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I
I

73-12,845
WADE, Gwendolyn Gibbs, 1939PSYCHOLOGICAL NEEDS, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND
SOCIALIZATION PRACTICES AMONG BLACK ADO­
LESCENTS IN NOVA SCOTIA, CANADA AND MICHIGAN,
U.S.A.
Michigan State University, P h . D . , 1972
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

University Microfilms, A XERQXCompany, Ann Arbor, Michigan

PSYCHOLOGICAL NEEDS, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND
SOCIALIZATION PRACTICES AMONG BLACK
ADOLESCENTS IN NOVA SCOTIA, CANADA
AND MICHIGAN, U.S.A.
By
Gwendolyn Gibbs Wade

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Psychology
1972

PLEASE NOTE:
Some pages may have
In d istin ct p rin t.
Filmed as r e c e i v e d .

U n i v e r s i t y M i c r o f i l m s , A Xerox E d u c a t i o n Company

ABSTRACT

PSYCHOLOGICAL NEEDS, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND
SOCIALIZATION PRACTICES AMONG BLACK
ADOLESCENTS IN NOVA SCOTIA, CANADA
AND MICHIGAN, U.S.A.
By
Gwendolyn Gibbs Wade

This cross-cultural study was both exploratory and
experimental in nature, focusing on the impact of socializing
agents

(specifically, educational institutions) on Blacks'

self-valuation and racial pride as well as on their psy­
chological needs.

The scoring fQr the needs was based on

Maslow's formulations, and the results were discussed in
terms of their disconfirmation of Maslow's hierarchical
organization.

Even among a relatively economically deprived

Black group, safety needs were not prepotent.

Subjects for

this investigation included forty Black high school students
in their last two years of school in Halifax County, Nova
Scotia, Canada, and forty upperclassmen from a Detroit,
Michigan U.S.A. high school.

While the groups were similar

in cultural heritage, with many being the descendants of
Blacks who had journeyed north in search of freedom and a
new life, they differed markedly in their opportunities.

Gwendolyn Gibbs Wade
as delineated in a psycho-historical account of their back­
grounds.

On the basis of this information as well as

previous research regarding consciousness-raising among
Blacks, the following hypotheses were advanced:
1.

Black adolescents from the Michigan sample will

demonstrate a stronger degree of Black consciousness and
accompanying prepotency for self-actualization than will
Black adolescents from Nova Scotia.

Conversely, Black

adolescents from Nova Scotia will demonstrate a stronger
prepotency in needs for love and belongingness and self­
esteem, with an accompanying lower valuing of Black con­
sciousness than will their Black counterparts from Detroit.
a.

The students' identified reference groups

will vary as a function of present socialization practices
evidenced in the school curriculum and activities.
2.

Black consciousness and self-actualization

needs will become more prepotent

and subscribed to among

adolescents who are provided with education about their
cultural heritage that is aimed at developing a positive
valuing of Black consciousness.
3.

The past, present, and/or future tendency to

participate and/or subscribe to collective action and
activities with group members aimed at enhancing the
potentialities of one's group and obviating the restric­
tions serving to derogate the group will be functionally
related to the degree adolescents embrace the value of

Gwendolyn Gibbs Wade
Black consciousness and demonstrate prepotency of the selfactualization need.
All subjects were tested once on a sentence comple­
tion test assessing psychological needs, a Black Conscious­
ness attitude scale, a demographic and socialization
questionnaire, and a behavioral activity scale.

Because

of local conditions it was not possible to test the Detroit
group further; therefore only a sample of the Nova Scotian
students were exposed to an experimental manipulation.
Applying Solomon's Four Group Design, the researcher
randomly assigned the forty subjects to two experimental
groups

(only one of which was pretested)

and to two control

groups

(in which, again, only one was pretested).

The

treatment that the experimental groups received involved
an intensive three-day exposure to lectures, discussions,
and readings regarding Black people, as well as tape
recordings of such prominent individuals as Stokely
Carmichael, Malcolm X, Angela Davis, Martin Luther King, Jr.,
and B. Rocky Jones.

Post-tests were administered to all

four groups both at the end of the treatment period and
one month later to assess the stability of any observed
changes.
The results confirmed the hypotheses; however,
limitations on the present findings were discussed.

In

particular, the Black Consciousness Scale, which was
developed with a sample of United States Blacks, may be

Gwendolyn Gibbs Wade
inappropriate for Canadians because of its strong component
of system-blame— a dimension which appears less salient at
present among Nova Scotian Blacks.

Aside from cultural

differences, it was also noted that the two groups differed
on a rural-urban dimension; thus interpretations of the
findings should take this fact into account.

Finally,

problems of implementing a control group design in a field
setting were described.

In the small-rural setting where

the study was conducted, the researcher was a salient
figure as a Black visitor from the United States, and it
was not possible to control the leakage from experimental
to control groups.

Thus under more ideal conditions even

stronger effects might have been observed; nevertheless,
in this situation the leakage had the positive effect of
enhancing Black consciousness even among the control groups.

DEDICATION
To my mother, husband, children (Michael, Sharon,
and Kwame), and brothers— who have been the most motivating
forces in my life.
Prom them love, understanding, and
support existed on many levels. Transcending these personal forces, this research is dedicated to the renaissance
of a positive and productive Black psyche among my people.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis emerged as a result of several field
experiences through parts of the Canadian Black Diaspora.
Most influential was a trip to Nova Scotia in 196 8.
Engaging friends and colleagues in discussions on the various
impressions, ideas, and hypotheses resulting from these
experiences served to encourage my pursuits.
It is beyond the scope of these pages to express
individual thanks due the many people who made it possible
for the thesis to come to fruition.

I should like to

gratefully acknowledge the support, encouragement, and
helpful suggestions of teachers, friends, and relatives.
Thanks are first due to the groups of beautiful brothers
and sisters from both Graham Creighton High School in
Halifax County, Nova Scotia and the inner-city high school
in Detroit, Michigan for their willingness, time, and
involvement in the study.

Without their participation

and cooperation the results being reported might never
have been more than speculation and hypotheses.
The word advisor loes not sufficiently capture
the much appreciated relationship and role that Dr. Jeanne
Gullahorn assummed throughout this research.

Above and

beyond the many thanks accorded her for the scholarly and

iii

critical professional guidance, I am even more grateful
for the degree of academic freedom she allowed me in
pursuing the research from my perspective, sharing my
involvement in the research, and giving unstintingly of
her time and friendship.

To Dr. Ruth Hamilton I am par­

ticularly appreciative of the dual position she occupied—
first, as a mentor and catalyst to my developing a broader
conceptual framework and secondly, being a very special

**"

friend who provided immeasurable support and encouragement.
Dr. George Fairweather was most important, in making
relevant the need to test the theoretical in a behavioral
sense and thus, instrumental in making this research
reflect more than an academic requisite.

To Dr. Juanita

Collier I owe deep appreciation for making it1possible—
by planting the seed which led me to this stage and being a
continuous motivational force.

Dr. Joel Aronoff raised the

critical questions which influenced the theoretical analysis.
Throughout the province of Nova Scotia I am indebted
to many individuals and groups.
extended to B. "Rocky" Jones

Specifically, thanks are

(T.Y.P. Dalhousie University)

and his family; J. A. Wedderburn, NSAACP; Eugene Williams,
Social Welfare; Mr. G. Barry, Principal of Graham Creighton;
Mr. Karl Perry, Superintendent of Schools; Father Frances
of Sydney, Nova Scotia and a host of beautiful Black people
who were warm, accepting, and informative.

iv

To preserve confidentiality, I am not able to mention
the individual's name; however, I sincerely want to think and
congratulate the liberated person in Detroit who made it
possible for me to conduct research there.
I am greatly indebted to several sources for
financial support.

The major portion of this research

was sponsored by a fellowship from American Association
of University Women.

Supplementary travel funds were

provided by the Center for Urban Affairs and Equal Oppor­
tunity Programs at Michigan State University.
And finally I wish to express my deepest appreciation
to my husband for assisting me in the archives, the pho­
tography, and the many hours spent with the desk calculator.

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
D E D I C A T I O N ................................................. ii
A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S .......................................... iii
LIST OF T A B L E S ................................. .

.

viii

LIST OF

F I G U R E S .......................................

X

LIST OF

SYMBOLS AND A B B R E V I A T I O N S .......................xi

LIST OF

A P P E N D I C E S ...................................... xii

FACE S H E E T ............................................... xiii
Chapter
I.

INTRODUCTION:
SIGNIFICANCE, IMPLICATIONS,
AND N E E D .......................................

1

Values, Needs, Socialization
................
3
Historical Background of the Problem
. . .
7
Statement of P r o b l e m .............................. 14
Statement of Hypothesis .......................
30
O v e r v i e w ........................................... 32
II.

REVIEW OF L I T E R A T U R E .............................. 34
Black C o n s c i o u s n e s s .............................. 34
Maslow's Theory of Psychological Needs
. . .
38
Two Studies on Maslow's Theory of Needs
. .
42
Historical Foundations
.......................
48
Blacks in U.S.A.
. - .............................. 49
Blacks In M i c h i g a n .............................. 50
Blacks in C a n a d a ................................. 58
Blacks in Nova S c o t i a ...........................59
S u m m a r y ........................................... 83

III.

M E T H O D ............................................... 86
Pilot S t u d y ........................................ 86
Subjects and Procedures
....................
87
The Present Investigation
....................
89
The Canadian S t u d y .............................. 89
The Michigan S t u d y .......................... 9 8
vi

Chapter
XV.

Page
R E S U L T S ........................................ 100
Black Consciousness and Psychological Need
L e v e l s ......................................100
Manipulation of Black Consciousness and
Need L e v e l s .................. ....
110
Relationship of Valuing Black Consciousness
and Behavioral Activities..... ..............
115
Additional Findings
..........................
119

V.

D I S C U S S I O N ..................................... 123
Theoretical Analysis ..........................
An Explanation of the Present Findings
. . .
Summary and Implications forFuture Research
.

123
131
144

B I B L I O G R A P H Y ............................................. 152
A P P E N D I C E S ................................................ 166

vii

LIST OP TABLES

Table
2.1.

2.2.

Page
Percentage of Bl-ack Population in HalifaxDartmouth, Cape Breton County, and "Other
Nova Scotia" at Ten-Year Intervals,
1871-1961

62

Approximate Distribution of Annual Income
Among Male and Female Halifax Mid-City
Blacks the Urban Fringe Community, and
Three Rural Non-Farm Communities .............

84

3.1.

Last School Grade Achieved by Male and Female
Halifax Mid-City Blacks, The Urban Fringe
Community, and Three Rural Non-Farm
C o m m u n i t i e s ........................................94

4.0.

Black Consciousness in Michigan and Nova
Scotia
. . . . . . . .

101

4.1.

Comparison of Mean Scores and Rank of
Psychological Needs of Safety Love and
Belongingness, Self-Esteem and SelfActualization for Both G r o u p s ................... 101

4.2.

Self-Actualization in Michigan and Nova Scotia .

103

4.3.

Self-Esteem in Michigan and Nova Scotia Groups .

103

4.4.

Love and Belongingness in Michigan and Nova
Scotia Groups
................................ 103

4.5.

Cultural Aspects of Socialization

4.6.

ANOVA T a b l e ....................................... 112

4.7.

ANOVA R e s u l t s ....................................... 113

4.8.

ANOVA D e s i g n ....................................... 114

4.9.

Levels of Post-Test I Scores on Black
Consciousness Survey ..........................

viii

..............

107

116

Table
4.10.
4.11.
4.12.

Page
Levels of Post-Tests 2 Scores on Black
.......................
Consciousness Survey

116

Levels of Scores on Self-Actualization
Measure Post-Test 1 ..........................

117

Levels of Scores on Self-Actualization
Measure Post-Test 2 ..........................

117

4.13.

Correlations Between Valuing Black Conscious­
ness and Engagement in Black Consciousness
Activities For Michigan and Nova Scotia
G r o u p s .......................................... 118

4.14.

Black Consciousness Behavioral Activities in
Michigan and Nova Scotia G r o u p s ................ 118

4.15.

Ethnic and Racial Group Identity and Heritage .

120

LIST OP FIGURES

Figure

Page

2.0.

Michigan's Black Population— 1970

51

2.1.

The Black Communities of Nova Scotia . . . .

61

4.1.

Socialization Variables on Civil Rights
I n v o l v e m e n t .......................................108

x

LIST OP SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

Page
Explanation Chart for Figure 4.1

109

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix
A.

Page
.................

Black Consciousness Survey

B— 1.

Sentence Completion

B-2.

Sexton High School Student Demands

B-3.

Scoring Criteria for Need Prepotency

B-4.

Preconditions for the Basic Need Satisfactions

B-5.

Maslow's Safety Needs

B-6.

Maslow's Belongingness, Love and
Affiliative Needs
. . . . . . . . . . . . .

190

B-7.

Maslow's Self-Esteem Needs ....................

192

B-8.

Maslow's Self-Actualization Needs

195

B-9.

Degree of Fixity of Hierarchy of Basic Needs .

B-10.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

167

.

175

. . . .

179

.

.

.

183
185

......................... 187

...........

200

Scoring Sheet for N e e d s .......................... 203

C.

Demographic and Socialization Questionnaire

D.

Behavioral Activity Measure

E.

Behavioral Project

F.

Poem by Black Student in Nova Scotia

G.

Examples of Materials Used for Experimental
Manipulations
.............................

.

.

.

.

205

.................

215

.

.

.

.

.
.

.
.

218
.

220
222

The black man has no ontological resistance in the
eyes of the white man.

Overnight the Negro has been given

two frames of reference within which he has had to place
himself.

His metaphysics, or less pretentiously, his

customs and the sources on which they were based, were
wiped out because they were in conflict with a civilization
that he did not know and that imposed itself on him.
(Frantz Fanon, 1967, p. 110)

xiii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION:

SIGNIFICANCE,

IMPLICATIONS, AND NEED

Educational systems are microcosms of the larger
social system.

Few would argue that in order to get a

true picture of what takes place in learning institutions,
one must understand the contributing aspects of the social
system and broad culture involved.

With such an under­

standing we see that the problems that plague our society
also plague the schools; the values that are prized by
the broader society are the values that are taught in
schools.

Rather than merely transmit traditional values

educational institutions can play a decisive role in
providing needed guidance to answer societal problems
and develop values that reflect current reality by in­
corporating meaningful programs which can serve as models
for other institutions.

In fact, it becomes an obligation

if the educational institutions are to reflect the demo­
cratic precepts espoused for this society.
The number one domestic problem existing in the
United States has been identified as white racism (Kerner,
1968).

Continuing the line of reasoning developed above,

it follows that white racism must constitute a problem of
1

2
sizable proportion iri our school system.

Baratz

(1971)

clearly demonstrates how white racism is based and firmly
embedded in the social sciences.

It is necessary for

educational institutions to move from the point of per­
ceiving such a concept on an abstract level and to begin
to deal with it concretely.
must be asked:

The following kind of questions

(1) What are the identifiable aspects of

racism in our educational system?

(2) How can we move to

obviate these aspects as soon as possible?
speculate on what the results will be?

(3) Can we .

In response to

the first question, we can first note the uni-cultural,
uni-racial orientation of the curriculum— on every level.
This is perpetuated by omission and distortion of truth
regarding Blacks and other oppressed groups.

The effect

has been devastating on the psychological well-being of
two broad groups:

the first group has lived with myths

and dishonesty to self, deriving such benefits as the
prestige of acting superior to another group, and unfortu­
nately providing opportunity for some misanthropes to act
out their hostility; the second group has been made to
feel unworthy, incompetent, inferior and devaluated in
the eyes of others as well as self.

In the present study

our major focus will be on this second group.

It becomes

the task in the present study to explore how this group's
needs for growth have been thwarted as a result of being
educated to identify with values that are contradictory
to self acceptance and actualization.

To the second question, a partial answer flows
from the first response.

We must begin to drastically

change the curriculum by educating students with knowledge
that reflects the history and lives of ’'minority'' groups
in this country.
Finally, we can speculate that the results will
represent two levels.

On the first level, a tremendous

readjustment will be required of both groups— more painful
for some than others— along with conflict almost inevitably
nested into this readjustment.

On a higher level, and

probably with a time lag, a more humanistic group of people
will emerge.

This will be reflected in educational institu­

tions as well as the other institutions that comprise our
society.
The remainder of this chapter will be devoted to
conceptualizing the links between values, needs, and
socialization.

Historical background information relative

to the problem also will be summarized; furthermore, the
statement of the problem will be explored in the context
of the two cultures involved in the study.
Values, Needs, Socialization
What forms the basis upon which one incorporates
a certain value system?

In what ways are needs, values,
>

and socialization processes related?

Elizabeth Simpson

(1971) tells us that social scientist, have long been aware

4

of the inter-relationship between values and the sociali­
zation process.

She further suggests that socialization

processes considered in a vacuum will not tell us much
about personality.

Rather, the personality that evolves

is dependent upon the "cultural environment in which
socialization takes place, on the predisposition of the
individual to internalize cultural values, based on his
previous history and his innate characteristics, and on
situations in which the individual is asked to act (p. 12)."
Continuing, she conceptualizes how these values
and socialization are related to needs.

From an extensive

review of the literature in these areas she derives a
"basic postulate for a simple theory of values" and two
accompanying correlates:

Existential belief systems, that

is, values, are the product of biogenetic needs acted on
by the social environment."

She deduces that- a prediction

of one's value orientation should follow from information
on their need state.

Thus,

"diagnosis of needs and

subsequent gratification si. ulu irake responsiveness to
direct socialization pos.iLie."
To this extent, the theoretical orientation of
Simpson's is rather consistent with the central thesis of
the present study.
faceted and complex.

The problem to be explored is multi­
The central idea is that the valuing

of Black consciousness is a result of socialization
practices occurring in the cultures of Blacks, which

5
interact to affect the psychological needs that are important
for a self-enhancing individual.

It is also postulated that

the degree to which one values Black consciousness and the
level o f his self-actualization need will be reflected in
certain behavioral activities related to Black consciousness.
How does socialization enter the picture?

According

to Stoetzel (1963) socialization is considered to be a two­
fold process:

the subjective aspect emphasizes the need for

individuals to choose freely from among the innumerable
behavioral alternatives the ones that will provide him the
most gratifying relationships in his environment; on the
other hand, the objective aspect reveals the pressures
exerted by society to establish norms in order to determine
its members' beliefs, values, attitudes, and behavior for
the purpose of providing the stability and order needed.
Past research reflects both of these processes.
Perhaps most known is the classic Whiting and Child's
research

(1954) based on a theoretical model which starts

with the political, socio-economic system as the basis for
the developing individual.

These are the key elements of

the maintenance system which is perpetuated through
socialization and child training practices.

In turn

certain personality characteristics develop which are
reflected in the cultural realm.
reflects this hypothesis

The following diagram

(Hsu, p. 356):

Maintenance ___^
Child
___ ^
System
Training Practices

Personality^Projective
Variables
System

6
Many social scientists refute this model
1950; Aronoff, 1971).

(e.g., McClelland,

Hsu (1961) raises some thought

provoking questions, which compel us to probe the impli­
cations of Whiting's model.
If the psychological characteristics of the individual,
whether indent!fied with his total personality or with
the socially functioning part of it, are dependent
upon culturally conditioned child-rearing practices
or socialization processes, what are the factors which
determine or at least shape the patterns of culture,
which in turn condition the child rearing practices
or socialization?
He believes:
The best accepted view at present is that the indi­
vidual and society-culture relationship is a two way
traffic in special progression.
The individual's
psychological characteristics are results of his
socialization processes, but his psychological
characteristics are in turn, at the roofc of~iEKe
patterns of culture, in change, or in stability,
which govern the socialization process (p. 356,
Italics added).
The questions he raises are important and need to
be answered.

The writer of this paper has some hesistancy

accepting the underlined portion of his response, i.e.,
. but his psychological characteristics are in turn
at the root of the patterns of culture, in change, or in
stability, which govern the socialization process."

The

fallacy lies in the generalizability of such a concept.
For members of the broader and controlling culture this
may have merit.

But, Hsu, as many of his colleagues in

the social sciences fail to qualify the exceptions which
may be operant when considering the minority, subordinate,
and oppressed members of a society.

7
David Aberle

(1961) puts forth a theoretical

orientation that allows for these differences.

After

questioning the analysis social scientists frequently
give to socialization practices, he goes on to comment:
. . . now we see that the ecological niche of the
culture affects its socialization practices. Thus,
factors themselves the results of socialization can
be seen to affect socialization practices and
through them (as well as directly) the personalities
of constituent members of the society.
The task ahead
is that of tracing the impact not only to ecological
and technological factors, but to economic and
political units in which the bulk of childhood
socialization occurs— the family in almost all
societies, age groups where present, and schools
in the socializing units, and on the aims of the
socializers, these factors can probably be shown
to account for a very large amount of the variance
in socialization patterns from one- society, or
segment of a society, to another (p. 383).
Historical Background of the Problem
The extant body of research on Americans of African
descent is voluminous.

Up until the civil rights movement

in the 1950's such research efforts were chiefly concentrated
on the "I.Q. of the Negro" and other such interests, often
with the intent of demonstrating the innate inferiority of
this group.

During the 1950's a U.S. Supreme Court Decision

(1954) reversed the previous 1864 ruling by declaring
"separate but equal" educational facilities inherently
unequal.

The consequences of attempts to implement (or

subvert) this decision apparently have not appreciably
improved the lot of most American Blacks.

Nevertheless,

the 1954 decision along with the emergence of Rosa Parks

8
and Martin Luther King, Jr. leading the bus boycotts in
the South, as well as other similar events paralleled a shift
of emphasis to research on "The Negro Personality."

With

the advent of sit-ins in South Carolina protesting public
segregation, the emotionally tinged concept of "Black
Power" demanded by Stokely Carmichael, the rioting or
rebellions in the urban areas

(Los Angeles-Watts, Newark,

and Detroit), the decolonization of African countries and
the accompanying manifestations of Blacks in America
identifying with their African heritage, a different and
.more probing emphasis emerged in research undertaken during
the 1960's.

Researchers began to probe into such long

held prior assumptions such as the beliefs that* Blacks
were submissive by nature, interested only in intermarriage
with whites and integration

(as defined by the white

populace), and could be appeased and comforted if given
a "larger piece of the pie" in the economic and social
system.

The overt behavior of Blacks was contradictory

to these firmly stereotyped impressions.

Contradictions

existed between what seemingly had been imprinted in the
minds of whites, what continued to be reported by the mass
media and the research by whites regarding Blacks,

and

the reality that whites were perceiving in the actual
rhetoric and actions of black people.
Apparently perplexed, members of the broader
culture began a new phase of studies as to the causes of

9
Blacks' discontent.

This was reported in such documents

as the McCone Commission Report
Advisory Commission
and others.

(1965), the National

(1968), the Detroit Committee

(1968),

In general, the conclusions acknowledged the

social ills resulting from the negative attitudes and
behavior of white racism.

For some reason, at this time

in history, a more asserting black man emerged.

He was

more overtly responding to this inherent tradition
racism) in our society.

(white

More important however, and more

positive was the fact that he began to act instead of
merely "reacting" to bring about the necessary changes
for his freedom and equality.
The perennial question, open to considerable
polemics, is "What caused this new man to emerge?"

In

attempting to answer, we might ask whether a group of
people was experiencing some internal drive-motivating
state that caused a drastic change in their needs, prior­
ities, and values? or, we might inquire whether conditions
in the society, culture, and milieu were leading to different
socialization practices.

Actually, an interaction of both

these processes probably precipitated the behavioral changes.
From our vantage point the ultimate question to be answered
is whether we can extricate the psychological understanding
germane to this behavior from a detailed study of black
cultures.
Returning to our "new black man," what are the salient
characteristics worthy of exploration?

It is important and

10
appropriate to amplify upon use of the term "new black man."
What I am suggesting here is really more a difference in
degree rather than kind.

For history reveals that Black

men have been protesting domination, enslavement, and
racism from the time of the "Middle Passage."

The first

notable Negro slave revolt in Hispaniola broke out as
early as 1522.

Famous revolutionists in subsequent periods

include Denmark Vessy, Nat Turner, and David Walker.

Today,

however, individual acts of protest seem to be more intense
on a larger scale, and they affect a significantly larger
cross-section of Black populations.

Considerable research

more recently has been devoted to "militancy" in explaining
his personality
1967).

(Caplan, 1968; Tomlison, 1968; and Marx,

Alternative explanations have been racial pride

(Schuman, 1968).

Regardless of which orientation one

chooses to accept, the increased assertiveness' among
African Americans has been linked to his "Black conscious­
ness."

That is, he began to acknowledge his blackness

(mentally and physically), and the place of his origin
without the long held feelings of inferiority; moreover,
it was manifested in a manner reflecting a valued, realizedself in contrast to the varying degrees of a hated-self
which had prevailed in the past.
Being Black immediately defines you as part of a
group.

One is not a doctor, lawyer, musician, teacher,

salesman— rather, he is a Black doctor, Black lawyer, etc.

11
Growing up Black one experiences these designations as a
part of

his

existence.

With the spawning of the "Black

Power" movement in 1964, Blackness was viewed from a
different vantage point.

No longer were the "others"

defining members of the "negro" group.
intense self-determining group emerged.

Rather, a more
Members of this

group shed the name Negro and began to refer to themselves
as Black.

Blackness took on a positive connotation.

became a part of one's consciousness about self.

It

This

consciousness compelled one to explore Blackness from its
depth to its apex— from historical roots in‘Motherland
Africa to wherever he might be dispersed in this universe.
Blackness was an awareness of one's total existence.

Thus,

this Black consciousness had to be explored in the many
contexts of one's existence.
In the present research Black consciousness is
being defined as a value as used within the frameworks of
R. Handy's

(1970) valuing transaction and of F. Kluckhohn's

(1961), value-orientation.
Since the concept of "value" carries many different
connotations and definitions, Handy attempts to provide
some specificity for the concept, while at the same time
allowing for broader interpretations.

To avoid hypostati-

zation or reification of the concept he uses the phrase
"valuing transactions" which is taken as a behavioral
process.

By this he means that one does not value a

12
concrete "thing" so to speak; rather, he values a dynamic,
behavioral process that is comprised of varying beliefs.
For example, freedom is not a tangible, concrete thing.
Instead, it reflects a dynamic state and represents many
beliefs that are a part of the total concept.
Florence Kluckhohn's definition is particularly
rich and operationally relevant to black consciousness.
She defines value orientations as "complex but definitely
patterned (rank-ordered) principles, resulting from the
transactual interplay of three analytically distinguishable
elements of the evaluative process— the cognitive, affective,
find directive elements— which give order and direction to
the ever-flowing stream of human acts and thoughts as these
relate to the solution of 'common human' problems

(1961,

p. 4 )."
What accrues to those who have a high degree of
Black consciousness?

How does it interplay with the more

overt and assertive Black individual?

It was stated in

the early part of this paper that the valuing of Black
consciousness interacts with psychological needs producing
a self-actualizing individual

(or group, if perceived as

an extension of self).
Proponents of an interaction existing between needs
and values include such social scientists as Maslow
Murray (1967), Lee
R. Parks

(1959), Parsons and Shils

(1950), to name a few.

(1954),

(1962) and

They do not all agree,

13
however, as to the order of emergence of the two.

It

appears as though what one comes to value is an almost
natural outgrowth of what one needs.

It is adherence to

such a belief that underlies the distinctions expected to
be at odds between the two cultures under study.
Providing additional theoretical support for the
writer's belief in an isomorphism between values and needs
is Handy's position:
. . . it seems to me that most of the things we might
call valuable are also things that satisfy needs (as
'need* is used here).
This is not, of course, to say
that people mean 'X satisfies a need' when they say
'X is valuable,' but rather that the field of reference
are similar (1970, p. 187).
What are needs?

The need theory to be tested in

the present research is Abraham Maslow's

(1954).

According

to Maslow, needs are universal and organismically based.
That is, they are physiologically or neuro-physiologically
based states within the individual.

He identifies five hier

archical needs which ascend from physical, safety, love and
belongingness needs to self-esteem and self-actualization
needs.

These needs will be operationally defined and ex­

plored in later sections of the paper.
Handy takes issue with theories postulating needs
as being entirely organismic, stating,
Need is an unstable or disturbed equilibrium in
behavior. . . . Behavior is taken not as of the
organism alone, but as the organic-environmental
situations. These organic-environmental instabili­
ties, which are found throughout adjustive behavior
(including sign behavior) typically are accompanied
by increased or protracted activity and tension.
The behavior concerned may focus on the achievement
of some goal object or on the avoidance of some
object or on the avoidance of some object situation.

14
Preferences are displayed, the responses made are
selective, and the outcome is a restoration of
equilibrium or its stabilization (e.g., release
of tension, quienscence) (1970, p. 183).
Both Maslow and Handy, nevertheless, consider needs
as drive motivating states.

The critical issues concern

how much needs are affected by environmental and social
forces, and whether they are totally autonomous of the
environment in their derivation.
Statement of Problem
The proposed cross-cultural research is three-fold
in nature.

First, it is designed to determine and compare

the prepotent psychological needs of black adolescents in
two North American countries.

These countries propound

different cultural orientations.

One country espouses a

"melting pot" philosophy for its many ethnic groups? while
the other country clearly

(at least conceptually)

a belief in "cultural pluralism"

(Winks, 1969),

evidences
The second

aim of the study is to examine the relationship existing
between certain psychological needs and the valuing of
Black consciousness as a function of different socialization
practices in the two cultures.

Finally, the researcher

hopes to demonstrate the salience of such information for
socialization practices by revealing how a change in the
educational programs geared to developing a positive Black
consciousness can significantly enhance the propensity
toward self-actualization.

15
Moreover, since one of the aims of research is to
confirm the general!zability of postulates set forth in
existing theories, then we must continue critically to
analyze and test their applicability to different popu­
lations within the universe.

The current study examines

the relationship between psychological needs, as developed
in Maslow's organismic theory, and their functional levels
for Black adolescents who live in settings with conflicting
cultural values.

It seems fairly obvious to the researcher

that there is a different patterning of interaction between
needs and culture for those individuals whose needs are
interacting with the demands of the broader culture only.
Specifically, the researcher is proposing that the func­
tioning level of needs demonstrated by Blacks in the two
cultures under investigation are not subject to the same
kind of interaction with this broader culture as would
be the case for their white counterparts.

The present

investigation is limited to black subjects only; however,
a similar study comparing blacks and whites should be very
revealing in regard to the proposition set forth by current
writer.
Such a position requires a knowledge of external
forces; therefore to get a more complete picture of how
the prepotency of needs may develop in black people it is
imperative that a penetrating analysis of black cultures
be seriously undertaken.

Past failures to present

16
information in this sphere is unfortunate--for it has
allowed a massive body of research relative to blacks to
start with false premises and to err seriously in inter­
pretations .
This penetrating analysis of black cultures will
best be understood in relation to the central position of
the paper.

The main theme of this paper is that social

learning for Blacks

(especially as it is taught by primary

socializing agents such as educational institutions) in­
culcates a devaluation of self (and either directly or by
extension of self— one's racial group), along with a
distortion of self, is insensitive to the needB of Black
youths, and in turn serves to stifle growth toward selfactualization .
This can best be exemplified through the following
frames of references as related to socialization in the
cultures of Blacks:
1.

Psychological needs within the two Black cultures

will be analyzed first as related to role theory (Rose, 1965;
Parsons and Shils, 1962; Homans, 1950).

That is, each group

will be viewed in terms of the roles which the dominant
cultures have ascribed for them and in terms of their
acceptance or rejection of the roles.

Are the roles self-

esteeming or self-depreciatory?
2.

Next, we shall focus on the more global aspects

of socialization practices.

Of particular relevance to

17
this aspect: is whether the socializing practices within
the Black culture are in accord with or in conflict with
the prescriptions and proscriptions of the broader cultures'
socializing beliefs, values, attitudes, laws, etc.

As is

evident from writings dealing both explicitly and implicitly
with socialization, we are made aware of its centrality in
cultural diversities.

We know that values within cultures

are transmitted through socialization processes, and often
they tend to reflect those needs required for the mainte­
nance of a system (e.g., S. Elkins, 1968; and K. Stammps,
1956

work on Slavery; Whiting and Murdock, 1950; Whiting

and Child, 1953).

Values also reflect a culture's reward

system (French and Reven, 1959; French, Morrison, and
Levinger, 1960; Mowrer, 1950; 1958).
(1962)

A quote from Parsons'

definition of socialization is appropriate for

amplification of this point:
. . . the child becomes oriented to the wishes which
embody for him the values of the adult, and his
viscerogenic needs become culturally organized needs,
which are shaped so that their gratification is
sought in directions compatible with his integration
into this system of interaction (p. 18).
There is a considerable body of literature attesting
to socialization practices which have, led Blacks to devalue
themselves and to manifest needs and desires to be white or
gain white acceptance

(e.g., Clark and Clark, 1947; Goodman,

1952; Landreth and Johnson, 1953; Moreland, 1962; Radke and
Trager, 1950; Stevenson and Stewart, 1958).

Parker and

Kleiner (1956) document the psychological unhealthiness
in aspiring to be white.

18
Diametrically opposed to this pattern of sociali­
zation is a new body of literature indicating socializing
practices that negate pro-white and anti-black
Johnson, 1966; Maliver, 1965; Noel, 1965).

(Banks, 1970;

Thus, it might

be suggested that a change in the culture of Blacks has
induced a corresponding change in personality.
are being re-educated, so to speak.

Blacks

There is less emphasis

on modeling white and more on enhancing black.

Kurt Lewin

is very convincing in viewing the re-educative process as
fulfilling a task which is essentially equivalent to a
change in culture
Ferguson

(1948).

From a social learning point L.

(1970) says that much of socialization is more

efficiently accomplished through imitation and observational
learning.

Modeling and imitation for blacks has been more

available through audio-visual equipment, e.g., as demon­
strated in T. V. series "Black History, Lost, Strayed, or
Stolen" On Black America

(Summer of 1968).

