends suggest, These just as the rates of intra- generational mobility had, that structural changes in the labor force stimulated by the settling and early develop­ ment of a community provided a far greater impetus to occupational movement than did the appearance of the factory in the Holland community. 228 Patterns of mobility of sons grouped according to their fathers' occupations indicate that the sons of farm operators most closely followed the occupation of their fathers. The overwhelming majority of these sons either became farm operators or rural workers and in the case of the latter, this usually served as an apprenticeship for becoming a farm operator. Likewise sons of white collar workers tended to retain middle class positions with the majority entering either white collar or farm operator posi­ tions. However, a substantial portion of these sons, quite frequently more than 25 per cent, did move downward into blue collar occupations. The small number of sons of white collar workers makes it virtually impossible to denote any recurring patterns of downward movement. Nevertheless, such findings from the Holland community suggest the need to modify Stephan Thernstrom's conclusion that there was Q little downward mobility out of the middle class. In contrast to the sons of farm operators and white collar workers, the most mobile group consisted of sons of rural workers who had the highest proportion moving into other occupational categories, primarily the farm operator group. Among the sons of urban blue collar workers somewhat smaller proportions experienced mobility, although at times substantial segments moved into either white collar positions or became farm operators. Thus, even though the sample size for each occupational group is small, the 229 general pattern seems to be that substantial upward m o ­ bility, perhaps enough to give credence to the American dream, accompanied a significant but smaller amount of downward mobility. FOOTNOTES ^See Chapter IV for a discussion of the self-help literature. 2 Lipset and Bendix# Social Mobility# p. 168. ^Rates for the 189 4 census were substantially lower in large part because the data for this include only employed males residing in the city of Holland and therefore omit the vast majority of those employed in agricultural occupations. Such omissions would subsequently reduce rural to urban and urban to rural occupational movement thus having the effect of diminishing gross rates of m o ­ bility in general. However# even when this factor is taken into consideration# gross rates of mobility declined substantially after 1880. Eliminating rural to urban and urban to rural occupational mobility reveals that rates of mobility for the 1880 group was 50.1 per cent compared to 18.8 per cent for the 1894 sample. 4 As explained above part of this drop can be ex­ plained by the nature of the data for 1894. 230 However# 231 eliminating urban to rural and rural to urban mobility does not eliminate the difference in rates of mobility. 5 The percentages for the two groups were weighted equally even though the number of sons in the 2 5-34 age bracket was usually larger than the number in the 35-44 group. The reason for this procedure is that it would give a better indication of the rates of mobility for the 31-40 age group in 1894. If the size of the sample had been taken into consideration, then, the 2 5-34 group's average would have carried more weight and people under the age of thirty within the group who were over-represented would have skewed the average. ^Because of the nature of the data for 1894, rates of rural to urban and urban to rural occupational movement will not be considered. 7Because of the limited data on agricultural occu­ pations in the 1894 census, no attempt will be made to trace inter-generational mobility patterns of the sons of agricultural workers in the 1890's. o Thernstrom, "Urbanization, Migration, and Social Mobility in Late Nineteenth Century America," p. 170. CHAPTER VII PATTERNS OF WEALTH MOBILITY IN THE HOLLAND COMMUNITY Thus far this analysis of economic opportunity in a nineteenth century ethnic community has focused on an extensive examination of both intra-generational and intergenerational occupational mobility. By inferring changes in wealth from changes in occupation, it was possible to offer some estimates of the degree and pattern of economic opportunity extant in the Holland community between 1850 and 1894. An alternative to the inferential method is to measure directly changes in the amount of wealth possessed by members of the community. While the direct measurement of wealth mobility is no doubt preferable to the inferential method, a number of difficulties restrict the utility of the former ap­ proach. The greatest single obstacle to the direct measurement arises from the fact that only fragmentary data pertaining to wealth are available. As previously noted in Chapter V, the tax records of the Holland com­ munity are organized in such a fashion as to make them useless for the study of economic mobility. These docu­ ments contain only the individual's name and the value of 232 233 a particular tract of land as well as an estimation of his personal wealth. Unfortunately, persons owning more than one tract of land are often listed in more than one place throughout the reports thus making it difficult to obtain an accurate picture of the individual's total wealth. These lists, moreoever, lack essential information about the persons enumerated to permit an appraisal of either intra-generational or inter-generational wealth mobility. Only the subject's name and wealth are provided; infor­ mation necessary for identification and consequently for tracing individual career patterns or son's career such as age, wife's name, and the names and ages of children is omitted. Although the tax records of the Holland community provide little aid for the study of wealth mobility, the manuscripts of the federal census offer more adequate sources of information bearing on this problem. However, weaknesses even in this data limit their usefulness for an extensive examination of wealth mobility. In 1860 and 1870, these reports list the wealth, both real and personal, of all members of the community and the 1850 enumeration provides only information on the real estate holdings of each resident. Unfortunately, the federal census of 1880 and the state census of 1894 do not contain similarly valuable evidence. As a result of these omissions, the analysis of intra-generational wealth mobility is confined to the period between 1850 and 1870; such restrictions 234 limit the value of the investigation for ascertaining longrange trends in economic mobility. The fragmentary nature of the data, perhaps even more importantly, precludes any meaningful examination of intergenerational wealth mobility. Given the extent of the information available, it is only possible to compare father*s wealth with that of his son twenty years later at one point, father's wealth in 1850 and son's in 1870. Similarly, comparing father's and son's wealth at points ten years apart offers only two points of observation, father's wealth in 1850 and 1860 with son's in 1860 and 1870. Consequently, the two most important types of observations for examining inter-generational mobility are severely restricted. These shortcomings strongly suggest that an appraisal of inter-generational wealth mobility is not feasible. In spite of this limitation, the fact that an analysis of inter-generational occupational mo­ bility as well as an examination of both intra-generational wealth and occupational mobility will be or has already been done means that the omission of this analysis of inter-generational wealth mobility does not prohibit the drawing of valid conclusions about the degree of economic opportunity extant in the Holland community. The manuscripts of the federal censuses contain other weaknesses that raise questions about their relia­ bility. It is reasonable to assume that the manuscripts 235 possess a number of inaccuracies regarding the amount of wealth attributed to each resident. The estimation of personal wealth, based on both tangible and intangible assets, immediately lends itself to distortion. A second point challenging the veracity of these records is that no mention is made as to whether the person owned the property outright or if he had a large mortgage on the land, an important consideration in estimating an indi­ vidual's wealth. These documents are further weakened by the fact that the census taker did not always report property values of less than $50. Such discretion no doubt had a profound effect upon the 18 50 census of the Holland community because during the first three years of settlement town lots initially sold for $10 to $15 each with the price later being raised to $3 8 for lots in the middle of the block and $48 for corner lots.