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KURZHALS, Richard Donald, 19*+0INITIAL ADVANTAGE AND TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE IN
INDUSTRIAL LOCATION: THE FURNITURE INDUSTRY
OF GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN.
Michigan State University, Ph.D., 1973
Geography
U n ive rsity M ic ro film s , A XEROX C o m p an y , A n n A rb o r, M ic h ig a n
INITIAL ADVANTAGE AND TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE IN
INDUSTRIAL L O CATION:
THE FURNITURE
INDUSTRY OF GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
By
Richard Donald Kurzhals
A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Geography
1973
ABSTRACT
INITIAL ADVANTAGE AND TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE IN
INDUSTRIAL LOCATION:
THE FURNITURE
INDUSTRY OF GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
By
Richard Donald Kurzhals
Grand Rapids, Michigan has long been regarded as
one of the major furniture centers of the United States.
Its furniture beginnings were little different than those
of most frontier communities.
flourished in Grand Rapids.
Yet, the industry grew and
By 1900 the name Grand Rapids
signified quality furniture and the city was dubbed the
"Furniture Capital of America."
Furniture manufacturing began in Grand Rapids in
18 36 with the settlement of a cabinetmaker.
As the village
grew, other cabinetmakers were attracted to service the
expanded market.
Although transportation of finished goods
was difficult before the railroad, the community was
located on the Grand River and shipped goods down river.
By 18 60 the market area was expanded as goods were shipped
to Chicago and Milwaukee.
Machines run by power from the
rapids of the river were able to produce for the increased
Richard Donald Kurzhals
demand.
Thus,
the city had good accessibility at an
early date and was able to capitalize on it.
wood and power,
Access,
like
acted as an initial advantage.
The railroad reached the city in 1858 and markets
further expanded.
With each increase in accessibility,
factories were able to increase production.
Owners had
adopted machine techniques and applied them to furniture
production.
Thus, by 1865 the industry was small, but one
of expanding markets.
An award winning venture by three companies in
displaying furniture at the 1876 Philadelphia Exposition
gave Grand Rapids a national reputation.
Building on that
reputation, companies opened a Grand Rapids exhibition and
drew dealers to the city to examine furniture.
A national
market developed and local plants were able to produce
for it.
Grand Rapids was an efficient producer at the time
that regional and national markets were opened by rail
transport.
The city had high accessibility in a critical
period of expansion.
In the 1870's and 1 8 8 0 's many a d
vantages were combined to form a thriving industry*
As a
result of the Philadelphia and local expositions, a
national reputation was won.
Production was efficient
and could supply furniture for the national market which
was accessible by rail.
Skilled labor was available to
Richard Donald Kurzhals
serve in the expanding
furniture factories as the Dutch
served as a source of cheap,
skilled labor.
Factory owners were inventive and innovative in
techniques of production, marketing,
furniture.
and transporting
Initial advantages of accessibility,
reputa
tion, and labor were enhanced by the ingenuity of furni
ture leaders.
By 1690 the city was regarded as a leader
in the industry.
The industry expanded and until the
depression of 1929, ranked as one of the foremost in the
c o u ntry.
The depression dealt a severe blow to the industry
from which it has not yet recovered.
purchases of furniture,
People put off
and sales lagged.
However, even
prior to the depression, the industry lost its impetus
for growth.
The pace of innovations slowed and market
areas ceased to expand.
collapsed.
The local industry virtually
Rather than attempting to expand the industry
by adopting new production methods or winning new markets,
firms sought to survive.
The city which had always been
known for fine furniture became more committed to quality
production.
The initial advantages accrued were no
longer enough to keep the industry a national leader.
By
the 1930's furniture centers in the South had risen to
prominence and Grand Rapids could not compete with them
except in high priced products.
Following the depression,
Richard Donald Kurzhals
the industry had a slow recovery.
Employment levels in
1972 were still not as high as in 1929.
The industry
had become even further entrenched in the quality line
and was known in 197 2 for expertise in production rather
than quantity.
The still viable industry was based on
the efforts of early leaders who made use of initial
advantages of wood, power, labor, and transportation.
It
was also based on men who were shrewd and innovative
and adopted usable production, marketing, and transporta
tion techniques.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Many people have contributed to the preparation of
this dissertation.
They have given their time and sug
gestions for its improvement.
Thanks are extended particularly to the guidance
committe of Drs. Jacobson, Vinge, Matley, and Horvath.
Their suggestions were many and aided both in formulating
a conceptual framework for the study and in revising the
manuscript.
Dr. Jacobson , committee chairman, deserves special
thanks for the interest that he showed in this research.
His patience and constructive suggestions were greatly
appreciated.
However, the largest debt of gratitude must go to
my wife, Jean.
Her efforts in typing and editing the
manuscript were most helpful.
Moreover, her steadfast
encouragement over many years was a source of inspiration.
Her sacrifices were many and varied.
She agreeably d e
prived herself in order that her husband could attain a
goal culminating with this dissertation.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF T A B L E S .............................................vi
LIST OF F I G U R E S ....................................... viii
Chapter
I.
II.
I N T R O D U C T I O N ..................................
I
Problem Statement and Objectives . . . .
Methodology ..................................
Conceptual B a s e ...........................
Research Orientation ........................
Organization
...............................
1
5
6
15
16
FURNITURE BEGINNINGS:
1826-1840
.
. . .
19
19
Pioneer Furniture ...........................
...............................
20
Cabinetmakers
Deacon Haldane ...............................
21
Market A r e a ...................................... 25
Initial Advantage ...........................
28
Inventions and Innovations .................
31
III.
FACTORY SYSTEM IMPACT:
184 0-1860
.
. . .
34
Industrial Revolution
....................
34
Sawmills and Sash and Door Factories
. .
42
Machine Making ...............................
44
Transportation ...............................
45
C a p i t a l ......................................... 53
L a b o r .............................................54
M a r k e t i n g ...................................... 54
Initial Advantages
........................
55
L o c a t i o n ......................................... 62
S u m m a r y ......................................... 63
iii
Chapter
IV.
Page
INNOVATIONS AND EXPANSION:
1860-1890
. . .
67
O v e r v i e w ........................................ 68
T r a n s p o r t a t i o n .............................
72
I n n o v a t i o n s ..................................... 80
E x h i b i t i o n s ..................................... 92
M a r k e t i n g ..................................... 98
Market A r e a .................................... 101
Raw M a t e r i a l s .................................106
W o r k e r s ....................................... 108
F i n a n c e ....................................... Ill
P o p u l a t i o n .................................... 115
...........................
116
Decision Making
S u m m a r y ....................................... 117
V.
MATURITY:
1890-1929
119
Mechanization
..............................
120
Transportation ..............................
123
M a t e r i a l s .................................... 128
Design, Style, and Carving .................
130
Grand Rapids and Other Centers
. . . .
134
W o r k e r s ....................................... 137
S a l e s ...........................................143
E x p o s i t i o n s .................................... 146
R e p u t a t i o n .................................... 151
G r o w t h ....................................... 153
World War I
................................ 154
Impact on the C i t y .......................... 155
Human J u d g m e n t s ............................. 156
S u m m a r y ....................................... 157
VI.
COLLAPSE OF THE INDUSTRY:
1929-1940
.
.
.
159
Grand Rapids Expositions
.................
159
Production Losses ...........................
160
Response to Financial Crisis
.............
161
Sources of L u m b e r ............................. 163
Southern Competition .......................
165
Labor F o r c e .................................... 167
Efforts at Revitalization
.................
168
Furniture and Grand Rapids .................
169
S u m m a r y ....................................... 170
iv
Chapter
VII.
Page
R E S U R G E N C E : 1940-1972
172
World War I I ............................
Production Trends ........................
Labor F o r c e ..............................
v;holesaling C h a n g e s ....................
I n n o v a t i o n s ..............................
Types and Styles P r o d u c e d ..............
Changing Materials
....................
Competition from Other Centers
. . .
Spatial Decisions ........................
173
174
17 5
180
184
186
189
192
197
VIII. C O N C L U S I O N S .................................
199
LIST OF R E F E R E N C E S ..............................
203
OTHER R E F E R E N C E S ..................................
214
V
LIST OF TABLES
Population of Grand Rapids
1890 Leading Industries
60
....................
........................
69
1880 Furniture Production
....................
71
1890 Furniture Production
....................
71
Birth Place of Berkey and Gay
Employees--18B6 ...............................
110
National Origins of Grand Rapids
Population— 1880
...........................
111
New Furniture Businesses
113
....................
Sources of Wood
...............................
130
Furniture Growth
...............................
134
..............
136
National Origin of Furniture
Workers— 1890
...............................
140
Job Type by Nationality
141
Furniture Production 1890-1929
........................
Salesmen Attending 1928 Training Session
145
Buyers at the Grand Rapids Exposition
148
1925 Exposition Displays by State
Buyers at the 1925 Exposition
..............
Furniture Exposition Attendance
vi
.
..............
150
150
160
Table
Page
18.
Furniture Woods, 1937 ........................
163
19.
Sources of Lumber, 1937
164
20.
Furniture Output by States, 1929-1935
21.
Industrial Employment 1929 and 1939
.
.
166
.
.
.
170
22.
Grand Rapids Furniture Output 1929-1967
.
.
174
23.
Wages in the Furniture Industry, 1965
.
.
177
24.
Firm Employment,
........................
179
25.
1967 Furniture P r o d u c t i o n .................
194
1959
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Page
1.
Circular and Cumulative Causation...............
2.
Furniture Made by H a l d a n e ..............
3.
Haldane's Workshop, 1837
4.
Tool C h e s t ..............................
5.
Woodworking Machinery ...........................
24
6.
Michigan Forests, 1 8 3 0 *s .......................
29
7.
Furniture Plants in Grand Rapids, 1856
. . .
64
8.
Canal Development in Grand Rapids, 1869
. . .
74
9.
Furniture Plants in Grand Rapids, 1881
. . .
75
22
........................
1870
9
22
24
10.
Grand Rapids Rail Connections,
. . . .
11.
Bedroom S u i t e ...........................
94
12.
1876 Prize Winning B e d .................
94
13.
Berkey and Gay P l a n t ........................ 124
14.
Lumber Storage A r e a ........................ 124
15.
Furniture Plants in Grand Rapids, 1929
16.
Quality Grand Rapids Furniture
17.
American Seating Trucks
18.
Furniture Plants in Grand Rapids, 1972
.
.
78
.
138
.................
183
........................
183
.
.
.
196
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Furniture specialization began in Grand Rapids,
Michigan in 1836 with the establishment of the first
cabinet shop.
Its furniture beginnings were no different
than those of most frontier communities.
in Grand Rapids grew and flourished.
and sales multiplied.
Yet, the industry
Markets were expanded
By 1850 several cabinet shops were
in operation and small furniture factories were beginning
to appear.
In 1900 the name Grand Rapids signified quality
furniture; the city was dubbed the "Furniture Capital of
America."
Large furniture operations are to be expected
in the large metropolitan centers such as New York and
Chicago.
However,
in 1900 Grand Rapids had a population
of only 87,000 of which over 6,000 were engaged directly
in furniture manufacturing.*"
It is strange that a city
*"U.S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census, Twelfth Census of the United States;
1900,
Manufactures, VII." "irT~™"'
—
,
1
2
as small as Grand Rapids could attain a leadership role
in national furniture making.
The Depression of 1929 dealt the local industry
a crippling blow from which it has not yet fully recovered.
However, positive signs of new growth are now appearing
based on non-wood furniture.
The immediate future is no
longer bleak.
Many reasons have been suggested for the location
of a notable furniture industry in Grand Rapids.
The
most frequently mentioned reason has been the proximity
to a variety of different woods.
Other writers have pro
posed the role of leadership in the industry.
Still
others have suggested the availability of skilled labor
and transportation facilities.
Regardless of the reasons
suggested for the origins and growth of the industry, the
explanations seem inadequate and unsophisticated.
Problem Statement and Objectives
The problem of this dissertation is to analyze
and determine the origins, processes, and spatial changes
of the furniture industry in Grand Rapids.
This study
traces spatial change in the furniture industry through
time from its genesis to the present in an effort to
assess its future prospects.
Little of a geographic nature has been written on
furniture manufacturing of the city.
This writer suggests
that geographic changes in the industry are indicative of
3
changes in local, national, and international patterns
and processes.
A changing city can be seen through
furniture manufacturing.
Thus, much of the historical
geography of one of the largest cities in Michigan is
tied to an important economic endeavor.
However, the research is not all "pure" in nature.
Application can be made of the research if the present
situation of the industry is analyzed in light of the
past.
Sauer suggests that both retrospect and prospect
are on the same line continuum.1
Any given time repre
sents only a point on that line.
Clark has contended
that a major role of historical geography is to project
the significance of conclusions forward in time.
2
Thus,
by examining the evolution of the industry from its
conception to the present,
insight can be gained into
future patterns and processes.
The hypothesis of this study is that the origins
of the furniture industry of Grand Rapids rest on the
initial advantages of the industry enhanced by techno
logical changes in production and transportation.
It is
contended that Grand Rapids was an efficient producer at
1Carl Sauer, "Foreward to Historical Geography,"
Annals of the Association of American Geographers, XXXI
(March, 1541 ).
2
Andrew Clark, "Historical Geography," American
Geography:
Inventory and Prospect, e d . by Preston James
and Clarence Jones (Syracuse University Press, 1954),
p. 72.
4
the time that major technologic changes took place f
allowing economies of scale and larger market areas to
develop♦
Early production was non-basic or locally oriented.
However, even in the handicraft stage,
outlying markets and an efficient,
developed.
sales were made to
infant industry had
The initial advantages of the industry were
furthered by improvements in transportation and innova
tions in furniture manufacturing.