Sekou Tourd has

defined culture in such a manner that is supportive of this
deduction:
By culture, we understand all the material and
immaterial works of art, of science, plus knowledge,
manners, education, a mode of thought, behavior and
attitudes accumulated by a people by virtue of their
struggle for freedom from idle hold and dominion of
nature; we also include the result of their efforts
to destroy the deviationist politics— social system
of domination and exploitation through the productive
process of social life.
This culture stands revealed as both an exclusive
creation of the people and a source of creation, as

19
an instrument of socio-economic liberation and as
one of domination.
Culture implies our struggle—
it is our struggle (1969, p. 12).
This change in culture is also to be noted in a
change in reference groups.

In pursuing this line of

reasoning it is necessary to ascertain which reference
groups the persons in our two cultures identify with in
establishing socialization practices.
identification as defined by Kelman:

We are using
"Identification can

be said to occur when an individual accepts influence
because he wants to establish or maintain a satisfying
self-defining relationship to another person or group
(1958, p. 514)."

Reference group as used here refers to

that group which an individual uses as a point of reference
in assessing and evaluating himself and others

(Homans,

1950), and one in which an individual is motivated to gain
or maintain acceptance (e.g., Merton, 1950; Newcomb, 1950;
Sherif, 1956).

As pointed out by H. Kelley

reference groups are significant for:
development of attitudes,

(1965),

(1) interpreting

(2) predicting their expression

under different social conditions,

(3) understanding the

social basis of stability or resistance to change, and
(4) devising means to increase or overcome this resistance.
Finally, we want to look at the prepotency for
self-actualization

(in relation to self-esteem and love

and belongingness) and how it is related to subjects
identification with Black consciousness when compared with

20
information emitted from the analysis described above.
This aspect is suspected to bear particular relevance to
the education one has received about himself.

We will

seek to establish the extent to which education has and/or
can be effective in enhancing the self-actualization need.
To further accomplish this task we must undertake a two­
fold analysis:

First, we must ascertain what factors

(concretely) have been operant in the past to stifle growth
in this tendency toward self-actualization; and secondly
we must look at the strengths in Blacks' personalities
which are correlates of self-actualizing individuals.
Research has demonstrated the commonalities in
Black Americans' personalities that can be traced to their
"peculiar cultures."

At one end of the continuum we are

provided with the self-hate explanations

(e.g., Ausubel and

Ausubel, 1965; Clark and Clark, 1947; Grier and Cobbs, 1969;
Poussaint, 1969) which actually have proved invaluable to
the black man for relating his perceived self to the system
in which he lives— i.e. over a period of time he has
recognized why this negative view of self persists.

The

other end of the continuum, self-love, has not been fully
explored and presented as a concomitant trait in the image
of Black Americans projected by such sources as mass media,
radio, television, newspapers, magazines and schools.

This

has encouraged the tendency to subsume Black Americans in
certain common rubricized categories as one homogeneous,

21
self-negating group, with supposedly the same needs, values,
attitudes and behavioral patterns

{mostly predicated on the

model of "lower socio-economic Negroes").

Maslow's theory

of needs provides a basis for either supporting or
refuting the homogeneity of these needs.

Further his

theory provides us with a base to look at strengths by
pursuing the positive aspects of needs.
We must begin to ask the question as to how much
of what we have been saying about Blacks in U.S. will also
hold true for the Blacks in Canada.

To begin, the dearth

of information in the literature on Black Canadians is
even

more striking; yet, that which is available tends

to present them

from the same perspective given Black

Americans— one monolithic group,

inherent in this study

will be the task of dispelling such faulty impressions
and processes of analysis.
The characteristics immediately entering one's
mind about Blacks north of the United States border are
varied.

One fre quently hears such comments as "I didn't

know there were enough Blacks to even consider them as
having problems.

There are other commonly held assump­

tions which prepare us to expect Black Canadians to be
different from Black Americans— generally in a more
favorable sense,

The primary motif for such beliefs is

that they do not have a long and intensive history of
slavery in that country; in fact, many people do not know

22
there is any history of slavery in Canada and remind us
that Canada was a place of freedom for Black Americans
(i.e., end goal of the Underground Railroad).

A b with

the history of Blacks in the United States there is another
side to be told.
Excerpts from a recent article by Robin Winks
(1969d) are apt to convey a different impression, and at
the same time support some of the assumptions mentioned
above.

He points out, "The black man that Canadians

discovered by the 1960's was, in fact, in many ways very
different from the Negro in the United States.

The Canadian

Negro, despite his longer period of legal freedom, despite
the lack of any historical memory within most white Canadians
of an indigenous slave period, and despite his comparative
scarcity in Canada, has been considerably less agressive
in seeking out and laying claims to his rights. . . ."

As

he continues his analysis, the stereotypic thinking is
evidenced:

"...

this seems at first all the more strange,

since a process of natural selection in all probability
sent to Canada more energetic, more enterprising, and
imaginative Negroes than often remained in the American
South.

Yet the Canadian Negro as a whole does not seem

to have shown the cumulative pride, energy, enterprise
and courage that the catalog of individual acts of defiance
would lead one to expect

(p. 2)."

23
At this point we are curious as to whether there
is actual dissonance between the personality characteristics
suggested as being inherent in this group of Black Canadians
and those personality characteristics which are manifested;
or, did the writer put himself in a bind by starting with
invalid assumptions about the modal personality and "modus
operand!" of Black Canadians?
Are there other significantly noted differences
between these two groups?

Winks provides us with a cross-

cultural analysis of some noticeable differences:
More basically, the various identifiable Negro
groups in Canada differ because they have continued
to preserve far more than have Negroes in the United
States their own self-conscious lines (1969d,‘p. 9).
Continuing, he attributes much of Black Canadians'
plights to divisions which they have created and continue
to perpetuate, resulting in the inability to organize asj
a group.

Due to these conditions, national leadership is

lacking among Blacks.

If one raises the question "Who

speaks for the Negro?", Winks is quick to reply, "No one
does, least of all

the Negro Himself

explanation for this is that

Negroes

(p. 9)."The
in Canada continue

to identify with the historical group from which their
ancestry is traced

to.

That i s , the

Loyalist Blacks

(those who came as

slaves or free men with the United

Empire Loyalists and comprised the Black Pioneer units)
consider themselves superior to all other Blacks in Canada.

Seen as competing for this spot are the descendants of
Jamaican Maroons who are hung up on pride in their West
Indian heritage.

Refugee Blacks

(according to Winks) are

viewed with disdain by the Loyalists and Maroon descendants.
And last on the totem-pole are fugitive slaves, along with
the present day United States and West Indian Blacks.

Winks

further notes cleavages within the West Indian groups which
can be attributed to island rivalry.
Given this situation it is hardly surprising that,
as Winks claims, "the Negroes of Nova Scotia and those of
British Columbia have never been brought together through
an organization or leader (1969d, p. 3)."

This is unfortu­

nate, if true, for we have seen how involvement in organi­
zations among Blacks in the United States tends to heighten
awareness and serves as a catalyst to change.

Indeed, we

would expect that in those places where organization for
redressing grievances are available, those individuals
who participate will be consciously aware of their blackness
and will tend more toward self-actualizing behaviors.
Thus, Winks

(1969d), describes the "Canadian

Negro's Dilemma" as striving for more acceptance as a
Canadian.

But such striving for individual acceptance

entails minimizing identification with the Black race as
a group.

In contrast, Blacks in the United States at this

period generally acknowledge their common historical past

25
with slavery, the civil war, and reconstruction; furthermore,
they now tend to view the nation-wide civil rights struggle
as forming the basis for unity.
Since we believe that culturally relevant factors
influence the values one holds, on the basis of the fore­
going account of differences between Blacks in the United
States and Canada we expect Blacks in Canada to demonstrate
a lower valuing of Black consciousness.
Other than their different ancestral heritages

and

differences created by the "cultural pluralism" vs "melting
pot" orientations of their respective

countries, how might

the culture of Blacks in Canada differ from that in the
United States?

More specifically, how will the aspects of

culture within our sample populations differ?

It is

hypothesized that to a large extent differences in pre­
potency of needs which emerge can be traced to cultural
relevant factors.
We will begin our analysis by erecting as guideposts
some of the components of Black cultures in America.
we must

Then

ask if we can assume that such components will also

be prevalent in Black cultures in Canada.
What are the components of the Black cultures in
America?

Needless to say there are many.

However, a Black

anthropologist summarizes some of these elements and gives
us a foundation to begin with.

Johnetta Cole

(1970) proposes

three main components reflected in Black cultures in America.

26
First, there are those drawn from mainstream (shared intercultural interactions) America; secondly, we have those
which are shared in varying proportions with all oppressed
people; and finally, those which appear to be peculiar to
Blacks,.

Explicating this model she points out that with

the main culture Black people share many of the traits of
material culture, values, and behavioral patterns— such as
cars, clothing, emphasis on technology and watching T.V.
With oppressed groups, she hypothesizes a "denial urge,"
which is common to all members.

This is the condemnation

of one's status and by extension one's self.

The third

element is concerned with cultural patterns peculiar to
Blacks and reflected in soul and style.

These descriptive

categories are very important for purposes of analysis,
for they aid in demonstrating how certain needs are
represented and expressed in cultural terms.

As defined

by the author, soul is not considered a genetic phenomenon;
rather, the result of being Black in America (or in the
world)* teaches one how to live, feel, and express soul.
The following three notions are suggested as being en­
compassed in soul:

(1) soul is long suffering;

(2) soul

is deep emotion; and (3) soul is the ability to feel
oneness with all black people.
*

Writers insert— based on impression and to some
extent documentation from the history of blacks dispersed
throughout the world.

27
These elements postulated as being embedded in
Black cultures requires one to provide a more in-depth
analysis of these cultures— both, their inherent qualities
by choice and those qualities reflecting the impinging
forces of extraneous sources that create needs in response
to deprivations from the broader culture— and thus
acquiring a survival and defensive quality.
With this foundation the central focus of study
re-emerges:

For Blacks in the United States and Blacks

in Canada their basic needs, while having some physiologi­
cal or neuro-physiological derivation, are more a function
of their cultures, which have been determined or developed
to a large degree

(though not totally) as a defense and

response to the prescriptions and proscriptions demanded
of them by the majority in the broader culture and social
system.

Given these as background conditions, it is

hypothesized that the self-actualized Black individual
who develops today will tend to follow a pattern unique
in itself; i.e., there will be less of the propensity to
respond defensively to extraneously induced deprivations
and more of a tendency to respond to intrinsic gratifying
needs.

It is not the intent to present the "oversocialized

model of man."

The emphasis on the socio-cultural signifi­

cance is necessary to assess systematically Maslow's need
theory.

For if it is accepted in its present postulated

form and most prevalent usages, the level of needs which

28
are prepotent for Blacks emanate from within.
a totally innate characteristic.

They take on

Thus, we respond to his

progress as we have in the past— the individual Black.

Once

we respond to him at all as a Black we identify his importance
as being entrenched in this group.

Therefore, we must

explore his needs as being reflective of his group's situa­
tion.

The model being suggested is speculative and the

researcher feels that it should be examined systematically
and critically for confirmation or rejection.

Some recent

research (Gurin and Gurin, 1969? Lao, 1970) indicates
differences in Blacks and whites relative to internal or
external control of beliefs— which has some implications
in the direction of the hypothesized model.
found that " . . .

Lao

(1970)

whites show a much higher relationship

between personal and ideological beliefs than Negroes."
She concludes that, "For without the same experiences of
discrimination and racial prejudice, whites are less likely
to perceive an inconsistency between cultural beliefs.and
what works for themselves

(p. 269)."

Most generally this is true? however we can see
the situation with more clarity by observing those whites
who are giving cogent thought to the cultural beliefs they
have been socialized to accept and are now rejecting them
as invalid.
ance.

As a result, they to are experiencing disson­

This is witnessed on a day to day basis in their

attempts to incorporate cultural values of other groups.

29
In other words, they are attempting to reconstruct the
broader culture by living according to the precepts which
are stated in the "noble document"

(U.S. Constitution),

mimicked in their religious doctrines, and stated by their
parents as moral dictates— but nullified in their behavior.
These youth are trying to re-educate themselves as well
as those in the groups which define their existence.
Kurt Lewin (1948) develops a convincing theoretical
formulation which claims that the re-educative process ful­
fills a task which is essentially equivalent to inducing
a change in the culture.

Accordingly, this re-educative

process is conceived as changing knowledges and beliefs,
values and standards, emotional attachments and needs.
For didactic purposes, he illustrates how this process
works in re-educating a carpenter who decides to become
a watchmaker.

This involves considerable more than the

task of teaching this carpenter a set of new watchmaking
skills.

That is "before he can become a watchmaker, the

carpenter . . . will have to acquire a new system of habits,
standards, and values— the standards which characterize
the thinking and behavior of watchmakers

(p. 58)."

It is being suggested here that the culture of
Blacks must be changed, and the broader culture must
incorporate these changes.
is healthy for all.

A new culture emerges which

Educational institutions are in the

most ideal position for accomplishing this task.

To a

30
large extent, they are responsible for the necessity of
such a change and are compelled to rectify earlier mistakes.
Statement of Hypothesis
In concluding the theoretical framework it seems
appropriate to restate the central position in the present
study.

Our main theme is that socializing agents

(specifi­

cally, educational institutions) are in conflict with Black
cultures and contribute to Blacks' devaluation of self

(and

by extension their racial group), along with distorted
views of the self, and in turn serve to stifle growth
toward self-actualization.

This can best be tested

through the following hypothesis:
H-:

Black adolescents from the Michigan sample will
demonstrate a stronger degree of Black con­
sciousness and accompanying prepotency for
self-actualization than Black adolescents from
Nova Scotia; conversely, Black adolescents from
Nova Scotia will demonstrate stronger perpotency
needs for love and belongingness and self-esteem
needs with an accompanying lower valuing of Black
consciousness than will their Black counterparts
from Michigan.
(a) The student’s identified reference groups
will vary in the two cultures as a function
of present socialization practices evidenced
in the school curriculum and activities.

H-:

Black consciousness and self-actualization needs
will become more prepotent and subscribed to for
adolescents who are provided with education about
their cultural heritage and aimed at developing
a positive valuing of Black consciousness.

H-:

The past, present, and/or future tendency to
participate and/or subscribe to collective
action and activities with group members aimed
at enhancing the potentialities of one's group
and obviating the restrictions serving to

31
derogate the group will be functionally related
to the degree adolescents embrace the value of
Black consciousness and demonstrate prepotency
of the self-actualization need.
These hypotheses can be more fully appreciated from
the perspective of Proshansky and Newton

(196 8).

They

assume that negative self-identification is frequently
rooted in negative group identification and that positive
self-identity is dependent on positive group identification.
This is in keeping with corroborative evidence that personal
or self-pride is essentially the expression of group pride
(Cheirn, 1948; Grossbach,

1956; and Lewin, 1948).

Proshansky

and Newton feel that answers lie in three m o d e s :
1.

Social insight— If a Negro, he needs to view the
social system and the white man, not himself, as
the source of his difficulties.

2.

Negroes must see possibilities for 1action.1

3.

The Negroes perception of the significance and
historic weight of his struggle provide a further
resource for feelings of self-worth. . . . Unlike
the Jews, American Negroes had no 1apparent'
heritage or tradition to give significance to
their existence or to instill hope for their
future. . . . Spurred by emergence of the African
nations and the pervasive influence of the mass
media, there has been a rediscovery of 'black
culture' and a growing bond uniting black people
throughout the world.
In his own battle, the
American Negro is able to achieve a new sense of
kinship and feeling of purpose— a new, larger,
black identity.
The struggle of black men has
become symbolic of the struggle of all oppressed
groups to achieve dignity and respect in the face
of bigotry and discrimination (pp. 213-14).

32
Overview
A common expression heard frequently among Blacks
and other oppressed groups is that the institutions and
socializing agencies are not “relevant to our needs."

This

has often been passed off as a "cliche" or "in-vogue
rhetoric" that will pass over.

However, history does

not warrant or absolve such a matter of fact handling.
It can be demonstrated cogently that Black peoples needs
have not been met.

One of the questions that the present

study hopes to answer is what are the cultural factors
and socialization practices which predispose Blacks to
value Black consciousness?

For, it is postulated that

the valuing of Black consciousness is related to the
psychological need of self-actualization.

Psychology,

along with history, anthropology and sociology provides
the focus for looking at needs in this study, as they
relate to the valuing of Black consciousness among Black
youth in the United States and Canada.

That there is

some relationship between needs and values has been
theoretically postulated

(R. Handy, 1970; Lee, 1959;

Maslow, 1954; Murray, 1967; R. Parks, 1950; and Parsons
and Shils, 1962) .

Handy, along with others go so far as

to posit a causative direction.
values tend to reflect needs.

He posits the view that
Psychological needs are

viewed as either organismically based
organic-environmental in derivation

(Maslow, 1954) or

(R. Handy, 1970).

33
The valuing of Black Consciousness and the level
of needs will be assessed among Canadian and U.S. Blacks.
Due to a more overt identification with Blacks as a group,
struggling and massive protest among Blacks throughout
the country in U.S., and lessened tendency for Blacks in
U.S. to look down on one of their members due to his
ancestral heritage, it is hypothesized that they will
demonstrate a higher degree of Black Consciousness and
demonstrate a prepotency for self-actualization need more
frequently than their Canadian brothers and sisters.
Chapter two presents a more thorough review of
Black history in Michigan and Nova Scotia.

It is the intent

of the writer to provide evidence regarding the viability
of Winks' propositions set forth in this first chapter.
Secondly, past research using Maslow's theory will be
reviewed.

The need levels will be described.

And

finally, Black Consciousness will be operationally
defined for the present study.
With this background the experimental manipulation,
which will be described in the third chapter, will take
on more meaning a relationship to Lewin's re-education
theoretical formulations.

Socialization as provided by

schools, and other primary agencies will be alluded to.
Results of the study will be presented in Chapter IV? and
interpretations, summaries, and discussions will provide
the foci for Chapter V.

CHAPTER II
REVIEW OP LITERATURE

Black Consciousness
It is often asserted that Black consciousness is
nothing new.

On the one hand one might be inclined to

agree, yet on the other hand disagree.

Before attempting

to explain this paradoxical position let's first define
Black consciousness.

It has already been defined earlier

in the paper as a value-orientation or valuing process.
Let's be more specific

and dissect this phrase.

Black is--Black is a race of people whose descend­
ants are from the continent of Africa.
dispersed to most parts of the world.

They have been
Certain physiologi­

cal characteristics generally identify them from other
groups of races.

On an emotional level they are people

who have experienced much suffering, loved deeply, but
often hated themselves.

For irrational reasons they have

been treated inhumanely by other races.

All of these

descriptive terms have something to do with a consciousness
about the self as part of a unique group.

A consciousness

about the Black self as part of a unique group.
What do we mean by consciousness?
Hitt's

In William

{1 9 6 9 ) article on "Models of Man," Jasper talks
34

35
about self-awareness and consciousness.

For him con­

sciousness has four distinct characteristics.
(A) The feeling of activity— an awareness of being
active.
(B) An awareness of Unity.
(C) An awareness of self as distinct from an outer
world, and all that is not self.
(D) An awareness of Identity.
His is a dynamic and an almost tangible conceptualization
of what is meant by consciousness.
Black consciousness thus combines the above
description of Black with this moving concept of con­
sciousness.

Other views easily fit into this framework.

Stokely Carmichael speaks of developing a consciousness
for Black.

He explains this to mean a sense of peoplehood,

pride rather than shame in Blackness, an attitude of
brotherly, communal responsibility among all Black people
for one another.

He goes on to say this consciousness

must be used to speak to the needs of the people.
Using a different approach which leads to more
polemic conceptualizations and moral connotations we can
compare Black consciousness with the "class consciousness"
that Wilhelm

Reich (1971) describes.

salience of "class
concept.

He questions

(Black)-consciousness" as an ethical

The question he poses is,

If two human beings A & B are starving, the first
accepts his fate, refuses to steal, and takes to
begging or die of hunger, while the second may
take the law into his own hand in order to obtain
food. A large part of 'lumpen proletariat' lives
according to principle of second . . . and not

36
sharing any romantic admiration of the criminal
underworld. Which of the two types has more elements
of class-consciousness in him? (p. 24).
Thinking of Black consciousness as militant, as
some define it, may bear some semblance to the analogy
Reich draws.

The rebellions in the city might be par­

tially understood in this realm.
Concluding, Reich makes the following deductions:
Stealing is 'not yet' a sign of class-consciousness;
but a brief moment of reflection shows— despite our
inner moral resistance that the man who refuses to
submit to law and steals when he's hungry, that is
to say the man who manifests a will to live has more
energy and fight in him than the one who lies down
unprotesting on the butcher's slab.
We persist in believing that the fundamental problem
of a correct psychological doctrine is not why a
hungry man steal's but the exact opposite!
Why
doesn't he steal? We have said that stealing is
'not yet' class-consciousness, and we stick to that.
A brick is not yet a house; but you use bricks to
build houses with (p. 25).
The point is that consciousness is manifested on many
levels.

For example, Art Mathis

(19 71) in a study on

Black consciousness among college students,

found it to

ultimately mean nationalism— both cultural and political.
Baraka

(Leroi Jones, 1969)

speaks of Black con­

sciousness as developing within a nationalistic defined
Black value system.

The specific aspects of this valuing

process are closely related to Carmichael's explanation,
as well as Hitt's characteristics of consciousness, and
Mathis' nationalistic view.
that Baraka proposes are:

Included in this value system
(1) UNITY- (Umoja); (2) SELF-

37
DETERMINATION-(Kujichaqulia)r

(3) COLLECTIVE WORK &

RESPONSIBILITY-(Uiima): (4) COOPERATIVE ECONOMICS-(Ujamma);
(5) PURPOSE-(Nla) ; (6) CREATIVITY-(Ku\imba) ? and (7) FAITH(Imani).
Reflecting on these various descriptions of Black
consciousness, one quickly notes the similarity of the
acts performed by earlier Black figures— i.e. those who
actually lived according to this value.

Harriet Tubman,

Frederick Douglass, David Walker, are but a few examples.
To this extent it certainly can't be defined as new.
Secondly, such movements as the Harlem Renaissance and
the Garvey Movement were built around Black consciousness.
But in spite of its presence before, in a paradoxical
manner Black consciousness today carries an aura of newness
as part of the current Zeitgeist.

Again this is perhaps

related to a difference in degree rather than kind.

It

is not merely the individual acts, or the outstanding
Black organizations where one witnesses this valuing
transaction occurring; the manifest aspects of it are to
be found almost everywhere there are Black people, it cuts
across class-lines and age brackets.

It is this extensive

nature and level of intensity which is new.

As we note

the conditions and origin of Blacks settling in the United
States and Canada, the "sine-qua-non" for a Black con­
sciousness becomes obvious.

However, as a link to this

38
historical material let us give further attention to
research on Maslow's theory of needs.
Maslow's Theory of Psychological Needs
Maslow proposes a theory of needs which are hier­
archical in development.

That is, an individual must

satisfy needs lower on the hierarchy before he can move
to the next level.

The lower needs are believed to be

more closely linked to biological necessities.

As one

moves up this hierarchy and the higher needs become
prepotent, the more he is moving toward growth needs and
away from deficiency needs.
are:

(1) physiological,

belongingness,

In ascending order his needs

(2) safety,

(3) love and

(4) self-esteem, and (5) self-actualization.

He expresses the belief that these needs are in some ways
and to some extent "constitutional or hereditary" in their
determination.

In keeping with this, he asserts that his

"main hypothesis is that human 'urges' or 'basic needs'
alone may be innately given to at least some appreciable
degree.

The pertinent behavior or ability, cognition or

affection need not also be innate, but may

(by our

hypothesis) be learned, analyzed, or expressive (1954,
p. 127)."
Thus, as presented, he accords some inner precipitate
to needs, while acknowledging the feasibility of external
inputs in the manifestation and expression of them.

A more

39
critical analysis of his theory will be a part of the
present study.

In particular, the external inputs which

he acknowledges need to be explored more.

Maslow's theory

was an evolving one, rather than a completed system.
Unfortunately, many researchers accept it as a given.
The importance Maslow attaches to the intrinsic nature
of needs are expounded, yet the questions he raises as
to societal and cultural influence are not explored.

For

example, Maslow states forthrightly the discernible influ­
ence of cultural norms in relation to one's needs.

" . . .

The ways in which self-esteem may be expressed and achieved
are in a large p a r t , although not completely, culturally
determined.

We win the love of other people and express

our affections for them through culturally approved
channels

(1954, p. 45, italics added)."

In developing

this view Maslow provides information that fits in well
with earlier statements centered around roles.

If one

can think of Blacks as he reads this, it seems that the
model I have proposed will begin to take on more meaning.
Maslow says "The fact is that in a complex society, status
roles are also in part culturally determined and will often
shift the expression of personality syndromes.

It should

be pointed out that there is often a 1culturally approved
syndrome level' for each of the syndromes, e.g., security,
self-esteem, social activity.

The fact can be seen most

clearly in cross-cultural comparison and in historical
comparisons

(1954, pp. 45 & 46; italics added)."

40
We can now move ahead to the other part of our
schema, i.e., the proposition that the self-actualization
need for Blacks will follow different patterns.

It is

hypothesized that Blacks who demonstrate a prepotency for
this need will be responding to some inner drive

(toward

growth) with little or no concern for the need prepotency
(or deficiency needs) as imposed by the broader culture.
It is believed that these individuals will strive to
satisfy the self-actualization need in spite of severe
deprivation of basic needs
was Frederick Douglass).

(a notable example in history
This conceptualization thus

questions Maslow's need prepotency hierarchy.

There are

many examples of Blacks in history whom we would consider
self-actualized individuals but who contradict Maslow's
tenet that, self-actualization need arises to prepotency
only after other basic needs have been satisfied.

According

to Maslow, "the healthy organism is, paradigmatically need
gratified and therefore released for self-actualization,
then we thereby

assume

that the organism develops from

within by intrinsic growth tendencies, in the Bergsonian
sense, rather than from without, in behavioristic sense
of environmental determination . . . (1954, p. 116)."
Thus it appears that some aspects of Maslow's theoretical
conceptualizations on self-actualized individuals hold
true for Blacks while others do not; furthermore we expect
different correlates of self-actualization for Blacks.

41
Such findings would suggest needed modifications in Maslow*s
theory.

These speculations thus provide background for

questioning: and possibly broadening Maslow*s propositions.
Continuing his exposition, Maslow makes a cogent
analysis that has importance for blacks in' our- system. ’
He contends- that, "the neurotic organism is one that lacks
certain satisfactions that can Inly come from the environ­
ment.

It

is therefore more dependent on the environment and

less autonomous and self-determined, i.e., more shaped by
nature of the environment and less shaped by its own intrin­
sic nature

(1954, p. 116)."

The rhetoric and action of

self-actualized Blacks seem to reflect a striving for an
end state opposite to this; i.e., they seek self-determination
and to be shaped by their own intrinsic nature.

The per­

meating theme among Black Americans who are moving in such
a direction is that a Black must first accept himself by
achieving a positive identity if he is to actualize and not
derogate himself.
"But what if the 'milieu* is determined to let
live only at the expense of a permanent loss of identity?
(Erikson, 1950, p. 213)."

Then, if an oppressed man

wants to continue to live and at the same time actualize
himself, he must change the "milieu"

(for history continues

to demonstrate that the "milieu" rejects black selfactualization) .
Let us now review two studies using Maslow*s theory
of needs as a background for this investigation.

42
Two Studies on Maslow'9 Theory of Needs
In an investigation exploring the relationship
between culture and personality among fisherman and cane
cutters in St. Kitts, Aronoff (1967, 1971) used Maslow's
theory of needs.

He proposed a model to challenge the

Whiting model which places the central emphasis on culture.
For, in keeping with the central thesis of Maslow's theory,
he argues that needs are the central focus that influence
societal institutions.

However, he acknowledges that these

needs are in interaction with two other factors— historicalsociocultural institutions and environmental determinates.
Schematically, he proposes the following* model.

historical
sociocultural
institutions

psychological
determinants
environmental
determinants

reciprocal interchange between
sociocultural institutions and
psychological organizations

personality
variables
observed

sociocultural
institutions
observed

In his initial study (1967) he hypothesized an
interaction between culture and personality as related to
needs and societal institutions.

The needs he was most

interested in were safety and self-esteem.

Safety prepotency

43
was operationalized in terms of high or low loss of family
members at an early age of life.

Thus, due to deprivation

in the realm of safety find security, it was hypothesized
that those with high losses would show greater prepotency
for safety; conversely, those with low loss would not be
as fixated on safety and would be free to concern them­
selves with the higher needs of love and belongingness
and self-esteem.

As a result, the societal institutions

in which these individuals worked would be greatly
influenced by the need level most important-to its members.
As fishermen show significantly lower safety needs they
tended to be more concerned with self-esteem, love and
belongingness.

This was reflected in the way their

fishing crews were organized (i.e., with prestige systems
based on individual personal capacities; satisfactory
interpersonal relations; democratic leadership roles as
well as membership roles requiring much personal initiative;
and pay systems rewarding individual output).

Diametrically

opposed to this was the organizational structure of cane
cutters gangs.

These men had high losses at early ages

and tended to be more safety "fixated."

Thus in their

work gangs, they tended to be more fearful and distrustful
of each other; had developed authoritarian work structures
in which the high status of the head cutter had little to
do with his personal capacities; in which membership roles

44
presupposed a lack of individual initiative and responsi­
bility; and in which group rather than personal effort was
rewarded.
The results support the theory that deprivation of
needs at a particular level tends to create a certain
amount of fixation at that level, and does not allow
individuals to move to higher levels.
Theoretically Aronoff's position is sound and
confirmed.

Several methodological problems', however,

lead one to question his conclusions.

First, he states

that he could demonstrate that all historical, cultural,
racial and political factors were the same for both groups.
Comparing cane-cutters gangs and fishermen crews on other
surrounding islands, he notes that the organizations are
often the direct opposite from those on St. Kitts.

On

this basis he concludes "this shows there is no force
inherent in the economic structure that demand this
particular organization.

Thus the findings Buggest that

the differing psychological needs strongly influence the
different social structures developed by cane-cutters and
fishermen (1971, p. 54),"
While there is seemingly nothing inherent in
economic structures to make for organizational differences
in fishermen and cane-cutters, there may be social and
historical factors which are operant.

But the major basis

for questioning Arnoff's conclusions is his failure to

45
offer other factors besides early loss of significant family
which might influence safety.

The extended family of

African origin is prevalent among Black people, particularly
in the West Indies; therefore early loss of parents might
not have the same connotation in their culture aB it would
in the white-middle class culture of the United States.
For example, Aronoff attributes a change which he found
among cane-cutters in 1966 to the fact the "new canecutters were born and reared during World War II, when
world transportation was frozen.

Parents stayed on the

island, reared their children in intact families, satisfied
their safety need and so produced a different kind of
person, who in seeking to satisfy his esteem needs,
totally reorganized the traditional economic structure
(1971, p. 55)
One cannot conclude from the fact that parents
stayed on the island that they reared the child (as opposed
to aunts and grandmothers whom he states raised many of the
children from emancipation to W.W. I I ) ; and that the parents
above influenced level of need prepotency among islanders.
How was the Black power Movement affecting this island?
Aronoff*s model is ideal in depicting an indi­
vidual's personality interacting with historical, socio­
cultural forces to influence both the needs observed and
the social structure of evolving institutions.

Unfortu­

nately Aronoff limits his conclusions to needs resulting

46

from family as the cultural force.

What other socializing

agents might contribute to the level of needs?
Aronoff mentions that the population of St. Kitts
is generally forced to work on estates and reside on
estate-owned land.

As an alternative they may emigrate.

How might one relate this situation to safety?

Further

in Aronoff1s description of the medical, economic,
nutritional, and demographic factors of deprivation
which most St. Kittitians are exposed to, one begins
to see sociocultural factors greatly influencing need
level.

Thhs taking Maslow's central position that needs

are organismically based as a given leads to ignoring the
possibility of a bio-social interaction
It is within the context of these unanswered
questions that the present researcher wishes to explore
psychological needs.

Since Simpson's research is relevant

to this exploration, we shall now turn to it.
Simpson's

(19 71) theoretical propositions relating

needs, values, and socialization was referred to at the
beginning of this paper.

Her research is important, first,

because if makes use of Maslow's theory of heeds; secondly,
it bears some relationship to the present study.

That is,

she is interested in the relationship between needs,
values and schools as socializing agents.
Simpson conducted a field study in three communities
in the United States.

The subjects cut across races and

47
class lines.

High School students in southern Georgia and

two California locations provided geographical comparisons.
We shall focus on the southern Georgia population since
this sample of 66 Black students attended a school with
an all black faculty and student body.

The physical neglect

of the Bchool is described as obvious to the casual observer.
According to the report, students are generally products of
broken homes and disadvantaged on many levels.

For background

and comparative data they were studied in four major
psychological areas in addition to the psychological
deprivation state related to Maslow1s theory of needs.
The four areas were self, social world, education and
vocational world, home and family.
interesting.

The results are

According to the Gordon Survey of Inter­

personal Values, these students do not find social fame,
as such, important to them.

They are not dependent upon

others for self-esteem— rather, they depend upon themselves.
Their career ideals are altruisitic.

The writer suggests

that high altruism may be the outcome of the civil rights
movement.

The total picture of these students need

levels present following:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
it

Physical 27.28
Security 48.49
Belongingness 45.46
Esteem from others 68.16*
Self-Esteem 9.11

Explanation for this esteem from others refers to
others close to them (as opposed to other individuals whom
they may not feel close to but can dispense rewards of
prestige, etc.).

48
Overall, Simpson found significant differences between
the Black and non-black groups on both need levels and
values.

She concludes,

(pp. 110-111).