* Consequently, for many people in a newly settled community like Holland, ownership of property might not be recorded by the census taker. Thus, while the limited nature of the information contained in the manuscripts of the federal census re­ stricts the scope of the study of wealth mobility, errors and important omissions in the data themselves further necessitate that conclusions drawn from the manuscripts be qualified. Not only does the lack of sound data hinder the study of wealth mobility, but also the measurement of such i 236 movement presents problems. While in many respects the methodological considerations do not appear to be com­ mensurate with those involving occupational mobility, difficulties do exist. Although a hierarchy of wealth obviously exists and is easily detectable, a problem arises in establishing meaningful wealth intervals. Such a decision is of extreme importance since the setting of these intervals, an arbitrary decision, can bias the data and profoundly alter the results of any examination of wealth mobility. For example, if the intervals are set extremely high, it would not be surprising to find ex­ tremely low rates of movement. To illustrate this point let us assume that we have a sample in which 2 per cent of the group possesses wealth in excess of $5,000 and the remainder consists of persons each with accumulations totalling less than $1,000. Setting the wealth intervals $5,000 apart means that for the overwhelming majority of the sample to display movement they would have to improve their financial position by over $4,000, a rather rigid requirement given the distribution of wealth in the sample. On the other hand, if the wealth intervals for the above group were made substantially smaller, the opposite effect would be achieved. Thus, setting intervals of $100 for the above distribution would greatly inflate rates of wealth mobility; that is, in order to display movement one at the most would only have to increase his stock of wealth by $100 rather than by $4,000 as in the previous example. 237 The main difficulty in setting up wealth intervals is that the wealth hierarchy of the Holland settlement became more highly differentiated between 1850 and 1870. This point is illustrated by the fact that only one person enumerated in both the censuses of 1850 and 1860 possessed real wealth in 1850 in excess of $2,000 and by 1860 14.4 per cent of the sample had total wealth equal to more than $2,000. Moreover, of those in the 1850 census who remained in the community until 1870, 58.8 per cent had more than $2,000 in property and personal wealth whereas in 1850 only one person fell into this category. Simi­ larly, those who appeared in both the censuses of 1860 and 1870 indicated a substantial movement toward a more highly differentiated distribution of wealth. In 1860, only 8.8 per cent possessed wealth valued at more than $2,000. However, ten years later this proportion had increased dramatically to 53.3 per cent of the labor force. From this general description of the changes in the amount of wealth possessed by the residents of the Holland community, it becomes apparent that no set of perfect wealth categories can be established. Taking into con­ sideration these difficulties, I established four wealth categories of $0-$1,000, $1,001-$2,000, $2,001-$3,000 and $3,001 and above for this study. While in large part this is an arbitrary classification, it does have some virtues given the distribution of wealth in the Holland community between 1850 and 1870. Four wealth intervals of $1,000 each were decided upon because this would give as good a set of intervals as possible. Moreover, when these dis­ tinctions are applied to the data on total wealth for 1870 which is the final year in the analysis, a reasonably equal distribution of wealth is achieved with no fewer than 17 per cent of the sample falling into each category whether it be for the group composed of those appearing in both the censuses of 1850 and 1870 or 1860 and 1870. However, obvious weaknesses to these divisions do exist. When applied to the wealth data for 1850, they elicit a highly skewed distribution with over 98 per cent of the sample falling into the smallest wealth category. Lowering the first wealth interval from $1;000 to $250 would only reduce the proportion falling into the first category to slightly under 80 per cent of the total sample, In ad­ dition, setting the figure this low would greatly inflate upward rates of wealth mobility. This clustering of people at the bottom of the wealth hierarchy is not surprising in a newly established community with substantial numbers of new arrivals each day; one would not expect to find many people in possession of large tracts of improved land, for the clearing and cultivation of land takes time. Other problems, in addition to setting wealth inter­ vals, need to be dealt with before examining economic mobility. As previously noted, data for 1850 consist of information pertaining only to real estate holdings, while 239 for 1860 and 1870 records on both personal and real assets are available. The problem then becomes: should only the value of real estate holdings for all censuses be used or should real wealth in 1850 be compared with figures for total wealth in 1860 and 1870? chosen for a number of reasons. The latter option was In 1850, three years after the settlement of the colony, the value of real estate holdings offers a good indication of an individual's total wealth since the majority of the residents were either involved in agriculture or immediately concerned with the task of obtaining and clearing land. In addition, there is little reason to suspect that many members of the community possessed large amounts of personal wealth; the memoirs of the early settlers of the community are in total agreement that wealth in the early days of the community was limited to a "few crude tools." However, with the economic development of the community, real wealth becomes less valuable as an indicator of total wealth. As the proportion of people employed in non-agricultural occupations rose, it seems reasonable to assume that personal wealth became increasingly important to a sizable portion of the population. Data on personal wealth from the censuses of 1860 and 1870 offer support for this assumption. The proportion of people listed in each enumeration with $250 or less personal wealth fell from 80.7 per cent in 1860 to 56.7 per cent in 1870. By con­ trast, the proportion with more than $2,500 rose from 240 0.5 per cent to 2.4 per cent and the percentage having more than $1,000 almost doubled, 3.3 per cent in 1860 as opposed to 6.3 per cent in 1870. Therefore, given the nature of the data and the community's development, it appears that the most accurate means of measuring wealth mobility is to use real wealth for 1850 and total wealth for 1860 and 1870. Other difficulties also permeate the study of wealth mobility in the late nineteenth century. While age is an important factor in occupational attainment and movement, it probably merits even more concern in an analysis of wealth mobility. it seems reasonable to assume that an individual reaches the peak of his occupational career at a far earlier age in life than he attains the height of his accumulation of wealth. To illustrate this point, one in general would assume that a lawyer at age thirty would possess a smaller fortune than a lawyer at age sixty. Thus it appears that it is far more important to control for age in measuring wealth mobility than it is in measuring occupational movement. However, this assumption will be tested later in this chapter. Not only is age an important consideration in the study of wealth mobility, but also to some extent one has to be aware of the influences of inflation; a society experiencing hyper-inflation, for example, would reveal high rates of mobility due to inflated prices rather than to any substantial changes in actual wealth. This problem. 241 moreover, would appear to be particularly acute in a community like the Holland settlement between 1850 and 1870. 