Agglomeration occurred
as furniture firms concentrated in Grand Rapids.
As the
industry grew in production and market area, capital and
labor became easier to obtain.
Thus,
industry became self perpetuating.
the growth of the
A multiplier effect
occurred encompassing the enlarged industry,
ard innovations.
new thresholds,
Growth led to more growth.
The objective of this study is to account for the
origins and processes of the furniture industry of Grand
Rapids.
To totally account for the dependent variable of
origins and processes, a multiplicity of independent
variables would have to be surveyed.
The task of account
ing for such independent variables as competition with
other furniture centers,
style changes,
costs, production costs, and savings
distribution
from agglomeration
would be entirely beyond the scope of this dissertation.
Therefore,
several of the most important variables are
5
examined in an effort to determine the origins and
processes of the furniture industry.
The relationship between the development of the
industry and initial advantages enjoyed by the infaht
industry are determined.
The initial advantages are
examined focusing upon efficiency of production, use of
natural resources# early use of power# market development
and the like.
Technological changes in production and trans
portation that enhanced these initial advantages and
spurred the growth of the industry in the city are
analyzed.
Thus# these variables are looked at in the
context of a circular and cumulative process of
industrialization.
Methodology
The primary methodology used in this study is that
of historical geography.
One of the most prominent themes
of historical geography is that of origins and processes.^
The furniture industry of Grand Rapids is a part of the
cultural landscape of the city.
Thus# this dissertation
is a study of the evolution of one part of the cultural
landscape--the one appearing to have the greatest impact
on the city.
^Sauer,
p . 9.
"Foreward to Historical Geography,"
6
The cultural
ment of objects.
landscape is not a static arrange
It has become what it now is, and is
in the process of becoming something e l s e . 3
Two approaches
are often suggested for investigating the cultural land
scape.
The functional approach focuses on short term
changes.
On the other hand,
the developmental approach
emphasizes long term processes.
2
This study is develop
mental in nature and focuses on cultural processes and
cultural evolution of the furniture industry.
Origins
in time and place are key elements of such a study.'
Therefore,
both growth and retrogression of the industry
a re analy z e d .
Sauer suggests that historical geography is the
study of a series of changes that the cultural landscape
has undergone.
4
It is hoped that insights into the
present role of the furniture industry can be gained by
H. C. Darby, "On the Relations of Geography and
History," in Cultural Geography:
Selected R e a d i n g s ,
ed. by Fred Dohrs and Lawrence Sommers" (fJew York:
Crowell, 1967), p. 37.
2
Edward Ackerman, "Cultural Geography," in
Introduction to Geography:
Selected R e a d i n g s , e d . by
Fred Dohrs and Lawrence Sommers Otew York:
Crowell,
1967), p. 341.
3I b i d . , p.
341.
4
Carl Sauer, "The Morphology of Landscape," in
Land and L i f e , e d . by John Leighly (Berkeley:
University
of California Press, 1967), p. 344.
7
studying the industry's development through time.
Inves
tigation of change through time is a central theme of
historical geography.1
In short this dissertation is a genetic study of
how an industry developed.
In order to find how the
furniture industry came to be where and what it is now,
or where it was at a particular time, it is necessary to
study the agents causing change and development.
process is ignored, change is also ignored.
2
If
3
Static pictures neglect process, assume stages,
and put much emphasis on time.
approach will be avoided.
Thus, the cross-sectional
Instead, the evolution of the
industry continuously through time is studied.
Of
particular interest is how it arose from preceding situa
tions, and how its future has been shaped by forces
4
stemming from the past.
^Roy Merrens, "Historical Geography and Early
American History," William and Mary Quarterly, XXII
(October, 1965), 54 5.
2
H. T. Prince, "Progress in Historical Geography,"
in Trends in Geography:
An Introductory Survey, ed. by
Ronald Cooke and James Johnson (taew Y o r k : Vergamon
Press, 1969), p. 111.
3
C. T. Smith, "Historical Geography:
Current
Trends and Prospects," in Frontiers in Geographical
Teaching, ed. by Peter Haggett (London:
Methuenm,
T970) , p. 131.
4
Jack Eichenbaum and Stephan Gale, "Form, Func
tion, and Process:
A Methodological Inquiry," Economic
Geography, XLVII (October, 1971), 542.
8
Economic enterprises are closely associated with
the urban areas in which they are found.
Interaction
between the two is common since industrialization and
urbanization are often created by the same processes.^
The furniture industry of Grand Rapids fits this pattern.
Conceptual Base
Alan Pred has proposed a model of urban-industrial
growth that can serve as a conceptual framework for this
study.
Pred proposes a model showing urban and indus
trial development as an unbroken circular and cumulative
process.2
This writer is not interested in proving the
model that Pred adapted to geography right or wrong.
The
value of the model is in organizing the research and
giving the writing a conceptual base.
The ideas of
circular and cumulative causation are applied as they
fit the Grand Rapids situation.
To Pred the period from 1800 to 1840 constitutes
a period classified as mercantile-commercial.
3
Manu
facturing was characterized by handicraft rather than
machine techniques.
Retailing and wholesaling were often
^Allan Pred, The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. UrbanIndustrial Growth, 1800-1914 (Cambridge: M .I .T . P r e s s ,
196i> , p . 4 ------------------
.
^Ibid ., p. 25.
~*Ibid. , p. 143.
9
combined, and manufacturing was done in the home.
The
function of the city was still mercantile, with small
population,
low market potentials,
and lack of capital
and labor.
Water power came
into use in this commercial era
but was an immobile natural resource.
Steam power was
inefficient and costly and could not be of major pro
portions until coal could be easily transported.
The 1800-1840 period was characterized by
transport diseconomies.
Markets could not be extended
because of the cost of shipping in this pre-railroad
time.
Road and turnpike shipping was open only part of
the year and was expensive per ton mile.
easier to move goods by river or canal.
It was much
Yet, water m o v e
ment required a great time involvement which made it
difficult for manufacturers to react to non-local demands.
In the winter,
rivers and canals were blocked by ice.
Water transport was seasonal at best.
Thus, even if technology had been advanced enough
to provide large numbers of manufactured products,
portation could not cope with long distances.
trans
The market
area had to be small for transport diseconomies were too
great in this pre-railroad period.
Borchert recognizes the same situation.
He
suggests a sail and wagon period from 1790 to 1830 in
which the friction of distance was a barrier to the
10
movement of goods.^
The canal boom as an effort to over
come distance was only a temporary and inadequate answer.
The furniture industry of Grand Rapids can be
fitted into this mercantile or sail and wagon period.
An
infant industry had developed based on local resources,
limited markets, low production, and inadequate trans
portation.
The river was used for power, a canal was
under construction around the rapids, and steamers carried
furniture downstream.
By 1860 the industrial-capitalism period of
industry had arrived.
2
This period was characterized by
large scale production based on agglomeration economies.
Market areas were extended.
It was necessary to sell
3
goods and services beyond settlement boundaries.
A
change in approach and attitude was coupled with the
4
stimulus of the Civil War.
All industries are different and the manner in
which factors interact is different.
Yet, the factors
^John Borchert, "American Metropolitan Evolution,"
Geographical Review, LVII (July, 1967), 306.
2
Pred, The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. UrbanIndustrial Growth, 1B()U-Ii?l4, p. 16.
3
Maurice Yeates and Barry Garner, The North
American City (New York:
Harper and Row, 1971), pT 16.
4
P r e d , The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. UrbanIndustrial Growth, 1800-1914, p. IB.
11
and patterns are the same.
The model in Figure 1 is based
on the premise that growth leads to more growth.
There
fore, expansion takes place in a circular and cumulative
process.
New or Enlarged
Industry
Multiplier
Effect
Enhanced Possibility
of Invention or
Innovation
New Local or Regional
Threshold
Invention or
Innovation
Figure 1.
Source:
Circular and Cumulative Causation
Allan Pred,
The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. UrbanIndustrial Growth, 1800-1914 { C a m b r i d g e M V l .T .
Press, 1966 ), p. 2 5 .--------
P r e d 1s model of urban-industrial growth attempts
to analyze the relationships between ci tv and industrial
growth by surveying inventions, market areas, and initial
advantages.
New or enlarged industries enhance the possibility
of more inventions and innovations.
Thus, with greater
populations more interaction occurs among people.
Such
interaction increases the likelihood of technologic inven
tions or innovations.
These inventions occur not only in
12
industry, but also in transportation and marketing.
Thus,
the cumulative effects of greater technologic efficiency
result in a larger industry.
The multiplier effect suggests that as workers
gain more purchasing power and spend more, new or enlarged
businesses will be created.
New industrial expansion
stimulates population growth which in turn leads to new
thresholds and enlarged manufacturing.
When higher thresh
olds are reached due to transport changes or transportation
increases,
If
the whole growth process increases.*
the model worked perfectly,
if industries were
not in competition with each other, and if resources were
available, each industry would expand indefinitely.
How
ever, some industries grow faster than others because of
discrepancies in the forces working on them.
One discrep
ancy is initial advantage.
Some industrial centers create their own condi
tions for growth through rapid industrialization.
often these centers had initial advantages.
advantages
Quite
Transportation
are the most important influences on some cities
at the expense
of others.
A close relationship exists
between initial advantage and accessibility.
2
*I bi d ., p . 28.
2
Ysates and Garner, The North American City,
p. 51.
13
The rates of transportation imputs were reduced
significantly and the cost of production went down.
Market
areas could then be expanded, making agglomeration and
large scale production more likely.
The growth of those
centers that were already efficient producers was favored
over the inefficient or non-producing centers.^
Cheap
transportation also favored those centers already having
large market areas, because the transportation imput reduc
tion reduced total costs more.
Efficient firms were
favored by transport improvements, particularly feeder
lines, because their market areas were enlarged.
Thus,
transportation improvements were very conducive to large
scale production.
Specialized production occurred and
2
became self-generating.
Volume rates were available from the railroads.
Lower volume rates again favored the initial advantage of
efficient producers, and their scale of operations grew.
Innovations in production tended to favor a few
cities at the expense of others.
The post Civil War
innovative period brought great changes in the scale of
production»
created.
Old plants expanded and new plants were
Increased size reduced costs, allowed greater
output, and expanded markets.
Technical advances, by
^Pred, The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. Urban-Industrial
Growth, 1800-19IT, p. 50.
2I b i d ., p. 51.
14
reducing per unit costs, favored growth and agglomeration
in cities with efficient producers at the expense of in
efficient producers.
Those cities with an initial advantage of efficient
production, high accessibility, or large market areas were
favored at the expense of others.
Growth led to more
growth.
The furniture industry of Grand Rapids is analyzed
in this context.
The initial advantages are determined as
well as the general developmental process of development
involving technologic changes and expanded markets.
Thus,
the origins and processes of furniture development are
analyzed through a circular and cumulative process
framework.
The development of the furniture industry was
based on decisions made by men--factory owners, retailers,
and consumers.
Thus, the decision making process had
geographic consequences.
Man's perception of the physical
and cultural environment, his behavior, and his human
decisions led to an evolution of the landscape.1
The
furniture industry grew to large proportions.
An effort is made to analyze the development of
the local industry in a decision making context.
The
industry through time was involved in search activities
^Michael Hurst, A Geography of Economic Behavior
(North Scituate:
Duxbory^ 1972), p. T“
.
15
through space for raw materials, markets, and information.
Information was not given to firms but had to be searched
out.
Alternatives were weighed by factory owners that
would lead to selected aspiration levels.
Thus,
the two
processes of adoption and adaption were involved.^
Alternatives were not unlimited, but tempered by
available transportation, information, and technology.
Thus, man's decisions bringing about spatial changes were
influenced by the physical and cultural environment and
the abilities and personalities of the decision-makers.
Research Orientation
Research studies focusing on Grand Rapids are few
in number and primarily historical in nature.
Only one
research study focuses directly on the furniture industry.
The City Built on Wood;
A History of the Furniture
Industry of Grand Rapids, 1B50-1950, by Frank Ransom is
a history of furniture manufacturing.
The book is not of
a geographic nature and is only of limited use in this
spatial study.
Two articles by James Bradshaw in Michigan
History are comparable in scope to the Ransom study.
2
1Ibid. , p. 74.
2
James Bradshaw, "Grand Rapids Furniture Begin
nings," Michigan History, LII (1968), 279-98; and "Grand
Rapids, l&Yd—1880:
Furniture City Emerges," Michigan
History, LV (1971), 321-42.
16
Thus, research sources directly related to furniture
making in Grand Rapids are limited.
Only one geographic study has been done on Grand
Ra;#^*W
,*uv
1
RAPIDS
Lake
I
I HARDWOODS
CONIFERS
AND MIXED
Ml
50
SOURCE: A PEREJDA.in READINGS IN THE GEOGRAPHY
OF M ICHIG AN. CH ARLES DAVIS, E D ITO R .
Figure 6.
Michigan Forests, I8 3 0 's
30
The city as a focal point of the saw mill industry
was an attractive place for furniture manufacturing.
Cabinetmakers had access to a variety of woods.
Both hard
and softwoods were floated down the Grand River to the
rapids.
In fact, early cabinet shops were often set up
adjacent to saw mills.
The great amount of timber in the interior, coupled
with the difficulties of transportation and communication
helped to stimulate furniture manufacturing in many
interior areas.
Industry developed with the growth of
population, and local resources were utilized.^
Yet,
it would be a mistake to assume that early
cabinetmakers located in Grand Rapids because of superior
natural resources.
Lydens put it in proper perspective:
It would be a fallacy to suppose that Deacon Haldane
chose this area because of the great forests.