The need for acceptance by others and for their
regard which blacks manifests . . . is in sharp
contrast to the needs (of) non-blacks. . . . When
socio-economic status is controlled, differences
between non-black' and black groups remain (p *= .01),
a finding which suggests strongly the reality of the
varying psychological conditions which these two groups
confront. . . . In our sample heavily biased toward
blacks on low socio-economic level, low status is asso­
ciated with higher self-regard than is high status.
In
our discussion above of the genesis of high self-regard
within the supportive confines of intimate groups, we
attempt to account for the development of a sense of mas­
tery and self-worth among members of the protestive
southern black enclave at debouchement (pp. 110-

111).

In relating levels of needs to values, the findings
revealed a relationship between psychic variables and
historical correlates of democratic belief.

The relation­

ships were found to be highly suggestive in confirming the
initial position that "values are products of biogenetic
needs acted on upon social environment

(p. 134)."

Simpson's

study thus provides data relevant to an extension of Maslow*s
theory of needs.

That is, needs are taken as organismically

based, but constantly acted on upon social forces.
Historical Foundations
Due to the fact that there has been little infor­
mation available on Blacks in Canada, the major portion of
this section will be devoted to the history of our Canadian
population.

A second reason for emphasis is due to the

49
experimental design.

The experimental manipulation was

conducted on Canadian groups only.

And finally, devoting

as much space to a report and analysis of the history of
the Michigan population would result in a paper of such
proportion as to constitute a historical monograph in
itself.

This is not the aim of the present study and

limitations were drawn rather arbitrarily.
Blacks in U.S.A.
Blacks are known to have settled in the U.S.A.,
long before the coming of the Mayflower (1619).

Accompany­

ing De Ayllon in 1526, blacks were a part of the group
that established the settlement of San Miguel, near what
is now Jamestown, Virginia.

Further west Blacks accompanied

Narvaez and Cabeza de Vaca in 1527 in settlements in the
Southwestern parts of the U.S.

(Woodson, 1959).

Many

historicans document other settlements before the Mayflower
in which Blacks made up a portion of the population.

These

Blacks who settled in the country were generally free men.
The point which is most significant for understanding
the Blacks in the United States today occurred when one the
Dutch East India Company's ships brought twenty Africans to
be sold as slaves to the colonists at Jamestown, Virginia
(Woodson, 1964).

It wasn't long before other European

companies became involved in the massive shipment of "Black
Gold" to be sold as chattel in the United States.

Slave

50
trade corporations were set up in the manner that General
Motors, Gulf, and other corporations are established.

When

the slave trade was at its peak, 50,000-100,000 were brought
over each year.
We are all more or less familiar with the history
of slaves in this country, the inhumane treatment forced
upon them, and the frequent plotted revolts to escape this
condition.

One method of escape was through the famous

Underground Railroad, where slaves escaped from the south
to the north.
One of the northern terminal points of the Under­
ground Railroad was the state of Michigan.

The Underground

Railroad was most active between the year of 1815 and 1850.
Blacks In Michigan
Cass
Blacks were in Michigan before it became a part
of the Union.

They were dispersed throughout the State

(see Figure 2.0).

Early history of Blacks in Michigan

found them in rural settings.

Starting with the Sanders

colony in Cass County in 1840's, sizeable Black rural
communities have existed (Katzman, 1969).
The largest Black settlement in the Northwest,
founded in 1847, was referred to as the Chain Lake Settlement.
A Virginia slaveholder named Sanders brought his slaves there
and set them free.

Rogers tells us that in 1961, this

51

MICHIGAN STATK LIBRARY
Laiulng

u,ou
*,111
17,811

Figure 2.0.— Michigan's Black Population— 1970.
Based upon the 1970 census returns
released by the Secretary of State,

52
settlement had expanded from its original size of one
square mile to its current size of 38 square miles.
Descendants of these Blacks "still live there in large
farms and homes amid the beautiful lakes from which came
its name

(p. 58)."
This group of slaves was to have been originally

provided with land in the state of Indiana.

Indiana was

not receptive and sought to exclude Blacks from the state.
Therefore the executor of Sanders' saw that these Black
men were taken to the Chain Lake Settlement instead.
The first sectlement in thiB area, however, arrived
shortly before Sampson Sanders.

A group of pioneers and

their families— the Allens, Ashes, Byrds, Gamers, Hawleys,
Hursts, Jenkins, Linmans, Lyners, Newsomes and Wades—
migrated to Michigan from North Carolina with a group of
five Blacks.

This was a group of Quaker farmers who were

forced out of North Carolina in the 1830's because of their
stance on slavery.
This black community constantly increased in size,
developing its own institutions.

The Black population grew

from 389 persons in 1850 to 1,368 in 1860, and to 1,837 in
1880.
As with many other Black settlements, men from
these communities fought together in all black military
units.

In this case, the all black 102nd United States

Infantry Regiment fought in the Civil War.

Upon returning

53
to Cass County, the veterans formed a fraternal organization.
Other Black organizations followed in this community.
During the period of 1880 until the Depression of
1930's the Black population of Cass gradually declined.
The younger generations began to leave the farms and head
to large urban areas such as Detroit, South-Bend, and
Chicago.
Descendants of one of the original early families,
the William Allens, still farm in this area.

Booker T.

Washington visited the home of William Allen in 1903.

Allen

headed one of the more prosperous farm families, with over
700 acres of land, 50 head of cattle, 10 horses, 300 sheep
and 25 hogs.

Many of the farmers were using mechanized

farm equipment, there were black-owned stores and saw mills,
black physicians and teachers.

It was a self-determining,

self-governing community.
Due to this self-government Blacks here were able
to exercise privileges denied them by the Michigan constitu­
tion.

That is, it was not until 1870 when the Fifteenth

Amendment nullified Michigan's constitution which banned
Black voting, that the residents were legally enfranchised.
Yet, due to the organization of their own schools. Blacks
had been able to vote in school elections as early as 1855.
In a reverse kind of migration pattern, Cass County
again increased its population following the depression in
the 1930's.

Unemployed southern born Blacks from Chicago,

54
began moving to this rural settlement.

In addition,

pensioners and retirees also began settling there.

In

1960 Blacks comprised ten percent (10%) of the population
in Cass County.

Other rural areas in this county have

attracted more prosperous Blacks who purchase sprawling
summer resorts.

One such community is Idlewild, Michigan

where a large number of upper middle class Blacks from
Chicago are found.
Mecosta
This area is located in the center of Michigan's
lower peninsula.

The original settlers migrated here

around 1870 from Ohio and Southern Ontario.

Following

a pattern similar to Cass, the majority of the descendants
of early settlers have abandoned the farms for unemployment
in the cities.
Washtenaw
About forty miles south of Detroit, a rural Black
community developed in Augusta Township, forming the town
of Whitaker, located about 8 miles south of Ypsilanti,
Michigan.

Original settlers here were from southwestern

Ontario and Ohio.

Being so close to Detroit and Ypsilanti,

many of the young people abandoned the prosperous wheat,
corn, livestock, and poultry farms to seek careers in the
cities within close proximity.

55

This however, was not the first Black settlement
in Washtenaw county.

Rather, Pittsfield county which lies

south of Ann Arbor was where Blacks first farmed.
settled here in the 1820's and 1830's.

They

This group migrated

from east of the Alleghenies via the Erie Canal.

Others

settled east of this area surrounding Detroit farming
wheat, corn, and barley.

Following the well established

patterns most migrated to the cities.
Katzman

(1969) tells us that not all Blacks farmers

lived in Black communities.

There are isolated cases of

small families living in virtually all white areas such as
Charlevoix.

Travelling in Michigan today, one can still

witness this in such places as Manistee and Livonia, Michigan.
However, most Blacks did leave the rural areas and many
migrated to the largest city in Michigan— Detroit.
Detroit
As we have noted, between 1870 and 1930, trinklings
of Blacks from the various rural communities migrated to
Detroit for work.

World War I provided an impetus for the

first large migration of Blacks from outside the state.
That is, many southern born Blacks came to get work.

How­

ever the largest influx came to get jobs created by the war
industries during World War II.
According to a study conducted by the Urban League
in 1965, Detroit had a Black population comprising about

56
1/3 of the total residents in the city.

With the constant

exodus of whites to the suburbs, that number has risen to
about 48%.

Though seemingly more spread out than in some

other cities, the Black residents still tend to be concen­
trated in defined areas around the "inner city."
Closely related to the housing patterns, several
of the high schools tend to be comprised of over 90% Blacks.
For example, in 1965 Central High School had a population of
99% Black; Northwestern, Eastern, and Northern high school
had Black concentrations close to 99%.

In practically all

white neighborhoods, schools such as Cooley, Osborn, Denby,
and Redford had white concentrations of close to 99%.

Teacher

personnel in these Black high schools tend to be 50% or more
Black, whereas there are less than 10% Blacks in the white
schools.

Some of these figures have shifted somewhat in the

last few years, but the pattern is pretty much the same.
Economically, Blacks in Detroit tend to fare better
than nationally

(Detroit Urban League, 1965).

The un­

employment rate is lower and per capita income is higher.
Yet there are many conditions leading to discontent
among the Black population, as witnessed in the Detroit
rebellion on July 23, 1967.

There were several studies

done on the Black population following the riot (New Detroit,

57
1968; Caplan and Paige, 1968; Aberbach, 1970).

Conclusions

were of the following nature.
Among 3,800 arrested-in interview with Detroit Free
Press reports found that 'their bitterness had' nothing
to do with money or T.V. sets, but stemed chiefly from
suiting resentment over personal indignities, sub­
standard living conditions, police brutality and
double standard of justice for white and blacks {New
Detroit Committee, 1968, p, 13),
Caplan and Paige

(1968) hypothesize three categories

to encompass the varying theories set forth as to why Blacks
riot.
1.

'Riffraff theory'— which suggests rioters are
irresponsible deviant:
criminals, unassimilated
migrants, emotionally disturbed persons or
members of underclass with cumulative records of
personal failure,

2.

'Relative— deprivation theory'— which attributes
riots to a gap between rioters objective economic
and social situations and their expectations.

3.

'Blocked-up opportunity theory' sees
riots as the
consequence of the prolonged exclusion of Negroes
from American economic and social life.
The
Blacks in this category are more likely to rebel
to barriers set up which do not facilitate the
maximum development of self, and who perceive
their own economic and social situation as a
result of discrimination and not personal in­
adequacy.

The survey supported the third theory--implying that such
rebellions are not to be attributed to pathological,
deprived criminal individuals who might be changed through
social work, psychotherapy, or prolonged confinement.
Rather, it is the white institutions which must be changed.

58
Blacks in Canada
Lying north of the United States border, Canada
spans the width of the United States.

With United States

industry and a history that intricately relates it to the
United States in many w a y s , the two countries are similar
in ways of life, values, and social structure.
London

Fred

(1927) tells us that, "no great movement in the

United States during the 19th century was without its
repercussions in Canada."
Our central point of inquiry is whether the culture
of Blacks in Canada has developed along lines similar to
that of Blacks in the United States.

What aspects of Black

culture are shared by groups in both countries?
Blacks

have been in various sections of Canada

almost as long as they have been in the United States.
They are represented in all its provinces and territories.
Their places of origin are quite diverse.

According to

written document, they are descendents of British Loyalists,
who either fought on the side of the British in the American
Revolution, or came with the Loyalists who left the United
States with their former masters and settled in the United
States

(1776).

They also include:

Jamacian Maroons who

came to Nova Scotia in 1796 to repair fortifications such
as The Citadel; refugee Blacks who came in 1812; and fugitive
slaves who escaped through the Underground Railroad (Winks;
1971).

In addition to these original settlers, various

59
Black individuals and colonies have migrated to Canada in
recent years and various West Indians are allowed in the
country through immigration quotas.
Blacks in Canada have been both free and slaves.
Smith (1898), tells us that beginning in 1688 references
were made in many letters of high French officials as to
the need for labor that would not be costly.
gested remedy was Negro slaves.

The sug­

Following this, in a

royal mandate issued in 1689, Canadians were given the
right to import Africans as slaves.

The sale of a Black

Madagascar in Quebec in 1628 is the first recorded sale of
a slave in Canada

(Winks, 1971).

Canada was thought of as

a place of freedom which, in many ways, did attempt to abolish
slavery, and open its arms to Black slaves from the United
States.

However, as a part of the historic bigotry,

Canadians also thought of these Blacks as inferior.

Let

us focus now on the Blacks in Nova Scotia.
Blacks in Nova Scotia
As mentioned earlier, the four groups that formed the
original settlers of Blacks in Nova Scotia, included
Loyalists

(Black Pioneers), Jamaican Maroons, Refugee

Negroes, and Fugitive Slaves.

In addition, a large

number of West Indians were brought up to Sydney, Cape
Breton in the early 19th century to work in the coal mines
and steel mills.

They are dispersed throughout the province

60
(see Figure 2.1).

Thanks are due to Father Francis of

Sydney, Nova Scotia for the hours he gave describing how
Blacks were enticed to Cape Breton Island (principally
Sydney) in the early 1900's to work in the coal mines.
This section of Nova Scotia today still reflects the early
neighborhoods that developed around the industries and the
large West Indian population.

Contrary to the statement

"It is interesting to note that the Garvey Movement . . .
did not have any impact in the Maritimes,"

(Clairmont and

McGill, 1970), the Garvey Movement was very active in
Sydney.

Old residents can relate stories of the movement.

Interesting also is the neglect of Winks, a reputed
authority on Black Canadians, to adequately research this
population.

Census data from 1871 to 1961 provide us with

some idea of Blacks dispersion in this province (see Table
2.1 from Clairmont and McGill's Nova Scotian's Blacks, p. 38).
Pre-Loyalist Blacks
Before the Loyalist Blacks had come to Nova Scotia
either as free men or slaves, "The Negro,

'La Liberte'

who. was at Cape Sable in 1786 . . . when a census was
prepared of Acadie, was perhaps a slave who has escaped
from one of the colonies of the south (Fergusson, 1948,
p. 1)."
Slaves arrived in Halifax soon after its founding
in 1749 as attested to by a number of documents in the

Waterford

Antigonish
Glasgow

Tracadie

Hawkesbury
Mulfarave

Guysborough *

so

Brickyard
Bridgeti
Granville

Windsor
Inglewo
jCherrybrook
Lucasville

Jackville

Beechville
Rd.

iverpool
Yarmouth

Figure 2.1.— The Black Communities of Nova Scotia.

cn

TABLE 2.1.— Percentage of Black Population in Halifax-Dartmouth, Cape Breton County#
and "Other Nova Scotia" at Ten-Year Intervals# 1871-1961.a

HalifaxDartmouth

"Other Nova
Scotia"
Base

1881

.1891

1901

17%

16%

*

15%

CO
o

Cape Breton
County

1871

0.3

*

0.3

82

83

*

84

(6,212)

(7 #052)

(*)

(5,984)

1911

1921

15%

17%

**

13%

*

19%

5

5

11

10

*

8

80

78

80

77

*

73

(6,541)

(6,175)

1931

(7,524)

1941

(8,817)

1951

1961

(*) (11,900:

*Census data are not available for 1891 and 1951.
**Census data on the number of Blacks residing in Dartmouth are not available
for 1931.
^ u e to rounding# the percentages by year may not total 100%
SOURCE:

D.B.S., Census of Canada.

63
Public Archives of Nova Scotia.

An early issue of the Nova

Scotia Gazette, published at Halifax on May 30, 1752 carried
the following advertisements:
Just imported and to be sold by Joshua Marger, at
Major Lockman's store at Halifax several negro
slaves, viz., a very likely negro wench of about
35 years of age, a creole born; has been brought up
in a gentlemen's family, and capable of doing all
sorts of work belonging thereto, as neddlework of
all sorts, and in the best manner; and every other
thing that can be expected from such a slave, also
two negro boys of 12 or 13 years old, likely, healthy,
and well-shaped and understands some English (P.A.N.S.
vertical file Negroes #25).
Loyalists
During and after the American Revolutionary War
thousands of Blacks settled in various communities in Nova
Scotia (Winks, 1971; Fergusson, 1948).

A map in Appendix F

will illustrate their dispersion throughout the community.
In a study reported on Blacks in Guysborough
(Rawlyk, 196 8) the harsh and cruel conditions they faced
are blatantly pointed out.

He talks of the trauma they

faced leaving their former homes, but is quick to suggest
that this was minimal compared to difficulty they faced
establishing themselves in a foreign land.

These dif­

ficulties were multiplied by white prejudice, poverty,
starvation, and ignorance.

While these problems confronted

Blacks throughout the province following their settlement
there, Rawlyk feels that the conditions for Guysborough Blacks
was intensified.

Not only because the land there was less

fertile, but also because of the extreme isolation of the

64
area and the fact that Blacks could not depend on help
(if necessary)
bors."

from either the government or white "neigh­

Rawlyk also states that the degree of racial prejudice

was more intense here and other similar isolated communities
where Blacks live.

I am wondering if he means "isolated"

to be equated with rural.

For virtually wherever large

settlements of Blacks are found throughout the provinces
they are isolated.
in a city.

Naturally,■it is not the same degree as

On the other hand residents of Africville

in Halifax might disagree with this.

The segregated com­

munities are described as resulting from "an assumption
reached more or less independently by both races,

(and)

even before being granted their farm lands the Negroes had
become quietly established in their own primitive
in Chedabucto Bay.

settlements

One of the most important of these was

"Niggertown Hill" on the fringe of what would be known as
Guysborough

(Rawlyk, 1968, p. 25)."

It is difficult to accept Rawlyk's interpretation.
First, as he proceeds in his account of the Guysborough
settlement referrence is made to the 3,000 acres of land
granted the Blacks by the government.
segregation defined.

This in itself was

Why were they granted land isolated

long distances from existing populations in the area?
Secondly, it will become crystal clear as an account is
made of some of the other Black settlements, how they were
always granted lands in isolated areas away from existing

65
settlers.

The second generation of Guysborough residents

were "no longer 'Loyalists Blacks'? they were Nova Scotia
Negroes

(Rawlyk, 1968)."

Tracadie
This was another area near Guysborough where Blacks
were granted 3,000 acres of land in September, 1787, in
hopes that 172 of them would leave Chedabucto Bay area and
settle there.

Clairmont and Magill report that the attempts

to disperse Blacks in smaller communities, i.e., to break
up the larger groups was economically motivated.

"Local

government officials appeared to believe that Blacks, if
scattered might be"found useful as Labourers."

Obviously,

Blacks were aware of this, and we can account for their re­
jecting proposals offering to move them to better land,
but only ih small groups.

Tracadie was an area near the

Acadian Nova Scotian community, but far enough away from
them to be isolated on barren land.
existed toward these two groups.

Tensions and hostility

For as late as 1815, the

Catholic priest of the church wrote to the Bishop:
There is a sort of antipathy between the whites and
the Blacks, and it is one of great obstacles I have
to overcome. There is a complaint that these newcomers
bring in a bad odor and that there is no way to put up
with them. . . . In my sermon last Sunday I exhorted
the parishioners to show a bit more charity toward
these infidels. . . . A sure way to bring about peace
would be to construct a gallery where the Blacks alone
would be admitted (Rawlyk, 1968, p. 31).
Under such attitudes and poor conditions for taking care
of basic needs. Blacks struggled and remained in the county,

66

settling such other areas as Country Harbour, New Harbour,
Canso, Little River, and Manchester.
According to the census reports of 1871, there were
747 Blacks living in Guysborough county.

The only settle­

ment of Blacks with a larger population was Halifax County.
It reached its peak in 1891-1918, and decreased gradually
thereafter to a mere 471 in 19 31.

This decrease can most

generally be accounted for by migration to opportunities
in the mining and industrial centers of Cape Breton,
New Glasgow and Halifax.

It is suspected that a small

segment migrated even farther west into the provinces of
Ontario and Quebec.
In the process of trying to eke out a living, most
energy went into survival.

However, education was desired

and there was an attempt to increase the educational level.
Two schools were built in Guysborough County for the first
time in 1872.

Attendance was poor generally for reasons

mentioned above.

There were few Blacks educated even at

the elementary level up until 1932 or 1936

(see Table 3.1

from Clairmont and Magill).
After this period minimal progress was made, though
the whole educational system was extremely poor in quality—
i.e., from delapidated school houses to unqualified teachers
who acquired "Permissive Licenses."

The area continued to

be an extremely depressed location, lacking the opportunities
for residents to meet some of the most basic physiological
and security needs.

Even today, in talking to a few

67

residents from the area— who come to Halifax seeking
employment, for social reasons, or educational opportuni­
ties— one realizes the depressed conditions that exist.
Overall a view of physical conditions supports the con­
tentions.
grow.

Amazing, however is that drive to survive and

There is a healh beyond description find a feeling

of pride in seeing the attempts and efforts made under
such conditions to provide and achieve.

As one passes

through, the physical conditions portray one picture.
However, from talking in depth, living among, and social­
izing with the people one acquires a view that negates many
initial negative feelings experienced due to the physical
conditions.
Naturally, there are variations in the counties
and other areas with large Black settlements? however, a
substantial amount of space has been devoted to the Blacks
in Guysborough county for several reasons:
1.

Pattern-wise the life of the original Blacks
settlers in Nova Scotia were similar.

2.

These early "Loyalists Blacks" were some of the ,
first 'free' Blacks, and represent those whom
Winks tells us are regarded as highest among
the Black groups.

Preston

(Township of)
In 1784 lots were granted to a surveyer, Theophilas

Chamberlain and one hundred sixty three others, primarily
Loyalists, who left the United States and came to Canada.

68
There were 56,772 acres in the tract allowed, with
Chamberlain and company receiving 32,000 granted to them.
Blacks who had fought on the side of Britain had
been promised freedom and land in Nova Scotia, and Preston
was one of the areas where they were granted land.

How­

ever, they received the infertile part of the tracts
allowed for the Loyalists.
(P.A.N.S., Vertical File #1) discloses that their settle­
ment in Preston, and subsequent removal as being due to
the dissatisfaction, discomforts, and poverty in their new
lives.

This is attributed to their being unaccustomed to

providing for self, "unable to supply their own wants, and
proved to be a most unsatisfactory class of emigrants

(p. 156)."

Thus, on January 15, 1792 eleven hundred and ninty-five left
for Sierra Leone,

The story is not quite this clear cut.

First, in a similar manner slaves in U.S., upon legal
"freedom" were not accustomed to being given the opportunity
and responsibility of supplying for all their wants.

They,

too, found it difficult to survive after the Civil War
because their background as slaves had not prepared them
for their new responsibilities

{DuBois, 1964).

Let us return briefly, however, to the Refugee
Blacks' plights.

July

(1967) provides an account of the

conditions leading to this group of Blacks leaving Nova
Scotia.

After the war, the Blacks who had fought as

soldiers and sailors were not to be returned to former

69
owners; instead, they were to be provided "with free
passage to Nova Scotia where they would be given substantial
tracts of land and fanning equipment as a basis for perma­
nent settlement (p. 53)."

Such an attractive offer was

accepted with enthusiasm; but theory unfortunately, was
not so easily translated into practice.

There were

thousands of Loyalist immigrants in Canada, and good land
was scarce in that glacier scoured country.

Many Negroes

received grants but often they were in remote, uncleared
areas.

Others were forced to wait several years, landless

and unsettled (p. 53)."
Further amplifying on the position of Blacks in
Nova Scotia, one should note that slavery existed contigu­
ously, and distinctions were not always made between
"freemen" and slaves.

Many of these Loyalists built their

own existence and survival on maintaining slaves.

When

the Loyalist slaveholders found the cost high and food
low they frequently let the slaves loose to fare for them­
selves, and not infrequently, these "free" Blacks died of
hunger.

The surviving ones were often reclaimed after

years of freedom and sold to new masters in the United
States.

Discrimination, prejudice, and persecution were

commonly practiced on the Loyalist Blacks who had fought
for Britain.

In a rather thorough account July

informs us that,

(1967)

70
One observer reported that no more than ten percent
of the three thousand Negroes who migrated to Nova
Scotia ever received what was promised to them and
those who remained behind permanently in Canada
ended up more often than not as tenants, farming
lands that others owned.
The choice waterside lots
were exclusively
reserved for whites who inturn
made the Negroes
pay fees for
the use of their
wharfs. Upon their arrival in Canada, the Negroes,
were set to work
building new towns for theimmigrants,
both white and black, for they were obliged to live
separately as a segregated community.
There were bad
relations with the white ex-servicemen who on one
occasion destroyed a number of Negro homes because
they resented the Negroes accepting lower wages:
Former slaves were particularly sensitive over
matters of land ownership, for to. them a freehold
guaranteed the free man, and the discrimination of
the government in giving precedence to the claims
of white loyalists was threatening them with land­
lessness and a share-croppers fate.
To Negroes,
only recently freed, this was but slavery renewed
in another form. . . . Finally after several years
of fruitless waiting, one of the Nova Scotians,
Thomas Peters journeyed to London in 1791 in search
of some sort of redress (p. 53).
He was granted his wish.

Arrangements were made for free

passage to Africa and plots of free land.

In January,

1792 almost twelve hundred Blacks boarded the boat and
arrived there March 6, 1792,

However, the effects of

slavery and the bitter and disillusioning experience in
Nova Scotia had left its marks.

Still there was tremendous

hope, high spirits, and motivating industriousness.

But

again, things did not work out as stated, and the Blacks
encountered conditions similar to those experienced in
Nova Scotia.

The settlement was governed by the Sierra

Leone Company, not the settlers.

For its social psychologi­

cal significance, their settlement in Sierra Leone is worth

71
analysis; however, due to the focus of the current paper and
the dictates of space it cannot be pursued.

The purpose of

this section was to give some background on the historical
settlements of Blacks in Nova Scotia and to demonstrate how
their interaction with their milieu and various social
forces affected their psychological needs.
Jamaican Maroons
One group of Blacks who spent the shortest time in
Nova Scotia and yet caused the government and white settlers
much concern and fear were the Trelawny Maroons.

By the

23rd of July, 1796, three ships carrying these proud Black
men had arrived in Nova Scotia.

They did not merely arrive

physically, they arrived also with a reputation.

The corn-

missionary travel had received an order issued from Prince
Edward not to allow them to disembark from the ships.

It

is suggested that this was due to unfavorable reports on
Maroons, and the local residents were not particular eager
to have them (Robinson, 1969).

Nevertheless, here they

were between five to six thousand

(Oliver, 1967).

After

assurance from the Prince and others that they need not
fear these Jamacian Blacks, the people allowed the Maroons
to disembark from the ships.

Apparently wanting first

hand confirmation, the Prince went aboard the ship to
inspect them.

Impressed by their physical stature he ordered

that they be put to work immediately to help build fortifi­
cations being built for protection against the French.

The

72
governor of Nova Scotia suggested that they be settled in
Preston, an area about fifteen miles from Halifax,

His

reasons supposedly were fear that if they were located
"too near Halifax"

(it is interesting that the thought of

their actually settling in Halifax never was entertained),
they might be more attracted to jobs in the town and balk
against producing from the land.
They were settled in Preston during the months of
September and October, but ill-prepared for the cold weather
out in this isolated area.

Clothing and stores were supposed

to be provided by the government, but things did not go as
well as planned, and they faced a severe first winter.
residents

Two

(about 35-40 years of age) of Preston in April,

1971, related the oral history of this account.

From their

father, grandfather, and great-grandfather the story had
been told that the Maroons were mainly brought to rebuild
the fortress.

After this task was completed there was

little concern with their welfare.

Secondly, they were

resistant and refused to work for whites as servants.

This

angered the whites, and the Maroons were left out in the
area during the cold winter without the minimum supplies
(food, clothing, shelter) to survive.

They were expected

to die, "but because of our strength we survived."
The primary aim was to enculturate these men to
adopt the European ways of life

(i.e., instruction in the

Christian religion was primary along with arithmetic and

73
reading for the youngsters, and marriage in church according
to Christian doctrine).

The Christianity attempts failed,

in spite of the suggestion so frequently used in colonizing
people— that God will punish them in the after-life for
disobedience.

It didn't work with the Jamacians.

These failures led the government to plan new
courses of action.

It was felt that the only way to get

the Maroons to adopt a European way of life was to break
up their communities and scatter them among white inhabit­
ants, as far as New Brunswick.
rejected the proposal.

Needless to say, the Maroons

As another setback, the potatoes

coming from England to supply Maroons were destroyed.
Flour and some other provisions replaced them in insuffi­
cient amounts.

The Maroons were depressed by their condi­

tions and asked to leave Nova Scotia.

Determined to use

them, some local residents in Halifax, impressed by the
Maroons' excellent work in helping to build the fortress,
proposed that they be used as indentured servants:
When the Trelawnys were informed, they smiled.
Even
in this strange country they were very much aware
of their proud and independent history which has
lasted nearly one hundred and fifty years.
They
were not about to tarnish their heritage.
So they
laughed at the attempt to make them indentured
servants, told the Governor that they were a free
people and requested they be moved to a warmer
climate (Carey, 1969, p. 148).
With all these unforeseen problems, local inhabit­
ants became more disenchanted with the Blacks from Jamaica.
However, there was still the forthcoming advantage of their

74
producing

from

the

land.

It was late in May, 1797,

before frost was off the ground.
begin farming.

They were then told to

As a protest against remaining in Nova

Scotia, and particularly against the infertile area they
had been placed in, they resisted the work assignment.
0

A small group on about 150 responded to various pressures
and began to plant potatoes, "but the militant groups beat
them up."

This situation was remedied by removing a

number of families to another section about four miles
above the Halifax harbour.

Secondly, the group was placed

under scrutiny and supervision by the schoolmaster.

He

was instructed not to feed them if they refused to work.
Through such efforts approximately an additional 150 began
work.

During the next few months, the Maroons continued

to resist the work.

Instead they engaged in such activi­

ties as cock-fighting, playing cards, and going into
Halifax where they frequently did various odd-jobs and earned
money.

This lasted until winter set in.

Weather conditions

limited them to spending most of the time in the house where
they continued to reflect on leaving this miserable cold
place and returning to their h o m e .
Throughout the next two years conditions worsened
and conflict between Maroons and the government continued,
with the resistance of the Maroons becoming more persistent.
Eventually, the government decided that perhaps they should
join the earlier Blacks

(Loyalist) who had left Preston to

75
settle Freetown, Sierra Leone.

The Maroons won their

battle and 550 left Nova Scotia to arrive in Sierra Leone
by October of 1800

(July, 1967).

There they maintained

their same pride and heritage, resisted European enculturation and agreed to use their commendable crafts for
wages.
They had left their impression on Nova Scotians.
One can see why there would be pride among those who are
descendants.

It is the same pride one encounters when

talking to an Ashanti of Africa, or Ethiopians who boast
of never being captured and colonized.
Refugee Blacks
These were the first group of Blacks to arrive at
a time when slavery was "supposedly over."

Yet the condi­

tions and atrocities they suffered were worse than others.
As with the Revolutionary War, Blacks were encouraged to
fight on the side of the British in the War of 1812.
dom would be the reward!

Free­

With such an opportunity many

hastened north of the border.

This is borne out by the

fact that about 2,000 Blacks were in Nova Scotia between
1813 and 1816

(Fergerson, 1948).

The largest number to

arrive in Halifax in any single year during this period
was in 1815, when 900 landed on the shores of this gateway
to the north.

Not all Blacks came willingly, however.

One

means used to hamper the enemy was to deprive them of their

76
slaves.

Consequently, it was not an infrequent act of the

British to carry slaves away from the United States by
force.
The Blacks were scattered throughout the province,
and some crossed the border.

In 1815, between four and

five hundred Blacks were sent from Nova Scotia to New
Brunswick.

These Blacks encountered conditions similar

to those of their earlier brothers.

The province did not

always make preparations to live up to their promises.
Pergusson (1948) points out that many of the first refugees
to arrive from Virginia, in the summer of 1814 were in a
distressful condition by October 1, 1814.
Their situation was such that on that date the
commissioners of the Poor at Halifax notified the
Lieutenant-Governor that they were in a deplorable
state of distress and unable to gain their sub­
sistence! (p. 21).
To make things worse, smallpox broke out primarily among
Blacks in that same month.

They were living in cramped

living conditions and barely surviving.
Again they settled in enclaves of Blacks, segregated
from the other inhabitants.

According to a census taken

December 30, 1816 they numbered 1,619.

Preston had the

largest amount with 924, another 504 were settled in
Hammonds Plains, 70 at Refugee Hill, and 115 resided in
Halifax.
The province did attempt to aid them; however,
they were gradually seen as a burden.

Prejudice was

evidenced as stated in an address to the Assembly:

77
. . . they were unwilling by any aid of theirs 'to
encourage the bringing of settlers to this province
whose character/ principles and habits (were) not
previously ascertained. . . . (and suggested) that
the proportion of Africans already in this country
is productive of many inconveniences; and that the
introduction of more must tend to the discouragement
of white labourers and servants, as well as to the
establishment of a separate and marked class of
people, unfitted by nature to this climate, or to
an association with the rest of his majesty's
colonists (Pergusson, 1948, p. 21) .
Such feelings and attitudes prevailed.

In fact,

with the war over, many concluded there was no reason for
the continued influx, since these Blacks had served their
purpose, and it was questionable if they could still be
used (Fergusson, 1948).
One might suppose that perhaps these Blacks were
lucky, because the coal mines opened around this time and
some jobs became available.

In spite of this, they posed

a major problem to the white Nova Scotians.

As a final

attempt they considered importing them to Africa, Tobago,
and to Trinidad where they had been invited by Governor,
Sir Ralph Woodford. In fact, on January 6, 1821 ninty-five
Blacks sailed from Halifax to Trinidad.

It was the hope

of many white provincials that the others would follow.
Several offers followed at varying times, but the overall
exportation plan was to no avail.

As late as 1839 representa­

tives were still coming in Nova Scotia to persuade Blacks to
come.

It is strongly suggested that part of their refusal

was "fear of returning to slavery."

78
The refugees were thought of as the "worst of the
lot" of Blacks that had thus far arrived in Nova Scotia.
Winks

(19 71) attributes this to several factors.

They

were not trained and skilled as those who had accompanied
the Loyalists.