4 In a new community with an increasing population one would not be particularly shocked to find the price of land increasing dramatically from decade to decade. This plus the limited data pertaining to wealth would suggest that the results of any study need to be subjected to a number of qualifications. Nevertheless, such an analysis is necessary in order to have some idea of the relationship between occupational and wealth mobility in an emerging ethnic community. Once it has been decided what wealth data to employ and what intervals to establish, it is then possible to proceed with the examination of economic movement. For this analysis, rates of wealth mobility will be calculated for the entire population and also for age groups. In addition to age, ethnicity will also be taken into con­ sideration. The findings from these various appraisals will then be compared with the results from the earlier examination of intra-generational occupational mobility. Summary measures of wealth mobility without con­ trolling for any variables strongly indicate on the surface that in many respects economic mobility differed from occupational movement. The most striking fact is that substantial and increasing rates of economic movement, primarily upward, occurred in the Holland community between 1850 and 1870 (see Table 52). Of those enumerated in both 242 TABLE 52.— Summary measures of intra-generational wealth mobility based on data from the censuses of 1850, 1860, and 1870. 1850 Real Wealth and 1860 Total Wealth 1850 Real Wealth and 1870 Total Wealth 1860 Total Wealth and 1870 Total Wealth Percentage Mobile 41.9 69.0 77.0 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 41.3 66 .5 76.0 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 0.6 2.5 1.0 Sample 332 304 658 the censuses of 1850 and I860, 41.0 per cent moved from one wealth category to another, and, with the exception of less than 1 per cent of the population, this mobility was upward. For those listed in the 1850 census who remained in the settlement until 1870, movement from one wealth category to another increased substantially to 69.0 per cent of the entire group. Of those mobile, 66.5 per cent moved upward and only 2.5 per cent saw their economic position decline. The rate of economic movement for residents of the community enumerated in both the censuses of 1860 and 1870 far surpassed the rate for those listed in both the 1850 and 1860 censuses. Of the former group, 77.0 per cent experienced mobility with 76.0 per cent 243 improving their position and 1 per cent suffering a de­ cline . These patterns differ in many respects from those of intra-generational occupational mobility. The most sig­ nificant departure is that rates of occupational movement revealed a steady decline whereas rates of wealth mobility substantially increased. reversed themselves. In absolute terms, the two rates From the 1850-60 period, the rate of occupational mobility employing four occupational cate­ gories was higher than the rate of economic movement, 64.7 per cent as opposed to 41.9 per cent. On the other hand, during the following decade the rate of wealth mobility far exceeded that of occupational movement with 7 7.0 per cent experiencing the former and only 39.6 per cent the latter. Although gross rates of movement between the two types of mobility varied in the two decades under consideration, upward wealth mobility was always larger and tended to increase while upward occupational movement was smaller and tended to decrease; upward wealth rates were 41.3 per cent and 76.0 per cent for the decades 1850-60 and 1860-70 respectively while similar occupational rates were 3 3.0 per cent and 26.3 per cent. Even though a number of important differences exist between the two different types of movement, similarities also appear. The most congruous patterns between occu­ pational and wealth mobility are for those who stayed in 244 the community for extended periods of time; in both instances the chances for movement greatly increased. For those who appeared in both the censuses of 1850 and 1870, rates of occupational and wealth mobility were far higher than for those enumerated in the censuses of 1850 and 1860. However, even here a major difference exists. The differ­ ential in rate of movement between those enumerated in the 1850 and 1870 census and those listed in 1850 and 1860 is greater for wealth mobility than it is for occupational movement, the differential being 26.9 per cent for the former and 12.1 per cent for the latter. While in many respects it appears that there is little relationship between occupational and wealth m o ­ bility, a closer inspection of the wealth mobility tables constructed for those appearing in the three censuses under consideration suggests just the opposite Tables 53-55) . (see As previously noted the most striking feature of these charts is that over 98 per cent and 70 per cent respectively of those enumerated in the censuses of 1850 and 1860 fall into the first wealth category, under $1,000. The overwhelming majority of these people did, however, possess some property (only 2 8 per cent of those appearing in both the censuses of 1850 and 1860 did not have real estate listed in the 1850 enumeration). In addition none of this land or only a small portion of it had been improved. Within the next ten years substantial TABLE 53.— Rates of intra-generational wealth mobility, real wealth in 1850 versus total wealth in 1860. Under $1,001 $1, 0012, 000 $2, 0013, 000 $3, 001and Above Total 192 58.4 99.0 57.8 89 27.3 98.4 26.8 26 8.0 96.3 7.8 19 5.8 90.5 5.7 326 100.0 98.2 98.2 $1,0012,000 2 40.0 1.0 0.6 1 20.0 1.1 0.3 1 20.0 3.7 0.3 1 20.0 4.8 0.3 5 100.0 1.5 1.5 $2,0013,000 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1 100.0 4.8 0.3 1 100.0 0.3 0.3 $3,001and Above 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 194 58.4 100.0 58.4 90 27.1 100.0 27.1 27 8.1 100.0 8.1 21 6.3 100.0 6.3 332 100.0 100.0 100.0 Under $1,001 local TABLE 54.— Rates of intra-generational wealth mobility, real wealth in 1850 versus total wealth in 1870. Under $1,001 $1* 0012, 000 $2, 0013, 000 $3 ,001and Above Total 70 23.5 95.9 23.0 52 17.4 100.0 17.1 52 17.4 98.1 17.1 124 41.6 98.4 40.8 298 100.0 98.0 98.0 $1,0012,000 3 50.0 4.1 1.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1 16.7 1.9 0.3 2 33.3 1.6 0.7 6 100.0 2.0 2.0 $2,0013,000 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 $3,001and Above 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 73 24.0 100.0 24.0 52 17.1 100.0 17.1 53 17.4 100.0 17.4 126 41.4 100.0 41.4 304 100.0 100.0 100.0 lOual 246 Under $1,001 TABLE 55.— Rates of intra-generational wealth mobility, total wealth in 1860 versus total wealth in 1870. $1/ 0012, 000 Under $1,001 Under $1,001 167 35.9 $1,0012,000 14 104 $2, 0013, 000 $3 ,001and Above Total 91.3 25.4 113 24.3 91.1 17.2 86 18.5 69.4 13.1 99 21.3 43.6 15.0 465 100.0 70.7 70.7 7.7 2.1 11 8.1 8.9 1.7 30 22.2 24.2 4.6 80 59.3 35.2 12.2 135 100.0 20.5 20.5 $2,0013,000 2 5.6 1.1 0.3 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6 16.7 4.8 9.1 28 77.8 12.3 4.3 36 100.0 5.5 5.5 $3,001and Above 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2 9.1 1.6 0.3 20 90.0 8.8 3.0 22 100.0 3.3 3.3 183 27.8 100.0 27.8 124 18.8 100.0 18.8 124 18.8 100.0 18.6 227 34.5 100.0 34.5 658 100.0 100.0 100.0 lO well 248 portions were cleared and this combined with the increasing population of the Holland community no doubt resulted in rising land values thereby stimulating high rates of upward wealth mobility. An acceleration of these processes during the 1860*s combined with a more general nationwide increase in land values offers a strong explanation of why wealth mobility rates climbed between 1860 and 1870. A review of the data on occupational mobility further explains why changes in economic mobility were not re­ flected in rates of occupational movement. Between 1850 and 1860 almost three-fourths of the occupational movement was into the farm operators category, 47.2 per cent of the entire population of which 64.7 per cent had been mobile. Thus what appears to have taken place during the 1850's is that the movement into the farm operators category as a result of clearing land reflected the increase in land values. Between 1860 and 1870, with a much higher pro­ portion of the population already in the farm operators category and consequently a smaller percentage, 2 5.6 per cent as opposed to 47.2 per cent, entering the farm oper­ ators category, occupational mobility declined and consequently did not mirror the continuing increase in land values. Instead, the continuing increase in land values was reflected not in movement between the broad occu­ pational groups but by movement within the farm operators category. Almost two-thirds, 65.8 per cent, of the farm 249 operators became proprietors of substantially larger 5 farms. Consequently, if these factors are taken into consideration, it appears that wealth mobility may indeed have come closer to approximating rates of occupational movement than the various summary measures indicate. These results, furthermore, do not dispute the findings from the study of occupational mobility which indicated that economic mobility declined after 1870. Data on movement into the farm operators group and m o ­ bility within this group strongly suggest that economic movement declined. By the 1870's, the proportion of the population moving into the farm operators category had slipped to 4.8 per cent compared with 2 5.6 per cent the previous decade. In addition, upward mobility within the farm operators group to more prosperous farms declined from 65,8 per cent in the 1860's to 26.7 per cent during the 1870's. When rates of intra-generational wealth mobility are examined controlling for age, the greatest rates of movement took place in older age groups than they did for a similar analysis of occupational mobility 56-58). (see Tables Of those who appeared in both the censuses of 1850 and 1860, the highest rates of economic movement occurred among those in the 21-30 and 31-40 age groups with 51.3 per cent and 46.2 per cent respectively displaying movement. Similarly the highest rates of wealth mobility 250 TABLE 56.