There
were forests almost equally great in many middle
western states at the time, and in most of them there
were many more settlers to buy the product.2
Nonetheless,
furniture construction did require wood and
without large supplies of it, a dynamic industry could not
have developed.
The initial advantage of excellent timber
supplies was indirect.
As a major saw mill center. Grand
Rapids became a logical place for furniture manufacturing
\j. L. Oliver, The Development and Structure of
the
Furniture
Industry (6x£ord:
Pergamon Press^T^66) ,
__
2
Rapids:
2. 2. Lydens, The Story of Grand Rapids
Kregel Publications, 1967), p. 301.
(Grand
31
to develop.
The two enterprises,
shops, often combined.
saw mills and cabinet
Mill operators frequently produced
furniture in their spare time.
Thus, in 1840 the initial
advantage of a fine timber supply was beginning to have a
positive effect on the furniture industry of Grand Rapids.
By encouraging saw mill activity, availability of timber
on the longest river in the state furthered cabinetmaking.
Other initial advantages were also present in Grand
Rapids.
Arable land was a resource that counted in
developing infant regional e c o n o m i e s .^
flanked both sides of the Grand River.
Rich,
level land
The fact that the
better agricultural lands of Kent County were made avail
able by 183 3 encouraged early settlement in the Grand
Rapids area.
The population of the city grew from 75 in
1835 to 880 in 1840.
2
The increased population encouraged
an expansion of furniture making by providing a larger
local market.
Inventions and Innovations
Haldane and other early cabinetmakers began by
1840 to face the problem of a seasoned lumber supply.
As
sales multiplied, greater amounts of lumber were needed.
^Yeates and Garner, The North American C i t y ,
p . 36.
2
Etten, A Citizen's History of Grand Rapids,
Michigan, p. 1.
32
The quality of furniture was affected by the amount of
moisture it contained.
To cure lumber, Haldane put
support brackets on the ceiling of his shop.
The lumber
was seasoned as heat from the building rose.
An alter
nate method was to place boards on end around the stove
to dry them.
process.
However, seasoning in those ways was a slow
As the need for more lumber increased,
methods proved inadequate.
Therefore,
such
furniture was
constructed with unseasoned lumber and was of dubious
quality.
The need for innovation and invention in the
drying process was obvious.
Large quantities of quality
furniture could not be constructed until the drying was
quickened.
However,
for furniture sales to expand,
innovations and inventions in transportation, c o m munica
tion, and production were needed.
The physical endowment
of the Grand Rapids area was excellent in respect to
availability of wood, water transportation, and primitive
water power.
What was needed were technologic changes
to speed production, overcome the friction of distance,
and encourage capital outlays.
The possibilities for innovation and invention
increase as population increases.^
Grand Rapids and the nation grew,
As the population of
technologic changes in
^Pred, The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. UrbanIndustrial Growth, lBOO-1914, p. 25.
33
transportation, communication, and production followed.
However, in 1840 manufacturing occupied a subsidiary role
dependent on local resources, capital, and markets.
Cabinetmakers of the period were searching for
materials, markets, ideas, and technology that would speed
production and lessen costs.
The search for markets and
raw materials was local by necessity.
Transportation was
difficult and decisions regarding them were limited by
the available transport networks.
The search for markets
was not uniform but in paths along transport routes.
Raw materials were close at hand, but the search
for better furniture making techniques was farther ranging.
Even though Haldane adopted methods and machines from Ohio,
furniture making was tempered by man's inability to cross
large areas.
Therefore, cabinetmakers chose to produce
for a local market.
CHAPTER III
FACTORY SYSTEM IMPACT:
1840-1860
In 1840 furniture manufacturing in Grand Rapids was
characterized by handicraft production in small shops.
Marketing was local in orientation due to the limitations
of production and movement of goods.
Between 1840 and
1860 significant changes occurred in production and trans
portation that altered this pattern.
Industrial Revolution
Furniture making in Grand Rapids was in a trans
ition from workshops to factories.
operations was taking place.
Mechanization of
The transition was a result
of the impact of the industrial revolution.
After 1800
industry in the United States began to move from a domestic
to a factory stage.
This change was brought about by
technologic changes that permitted industrial relocations.
Relocation of the furniture industry, although not as
great as in iron and textiles, brought on local
34
35
specialization
and m a r k e t
e x p a n s i o n B y
useful
to f u r n i t u r e m a k i n g
West.
Crude
been
invented
nearly
furniture
by
100 y e a r s .
Many
ture trad e
of
in G r a n d
More powerful
logs
much
were not
and
were
invented w h i c h made
faster.
These
were
local
it w a s not e c o n o m i c a l l y
invented
mechanical
techniques
Before
stock was
few
rare
in n u m b e r .
available.
1840 m o s t
saws,
and
carvers
of
of
to
furni
sa w m i l l s .
conversion
easily
boring
increase
However,
utilize m a n y
was
use changed
the
made
improved,
of
to
the
order,
and d i s p l a y
industry
factory basis
and increased
the d e g r e e of
Machines made
it economical
to s p e c i a l i z e b y
and
rooms
to a
specialization.
reducing
•'■Furniture m a n u f a c t u r i n g h a s b e e n a n d s t i l l
widely distributed.
The industry has traditionally
m o r e o r i e n t e d t o w a r d m a r k e t s an d l a b o r t h a n t o w a r d
materials.
3I bid . , p. 23.
adapted
lathes,
Th e
of
3
furniture
^ O l i v e r , Th e D e v e l o p m e n t
F u r n i t u r e I n d u s t r y ^ p~I 2 3.
had
for
t he
transportation
and therefore wareh o u s e s
Machine
the M i d d l e
use
u s ed.
spectacular.
feasible
as
saws were
Circular
and until
in
in gen e r a l
an o u t g r o w t h
planers
still
su ch
Rapids
in p o w e r d r i v e n m a c h i n e r y w a s
markets were
fo und
innovations
to f u r n i t u r e m a n u f a c t u r i n g .
machines,
be
technologic
saws were
to l u m b e r
to
making machines
1800 b u t
2
the
oegan
184 0 m a c h i n e s
Structure
costs
is
been
of t h e
r
36
and e n l a r g i n g m a r k e t
were a b l e
are a s .
to s p e c i a l i z e
such as ch a i r s ,
tables,
With markets
in o n e o r
larger,
producers
tw o t y p e s of a r t i c l e s
or b e d s t e a d s . 1
Thus, the 1840-1860 period was one of industrial
localization and specialization.
Regional furniture
centers began to emerge and Grand Rapids was one such
center.
However, innovations and inventions in furniture
making did not come as quickly as those in industries
such as textiles.
Therefore, furniture remained partly
handicraft and partly mechanized.
Until the 1840's most furniture in Grand Rapids
was hand made using hand tools for shaping and carving.
In 1847 power working machinery was installed in several
cabinet shopB.
crude.
The first machines were primitive and
They were used for sawing, planing, and turning.
They produced chairs, tables, primitive rockers, and
settees.
Thus, early machines produced furniture that
was functional and not ornamental.
Two men played important roles in bringing machi
nery to the cabinet shops.
In 1847 William Powers from
Troy, New York opened the first woodworking factory in
town.
Powers rented a room in a sash, door, and blind
factory and installed a lathe, circular saw, and boring
machine.
York:
With one assistant Powers began turning out
^Victor Clark, History of the United States
Peter Smith, 1949)," p. 473.
(New
37
bedsteads.
A close
iza t i o n
specialization.
and
a b l e to e s t a b l i s h
relationship existed
his own
Within
between
a year P o w e r s
mechan
was
factory.
At about the same time Deacon Haldane's facilities
could not keep up with the demand.
Therefore,
he moved
his shop to the river bank and installed machinery.
Haldane's main product was chairs which he made with the
help of a circular saw and turning lathe.
The only other
furniture factories operating machinery in the West at
the time were found at Cincinnati.^
By 1850 two other
furniture factories were in operation in Grand Rapids.
On e of
them became
retail
store.
financially
secure
enough
to open
a
Both Powers and Haldane did well under the factory
arrangement; by 184 9 each employed seven men.
The Powers
2
operation contained machinery worth $400.
Powers and
Haldane were undoubtedly farsighted men who saw the future
role that machines would play.
These men introduced rhc
machine age and factory system to Michigan furniture
making."*
Their factories were small by Cincinnati and
Boston standards, yet notable for Michigan.
*-Henry Utley and Byron Cutcheon, Michigan;
As A
Province, Territory and Statei the T w e n t v ^ x t n Member of
the Federal Union (fiew York:
Americana P r e s s , 1L96S) ,
pi 280.
2
Bradshaw, "Grand Rapids Furniture Beginnings,"
p. 283.
3
Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics;
State
of Michigan:
1900 (Lansing;
Robert" Smith, 1900), pi (T91
38
Powers in particular was successful in the furni
ture venture.
factory.
By 18 50 he constructed a new two-story
In the 25 by 100 feet structure he employed 30
to 40 men.1
That year he visited both New York and
Chicago for machinery and business.
The following year
he began using a shaper machine and filled a 10,000 chair
order for a Chicago buyer. 2
Powers coupled the chair
order with an order for McCormick reaper parts and enjoyed
3
a fine year with sales of $33,000.
An order of 10,000
chairs was large for a Grand Rapids plant but not for
Cincinnati.
As the major production center in the West,
4
a Cincinnati firm was producing 180,000 chairs a year.
The Powers factory and business were large for the
period when no railroad entered the city.
A partner of
Powers, E. M. Ball, described 1849 sales in a letter to
his family in New Hampshire.
Sales in 1849 were above
expectations and stock was reduced to a low level.
Powers
was making business trips across Lake Michigan and was at
^George Fuller, e d . , Historic Michigan, Vol.
(National Historical Association, 19^4) , p . 547.
2
Bradshaw,
1
"Grand Rapids Furniture Beginnings,"
p . 284 .
■*Moore, History of M i c h i g a n , Vol. 1, p. 538,
4Bradshaw,
p. 284 .
"Grand Rapids Furniture Beginnings,"
39
a loss on how to handle the increasing business.
Even
with seven employees he was short handed.*
Some machines in 1850 were run by small engines
but most were belt driven making use of power from the
river.
In any event, machinery was used to do some of
the work previously done by h a n d .
The early factory
owners were men of mechanical ability who adapted new
tools and techniques to furniture making.
They made use
of the abundant hardwood supply and were shrewd enough to
pursue new markets when technology permitted.
The 1 8 50's brought many men to Grand Rapids who
later became famous in the furniture business or other
fields.
Widdicomb, Matter, Berkey, and Comstock all
became well known for their furniture working prowess.
In addition the Pullman brothers--of sleeping car fame—
and the Winchester brothers spent several years in the
furniture business.
Thus, men of great ingenuity, capac
ity, and business awareness were present at an early date.
Grand Rapids was fortunate to have a fine collection of
innovative people.
The Ball and Powers furniture business experienced
problems typical of manufacturers of the 1840's and
1850*s.
The Powers-Ball business experienced hard times
followed by good.
The concern was associated with the
*Frank Ransom, The City Built on Wood;
A History
of the Furniture Industry o£ drand Rapids. Michigan,
1850-1950 (Ann Arbor;
Edward brothers, 1955), p. 4.
40
lumber business which had great losses and fluctuations.
Although the furniture business was more stable, it was
not yet stable nor large enough to drop the lumber
business.
In order to expand furniture sales, Powers and
Ball established small branch outlets in the area from
which furniture was sold on commission.
The two men also
maintained a retail store in Grand Rapids.
The furniture business was beginning to boom just
before the Civil War.
In the twenty years from 1840 to
I860, the furniture business had been greatly altered.
The 1850's were years of increased mechanization and
notable innovations.
Steam-powered engines started to be
used to run shop saws; power plants were installed to
power stroke jointers, disk sanders, planers,
lathes,
rip
saws, and cut-off saws.
Once established the industry fed on itself as
the art of furniture making was passed from father to
son.
The requirement of success in the furniture business
in 1860 was quite different than in 1840.
needed to be a craftsman.
In 1840 one
In 1860 one had to be a
successful businessman, craftsman, and mechanic as well.
Men who had started as skilled cabinetmakers became
factory operators.
Skill in the operation of such fac
tories came from experience and contact with others.
However, the transition from small shop to factory was
less abrupt in furniture making than in the manufacture
41
of other products.
Much hand craftsmanship remained even
after industrialization for most furniture of the 1 8 5 0 's
could not be mass produced but required large amounts of
hand labor.
George Widdicomb*s rise in the furniture trade
appears to be typical of many of the early manufacturers.
Widdicomb spent several years employed as a workman in a
local shop.
own shop.
Then in pre-Civil War times he started his
He successfully combined hand craftsmanship
and the latest methods.
Many machines were specially
designed by Widdicomb to meet the needs of his plant.
The attitude was to make the job easier and cheaper but
not at the expense of quality.
Those cabinetmakers who were not flexible enough
to change to machine operation lost their place in the
trade.
Dowels and mortises which had once been cut slowly
by hand were quickly cut by machines.
boring, and sanding changed.
Forms of bending,
As a result of the machine
age, the cabinetmaker had to become a carver,
designer, and assembler of parts.
finisher,
Thus, as specialization
occurred, the cabinetmaker war phased out.
The small cabinet shop disappeared.
Fine quality
workmanship required a great amount of time and made
furniture too high priced for roost homes.
The problem
of industrializing the furniture business was to build in
quantity without sacrificing too much in quality.
42
Machinery was
cheapening
products
trend
invented
the
product.
dropped
had
just b e g u n
Owners
important
than
use
of
river
the o n s e t
and
felt
the
upper
power
th e
river
and
price
of
of
f or
profits.