They were considered unable to help them­

selves, "so recently escaped from slavery, they at first
assumed that freedom involved no responsibilities

(p. 126)."

Prejudice, discrimination, and their overall treat­
ment in some areas was of a nature not experienced by
earlier Blacks

(or at least not documented).

Let us look

at some of the many examples of the degradation perpetrated
on these Blacks.
One of the Refugees' white school teacher James
Fortune, took a Negro nustress; another, together
with her daughters, had Negro children deliver
notes inviting army officers to sleep with them when
school was out. As late as 1826 a Black woman was
publicly whipped in Shelburne (Winks, 1971, p. 126).
Educationally, they didn't fare well.

The government would

appoint a schoolmaster once a schoolhouse was built and the
local people had raised of £50. The refugee settlements
could not meet these requirements.
Fugitive Slaves
This group primarily arrived between 1815 and 1861.
They generally settled near the border in Upper Canada
(Ontario).

Very few went to Nova Scotia initially, but

some did eventually migrate that far.

79
Black Nova Scotians Today
It appears as though today there is little overt
distinction made among Black Nova Scotians as to their
Ancestral Heritage.

Certainly, to be Black elicits fairly

typical responses from White citizens.

As a result Black

Nova Scotians have begun to "unite with self" and begun a
more concerted effort to overtly aggress against the
oppressive and racist conditions they have experienced.
As stated by a Black student at Dalhousie,

"we too, had

a small scale rebellion here in Halifax."

Organizations

such as B.U.F.

(Blacks United Front)

are operative? B.U.M.M.

(Blacks United for More Money), and a T.Y.P.

(Transitional

Year Program) have been established for the purpose of
increasing the number of Blacks and Indians in the Uni­
versities.

One of the major activities the T.Y.P. students

engaged in was a Black History project, under the direction
of B. "Rocky" Jones

(Referred to as the Stokely Carmichael

of Canada in a Toronto Newspaper).

A whole section of this

paper could be devoted to describing the project in terms
of the energy, committment, scholarship, and closure.
However, I will only allude to it in terms of illustrating
a change in unity and self-actualizing that the youths are
developing.

The project was called Black H.E.R.O.

cal, Educational, and Research Organization).
youth worked all during the summer

(Histori­

About 30

(May-September) with

cassettes going to every province in Nova Scotia with a

80
population of Blacks.
were interviewed.

Only Blacks who were 65 or over

Oral history of their settlement,

forefathers, and experiences in Nova Scotia were taped
and transcribed.

When their work is completed, a more

authentic picture of Blacks in Nova Scotia will emerge
that is far superior to documents that have thus far been
produced.

(I sat in classes with these same students

earlier in the Spring while they critically and analyzed
Clairmont and Magill's book on Nova Scotia Blacks.)
I relate this particular experience for many
reasons.

First, this group epitomizes the Black conscious­

ness and self-actualizing persons developing.

I see much

of this as being related to their coming together (from
all different Black communities in Nova Scotia) in this
program, being educated in the traditional curriculum
required of them to get through the Universities and at
the same time redefining the educational process by adding
new dimensions to it through self exploration.

They negate

the conclusions drawn by Winks as to lack of unity and
possibilities of national leadership emerging among Black
Canadians.
These same qualities were present among many of
my students who participated in this study.

However, they

differred in not always having an outlet such as provided
by T.Y.P.

81
A quote from one of the Baptist magazines reflects
this:
A new spirit of self-respect and self dignity has
emerged among Blacks in the Province of Nova Scotia.
. . . Blacks in Nova Scotia are thinking in terms of
such words as and phrases as 'Black'; 'Solidarity';
'Common Interest'; 'Casting off Inferiority Complexes',
and most of all Black Power.
Questions being asked include,
(1) Why have I loved to be called 'coloured* rather
than 'Black'?
Is it because 'coloured* makes me
feel a little closer to White.
(2) Why is one of the highest standards in our lives
to be 'accepted' tolerated by the White man when
most of us do not have respect or toleration for our
own Black brothers and Sisters? (Oliver, D . , 1969,
P.A.N.S. #51).
Recent newspaper clippings, articles in McLean's
and the Canadian issue of Times also point to the emergence
of this consciousness.

However, an in-depth analysis of

these Blacks is seriously lacking.

This is partically due

to lack of opportunities for Blacks to seriously engage
in such research.

The Nova Scotia Association For

Advancement of Coloured People is moving in new directions
and expanding the role they have played cumulatively in
seeking redress for Blacks.
The limitations of the printed word confront me
now.

For the kind of things B. "Rocky" Jones has done and

is doing is most clearly reflected in a lengthy tape which
was used in the experimental manipulation.

Taking excerpts

out of context cannot do the justice deserved.

But as

brought out in an article written last August, he

82
represents the crop of leaders that have been working for
years and we sometimes don't hear him.

His word is hardly

ever published; rather, some reporter reinterprets it as
he wishes and presents it
Equally difficult

to the press.
to capture in words

going on in the Preston area.
in such self-development

is the progress

How can one reflect the pride

projects as building a new group

of co-op homes, using skills that have been forced to lie
dormant; or the organizational efforts of many of the
beautiful high school students who for the first time in
history were able to get public transportation out to
Preston (so there is no more walking to Dartmouth for those
without cars); or the efforts of a Gene Williams working
with the people through Social Welfare to clear land deeds
which were never legally recovered in the rural areas.

A

poem given to me by one of my students is inclosed in the
Appendix F.

It says a lot for consciousness, love, and

actualization.

Thus, in spite of the past conditions, and

time lags acknowledged, Blacks in Nova Scotia are "not
waiting for salvation, to

be delivered"

as

me by a white sociologist

on my first trip

described to
toNova Scotia

in 1968.
There are other factors, however, which still
might account for differences between our two cultures.
The Educational Institutions are still lagging.

Religious

and Political organizations are also aspects which need

83
exploring in the Black Communities.
certainly differ.

Economic standards

As late as 1965, the Guysborough Blacks

per Capita income was $325.

Table 2.2 (from Clairmont and

Magi11, p. 54) illustrates this and at the same time is
suggestive of the kind of roles most Blacks must be placed
in to have incomes at such low levels.
Summary
It appears as though the basis for Blacks settling
in Michigan and Nova Scotia are not the same.

Blacks coming

to Michigan generally were given an opportunity to develop
themselves, and aided by liberal whites who were against
slavery and possibly in favor of the self-determining man
evolving.

With the exceptions of a few, Nova Scotians

generally encouraged Blacks to come to that province in
order that whites might benefit from their service in some
way.

Under the guise of bringing them to freedom, they

actually offered a neo-slavery.
Another distinction between the two places revolves
around the question of slavery.

According to the Northwest

Ordinance of 1787 (in U.S.A.) slavery was legally outlawed;
however, this document was not totally adhered to.

Thus,

some slaves existed before Michigan became a state in 1837.
A census subsequent to 1836 shows that all slaves were dead
or manumitted in Michigan by that time (Hartgrove, 1916).
On the other hand slavery was legal in Nova Scotia up until
1833, and had existed there almost from the establishment
of the province.

TABLE 2.2.— Approximate Distribution of Annual Income Among Male and Female Halifax
Mid-City Blacks the Urban Fringe Community, and Three
Rural Non-Farm Communities.
Halifax Mid-City
------------------Male Female Total

Income

Urban Fringe
------------------Male Female Total

Rural Non-Farm
------------------Male Female Total

Under $1,000

19%

58%

32%

6%

33%

9%

76%

86%

79%

$1,000-$1,999

29

33

31

3

0

3

17

7

15

$2,000-$2,999

37

8

27

40

67

43

4

0

4

$3,000-$3,999

13

1

9

37

0

33

2

7

1

2

0

1

14

0

12

1

0

1

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

(226)

(118)

(30)

(3)

(92)

(14)

(60)

(213)

(18)

(12)

(0)

(0)

$4,000 +

Total Responding
No Response
*

Clairmont and Magi11, 1971.

85
The question to be pondered is whether the existence
of slavery as a legal institution contributes to a psychic
development different from a psychic development which
emerges in an area where slavery has existed— though not
legally?

This should be critically explored.

It is

analagous to a contemporary philosophic debate as to
whether "de jure” segregation has a different impact than
"de facto" segregation?
From this brief review, it thus appears that Blacks
in Michigan had a base for a more autonomous self emerging,
*

whereas Blacks in Nova Scotia were put in situations that
were not as conducive to this development.

Nevertheless,

Blacks in Nova Scotia have survived hardships generally
not experienced by most Blacks in Michigan.

This can be

witnessed even today in comparing rural Black communities
in the two places.

How might these two different experi­

ences contribute to varying cultures and perhaps be mani­
fested in different aspects of Black consciousness being
valued on different need levels being most prepotent in
Nova Scotia when compared with Michigan?

CHAPTER III
METHOD

The research reported here was carried out in two
countries, the United States of America and Canada.

Samples

populations came from Detroit, Michigan and Halifax-County,
Nova Scotia.
Pilot Study
A pilot study was carried out with a group of Black
high school seniors at Sexton High School in Lansing,
Michigan.

This group was of particular interest to the

present study inasmuch as three weeks prior to the Pilot
Study, Black students had closed the school down, protesting
the wanton disregard for Black Students' needs in the edu­
cation programs.

A list of these demands appears in

Appendix
Three instruments were used in the Pilot Study:
1.

A 50 stem sentence completion test;

2.

Black Consciousness Survey (original one
developed by Banks, 1970); and,

3.

A questionnaire developed by the present
researcher to elicit demographic, background,
and socialization data.

86

87
Subjects and Procedures
The 60 subjects were tested in two groups, with one
half of the subjects tested in the morning, and the second
half tested in the afternoon.

The three instruments

described above were administered in the following order:
(1) Sentence Completion,

(2) Demographic Questionnaire,

and (3) Black Consciousness Survey.

It was the initial

intent to reverse the first two orders, but this seemed
unadvisable because of submitting the permeating atmosphere
of suspicion.

Two students refused to participate because

they felt I might be "a tool of the administration collecting
data to be used against students."

I was questioned as to

who I was and what my purpose was.

I report my response

because the atmosphere immediately changed to one of
solidarity warmth, and cooperation.

I defined myself as

"A sister who has your interest in mind and at heart.

My

purpose is long-range, because you are the first group who
will give me some clues about education.

I cannot tell

you too much, for it might influence your responses.
it would be 'no good.'
in detail.

Then,

After you have finished I'll explain

As you'll notice on the second inventory, I do

not want your name or to be able to identify you."

The

statement on the front of the demographic questionnaire
was then read.

Additional introductory remarks were given

explaining the order of testing.

Subjects were then told

that the researcher would like to begin.

A couple students

88
were asked to pass out the Sentence Completions in any
order they chose.

Tests had been pre-numbered.

For the

first measure, Sentence Completion, subjects were told to
respond with the first thought coming to mind, as there
were no right or wrong answers.

I reiterated the need

for completing all instruments.

Subjects were asked to

raise their hand upon completion of one instrument and
were then given the next by the researcher or the Black
school coordinator helper.
Judges
The instruments were scored independently by the
researcher, one judge and an undergraduate student.

The

Judge was a fellow psychologist whom the researcher had
been meeting with to discuss operational definitions for
scoring Maslow's theory of needs.

An undergraduate

student was provided with a key to score the Black
Consciousness Survey.

Analysis on socialization,

demographic, and background information was done by
researcher.

Correlation between the researcher's scores

*

and the judge's on the sentence completion were .92.

After

discussing differences correlations increased to .97.
Instrument Revision
The researcher along with thesis advisor Jeanne
Gullahorn revised the demographic questionnaire to
facilitate better coding and added items to the Black

89
Consciousness scale to give more balance and better
represent the two cultures.

Stems for the Sentence Comple­

tion were suggested by Joel Aronoff and some of these were
added to the original steins.

A behavioral measure was

suggested by another committee member, George Fairweather,
to ascertain the relationship between valuing Black Con­
sciousness and actually engaging in activities which
reflect the value.
To further test the effectiveness of experimental
manipulations, the students were given a project to engage
in during the four weeks between post-test one and post­
test two.
The instruments used appear in Appendices A, B, C,
D, and E along with scoring instructions.
The Present Investigation
The Canadian Study
Initial contact regarding research in Nova Scotia
was made in the fall of 1970.

One of the active Black

figures in Halifax, whom the researcher had established
contact with in 1968, was approached for references to
proper school personnel.

A letter was written explaining

the nature of the research and requested permission to
conduct research in Halifax County at the high school
containing largest Black population.

The school official

was quite receptive, and passed the letter on to the

90
principal of the high school to be used.

A second letter

requested information on the exact number of Black students
in the 12th grade, with names so that they could be randomly
assigned to a group.

A response indicated there were only

six or eight Black students in the last year.

I was faced

with my first example of cultural differences.

Canada is

on a different school system.

Students actually go to

school 13 years if they are in the college preparatory
curriculum.

As most Blacks are not, their last year of

school is the eleventh grade.

Thus my sample population

become students in their last two years of school.

(See

Table 3.1 as explanation of 12th grade Black population.)
Subjects
The subjects were 40 Black students in their last
two years of school at Graham Creighton High School in
Halifax County, Halifax Nova Scotia.
lived in Preston or the Preston area
Brooks and Lake Loon).

Most of the students
(including Cherry

Only three students lived in

integrated areas because their fathers were in the armed
forces.

Two of these subjects dropped out.

Subjects

were randomly selected from a list of students' names.
Experimenters
There was a female and male experimenter used with
all groups.
before hand.

Instructions as to procedure was discussed

91
Instruments
1.

A 60 item Sentence Completion Inventory (See

Appendix B-l) was developed to elicit responses concerning
psychological needs of the individual.

The test is a

slightly modified version, using some stems from two
previous sentence completion tests developed by Joel
Aronoff/ as well as additional stems developed by present
researcher.

For the present study the researcher is par­

ticularly interested in the safety, love and belongingness,
self-esteem, and self-actualization needs.

Each stem was

scored on the criteria established for each of the four
levels of needs— safety, love and belongingness, self­
esteem, and self-actualization.

As there were a possibility

of 60 responses, an average score for each need level was
15 (60 * 4) ; thus scores ranging from 10-19 were designed
as average; below 10, scores were considered low, and
above 20, they were considered high.

Scoring criteria

appears in Appendix B-3.
2Survey

The second instrument is a Black Consciousness

(see Appendix A ) , developed recently by an intern

at the Far West Laboratory for Educational Research and
Development, and used with students from a senior high school
and junior college in the San Francisco Bay area (Banks,
1970).

A content analysis of the survey by the present

researcher revealed an overwhelmingly emphasis of items
clustering around political and system blame values;

92
therefore additional items to tap aspects of cultural
awareness values

{e.g., racial awareness, unity, pride,

assertiveness) were added for balance.

The original

survey consisted of two forms with 40 items in each,
with both being administered simultaneously.

Subjects

respond to each item on a four-point Likert scale—
ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree.

With

the addition of new items, each form had 48 items.

Since

the scale would be administered to subjects outside the
United States, a few of the new items reflected culture
specificity to the Canadian sample.

The emphasis in

Banks' survey is consistent with his adaptation of Nathan
Hare's definition of Black Consciousness as:
The state of being conscious of one's Blackness
vis-a-vis White Racism.
Awareness of, or aware
to, membership in the Black Race and it's struggle,
including the state of being void of dreams of one
day waking up white.
The state of being 'together'
on matters concerning the Black man (Banks, 1970.
p. 44).
This scale was scored in the conventional summated manner
for Likert scales, with a possible range of scores on both
forms extending from 48 to 192.

To attach some value to

this range, scores were designated as reflecting high,
medium, or low valuing of Black consciousness as follows:
High = 144-192; Med = 143-97; Low = 96 and below.
3.
Questionnaire

Demographic, Background, and Socialization
(see Appendix).

This is a 38 item question-

93
naire developed by the researcher.

Format of items vary

from forced choice, Likert, diagrams, and open-end questions.
In addition to demographic information such as age, sex,
place of birth, etc., questions probe the influence of
socializing agents such as family, school, peers and
church in the subjects' lives.

Other questions ask about

the subjects activities in relation to Black consciousness
and their propensity toward self actualization.
4.

A ten item Behavioral Activity Measure Scale of

Black Consciousness was given to subjects

(see Appendix D ) .

One point was given for each yes response, allowing a maximum
of 10 points, with 7-10 points considered high; 4-6 con­
sidered medium; and 0-3 considered low.
5.

Subjects were given a project to complete between

Post-test 2 and Post-test 3 (see Appendix E ) .
Materials and Apparatus
1.

For the treatment aspect of the experiment, a

tape recorder was used in the experimental manipulation
sessions.

Taped speeches by famous black leaders and

presentations oh Black cultural history were played to provide
the students with meaningful and positive education about
themselves.
cussion.

These were accompanied by lecture and dis­

Some tapes were from figures such as Malcolm X,

Martin Luther King, Stokely Carmichael, "Rocky'* Jones,
I . Henry.

TABLE 3.1.— Last School Grade Achieved by Male and Female Halifax Mid-City Blacks,
The Urban Fringe Community, and Three Rural Non-Farm Communities.

Grade

Halifax Mid-City
------------------Male Female Total

1-3

10%

4-6

28

26

7-9

44

10-12
over Grade 12

Total Responding

5%

7%

Urban Fringe
------------------Male Female Total

Rural Non-Farm
-------------------Male Female Total

15%

12%

14%

30%

15%

23%

27

32

27

29

56

44

52

50

48

38

51

45

13

34

22

16

18

17

15

10

12

1

7

3

2

1

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

100%

100%

(234)

(294)

100%

*
Clairmont and Magill, 1971.

100%

100%

100%

100%

(58)

(63)

(117)

(92)

100%

95
2.

Also for the treatment condition, reprints of

articles and speeches of famous black figures were presented
to the students for reading and discussion.
3.

The instructions to the treatment group included

a recording of

"Stand11 by Sly & Family Stones, used as a

basis for discussion in reeducation.
Facilities
A large class room with tape recorder, blackboard,
and maps was provided each day for the treatment.

Students

who were to participate were told the day before to come
to the room designated.

Their names were also called over

the intercom to report to the designated class after home­
room.

Any absentees were then reported.

There was never

more than one student absent during the three day treatment.
Sample
The subjects included both male and female seniors
in high school who were randomly selected from students in
the last two years of high school.

To fit Solomon's 4 Group

Design, students were randomly assigned from this pool of
subjects to one of the four groups.
equal number of subjects

Each group had an

(10).

Procedures
The experiment provided for before and after
repeated measures of needs, Black consciousness, social­
ization data and behavioral activities.

Half of the

96
subjects

(assigned to two different groups, i.e. experi­

mental and control) were administered all the instruments
on the first day.
Experimental Manipulation
On the second, third, and fourth days, experimental
treatment was given to the two experimental groups

(one

group which had been pre-tested and the other group which
had not received a pre-test).

Each day from 2-3 hours

the students listened to tapes of famous black leaders who
provided them with correct, positive information about
themselves, as well cultural heritage information.

They

also read and discussed various articles aimed at developing
self-actualizing tendencies and positively valuing black
consciousness.
Post-Tests
Number 1 .— Immediately following experimental treat­
ment (the 5th day) all 4 groups, i.e. experimental and
control, were administered the sentence completion inventory,
black conscious survey, and socialization questionnaire of
behavioral measure.
Number 2 .— Four weeks later the entire group was
retested on the instruments used in post-test number one.
In addition they were given a behavioral activity measured
project which they were asked to participate in during the
past month

(see Appendix).

On the socialization questionnaire

only starred items were to be responded to (see Appendix).

97
The design thus may be summarized as follows:

x

°4
o5

°3

R
R

°6

°7
O

°2

CO

X

°9
O

°1

R

H*
O

R

According to the hypotheses the following should be noted
on the immediate post-tests:
CM
01___ i

1—1
O

(a) °2 VS
will be >
°1
(b) °2 vs
should be >
°4 [04
(c)
should be >
°5 VS °6
VS
should be <
(d)
°3
°5 Co3
Comparing 0 2 with 0*. assesses pretreatment effects and
differences between

and Og provide a measure of the

impact of possible intervening events in the time interval.
The second post-tests provides opportunities to assess
whether an immediate effect occurred and either dissipated
over the four week period or remained stable; or, alterna­
tively, whether an immediate effect did not occur but then
appeared after the four week time lag.
The conditions can be tested in the following
manner:
(a) 0 2 vs 0 ? [02 > 0 ? ]
0 5 vs 0 g [05 > 0g ]

98
The Michigan Study
Subjects
The subjects were 40 Black students randomly
selected from students in their last two years of high
school in Detroit, Michigan.

At the request of personnel

granting permission to conduct study the school will remain
anonymous.

Initially, personnel from four different high

schools in Detroit had granted permission and welcomed
such a study.

A new rule was passed and all research had

to go through a connected bureaucratic network.
along this line.

I proceeded

After three weeks I received a letter

stating that I could not be allowed to conduct the research.
In direct interviews with these sources I was told that
"Detroit did not want to emphasize racial distinctions and
research such as mine tended to divide groups."

I might

add that each of these administrators up the line was white.
I was finally granted permission

(by an administrator)

through the non-bureaucratic route.

I could not get permis­

sion however for the time needed to conduct experimental
manipulation.

Thus, the information available from the

Detroit Group is limited to questionnaire data.
Experimenters
There were two females used with this group.

99
Instruments
The same instruments

(1, 2 , & 3) from the Canadian

study were used with subjects.

Instrument 4 was not given

because there was no experimental manipulation.
Procedure
The students were tested in 4 small groups over a
period of two days to minimize interference with class
scheduling.

CHAPTER IV
RESULTS

Black Consciousness and Psychological
Need Levels
It was postulated in this study that the valuing
of Black Consciousness and needs of Black adolescents
would follow a different patterning in Canada opposed to
the United States.

Specifically, it was hypothesized that

Black adolescents in Michigan would demonstrate a stronger
degree of Black consciousness and an accompanying pre­
potency for self-actualization in contrast to Black
adolescents in Nova Scotia.

Conversely, Black adolescents

from Nova Scotia were expected to demonstrate stronger
prepotency needs for love and belongingness as well as
self-esteem.
With reference to the predicted differences in
Black Consciousness, Table 4.0 reveals that the Michigan
group did, in fact, score significantly higher on this
scale than did the students in Nova Scotia.
Table 4.1 summarizes the mean scores for each of
the needs along with their rank ordering for each group.
For both groups the lowest means are for the safety needs,
followed by needs for love and belongingness.
100

As predicted,

101

TABLE 4.0.— Black Consciousness in Michigan and Nova Scotia
Groups.
X

Michigan

149.95

Nova Scotia

133.33

*

t*

df

P

<.001
4.15

68

t-test for independent scores.

TABLE 4.1.— Comparison of Mean Scores and Rank of Psychologi­
cal Needs of Safety Love and Belongingness, Self
Esteem and Self-Actualization for Both Groups.
Michigan
Mean

Nova Scotia

Rank

Mean

Rank

Safety

5.4

4.7

Love and
Belongingness

8.2

3

10.9

3

Self-Esteem

20.77

2

21.6

1

Self-Actualization

21.3

1

16.9

2

102

however, the groups differ in the prepotency of selfactualization need versus the self-esteem needs.

According

to t-tests for independent measures, the Michigan sample's
self-actualization mean scores are significnatly higher
than are those of the Nova Scotia groups

(see Table 4.2).

While the Nova Scotia students scored higher them the
Michigan adolescents on self-esteem, the difference is
not significant (see Table 4.3).

The predicted group

differences on love and belongingness needs are significant,
however, with the Nova Scotians scoring higher than the
Detroiters

(Table 4.4).

Thus, the data uphold the first

hypothesis, with only the finding regarding self-esteem
differences non-significant, but nevertheless in the
predicted direction.
Additional data relevant to hypothesized group
differences in Black Consciousness are provided by the
socialization questionnaire.

Students were asked how many

Black poets had they been exposed to in school.
five response categories— (a) none,
(d) 5 or 6,

(e) over six.

highest percentage

(b) 1 or 2,

There were
(c)*3 or 4,

For the Nova Scotian group the

(57.5) of responses were "none," and

the next highest was "one or two"

(22.5).

In contrast,

the highest percentage or responses for the Michigan group
was "over six"
four"

(30).

(32.5), and the next highest was "three or

For a comparison of all categories see Table 4.5.

103

TABLE 4.2.— Self-Actualization in Michigan and Nova Scotia
Groups.
X

Michigan

23.2

Nova Scotia

16.9

t*

df

2.02

68

P

'

.05

it

t-test for independent measures.

TABLE 4.3.— Self-Esteem in Michigan and Nova Scotia Groups.
X

Michigan

20.70

Nova Scotia
*

.

t*

df

P

.32

68

N.S.

21.63

t-test for independent measures.

TABLE 4.4.— Love and Belongingness in Michigan and Nova
Scotia Groups.

Michigan

t*

7.3

2.08
o

t-test for independent measures.

68

P

in

10.9

df

•
V

Nova Scotia

X

104
An earlier discussion alluded to the importance of
models in developing a sense of self.

On this aspect, the

Michigan group differs considerable from the Nova Scotian
group.

The faculty and administration at the Nova Scotian

school is about 9 8% white with no Blacks, and only 2% Third
World group members

(primarily East Indians).

In contrast,

the Michigan subjects attend a school with Black faculty
and administrators comprising about 80% of the total force,
with the other 20% made up of whites and other racial
groups.

When asked, "Do you learn enough history about

yourself?" a strong consensus among the Nova Scotian group
was "no"

(100%), whereas the Michigan group had a majority

responding "yes"

(65%).

In agreement, however, both groups

stated that the group they learned most about in history
was "white people"

(100%).

How do these educational factors interact with
other cultural aspects contributing to consciousness of
being Black?

Who are the leaders seen as most significant

in their lives?

The Michigan subjects find 75% of their

significant figures among such Black leaders as Malcolm X,
Martin Luther King, Jr., Angela Davis, and Stokely
Carmichael.
(57.5)

Similar responses but with a lower percentage

were elicited from the Nova Scotian group, with the

addition of "Rocky" Jones' name.

In both groups some

students also mentioned famous white leaders.
the Kennedys

In Michigan

(John or Robert) were the most frequently

105
added (20%); while for the Nova Scotians, in addition to
the Kennedys, Premier Trudeau was added (42.5%).

The

Michigan group also referred to some Third World figures
(5%) .
When given a choice of places to go for social
activities involving music and dancing, subjects from
Michigan evinced a slightly greater preference than did
the Nova Scotians for Black cultural activities. For
example, almost half of the Michigan students and two*

fifths of the Nova Scotians preferred a place with Africa
music and dancing.
In still another questionnaire item subjects were
presented with an unstructured hypothetical situation,
where they could place themselves next to others they
would most desire interaction with.

For the Michigan

group, 65% of subjects places themselves near teenagers
of the Black race and 30% near teenagers of both races.
The Nova Scotian preference was a situation with both
races

(62.5%), secondly, a situation with Black teenagers

(32.5) and last one with all white teenagers

(5%).

These data regarding the students' environments,
educational exposure, and reference groups provide further
background for understanding the observed differences in
Black Consciousness in the Michigan and Nova Scotian
samples.

106
A summary of these data appearing in Table 4.5 and
Figure 4.1 provides a clear graphic illustration of the
interaction of parents, school, and friends with self
attitudes, and attitudes about the civil rights movement.
On questions about political orientation most Nova Scotians
consider themselves liberal (45%), their parents liberal
(35% & 41.6%), and their friends militant (35.8%).

Contrasting

to this picture is the Michigan groups' responses.

Most

consider themselves militant (42.5%), their parents liberal
(35.l%-38.2%), and their friends militant (33.3%).

More

striking is the difference between the two groups on the
radical dimension.

In terms of parents and schools acting

as socializing agents who can either reward or punish parti­
cipation in the civil rights movement, an interesting picture
emerges.

Although, the students in Michigan perceive their

parents' views as less militant than their own, nevertheless,
more than half believe that their parents are more likely to
approve rather than disapprove of their participation in Civil
Rights Movements.

The Nova Scotian group is more likely

to have only one parent approve (68.5%), only 22.8% expect
approval from both parents; and 8.5% expect disapproval
from both.

How are these patterns either supportive of

or in conflict with school socializing agents attitudes?
For Michigan students there is some congruence, with
slightly over half claiming encouragement at school for
participation in Civil Rights Movements and activities.
The Nova Scotian students overwhelmingly respond in the

107
TABLE 4.5.— Cultural Aspects of Socialization.

Groups

3 Leaders
(most
import.)

3 Favor.
Singers

Soc.
Act.
Pref.

Black*
Poets
In School
0

N.S.

1-2

3-4 5-6

57.5%

67.5%

40%

57. 5%22.5%10%

5%

75

90

47.5

10

5

6+
2.5'

Black
M.
N.S.

20

M.

12

15

30

32.5

White
Black N.S.
&
White M.

42.5
20

Third N *S *
World M
M*

32.5

40

5

40

5

African

Groups

Self
Placement

Learn
Most
History

Faculty
and
Adminis

Learn Enough
History about
Self
Yes

N.S.

32.5%

No
100%

0%

Black
M.

65

N.S.

05

80
100

98

100

20

White
M.
Black N.S.
&
White M.
Third N,S>
World M
M.
African

62.5
30
02
5

65

35

«

Explanatory Chart
for Figure 4.1

Scores of %'s are for Nova Scotia (N.S.) and Michigan

(M)

Comparisons

1

Self

2

Mother

3

Father

4

Friend

1-5 Responses
1
2
3
4
5

=
=
=
=
=

Conservative
Moderate
Liberal
Militant
Radical

5 - Parents' attitudes on
Civil Rights Activities

1 = Both Approve
2 = 1 Parent Approves
3 = Both Disapprove

6 - School's attitudes on
Civil Rights Activities

1 = Yes
2 = No

Nova Scotia

Michigan

Approves
Disapproves

H
O
ID

Self

Mother

Father

FIGURE 4.1.— Socialization Variables on Civil Rights Involvement.

Friend

Parent School
Attitude Atti­
tude
Civic Rights

110

negative
more.

(81%)— that is, they are discouraged considerably
*

The results reported in Table 4.5 and Figure 4.1
are in the expected direction relative to the school's
acting as a socializing agent either facilitating or
inhibiting the valuing of Black consciousness.

Students

in the Michigan school are most likely to be facilitated;
whereas, students in Nova Scotia are more likely to en­
counter barriers.

As already noted, parents in Michigan

seem to be more encouraging than those in Nova Scotia
regarding participation in Civil Rights Movement.
In terms of other important influences it is
interesting to note that there is a stronger tendency
among Michigan students to embrace a Black reference group
than among Nova Scotians.

Perhaps this reflects "Separatism

vs Integrationalist" propensities.
Manipulation of Black Consciousness
and Need Levels
The second hypothesis investigated in this study
predicted that Black consciousness and self-actualization
needs would become more prepotent and subscribed to among
adolescents who were provided with education about their
cultural heritage and aimed at developing a positive valuing
of Black consciousness.
As noted in the discussion of research methods this
hypothesis could be tested only with the Nova Scotia sample.

Ill
and the results are summarized in Table 4.7.

Tables 4.6

(ANOVA design) and Table 4.8 also shed light on these
results.
As predicted subjects in the treatment condition
scored significantly higher than control group subjects
receiving no treatment (F « 17.3342, df = 1, p < .01).
The second major effect involved the effects of testing
over a period of time.

The treatment was more successful

with a time lag, thus scores were higher on the second
post tests than on the first post test (P = 283.4507,
df - 1, p < .01).

A significant interaction occurred

between the post-tests effects and treatment.

Increase

over delay was greatest for those who received treatment.
We can note this by looking at mean differences in Table
4.6.
Those in the cell A 1

D 2 (see Tables 4.6 and

4.8) who were pre-tested and given experimental treatment
had a greater increase in post test 2 mean scores when
compared with mean scores of post test 1 (X = 149.8 post
test 1 to X a 158.7 post test 2) than did those in Cell
A^ C 2

D2 who were pre tested, but received no treatment

(X » 136.7 post test 1 to X = 140.7 post test 2).
An interaction of moderate significance also
occurred between tests scores on Black consciousness and
self-actualization and treatment (F = 2.98582, df « 1,
p < .10).

Further indication of this effect appears in

112

TABLE 4.6.— ANOVA Table.
Var.

Total

N

X

SS

A 1 C 1 B1 D 1

1498

10

149. 8

225,752

A 1 C 1 B1 D 2

1587

10

158.7

253,305

A 1 C 1 B2 D1

286

10

28.6

8,474

354

10

35.4

12,904

A 1 C2 B1 D 1

1367

10

136.7

189,833

A 1 C 2 B1 D2

1407

10

140.7

201,195

A 1 C2 B2 D1

188

10

18.8

4,484

A 1 C 2 B2 D 2

207

10

20.7

5,545

1426

10

142.6

204,728

1535

10

153.5

237,263

256

10

25.6

7,460

322

10

32.2

11,242

1282

10

128.2

165,158

1341

10

134.1

180,747

147

10

14.7

2,445

175

10

17.5

3,463

A 1 C 1 B2 D2

A 2 C 1 B1 D 1
A 2 C 1 B1 D2
A 2 C 1 B2 D1
A 1 C 1 B2 D2
A 2 C 2 B 1 D1
A 2 C2 B1 °2
A 2 C 2 B2 D 1
A 2 C 2 B2 D2

Black Consciousness Scores

A^ - Pre-test

Bi

A 2 - No Pre-test

B2 -

C1 - Treatment
C 2 “ No Treatment

-

D1
D2

Self-Actualization
- Post-test 1
- Post-test 2

TABLE 4.7.— ANOVA Results.
Var.
SS Between
SSA
ssc
SSAC
SSg within g r p s .

SS

df

26,491.475
1,050.625

39
1

8,265.625

1

9.025
17,166.200

1

MS

F

2.2033
17.334**
476.838

36

SS within subjects 568,938.500
565,012.900
SSB

120
1

122.500

1

136.900

1

2.98582***
2.98582***

SSAB
SSBC

12,323.0730
2.67175

SSABC
SSB Subj.
with grps.