--Rates of intra-generational wealth mobility for those appearing in both the censuses of 1850 and 1860, controlling for age in 1850. Under 20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Percentage Mobile 29.2 51.3 46.2 38.3 26.7 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 29 .2 51. 3 46.2 36 .9 23.4 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.4 3.3 Sample 24 76 73 30 117 TABLE 57.- -Rates of intra-generational wealth mobility for those < appearing in both the censuses of 1860 and 1870, controlling for age in 1860. Under 20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Percentage Mobile 43 .3 68.7 80.9 78.5 66.7 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 41.9 68.0 79.7 77.3 56.4 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 1.5 0.7 1.2 1.2 10 .3 Sample 67 134 173 163 78 251 TABLE 5 8 . — Rates of i n t r a - g e n e r a t i o n a l w e a l t h m o b i l i t y f o r t h o s e a p p e a r i n g in b o t h t h e c e n s u s e s of 1 8 5 0 a n d 1870, c o n t r o l l i n g f o r a g e in 1850. Under 20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Percentage Mobile 72.0 89.3 86.5 70.1 40.9 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 72.0 89 .3 86 .5 67.1 36.4 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.0 4.5 Sample 25 75 67 22 104 for those appearing in both the censuses of 1850 and 1870 occurred among those in the 21- 30 and 31-40 age brackets with over 85 per cent of both groups being mobile. contrast, By individuals in the 31 -40 and 41-50 age groups of those appearing in both the censuses of 1860 and 1870 reported the highest rates of wealth mobility with 80.9 per cent and 7 8.5 per cent respectively experiencing movement. One possible explanation of this shift toward older cohorts might well be that in the early years of settlement, up to about 1855, people between the ages of 21 and 40 were best equipped to take advantage of opportunities in a newly settled community. By the time of the enumeration of the population in 1860, most of these individuals would then fall into either the 31-40 or 41-50 age groups. Such an 252 explanation would account for differences in mobility rates among various age cohorts for the 1850's and 1860's. Rates of wealth mobility followed a different pattern than did rates of occupational movement for various age cohorts. As the examination of intra-generational occu­ pational mobility in Chapter V revealed, the highest rates of movement took place among those in the 21-30 and under 20 age groups. By contrast, this analysis of wealth mo ­ bility reveals that the highest rates took place among those in the 21-30 and 31-40 age brackets of all those listed in the census of 1850 and within the 31-40 and 41-50 age groups for those enumerated in 1860. Such findings tend to confirm the hypothesis that higher occu­ pational status is achieved at an earlier age than higher wealth status. A closer examination of the economic mobility patterns of those falling into the 31-40 age group which consistently had the highest rates of movement of any age group indi­ cates that the trend of movement for this group closely paralleled at a slightly higher level that of the entire population. There was a substantial increase in the rate of this group between the decade of the 1850's and that of the 1860's with the rate jumping from 46.2 per cent in the former to 80.9 per cent in the latter. Similarly for those appearing in the census of 1850 who remained in the com­ munity until 1870 there was a large increase in the rate of movement. The proportion of those mobile who stayed 253 until 1870 was 86.5 per cent as compared with 46.2 per cent for those who appeared in both the censuses of 1850 and 1860. As with the entire population, moreover, almost all of this movement was upward and only for those appearing in both the censuses of 1860 and 187 0 was any downward mobility (1.2 per cent) reported. In general, then, the rate of wealth movement for the most mobile age group closely paralleled that of the entire population. Controlling for ethnicity proves to be an important factor in determining rates of wealth mobility. Although an overwhelming majority of the adult population of the Holland community was composed of Dutch immigrants, a large number of non-Dutch settlers resided in the com­ munity. The data for those settlers who appeared in both the censuses of 1860 and 1870 strongly indicate that the Dutch-born majority experienced mugh higher rates of movement than did the non-Dutch residents (see Table 59)* Rates of wealth mobility for the Dutch-born population exceeded 70 per cent while those for the non-Dutch segment were just under 50 per cent. By contrast, rates of downward mobility for non-Dutch residents were almost twice as large as those for the Dutch-born population, cent versus 2.3 per cent. 4.3 per Such figures suggest that where an immigrant group comprised an overwhelming majority of the population in a nineteenth century community, they enjoyed greater economic opportunity than did the 254 TABLE 5 9 . - - R a t e s o f i n t r a - g e n e r a t i o n a l w e a l t h m o b i l i t y of D u t c h - b o r n a n d n o n - D u t c h b orn, 18 60-70. Non-Dutch Born Dutch Born Percentage Mobile 70.5 48.9 Percentage Upwardly Mobile 68.2 44.6 Percentage Downwardly Mobile 2.3 4 .3 Sample 611 47 non-immigrant minority even though both groups experienced comparable rates of occupational mobility. The results of these various inspections of wealth mobility in the Holland community do not differ sub­ stantially from the examination of occupational mobility. While on the surface it appears that substantial differ­ ences existed between occupational and wealth mobility rates, a closer inspection reveals that this was due to increased land values resulting largely from the clearing of land in a newly settled community. However, this was a temporary phenomenon which does not dispute the conclusion that mobility in general declined after 1870 in the Holland community. When the factor of age was considered, it was found that the highest rates of movement took place among slightly older age groups than did the highest rates of occupational mobility. The introduction of the factor of ethnicity into the appraisal of economic mobility revealed 255 that unlike the analysis of occupational movement, the Dutch-born majority enjoyed far greater opportunity for advancement than did the non-Dutch minority. FOOTNOTES ^ Lucas, Netherlanders 2 3 in A m e r i c a , p. 96. See Lucas, Memoirs, Passim, One would assume that businessmen and merchants would have a smaller portion of their wealth tied up in real estate than would farmers. 4Data on the rate of inflation and its effect on land values is rather sketchy for the Holland community. National data indicate that the per acre value of land increased more rapidly between 1850 and 1860 than it did between 1860 and 1870; the average value per acre of land was $11.14, $16.32, and $18.26 in 1850, 1860, and 1870 respectively. Information bearing on land values for Ottawa County, site of the Holland community, suggests a reversal of this pattern with a larger increase taking place in the 1860's than during the 1850's. The agri­ cultural census of 1850 reported 4,90 4 acres of improved land and 19,054 acres of unimproved land valued at $191,297 in the county. The following census reported a substantial increase in all these figures listing 37,574 256 257 improved acres and 66,296 improved acres valued at $1,724,415. These figures suggest that there was a modest increase in the value of farm land during the 1860's in Ottawa County. Data for 1870 suggest that more substantial increases in the value of land took place in the 1860's than the 1850's. The agricultural census of 1870 reported 81,702 and 117,499 acres of improved and unimproved land respectively valued at $7,568,445. From this information, it appears that the greatest increase in land values in the Holland community occurred during the 1860's rather than the 1850's, thus running contrary to the national pattern. 