This
War.
unplanned
Even when
and
new
not carefully
location of
Thus,
without
furniture
Civil
largely
floors.
tasks
and
the
they were
structure.
to the
hand
larger markets
constructed,
planned.
located close
at
slower
the
factories were
in b a c k r o o m s
buildings were
the
Thus,
allowing
The e a r l y
existed
to d o
the p l a n t
most
the dual
to b e
more
plants were
purpose
of
making
transportation.
The use of machines brought greater output at
reduced prices.
fitted.
The great multitude of consumers bene-
Some consolidation of the industry occurred as
small shops were combined.
were increased.
Thus, capital and facilities
By 1860 the pioneer period in the furni
ture industry had passed and an organization period had
begun.
The growth of industry was a cumulative matter
with no single factor causing the local rise.
By 1060
the foundations had been broadened.
Sawmills
and Sash a n d
Door
Factories*
Much of the woodworking machinery in the early
furniture factories can be traced to developments in
*Sash and door factories made frames for windows
and doors.
43
sawmills and sash and door factories.1
Grand Rapids was a
large saw mill and sash and door center.
Thus, the first
furniture factories in the city adopted machines of the
same type used in saw mills and sash and door factories.
One man often owned all three types of establishments.
Deacon Haldane's entry into machine use came as a
result of the sash and door business.
Haldane's brother
operated a sash and blind factory, and Deacon in 1847
began to use his brother's machines and adapt them to the
furniture trade.
Another furniture enterprise, Berkey, started as
an outgrowth of the sash and door business.
2
In 1850
Julius Berkey started making furniture in a corner of his
brother's factory.
At the end of each day Berkey con
structed small walnut tables with scalloped edges.
Using
a lathe and a shaper the "Berkey Table" was made and sold
in the community.
Lumber was easy to get.
walnut were close at hand.
the village with furniture.
Plenty of maple, ash and
Berkey claimed to have filled
3
The furniture met the needs
*A. P. Johnson and Marta Sironen, Manual of the
Furniture Arts and Crafts (Grand Rap i d B : JTI P. Johnson,
1325 ) , p" 379'.-----------2
William Nesbit, The Story of Berkey and Gay
(Grand Rapids, 1911), p. 3.
3
Ibid., p . 5.
44
of the time.
It was sturdy.
The inexpensive walnut
tables were crude by later standards.
was some years off.
Fine craftsmanship
Yet, the scalloping of table edges
indicated an interest in style and an innovation in both
machine use and style.
The venture was so successful that
bedsteads and larger tables were soon produced.
As pro
duction increased, the sash and door business was dropped
in favor of full time furniture manufacturing.
A close relationship also existed between
ture factories and saw mills.
furni
Nearly every cabinet shop
was at first connected with a sawmill.
Thus, logs were
cut to proper dimensions and lumber to proper thickness.
William Powers found the sawmill business so profitable
that he sold his also thriving furniture business to
devote full time to his sawmills.
Machine Making
Many furniture machines were in use in the East
before 1850.
Machine use in Grand Rapids came later.
However, by the middle 1 8 5 0 *s stroke jointers, disk
sanders, planers,
were in use.
lathes, rip-saws, and cut-off saws
In less than 10 years these machines were
being made in Grand Rapids by the Buss Machine Works and
the Grand Rapids iron Works.
The Iron Works was owned by
a furniture man who put his engineers to work constructing
furniture machines.
By 1857 even water power generators
45
were produced locally.
Oliver contends that "the presence
of excillory understanding is a sign of the maturity of
the predominant industry."*'
Judging by machine making, the
furniture industry of the city was beginning to mature
by 1860.
Transportation
During the 1840 to 1860 period manufacturing sur
passed the development of a transportation system to move
furniture to markets.
The ability of man to produce sur
passed his ability to transport.
Cabinetmakers and early factory owners produced
goods for the local market.
Many of these early business
men maintained retail stores as well as shops.
Such re
tail and manufacturing connections were common when goods
were produced in limited numbers and sold in a market
limited by transportation difficulties.
During this early
period wholesaling was limited by the friction of
distance.
The railroad was late in coming to Grand Rapids;
it was not present until 1856.
Thus, movement of furni
ture had to be either by steamboat via the Grand River to
the Great Lakes or by wagon over crude roads.
With no
railroad present, manufacturing for other than the regional
*"01iver, The Development and Structure of the
Furniture Industry, p. 90.
46
area was out of the question.
New markets could not be
opened until transportation improved.
With movement of
furniture slow and difficult, costs were high limiting
markets to the immediate region.
Therefore, before the coming of the railroad each
town maintained its own furniture establishments.
How
ever, even the 1840*s and 1850's brought some regional
markets.
Chicago and Milwaukee could be reached by steam
boat from Grand Rapids as well as other Lake Michigan
cities and those along the Grand River.
connected by roads with Grand Rapids.
A few cities were
Thus, several
transportation arteries stretched out from the city.
The
market area to 1858 was local but had several important
outliers.
The furniture industry sent some $40,000 worth
of produce a year to regional markets.*
Steamboats ran on a regular basis between Grand
Rapids and Grand Haven after 1837, and by 1842 service
linked the local community to New York City in 15 days.
2
They were able to provide inexpensive transportation to
the limited river area.
By 1856 steamboats left the city
on scheduled runs seven days a week.
However, steamboat
*Lydens, The Story of Grand Rapids, p. 300.
2
G o s s , History of Grand Rapids and Its
Industries, p. 893.
3Ransom, The City Built on W o o d , p. 8.
47
traffic failed to solve the basic problem of the need for
quick,
inexpensive connectivity with many areas.
In
addition there is no evidence to indicate that great
amounts of furniture were carried to market on steamers.
Yet, until the railroad reached the city in 1858, the
Grand River was the best avenue for transportation.
How
ever, the basic problem of a seasonal flow of goods
remained.
Overland transportation was difficult until 1846.
By 1841 Grand Rapids was receiving mail by stage wagons
from Kalamazoo.
The service depended on the weather.^
Both passengers and goods were carried by lumber wagons
pulled by horses or oxen.
Before 1850 these crude vehicles
connected Grand Rapids with Ionia, Lansing, Pontiac,
Battle Creek,
and Kalamazoo.
Little furniture was sent
overland unless the buyer came to Grand Rapids and trans
ported his own goods.
Travel was uncomfortable and the
wagons often stuck in the mud.
Better roads were needed
if transportation was to be improved.
The city was not among the first of Michigan
cities to be served by the railroad.
The railroad
reached Kalamazoo in 1846 with no prospect of being
extended to Grand Rapids in the immediate future.
For
Grand Rapids to make use of the railroad, the 50 miles of
^Goss, History of Grand Rapids and Its
Industries, p . 612.
48
road to Kalamazoo had to be refined.
Therefore,
in 1852
a plank road was constructed between Grand Rapids and
Kalamazoo.
One of the sawmill-furniture enterprises
supplied 150,000 feet of lumber for the plank r o a d .^
Prior to the plank road the journey had taken two days.
With the new road travel time was cut to one day.
Al
though the road was smooth at first it quickly deterior
ated.
Yet, until 1869 the plank road served as the
principal route to the south for passengers and freight.
Even though it served as a branch off the railroad, only
moderate amounts of bulky furniture were transported
over it.
Thus, until 1658 only small amounts of furniture
were marketed out of the Grand Rapids area.
Great e x
pansion of markets had to wait for the railroad.
Yet,
manufacturers were facing the problem of expanded produc
tion outstripping the local demand.
C. C. Comstock found
in the 1 8 5 0 's that the local market was not large enough
to absorb the output.
2
Therefore, he and other furniture
men looked for out-of-state markets.
In-state markets
necessitated movement by road and were impractical.
However, Chicago and Milwaukee were easier to reach and
^Bradshaw,
"Grand Rapids Furniture Beginnings,"
p. 285.
2
Arthur White, "Furniture Making Here Century
Old," Grand Rapids P r e s s , Dec. 24, 1927, p. 38.
49
offered great opportunity for sales.
Out-of-state
markets were indicated by the 1851 sale of 10,000 chairs
to Chicago.
However,
freight rates were governed by the
capacity of the vessel, and the cost of transportation
ate up much of the profit.
Transportation inequities
discouraged much furniture exporting.
New markets could not be opened until transporta
tion improved.
In 18 58 the Detroit, Grand Haven, and
Milwaukee railroad reached Grand Rapids providing good
east-west connections.
The railroad supplemented the
Grand River and the Kalamazoo Road as a means of exporting
furniture.
The railroad may well have been the most far
reaching invention of the 19th century.^-
However,
it did
not provide service cheaper than that of water carriers.
In ton-miles it was even more expensive.
Rail super
iority lay in the quality of its service which compen
sated for the increased rates.
involved.
A time factor was also
Furniture could be rapidly shipped to market,
which meant that orders could rapidly be filled.
To the
furniture industry the railroad meant that the uncertainty
of delivery was gone and that the time of arrival could
even be estimated.
Whereas water and overland trans
portation were greatly hindered in the winter, railroads
^Robert Higgs, The Transformation of the American
Economy, 1865-1914 (New York:
John Wiley, 1971), pT 44.
50
continued to operate.
Thus,
furniture orders could
reliably be filled regardless of the season.
Year around
marketing of furniture was essential before the industry
could expand its market area.
roads were quite direct.
reduced.
The routes taken by rail
Therefore, trans-shipment was
With the speed and safety of shipments increased,
insurance rates went down as well as warehouse rates.
In
short, marketing of furniture could take place in large
sections of the country where water routes did not extend.
In particular,
the West was opened to the sale of
furniture.
Movements of furniture by railroad lowered per
unit production costs and favored those cities that were
already efficient producing centers.*
Evidence seems to
point to the fact that Grand Rapids in 1860 was an effi
cient producer of furniture.
Even before the advent of
the railroad, production was too great for only the local
market.
Machinery must have been efficient and highly
refined for Grand Rapids.
One furniture producer c o n
tended "that we can almost throw whole trees into the
hopper and grind out chairs ready for use.'*
2
He also
*Pred, The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. Urban'BT
Industrial GrowtKT lf W-19141,
2
Ransom, The City Built on W o o d , p. 5
51
suggested that shipments of lumber and furniture were
being made to Milwaukee, Chicago, and Albany.
Efficient production centers were also favored
by the coming of the railroad because of inertia of move
ment.
In 1B60 Grand Rapids had good relative accessi
bility, a favorable site, and available capital and labor.
There was no reason for the infant industry to be w i t h
drawn from the city.
The costs of relocation discouraged
movement as well as the fact that good opportunities
existed in Grand Rapids.
Even with the railroad connecting Grand Rapids
with a larger market area, rail connections were in a
primitive stage.
Inventions and innovation in m a n u f a c
turing were far ahead of those in transportation.
Manu
facturing had surpassed the ability of rail facilities to
supply natural resources or market finished products.
Had transportation facilities been more advanced in 1660,
the scale of production could have been higher.
Thus,
the furniture business of Grand Rapids in
1860 was in an embryo stage.
lished in the city.
Nine firms had been estab
They employed 53 workers.
However,
production was not much higher than that of Powers and
Ball in 1851.^
The industry was not of great signifi
cance even to Kent County.
^Bradshaw,
p. 291.
Furniture manufacturing was
"Grand Rapids Furniture Beginnings,"
52
topped by the manufacture of plaster, lumber, flour, and
clothing.
New York City at that time was turning out
furniture valued at over $6 million whereas production
in Grand Rapids amounted to slightly over $30,000.^
The furniture industry from 1840 to 1860 was in
a stage of transformation.
Some plants became mechan
ized and developed into factories.
Industry expanded.
Yet, a handicraft element remained.
Furniture could not
be produced without large amounts of hand labor.
Intri
cate carving and finishing was still done by craftsmen
not laborers.
Much of the expansion which occurred in the local
furniture business was the result of an increased p opu
lation within the city.
Thus, local demand increased.
Despite the fact that furniture manufacturers
had the facilities to produce and market larger amounts
of furniture in 1860, the financial depression of 1857
did little to stimulate the industry.
Evidence of the
number of firms and employees of the 1850-1860 era is
lacking.
2
However, several plants barely survived the
Panic of 1857.
Those plants which were able to survive
the Panic formed the nucleus for later growth.
1 Ibid., p. 291.
2
Census data for individual cities in Michigan
and their manufactures was not made available until
1870.
53
Capital
Most early capital had to come from the profits of
the business or from local banks.
high rates of interest.
often paid.
Local banks charged
A 10 per cent interest rate was
Such high rates were maintained until outside
capital could be attracted.
Fortunately,
in the initial
stages of the furniture industry only moderate financing
was necessary.
Factories were small and machines few in
number.
The connections that furniture companies had with
the lumber industry had financial implications.
Ample
timber was available to these companies at a reduced cost.
The association with saw mills also provided furniture
concerns an increased ability to finance expanding
operations.
The increased production of the 1 8 5 0 *s presented
factory owners with a financial problem.
scarce.
Dry lumber was
Lumber had to be cured to remove the sap.
Other
wise, furniture warped, came apart, or was deformed.
could no longer be cured overhead in small shops.
Wood
Thus,
lumber was stacked with the boards separated by small
pieces of wood for four year periods.
Owners were finan
cially unable to carry large amounts of lumber for four
years.
Thus,
they used lumber of doubtful condition.
Most wood was green and dried out in the home.
54
At a time when finances were in short supply other
items compensated for the capital shortage.
Ample power
and an adequate labor supply were present.
Labor
In 1846 the Van Raalte Colony of Dutch was founded
west of Grand R a p i d s .
Many of these Dutchmen came to
Grand Rapids for business and employment.
In a typical
year 200 to 300 Dutch came to Western Michigan about half
of whom settled in Grand Rapids.^
Thus,
the furniture
industry had a source of cheap, skilled labor available.