1.600

1

1,650.600

36

SSD

1,428.025

1

283.4507**

SSAD

13.225

1

2.62504

SSCD

216.225

1

0.625

1

181.400

36

84.100

1

SSABD

6.400

1

SSBCD

0.900

1

SSABCD
SSBD Subj.
within grps.

0.900

1

82.200

36

SSACD
SSg S ubj.
within g r p s .
SSBD

SS Subj. Total

45.850

42.91881**

5.038
36.83749**
2.80332

2.283

595,429.975

** = p < .01. *** = p < .10.
* = p < .05
Significant Effects:
A =
B =
C =
D =*
CD=

Pre-No Pre-test— No Diff.
Conscious/Need--Cons. Scores Higher
Treatment-No Treat— Treat Grps. Higher
Immed./Delay— Delay Higher
For Treat. Group— Increase over Delay Greater than for no
Treat.
BD= On Conscious and on Need:
Treat/No Treat— Treatment Much
Higher

TABLE 4.8.— ANOVA Design.
S1

c

B1
1

Di
D?

B2
a

-i
Do

S2

S3

S4

S5

S6

S7

S8

S9 S10

165 163 148 162 174 144 139 138 138 137

1498

176 170 156 171 193 155 150 143 150 143

1587

33

40

27

30

31

27

24

23

31

20

286

44

45

34

39

38

33

30

31

36

24

354

B,

B,

B.

B.

B.

1367

188 152 150 134 131 130 136 122 131 133

1407

45

24

22

16

10

18

15

10

13

15

188

49

31

25

18

12

18

16

10

11

17

207

144 135 131 136 133 121 126 123 122 111

1282

147 141 132 150 136 128 128 137 124 118

1341

158 144 147 162 148 146 129 123 133 136

1426

175 155 158 172 158 157 139 135 141 145

1535

39

33

27

33

37

25

12

11

22

17

256

44

40

34

41

40

33

18

16

32

24

322

25

18

15

17

20

10

14

13

9

6

147

28

23

15

25

21

11

14

19

10

9

175

114

B,

182 147 147 132 127 126 131 121 126 128

115
comparison of scores on Black consciousness for both
experimental and control groups at post-tests 1 and 2 (see
Tables 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, and 4.12).

Thus, as will be dis­

cussed in the next chapter, even those who did not receive
treatment had score increases of appropriate significance.
Pre-tests along with treatment did not effect post­
tests any more than pre-tests without treatment.

The data

thus confirm expectations about the effectiveness of the
experimental treatment.
Relations' *

--

•

ciousness

According to the third hypothesis, "the past
present, and/or future tendency to participate and/or
subscribe to collective actions and activities with group
members aimed at enhancing the potentialities of one's
group and obviating the restrictions serving to derogate
the group will be functionally related to the degree
adolescents embrace the value of Black consciousness and
demonstrate prepotency of the self-actualization need.
It can be seen from looking at Table 4.13 that the correlation between valuing Black consciousness and engaging
in behavioral activities reflect it is significantly high
for both groups

(Michigan-rxy = .59, p < .001; Nova Scotia

rxy = .62, p < .001).

As noted before

(Table 4.14) the

valuing of Black consciousness for the two groups was
significantly different.

It now appears that the

TABLE 4.9.— Levels of Post-Test I Scores
Levels of
Consciousness

Experimental
1
(Pre-Tested)

£

on Black Consciousness Survey.

Experimental
2
(No Pre-Test)

Control
1
(Pre-Tested)

Control
2
(No Pre-Test)
144

High

X = 158

X = 151

X = 159

(144 and above)

N = 6

N = 6

N = 3

Average

X = 138

X = 130

X = 130

(97-143)

N = 4

N = 4

N = 7

N = 1
126
N = 9

*
Scores rounded to nearest whole.
116

TABLE 4.10.— Levels of Post-Tests 2 Scores on Black Consciousness Survey.
Levels of
Consciousness

Experimental
1
(Pre-Tested)

Experimental
2
(No Pre-Test)

Control
1
(Pre-Tested)

Control
2
(No Pre-Test)
146

High

X = 160

X = 160

X = 163

(144 and above)

N = 9

N a 7

N = 3

N = 3

Average

X - 128

X = 138

X = 130

X = 129

(97-143)

N = 1

N = 3

N = 7

N = 7

TABLE 4.11.— Levels of Scores on Self-Actualization Measure Post-Test 1.
Levels of
Experimental
1
Se1f-Actuali zation
(Pre-Tested)

Experimental
2
(No Pre-Test)

Control
1
(Pre-Tested)

Control
2
(No Pre-Test)

High

X = 28.6

X = 30.8

X = 30.1

X = 22.5

(20 and above)

N = 10

N = 7

N = 3

N = 2

X = 13

X = 13.8

X = 12.7

N = 3

N = 7

N = 8

Average

117

TABLE 4.12.— Levels of Scores on Self-Actualization Measure Post-■Test 2.
Levels of
Experimental
Self-Actualization
1
(Pre-Tested)
High

Average

Experimental
2
(No Pre-Test)

Control
1
(Pre-Tested)

Control
2
(No Pre-Test)

X = 35.4

X = 36

X = 35

X = 22

N = 10

N = 8

N = 3

N = 5

X = 17

X = 14.5

X = 12.6

N - 2

N = 7

N = 5

118

TABLE 4.13.— Correlations Between Valuing Black Consciousness
and Engagement in Black Consciousness Activities
For Michigan and Nova Scotia Groups.*
rXY

N

df

Significance

Michigan

.59

40

38

p < .001

Nova Scotia

.62

30

28

p < .001

*
Pearson product movement correlation.

TABLE 4.14.- -Black Consciousness Behavioral Activities in
Michigan and Nova Scotia Groups.
X

Michigan

6.5

Nova Scotia

4.96

t*

3.086

df

Significance

68

p < .01

*

t-test for independent measures.

119
differences in behavioral activities are consistent with
this pattern.

Table 4.1 reveals the mean differences

(Michigan X = 6.5? Nova Scotia, X *= 4.96) on behavioral
activities are significantly different (t = 3.086, df = 68,
p < .01).
A point of interest for further exploration is the
fact that the correlation between Black consciousness and
behavioral activity is slightly higher in the Nova Scotia
group them in the Michigan group.
Additional Findings
In developing these hypotheses a number of postu­
lates were set forth regarding the psycho-historical
developments of these groups.
bear importance to our results.

Though not tested, they
For example, Winks

(1969)

places heavy emphasis on the differences and importances
Blacks in Nova Scotia attach to their ancestral heritage
and ethnic groups.

Results from the Demographic and

Socialization Questionnaire do not lend support to these
propositions.

Thus, Table 4.15 on Ethnic and Racial Group

Identity and Heritage reveals that 92.5% of the Black sub­
jects from Nova Scotia referred to their grandparents as Black
or African; 80% referred to themselves as Black of African;
their friends were referred to as Black 85% of the time.
In respective order,

the other times they referred

TABLE 4.15.— Ethnic and Racial Group Identity and Heritage.
Grandparents
Ethnic Different

Groups

African
or Black

Yes

No

N.S.

92.5%

7.5%

M.

87.5

12.5

Ethnic or
Racial I.D.
of Self

Ethnic Group Like
----------------Most

Eth.-Rac.
Gp. or Friends

Least

80%

65%

5%

85%

45

37

2.5

93

N.S.

40

White
M.

Third
World

120

Black
&
White

N.S.
M.
N.S.

5

M.

Others
N.S.
B.S.U.,
Panthers, M
etc.

7.5

7.5
10

17.5

15

30

7.5

10
2

121
to ethnic groups of either their family, friends or self
as belonging in "other" categories

(e.g., Black student

Union, Panthers, etc.).
Black consciousness as described earlier in this
paper is multi-dimensional in nature.

Consequently,

individual or group scores on the scale are possibly related
to what aspects of Black consciousness are most salient in
their repertoire.

In keeping with the definition of Black

consciousness used by the developer of the scale

(defined

in Chapter II) it was expected that those who were more
consciously aware of system blame might score higher.

To

explore the scale's dimensions further two factor analyses
were undertaken--one on the Nova Scotian data and 0 the
other on the Michigan scores.
Results for the Nova Scotian group reveal five
major factors;

(1) Black pride and identity;

(3) Sense of Community;

(4) Discrimination vs Integration,

and (5) Justice and Equality.
six major factors are:

For the Michigan group, the

(1) Black pride and identity;

(2) Political nationalism;
nationalism;

(2) Militancy;

(3) Pan-Africanism;

(4) Cultural

(5) Self-determination, and (6) System Blame.

The results are interesting but limited in application due
to statistical problems.

The number of subjects was smaller

than the number of variables; however, major factors were
isolated and are suggestive of dimensions of Black conscious­
ness being tapped in our two sample populations.

122
The implications of these factors and further
amplification on the same identifiable characteristics
will be discussed in the next chapter, along with further
interpretations of the results of the present investigation.

CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION

History was so written as to make all civilization
the development of white people; economics was so
taught as to make all wealth due mainly to the
technical accomplishments of white folks supple­
mented only by the brute tail of colored peoples;
brain weights and intelligence tests were used and
distorted to prove the superiority of white folk.
The result was the complete domination of the world
by Europe and North America and a culmination and
tempo of civilization singularly satisfactory to the
majority of the writers and thinkers at beginning
of the Twentieth Century.
(W. E. B. DuBois, 1946,
p. 37).
Theoretical Analysis
In view of this extensive penetration of white
dominance in every aspect of our society some a priori
supremacist assumptions have affected beliefs, values,
attitudes and behavior regarding non-white people; they
also have influenced theoretical models which are supposed
to apply to all people— across races.

And even worst than

these assumptions forming the basis and premises upon which
we educate, they have been used successfully in getting
most people in our society to identify with them and on
occasion internalize them.
In Kenneth and Mamie Clark's

(19 47) classic studies

on doll preferences, why did Black children choose a white

123

124
doll more frequently than a Black doll?

This kind of be­

havior has been interpreted as Black self-hate.
If Black people have consistently demonstrated a
hatred of self, we can use this as a pivotal point for
acknowledging awareness of self; however, the awareness
that emerges is debilitating to growth and development.
A different awareness must be evoked— one that is positive
and obviates conditions which perpetuate this stifling
growth.

Littleton and Burgers

attempted to turn this tide.
of a Black consciousness.

(1971) report how Garvey
He emphasized the necessity

To some, his beliefs and values

were visionary; yet, he persevered.

One might say he (along

with Blyden) provided a benchmark on which the Harlem Renais­
sance and current Black Power movement emerged.

An unforget­

table passage from "An Appeal to Conscience of the Black Race
to See Itself"

(Littleton and Burger) is revealing of both

Garvey's philosophical and rhetorical approach:
. . . the evil of internal division is wrecking an
existence as a people, and if we do not seriously
and quickly move in the direction of a readjustment
it simply means that our doom is universally con­
clusive (p. 62).
To subvert this development Garvey founded the Universal
Negro Improvement Association.

His central theme was that

to bring out the best, a race must make an effort itself.
This entailed creating for self and proving to self the
ability to survive.

Freedom, liberation, and self-

determination, and pride in self were prerequisites.

125
Continuing his discourse, Garvey outlines the ideology and
action necessary:
When a man is a slave he has no liberty of action;
no freedom of will, he is bound and controlled by
the will and act of others; as of the individual,
so of the race. To see your enemy and to know him
is a part of a complete education of man; to
spiritually regulate one's self in another form of
the higher education that fits man for a nobler
place in life, and still, to approach your brother
by the feeling of your own humanity, is an edu­
cation that softens the ills of the world and make
us kind indeed (p. 67).
Throughout his book

(The Philosophy and Opinions of

Marcus Garvey, 1967) he speaks of the substantive elements
of Black consciousness— self-reliance and respect, progress
and humanity, acknowledgement of slavery, improvement in
education, undoing prejudice, wariness about race assimi­
lation, and utilizing power.

In this sense, perhaps, he

too was perceiving Black consciousness as a value.
Black consciousness as a value in the present
research becomes significantly linked to one's psychologi­
cal needs.

In particular the relationship of Black

consciousness to self-actualization become salient.
Psychological Needs
This study focused on Abraham Maslow's
hierarchy of needs.
this hierarchy.

(1954)

We wanted to assess the fixation of

According to theory, one must have

satisfied the lower needs before the higher needs become
prepotent.

That is, physical and safety needs must be

126
satisfied before one becomes concerned with the needs for
love and belongingness, self-esteem, and self-actualization,
in respective order.
seemed incomplete.

For several reasons this theory
First, it is questionable whether love

and belongingness is a lower need than self-esteem.

It

appears to me that love and belongingness may be closer
to some aspects of self-actualization

(e.g., not too indi­

vidualistic, acceptance of self and other, gemeinschaftsgefuhl
deep feeling for human beings in general).

This of course,

means that the concept of love and belongingness must be
expanded.

Love is more than the one-to-one relationship

we so often think of in Westernized contexts.

It encompasses

love for many people, for a group— love which is so deep
that it frequently may transcend the individual love rela­
tionship.

This needs to be explored very critically.

It

is in keeping with the African concept of brothers and
sisters— not the rhetoric but the believing and living one's
life based on these precepts and genuine feeling of kinship.
Secondly, if we were to accept Maslow's fixity of
need hierarchy, we certainly need to explore safety needs
as related to Black and other oppressed people.

According

to theory, these needs are basic and are satisfied when
individuals live in a good society which ordinarily protects
its members from tyranny and criminal assault.

These needs

are expected to be most salient, however/ among economic
and social underdogs, who are powerless and exists with

127
unorganized, unmanageable, and unpredictables aspects as
constants in their world.

Granted, to some extent this

may characterize the life of most people in our society.
It seems unnecessary to document here all the activities
of a Ku Klux Klan, racism in jobs, housing, education,
etc. that magnify the deprivations experienced by Black
people.

Consequently, many Blacks might remain fixated

on this safety level.
Douglass'

A moving experience in Frederick

life sheds some light on the subject.

Speaking

as a slave, he creates an image:
In hottest summer and coldest winter I was kept
almost in a state of nudity. . . . I slept generally
in a little closet, without even a blanket to cover
me. . . . M y feet have been so cracked with the
frost that the pen with which I am writing might
be laid in the gashes. . . . (1968, pp. 14 & 15).
Yet his energies, thoughts, and needs were of a self­
esteem and self-actualizing nature.

He taught himself to

write by tracing carpenters' chalk marks at his master's ship­
yard.

He was busy reading essays on "Liberty" and preached

this theme to other slave teenagers.

In spite of the bruta­

lity and possibility of death he fought the slavebreaker:
"After resisting him, I felt as I had never felt before.
It was a resurrection from the dark and pestiferous tomb
of slavery.

. . . When a slave cannot be flogged, he is

more than half free (1968, p. 14)."
According to Maslow, this resistance to enculturation, autonomy, and independence are characteristics of

128
those with dominant propensities for self-actualization.
Paradoxically, the conditions in which Douglass lived
were ones that would make physical and safety needs most
prepotent; thus, theoretically preventing his engaging
in the acts he performed.

How do we explain this?

Perhaps it is not Maslow's total theory that is so much
at fault.

For he talks about the degree of fixity of

these needs.

He would explain such behavior in terms

of reversals and related to ideals, high values, and
martyrs.

The point is, he does allow room for modification

of his theory.

To often, this has been ignored and his

theory has been accepted and used in a rigidly literal
manner.

It is important to bear this in mind, for the

results in the present study may be partially explained
in this light.
We might also look at differences among Blacks
in terms of the prerequisites established.

That is, there

are certain prerequisites for the satisfaction of basic
needs which constantly operate to mitigate chances for
Blacks;
1.

Freedom to speak

2.

Freedom to express oneself

3.

Freedom to investigate and seek information

4.

Justice, fairness, honest and orderliness in
the group.

129
Before responding, I would beg one to give serious
thought to those prerequisites and relate them to Blacks
historical development.

With these thoughts in mind we

can move to the third major variable in the present study.
Socialization
Immediate questions which come to mind are,

(1) Who

are the agents of socialization, and (2) What are they
socializing their "subjects" to become?

Ifecall the head-

note at the beginning of this section, and partial answers
emerge.

Let us go on to more specific questions.

the situation described by DuBois exist?

Why does

How did Blacks

come to be excluded in educational curricula?

Why is it

heretofore, that no concerted efforts have been made to
trace their plight and develop theories which speak
poignantly to the significance of these factors?

Mannheim

(19 36) tells us that societies tend to inculcate those
values which perpetuate their interests.

Thus, the values

which white society socializes its members to accept are
in keeping with their interests.
term (and shortsighted)
relationship,
oppressor.

It is to their short­

interest to have a slave-master

"have-nots and haves," oppressed and

To accomplish this, the slaves, have-nots,

and oppressed must believe they have those statuses
because they are inherently inferior.

It is to be expected

that they have low self-esteem, low self-worth, and no
self-actualization.

130
There are many fallacies in such a line of thinking;
however, of most importance in terms of scholarship and
academic excellence is the failure of our social scientists
to educate themselves about the lives of "non-white" people,
and eradicate the ignorance they pass on to students
through writings and theories based on erroneous assumptions.
For

all of their activities serve some aspect of the

socializing function.
Mead (1963, p. 185) suggests that the development
of a cross-culturally viable theory of socialization requires
a meticulous examination of the details of enculturation.
We have espoused enculturation, but ignored the process.
We have assumed that where a group of people were not
enculturated, some deficiency existed within them and have
usually traced this to origins in their families

(Moynihan,

1967).
In psychology too often we have ignored the reasons
for socialization.

For example, Clausen, et al.

(1968)

suggests there are four major themes in socialization:
1.

Concern with modes of social control.

2.

Significance of social interaction in the
attainment of human nature with particular
emphasis on development of social self and
self-other patterns.

3.

Influence of social structure and value orienta­
tions on child-rearing practices and emphasis.

4.

The significance of social role, role recruitment,
and role training for the understanding of behavior.

131
For our Black populations they are too often the victim of
these socialization practices and are allowed to contribute
very little to implementation for their advantage.
Of particular relevance to socialization as a
factor in the present study is George Herbert Mead's
pivotal focus— the rise of meaning and of selfhood in
the process of social interaction.
An Explanation of the Present Findings
Black Consciousness
In terms of hypothesized relationships, the first
finding to be examined is the significant difference between
Blacks in Nova Scotia and Blacks in Michigan on Black
consciousness

(Table 4.0).

To analyze the meaning of

these results, we must first look at the instrument used
to measure Black consciousness.

This instrument was

developed by a United States Black man, standardized on
a United States Black population in San Francisco and
Marin counties, California, and finally, the questions
and statements comprising the scale were designed for
Blacks in the United States.

Even though the current

researcher added some items that were related to Black
Canadian's experiences they were few and did not make up
for the other items which were quite culturally specific
to Blacks in the United States.

Thus, it is possible that

the Blacks in Canada did not have enough items reflecting

132
their Black culture.

Overall, the items of the survey

place heavy emphasis on system blame and militancy as
indicated in the factor-analysis.

System-blame was not

a major factor for our Nova Scotian population.

The

instrument also favors separation to integration.

Taking

the historical account of the Black Nova Scotian into
perspective one might expect that integration is not
viewed in the same context as it is for United States
Blacks.
On

another level we might want to consider

findings in relation to other studies.

For example, Marx

(1967) in reporting self-image among conservatives,
moderates, and militants found that militants had a more
positive self-image.

Figure 4.1 reveals that Michigan

subjects are militant more often than Nova Scotians.
Thus, if militancy is related to Black consciousness as
suggested by Art Mathis

(19 71) the Michigan group is

expected to score higher.
Of particular importance from another standpoint
is the fact that the lower valuing of Black consciousness
among Nova Scotians may also be related to differences
between an urban population and a rural population.

This

should be viewed in terms of the differing aspects of
Black consciousness.

Those activities and dimensions

of the value may differ in the two settings.

For example,

Blacks in the urban areas may have more direct contacts

133
with whites in day to day activities, such as going to
the stores several times in one day, going to nearby
university lectures and seminars which speak to the
political implications of the "system" on the Black man's
position.

These particular kinds of interactions would

probably be lessened in more rural areas.

This is not

to imply that Blacks in rural areas are less aware of
the white system impinging upon their freedom; rather,
it speaks to the intensity and an aspect of Black
consciousness which possibly occupies a lower priority
than does Black pride and militancy.
One final remark on the Black consciousness scores
seems appropriate.

Compared with the United States group,

the Black students in Nova Scotia both articulate and
engage in religious activities to a disproportionately
higher degree.

(The forthcoming Africville Report by

Institute of Public Affairs, Nova Scotia, gives countenance
to this).

Religion plays much the role for the Nova Scotian

Black communities that it has in Black non-urban communities
in the southern part of the United States.

Inherent in

this religious fervor are dictates such as 11love all people,
make no differences because of race,"
cheek," and similar statements.

"turn the other

Consequently, a response

which might be scored correct, if it emphasized beliefs
against religious principles the subjects in Nova Scotia
would tend to disagree.

There are several other indications

134
and factors supporting this religious hypothesis.

In

scoring the sentence completions, it was noted the Blacks
in Nova Scotia had considerable more completions with
religious reference.

While in Nova Scotia during August,

1971 I attended the annual meetings of the African
Baptists Association in Preston.

This was given extensive

coverage in most newspapers throughout the province; people
came from all over the province in spite of hard rains and
a hurricane passing through.

Many of the students who

participated in the present study took an active part in
the services and expressed deep religious conviction.
unpublished manuscript on Africville

An

(a Black community

located on the fringe of the city of Halifax until urban
renewal abolished is several years ago) devotes a whole
chapter on the significance of religion in lives of Blacks
in Nova Scotia.
Historically, religion generally has been used in
two ways— as an opiate and a controlling device.

It can

be used, however, as David Walker attempted in 1820, to
encourage people to rise up and protest the conditions
which are antithetical to the doctrines in the Bible.
Unfortunately, religion appears to have had a more control­
ling function with our Black Nova Scotians.
Self-Actualization Needs
One identifiable characteristics of Black conscious­
ness is the enhancing of self and self-love as a Black

135
person.

In the broadest application of these beliefs, one

begins to develop in a manner that puts him face to face
with some of the characteristics of Maslow's selfactualized person.

These include such attributes as

follows:
1.

Acceptance of self and others

2.

Problem Centering

3.

Autonomy:

(Less Ego Centered)

Independence of Culture and

Environment
4.

Gemeinschaftgefuhll

(Deep feelings for Human

Race)
5.

Interpersonal Relations

6.

Democratic Character Structure

7.

Resistance to Enculturation

(The total list of characteristics assessed in the present
research is presented in Appendix B-3).

It is extremely

important to analyze the needs for these kind of character­
istics in Black lives.

As alluded to earlier, Simpson

attributed the high scoring on self-esteem and altruistic
goals of Blacks as being partially accounted for by the
students' involvement in Civil Rights Activities.
Dr. Juanita Collier, a clinical psychologist with years
of experience in the field and working with Black people,
tells us that there is a "post-riot" structural personality
emerging in Blacks.

They have scored higher on tests

measuring self-esteem and inner direction during the
years following Watts, Detroit, Newark, etc.

136
As defined and conceptualized by Maslow, self­
actualized persons were considered in reference to a white
population.

I cannot overstress the significance of this.

Many of the characteristics he lists for self-actualized
persons are ones which some must exert considerable energy
and efforts to acquire.

For they are against the white cul­

tural norms; whereas, some to these same characteristics have
been a necessary part of the Black experience.

For both cul­

tures, racism has been a salient factor.
Racism is irrational and frequently unconscious;
thus, it is very difficult for individuals who have been
affected with this disease to even remotely entertain the
possibility that Blacks might have stronger prepensities
for self-actualization than what has been shown on white
populations.

Yet, if we look at the strengths that Blacks

have acquired in order to survive, at their abilities to
love and relate with warmth and sincerity to those who
have and continue to commit the most atrocious acts upon
them, one must give cogent

thought to the uniqueness of

this kind of character growth.

Explore for a moment the

implications for whites to have a heightened need for a:
(1) more efficient perception of reality,
(self, others, nature),

(2) acceptance

(3) problem-centered (in broad

sense of worldly human problems), (4) autonomy; independence
of culture and environment;

(5) gemeinschaftgefuhl

(deep

feelings for human race), (6) interpersonal relations-extended,

(7) democratic character structure, and

137
(8) resistance to enculturation.

These characteristics

could be more of a burden than a reward for those who
enjoy all kinds of benefits from undemocratic behavior,
for denial of reality— which allows them to "tar and
feather" in a northern Michigan city today and rationalize
such behavior on grounds of inferiority of people who are
victims of such acts.

What is the price they must pay

when resisting this type of enculturation and striving
to become autonomous of such a culture.
far to get some answers.

We need not look

By no means are all white students

protesting the War in Vietnam doing it in the process of
becoming more humanist, problem-centered, etc.

Yet we

must acknowledge these activities and those individuals
who are so terribly committed to self-actualized activities.
This certainly must be done critically.

Again, I emphasize—

every war protester, just as every Black power advocate is
not a self-actualized developing person.

To become self­

actualized is to transcend strong self-esteem (from others)
needs serving as motivating force.
Self-Esteem
Subjects from both populations scored high on self­
esteem.

Table 4.3 reveals that the differences between

these groups were not significant.
accounted for?
sets.

How might this be

Maslow breaks self-esteem needs into two

In the first set such characteristics as strength,

achievement, adequacy, mastery and competence, confidence

138
in the face of the world, find independence and freedom
are most prepotent; in the second set, characteristics of
need for reputation or prestige, status, dominance,
recognition, attention, importance, find appreciation are
predominant.

It becomes clear that the second set reflects

self-esteem more likely to come from others.

Both groups

scored fairly close on this second aspect with the Nova
Scotians scoring slightly higher.

The. first set, on the other

hand, reflects more concern about personal growth and competency.
Maslow's characteristic of independence and freedom closely
approach a self-actualized propensity

(see his footnote on

this in Appendix B-8 where the needs are explained in
detail).
It is hard to imagine people in general— but Blacks
in particular, being free from strong self-esteem needs.
Traditionally, any recognition and status Blacks have
received from others has been the only hope of feeling
good about self.

Simpson offers a plausible explanation:

the high self-esteem from others in her Black population
is viewed as being inextricably related to the close-knit
group in their Black community which served to give these
youngsters esteem.

In an all or predominantly white com­

munity this need might not be as prepotent for those with
high consciousness of self

(Black).

That is,

the students

will have learned by then that self-esteem is generally
taken away from Blacks by whites.

After all,

whites are

criteria for status,

the

ones who set

the

the

139
dominance, importance, etc.

In keeping with the philosophy

and ideology of a racist society— to provide self-esteem
for Blacks would be antithetical to the norms.

This in­

terpretation needs to be explored more systematically in
various institutions and societal settings.
The Experimental Treatment
The results indicate that the experimental manipu­
lation was successful in raising Black consciousness scores
and propensities for self-actualization needs.

It is not

surprising and consistent with non-empirical findings of
organizations in Black communities

(e.g. T.W.O. in Chicago),

work with Black communities in the southern United States,
and school programs which have incorporated viable, well
developed Black Studies.
A study reported by Smith

(1967) provides some

countenance for the present findings.

Students in an

honor's English class in a "disadvantaged" Chicago high
school had eight speakers come in during the course of
the year.

These were outstanding Black men with varying

experiences and backgrounds

(e.g., civil rights activist,

attorney, poetess, psychologist, doctoral student in
divinity).

These speakers gave twenty-minute talks and

allowed for a twenty minute question and answer period.
Results showed that these students self-concepts were
strengthened, much self-rejection instilled by racism
was replaced with high self-esteem, intellectual growth

140
occurred, and a new hope with higher aspirations emerged.
In a follow-up one year later these students' educational
achievement, including high school graduation and attendance
in colleges, far surpassed the average for the school.
Too often these are the kinds of reports which do
not reach journals reporting "prestigious disciplinary
studies"

(and can be attributed largely to racism).

Thus, the

social scientists who have potential to become scholars falter
because they continue to analyze and assess Blacks behavior
within theories developed on whites, and are not aware of
research on Blacks which can increase their knowledge and
growth.
The results of the study reported above and findings
in the present study strongly indicate that Black students
have an interest, need, and desire to know more about them­
selves.

In fact, it is the belief of the present researcher

that it was the quest for such knowledge among the control
group subjects that caused their scores to increase over
the three observations.
when given an opportunity

Along with need for knowledge,
(such as the project between

post-test 2 and post-test 3) they participated in behavioral
activities which heightened their Black consciousness.

This

resulted in a certain amount of leakage and certainly
deviated from strict tradition control groups design such
as implemented in a laboratory setting.

Such happenings

are to be expected in field research, however.

This

141
leakage actually has advantages however, in demonstrating
the effects even indirectly awakening a need and changing
values.
One of the major limitations of the present study
is lack of comparative data of both groups across all
three observations.

Since the Michigan group was high in

Black consciousness from the onset, we cannot generalize
what happens to a group of individuals who are already
high.

If we look at individuals initially high on Black

consciousness in our Nova Scotian group it appears as
though they continually increase in this consciousness
as they are provided with more information about self,
but this needs further investigation.
Behavioral Activities and
Black Consciousness
A very high correlation was found between both
groups' valuing Black consciousness and participating in
Black consciousness raising activities.

One interesting

aspect of this particular finding was the significant
difference between Nova Scotian and Michigan subjects on
behavioral activities.

The Michigan population scored

much higher on behavioral activities, indicating a high
level of involvement in activities related to Black
consciousness.

Yet, the correlation between valuing

Black consciousness and engaging in behavioral activities
was slightly higher for the Nova Scotian subjects.

Although

142
this difference is not significant, it is interesting to
explore it further for explanatory purposes.

In terms

of the close and rather cohesive communities in which the
Black Nova Scotians live, it is possible that they may be
limited in the number of activities they can engage in;
however, when Black consciousness is highly valued subjects
would engage in whatever behavioral Black consciousness
activities were available.

As a case in point, many of

the Nova Scotian subjects responded no to the question,
"Have you been to a meeting on Black consciousness in the
last month?"

In contrast, a considerable higher proportion

of the Michigan group responded yes.

This difference might

be accounted for in terms of accessibility of public
transportation.

There is none going from the Preston

areas into Halifax (where most such meetings would be
held); therefore, many people are not able to go to
activities they would be interested in attending.

In

Detroit, public transportation is available 12 or more
hours in a day.
In terms of another questionnaire item we should
note that students in Nova Scotia may be less likely to
make a bulletin board on Blackness, if they are discouraged
by the school.

Several students reported that they had

learned more about themselves and Black history in the
three days of treatment than they had ever learned in the
whole year in a Black history course

(taught by a non-Black).

143
Certainly, we can't expect Black consciousness to be
valued positively when students are being taught that
the Moors were a "bunch of barbarians and hoodlums running
through Europe."
Socialization
The underlined portion of the statement above could
be used to capsulize the kind of socialization process
Blacks are exposed to in their schools— particularly when
non-Blacks are doing the teaching and administrating.
Results from the present research indicate that Blacks
who are encouraged to engage in civil rights activities
and are exposed to Black writings and history tend to
have both a higher degree of Black consciousness and selfactualization.

Further, there seems to be some consistency

between how the school views socialization of norms and
values that are antithetical and in conflict with broader
society and parents' views on these factors.

Thus, the

job which is required entails massive educational overhauls
and extensive counseling with parents.
The postulates set forth by Winks that Blacks in
Nova Scotia tended to be divided by ethnic identity based
on their ancestral heritage did not hold up when tested.
Interestingly

Jim Walker, a doctoral student (April, 1971)

in history doing his dissertation on Black Loyalists also dis­
agrees with Winks on this matter.
scale research project

He related to me a small-

he and Rocky Jones carried out in 1970,

144
asking Blacks in Halifax what ethnic group they belonged
to.

The results revealed that Blacks did not identify

themselves as Loyalists, Maroons, Refugees, or Slaves.
Instead they responded that they were Negroes or Blacks.
Similar findings appear in the present research.

Table 4.15

reveals that the four groups Winks speaks of were never
mentioned as a response to any of the questions on ethnic
group.
It appears that Winks is interpreting Blacks1
identity as based on distinctions white groups made
regarding these men of dark hue entering their province
at various times.

Rawlyk made similar interpretations

in his paper on the Guysborough Blacks.

It is possible

that some older Blacks may have accepted these distinctions
and referred to themselves as belonging to a particular
ethnic group.

The younger and contemporary generation,

however, definitely do not make such distinctions.

These

results suggest that the lowered Black consciousness can­
not be attributed to contemporary ethnic diviseness.

If,

however, this diviseness has been operant in the past, it
may still exist on a more latent or covert level for some.
Summary and Implications for Future Research
Summary
Contrary to the image that is most generally
presented, Black people are not one monolithic group that

145

can be rubicated in terms of low socio-economic models.
They are an extremely complex group of people due to their
unique experiences in the varying parts of the Black
Diaspora.

They share certain commonalities

(oppression,

exploitation, racism) but they demonstrate sufficient
differences.
In this study we have explored the similarities
and differences of Blacks from two areas of the Diaspora—
Nova Scotia, Canada and Michigan, U.S.A.

The points of

focus were Black consciousness, psychological needs, and
socialization practices.

It is impossible to understand

the patterns which emerge without a retreat into the past.
Such a historical analysis of these two cultures was an
integral part of the study.
The two populations shared several experiences in
common.

Blacks went to both Nova Scotia and Michigan to

start new lives as free men and women.
(1773-76) in Nova Scotia

Upon their arrival

(that is, the first large group)

these Loyalist Blacks found that slavery had been in
existence almost from the beginning of this provinces'
establishment in 1749.

Thus, they were accepted as free

men but eventually treated as previous Blacks had been.
Somehow Black men were equated with slavery and inferiority.
Their lives in Nova Scotia was a product of these cultural
values and beliefs.