5 See Chapter V. CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS This study has examined social and geographic mobility in one nineteenth century community. The Holland settlement represented a substantially different type of community from those examined by other students of nineteenth century mobility. Possessing am ethnically homogeneous population, Holland stands apart from ante-bellum Philadelphia, Newburyport, and Trempealeau County. Yet, it was a community similar to a large number of ethnic enclaves dotting the Middle West. Not only did its ethnic composition differ­ entiate Holland from other communities previously studied but also its economic life set it apart. The most obvious contrast is to Stuart Blumin's study of pre-Civil War Philadelphia and Stephan Thernstrom's analysis of mobility in a medium sized late nineteenth century city. In sharp contrast to both these types of cities, agriculture played an important role in the economic life of the Holland com­ munity. Moreover, the growing importance of light industry in its economy served to differentiate it from Merle Curti's Trempealeu County. Thus, the Holland community 259 represents a fourth type of community that needed to be studied in order to broaden our understanding of the nature of nineteenth century American society. The Dutch immigrants who settled the Holland com­ munity ardently adhered to the American dream. nation of their memoirs, An exami­ letters, and reminiscences reveals a strong belief in the openness of the social structure of their adopted land. Attitudes expressed in the community during the last half of the nineteenth century differed little from the prevailing views toward success. Although at times these immigrants seemed to stress the traditional Protestant view of success rather than the emerging and more materialistic version, the similarities of their views far overwhelmed any differences with the general doctrine of success. During the years of this study the Holland community experienced substantial economic growth. The 1850's witnessed the completion of harbor and docking facilities which gave the settlement access to Lake Michigan# and in the following decade railroads tied the community's economy to both regional and national marketB. Partly as a result of these transportation improvement, gains to both the agricultural and industrial sectors of the economy far outstripped increases in population. The most spec- tactualar of these advances accrued to the industrial sector which expanded at a rate fifteen times faster than 260 the population. Accompanying this expansion was the appearance of numerous small factories employing a large number of factory operatives. In this same period, the agricultural sector, although displaying substantial growth, expanded neither as rapidly nor as consistently as the industrial sector. Information from both the state and federal censuses reveals a sharp decline in the total value of agricultural output after 1870. Somewhat similarly, data on livestock and crop production indicate a rapid expansion of agri­ culture to 1870 followed by a much slower rate of growth after that date. The impact of this economic development produced major alternations in the size and composition of the labor force. Between 1850 and 1860, the number of employed males jumped almost four-fold to slightly more than 2,000. Both relatively and absolutely, the non-agricultural work force showed substantial increases. Among white collar workers, the largest relative gains accrued to the business and proprietor groups and the clerical and sales category. With the emergence of the factory, as one might expect, semiskilled workers recorded the largest relative increases among blue collar workers. These years also witnessed a decline of almost 20 per cent in the proportion directly involved in agriculture. In addition to relative de­ creases, the composition of the agricultural labor force underwent major changes with the proportion of farm 261 operators and the percentage possessing more valuable farms increasing dramatically. A number of demographic factors accounted for both increases and changes in the size and composition of the community's labor force. The net-gain of 1*500 to the work force involved a turnover of more than 4,000 people. Accounting for over 8 5 per cent of the total gains, the differential between in- and out-migration easily provided the major source of increase. During the first two decades, expansion attributable to net-migration not only accounted for all increases to the labor force but also offset deficits resulting from net-vital processes. The 1870's, however, marked a turning point in the migration history of the community. With the maturing of the community, net- vital forces came to play a more positive role than before in expanding the labor force while net-migration, although continuing to be the largest source of increase, came to play a relatively less important role. Although net-migration rather than net-vital forces most fully explains gains in the size of the labor force, it alone did not account for changes in the distribution of occupations within the work force. There was a tendency for net-migration to supply a larger proprotion of in­ creases to the lower income positions; that is this process contributed a smaller proportion of increases to white collar positions than to the blue collar group. On the 262 other hand, net-vital processes and net-occupational m o ­ bility supplied larger gains to white collar than to blue collar positions. Within the agricultural occupational structure, net-occupational mobility contributed the bulk of the increases to the two most wealthy categories of farm operators. By contrast, migration usually supplied the largest gains to the less wealthy farm operator cate­ gories. Within the rural workers groups, net-vital processes produced the largest gains. The analyses of in- and out-migration and the other components of change on the composition of the labor force offer insights into nineteenth century society that have broader implications for the study of social mobility. The tendency of lower occupational groups in the Holland com­ munity to have higher rates of in- and out-migration as well as for net-migration to supply disproportionate increases to less prosperous occupations, if widespread in nineteenth century America, implies that the geographically mobile tended to show less upward vertical mobility than those remaining in a community. So far this subject has remained largely unexplored by American historians. However, fragmentary evidence exists to suggest that this may well be the case. Thernstrom found that the unskilled workers in nineteenth century Newburyport had extremely high rates of out-migration, although he did not provide comparable data for other occupational groups. In addition. 263 Merle Curti found in Trempealeau County that there was a stronger propensity for those holding lower status occu­ pations than for those possessing more remunerative occupations to move out of the community. William L. B o w e r r Likewise, both and Mildred Throne in their separate examinations of the populations of two different Iowa communities indicate that rural workers had a higher turnover rate than did farm operators. While these studies did not deal with patterns of in-migration or netmigration, their findings concerning out-migration support those from this study. Moreover, these studies and the findings from the Holland community concerning in- and net-migration suggest that historians can no longer equate the "man on the move" with the successful "man on the make." The examination of intra-generational occupational mobility, which was used as an indicator of economic m o ­ bility in the Holland community, revealed that residents of the settlement enjoyed substantial movement. Using fifteen occupational classifications, the analysis of mobility indicated that rates never fell below 40 per cent for any decade. were employed, When four broad occupational categories in only one time period, 1880-94, did movement fall below the 20 per cent level. It was further found that an individual's chances for occupational m o ­ bility increased with the length of his stay in the community. In addition, for those residents whose X 264 occupational