These Hollanders were willing to work long hours for low
pay.
Dutch cabinetmakers began to appear in the area.
Many of the Dutch took up collections to help others
migrate from New York and the Netherlands.
Thus, when the
furniture industry was in need of skilled artisans, they
were available.
But, in 1860 the number of workers
needed in the furniture factories was quite small.
There
fore, the Dutch laborers were present but not yet of major
importance.
Marketing
Furniture advertising first took place by word of
mouth.
In the period that sales were local, person to
person recommendations served the cabinetmakers and early
^Ransom, The City Built on W o o d , p. 41.
55
industrialists
well.
However, as the market area expanded
in the 1 8 5 0 ' s to a regional area,
it was necessary
for
factory owners to personally solicit business from other
towns.
Owners such as Powers, Dali, and Widdicomb made
trips to Chicago and Milwaukee to solicit business.
By
1853 local firms had begun to advertise in the local paper.
Illustrations indicate a variety of furniture from cribs
to coffins.
As one dealer put it, "furniture of every
description" and "coffins made to order on short notice."^
Much of the early furniture was built after orders
had been placed.
However,
in the 1 8 5 0 's as productivity
increased, owners found it profitable to manufacture small
quantities of furniture without orders.
stores were in operation,
Since few retail
furniture salesmen packed up
wagon loads of goods and peddled them from farm to farm
and town to town until all items were sold.
The distance
that salesmen could travel was severely limited as was
the supply and selection of goods.
This method of market
ing furniture was inconvenient and inefficient.
Initial Advantages
The initial advantages of Grand Rapids as a furni
ture center can be viewed in more ways than just through
the variable of raw materials.
of production,
and transportation connections can all be
^Bradshaw,
p. 286.
Capital, labor, efficiency
"Grand Rapids Furniture Beginnings,"
56
assessed as initial advantages of the 1840-1860 period.
The process of
furniture industrialization was based on
several advantages that the community was able to capital
ize on.
Until 1860 Grand Rapids'
mercantilistic.
commercial aspect was
The furniture business was one of the
first in the city to become industrial-capitalistic in
nature.
The many shops gradually developed into small
factories.
Whereas shops were able to make only a few
pieces of furniture a month,
amounts.
One
factories produced greater
factor involved in the increased production
was the availability of local wood.
Certainly the industry
would never have started without w o o d .
However, the mere location of a material does not
mean that industrial use of the resources will occur in
the immediate area.
Grand Rapids was located close to
the northern edge of the hardwood belt.
The approximate
line of 4 3°N separated the hardwoods and softwoods zone.
The northern zone was one of great pine forests which
served as an excellent lumber source but not for wood for
furniture.
Southern Michigan hardwoods were oak, beech,
maple, ash, elm, hickory, and walnut.
for furniture making.
They were excellent
The timber of Southern Michigan,
Ohio, and Indiana was similar.
Hundreds of cabinet shops
sprang up north of the Ohio River.*
In Michigan alone,
^Fuller, ed.. Historic M i c h i g a n , Vol. 1, p. 544.
57
dozens of towns produced furniture before the Civil War.
Yet, around 1860 Grand Rapids began to show signs of
developing a dynamic furniture industry.
The small factories used the hardwoods of the area.
So much wood was available that it could not all be used.
Some of the finer woods such as walnut, cherry, and chest
nut were put into production.
Black walnut was particularly
sought because it was hard, workable, easily seasoned, and
beautifully grained.
As business increased in the 1850*s,
the demand for select woods increased.
However,
it is
doubtful that Grand Rapids was any better endowed with
hardwoods than dozens of other sites in the Middle West.
The location of Grand Rapids at the northern edge of the
hardwood belt may have even been a disadvantage.^
In another sense, the fine supply of timber proved
an important initial advantage.
A productive sawmill
industry began in the city, giving rise to an inter
connected potent furniture industry.
Furniture executive
William Widdicomb may have been too hasty in 1909 when he
suggested that Grand Rapids had no original natural
2
advantage.
1I b i d ., p. 544.
^William Widdicomb, "The Early History of the
Furniture Industry in Grand Rapids," Publication of the
Historical Society of Grand Rapids, Vol. 1, 1909, p. 74.
58
The Grand River was a great advantage.
Not only
were logs floated down the river for processing, but
the river also served as a source of power.
machinery required power.
clusive to Grand Rapids.
The use of
Yet, water power was not e x
The water power of Grand Rapids
was not as good as in some other places in the state or
many locations in the Middle West.
Yet, the river dropped
18 feet in about a mile and provided a good usable power
source.
Many streams were present in the Lower Peninsula
but few had a "high head" or a fall of more than one or
two feet per mile.
possibilities
Thus, most streams had only limited
for power.
The canal building attempt begun in 1835 and com
pleted in 1842 served as an impetus to industry.
The
completed "canal" was inadequate for transportation since
the lockage was never installed.
However,
the mill race
served as a ready source of power along which the infant
furniture factories b e g a n to locate in the 1640's.
At
the head of the canal a wing-dam of stones turned the
current into the canal channel.
Since bordering properties
could be used
the canal brought about a
for mill purposes,
movement of infant industries to it.
The first use of the river by factories involved
water-turned wheels w h o s e shafts geared directly into the
machinery.
This method had been effectively used in saw
mills and grist mills before furniture factories developed.
59
However, water power was an immobile resource.
In 1853
Haldane installed steam-driven machines for furniture
making.
Thus, an alternative to water power was found in
Grand Rapids.
The uncommonness of these steam-powered
machines was illustrated by the fact that pioneers going
West drove out of their way to see Haldane's machines.^
The ingenuity and spirit of early entrepreneurs like
Haldane can be considered as initial advantages.
The re
sources, wood and power, of Grand Rapids were not superior
to other Middle West locations.
However,
the early
cabinetmakers and entrepreneurs made excellent use of
those resources.
tive.
These men were both inventive and innova
Industrial development was undoubtedly favored in
those cities having water power.
But, Grand Rapids was
transformed from a lumbering camp into an industrial city
not by natural advantages but by men.
Initial advantage had a close relationship to
accessibility.
Until 1860 favorable city locations were
on rivers or water bodies.
Therefore,
Grand Rapids during
the pre-railroad era had high accessibility as it was
located on the longest river in the state and had access
to Lake Michigan.
Many interior cities were not so
^Fitch Scrapbook, Grand Rapids Public Library,
p. 94.
2
p. 51.
Yeates and Garner, The North American City,
60
fortunate and prior to the railroad had developed no
regional market area.
The railroad altered the pattern.
River towns
without rail connections declined in relative importance
whereas towns which were a part of the rail system grew.
For a short time,
the infant furniture industry of Grand
Rapids was at a relative disadvantage.
The railroad had
reached Kalamazoo in 1846 but had not reached Grand Rapids
until 1858.
However,
from 1858 on Grand Rapids could
claim easier access to regional markets and resources.
Population in the community grew at a high rate
from 1840 to 1860
(Table 1).
TABLE 1
POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS
Source:
Year
Number
1835
75-100
1837
500
1838
700
1840
880
1845
1,510
1650
2,686
1860
8 ,085
William Etten, A C i t i z e n ’s History of Grand
Rapids, Michigan Tdra n d R a p i d s : A. P. J o h n s o n ,
1926), p . 1.
61
Such population growth was indicative of high
access areas.
Low access points had small populations and
low incomes which discouraged the cycle of inventions,
innovations,
tion.^-
larger market areas, and large scale produc
Low access areas were faced with the problem of
shipping goods a further distance at either a greater
expense in money or time.
Transportation improvements, such as the railroads,
and lower cost production favored those areas of high
accessibility over those areas of low accessibility.
Grand Rapids benefitted from the initial advantage of
high accessibility.
The city was not highest in accessi
bility, yet it was high.
It had not been first in wood
supply but had more than an adequate supply.
Nor did the
city have superior water power, but it was high on the
list.
In short, Grand Rapids ranked high in many c a t e
gories although not first in any one category.
The location of a viable furniture industry can
not be attributed to wealthy industrialists with large
amounts of capital.
Berkey may have been the wealthiest
when he started his shop with $250.
2
available to the early industrialists.
No capital was
They were dependent
^Pred, The Spatial Dynamics of U.S. UrbanIndustrial Growth, lBO'tf-1914, p. 72.
2
William Widdicomb, "The Growth of the Industry,"
The Grand Rapids Furniture Record (December 15, 1900),
I T T -------------------K—
-----------------------------------
62
on their own resources and ingenuity.
own goods,
They designed their
invented workable processes,
machines, and developed new markets.
tried new
Their initial
efforts were crude by later standards.
But, as manufac
turers they combined all aspects into a successful busi
ness.
By 1860 the foundations for a successful furniture
business had been laid.
The industry was first located at both the market
place and at the source of raw materials.
By 1860 a
change took place as both markets and woods were further
distant.
Longer hauls were necessary and transportation
costs more critical.
For Grand Rapids to develop greater
accessibility, more than one railroad was necessary.
The
Detroit, Grand Haven, and Milwaukee ended at Lake Michigan
on the west and Detroit on the east.
Therefore, Grand
Rapids had only regional rail connections.
The Grand
River and the Lake were the only ties to the growing West.
Location
Before 1845 it was not important where furniture
shops in the city were located.
shop was not important either.
poorly planned.
The building housing the
Even new buildings were
With the increasing use of power machines
came locational and structural changes.
Buildings were
designed to house machines and proximity to the river or
canal became necessary.
The location shift was necessary
for owners to make use of water power, market finished
63
products, and receive raw materials.
In a few years
factories were relocated close to the water.
The east side canal in Grand Rapids made water
power easier to obtain.
The canal was about 2,000 feet
long and provided a location for factory development.^
The original purpose of the canal
for navigation was
abandoned as it proved a great impetus to manufacturing.
Figure 7 indicates the location of furniture
establishments in 1856.
A new industry had been firmly
established along the east side canal.
Doth transporta
tion and water power made the location desirable.
Summary
In assessing the factors contributing to the
growth of the furniture industry, a distinction must be
made between the early and later factors.
The factors
causing growth of the industry in the early 1840's were
raw materials and an expanding local population.
As
machines began to be used, water power contributed to
industrial efficiency.
Yet, one cannot discount the
importance of skillful entrepreneurs.
With the industrial revolution, more choices were
open to furniture makers.
The flow of ideas and t e c h
nical knowledge increased and factory owners searched for
^John Land, Industries of Grand Rapidst
(Grand Rapids:
1883), p . 50.
1882
64
BRIDGE
r
BRONSON
PEARL
o
w>
>
Q
V
r6) , p. 5l6Y
Fleur* 11. Bedrooa suit*.
bedroom suit* vti plain In appearano*.
A typloal I870
Figure 12. 1876 prise winning bad'* Produo*d
by Berkey and Oay for the Centennial Expo*Itiona thle bed
wae sold ae a wedding gift In 1877 for #7»000.
95
Grand Rapids firms made use of the notoriety
received from the Exposition.
in Grand Rapids.
factories.
New showrooms were opened
At first buyers viewed furniture at the
Furniture was displayed in furnished apart
ments so that customers could judge purchases in a home
setting.
This innovative concept or arrangement proved
useful.
Grand Rapids was the first center in the Middle
West to arrange furniture with curtains, carpets, and
other furnishings.
The new showing method was well re
ceived by buyers who were used to furniture stacked or
crowded together.
Prior to 1B76 Grand Rapids firms had occasionally
held special sales and sent out invitations to buyers.
However, nothing of annual basis was held.
Following the
success of the 1876 Exposition, Grand Rapids firms c o
operatively advertised a city furniture sale.
A good
response was received from buyers in November of 1878.
The response of buyers was good enough to encourage a
second market in May,
1879.
Thereafter, Grand Rapids
firms held markets on a regular semi-annual basis.
Grand Rapids firms did not make all the access
ories necessary for room displays.
Thus,
vited other manufacturers to contribute.
the firms in
The lamps, c u r
tains, and carpets provided and created a fashionable
appearance.
96
As the number of eastern buyers increased,
market area of Grand Rapids expanded greatly.
the
Eastern
firms felt the competition and responded by opening their
own displays at the Grand Rapids exhibition.
New York
dealers began purchasing high quality furniture for high
income consumers.
The first market in 1878 brought eleven out-oftown buyers.
Buyers came from Chicago, Philadelphia,
Boston, Milwaukee, and Toledo.
The number of buyers
slowly grew in the 1880's to 40-50 a year.*the furniture was viewed
Quite often
"in the white" or unfinished
state so that pieces could be finished to the buyer's
taste.
By 1882 the market had grown to such proportions
that Grand Rapids firms found it unnecessary to maintain
retail outlets throughout the country.
The reputation of
Grand Rapids furniture was national in scope and led to
an increase in the number of factories and employees.
In
the fourteen years after the Philadelphia Exposition,
Grand Rapids had moved from 7th to 3rd place in furniture
production
(Table 4).
Eastern firms met the new competition by opening
their own displays at the Grand Rapids Market.
eastern displays consisted only of photographs.
use however, was quite unsuccessful.
The first
Their
Buyers came to see
^Ransom, The City Built on W o o d , p.
22.
97
furniture, not pictures.
Thus,
in 1883 manufacturers from
other parts of the nation began displaying furniture in
the city.
Firms from New York, Cleveland, Connersvilie,
Muskegon, Ravenna, Jamestown, and St. Louis were repre
sented at the Market.
Grand Rapids dealers encouraged other manufacturers
to show their furniture at the market.
More displays
meant more buyers and more exposure for Grand Rapids wares.
Local firms had a distinct advantage over outside displayers.
ies.