This "Warden of the North" did not

turn out to be the haven for freedom.

Conditions became

146
so bad that on three different occasions they emigrated to
Africa and Trinidad.

At various other times Blacks in

Nova Scotia and throughout Canada escaped into the northern
sections of the United States seeking freedom.

Slavery

was not outlawed in Canada until 1833.
The paradox is that Blacks from southern sections
of the United States were making their way north to Canada
or to the free states in Northern U.S.A.

Michigan was one

of these free states that attracted many Blacks from the
south.

In spite of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787

prohibiting it, slavery had existed in Michigan territory
before it became an official part of the union in 1837.
However, the massive exodus of southern Blacks between
1830 and 1850 to Michigan was supported by several anti­
slavery groups.

Very early in their new settlements Blacks

developed some semblances of self-determination and respect.
Many of these Blacks had been free men in the southern
states and were the more prosperous and educated Blacks.
This was particularly true of those Blacks who came from
Virginia to settle in Detroit.

Hartgrove

(1916, p. 23)

tells us that,
The State of Virginia has been the home of dis­
tinguished persons of both sexes of the white and
colored races.
A dissertation on the noted colored
women of Virginia would find a small circle of
readers but would nevertheless, contain interesting
accounts of some of the most important achievements
of the people of that State.
The story of Maria
Louise Moore-Richards would be a large chapter of
such a narrative (p. 23).

147
Though not the earliest, Mrs. Richards was among
a group of Virginians who sold their property and moved
to Detroit.

One of her daughters, Fannie Richards, was

educated in Toronto, and later received teacher training
in Detroit.

She became the first Black teacher in Detroit—

from 1863 until 1916.

This account is pertinent for

comparative purposes.

Many of the early Blacks in

Michigan had an opportunity to be self-determining, selfactualizing, and develop their potentials.

We noted in

the first chapter, that Blacks in Cass County voted
(Katzman, 1969).

In contrast, we cannot trace a group

of early Black settlers in Nova Scotia who came with this
freedom, who could receive a higher education and become
a teacher in their community, or vote on the establishment
of school systems in their community.

They were brought

to Nova Scotia and promised freedom for their loyalty to
the British.

The next group was brought to apply their

skills in repairing such fortifications as the Citadel—
yet a visit to the Citadel reveals the province's remission
in lauding these Black efforts.
In concluding, we may say

that Blacks in Nova

Scotia and in Michigan have original heritages that are
very similar.

Through the process of dispersing Blacks

their experiences differed.

In a paper presented at the

annual meeting of the Canadian Association of Anthropologists
and Sociologists

(May 29-31, 1970) Clairmont and Magill

148
captures the Black experience in these words:
Scotian Blacks:

"Nova

Marginality In A Depressed Region."

Marginality is defined as a lack of influence in societal
decision-making and a low degree of participation in the
mainstream of political or economic life

(1970, p. 96).

In spite of many similar background experiences the Blacks
in Michigan have been less hampered by this marginality.
To some extent this has provided a broader base for Blacks to
concern themselves with a different level of need priority.
It is this difference which appears to be very important in
the higher valuing of Black consciousness.

With the dif­

fusion of the thrust of Black power and Black pride in Canada,
it is likely that these differences will be minimized.
Future Research
The present study has implications for future
research in five major identifiable areas:
1.

Further factor analytic investigation of the
Black Consciousness scale with larger samples.

2.

Further cross-cultural studies of Blacks in
order to understand the unique circumstances
and experiences which contribute to differences
in the prepotency of psychological needs and
values.

3.

Development of new models which are more appli­
cable to Blacks and other oppressed groups,

149
through critical analysis and testing of
existing theories.
4.

Increasing resources so that results can be
fed back faster to the institutions and people
who have participated in the research.

5.

Modification of the socialization practices
in education through revision in uni-cultural
and uni-racial curricula.

In the introductory chapter we noted that the edu­
cational system is a microcosm of the larger social system.
The larger social system has failed to acknowledge scien­
tifically the needs of Blacks in a context which begins with
a critical assessment of Blacks' unique historical experi­
ences along with their psychological consequences.
has been equally remiss.

Education

There are a number of organizations

and educational areas developing which attach the Black as
a prefix.

This is not adequate.

Extensive, scholarly,

and in-depth analysis of such areas as Black psychology,
Black sociology, and Black anthropology requires modifi­
cation of existing theories and development of new theories.
Thus, we are not advocating the discarding of all existing
white theories since much would be lost through such
uncritical approaches; but, we do forthrightly require
a scholarly approach to realizing these theories' strengths
and weaknesses, and as well as their implications in
fostering a particular kind of "Black psyche."

150
Once such research is carried out it is imperative
that results be fed back to the people and institutions
who can benefit from such information.

The greatest

shortcoming of the present study, as far as the present
researcher is concerned, was the length of time which
lapsed between conducting the research and getting results
back to the individuals involved in the populations
sampled.

To correct this a major prerequisite is

financial

in nature.

Research of this nature to truly

perform its function requires a staff of several people.
It is rewarding, challenging, and applicable— but-it-needs
the involvement of several assistants to analyze, interpret,
and report the findings within a reasonable period of time.
Secondly, an ethical problem arises relative to creating
change without developing programs that will implement these
changes.

It is suggested that a follow-up visit be incorpo­

rated in the

research design. At

such time the researcher

can share results with students, faculty, parents and
other school-community personnel.

Though this follow-up

was lacking in the present design, written communication
has continued.
Through students' correspondence I have continued
confirmation of the positive impact of such a program;
t h u s , I confidently recommend that this research be
expanded with the appropriate additional resources.

I AM CONVINCED THAT THE FORCES MAKING FOR UNITY FAR OUTWEIGH
THOSE WHICH DIVIDE US.
IN MEETING FELLOW AFRICANS FROM ALL
PARTS OF THE CONTINENT I A M CONSTANTLY IMPRESSED BY HOW MUCH
WE HAVE IN COMMON.
IT IS NOT JUST OUR COLONIAL PAST, OR THE
FACT THAT WE HAVE AIMS IN COMMON, IT IS SOMETHING WHICH GOES
FAR DEEPER.
I CAN BEST DESCRIBE IT AS A SENSE OF ONENESS IN
THAT WE ARE AFRICANS.
(KWAME NKRUMAH, 1967, p. 12).

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________ . "The Negro In Nova Scotia 1686-1967." Halifax,
Nova Scotia, Nova Scotia Department of Education,
Adult Education Division.
Potter, Harold.
"Negroes in Canada."
1961), London, England.

Race, III

(November,

Randall, Thomas.
Warden of the No r t h . Garden City, New
York:
Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1965.
Rathborne, Lenore.
"First Freed Slaves at Five Miles
Plains and Vacinity."
Halifax, Nova Scotia:
Public Archives of Nova Scotia, 1950.
Rawlyk, G.
"The Guysborough Negroes:
A Study in Isolation."
The Dalhousie Review.
(Spring, 1968), pp. 24-36.
Shand, Gwendolyn.
"Adult Education Among the Negroes of
Nova Scotia."
Journal of Education, Halifax, Nova
Scotia, Nova Scotia Department of Education, 1961.
Smith, T. Watson.
"The Slave In Canada."
Collections of
the Nova Scotia Historical Society,~xr Halifax,
Nova Scotia:
Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1899.
Staebler, Edna.
"Would You Change The Lives of These People?"
Maclean's Magazine, Toronto, May 12, 1956.
Stein, David L.
"The Counter Attack on Diehard Racism."
Maclean's Magazine, October 20, 1962, p. 26.
Winks, Robin.
The Blacks In Canada.
University Press, 1971.

New Yaven:

Yale

165
W inks, Robin.
"Negroes In The Maritimes, An Introductory
Survey."
The Dalhousie Review, Vol. 48, No. 4
(Winter, lKBHSdk),pp. 433-4 ?1".
________ . "Negro School Segregation in Ontario and Nova
Scotia."
Canadian Historical Review, Vol. 50,
No. 2 (June, 1969b), pp. 164-191.
"The Canadian Negro: A Historical Assessment.
The Negro In Canadian-American Relationship, Part I."
Journal of Negro History, Vol. LIII, Noi '4 (October,
X9 6d), pp.
"The Canadian Negro: A Historical Assessment:
The Problem of Identity, Part II." Journal of
Negro History, Vol. LIV (January, 1969), pp. 1-18.
Public Archives Nova Scotia (P.A.N.S.) Verticle File Negroes
No. 50.

Barndt, Joseph.
"Why Black Power?"
Baptist, March 1, 1969, 14 (78).

The Attitude

No. 39.

"Black United Front Meets The Mayor."
Star, Dec. 10, 1968.

The Mail-

No. 41a. Conrad Dulcie.
The Negro In Nova Scotia."
Globe and M a i l , Dec. 9, 1968, p. 7.
No. 52a. "Education Seen As Preston Solution."
1969.
No. 62.

The

April 17,

Horner, Clyde.
"Co-op. Housing Grows In Preston."
The Mail Star, Jan. 26, 1970.

No. 52b. "Key Role For People of Preston."

April 17, 1969.

No. 36.

"Negro Business Needed."
Friday Dec. 6, 196 8.

The Chronicle-Herold,

No. 12.

"Nova Scotia:

No. 29.

"Nova Scotia Segregation's End."
1963, p. 13.

T i m e . Nov. 22,

No. 51.

Oliver,D.
"The New Self-Image."
Baptist, March 1, 1965.

The Altantic

No. 9.

"White Majority Must Give Negro Social Equality."
Mail Star. Oct. 4, 1962, pp. 36, 37.

Desegregation Corps."

APPENDICES

✓

166

APPENDIX A
BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS SURVEY

167

BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS SURVEY
On the following statement circle the number closest to
your feelings:
1 = strongly agree
1.

2 *= agree

3 = disagree

4 = strongly
disagree

If I was sitting at a table with some
members of my race and some white people
entered the room, I would be proud because
I was sitting with members of my race.

12

3 4

2.

Situations, involving people of my race,
which are called "riots" would be called
the same if involving whites.

12

3 4

3.

Call me Black, instead of Negro.

12

3 4

4.

White people did not like Muhammad Ali
because they did not like the idea of a
member of my race saying he was the greatest
and proving it.

12

3 4

5.

A bank owned and operated by members of my
race would be a good place to deposit ivy
savings.

12

3 4

6.

We should organize in an effort to free
ourselves from American Society.

12

3 4

7.

In this country, freedom for my race can
only be achieved through integration.

12

3 4

8.

My race would continue to
white man.

12

3 4

9.

Rockey Jones was right in encouraging black
people in Canada to support Black Power if
they want to gain freedom and equality.

12

3 4

10.

The Christian idea of heaven and hell has
slowed down my race's fight for freedom.

12

3 4

11.

For my race, equality and
not the same thing.

12

3 4

12.

Whites try to divide our community by saying
some of us are middle class.

12

3 4

eat without the

integration are

168

169
13.

When you are talking to white people, you
try to avoid the race issue.

12

3 4

14.

The people of my race who are descendents
of British Empire Loyalists, Maroon Negroes
of Jamaica, and West Indian Negroes, are
better than Slave Refugee Negroes from the
United States.

12

3 4

15.

The "natural" hairstyle is dignified.

12

34

16.

When assigned to "riot" duty in the so-called
Negro Ghettoes, soldiers of my race should
fight the police and other white soldiers.

12

34

17.

More Civil Rights Laws will help the situation in this country.

12

34

18.

If I were an Olympic athlete, I would serve
my country with dignity and honor by keeping
our racial problems at home.

12

34

19.

Thin lips and narrow noses look better than
thick lips and wide noses.

12

34

20.

The very light members of my race should
identify with the race and not "pass" for
white.

12

34

21 .

Tom Peters call to leave Nova Scotia and set
up our own nation in Sierra Leone would not
have been necessary if we had tried harder to
be like white people.

12

34

22.

Young members of my race are too impatient
for their civil rights.

12

34

23.

African civilizations in the past were
chiefly composed of uncivilized savages, ,
who only changed when Europeans conquered
their countries and taught them civilized
ways.

12

34

24.

Colored, Black, and Negro terms have the
same meaning.

12

34

25.

Through education my race will be accepted
into the mainstream of American society.

12

34

26.

When we identify with advocates of violence,
like Stokley Carmichael, white people
reject us even more.

12

34

170
27.

Pictures in Bibles and churches show God as
a white man— it is ridiculous to believe he
is black.

12 3 4

28.

There is no need for my race to buy guns.

12 3 4

29.

What each member of my race has to do is gain
individual acceptance into American Society.

12 3 4

30.

Many of the slaves that remained in the United
States were enterprising, smart, and anxious
for freedom as those who escaped to Canada.

12 3 4

31.

My race should spread out when in public
because gathering is like segregating
selves.

12 3 4

32.

The Black Panthers and the Black Muslims are
working for different things.

12 3 4

33.

African American slaves were afraid to fight
for freedom and accepted their status;
consequently, the future generations of
African Americans inherited this fear and
willingness to accept what is given them.

12 3 4

34.

European Culture is better than African
Culture.

12 3 4

35.

Our community should have the right to run
its schools.

12 3 4

36.

Black militants are over-stating the degree
of white racism.

12 3 4

37.

In the North my race got along pretty well
with whites until members of my race came
from the South.

12 3 4

38.

In the language of white America, the color
black stands for evil and dirty things.

12 3 4

39.

Parents should try to make their children
unaware of their race.

12 3 4

40.

There is a pattern being used by the police
department to wipe out the leadership of
the Black Panther Party.

12 3 4

41.

White people are smarter than people of my
race.

12 3 4

171
42.

If a black Nova Scotian had won the Victoria
Cross for courage in 1856 his name would be
included in all Canadian history books.

12

34

43.

I have been the object of either racial
discrimination or white racism in some form
or fashion.

12

34

44.

I have less in common with members of the
white race than with members of my race.

12

34

45.

If we have jobs and behave ourselves, white
people will consider us good citizens and
give us our rights.

12

34

46.

Capitalism, as an economic system, is an
enemy of my race.

12

34

47.

The police are the white man's tool for
keeping my race down.

12

34

48.

We should fight for freedom by any means
necessary.

12

34

49.

A dark-skinned person should marry someone
lighter than himself (herself) so their
children will be lighter.

12

34

50.

I would rather be called Negro than black.

12

34

51.

Although this society stresses individual
competition, members of my race should try
to help each other.

12

34

52.

Wearing a "natural" hairstyle is shameful.

12

34

53.

We should recognize the fact that Negroes
whose descendents are Loyalists, Maroons,
West Indian, and Refugee Negroes from the
United States are all brothers and sisters
whose homeland is Africa, and neither group
is better than the other.

12

34

54.

Whites do not use the term Negro Middle
Class to divide our communities.

12

34

55.

I would not like to live in a state where
only members of my race lived.

12

34

56.

A member of my race, who says he is the
greatest and proves it, like Muhammad Ali,
is not liked by white people.

12

34

172
57.

Thick lips and wide noses look better than
thin lips and narrow noses.

12 3 4

58.

Members

12 3 4

59.

If told we can gain our freedom and equality
by influencing human relations groups and
government to change laws, we should not
follow Rockey Jones call for Black Power.

60.

Only the more enterprising and smarter slaves
from the United States escaped into Canada.

61.

I wish I was white.

12 3 4

62.

With an education, my race still won't be
accepted into the mainstream of American
society.

12 3 4

63.

Members

12 3 4

64.

I put this

country before my race.

12 3 4

65.

Schools
in our community should be controlled
by the school board.

12 3 4

66.

If whites rebelled like members of my race,
it would not be called a "riot."

12 3 4

67.

White people do not reject Stokely Carmichael
because they really believe he advocates
violence, but because he has taught black
to love themselves, not look at white as
superior, and to be self-determined.

12 3 4

6 8.

You do not try to avoid racial issues when
talking to whites.

12 3 4

69.

The terms, Black, Colored, and Negro have
different meanings.

12 3 4

70.

Black churches should have pictures of God
showing him as a black man.

12 3 4

71.

In the United States freedom for my race can
only be achieved through separation.

12 3 4

72.

My race's fight for freedom has been helped
by the Christian idea of heaven and hell.

12 3 4

of my race should date whites.

of my race need to buy weapons.

12 3 4

12

3 4

173
73.

Dark skin color has nothing to do with
meanness.

12

3 4

74.

It can be proven through historical documents
that early African civilization was superior
to early European civilization.

12

3 4

75.

As an Olympic athlete, I would not serve my
country with dignity and honor by keeping
our racial problems at home.

12

3 4

76.

Capitalism is not an enemy of my race.

12

3 4

77.

Tom Peters (a black man from Nova Scotia)
was correct in going to London to petition
the king to help our people leave and set
up their own nation in Sierra Leone, Africa,
due to the poor treatment and discrimination
they received.

12

3 4

78.

The police department is not trying to
eliminate the leadership of the Black
Panther Party.

12

3 4

79.

We should limit the methods we use to get
our freedom.

12

34

80.

White racism is as widespread as black
militants claim it is.

12

34

81.

White people will not give members of my
race their rights because they (members of
my race) do their jobs, work hard, and
behave themselves.

12

34

82.

I have more in common with members of the
white race than with members of my race.

12

34

83.

Slaves in the Americas (North, Central, and
South) often revolted against their masters,
had much determination to get their freedom
and we see this same strength, courage, and
aggressiveness today in black men.

12

34

84.

When I am talking about racial problems
with members of my race and a white person
comes near, I do not change the subject.

12

34

85.

The Black Muslims and the Black Panthers
are working for the same things.

12

34

174
People of my race are as smart as* white
people.

4

William Hall, born in 1872, a black man
from Nova Scotia, who was the first black
man to win the Victoria Cross for bravery
should be honored in all Canada history books.

4

The color black stands for good and pure
things in the language of white America.

4

In this country we do not need any more
Civil Rights laws.

4

Integration for my race means equality.

4

I would like to hear more about Black Power.

4

My race should try to gain group acceptance
into American society.

4

My race would starve without the white man.

4

My race is not kept down by the police.

4

Soldiers of my race should help the white
soldiers keep law and order when called
to "riot" duty in so-called Negro ghettoes.

4

Parents should make their children aware of
their race.

4

APPENDIX B—1
SENTENCE COMPLETION

175

SENTENCE COMPLETION
Below are incomplete sentences.
Please complete the
following sentences with the thought that first comes
to your mind.
There are no "right" or "wrong" answers.
1.

The people in my community _________________________

2.

I feel happy when ___________________________________

3.

If I could change

4.

What I like best about myself is __________________

•S.

My greatest worry is _____________________________ __

6.

I am proud of ................ ............... ......

7.

I get angry when

8.

Sometimes I feel like

9.

Compared to members of other racial groups _______

’ '
______ ' '
........

' '
...........

10.

I try

11.

I must ___________________________________________________

12.

At home we _______________________________________________

13.

My friends and I ________________________________________

14.

My teachers ______________________________________________

15.

The white people in my city ____________________________

16.

I would like to be

17.

I am sure ________________________________________________

18.

One gets involved when __________________________________

19.

My race is _______________________________________________

2 0 . __________________

impresses me most because

176

177
21.

I can't forget _____

22.

If I could

23.

I need ________

24.

No one can

change anything, I

repair the damage caused by __________________

25.

I am determined ___________________________________________

26.

___________________ determine (s) __________________________

27. _________________________

is important to white people and
is important to my race.

28.

The students __________ ______________________________

29.

has power__________________________

30.

Blacks ____________________________________________________

31.

_____________________chance to

32.

I should like to _________________________________________

33.

Most important ____________________________________________

34.

My appearance _____________________________________________

35.

When I am not treated right, I __________________________

36.

If I could only __________________________________________

37.

My head ___________________________________________________

38.

The people who work for me

39.

The main driving force in my life is ___________________

40.

Other people are

41.

If I could change anything, I ___________________________

42.

For sure __________________________________________________

go to college _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

43.

last

44.

The more involved one gets _____

45.

For me, the best ________________

178
46.

As a child, I ___________________________

47.

I will fight when _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

48.

____________

care

49.

valuable possession

50.

A stranger _______________________________

51.

No one can repair the damage caused by

52.

If I were in charge _____________________

53.

Being ____________________________________

54.

I don't like

55.

What bothers me most

56.

continually______

57.

To me, people ___________________________

58.

If I am put under pressure _____________

59.

I want ___________________________________

60.

The people I like best _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

APPENDIX B-2
SEXTON HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT DEMANDS

179

SEXTON HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT DEMANDS
BOARD OF EDUCATION
LISTENS TO DEMANDS

The black students' demands were initially presented
to school officials Feb. 10 when a group of Sexton youths
staged a sit-in at the school office-.

That demonstration

ultimately resulted in the arrest of 54 persons and the
suspension of 73 Sexton and Everett high school students
who participated in it.
During Thursday night's session, board president
Clarence H. Rosa issued the following responses to the
student requests:
-REPRESENTATION ON PERSONNEL COMMITTEES:

Rosa

reiterated his statement of last month that a black adminis­
trator would be placed on the five-member personnel com­
mittee which reviews candidates for certain administrative
positions.

The composition of this group is dictated by

the contract agreement between the school board and teachers'
union, he explained, and calls for three school adminis­
trators and two teachers to serve on it.
-NO GUNS ON SCHOOL PREMISES:

The board president

denied student allegations that Sexton assistant principal
F. Cassius Shaft has a gun in his desk drawer.

Whether

law enforcement officials should be permitted to enter
school buildings with weapons is a matter yet to be dis­
cussed between the school board and local police officials,
Rosa said.
-MORE BLACK COUNSELORS:

Rosa said the board hoped

to hire more minority counselors, as well as teachers, next
year.

The district's total counseling staff was reduced

this year, he pointed out, as part of the present austerity

180

181
program.

The students * request for additional office

space for those black counselors now at Sexton is being
investigated, Rosa added.
-REINSTATEMENT OF SUSPENDED STUDENTS:

Rosa said

every attempt was being made to readmit those Sexton
students suspended this year, including those who were
suspended for their participation in the recent demonstra­
tion there.

Many of these students have already been

reinstated, he continued, and the remaining ones will be
allowed to return to classes once they have discussed
their suspensions with their parents and school authorities.
Those student requests to which the board did not
respond Thursday night included the following— establish­
ment of a Black History Week assembly on Feb. 19 every
year; more office space at Sexton for all student
organizations; more courses relating to black history and
culture; and formation of a student-parent-administrative
committee to review discipline policies and practices.
Another student grievance to which the board did
not respond Thursday night concerned the hiring of a black
person for the district's central administrative staff.
This request originated with the Black Coordinating
Committee and was denied by the school board last month.
Board members explained at that time that another central
office administrator would not be hired until a new
superintendent is chosen to replace the retiring Stephen A.
Partington.
Reaffirm Intent
Board members did, however, reaffirm last month
their intent to hire more minority teachers and adminis­
trators in the near future to reflect the percentage of
minority students enrolled in the district.
Prior to Rosa's comments, a delegation of black
students presented a brief statement which charged the

182
Lansing School District with "perpetuating white supremacy
to the determent of students of color."
The statement further said the school system
"perpetuates Anglo Values, culture, norms and attitudes.
Lansing schools systematically exclude minorities from
the interpretation of history, music, English, etc."

The State Journal
Fri., Feb. 19, 1971

APPENDIX B-3
SCORING CRITERIA FOR NEED PREPOTENCY

183

SCORING CRITERIA FOR NEED PREPOTENCY
Level I— Safety
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.
*G.

Physical Assault; Mental Assault
Unorganized, Unpredictable, Unmanageable aspects
in life
Powerlessness
Protection
Security
Religion
Deprivation of Receiving Good From Others; Rather,
except Bad; Hostility

Level II— Love and Belongingness
A.
B.
C.
*D.

Absence of Friends, Sweetheart, Family
Hunger for Affectionate Relations and Happiness
Sexuality
Companions and Relations in Activities

Level III— Self-Esteem
A.

B.
*C.

Strength, Achievement, Adequacy, Masters,
Competence; Confidence in Face of World;
Achievement in Black Culture; Independence
and Freedom
Reputation; Prestige, Respect or Esteem from
other; Status; Dominance; Recognition; Attention;
Importance
Aspiration— Interest (May have feelings of
inferiority, weakness; helplessness)

Level IV— Self-Actualization
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.
G.
H.

Acceptance (Self, Others, Nature)
Problem Centering
Autonomy (Independence of Culture & Environment)
Democratic Character Structure
Resistance to Enculturation
More We Oriented, Yet Appreciation of I (individual self)
Humanistic Trends; Help or Succoranceto Others
Freedom and Independence

For a more detailed description of these character­
istics see Appendices B-4*through B-9. Appendices B-4
through B-9 are taken from Maslow's book, Motivation and
Personality, pp. 87-99.

184

APPENDIX B-4
PRECONDITIONS FOR THE BASIC
NEED SATISFACTIONS

185

PRECONDITIONS FOR THE BASIC NEED SATISFACTIONS

Prerequisites for Satisfaction of Basic Needs
Freedom to speak
Freedom to do what one wants as long as no harm is
done to others
Freedom to express oneself
Freedom to investigate and seek for information
Freedom to defend oneself
Justice, fairness, honesty, and orderliness in the group.

Remember Cognitive Capacities (Perceptual, intellectual,
learning) set of acrjustivetools
Have as one function— that of satisfaction of our
basic ne e d s , thus
Any dangers of them, any deprivation or blocking of
their free use, must also be indirectly threatening
to basic needs themselves.

186

APPENDIX B-5
MASLOW'S SAFETY NEEDS

187

Safety Needs
Safety seeking organism or mechanism.

Receptors,

Effectors , Intellect, and other capacities providing
"safety-seeking" tools.
Physical assault
Powerless
Protection
Unorganized, unmanageable, and unpredictable
aspects

constants in

this world

Satisfied in Safety Needs
Peaceful, smooth running, good society ordinarily
makes its members feel safe from
Wild animals
Extremes of temperature
Criminal assault
Murder
Tyranny
Can see these needs in "economic and social underdogs"
otherwise see in normal
1.

preformance for job with tenure and protection

2.

desire for savings account

3.

insurance

of

various kinds

{medical, dental,

unemployment, e t c .)
Relates to stability in milieu

(known vs unknown)

Tendency to have some Religion organizing men in
some coherent, meaningful whole "partially"
motivated by Safety.
Otherwise safety only in emergencies, e.g. war, disease,
natural catastrophies, crime w a v e s , "societal
disorganization" , neurosis, brain injury
188

189

Neurotic adults— need for safety
Reaction to:
1.

Unknown, behaves as if catastrophe almost
always impending

2.

psychological dangers in world perceived
as hostile, overwhelming, or threatening

Retains childhood attitudes
Behave as if afraid of spanking
Or mother's disapprove
Or being abandoned by parents
Or having food taken away.

APPENDIX B-6
MASLOW'S BELONGINGNESS, LOVE AND
AFFILIATIVE NEEDS

190

BELONGINGNESS, LOVE AND AFFILIATIVE NEEDS

Peel keenly absence of friends, sweetheart, or
wife and children.
Hunger for affectionate relations and people in
general, for a "place in his group," and strove
with great intensity to achieve this goal.
Expression in sexuality— one aspect only— sex is
not synonymous with love.
Have needs which involve both giving and receiving love.

191

APPENDIX B-7
MASLOW'S SELF-ESTEEM NEEDS

192

SELF-ESTEEM NEEDS
Desire for firmly based
Usually "high evaluation of themselves"
Self-respect or self-esteem and
For esteem of others
Two Subsidiary Sets
A.

Desire for strength, achievement, adequacy, mastery
and competence, confidence in face of w o r l d .

B.

Desire for reputation or prestige

(respect or esteem

from others) status, dominance,. resignation,
attention, importance, appreciation.
Whether or not this particular desire is universal
we do not know.

The critical question is will

men who are enslaved and dominated inevitably
feel dissatisfied and rebellious?

Assume on basis

of commonly known clinical data that a man who
has known true freedom (not paid for by giving
up safety and security but rather built on the
basis of adequate safety and security) will not
willingly or easily allow his freedom to be taken
away from him, but we do not know that this is
true for the person born into slavery.
These needs relatively stressed by Adler
Thwarting of these needs produces feelings of
a.

inferiority

b.

weakness

c.

helplessness

These feelings in terms give rise to either basic
discouragement or compensatory neurotic trends.

19 3

194

1.

From theologians discussion of pride and
“hubris,"

2.

From the Frommian theories about the self­
perception of untruth of o n e ’s own nature

3.

From Rogerian work with self, we have been
learning more and more of the dangers of basing
self-esteem on the opinions of others rather
than on real capacity, competence, and
adequacy to the t a s k .

Most stable and therefore most healthy self-esteem
is based on deserved respect from others rather
than external fame
adulation.

or celebrity and unwarranted

APPENDIX B-8

SELF-ACTUALIZATION NEEDS

195

SELF-ACTUALIZING PEOPLE
Self-Actualization— difficult syndrome to describe.
Loosely described:
1.

Full use and exploitation of talents,capabilities,
potentialities, etc.

2.

Such people seem to be fulfilling themselves and

3.

doing best they are capable of doing.
Not too individualistic in flavor.

4.

Implies also either gratification, past or
present, of basic emotional needs for safety,
belongingness, love, respect, and self-respect,
and of the

cognitive needs for knowledge and

for understanding, or in a few cases conquest
of these needs.
Characteristics of Self-Actualizing:
1.

More efficient perception of reality.

2.

Acceptance

3.

Spontaneity, different psychology of motivation for

(self, others, nature).

self-actualized.
These people no longer strive but develop.
Attempt to grow to perfection and develop more
and more fully in their own style.
Motivation in just

character growth, character

expression, motivation, and development.
4.

Problem Centering

(less Ego Centered)

Generally not problems for self.
Customarily have some mission in life, some task
to fulfill, some problems outside self which
enlists more of their energies.
May not be a task they would prefer or choose
for self; rather, task they feel is their

196

197
responsibility, duty, or obligation (why we
use phrase "a task that they must d o ” rather
than phrase "a task they want to do.)"
In general tasks are impersonal or unselfish,
concerned rather with the good of mankind in
general, or of a nation in general . . .
In general, concerned with basic

issues and

eternal questions of type we've learned to call
philosophical or ethical.
Work within a framework of values that are broad
and not petty, universal and not local, and
in terms of a century rather than a movement.
5.

Detachment:

6.

Autonomy:

Need for Privacy.
Independence of Culture and Environment.

Since propelled by growth motivation rather than
by deficiency motivation, self-actualizing
people are not dependent for their main satis­
factions on the real world, or other people or
culture or means to ends or, in general, on
extrinsic satisfaction.
Determinants of satisfaction and of good life
for them are now "inner-indiv."

and not "social.”

Strong enough to be independent of the good opinion
and other people, or even of their affection.
The honors, the status, the reasons, the prestige,
and the love they can bestow must have become
less important than self-development and inner
growth.
7.

Continued Freshness of Appreciation.
Devine ecstasy, inspiration, and strength from
the basic experiences of life.

8.

Mystic Experience:

Oceanic Feeling.

9.

Gemeinschaftsgefuhl
Have for human beings in general a deep feeling
of identification, sympathy, and affection in

198
spite of the occasional anger, impatience, or
disgust described below.
Because of this have a genuine desire to help the
human race.
One's feelings toward his brothers would be on
the whole affectionate, even if these brothers
were foolish, weak, or even if they were
sometimes nasty.
10.

Interpersonal Relations.
Deeper and more profound interpersonal relations
than any other adults.
Especially deep ties with relatively few individuals
Their hostile reaction to others are

.

1
2.

Deserved and
For the good of the person attacked or for
someone else's good,

3.

i.e.,

To say, with Fromm , their hostility is
not character based, but is reactive or

11.

situational.
Democratic Character Structure.
They can be and are friendly with anyone of
suitable character regardless of class,
education, political belief, race, or color.
Find

it possible to learn from anybody who has

something to teach them.
12.

Discrimination between Means and Ends.
In general, fixed on ends rather than on means,
and means are quite definitely subordinated to
these e n d s .
Often regarding as ends in themselves many experiences
and activities that are for other people, only

13.

means to ends.
Philosophical, Unhostile Sense of Humor.

199
14.

Creativeness.
Shows a special kind of creativeness or originality
or inventiveness that has certain peculiar
characteristics.

15.

Resistance to Enculturation.
In a certain profound and meaningful sense they
resist enculturation and maintain a certain
inner detachment from the culture in which
they're immersed.
Show no active impatience or moment-to-moment,
chronic long-time discontent with the culture
or preoccupation with changing it quickly,
although they often enough show bursts of
indignation with injustice.
Although they are not a radical group of people
in ordinary sense, I think they easily could b e .
...

In a more drastic situation it seems very

likely they would be willing to drop their
work in favor of radical social action, e.g.,
the anti-Nazi underground in Germany or in
France.
Most of them have had their episodes of fighting,
impatience, and eagerness in youth,

and in

most cases have learned their optimism about
quick change was unwarranted.
Frequently able to stand off from American
culture as if they did not quite belong to it.
To some extent ruled by laws of their own
character than by rules of society.
Those individuals who are more detached from
their own culture should not only have less
national character but also should be more like
each other in certain respects than they are
like the less developed members of their own
society.

APPENDIX B-9
DEGREE OP FIXITY OF HIERARCHY OF BASIC NEEDS

200

DEGREE OF FIXITY OF HIERARCHY OF BASIC NEEDS
1.

These are innately creative people in whom the
drive to creativeness seems m o r e 'important than
any other counterdenominant.
Their creativeness might appear not as selfactualization released by basic satisfaction,
but in spite of lack of basic satisfaction.

2.

In certain people the level

of asperation may be

permanently developed or lowered.

. . . the less

prepotent goals may simply be lost, and may
disappear forever, so that the person who has
experienced life at a very low level, i.e., chronic
unemployment, may continue to be satisfied for the
rest of his life if only he can get enough food.
3.