careers could be traced back to The Nether­ lands, the available data indicated that a great deal of economic improvement accompanied immigration to America. Although the mobility rates of the community were im­ pressive, many others did not enjoy occupational movement and a very large number left the community without achieving success. Yet, a sufficient number of cases of mobility existed to allow a substantial proportion of the population to believe that the American dream was within their grasp. This may have been especially true in a community composed of immigrants from a country they felt to be socially and economically stagnant. While substantial rates of intra-generational m o ­ bility took place in the Holland community, this movement was not equally distributed over time. Somewhat suggestive of the Turner thesis regarding the level of opportunity available on the frontier, the pattern of mobility in the settlement indicated that occupational movement declined with the passage of time. Regardless of the type of occupational classification employed, gross rates of mobility displayed a significant decrease particularly after 1870. Cramer V, an overall measure of association between beginning and ending occupation, further illus­ trated this trend, becoming increasingly stronger for later decades. Moreover, the increases in thiB relation­ ship and the decline in rates of movement was most 265 pronounced when four broad occupational categories, which provides the best indicator of significant mobility, were employed. Not only did gross rates of movement decline, but also rates of upward movement fell at an even more rapid rate than did gross mobility, particularly after 1870. By contrast, significant increases characterized rates of downward movement after that date. Furthermore, those at the bottom of the occupational ladder saw their rates of mobility fall disproportionately faster than did those at the top. The best explanation for these changing rates of movement seems to be the decline in minimum structural movement or that mobility directly attributable to changes in the occupational structure. Paralleling these trends, minimum structural movement declined substantially after 1870. This decline in structural change reduced the rate of increase in the number of new positions at the top and consequently curtailed the opportunity for those at the bottom of the occupational ladder to move upward. Thus, the structural changes accompanying the settlement and early development of a community offered greater inducements to mobility than did those changes brought about by industrialization. Although mobility attributable to structural changes in the Holland community declined, circulation or the mutual exchange of occupations tended to increase. This suggests that a dynamic reverse correlation may exist 266 between circulation and the amount of structural change occurring- That is to say that structural stagnation or lower rates of structural change may induce a greater mutual exchange of occupations or circulation, although not on a one to one basis. The usefulness of circulation for determining the openness of a society, however, is questionable. This measure, while useful for breaking mobility down into its component parts, ignores one of the dynamic elements in determining occupational mobility. That is, one could conceive of a society enjoying high rates of movement directly attributable to structural change and another society experiencing far lower rates of movement without the aid of structural change. The question then becomes which society is more open and offers greater opportunity? The answer must be that society displaying the greatest mobility regardless of the amount of circulation. Comparing mobility rates of the various occupational categories in the Holland community reveals that those at the bottom of the occupational structure experienced the highest rates of movement. In every time period under consideration, rural workers closely followed by urban blue collar workers had the highest mobility rates. Moreover, it was the rural workers who enjoyed the most success in changing their occupational position. contrast, farm operators and white collar workers By 267 respectively had the lowest and second lowest rates of movement. However, rural workers and farm operators who moved from a rural occupation to an urban one generally were less successful in attaining a white collar position than were urban white collar and blue collar workers who entered rural occupations in becoming a farm operator. The reason for this difference probably lies in the fact that marginal farmers and rural workers were being forced out of agricultural positions due to the changing economy of the community and the relatively declining prosperity of agriculture whereas urban workers, particularly blue collar, who moved into rural occupations probably did so only after they had accumulated sufficient resources to purchase a farm. It was also found that ethnicity in this largely homogeneous community did not play a role in determining rates of movement. On the other hand, age significantly altered rates of mobility as those in the under thirty age bracket were far more mobile than their older counterparts. Patterns and rates of inter-generational mobility mirrored trends in intra-generational occupational movement. Gross rates of inter-generational occupational mobility remained constant up to 1870, but after this date they declined somewhat although not to the extent that rates of intra-generational mobility had. Likewise, rates of upward inter-generational mobility tended to decline with the approach of the twentieth century, particularly after 268 1870. On the other hand, downward rates of movement increased markedly after 1870. Patterns of inter-generational mobility of sons grouped according to the occupations of their fathers showed that the offsprings of farm operators and white collar workers most closely followed the occupations of their fathers. Of the former group, the overwhelming majority of sons became either farm operators or rural workers, usually serving as an apprenticeship for becoming a farm operator. Likewise, sons of white collar workers tended to retain comparable positions either as white collar workers or farm operators. A substantial portion of these sons, quite frequently more than 25 per cent, however, did move downward into blue collar positions. The small number of sons of white collar workers prohibits the detection of any recurring patterns, but such findings from the Holland community suggest the need to modify Stephan Thernstrom's observation that little downward mobility out of the middle class occurred. 2 The most mobile group consisted of sons of rural workers who dis­ played a great deal of movement upward into the farm operators category. Among the sons of urban blue collar workers somewhat smaller proportions experienced mobility, although at times substantial segments became either white collar workers or farm operators. Generally, the analysis of inter-generational movement indicated that substantial 269 upward mobility accompanied a significant but smaller amount of downward movement. The results of the analysis of intra-generational wealth mobility do not vary substantially from the ex­ amination of occupational movement. While at first glance major differences seemed to exist between rates of wealth and occupational mobility, a closer inspection revealed that this was due to increased land values resulting largely from the clearing of land in a newly settled com­ munity. This, however, was a temporary phenomenon that does not dispute the conclusion that mobility in general declined after 1870 in the Holland community. Controlling for the factors of age and ethnicity did reveal some differences between occupational and wealth mobility. The introduction of the factor of ethnicity into the appraisal of wealth mobility revealed that, unlike occupational movement, the Dutch-born majority enjoyed far greater opportunity for advancement than did the non-Dutch minority. Similarly a consideration of the factor of age revealed that the highest rates of movement took place among slightly older age groups than did the highest rates of occupational mobility. By comparing other studies of mobility with the findings from the Holland community, it is possible to make some generalizations about the extent of economic opportunity in nineteenth century America. Perhaps the most influential of these studies is Stephan Thernstrom's 270 examination of the unskilled workers of Newburyport. Comparing the rates and patterns of movement in Newburyport and Holland provides some insights into the relative amount of opportunity existing for unskilled workers in an old medium-sized industrial city in New England and similar laborers in a newly settled community in the Middle West. This procedure revealed that the unskilled workers in the Holland community enjoyed far higher rates of occupational movement than did their counterparts in Yankee City. Even eliminating from the sample those unskilled workers in the Holland community who moved into agricultural occupations did not significantly alter the differential in rates of movement between the two communities. Laborers in Holland not only had far higher rates of movement but also had a higher proportion entering white collar positions. More­ over, rates of out-migration were far lower for unskilled workers in the Holland community than in Newburyport. These trends suggest two things about the mobility patterns of unskilled laborers and nineteenth century American society. First, a relationship between rates of occu­ pational mobility and out-migration existed. That is, where greater occupational movement existed, rates of out­ migration were lower. Second and more importantly, more opportunity existed for those at the bottom of the occu­ pational ladder in newly established communities than in the older communities of the East.