They were able to show furniture at the factor
Space for displays was limited.
Outside dealers
leased vacant lofts, vacant stores, basements,
rooms, and billiard rooms.
reading
The problem was not remedied
until the 1890's when an exhibition hall was completed.^
All eight floors of the building were leased even before
completion.
Grand Rapids had clearly arrived as a capable
furniture producer.
The local market was the only market
outside of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia.
large cities compared to Grand Rapids.
2
All were
The location of
the semi-annual fairs in Grand Rapids made the city a
center for foremen, designers, superintendents, and
^The exhibition hall became known as the Waters
Building and was located on Ottawa S t r e e t .
2
Hugh Lago, "Fine Furniture:
Celebrates Its
Diamond Jubilee," Inside Michigan, III (January, 1953),
4 9 ^
-------------------------------------------
98
finishers.
As distributing center,
the city attracted
large numbers of skilled personnel.
In the 10-year period— 1876 to 1886— the city
became secure in reputation.
Railroads and machines had
been ready to provide for increased
furniture demand.
By 1890, 83 outside factories displayed furniture at the
Grand Rapids Market.^
Of the outside firms 19 kept
permanent displays in the city.
Yet, city firms were able
to successfully compete with the other firms.
example, buyers in the city in July,
orders that in order to keep pace,
and day.
As an
1889 placed so many
factories ran night
Late buyers were forced to go elsewhere to have
their orders filled.
Marketing
The exhibitions for which buyers came to Grand
Rapids brought a change in the relationship between buyer
and seller.
By developing a national reputation, Grand
Rapids furniture became sought after and firms no longer
had to cover large territories for business.
Grand Rapids firms were conservative in their
sales approach.
Styling changes were not drastic.
Firms
were not involved in whimsical changes that produced only
*Grand Rapids Board of Trade, Grand Rapids As It
Is:
1890-1891 (Grand Rapids:
Dean P rinting, 1890) ,
p 7 " « . ---------
99
short term sales.
Basic styles stayed the same with only
minor changes that made them more attractive.
Local
manufacturers produced a quality line and thus were satis
fied with limited sales in each locality rather than mass
sales to one locality.^
The great market areas of the local industry were
not merely accidents.
They may have been the result of
good access, a trading instinct of the people,
resources,
natural
financial resources, or general innovativeness.
The quality of the items produced also effect market area
size.
The city was known for the best in the furniture
line.
Its leadership in quality furniture was unques
tioned.
The large semi-annual market in Grand Rapids
may have been a result of the city producing more high
quality furniture than any other city.
The exhibition
grew from a small start to the best quality exhibition in
the country.
However,
the semi-annual furniture market
was but one of several marketing techniques used by the
industry.
Initially railroad cars were loaded with goods
and sent to city side-tracks.
view the goods.
Furniture was sold on the spot and the
car sent to another city.
desired.
Dealers were invited to
The method left much to be
In the early 1880*8 trunks were filled with
knocked-down samples and shipped to cities such as New
Rapids:
^Grand Rapids Chair Company,
1922), p. 4.
Reflections
(Grand
100
York and Philadelphia.
In leased hotel rooms the samples
were unpacked and set up and dealers were
invited to
inspect Grand Rapids furniture.
Furniture,
because of its bulk, was much harder
to show than other types of merchandise.
The difficulties
of transporting samples led to the use of sketches, models,
and pictures.
Penciled sketches of furniture were used
as early as 1862 by the Widdicomb Company.
Later small
scale models of furniture were carried by salesmen to
show available styles.
Furniture executive E. Matter introduced the use
of the photograph into the furniture industry.
Matter
met a baby carriage salesman in Jackson,
Michigan who
was using photographs to promote sales.
Matter realized
the possibilities
for furniture sales and hired a Grand
Rapids photographer to photograph bedroom suites.
First
attempts were less than successful due to lighting d iffi
culties.
However, Matter soon came up with good p h o t o
graphs of furniture.
Wood models and sketches were dis
carded and photos came into general use in marketing.
The photo technique soon spread to other firms.
The use
of the photo allowed salesmen to cover larger areas and
sell without the limitation of immediate delivery.
Whether Grand Rapids
firms were the very
fxrst to use
sketches, models, and photos is not certain.
However,
101
the: c i t y w a s
innovative
among
the
fir st ,
and
displayed
an
adaptive
policy.
The use of the photo brought changes in advertis
ing.
Widdicomb issued the first furniture catalogue to
display merchandise.
By 1880 monthly journals, Michigan
Artisan and Fine Fu r n i t u r e , were bing printed in the city.
Selling by photographs was particularly useful between
exhibition seasons when salesmen traveled from buyer to
buyer.
Two big marketing developments occurred during the
1860-90 era.
The 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exposition
gave Grand Hapids furniture national exposure and an e x
cellent reputation.
Following the Exposition furniture
firms of the city exploited the reputation they had re
ceived and organized semi-annual
Grand Rapids.
sales,
furniture markets in
Coupled with photographically induced
the market provided local
firms with more orders
than they could fill.
Market Area
Some furniture was shipped out of the Grand Rapids
area before the Civil War.
in 1890 began about 1860.
Thus,
the business as known
The main markets being produced
for in the early 1860's were Chicago and Milwaukee.
As
furniture output increased, local and suburban markets
were insufficient to absorb the produce of the growing
industry.
Local manufacturers,
in order to sustain growth,
102
were forced to look for outside markets.^
One manufac
turer, Comstock, studied the situation and concluded that
St. Louis and Peoria were fine distribution points for the
Middle West.
Comstock felt his firm could not survive
without outside markets.
In 1861 he opened furniture show
rooms in St. Louis and Peoria and began sending goods to
Grand Haven, Milwaukee, and Chicago.
The venture was so
successful that the firm doubled its output in a single
year.
2
The first shipments were of inexpensive lines.
But, the response from buyers was good and higher quality
goods were soon marketed.
The wholesale marketing of
furniture was new and attained great importance after the
Civil War.
Comstock was a successful businessman for he
realized the necessity of changing
markets.
from local to regional
The regional markets of the North Central States
were growing at a tremendous pace.
By the end of the
1860' s Comstock was selling furniture as far west as Iowa
and Minnesota.
Other Grand Rapids firms also expanded their sales
areas.
Both Widdicomb and Berkey and Gay understood that
more than a local base was necessary for industrial growth.
Following the Civil War expansion took place in the local
^White,
"Grand Rapids Furniture Centennial,"
p. 273.
2
p. 292.
Bradshaw,
"Grand Rapids Furniture Beginnings,"
103
industry as it responded to increased demands.
The rapid
increase in the number of buyers was a result of the fast
rising incomes.
The buyers rose in number more quickly
than the ability of the industry to produce the quality,
artistic furniture.
Grand Rapids was fortunate to be an
efficient producer at the time that people had the money
to buy quality furniture.
The local industry expanded
on the basis of this initial advantage.
Fast growing industries are often able to take
over market areas of slowly growing industries.^
The
Grand Rapids furniture industry expanded rapidly following
the 1876 Exposition and captured markets of other centers.
In addition new markets were being created by increasing
population and the newly accumulated wealth of the
American worker.
Furniture was one of many manufactured
goods that profited from higher incomes.
By the 1870*s the reputation of Grand Rapids firms
had spread to the point that Chicago dealers came to the
city to make purchases.
One Chicago firm even rented an
office and drafting room in the city.
were attempting to market in the East.
Grand Rapids firms
George Gay made
trips to both Boston and New York selling several carloads
of furniture.
2
Thus, just prior to the 1876 Exposition,
^Pred, The Spatial Dynamics of the U.S. UrbanIndustrial Growth, 1800-1914, p. 82.
2
Wilbur Nesbit, The Story of Berkey and Gay
(Grand Rapids:
1911), pi 71
104
Grand Rapids was known throughout the Middle West for
furniture production.
The market area lay in a semi
circle from Lake Erie through Ohio across Indiana and
Illinois to St. Louis and then Chicago and Milwaukee.^
Some sales were even made beyond this area.
As an
example, Berkey and Gay in 1873 claimed to have shipped
$300,000 worth of furniture to New York, Pennsylvania,
Ohio,
Indiana,
Illinois, Wisconsin,
Iowa, Minnesota,
Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, and Colorado.
2
The railroad
was obviously having an effect on long distance marketing.
Every furniture manufacturer in the city was able to
enlarge its plant between 1872-1874.3
It is clear that
the furniture industry of Grand Rapids was viable and
dynamic even before 1B76.
Some local historians were
even able to perceive the role the industry would play
in the future.
Dillenback writing in 1874, observed that
the industry had sprung up in 10 years and yet was only in
its infancy.
The building of an extensive factory system
led Dillenback to write,
"Grand Rapids will, at no d i s
tant day, be as famous for its manufacturers of wood as
4
Pittsburg is for its iron."
^Furniture Manufacturers Association, The Furni
ture Career of Grand R a p i d s , p. 7.
2
Ransom, The City Built on W o o d , p. 15.
3I b i d ., p. 15.
4
Rapids:
J. D. Dillenback, Grand Rapids in 1874
Daily Times, 187 5)7 p7 39.
(Grand
105
The Exposition of 1876 provided Grand Rapids with
the impetus it needed for a national reputation.
The
Grand Rapids display compared favorably with eastern
products.
In spite of the fact that elite eastern compet
itors gave the display such titles as "Gargantuan,"
"Granite Renaissance," and "Colossus Americanus," the new
style was quickly accepted by the public and eastern
manufacturers.
Furniture making was
cities.
found in almost all large
The larger cities made decorative types of
furniture, while the smaller cities made more utilitarian
types.^
Grand Rapids was an exception to this tendency
for by 1883 it h a d been proclaimed second to no city in
quality and reputation.
2
Local firms were shipping to
the leading markets of the country and the world.
The
fact that firms from other states and countries exhibited
at the Grand Rapids Exhibition illustrates the national
status of local manufacturing.
The quality not quantity
operation led to an international trade by 1890 with
England, France, Netherlands, Turkey, Egypt, South Africa,
China, and South America.
Grand Rapids was recognized
for perfection in construction and finish.
^George Wallic and Joseph Whitworth, ad.. The
American System o f M anufacturers (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh
University Press, 1969), p . T9T7
2
Land, Industries of Grand Rapids:
1 8 8 2 , p. 51.
10 6
The expanded markets led to more specialization
and greater productivity.
The firms of the city prospered
by this specialized production.
The history of industry
suggests that a successful industry encourages other plants
to locate near and that a multiplication of plants is an
advantage to all.
The attractions of labor, raw materials,
power, and transportation make agglomeration a desired
factor.
By 1890 agglomeration had occurred in Grand Rapids
with some 31 plants present.
These plants received bene
fits by being linked for supplies of materials, selling,
packing, and moving finished products.
was great between these companies.
The competition
Yet, they were able
to use each other and develop a city reputation.
Raw Materials
Writers have often suggested that the location of
the furniture industry in Grand Rapids was a result of the
fine supply of timber in the area.
local lumber advantage even existed.
available in many other places.
It is doubtful that a
Lumber was equally
However, by 1890 the
rich supply of timber had been logged off.
The walnut was
gone, and manufacturers were using maple, oak, and birch.
Firms had begun to import tropical woods such as mahogany.
The fine hardwoods of Michigan in 1870 were
regarded as inexhaustible.
Even in the 1880's optimistic
reports suggested that the Grand Rapids and Indiana railway
107
provided Grand Rapids with an inexhaustible supply of wood.
Firms were obtaining wood from 30 different counties in
the state.^
The result was clear by 1890.
Michigan had been seriously depleted.
The forests of
In 30 years the t im
ber of the Lower Peninsula had been cut and if Grand
Rapids ever had a resource advantage,
it was gone by 1890.
Walnut was the first wood to be depleted.
great demand in the 1860's and 1 8 7 0 's.
trees were scarce.
Walnut was in
By 1880 walnut
Old walnut rail fences and stumps
were scavenged and sent to Grand Rapids.
substituted for walnut.
Other woods were
Companies began to advertise for
basswood, maple, oak, beech, and hickory.
2
Grand Rapids firms turned to other states and
countries for wood.
Cuba, Central America, and South
Africa proved to be important sources of mahogany.
Yet,
the furniture city was more fortunate than many production
centers.
The Grand Rapids production was low in the amount
of wood used.
Production was noted for the high value
added by m a n u f a c t u r i n g .
T h u s , craftsmanship and low
amounts of lumber characterized local furniture making.
To
insure supplies of wood for future operations manufacturers
began to invest in plots of timber a creage.3
*R. Baker and H. Creswell, The City of Grand
Rapids:
Manufacturing Advantages— Commercial Importance
(Grand Rapids:
Dean P r i n t i n g , 1 8 8 ^ ) , pi 6^.
2
3
Ransom, The City Built on W o o d , p. 24.
L y d e n s , The Story of Grand R a p i d s , p. 307.
108
Workers
Few cities of the world have been renowned for
doing one thing particularly well, but Grand Rapids was.
Grand Rapids had a long period of supremacy and excellence
in performance in furniture making.
The excellence of
production must be attributed to the craftsmen.
workers were artists in their own way.
patience,
The
They displayed
fondness for work, love of wood, and gave a t ten
tion to detail.
One writer viewed the role of the c r af t s
man as follows:
"It has been quite truthfully said that
furniture such as is made and sold here, is made of
brains."^
Following the 1876 Exposition designers and
craftsmen came to the city from all over the world.
The
center of originality shifted from the East to Grand
Rapids.
Craftsmanship was looked upon as a tradition
not an occupation.
son.
The trade was passed from father to
Once established the industry fed on itself by
supplying a family labor source.
left the city.
ployment .