Another cause of reversal of hierarchy is when a
need has been satisfied for a long time this need
may be underevaluated.
. . . If they are dominated by a higher need,
this higher need will seem to be the most important
of all.
. . . They may, for the sake of the higher need,
put themselves into position
of basic needs.

of being deprived

We expect after a long time

deprivation of the more basic needs there will
be a tendency to re-evaluate both needs so that
the more prepotent need will actually become
consciously prepotent for the individual who
may have given it up lightly*

Thus a man who

has given up his job rather than lose his selfrespect, and who then starves for 6 months or
so, may be willing to take his job back even
at the price of losing his self-respect.

201

202

4.

Perhaps most important in reversals— o n e 's that
involve ideals, high social standards, high values,
and the like.

With such values people become

martyrs; they will give up everything for the
sake of a particular ideal, or value.
These people may be understood, at least in part,
by reference to one basic

concept {or hypothesis),

which may be called increased frustration—
tolerance though easily gratification.
People who have seen satisfied in their basic
needs throughout their lives, particularly in
their earlier years, seem to develop exceptional
power to withstand present or future thwarting
of those needs simply because they have strong,
healthy character structure as a result of basic
satisfaction.

They are the strong people who-

Can easily weather disagreement or opposition.
Who can swim against the stream of public
opinion, and
Who can stand up for the truth at great
personal cost.
It is just the ones who have loved and have been
well loved, and who have had many deep friend­
ships who can hold out against hatred, rejection,
or prosecution.

APPENDIX B-10
SCORING SHEET FOR NEEDS

203

SCORING SHEET FOR NEEDS
NUMBER __________

GROUP

JUDGE

1.

26.

51.

2.

27.

52.

3.

28.

53.

4.

29.

54.

5.

30.

55.

6.

31.

56.

7.

32.

57.

8.

33.

58.________ A_____

C_

9.

34.

59.

D_

10.

35.

11.

36.

12.

37.

13.

38.

14.

39.

Self-Actual,

15.

40.

A_____

E_

16.

41.

B_____

F_

17.

42.

C_____

G_

18.

43.

D

H

19.

44.

20.

45.

21.

46.

22.

47..

23.

48.

24.

49.

25.

50.

60.

Safety
A_____

E_

B_____

F_

C_____
D

G_
H

Aff. Love

B_____

Self-Esteem
A

C

B

D

TO T A L S :
Safety
Aff.
Self-Est.
Self-Act.

204

APPENDIX C
DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIALIZATION QUESTIONNAIRE

205

DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIALIZATION QUESTIONNAIRE
The survey being conducted is anonymous (i.e., you will not
be identified by name ) ; therefore, DO NOT PUT YOUR NAME ON
ANY OF THE PAGES. The information Being asked will be used
to categorize By numbers or percentages.
For example, we
may say that 10% of students 17 years old hold the same
opinions.
There are no "right” or "wrong" answers. Answers are only
'right* to the degree that they express your true feelings
and experiences.
In most cases you will have a choice of several answers,
circle the one you prefer.
For example, in number 1, if
you are female, circle 2.
Please answer all questions— give answers closest to your
opinion.
Do not spend a lot of time, give the response
that is your first impression.
If you need more space,
use the back side of paper.
Thank you very much for participating.
It is the sincere
aim of the surveyor that the results will be used first for
your benefit and secondly for the goals of the survey.

1.

Are you male or female?*
male----------1
female------- 2

2.

How old are you?*
14 or younger

1

15-16-------------2
17-18------------- 3
19-20------------- 4
over 20---------- 5
3.

What do you plan to do upon graduation from high school?*
go to college— -------- 1
some other school
(business, skilled,
trades, etc.)-------- 2

get a job---------- 3
army, navy, etc.--- 4
.
_________________
<°“ “ in)____________ =______

207
4.

Where were you born?_______________________________________

5.

Where

did you go to elementary school?

6.

Where

did you live most of your life?____________________

7.

Where

was your father born?

(a)_____________ _____________

Where

was your mother born?

(b)___________________________

8.

How would

you describe the neighborhood in which you live?

All black (Negro, colored) neighborhood
1
Mostly black--------— ---- — -2
About half black------------------------------ 3
Slightly over half white----------------------4
Mostly white-------- -- ----------------------- 5
9-10.

To what extent was theelementary and high school you
attended racially mixed?
9. elementary

10. high school

(1)__________________

all black

(2)_________________
(3)

mostly black

(2)_____________

almost half black

(4)

11-12.

(3)

slightly over half white

(5)_________________

mostly

To what extent were the faculty and administrators
(principals, counselors) racially mixed.*
12. high school
all black

(1)__________________
(2)_________________
(3)_____________
(4)

mostly black

(3)_____________

slightly over half white
mostly

(1)_____________
(2)_____________

almost half black

(5)_________________

(4)_____________

white (5)

How many brothers and sisters do you have?*
a.-— none

14.

(4)_____________

white (5)_____________

11. elementary

13.

(1)_____________

b .-— two

What is your religion?*

c.

three or more How many?

A.__________________________

What is your "father's"? B.__________________________
What is your "mother's"? C.__________________________

208
15.

To what ethnic or racial group do you belong?*-a.

To what ethnic or racial group does your father belong.*
b ._________________________________________________________
To what ethnic or racial group does your mother belong?*
c._________________________________________________________
16.

How strong are your feelings about your religious beliefs?*
a. your b. your father c. your mother

very strong--------- la.

l b .__

lc.

strong-------------- 2a._____

2b.________

2c.

moderate or

3b._______

3c._________

mild-- 3a._____

have no religious
beliefs
— — --- 4a.
17.

4b.

4c.

How would you describe your views, your parent, and
your two best friends' views on the civil rights (or
black freedom and equality movement)?*
A. You

Conservative (passive, la.
accept 'status quo')
Moderate (somewhat
passive, but does
not accept 'status
quo')

BC. Your Parents
Mother
Father
lb.

2a.___ 2b.____

D. 2 Best
Friends

lc.

Id._____

2c.____

2d.______

Liberal (believe in
bringing about change
through legal and
approved mean)

3a.

3b.

3c.

3d._____

Militant (believe in
demanding those rights
protest, demonstra­
tions, etc.), which
are due you, and the
"inalienable "rights"
of all humans

4a.

4b,___

4c.____

4d.______

5c.____

5d.______

Radical (believe in____ 5a.____
bringing about changes
"by any means necessary")

5b.

209

18.

19.

Do your parents approve or encourage you to participate
in civil rights activities?*

.

Yes, they both approve.

b.

No, only one of them approves.

c.

No, they both disapprove.

Does your school encourage
—

20

a.

.

(b)

activities or programs on civil rights?*

Are your grandparents or another ethnic, racial, or
nationality group different from yours?*
a.

21

(a) or discourage

Yes

b.

No

What are your parents usual occupation?*
a.
b.

father
mother ______________________

2 2 . Does your school teach you enough history about
yourself?*
a.
23.

b.

No

Does your school teach you as much history about the
Indians as they do about the white man?
a.

24.

Yes

Yes

b.

No

If you were to ask yourself the question, "Who Am I"?,
What would you answer? Please complete the following
sentences, as if answering to yourself.
1.

I am __________________________________________________

2.

I am _____________ ____ ________________________________

3.

I am _____________ _____

4.

I a m __________________ _______________________________

5.

I am __________________________________________________

6.

I am __________________________________________________

7.

I am __________________________________________________

8.

I am __________________________________________________

9.

I am

10.

I

am

_____________________________

210
25.

Of those listed above, which three do you consider the
most important when you think o£ yourself?
(1)______________________________________

(2)_______________________________
(3)_______________________________
26.

Among the ethnic and/or racial groups in your country,
including your own, which do you like most?
a. __________________________________________________
b. Why?

27.

_________________________________________

Among the ethnic or racial groups in your country which
do you like least?*
a. ________________________________
b.

28.

29.

What role has your ethnic or racial group played in the
development of your country?
a.

Very important

b.

Important

c.

Average

d.

Little

Mark the classifications which you would willingly
admit members of the various countries.
1) To close kinship by marriage
2) To my club as a personal chum
3) To my street as neighbors
4) To employment in my occupation
5) Would exclude from all of these
(a
(b
(c
(d
(e
(f
<g
(h
(i
<j
(k
(1

People
People
People
People
People
People
People
People
People
People
People
People

from
from
from
from
from
from
from
from
from
from
from
from

Ghana (Africa)
United States (North America) ___
Surinam (South America)____
West Indies
Sierra Leone (Africa) ____
Israel (Mid East) ____
.
Tanzania (Africa) ____
China ____
Cuba
Great Britain
France (Europe'S
^
Canada (North America) ____

211
(m)
(n)
(o)
(p)
(q)
(r)
30.

31.

32.

People
People
People
People
People
People

from
from
from
from
from
from

Liberia (Africa)
Egypt (Africa) ____
Kenya (Africa)
Germany (Europe)
U.S.S.R.-Russia(Europe-Asia) ____
Japan (Asia) ____

Write briefly

the reason

for

choice (1)______________

Write briefly

the reason

for

choice (2)______________

Write briefly

the reason

for

choice (3)______________

Write briefly

the reason

for

choice (4)

Write briefly

the reason

for

choice (5)

If you were to ask yourself the question, "What Do I
Want?", what would you answer.
Please complete the
following sentences.
1.

I want

2.

I want

3.

I want

4.

I want

5.

I want

6.

I want

7.

I want

8.

I want

9.

I want

10.

I want

Do you feel closer to people if of your own ethnic or
racial group, wherever they are geographically?
(a) ___________ Yes (b) __________ No; or do you feel
closer to people in your own country who are not of
your racial or ethnic group?

33.

(d) No _____

Think about your three best briends, which racial or
ethnic group do they belong?*
(1)_______________

34.

(c) Yes______

(2)

(3)______________

Are there other racial or ethnic groups you would prefer
your three best friends to belong?
(1) Yes ________________

(2)No_______________

212
35.

Circle the three traits that you feel best describe
the following groups.

(a) courageous
(f) lazy

(b) proud

(g) smart

(c) dirty

(d) honest

(h) strong in character

(e) cruel

(i) untrustworthy

(j) ignorant (k) violent
a.

Africans
(black)

a b c d e f g h i i k
------------------- ---------- ---

b.

Africans Americans
(black)

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h

i

i

k

c.

African Canadians
(black)

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h

i

i

k

d.

European Americans
(white)

a b c d e f g h i i k
------------------------------ ---

e.

European Canadians
(white)

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h

i

i

k

f . Jewish
(white)

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h

i

i

k

g.

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h

i

i

k

36.

Indians
(North American)

What two things could you accomplish in your life of
which you would be most proud?
1 . _________________________________________
2.

_______________________________________________

37.

Briefly state what changes you would like to see made in
your school, community, city or country that would
better the conditions of your ethnic or racial group.?

38.

Who are the three most important leaders to you (in
your country or another country— either living or dead)?*
1.
2.

_________________________________________

3.
39.

Name two books you have read which you enjoyed most and
felt had given you important information about your
people.*
1

.

2.

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

213
40.

Who are your three favorite singers or singing groups?*
1. _______________________________________________________

2

. ___________________________

3. _ _ _ ______ _____________________________________________
41.

How is your group treated differently from other groups
in your country?

42.

Based on all your years of education, which groups
history have you been taught most about in school?*

43.

(1)

Either white Americans, white Canadians,
and/or white Europeans.

(2)

Either black Americans, black Canadians,
black Africans and/or black West Indians.

(3)

North American Indians.

If you could go toeither
of the places listed below,
where would you
rather go and, at the same time
express how that music makes you feel?*
place
______

enjoy
listening

a. ____________

Feel deep
emotion
____ a. Place where I could here
rock or psychedelic music
& learn group dances.

b. _____

__________

__________ b. Where African dance troupe
& African and African
American dance groups are,
and could learn or participate.

c. _____

__________

_________

44.

c. Mixed situation where could
learn and participate in
both of above.

Which group would you most respect as giving you an
honest opinion and correct information about your
abilities and opportunities available to you?
a.

Black teachers from another
country.

b.

White teachers from your own
country.

214
45.

Below is a circle with the word self written in it.
Imagine this as yourself.
Draw the same circle, but
place it anywhere within the square drawn below.*
a.

Teenagers'
of white
^ race
j

46.

Teenagers
of both
races (black
& white)

How many black poets have you studied in your English
classes during high school?*
a.

None

b.

One or Two

c.

Three or four

d.

Five or Six

e.

Six or more

How many __________

*Starred items were used for analysis in present
st u d y .

APPENDIX D
BEHAVIORAL ACTIVITY MEASURE

215

BEHAVIORAL ACTIVITY MEASURE
1.

Have you been to a meeting concerning black people in
the last three months ?
a.

2.

b.

No

Yes

b.

No

Yes

b.

No

Yes

b.

No

Yes

b.

No

Have you done research in the public library on
different black leaders in your country or other
countries?
a.

9.

Yes

For your leisure reading (not assigned in school) do
you choose books that teach you more about your race
history and/or struggles?
a.

8.

No

Are you working or participating ir some other kind of
activity or organization which is not related to black
people?
a.

7.

b.

Are you working within your community or neighborhood
to help black people in any way.
a.

6.

Yes

Have you either taken a part in organizing such a group
or openly supported those who tried to organize?
a.

5.

No

Are you active in a black students group (Black Students
Association, Black Student Union, or some other) in
your school?
a.

4.

b.

So far, during this school year, have you written a
paper on any topic concerning either black history in
your country or problems your racial groups faces?
a.

3.

Yes

Yes

b.

No

Have you ever planned a bulletin board on black history
that could be displayed in your school at all times?
a.

Yes

b.

No

216

217
10.

Have you ever taken part in any civil rights activities
(or black freedom movement); that is, demonstrations,
sit-ins, requests for changes, etc., either in your
school, community, or city?
a.

No

b.

Yes, have been active but

c.

Yes, I am active now.

not active now.

If yes, briefly describe theactivity
this sheet).

(on back

of

APPENDIX E
BEHAVIORAL PROJECT

I

218

BEHAVIORAL PROJECT
During the next four weeks either work as individuals or
in a group.

Plan some activity or project that could be

accomplished either during school hours or after school:
1.

That is related to the kind of club, organization,
or activity you would most like to be a part of
(e.g. music, art, learning new dances, a foreign
language, etc.); or

2.

Something that will help you better understand
and know your racial group's history

(all the

many things they have done which you can be proud
of and learn what you might d o ) ; or something you
can do to meet the needs of your people.
Write this up.

The ideas are most important.

no way be graded.

You will in

Spelling, grammar, and punctuation are

of secondary importance.

Communication is built an exchange

of ideas first— not diction, grammar, or perfection in
expressing oneself.

219

APPENDIX F
POEM BY BLACK STUDENT IN
NOVA SCOTIA

220

POEM BY BLACK STUDENT IN NOVA SCOTIA

Message to the People
Let us all gather at the hall
To hear the man of our choice;
This man will make us all rejoice,
Come along, to answer his call.
We shall all step out of mystery
To see this man of great strength;
Listen, while he tells of our history,
For he is a man who will not repent.
If there was ever a person to hear
It is this man of great faith in his race;
This is a man of no fear
He has only one face.
Many have travelled that long, dark road
Knowing little of their past;
Some try to remove the load
But there is no way to escape the caste.
My people have had my great heroes,
But they are not recognized in history books,
They are looked upon as zeros .
Who are only thought of as fish on hooks.
Black people have always been suppressed,
They are used as fractions;
To get revenge for being oppressed
They must take action.
Brothers, get
Come hear the
For he is not
He's got soul

on the band wagon.
message of a black man,
a dragon
in his hand.

This is a message of great emotion,
Your mind and soul will start eloping
Listen, to the words of locomotion,
The day has come to stop hoping.

221

APPENDIX G
EXAMPLES OF MATERIALS USED FOR
EXPERIMENTAL MANIPULATIONS

BLACK ORPHEUS
by
Jean Paul Sartre
But even though oppression itself may be a mere
fluke, the black man is a victim of it because he is a
black m a n . And since he is oppressed within the confines
oi: his race and because of it, he must first of all become
conscious of his race.
He must oblige those who have
vainly tried throughout the centuries to reduce him to
the status of a beast to recognize that he is a man. On
this point, there is no means of evasion, or of trickery,
no "crossing line” that he can consider; a Jew— white man
among white men— can deny that he is a Jew, can declare
himself a man among men. The negro cannot deny that he is
a negro, nor can he claim that he is part of some abstract
colorless humanity; he is black.
Thus he has his back up
against the wall of authenticity; having been insulted
and formerly enslaved, he picks up the word "nigger" which
was thrown at him like a stone, he draws himself erect and
proudly proclaims himself a black man, face to face with
white men.
The unity which will come eventually, bringing
all oppressed peoples'together in the same struggle, must
be preceded by what I shall call the moment of separation
or negativity; this anti-racist racism is the only road
that will lead to the abolition of racial differences.
Since the selfish scorn that white men display for
black men is aimed at the deepest recesses of the heart,
black men must oppose it with a more exact view of black
subjectivity; consequently race consciousness is based
first of all on the black soul.
The herald of the black soul has gone through white
schools, in accordance with a brazen law which forbids the
oppressed man to possess any arms except those he himself
has stolen from the oppressor; it is through having had
some contact with white culture that his blackness has
passed from the immediacy of existence to the meditative
state.
But at the same time, he has more or less ceased
to live his negritude.
In choosing to see what he is, he
has become split, he no longer co-incides with himself.
And on the other hand, it is because he was already exiled
from himself that he discovered this need to reveal him­
self.
He therefore begins by exile.
It is double exile:
the exile of his b o d y offers a magnificent image of the
exile of his {leart.
223

I

I

The black contribution to the evolution of humanity
is no longer savour, taste, rhythm, authenticity, a bouquet
of primitive instincts; it is a dated enterprize, a longstaggering construction and also a future.
Previously, the
black man claimed his place in the sun in the name of ethnic
qualities; now, he establishes his right to life on his
mission and this mission comes to him from his historic
position: becauserhe has suffered from exploitation more
than all the others, he has acquired a sense of revolt and
a love of liberty more than all the others.
And because
he is the most oppressed, he necessarily pursues the
liberation of all, whom he works for his own deliverance.
Let us greet today the historic chance that will
permit black men to shout out the great negro cry so hard
that the world's foundations will be shaken.

224

YEARS OF BONDAGE,
TIME OF HOPE,
A DREAM DEFERRED
By Helen T. GoU
(A M iw b if ef T in S l ir 'i tr* H |

R eprinted by permission of The K an sa s City Star,
Septe mb cr J?9, I968

225

HE history of the Negro in America
haa been a history of struggle.

T

The Negro struggled with bis captors
in Africa and against the chains of the
gave ship. He struggled w ith his emotions on
(be Southern auction block when separated
from his wife and children.
He struggled to stay alive in a strange
country with a strange language and strange
customs. He struggled with the soil and the
heat and the cold. He struggled w ith the
ewrseers who beat him into submission, and
to maintain a free sp irit though his body was
taalaved.
But always be dreamed of freedom—and
the dream goes on.
Why the Negro is angry today can perhaps
he explained through the poem, "H arlem ,"
by Langston Hughes.

The voyage to the Americas was described
by historian John Hope Franklin as a 'V eri­
table nightmare.**
"Mankind baa experienced few tortures as
ghoulish and uncivilized as the transporta­
tion of slaves from Africa to the New World,
•mown as the M iddle Passage. The men were
chained 2-by-2, the right w is t and ankle of
one to the le ft w rist and ankle of another,"
he wrote.
About half reportedly died from disease
aggravated by the filth and stench of over­
crowded conditions. Others went on hunger
strikes, committed suicide or permanently
maimed themselves by struggling
the chains.
However, It is estimated that perhaps as
many as 15 m illion or more arrived and
were sold into slavery,

BUT THE HISTORY OF THE Negro's encounter with the American continent may go
back much farther than here.
What happens to a dream deferred?
Recent studies brought out in a book enti­
Does it dry up
tled, "From Columbus to Bolivar: the Histo­
tike a raisin in the sun?
ry of Indo-American Literature," contend
Or /ester (ike a tore—
that Negroid papuan people from New Gui­
And then run?
nea reached the American hemisphere be­
Does it stink like rotten meal?
fore Columbus.
Or crust and sugar over—
like a syrupy sweet?
Ancient writings of aboriginal peoples of
Maybe it just sags
Mexico and Central America theorize that
tike a heavy load.
Negroes inhabited the area centuries before
Or does it explode?
the New World discovery. The Aztecs even
bad a Negro god, named Ixtlltoa.
Today and at other points in history, the
Tost the Negro has been instrum ental In
tseer of the Negro has exploded. When ex- the
founding end discovery of the New World
Mining four centuries of white exploitation
is evident In the (act that Negroes traveled
d the Negro in America, one is amazed it
w ith Columbus (the pilot, Pedro Alonzo Nino
hu not exploded more often. The anger h u
was a black Moor), DeSoto, Balboa, Cortes,
ihrays been there.
Pizarro, Coronado, De Vaoa and Marquette
Bri sometimes it withered in the plantaand JoUet.
tlm sun. Or it festered in the teeming city
The African Estevanlco led Spanish expe­
fm s in poverty and undereducation and
ditions
into New Mexico and Arizona. In 1779
ndsrtng, ignored for too long by the nation. Du Sable,
a Negro fur trader, founded the
Sometimes, as in the South, the Negro’s
city of Chicago.
iftr was veiled in a clever system of deNegro slavery in the Portuguese and Span­
m tire niceties, which kept him alive and
ish
colonies of the New World preceded that
"The Man" off his bade. Other times, it can
in
the
English colonies. Indians proved too
M r be detected by the most careful obaervto European diseases, Ill-adapted
Jtr la the frowns and wrinkles of nameless susceptible
to
rigorous
plantation work and could easily
lUack faces.
escape and join others of their race. There­
THE FIRST LOAD OF 30 Negroes was put fore, massive Negro enslavement gradually
replaced Indian bondage.
at Jamestown in 1619 by the captain
I Dutch frigate. This was one year before
Recent comparative studies of slave sys­
landing of the Pilgrim s. At the start, Ne* tems have thrown new light on the present■ brought to the English colonies were day racial dilemmas in this country.
slaves but indentured servants who, like
It has been noted the Anglo Saxons had not
white servants, were liberated after
associated with the Africans in large num.
of faithful service.
bers prior to the discovery of America. How­
I The early English religious custom allowed ever, African Moors invaded the Iberian
that professed a belie f in Christianity
peninsula in the 8th century, pushed the
be freed. However, In the early 1660's, leg- Christians into mountain strongholds and
“ #o made it possible for Negroes to be
controlled Spain for 400 years. Hence, the
Christians and slaves, and thus institutSpaniards and Moors became closely relat­
the system of permanent servitude.
* ed, and this carried over into relationships In
the Spanish and Portuguese colonies of the
Abo, other economic factors, such as the
New World.
‘ for cheap and permanent labor for a
Historians such as Gilberto Freyre, Frank
plantation system, caused the imporef slaves to increase sharply in theTonnenbaum and Stanley Elkins have
half of the 17th c e n t u r y . It Is es- argued that slavery was fa r m ilder in feudal
that at the close of the century
Latin Catholic cultures than in capitalistic
were being brought in at the rate of 1,*
Anglo-Saxon Protestant areas because the
N r year.
basic humanity of the slave managed to be
boe of the African chiefs, after being prop- preserved. '
{Mnuaded with gifts, allowed the traders They point out in Latin American countries
domain and even appointed assistants,
the Negro found that upon freedom, which
tty much coercion was used to secame without the havoc of c iv il wars, society
enough slaves to meet the demands of
did not erect obstacles to prevent him from
fradars.
enjoying his c iv il and social rights.
4
fierce wars broke out between tribes
* M members of one sought te capture those
'wither to sell to the traders.
-2-

OTHER HISTORIANS DISAGREE tl
slavery was m ilder in Latin America.
Tanoedbaum has w ritten: "The accepts:
of the Idea of the spiritual equality of
men made fo r a friendly, and elastic a ll
w ithin which social change could o c a r
peace."
The argument Is that la a society wh
the Negro slave was recognised a a pen
however low his Nation, that society ce
also envision him as being a citizen, a f
man eventually.
In North America and the British Weat
dies, however, slaves were reduced te
state of things, completely outride the I
tection of the church, the courts and la v i
the state.
In America, the established body of q
ion, expressed in the words of Chief Just
Roger Taney in the Dred Scott decision,
clarqd that "a Negro had no rights w bld
white man need respect.”
The slave codes enacted la the Son
which covered every aspect of the life of
slave, give testimony to this opinion. A s i
had no standing in the courts, he could n d b
party to a suit at law, be could not offer t
tim ony. except against another slave at
free Negro, and be could make
contract.
The greater part of the slave codes
votved the many restrictions placed
slaves to insure the maximum protection
the white population and to m aint

A slave could not strike a white pen
even in self-defense: bat the killin g of
slave, however malicious, was rarely rega
ed a> murder.
Threats to the institution of slavery fr
attempted slave revolts or the activity of I
abolitionists only resulted in more string
measures.
The traditional assumption has been tl
slavery was dying out in the South before 1
Whitney's Invention of the cotton gin in 17
and that the cotton gin saved the South!
economy. However, some modem bistorts
argue to the contrary.
Studies by L. C. Gray and M errill Jem
show the Southern agriculture and the ecoi
my bad strongly recovered from the devas
tlon of the Revolutionary war and had dhn
sified to wheat, corn and timber. Tberefm
the success of cotton after Whitney’s in n
tion, rather than restoring prosperity to
dying region actually redirected the Sootl
e n e r g i e s to even more profits!
Moreover, studies show that slaveewm
had little intenfioo of freeing tbeir slaw
Prices for slaves remained high, the auml
of slaveowners Increased, and h lrio ri
Franklin has w ritten that the closing ytt
of the ISth century represented the peek
the slave trade.
The victory of freedom which came w
the Revolutionary war was not extended
the black man. Although a few of the feui
ing fathers were against slavery, ib
forces failed to put an end to t

Professor Staugbtoo Lynd of Chicago S t
college suggesta two basic reasons fo r th
failure. F irst, even the most liberal of I
founding fathers were unable to imagine a i
clety in which whites and Negroes could L
together as fellow citizens.

inoinaa Jefferson wrote, “ Nothing Is more
certainly w ritten in the book of 2ate, than
that these people a rt to be free; nor is it less
certain that the two races, equally free, can­
not live In the same government"
Also, the founding fathers were too commit*
ted to the sanctity of private property to eni vision emancipation.
THUS SLAVERY WAS WRITTEN Into the
American ConaHtntlon in three provisions.
First, In deciding the representation of each
state, “ those bound to serve for a term of
years" (Records of the convention show
members of Congress In 1783 were ashamed
to use the word “ slave.") were counted aa
three-fifths of a person.
The slave trade was extended for twenty
years to the year, 1888, and states were re­
quired to give up fugitive slaves to their
owners. These were the remaining constitu­
tional provisions relating to slavery.
The South benefited greatly from the
boom In the textile Industry In England and
France. Between 1780 and 1800, the annual
Importation of cotton Into Great B ritain in­
creased eightfold.
Historian E. F. Frasier believes the
growth of the slave population and the ex­
pansion of the slave system coincided with
the rapid growth of cotton production and
the plantation economy. From 1815, the pro­
duction of cotton increased at a phenomenal
rate.
Even after 1808, the year the external
slave trade became illegal, between 250,000
and 300,000 slaves were reportedly smuggled
into the country. However, the chief growth
la the slave population was through natural
increase, and the chief means of spreading
slavery was the domestic slave trade.
Meanwhile, :as early as 1816 American
colonisation societies were organized to procolonization of freed slaves to Africa,
on the ctample of American alavery,
the free Negroes returned to Liberia and re­
portedly set up their own slavery system,
with characteristics Just as bad as those in
the United States.
The treatment of slaves In America varied
from plantation to plantation and greatly de­
pended upon the kindness of the owners and
Un temperament of the overseers,
b “ Narrative of the Life of Frederick
Douglaa," the Negro leader describes bis
experiences as a slave In Maryland before
escaping to freedom. He was the son of a
slave mother and white father. He was
separated from his motheras an infant and
his early years on a large plantation of
to four hundred slaves.
The following are excerpts from his ac­
count:

n e was a cruet man. i nave seen atm mm
a woman, causing the blood to run half c
hour at the time; ond this, too, in the mid
of her crying children, pleading fo r ik d
mother’s release. He seemed to take pfeasiH
in manifesting hts fiendish barbarity . . . .
From the rising tilt the going down of tl
sun, he was cursing, raving, cutting or
•lashing among the slaves of the field, m tl
most frightful manner. His career was sher
He died very soon after I went to Colon
Lloyd's; and he died as he lived, uttering wil
hie dying groans, idler curses and horn
oaths, His death was regarded by the slam
as the result of a merciful providence.

inis, notoever, is noi vonttaerea a very great
privation. They find less difficulty from the
want of beds, than from the want of time to
sleep; for when their day’s work in the field
is done, the most of them having their wash­
ing, mending, and cooking to do, and having
few or none of the ordinary facilities for doing
either of these, very many of their steeping
hours are consumed in preparing for the field
the coming day; and when, this is done, old
and young, male and female, married and
single, drop down side by side, on one com­
mon bed, the cold, damp floor . . .

In describing one of the overseers, M r.
Severe:
He was rightly named.

HEWLETT "& BRIGHT.

(On account o f departure)

-The Owner of the follow ing named and valuable Slave
being on the eve of departure fo r .Europe, w ill cause tfa
same to be offered fo r sale, at the NEW EXCHANG I
corner of St. Louis and Chartres streets,
on Saturday
May 16, at Tw elve o’CJock, viz,
1.

SARAH,

a nsutafrrM, aged 45

cook and' arriwlomed I
al i s t rale tfcerortrr*
2. DENNIS, her son. a mulatto, aged 24 year*, a first rale cook and
•ral fa r a i m r l . t n k | t n i la lhal rar#rii> for aura) jeer* aa kanl Mr u l lire H t k l r fvtHri I- -Iririla Imnl. leMpm
U p n w n l , I * an r i t p l l r s t and fa ith fu l

year*. • good

f o r s lrlt

avut t e r t r r y m | w r |

u i • I n i raw

3. CHOUE,a mulalreM. aged .16

veara. she la, without exception, oae

i

l i t asosl rom p e le n t p m i s l * tn the r M s l f j , a hr>l f a i r » « *h tr sod ir s s c r . alaws up la r r , s gam l t o o l , i s J fo r o U r W W f r l
« h W i o U s w 4 « p ^ r r * W tw u U ) he i s u l a a M f i
i* J * a ■ psuil te d lrs 1 nuhl« koiJog irehelletl io «he V w t h l a (ho t n p

4.

FANNY,

her daughter, a miilalrr**, aged 14

Ijiflieh , I* a aatperiar h*lr-al,fM ,r. <r*a|>tl a t l.u ,l l i,r .) , ,

r»Rr U i a w .
5. DANDRIDCE, a mulatoo, aged

m iI

26

.-M iH ffw

year*,

»*-l

year*, apeak* French aa
m iU .

a first

I* . n u l l , iaiirlltn * * . , t i a I

rale dining-room

w

.Mb a***d y l.lt. u i rM|h niynltr. Mil U, h* Ira eaaal*far ItMM) *<
a
,lMkW
trl..

6.

NANCY,

kla wife, aged about 24

year*,

a confidential house eervaa

p.J MiMitr.M. ■Mlauattt am
i ulUtr~. •
ranh, w ilifr Millr».tr,tit.
The men ond women staves received, aa
htfr monthly allowance o/ food, eight pounds
7. MARY ANN, her child, a creole,
aged 7 year*, speak* French aa
•f pork, or its equivalent in fish, and one
r
a
a
1
’
1
!
*
i
—|
U
~
*
—1
wake) of corn meal. Their yearly
clothing
S. FANNY or
FRANCES, amulatrraa, aged 22 yearn, la a first vat
tmxiited of tuo coarse linen shirts, one pair
, a t* Mi
|M i nO w i tMK a r n a a l, andIm mm e ir e U m ! chawUr.
tf h m truusers, tike the shirts, one Jacket,
* l pair of trousers for winter, made of coarse
9. EMMA,
aa
orphan, aged10 or 11years, apeak* Frenrh and Eaglkl
hfyro doth, one pair of stockings and one
ha* U r * la f a a , M l r | 7 > ♦ • * * . U a U , » m t . m . m h I a .a ll ia p a w la h lr . *e.ta*Hr,i i M ia lh r .
|* r of ihoes . . . .
10. FRANK, a aaalatto, agrd
about 32 yean apeak* Fn-nrh and Enghsl
The children unable to work . , . their
U a O n * a n , U a S a r a i r a a r h a n ,*. auairn u aaia p e r f r r d . » « # th e ■ ■ ■ ■ p .M r a l mt U a - n , m 4 k in n i a j i n ■ * . , ! , * f a
dttking consisted of tiro coarse linen shirts
M
r U r a rta f.
i W e t r r p t U a afc*a he . i l l y r . . j . , i S y 4 > U . aUaaSk ■ * m U U I m I i n H a l t n l .
Nr year. When these failed them, they went
go* AS |he ,1*«» ia .rl Shan are erfiaalrf <*i nrrllnl wllwai |U) .ere paarrh*.e4 h) tUk prM
*kftt until the next allowance-day. Children
mmmOmrmmmjymmemaa*, l* i *UI| thrtefara-. he et,nll|i »»er—U.l
Ul »ire. M.I mlai ia. iw erUi hj I*., hi
seven to ten years old, of both sexes,
aai nam iXXXIt,
UtwMflanraaiml imrtrry aU . reaprri hot ,hr Mr>Uir aMMiaMUsl.
■■osl naked, might be seen at aU seasons
TOUX31
—OMe-haVCah. andthe aU, U f ia **r*a, ttmmmiU, in .* _ i .ni.r.,4 a aheaalatw h««tf
f the year.
VmU*#. MO mmU aaUM aa the 5haat a *f fad p*)aaea«. The Art* af .Sale In he pwed M n VIIJIUI ao

There were no beds given the staves, tin*

*•* one coarse blanket be considered such,
N none but the men and women had these.

m u fn e jfallli, if a , nyaaa,at lhar*trb*irf.
Afaaa OHetmt,

Mmy 13. 1035.
-V

_______

...