^ 271 The subject of Merle C u rti’s study, Trempealeau County, provides a second type of community with which to compare the findings from the Holland community. Curti, however, did not examine mobility rates for the entire community but concentrated only on those employed in agri­ culture. In order to make his findings comparable to those in the Holland community, it was necessary to make certain adjustments in his data. This consisted of eliminating those listed in the manuscripts of the census as either retired or having no occupation from the sample and lumping farm laborers, farmers without farms, and farm tenants into one general category of rural workers as distinct from farm operators. Comparing the mobility patterns of farm operators and rural workers in Trempealeau County to their counterparts in Holland indicates that rural workers in the former community enjoyed far greater opportunity for upward mobility than those in the latter settlement. In both the 1860's and the 1870's about three-fourths of the rural workers in Trempealeau County became farm operators. By contrast, 67.1 per cent and 32.7 per cent respectively of the rural workers in the Holland community became farm operators in the same two decades. Part of the reason for these discrepancies might lie in the fact that in terms of population development, the Holland settlement was at least a decade ahead of the Wisconsin county. If rates of upward movement for rural 2 72 workers in the Holland community during the 1850's and 1860's are compared to those for the 1 860's and 1 8 7 0 's in Trempealeau County, the magnitude of the differential diminishes since 72.1 per cent of the rural workers in Holland became farm operators between 1850 and 1860. This comparison may well suggest that the high level of oppor­ tunity for those at the bottom in the early years of settlement declined rapidly with the development of a 4 newly established community. Although dealing with a far different type of com­ munity, Stuart filumin's examination of mobility in ante­ bellum Philadelphia provides a valuable comparison with the patterns of movement in the Holland community. He found that the opportunity for upward occupational m o ­ bility did not increase between 1820 and 1860 but rather remained relatively constant. By contrast, the proportion of the labor force moving downward rose. While this process resulted in an increase in the total amount of occupational mobility, such increases only took place because more people were moving down the occupational ladder. Blumin, following Commons' theory, maintained that this pattern was the result of merchant capitalism; that is, merchants responding to transportation improvements and new trade patterns entered manufacturing at the expense of the craft system. Pointing out that mechanization was not the distinguishing feature of the early factory system, Blumin argues that the transformation from the craft 273 system to merchant capitalism was the critical organi­ zational change in manufacturing and the creation of a large blue collar work force. Comparing Blumin's findings with the present study, as the factory began to play a more dominant part in the Holland economy, upward mobility decreased and downward movement increased. Viewed in this perspective, Blumin's findings during the period of merchant capitalism in Philadelphia closely parallel those from the Holland community after 1870.5 One of the most important studies of social mobility in the post-World War II period and one of the few to implicitly theorize on nineteenth century mobility has been Lipset and Bendix's Social Mobility in Industrial Society. Arguing that widespread social mobility occurs concomitantly with the processes of urbanization, industrialization, and bureaucratization, Lipset and Bendix posit that there is no difference in the rate of mobility among industrialized nations and consequently that the United States does not differ substantially from the nations of Western Europe in this respect. In addition, they indicate that this pattern of equal mobility held for the nineteenth century, although not offering any evidence to support that propo­ sition. They further suggest that the reason many have believed that America is the land of opportunity vis a vis Europe is due to the ideology of success that pervades the American ethos ? 274 The Holland study, while not challenging Lipset and Bendix’s findings about comparable rates of mobility among industrialized nations in the twentieth century, does raise questions about their inferences concerning the nineteenth century and the impact of urbanization, in­ dustrialization, and bureaucratization on the mobility process. The findings from the Holland community suggest that Lipset and Bendix overlooked an important dynamic factor in their pronouncements on the nineteenth century. That is, they failed to take into consideration the structural changes brought about by the westward movement and the subsequent clearing of land and the establishing of towns. In the Holland community, it was found that these changes gave a greater impetus to occupational movement than did the subsequent changes brought by industriali­ zation and the development of the city of Holland. Given the importance of the westward movement in nineteenth century America and the pattern of mobility in the Holland community, it seems more likely than not that the United States offered greater opportunity than did Europe in the nineteenth century. This may also explain why the American ideology, partly based upon a comparison with Europe, gained such popularity in the nineteenth century. This is not to imply that the American social structure measured up to the ideals of the American dream but merely to argue that this view was strengthened in the public mind because 275 America provided more examples of men getting ahead than did Europe. But then, men have probably always been moved more by visible and concrete examples than by m o ­ bility mattrices. FOOTNOTES ^Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress, p. 96; Curti, The Making of an American Community, pp. 69-76; Throne, "A Population Study of an Iowa County in 1850," p. 311; Bowers, "Crawford Township 1850-70; A Population Study of a Pioneer Community, pp. 8-10. 2 Thernstrom, "Urbanization, Migration, and Social Mobility in Late Nineteenth Century America," p. 170. d 3 Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress, p. 96. 4 Curti, The Making of an American Community, pp. 198-200, 205-09. ^Blumin, "Mobility and Change in Ante-Bellum Philadelphia," pp. 165-208. ^Lipset and Bendix, Social Mobility in Industrial Society. 276 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY Although a number of secondary sources provided insights into methodological problems, raised questions to be examined, and offered bases of comparison, the bulk of the material for this study came from primary sources. Essential to the undertaking of this study were the Manuscripts of the Seventh Census of the United States, 1850: Population of the United States; Manuscripts of the Eighth Census of the United States, 1860: Population of the United States; Manuscripts of the Ninth Census of the United States, 1870: Population of the United States; Manuscripts of the Tenth Census of the United States, 1880 Population of the United States; (microfilmed), Michigan State Library; and the Manuscripts of the Census of the State of Michigan, 1894, Michigan State Archives. These materials contain valuable data for historians of the nineteenth century. Each census listed the name, age, place of birth, and occupation of all members of the com­ munity. In addition, the census manuscripts of 1850, 1860, and 1870 reported the value of each individual's real estate holdings and the latter two censuses listed each individual's personal wealth. Additional information 278 with which to gauge the mobility patterns of members of the Holland community was gathered from Emigration Records, The Netherlands, Collections. 