Few furniture workers
Grand Rapids was a reliable source of e m
The employment was steady and the worker was
not subject to lay-offs.
Grand Rapids furniture companies met the period
of American materialism and mass production and retained
quality production.
Machines could not do the majority
1Grand Rapids Market Association, The Grand
Rapids Market (Grand Rapids:
1925), p. 1.
109
of the work.
Machines were used only in the rote, rough
stages of furniture development.
Thus, the craftsman
who took a pride in his work remained.
Furniture was less
subject to machine manipulation than most products.
Tools
were few and simple but the furniture produced was
beautiful.
Grand Rapids firms never wanted for skilled labor.
Great numbers of Dutch settled in the area and were em
ployed in the furniture factories.
Many writers have
supposed that they were attracted by the furniture
industry.
However, most were drawn by the original Zea
land settlement and friends and relatives.
had any background in woodworking.
Moreover, few
Nonetheless, the Dutch
immigrants made fine furniture workers as they were known
for thoroughness and dependability.
As one writer put it,
"In the main they are thrifty, steady and home-loving
people, who can be depended upon not only for
high
quality craftsmanship, but also for industry and appli
cation.
The immigrants did find work in the factories
and were noted for the personal trait of excellence.
They
put emphasis on how well a piece was made, not how
quickly.
Not only were Hollanders available as a skilled
labor source but they were hired at a low w a g e .
^Furniture Manufacturers Association, The Furni
ture Career of Grand Rapids, p . 7.
110
Traditionally Dutch workers were paid a $1 a week less
than their counterparts.1* The Berkey and Gay Company
employed large numbers of Dutch.
Table 5 indicates that
in 1886 Berkey and Gay employed 255 employees of which
173 were foreign born and 97 were Dutch.
TABLE 5
BIRTH PLACE OF BERKEY AND GAY EMPLOYEES— 1886
Birth Place
No.
Birth Place
United States
Netherlands
Germany
Canada
Sweden
England
Norway
Ireland
82
97
31
13
9
8
4
3
Austria
Denmark
Belgium
Russia
Scotland
Wales
2
2
1
1
1
1
255
TOTAL
Source:
No.
MBerkey and Gay Statistics,” Telegram-Herald,
May 24, 1886, p. 1.
Thus, over one-third of the Berkey and Gay employees
were Dutch.
The national origin structure of the
community was nowhere near one-third Dutch
(Table 6).
The Bureau of Labor figures for 1886 confirm a like
situation in other furniture factories.
The city furni
ture firms employed 531 native Americans and 596 foreign
^Ransom, The City Built on W o o d , p. 39.
Ill
TABLE 6
NATIONAL ORIGINS OF GRAND RAPIDS POPULATION--1880
Number
National Origin
5,186
4, 312
2 ,511
2,236
1,400
Netherlands
Canada
Germany
Ireland
England
72,253
Total Population
Source:
Bureau of the Census, Tenth Census of the
United States:
1880, Population (Washington:
1--- -------18B3) .------------
born persons.^
The inunigrants from Northwestern Europe
were typical 19th century craftsmen that had accuracy,
stability, and took pride in their work.
The availability
of cheap, dependable labor acted as an initial advantage
at a time when the furniture industry expanded in Grand
Rapids.
Finance
Growth was not continuous.
The growing furniture
industry was forced to meet a financial crisis in the
1670's.
The financial Panic of 1673 put a heavy strain
on the local industry.
survived.
Only the most efficient firms
Furniture purchases were put off during periods
^Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics, State
of Michigan, 1 8 d ^ , p. 2 36.
112
of hard times.
So many purchases were delayed that only
three firms survived the panic.
The local and national
market was destroyed for Grand Rapids firms.
Thus, they
turned their attention to Canada to prevent bankruptcy.
Canada was in better economic condition and local firms
could sell for cash.
The Canadian market may well have
saved Grand Rapids firms from financial disaster.
The
admission of American furniture duty free opened the
Canadian market on a permanent basis.
Little capital was available to the furniture
industry initially for success was too uncertain.
People
in the city put their money into the more reliable lumber
business from which furniture received indirect assistance.
However, new machines and techniques required large capital
investments.
Some eastern capital became available when
Grand Rapids became serviced by railroads and was able to
extend its markets.
A Boston capitalist, John Converse,
who financed railroads of the Grand Rapids area also s u p
plied financial loans to several furniture plants.1-
As
shops were converted to factories, new sources of capital
were found.
Stock was sold in an effort to raise capital
and finance expanded operations.
Workmen were even e n
couraged to buy shares in the companies.
^Arthur White, Grand Rapids on Parade (Grand
Rapids:
Herpolsheimer Company, 19 26), p . l V .
113
By the 1880's Grand Rapids companies were intro
ducing the latest machines and discarding the old.
Those
firms that kept the old too long could not compete success
fully.
Every few years a revolution in machinery occurred.
Although changing machines was expansive, local firms were
able to change for they were growing at a tremendous rate.
Many concerns had a brief existence as the compe
tition was severe.
The number of new concerns was sur
prisingly high (Table 7).
TABLE 7
NEW FURNITURE BUSINESSES
Year
1876
1877
1878
1879
I860
1881
1882
1683
1684
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
Source:
Number
0
1
1
3
8
3
5
4
2
2
5
5
1
6
5
Grand Rapids Centennial Furniture Festival (Grand
Rapids:
1936), p. 5~
114
The failure of so many furniture concerns can be
attributed to poor working relationships between partners.
Yet, many companies survived as indicated by the 31 firms
present in 1890.
Oddly enough many businesses were formed
by 5 or 6 workmen forming their own companies and were
successful in Grand Rapids whereas they failed in other
sections of the country.
The focus of production on q ua l
ity not quantity was an advantage to smaller concerns.
Therefore, although stock in local firms was sold, most
stock was held by a few men intimately involved in the
business.
Business control underwent several changes during
the 1860-1890 period.
Single proprietorships were common
as long as businesses remained small.
In a proprietorship
the owner had complete control over the business and o per
ated as he saw best.
When financial problems occurred,
partnerships were formed.
Partnerships required trust and
understanding between the partners.
liability of partnerships,
Because of the legal
corporations were formed that
extended business life beyond the life of the stockholder.
Although all three forms of business arrangements were
used in Grand Rapids, most firms were dominated by one or
two individuals.
Proprietors or partners may have changed
to corporations but they maintained control of the stock
and exerted personal control of the business.
115
Small and medium sized furniture plants were m a i n
tained in the 1880's in spite of the city's national repu
tation and market.
Quality furniture was not mass-produced
and close employer-employee relationships were maintained.
Employers had grown up in the business, knew how to run
the machines, had a rapport with the employees, and p e r
sonally directed the factory operations.
Population
Following the Civil War, urban centers grew rapidly.
Grand Rapids was no exception and grew from a population
of 8,085 in 1860 to 60,278 in 1890.
Urbanization and
economic growth were dependent on each other, one increas
ing the other.
Population concentration increased the
likelihood of inventions which in turn fostered production
increases and market area extension.
In general, ideas
spread quickly in urban areas making inventions and
innovations more likely.
However, Grand Rapids was not a large city in 1890
by national standards.
Most large producing furniture
cities had populations in excess of 500,000, such as New
York, Chicago, and Philadelphia.
However, Grand Rapids
was regarded aB a furniture specialist making fancy tables,
elite bedroom suites, and setting styles for the country.
116
Decision Making
Individual and collective decisions were made that
had geographic ramifications.
Search activities through
space were enlarged as the industry grew and decisions were
made to increase production,
sales, and markets.
Decisions to expand and seek new markets came about
as railroads opened new opportunities.
The market search
was more uniform and less haphazard than in previous
periods.
The initial patterns of random search became
more settled and predictable as connections between places
improved.
Flows of information from which decisions were
made increased as accessibility increased.
The decisions of factory owners to make use of
their newly won reputation from the 1876 Exposition were
noteworthy.
The furniture exhibitions held in Grand
Rapids drew dealers to the city rather than Grand Rapids
having to search the country for buyerB.
The person
alities of the factory owners was such that cooperation
was possible.
Thus, the decision to cooperate and enter a
joint exhibit at Philadelphia was followed by cooperative
exhibition ventures.
As a result, sales increased and
markets expanded.
Decisions by buyers to attend the Grand Rapids
exhibition were influenced by their perception of Grand
Rapids as a furniture center.
By 1890 the city was re
garded as the "Furniture Capital of America."
Buyers
117
in mental maps regarded Grand Rapids as a major furniture
center.
Summary
Between 1860 and 1890 few advantages were received
in the furniture industry from a superior location based
on wood or power.
There was little in the "natural"
environment that made Grand Rapids a furniture center.
William Widdicomb,
furniture executive, suggested that
much of the furniture success was due to the personality
of the men who developed the furniture business.^
Early
leaders had characteristics needed for success in the
field.
They had "energy, originality, and business
prudence."
Widdicomb suggested:
"I doubt whether Julius
Berkey knew the meaning of the word discouragement and
perhaps I was equally dense in my ignorance, and I shall
give this perservance, combined with ingenuity and un
flagging industry, as the forces developing the business
which sustains our city,
for mind you the men who came in
later years brought to the business the same character
istics or they would have fallen from the ranks as the
years went by, for our business will tolerate no negli2
gence or incompetence."
Hfiddicomb, "The Early History of the Furniture
industry in Grand Rapids," p. 74.
2
Widdicomb,
"The Growth of the Industry," p. 177.
118
Those firms prominent in 1890 had begun in a small
way in an infant industry.
prospered.
By tremendous effort they
They built not a company reputation but a
city reputation by advertising the city as well as the
firms.
With an inventive and innovative effort they
obtained national and international markets.
In 1890
Grand Rapids was regarded as the "Furniture Capital of
America," not because of the magnitude of production but
on the quality of it manufactured.
CHAPTER V
MATURITY:
1090-1929
The furniture industry had not one origin but
many.
The processes stimulating the industry were modi
fied as local and national needs changed.
The period from
I860 to 1890 was one of tremendous increases in production.
Factories were combined and production speeded up.
The
industry was caught up in rapid, national industrial
ization .
The 1890-1929 period brought changes in the ways
that the local industry developed.
Methods of trans
porting goods to market were perfected but not basically
altered.
Machinery was refined, not radically changed.
Sales techniques by expositions were enlarged.
The most
radical changes occurred in styles and designs of furni
ture.
Thus, maturity in the local industry brought an
emphasis on craftsmanship and an innovativeness in
appearance.
119
120
Mechanization
The advantages accrued to the local industry were
not indefinite.
Modifications were continually made so
that the firms of the city could hold their dominant
position.
Mechanical improvements were necessary so that
Grand Rapids could continue to successfully compete with
other furniture centers.
During the 1890-1929 era,
tory operations became more mechanized.
fac
However, machines
did not lessen the skill that the worker needed in furni
ture production.
In a period of mass-production and
standardization, craftsmanship remained an important
part of the furniture operation.
Furniture manufacturing
was not drawn completely into the national pattern of
mass-production.
Even though the furniture factories did
not operate on a production line basis, it was no longer
possible to operate a plant without machinery and tech
nical knowledge.
The city had attained the title "Furniture Capital
of America" for its output of quality furniture and fac
tories employed the beBt designers and woodworkers in
the United States.^
Only those machines that improved
or maintained the quality of production were adopted.
Grand Rapids sales were based on reputation and the m anu
facture of cheaper lines could have easily diminished that
^Etten, A Citizen's History of Grand Rapids,
Michigan, p. 171.
121
reputation.
T h u s , local plants were not as machine
oriented as those of other cities.
Furniture manufac
turing remained as much an art as an industry.
were more than machine operators;
craftsmen.
Therefore,
Workers
they were skilled
the high quality furniture resulted
from a combination of machine use and skilled, hand labor.
Local furniture concerns were slow to adopt
assembly line methods.
It was not until the 1920's that
the first plant, Stow-Davis, introduced the methods suc
cessfully employed in auto production.
A continuous
process on the assembly line allowed the f irm to complete
a desk every five minutes.^
Grand Rapids was the largest producer in the
country of quality furniture.
It was not first in the
number of beds, chairs, or tables.
Instead the local
plants provided the best in beauty, service,
dependability.
style, and
Cheap furniture was not produced.
City
manufacturers felt that the only merit of such furniture
was its low price.
2
Equipment was installed that made
the work easier and production faster.
The general
attitude of the manufacturer was to allow the laborer to
do more intricate work by spending less time on rough
tasks.
Little mention is made in the literature of
^George Fuller, ed., Michigan:
A Centennial
History of the State and Its Pe o p l e , Vol. 1 (Chicago:
Lewis Publishing, 1939) , p. 553.
2
Furniture Manufacturers Association, The F u rni
ture Career of Grand R a p i d s , p. 9.
122
specific machines that were introduced.
However, ad
vances were made in gluing and carving.
A gluing machine was introduced that used a
hot-press technique.
for clamps.
This process served as a substitute
The biggest change occurred around 1900 with
the installation of an automatic carving machine.
Pre
vious carving machines had been too delicate and were
poor for deep carving.
The new Dodd carver was powerful
and heavy enough to cut large and deep figures.
The
carving machine made the rough cuts allowing more time
for the hand carver to perfect the piece.
The rough
carving machine was able to carve four or five pieces at
once.
By 1920 the number was increased to 24.^
Whether Grand Rapids was first in the development
and installation of numerous machines is uncertain since
it is difficult to say what was happening in Chicago,
New York, or Philadelphia without in-depth studies of
each.
If Grand Rapids firms were not the first to use
many machines and techniques,
they were among the first.
Spray guns were used which could cover 24 chairs an hour
2
compared to 4 with a b r u s h .