'

-

THE PLANTATION SYSTEM became
M e of both the Soothers economy and
r . its interests pew iaawaalagly dhrerbem these of the industrial Northeast,
ri m the economic interests af tha two
■ began te atamne tha character of ■
i struggle over alavery, which waa led
Mham abnUUonists.
aHUaolaU of that tim e Inelodod WUUan
I Oarriaod, editor of The lib e ra to r; ArT n a o , tin t president of the American
E n try society, formed in Philadelphia
m , and John Greealeaf W hittier, "the
el abolition."
Marian John Hope Franklin reminds hia
In , "The whites were not alone in their
w e to slavery." He points out Noa were preaching a strong abolitionist
rtoe long before Garrison waa barn.
Mere the Revolutionary war fo r Indcpene, slaves la Maaaacfausetta brought actiona
■t their maaters fa r the freedom which
rtfsrded as their inalienable right. Durnd after the Revolutionary war, Negroes
M the abolition of slavery by petitioning
Mite and federal governments to outlaw
due trade and to embark upon a proi ef general emancipation."
MkUn said Prince HaU, Benjamin Ban*
r, Ahaolom Jones and Richard Alien is*
I Mreng denunciations of slavery before
I By u n there were SO Negro abolition*
peape. One of the more famous spokes*
I oao David Walker, who issued bis "Ap[* calling for m ilitant action to throw oft
flto e f slavery.
Ipeee were active in organizing the
rkaa Anti-Slavery society and served in
I sad regional anti-slavery organizations.
Id the more colorful figures was SoJourTruth, who expressed her hatred for
ry with a atkange religious mysticism.
p«cs and whites worked together in set*
W the Underground Railroad, an organ*
lyitcm of helping slaves eecape to the
B EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION,
d January 1, 1663, had a bewildering ef*
■ the vast m ajority of sieves,
fcrian Frazier said, "Many of the
i immediately le ft the plantations when
kirned that they were free. On the othaid, the attitude of subordination was
Mrang in some slaves and they were
f to assert their newly acquired rights."
7 Negroes stayed on the plantations as
■ervanta. Others only stayed long,
to earn the in itia l payment on their
edom and the Negro's escape from
dependence on whites came a
of the old social order between
. soon after the war in 1865 and
t Southern whites speedily began
laws to curb the Negroes and to inthey remained as a laboring force
"these laws bore a remarksce to the ante-bellum slave
can hardly be described aa meask impacted the rights of Negroes
;ttid several laws lim ited the areas in
/"frees could rent or purchase propNegro quit his Job, be could be arimprisoned far breach of con"Voss ware not allowed to vote or to
i f ■ court except in cases involving

their race. Numerous fines were imposed for
seditious speeches, insulting gestures or
acta, absence from w ort, vwiatmg curfew,
and the possession of firearm s. There waa no
enfranchisement of Negroes and no indica­
tion that In the fu to n they could look ter*
ward to fun citizenship in the Sooth.
Reconstruction, directed from the North,
began after it was dear the South had no in­
tentions of granting fu ll citizenship to the
Negro.
The plight of tha Negro in the South was
not created by instances where the federal
government went too far during reconstruc­
tion, but rather where it did not go far
enough.
A Fteedmen's bureau was created in 1865
to help handle the magnitude of problems re­
sulting from the C ivil war. However, Presi­
dent Andrew Johnson vetoed a b ill to make
the bureau permanent.
W. E. B. DuBots thought it was a mistake:
A Freedmen’a bureau, be wrote, established
for ten, twenty or forty years, with a careful
distribution of land and capital and a system
of education for the children, m ight have
prevented a do facto extension of slavery.
In their own assessment of their needs,
Negroes emphasized the question of land,
which they saw as their hope for economic
independence from the whites.
Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner,
anti-slavery leaden, argued that the Ne­
groes had worked oo the land for 250 years
without pay and that the workers upon em­
ancipation deserved to own part of the land.
The Freed men's bureau received nearly
000,000 acres of land and 9,000 pieces of town
property which were leased to freedmen. But
as the result of President Andrew Johnson's
proclamation of amnesty, practically a ll of
this land w u restored to its form er owners,
and the Negro tenants were dispossessed or
became laborers. Another attempt In 1666 to
make land available, not only to the freed­
men but alao to the landless whites, was de­
feated.
The sins of radical Reconstruction govern­
ments included fradutent bond issues, graft in
land sales or purchases, and in the letting of
contracts for public works and extravagance
in the use of state funds.
For a tim e, the legislators of South Carolina
enjoyed the services of a free restaurant and
bar, established for their private use, and
billed the state fo r such "kglslaUve supplies"
as bams, ladies' boonets, perfumes, cham­
pagne and, for one unfortunate member, a cof­
fin .

However, white Negroes had influence in
these Southern governments, they did not cen­
tra l a n of them. Even in South CaroUna where
Negroes fanned 66 per cent of the population
and held a m ajority in the state legislature, the
whites were alw ayain a position to block the
acts of Negre legislators.
The corrupt ion that took place in the South
during IHnnnlMM tlnn undoubtedly stemmed
from seme ef the same forces that produced
the Tweed ring in New York and numerous
in the .Grant administration.
"H ie greatest stigma on the white South is
not that it opposed Negro suffrage and re­
sented theft and Incompetence," DuRots be­
lieve V "but that when it saw-the-. reform
movement growing and even in some cases
triumphing, and a larger and larger number
of black voters learning to vote for honesty
and ability, It s till preferred a Reign of Ter­
ro r to a campaign of education, and disfran­
chised the Negroes instead of punishing ras­
cals."
DuBois lists three things which Negre rule
:ave to the' South—democratic government,
ree public schools and new social legisla­
tion.
For example, in South Carolina before Re­
construction, there was a property qualifica­
tion for office-holders, end in part, fo r vot­
ers. As In ether parts of the South, the aris­
tocracy was in control.
However, the state constitution of 1666 was
a modern democratic document. It took up
new subject* of social legislation, declaring
navigable rivers free public highways, Insti­
tuting homestead exemptions, establishing
boards of county commissioners, providing
for a new penal code, establishing universal
manhood suffrage without distinction ef race
or crio r and, above a ll, setting up a com­
plete public sdwol system.
"So satisfactory was the constitution thm
adopted by Negro suffrage and by a conventioo composed of a m ajority of blacks that the
state lived 27 years under it without essen­
tia l change, and when the Constitution was re­
vised In 1695, the revision was practically
nothing more than an am plification of the
constitution of 1868,'' DuBois pointed out.
Reconstruction constitutions, practically
unaltered, were also kept 17 years in F lori­
da, 32 years in Virginia and 22 years In Mis­
sissippi.
He said, "outside the curtailing of ex­
penses and stopping of extravagance, not
only did their successors make few changes
in the work which these legislatures and con­
ventions had done, but they largely carried
out their plans, followed their suggestion,
and strengthened tbeir institutions.
"P ractically the-wbdternewi growth of the
South has been accomplished under the laws

!

leh black men helped to frame th irty
n «go, I know of oo greater compliment
Negro suffrage."
lane of the Negro Reconstruction leader*
worth and ability were John R. Lynch,
■her of the Mississippi House of Repretatives; Frauds Cardoso, treasurer ot
gh Carolina, and Jonathan C. Gibbs, the
t state superintendent ot instruction In
rids.

KTIH THE NEGRO LEGISLATURES and
i Freedmen's bureau helped establish a
Impend system of tree public education
the South. Between June 1, 1M5 and Sep*
■her 1, 1871, 85,362,511 was spent on
bools from Bureau funds, and, in 1870, 3,*
I teachers and 149,581 pupils were In day
d sight schools.
Marly a ll of the present Negro tmiversl*
■ ana colleges, such as Howard, Fisk and
lanta. were founded or substantially aidI In tneir earliest days by the Freedmen’s
reau.
Old and young alike flocked to schools set
I by white teachers from the North
rougnout the South, However, the whites
■plained the teachers were communicat*
i to the Negroes ideas of social equality
n whites. Therefore, schools established
f Northern whites were often burned and the
idMrs driven out of town.
Although Reconstruction did not end
bruptiy, the year 1877 was significant as the
ginning of a new phase in the history of

eNsgra.

'The phase that began in 1877 was Inaugu*
did by the withdrawal of federal troops
M the South, the abandonment of the Ne­
ro as a ward of the nation, the giving up of
l* attempt to guarantee the freedman his
Ml and political equality, and the acqules*
■os of the rest of the country In the
Mb's demand that the whole problem be
dt to the disposition of the dominant South*
t i white people," historian C. Vann Wood■vd wrote in "The Strange Career of Jim

E»w,"
1b Woodward, the South's adoption of ex*
ttne racism was due, not so much to a con*
fusion, as it was to a relaxation of the op*
altloa.

By the mld-1870's, Northern businessmen
and liberals, growing more concerned with
reconciliation with the South, began to re*
tre ft on the race issue . . . "Just as the Ne­
gro' gained his emancipation and new rights
through a falling out between white men, he
now stood to lose his rights through the rec­
onciliation of white men," Woodward wrote.
Mississippi, which had taken the lead in
enacting black codes, once again took the lead
in 1890 in enacting constitutional provisions for
disfranchising the Negro. Other states fo l­
lowed.
But by such constitutional provisions as poll
taxes, registration months in advance, owner­
ship of property, literacy tests, grandfather
clauses—a person might become a registered
voter if he had served in the Armies of the
United States or the Confederacy or was « de­
scendant of such a person, or had the rig h t of
franchise before 1867—the Southern states were
able to disfranchise practically a ll Negroes.
DURING THE PERIOD OF Reconstruction
and after, what could not be accomplished by
law was attempted through a reign of terror
upon the Negro.
Lynching* were widespread -throughout the
South. Secret societies, such as the Ku KIux
Klan and the White Camelias, armed with
guns, swords or other weapons, patrolled parts
of the South day and night and enjoyed the re­
spect and support of the white community.
"They used intim idation, force, ostracism In
business and society, to accomplish their deeds
. . . Negroes were run out of communities if
they disobeyed orders to desist from voting;
and the more resolute and therefore insubordi­
nate blacks were whipped, maimed and
banged," Franklin concluded.
Movements in each state to disfranchise the
Negro were generally accompanied by vig­
orous white supremacy campaigns. The legend
of Reconstruction chaos was revived. Novelists
glamorised the Klan and Camelias. A sensa­
tional press played up stories of Negro crim e,
charges of rape and attempted rape, aind a l­
leged Instances of arrogance, impertinence,
surly manners.
Mounting racial tension and phobias In the
structure of segregation and discrim ination
were extended by the adoption of many Jim
Crow laws.

mese laws mushroomed oum g tne nm two
decades of this century, and la many eases
segregation was established without the a li of
laws. The absurd and improbable became a
way of life fo r the South, down to and twHivttng
the Jim Crow Bible.
Separation was achieved in theaters, rest
rooms, drinking fountains, waiting rooms and
ticket windows.
Mississippi and South Carolina required N *
gro nurses for Negro patients, and Alabama
rohiblted white female nurses from attending
fegro male patients. Thirteen Southern and
border states required the separation of pa­
tients by races in mental hospitals, and tea
states specified segregation of inmates in penal
institutions. Segregation of the races in boom
for the aged, the indigent, orphans, the blind,
the deaf and the dumb is the subject of numer­
ous state laws.
Louisiana required separate entrances, exits
ticket windows and ticket sellers that would b
kept at least 25 feet apart. Circuses and ten
shows which could not meet these require
ments were forced to dose or more.
In Oklahoma the telephone company had t<
maintain separate booths fo r white and bind
patrons. North Carolina and Florida require)
textbooks used by the public school children e
one race be kept separate from those used bj
the other, and the Florida law specified sepax
atlon even while the books were in storage.
In Mobile, Ala., Negroes had to be o ff tb
streets by 10 o'clock, and a New Orleans ord
lnance segregated white and Negro prostitute
in separate districts.
Historians note the sim ila rity between lbs
Jim Crow laws and tha black codes. Thus th i
circle had come fu ll cycle.
The 105-year struggle to break the cycle li
the next chapter in the history of the Negre,
This story winds its way through constitutional
amendments and c iv il rights legislation
at rectifying the wrongs of the Jim Crow and
black code laws. It is also told in the account d
the c iv il rights movement which begins os
page 18. The entire combination has brought
the Negro to a new plateau In a story whichbegan more than four centuries ago and h u yd
to find an ending.

R

■ Today,

American .«ducat<onal »y,l»m

Continue* to rglnfoice the'entrerfefted values of "

BLACK POWER:
the politics
of liberation
in America
-

t

2 in

Stokety Carmichael was an organizer and chairman of 5NCC, Student
. Non-violent Coordinating Committee. He was one of the field workers
whb'organized the black voters in Lowndes County, Alabama, in 1966.
His book is based on his study of philosophy and his experience of
civil rights work in the South where his friends were murdered and
their murderers acquitted in courts of law, and his experience of
. coalition with Northern liberals and their betrayal.

I
f

Foreword:
This book presents a political framework ond ideology which
represents the last reasonable opportunity for this society to
-> work out its racial problems short of prolonged destructive
guerrilla warfare. That such violent warfare may be unavoid-

able If not herein denied. But if there is the slightest chance
•ta ovoid it, the politics of Black Power as described in ihts book
is seen as the only viable hope.
'-'Stokety Carmichael,
* Charles V. Hamilton ..
- August, 1967.
.. •
_
'•*

'the society through the use of words. Few peopie in this country, question that this is- "the land o free and the home of the brave." They
these words drummed into them from
w people question that this is the
or that this country is fighting
ression" around the world. We
s over and overhand they_
t to be questioned. In a simt- '
ove been saddled with epi-_

is another ctirrent example of
as been defined according to
te Americans see it. To many of
eans black men wanting to.marry
aughters; it means " race mixing"—im­
plying bed or dance partners. JoJblpc|c people,
it has meant a wayv fEhMS8^^meH$iiyes—
economically and
inant white
of too many pt
Black pc
only they canj
'vast segment^
'ginning to' rel
own definitior
.culture, to creal
and togethernes
merit, of the wof

■cause this term Is tfii
sor; it is his image of us thbHidSflM^3Rs. Many
blacks are now ‘calling themselves AfricanAmericans, AfrcnAmericans.or bfack people be-

.that >»

ourselves. When w e

t-

Im age/ the stereoour oppressor has

their roots, thot they develop an awareness of
‘their cultural heritage. Too long have thnv been
kept in submission by
ino culture, no manij
landed on the slavj
try. If black
as a vibrant,
their roots.
-Hollywood
waiting for.
Hunter is a Hj
. With redet
of the role
world. This role wT
unique, common expel
Only when black
sense of community of themselves, can they
begin to deal effectively with the problems of
racism in this country. This is what we mean by
a new consciousness; this is the vita! first step.

"

ijljrap whife community
blackioommumty-will have
bsitive' imCfoe o f
a t it has created.

c. Thoie.are wgrds^u^ed by white America
L%fe$ defini* i^ vlf^ W o tc e p t these adjectives,
us have'-tn the past, then we see
otjrsefVes pnljtlo 6 negative way, precisely the
way white America wants us to see ourselves.
Our incentive is broken and our will to fight
is surrendered. From now on we shall view
ourselves as African-Americans and as black
people w h ^ H ^ g B n n M u g e tic , determined,
intelligatfegffjumul a tjja lg^fc-lovina.
peculiar ic
co m

enis
me peomake-bea growwing realization
e a common
bond not o
elves, but with their
African brothers. .
and more black Amer- ..
icans are developing this feeling. They are becoming aware that they have a history which
predates their forced introduction to this coun­
try. African-American history means a long
history beginning on the continent of Africa, a
history not taught in the standard textbooks *

o f this country, tt Is absolutely-essential that1
blade people know this history, th a t they know

k

- The next step is what we shall call the pro­
cess of political modernization — a process
whici^must take place if the society is to be rid
modernization" includes
mean by it three major
old values and institosearching for new and
‘cal structure to solve
blems; and (3) broadI participation to in'ecision-making proiety support a racist,
uous to ask black peort most of those values.

IDEAS
FOR
TEACHING

ABOUT
BLACK
AMERICANS

K in g — h is life a n d w o r k — c o m p le te w ith
b o o ks , p ic tu re s , a n d re c o rd s . E n c o u ra g e
s tu d en ts to do e x tra re s e a rc h . In v ite an

e d u c a tio n , a n d b usiness. T h o lo c a l li­
b ra ry . lo c a l c itiz e n s , n e w s p a p e rs , E bony
m a g a z in e , a n d o th e r p rin te d s o u rc e s w ill

o u ts id e s p e a k e r If n e e d e d . (G ra d e s 7 -1 2 )
• R e e n a c t tho s c o n e In w h ic h D r. K in g
re c e iv e d th e N o b el P e a c n P r im
»hn
c la s s to re s e a rc h th e o rig in o f th e N o b e l

b e h elp fu l. (7 -1 2 )
• Let the c la s s sing s p iritu a ls a n d d is­
c u s s th o ir o rig in s . In v ite a b la c k m usic
t e a c h e r in y o u r a r e a to h e lp If n eed ed.

p riz e s a n d to find w h a t o th e r e th n ic g ro u p s
o re re p re s e n te d a m o n g ilia w in n e rs . (8 -1 2 )
• R e a d " I H a v e n D r e a m " to th e c la s s ,
a n d /o r o th e r s p e e c h e s by Dr. K in g. (5 -1 2 )
• D is c u s s " fre e d o m fig h te rs " o f all
ra c e s . W h a t q u a litie s m ust a tro e d o m
fig h te r h a v e ? D e b a te . (1 0 -1 2 )
• D is c u s s o u ts ta n d in g b la c k p e o p le in
history a n d at th e p re s e n t tim e . In c lu d o

d ru m s . (3 -1 2 )
• C o n ta c t th o lo c a l "s o u l” ra d io station

past a n d p re s e n t. C o m b in e this w ith p h o ­

fo r c o p ie s o f P ro filo s In B la c k o r o th e r
h is to ry -ty p e spotB , o r havo a gro up of
s tu d e n ts d o th is . L e t tho c la s s research
h o w a " s o u l” s h o w is p ut to g e th e r. Is
th o ro a d iffo ro n c o b e tw e e n th is a n d o th e r
p ro g ra m m in g ? D is c u s s nnd d o b a to . (7-12)

a s k h im to c h o o s o s o m e o n e w hoso life ho
is u n fa m ilia r w ith . (5 -1 2 )

nated "H u m a n R o tation s D a y ,” in m em ory
ol M artin L u th e r K ing. T h o re s o lu tio n

tho ro le s of b la c k s , C h in e s o , M o x ic a n s ,
nnd In d ia n s ? II not, w h n t can bo d o n e to

called upo n tho P rosld on t o f tho U n llo d
States to p ro c la im that d a to a n atio n a l

ro m c d y th o s itu a tio n ? (1 0 -1 2 )
• Takrs tho c la ss to s ee p la c e s c o n ­
n e c te d w ith N e g ro h is to ry if any n ro n e a r
(tho F re d e ric k D o u g la s s H ouso in W a s h ­
in g to n , D C ., (o r e x a m p le ). (3-8 )

m lnority-group c o n trib u tio n s to our so ­
ciety. Thoy a s k , W h a t c a n w o d o th a t isn't
stereotypod o r trilo ? W h nt w ill c a tc h tho
interest of the s tu d e n ts a n d bo m e a n in g fu l
to them?

•

•

Show

a

m ovio

or

w ith N o g ro history o r
g e n e ra l. (7 -1 2 )

film strip

d e a lin g

ra c e re la tio n s

in

• D is c u s s folk h e ro n s like J o h n H o n ry ,
the s le e t-d riv in g m e n . D iscu ss tho d iffo ro n c e b o lw c c n la rg e r-th a n -life h e ro e s , su c h
a s J o h n H o n ry and P a u l D u nyan, a n d re a l-

In answ o r to th e s o q u e s tio n s , the N E A
Center fo r H u m a n R e la tio n s h as p re p a ro d
a list o f a c tiv itie s d e a lin g w ith b la c k c u l­
ture that s h o u ld bo re le v a n t to all s tu ­

life h e ro e s , such as C h n rlo s D rew , a n o u t­
s ta n d in g b lo c k p h y s ic ia n . (6 -1 2 )
■ D is c u s s w h at m a k e s a hero. D o e s it

dents. M a n y o f th o Id e a s c a n a ls o bo u s e d

h e ro ? (9 -1 2 )

for a p p ro p ria te ly tim e d e m p h a s is on tho
culture o I o th e r A m e ric a n m in o rity g ro u p s:
Orientals, P u e rto R ic a n s , M e x ic a n A m o rleans, In d ia n s , a n d others.
Students m u s t b e h e lp e d to h av o u n d e r­
standing o f a n d re s p e c t fo r o th e r c u ltu re s ,
rather than a c o n d e s c e n d in g to le ra n c e o r
lofty a c c e p ta n c e . T h e y m ust bo h e lp e d to
realize that e v e ry g ro u p h a s s o m e th in g to
offer. The fo llo w in g s u g g e s tio n s m oy e n ­
hance your c la s s ro o m
cultural a p p re c ia tio n .

e ffo rts

In

m u lti­

• Prepare a d is p la y on M a r tin L uther
The NEA C e n te r for H um an R o lalio n s has
preparod a b ib lio g ra p h y o f m a te ria ls that
can be used in ce leb ra tin g H u m a n R e la ­
tions Day and N e g ro History W eek Free
tingle copies a rc availab le from D ept M.
Today's Education. 1201 S ix te en th Street.
N-W. W ashington, D C 2 0 0 3 6 (P le a se cmtinso a stam ped s rtl.a d d re s s e d envelo pe
your r e q u e s t)

In v ite a d a n c e te a c h e r t o s p e a k on

(2 -1 2 )
• Put u p p osters o f b la c k h e ro e s both

H o ld a round ta b le o r p an e l d e b a to
on A m e ric a n history: D o m ost te x ts p r e ­
sent It fa irly ? Do thoy a d e q u a te ly p re s e n t

Many te a c h o rs e x p e rie n c e d ifficu lty In

•

lo c a l as w e ll as n a tio n a lly know n fig u re s .

At tho 1 9 7 0 co n fo ro n co In S a n F ra n ­
cisco, the N a tio n a l E d u c a tio n A s s o c ia tio n
passed a C o n tin u in g R e s o lu tio n (1 B> to
the effect th a t J a n u a ry 15 s h o u ld bo d e s ig ­

initiating a p p ro p rla to c la s s ro o m a c tiv itie s
on block c u llu ro n n d re c o g n itio n o f o lh o r

(6 -12)
A fric a n a n d A fro -A m e ric a n d a n c o . Pay
s p e c ia l a llo n tio n to tho ro le p la y e d by

tos nnd a rtic le s from c u rre n t n e w s p o p o rs
nnd m a g a z in e s . (K -1 2 )
• H a v e e a c h s tu d en t re a d a b o o k a b o u t
a b la c k p ers o n . If th o stu d en t is b la c k ,

holiday, a n d It u rg e d all s c h o o l system s
to plan a p p ro p ria te o b s e rv a n c e s .

(8 -1 2 ) A s k a lo c a l s in g e r to c o m e to class
a n d sing a s p iritu a l o r o th e r son g as­
s o c ia te d w ith b la c k c u ltu re . ( K -6 )
• D iscuss h o w A frican m u s ic h as a f­
fe c te d m u s ic in o u r cou ntry. A g a in , Invite
a b la c k m u s ic te a c h e r to a s s is t If n ee d e d .

ta k e

s o m e th in g

s p e c ia l

to

bo

a

b la c k

• A s k s tu d en ts to w rite an e s s a y on
" T h e B lo c k H o ro (ln o ) I M o s t A d m ire ," g iv ­
ing re a s o n s for th e ir c h o ic o s . (9 -1 2 )
•

Ask b la c k p e o p le w e ll-k n o w n lo c a lly

to s p e a k to tho class n b o u t Nogro h is to ry .
(2 -1 2 )
• A s s ig n a team to re s e a rc h a n d rop ort on th e b la c k h is to ry of y o u r a re a .

(6-12)
•

L et o a c h s tu d on t w rite an e s s a y on

tho re le v a n c e b la c k h is to ry has fo r h im .
D iscuss. (9 -1 2 )
•

D iv id e th e class In to team s. A s k e a c h

to m a k e

a

c o lla g e

on

b lo c k

h is to ry o r

b la c k p e o p le in g o n o ra l. D isplay. (4 -8 )
• E n c o u ra g e s tu d e n ts to d ra m a tiz e a
s co n e fro m b la c k h is to ry a fte r th e y h a v e
re e d a b o u t It. (5 -1 2 )
•

A s s ig n

stu d en t

te a m s

to

re s e a rc h

a n d d is c u s s a c h ie v e m e n ts of b la c k s In
spo rts, e n te rta in m e n t, m e d ic in e , in v e n ­
tion, fa s h io n (fo r the n e w b la c k m o d e ls ).

• P la y tho " N e g r o N a tio n a l A n th e m ."
D is c u s s tho c o m p o s e r (J a m o s W e ld o n
J o h n s o n ), a n d th o o rigin s o f th is anthem .
(4 -8 )
• Ask s tu d o n ts to read p o e try a n d prose
b y o u ts ta n d in g b la c k w riters n n d discuss
w h a t theso a u th o r s a re trying to s a y . (6-10)
• G at c o p ie s o f p e rio d ic a ls tik o Ebony,
B la c k W o rld , a n d T h o N o g ro H is to ry B u l­
le tin fo r y o u r re a d in g tablo. A s k tho class
to re a d a n d r e a c t to thoso p e rio d ic a ls .
(7 -1 2 )
• Let

th e

c la s s

d re m a llz o

p ari of A

R a is in In tho S u n . D iscuss w h o th o r this
is s tric tly a b la c k p la y o r w h o th o r its scopo
is u n iv e rs a l. (9 -1 2 )
• R o ad y o u r c la s s stories o f b la c k c h il­
d re n , such a s T o b o (by S to lla G . S h arp e,
U n iv o rs ily of N o rth C a ro lin a P ro s s ). C o m ­
b in e this w ith a p ic tu re d is p la y of b la c k
n o ta b le s . (K -5 )
• R o ad U n c le R e m u s s to rie s to the c h il­
d re n , nnd P h ilip S h e rlo c k 's A n a n s l, Tho
S p id e r M a n o r h is W e s t In d ia n F o lk -T a to s .
D is c u s s tho b la c k o ra l tra d itio n o r ask a
k n o w lo d g e a b le

p e rs o n

to t a lk

w ith tho

c la s s ab o u t it. (K -7 )
• T a k e tho c la s s to seo e x h ib itio n s o r
a rtw o rk by b la c k artists: v is it a m useum
o r s h o p w h o re A fric a n a rtifa c ts a n d A fro A m e ric a n d is p la y s a re fe a tu r e d . (1-1 2 )
A s k lo c a l b la c k a rtis ts or s c u lp to rs to talk
to

th e

c la s s

about

th e ir w o r k

and c a ­

re e rs . (3 -1 2 )
• L et tho c la s s u se c la y to m a k e A f­
r ic a n b as k o ts , d ru m s , m a sks, a n d other
a rtifa c ts . M a k e a n A fro d is p la y featuring
th e fin is h e d w o r k . (K -6 )
• H e lp tho c la s s build a s m a ll-s c a le
A fric a n o r A fro -A m e ric a n d is p la y : an Af­
r ic a n v illa g e , s la v e q u a rte rs , o r b la c k h is­
tory., s c e n e . U s e w o o d o r m e ta ls . (Ind us­
tria l an d m a n u a l a rts c la s s e s , w o o d or
m e ta l sh o p , 1 0 -1 2 )
• Ask the c la s s to c o lle c t " s o u l fo o d ”
re c ip e s a n d if p os s ib le h a v e a "taste

233

c o m e r ."

G el

an

e x p o rt

to d is c u s s

ih e

o rig in o f this c o o k in g . (H o m o e c o n o m ic s ,
c h e f s c lasses, 10-121
• A sk s tu d en ts to w rite a s h o rt e s s a y
on "H o w I L e a rn e d
D iscuss. (5-1 2 )
•

D iscuss th e

fa c ts

A bout

poems

P r e ju d ic e ."
A F R IC A

ab o u t

e n c e s In skin c o lo r b e tw e e n

tho

d iffe r­

ra c e s

(th e

p ig m e n ts m e la n in a n d c a ro tc n o a re f a c ­
to rs ). Invite a n e x p e r t to visit th e c la s s
a n d assist in tho d is c u s sio n , (6 -1 0 )

Africa, la n d o l our Fath ots,
Know n In tim es that a to o ld.
Africa, h om o o l o u r M o th e rs,

• R ole p la y " b la c k " situ a tio n s T a k e a
s c e n e from a b o o k o r a itlc lo a n d let s tu ­

A g re a t s lo ty yet u n to ld !

d e n ts d ra m a tiz e it a n d then d is c u s s th e ir
re a c tio n s. (7 -1 2 )

M ysterio usly w e ird In la n d a n d c lim e ,

• D iscuss T V p ro g ra m s fe a tu rin g b la c k
p o rto rm o rs, a n d a s k fo r s tu d en t re a c tio n s .
(0 -12 )
• A ssign s tu d e n t tc a m 3 to re s e a rc h tho
c iv il rights m o v e m e n t fro m 1 954 to the
p re s e n t. A rra n g e p h o to s fo r a b u lle tin
b o a rd d isp lay. (B -1 2 )
• Ask s tu d en ts to m a k e a list fo r tho
b u lle tin b o ard o f T V show s o r m o v ie s
a b o u t b la c k s th a t th o y m ight w a tc h o r ntto n d w ith th e ir fa m ilie s . (7 -1 2 )
• A ssign g ro u p s ol s tu d en ts to p h o to ­
g ra p h , d ra w , o r c o llo c t p ic tu re s d e a lin g
w ith

"T h o

B la c k

E x p e rie n c e .”

D is c u s s

th is In form s o f b la c k h istory, p a s t a n d
p re s e n t. E n c o u ra g e s tu d en ts to m n k o n
film on this to p ic , it p o s s ib le . (6*1 ?)
• Ask s iu d o n ts to p re te n d th o y a re
c h a ra c te rs In b la c k history. H a v o th e m
m a k e up a s to ry a b o u t h ow th o y w o u ld
fo o l and lu s tily t h e ir fee lin g s . (5 -1 2 )
• H o ld a c la s s sym p osiu m o n ra c is m ,
a fte r students h a v e ro soarchcd tho to p ic .
Invito o utsid e p e rs o n s , e s p e c ia lly b la c k s ,
fo r tho lr re a c tio n s and q u o s lio n s
( 10 -

D illc rc n t b e c a u s e o l its color.
Out the s a m e in b o d y a n d mind,
F o r then, w hita can c a ll b la c k " B r o th e r " I

J O M O K EN YA TTA
J o m o K enyatla, a n A fric a n king,
H o fought, lor fre e d o m called .
A g ain st invad ers o l h is land.
This a c t fo rc e d h is p e o p le to
Take th e ir stand.
Kenya is his h om e b a s e .
His to ta l tile is here,
Their in d e p e n d e n c e tho y o b ta in e d
A n d th e ir land, they co n tro l
a n d m ain tain .

12)
•

Invito

lo c a l

b la c k

v e te ra n s

to

talk

w ith tho c la s s a b o u t b la c k m en in m ili­
ta r y sorvlce— W o rld W a r II, K o re a , V ie t ­
n a m , W h a t w e re th o lr ro n ctlon s a n d f e e l­
in g s ? How d id th o y d e a l w ith ra c is m ?
W h a t is tho h is to ry of tho b la c k s o ld io r?

A REPLY
D e a r C apt. Leon J. C a rte r III

(10 -12 )
• Devise

a

" p r e ju d ic e

e x o r c is e "

in ­

volvin g d is c rim in a tio n b a s e d on e y e c o lo r,
• h a ir co lo r, s h o rt vs. tall stu d en ts, c h il­
d re n from s m a ll v s . larg o fa m ilie s , a n d so
o n . S et this up fo r o ne d a y o f d is c r im i­
n atio n to w a rd th e "o u t g ro u p " a n d use
a socond d a y (o r d is c u s sio n . F o r s p e c ia l
e m p h a s is , le t ih e g ro u p s re v e rs e s o that
th e fo rm e r in g ro u p b e c o m e s th e out
g ro u p . (3 -1 2 )
• R ead " U n fin is h e d S to ry " o n p a g e 71
o f this Issue o f T o d a y ’s E d u c a tio n . Lot
th e class d is c u s s th o in c id e n t. (4 -6 )
T h e s e are o n ly som e o f th e a c tiv itie s

It's n ot your skin th a t tortures m o.
A lthough m y skin is w hite.
It's th a t a m in d liko yours, you s e e
Is h id d e n in the nig ht.
I think tho rn cssago th a t yo u g ive.
To e v e ry thinking m a n ,
Afusf forever live
In la c e s w hite o r tan.
For m y trie n d you h a v o tho knack,
O l s ayin g w hat is tru e.

th a t c a n g ro w o u t o f c e le b ra tio n of H u m a n
R e la tio n s D a y (o n J a n u a ry 15, M a rtin
L u th e r K in g 's b irth d a y ) a n d /o r N e g ro
H is to ry W e a k . Y o u an d yo u r s tu d e n ts w ill
w a n t to m a k e a d d itio n s , a d d in g a u n iq u e

A n d I wish that I w e re Black,

d im e n s io n to th e

Th s p o e m vrns w r ltim >n answ er to o n e the
was puhlisi.t d in tt.o Q u o l e r ,‘l r'g ro h is lo t
B u i’ .tin. p r'-ilc d C o rtirL ru m i5 u n - T 'ir/r.dK .r) n u " n rcd h y C a p lin e C arter .

p ro je c ts you select..

— N E A C e n te r to r H u m a n R e la tio n s .

I I I c o titd b o like you.
F rank L evin e