1848-1876, Calvin College, Heritage Hall These documents listed the name, religious affiliation, and occupation of all adult males who left The Netherlands between 184 8 and 1876 including many who moved to the Holland community. Other manuscript schedules from the federal censuses also proved valuable. Especially important in this regard was information on farmers and agricultural development gathered from the Manuscripts of the Seventh Census of the United States, 1850; Census of Agriculture, Manuscripts of the Eighth Census of the United States, 1860: Census of Agriculture; Manuscripts of the Ninth Census of the United States, 1870; Census of Agriculture; and the Manuscripts of the Tenth Census of the United States, 1880; Agriculture, Michigan State Archives. Census of From the above sources, it was possible to find the names of farm oper­ ators as well as the size, value, number of acres--both improved and unimproved— and output for all farms in a given district. In addition, the censuses of 1870 and 1880 provided data on the value of agricultural production for each farm. Such information, in addition to supplying data with which to measure the growth of the economy, made it possible to further sub-divide farmers into occupational categories for purposes of analysis. The Manuscripts of the Seventh Census of the United States, 1850; 279 Manufacturers of the United States; Manuscripts of Eighth Census of the United States, 1860; Manufacturers of the United States; Manuscripts of the Ninth Census of the United States, 1870i Census of Industry and Wealth; and the Manuscripts of the Tenth Census of the United States, 1880: Manufacturers of the United States, Michigan State Archives supplied data on the capitalization, value of production, and number of employees in all manufacturing units with an annual product in excess of $500. This made it possible to determine rates of economic development and to sub-divide businessmen into two occupational categories for purposes of examination. In addition, the printed censuses of the State of Michigan from 1854 to 1894 were employed to trace the economic development of the Holland community. A number of secondary works provided valuable sug­ gestions for the study of mobility. Perhaps the best recent work on occupational mobility is Peter M. Blau and Otis Dudley Duncan, The American Occupational Structure (New York, 1967). Also important are Charles F. Westoff, Marvin Bressler and Philip S agi, "The Concept of Social Mobility: An Empirical Inquiry," American Sociological Review, XXV (June, 1960) and Elton F. Jackson and Harry J. Crockett, "Occupational Mobility in the United States: A Point Estimate and Trend Comparison," American Sociological Review, XXIX (February, 1964). Two excellent summaries of 280 the literature on social mobility are S. M. Miller, "Comparative Social Mobility," Current Sociology, IX (No. 1, 1960) and Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, Social Mobility in Industrial Society Angeles, 1964). (Berkeley and Los Other useful material on social mobility can be found in Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix (ed.), Class, S t a t u s , and Power (Glencoe, 111., 1953). In addition to these works, a number of studies exist which are particularly useful to the historian of social mobility in that they not only supply a basis of comparison but also deal with methodological considerations unique to historians. Particularly valuable in this regard are Sidney Goldstein, Patterns of Mobility and Stuart Blumin, (Philadelphia, "The Historical Study of Vertical M o ­ bility," Historical Methods Newsletter, I (September, Suggestive is Stephan Thernstrom, gration, 1968). "Urbanization, Immi­ and Social Mobility in Late Nineteenth-Century America," in Towards A New P a s t : Dissenting Essays in American History, e d . by Barton J. Bernstein 196 8). 1958) Dorothy O. Johansen, (New York, "A Working Hypothesis for the Study of Migration," Pacific Historical Review, XXXVI (February, 1967) is a provocative and thoughtful essay on the problem of geographic movement. In addition to their value as methodological guides, Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progresss Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, Mass., 1964) and Merle C u r t i , 281 T he M a k i n g of an A m e r i c a n C o m m u n i t y : A C a s e S t u d y of Democracy in a Frontier County (Stamford, Calif., 1959) as well as Stuart Blumin, "Mobility and Change in Ante-Bellum Philadelphia,” in Nineteenth Century Citiesi Essays in the New Urban History, ed. by Stephan Thernstrom and Richard Sennett (New Haven and London, 1969) supplied valuable case studies with which to compare the findings from the Holland community. In addition, Mildred Throne, "A Popu­ lation Study of an Iowa County in 1850," Iowa Journal of History, LVII (October, 1959) and William L. Bowers, "Crawford Township, 1850-70; A Population Study of a Pioneer Community," Iowa Journal of History, LVIII (Janu­ ary, 1960) provided valuable case studies of population movement in two nineteenth century communities. The background to the Dutch immigration to America and the beginnings of Dutch communities in the Middle West are treated in a number of works. Without doubt, the two best books on the subject are Bertus Harry Wabeke, Dutch Emigration to North America; 1624-1860 (New York, 1944) and Henry S . Lucas, Netherlanders in America; Dutch Immigration to the United States and Canada, 1789-1950 (Ann Arbor, 1955). The former provided the best expla­ nation of the reasons for migration while the latter supplied an extensive discussion of the Dutch communities in the Middle West. An older but still useful account of the Holland community is Alieda J. Pieters, A Dutch 282 Settlement in Michigan (Grand Rapids, 1923). A number of biographies of Albertus C. Van Raalte, the founder of the Holland community, exist which provide useful insights into the history of the settlement. By far the best of these remains Albert Hyma, Albertus C. Van Raalte and His Dutch Settlement in Michigan (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1947). In addition to these secondary works, a number of primary sources bearing on the early history of the settlement and its attitudes towards success exist. Henry S. Lucas Writings (ed.), Dutch Immigrant Memoirs and Related (2 vols.) (Seattle, 1955), in particular, contain many valuable materials. Also of great value in both these respects is Classis Holland; Minutes, 1848-1858, trans. by a joint committee of the Christian Reformed Church and the Reformed Church in America (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1943). To supplement these printed sources, Calvin College, Heritage Hall Collection and the archives of The Netherlands Museum, Holland, Michigan, contain the memoirs, letters, and reminiscences of the early settlers in the community as well as early records of the settlement. These were particularly valuable not only for piecing together the history of the settlement but also for gauging attitudes towards the American dream. Similarly the Holland Evening Sentinel, 1871-1895, provided indications of the com­ munity's attitudes towards mobility. 283 The literature on nineteenth century attitudes toward success is quite voluminous. Particularly useful for this study in comparing attitudes in the Holland com­ munity with those expressed in the popular literature was John G. Cawelti, Apostles of the Self-Made Man and London, America: 19 54). (Chicago 1965) and Irwin J. Wylie, The Self-Made Man in The Myth of Rags to Riches (New York and London, Both of these works are essential to an under­ standing of the American view of success. Also useful were Ruth Miller Elson, Guardians of Tradition: Schoolbooks in the Nineteenth Century R. Richard Wohl, American (Lincoln, 1964) and "The 'Rags to Riches S t o r y 1: An Episode of Secular Idealism," in C l a s s , Status, and P o w e r , edited by Lipset and Bendix. This essay contains only a partial list of the sources consulted. Works selected are those deemed most essential to the preparation of this study.