^Arthur White, "The Recollections of An Onlooker,"
Furniture Manufacturer and Artisan, III (January, 1912),
TT.--------------------------------------------2
Ransom, The Cxty Built on Wood, p. 61.
123
The furniture factories were modern with effi
cient machinery.
were used.
New woods,
finishes, and techniques
By 1900 standards, Grand Rapids plants were
considered large
(Figure 13).
Workmen were provided
with large working spaces since cramped quarters hindered
work.
Room was needed for walking around each piece to
observe its appearance.
A great amount of space was
needed for lumber storage
also large.
In short,
(Figure 14).
Drying kilns were
furniture manufacturing required
large factories.
Transportation
In the latter part of the 1860-1890 era. Grand
Rapids had a high degree of accessibility to the West.
By 1900 that advantage had been lost.
The high quality
of local goods proved more important than accessibility.
The city had long had an initial advantage of good
access.
The Grand River had provided good connections
for one era and during another period the city was well
served by railroads.
However, as rail networks expanded,
Grand Rapids was not on the major routes and its once
advantageous position was negated.
Chicago became the
important rail center of the Middle West.
One of the most notable innovations of the 18901929 period came in response to transport inequities.
The Michigan Bureau of Labor in attempting to account for
the growth of the local industry suggested in 1900 the
124
Flgura 13*
Barkm y and Qay plant.
Moat of tbs
furnltura faotorlaa of Orand Rapids wars built In ala'lar
dasigns.
Flgurs 14.
Luabsr atorags araa.
Tha John
widdloonb factory utlllzsa a oovarad atorags araa.
125
following reasons:
an abundance of materials in the area,
the use of the photograph in marketing, semi-annual
markets, and the use of a special furniture car in trans
porting furniture.^
The use of a special rail car in
marketing gave local manufacturers a peculiar advantage.
Furniture was a unique item for the railroads to handle.
Furniture was easily marred, and yet, rapid movement was
demanded.
Grand Rapids was extremely efficient in
crating and shipping furniture.
City manufacturers
refunded only a fraction of the amount of damages for
shipped furniture that other cities did.
2
Special railroad cars were designed and used by
Grand Rapids manufacturers.
First rail shipments had
been made in regular freight cars which proved unsatis
factory.
Therefore, specially designed cars were built.
Initially 10 cars of special sizing were ordered by
furniture manufacturers.
and 32 feet long.
50 feet.
3
These cars were 7 feet high
By 1900 the length was increased to
The new cars were immediately adopted by local
manufacturers.
The cars were used entirely by Grand
Rapids firms, and when empty were returned to the city.
The innovations proved so successful that 50 additional
^Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics, State
of Michigan, 19dd, pT 77>.
2I b i d ., p. 6.
3I b i d ., p. 79.
126
cars were built and within a year 500 were in operation.^
Although other furniture centers adopted the use of the
special car,
for some time Grand Rapids had a distributing
advantage.
In 1881 in an effort to knit furniture companies
together,
the Grand Rapids Furniture Manufacturers
Association was formed.
The stated purpose of the associa
tion was "to promote and protect the welfare of the furniture industry in the city of Grand Rapids."
2
In addition
to directing the semi-annual expositions, the organization
attempted to overcome marketing problems.
In the 1900's
the city was not advantageously located on major eastwest rail networks.
The large market area for local,
quality furniture meant that small amounts were sent to
many different locations.
In 1910 the F. M. A. estab
lished a carloading department to organize and systematize
less than carload shipments.
Furniture was difficult to
ship in less than carload lots without damage,
and high rates.
time loss,
Under the carloading department,
pooled shipments to the same points.
firms
Thus, carload rates
were assured, time of delivery could be estimated, and
damages reduced.
1I b i d ., p.
2
78.
Furniture Manufacturers Association, The Furniture
Career of Grand R a p i d s , p . 15.
127
Carloading was the most important development in
the movement of furniture.
and the industry.
It benefited both the railroad
Railroads were not fulfilling their
purpose unless products were delivered rapidly and safely.
Damages often resulted for no special handling of furniture
existed for less than carload lots.
Time and expense were
saved by reducing storage at warehouse terminals and
furniture plants.
Benefits received from carloading were
passed on to dealers and customers which made Grand Rapids
furniture more competitive.
The carloading technique was highly systematized.
Previous attempts at carloading had been high priced and
provided poor service.
Thus, dealers had preferred time
delays and high expenses to agency poolings.
Grand Rapids system worked.
However, the
Dealers were kept informed as
to the location and status of shipments without expense.
The efficient management of the department led to an in
crease in shipments.
notably greater.
Shipments to Boston and New York were
By 1928 over 70 per cent of the furniture
from Grand Rapids passed through the carloading depart
ment.^
Over 4,000 cars of furniture a year were sent out
by the department.
2
The service was so successful that
^Johnson and Sironen, Manual of the Furniture
Arts and C r a f t s , p. 553.
2
Robert Irwin, "The Furniture Industry in Grand
Rapids," speech before the Grand Rapids Rotary Club,
December 16, 1926.
128
simi lar o r g a n i z a t i o n s w e r e
ville,
Jamestown,
an d
established
at C h i c a g o ,
Evans
Rockford.
Materials
By 1900 logging operations and saw mills had moved
to the Upper Peninsula.
The timber of the Grand Rapids
area had been cut and furniture manufacturers no longer
depended on local sources of lumber.
The advantage of
the earlier periods was gone as the close sources of lumber
were depleted.
However, the industry was firmly entrenched
in the city and other advantages had accrued that were more
important than a close source of lumber.
Manufacturers looked further afield for raw mater
ials.
At one time maple, ash, walnut, and oak were o b
tained in the area and used in the solid form.
had been exhibited for economy of materials.
No concern
By 1890 manu
facturers were concerned with material shortages and made
much use of veneers.
Oak became popular.
Its use in
Grand Rapids factories was brought on by a railroad
official.'1"
This official had a large tract of oak.
Several Grand Rapids factories were encouraged to experi
ment with the use of oak.
Oak had a coarse texture and
brittle fiber which presented a finishing problem.
The
difficulties of finishing were solved and the railway
^Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics, 1900,
p. 71
129
official sold great quantities of oak to the local fac
tories.
The use of mahogany was old but the expense of
importing the wood had held its use down.
depletion of walnut, its use increased.
original source of mahogany varied,
With the
Although the
the trade was con
trolled by Britain and all logs ultimately came through
Liverpool.
Mahogany logs were originally cut in Mexico,
British Honduras, West Indies, and West Africa.
Logs
were shipped to Liverpool where a duty was paid and weekly
auctions held.
The logs were not cut into lumber until
reaching mills in the United States.
Grand Rapids fac
tories preferred African mahogany to that of Central
America because of its finer texture.
Local manufacturers
hoped that shipments could be made directly to the States,
avoiding Liverpool.
However, there was no point in West
Africa that acted as a clearing house.
out of the interior in mass.
Logs did not come
Therefore, seldom was a
complete cargo of timber available.
Other woods were ilso imported during the early
1900's as local lumbers became scarce
(Table 8).
The use of veneers indicated the shortage and
costs of raw materials.
Cheaper grades of wood were used
for interior construction.
Knife-like cutters sliced
logs into thin pieces of veneer.
Mahogany was quite
expensive, running as much as $600 a log.*
* I b i d ., p. 71.
Many of these
130
TABLE 8
SOURCES OF WOOD
Wood
Source
Mahogany
Rosewood
West Africa, Mexico, British
Honduras, West Indies
Brazil, India
Walnut
Olive Wood
Maple, Chestnut
Satinwood
France , Caucasus
Italy
Southern U.S.
Ceylon, India, West Indies
Source:
Fred Henshaw, "From Logs to Living Room,"
Magazine of Michigan (January, 1936), 4.
logs were cut into 600 veneer sheets.
source regions of lumber changing,
used.
Thus, not only were
but so were the amounts
Grand Rapids was more fortunate than other centers
for by producing quality rather than quantity, smaller
amounts of lumber were needed.
To m any people furniture meant wood construction.
However, one answer to timber shortages was to turn to
metal materials.
appear.
Desks,
By 1910 metal construction began to
Metal office furniture was the first to appear.
fireproof safes, and filing cabinets were being
built in the early 1900*s.
Design, Style, and Carving
A consulting study made in 1917 found no evidence
other than leadership for the growth of the local industry.
131
Leadership meant innovativeness in design.
If furniture
in Grand Rapids had been produced for utilitarian p u r
poses only, one factory in the city would have produced
what all factories did.
However, to survive. Grand Rapids
furniture was developed as an industrial art on the basis
of beauty.
The best designers in the world were hired.
The emphasis on the importance of design coupled with the
meticulousness of craftsmen led to furniture unequaled in
quality.
The industry was generally known for low wages.
However, designers were paid high salaries and some of the
best were attracted.
These designers came from all sec
tions of the country, but the greatest number came from
foreign countries including the Netherlands, Sweden,
Denmark, Italy, and the British Isles.
200 designers worked in the c i t y . 1-
At one time over
The city was undoubt
edly the design capital of the country.
In 1917 the Designers Association was formed to
protect the fame of Grand Rapids by furthering its reputa
tion as style leader.
The organization was formed at a
time when local manufacturers realized that the growth of
the industry was limited.
Industrial growth had slowed
and leaders were attempting to stimulate new growth.
The
organization sought to maintain a high standard in design
for fear o-f losing its quality reputation.
^Lydens, The Story of Grand R a p i d s , p. 303.
132
Although no single factor led to the growth of the
industry,
factory designers did much to make Grand Rapids
world famous in furniture making.
Manufacturers went after
and hired first class artists, designers, and artisans.
"Made in Grand Rapids" stamped on furniture meant the
best.
As the local industry grew, good carvers and
designers were harder to get.
Many were trained by owners.
In 1900 designers were sent to the Paris Exposition to
study and keep up in their field.
Many manufacturers contended that carvers and
designers were found, not made.
Grand Rapids industrial
ists were unwilling to accept that premise and encouraged
training schools in the city.
The Kendall School of
Design was the most famous of these undertakings.
Train
ing was obtained in the fundamentals of drawing and design
as well as interior decorating.
Students were turned out
who became leaders in design in the local furniture in
dustry.
The school was important in helping Grand Rapids
remain a center for quality furniture products.
The backbone of the industry, however, were the
crafts and skills of the workers.
Technical schools weie
set up to insure that skilled workers would be available
in the future.
Courses were taught by instructors from
the furniture companies in such skills as cabinet repair,
finish patching, and knife grinding.
were held in upholstering.
Six week courses
Workers were hired, then
133
trained.
The feeling was that it was better to train
Grand Rapids men than to try to recruit outside the city.
A vocational and technical high school helped
to serve the needs of the furniture industry.
All
branches of furniture making were taught from designing
to finishing.
All teachers were required to have had
experience in a specialty in a furniture factory.
Stu
dents later became effective furniture workers.
Innovations of the 1890-1929 era came in styling
changes.
The idea of piling shelf-bookcases on top of
each other was very old.
However, the technique lacked
standardization and good styling.
The commercial neces
sities were worked out and patented in Grand Rapids.
The
sectional bookcase became more sophisticated.
City manufacturers were style leaders.
The good
reputation for styling was badly hurt around 1900.
styles were making great headway in sales.
Thus,
"Fad"
some
local manufacturers committed their production in two
fads.
One style was highly ornate and curvaceous.
other style gave a golden oak cast to furniture.
The
Neither
fad had a long range effect on sales and Grand Rapids was
blamed for encouraging the styles.
As the style leader,
the city bore the brunt of criticism.
disaster,
Following the fad
local firms were more cautious in style changes.
Companies sought to protect their hard earned reputation.
13 4
Design innovations occurred in sofa beds, opera
seats, school furniture, bedroom suites, coffee tables,
modern furniture, sectional chairs, and office furniture.
Designers in Grand Rapids recognized the potential of
creative ideas, and put forth a steady supply of them.
Grand Rapids and Other Centers
The furniture industry continued to grow in Grand
Rapids in the 1890-1929 period.
However, the rate of
growth slowed considerably in the 1900's.
Until 1890
growth in both the number of employees and the number of
firms had been exponential.
rate lessened
Following 1890 the growth
(Table 9).
TABLE 9
FURNITURE GROWTH
No. of
Firms
N o . of
Employees
9
8
15
53
281
2,279
14
131
720
1900
1910
31
34
54
4,347
6,236
7,250
2 ,000
2 ,582
1920
71
9,372
3,903
19,594
1929
72
12,036
17,350
Year
1860
1870
1860
1890
Source:
Wages in
$l,000*s
U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census, Census of Manufacturers, 1860 to_1929
(Washington: U.S. Government Printing 0^£ice)
135
Not only had growth slowed in Grand Rapids but a
geographic shift occurred in the industry relative to the
country.
The traditional centers were Michigan, New York,
and Massachusetts with great concentrations at Grand
Rapids, Jamestown, and Gardner, respectively.
In the
early 1900*s a shift occurred toward southern United
States.
The South, North Carolina in particular, became
attractive on the basis of lower labor costs, building
subsidies, cheap power, and lower taxes.
Southern manu
facturers were able to hire semi-skilled workers at onehalf the Northern rates.1' Attempts were made to attract
furniture manufacturers away from Grand Rapids around
1914.
However, the major competition of Grand Rapids
existed with Chicago and New York firms.
The rise of
Chicago as a major furniture producer was a serious threat
to Grand Rapids because of its closeness.
Chicago and
New York produced furniture of comparable quality to Grand
Rapids.
Southern firms produced cheap lines.
Changes
also took place in the relative position of Boston
(Table 10).
A marked trend occurred to the South.
The
great supply of hardwoods in the High Point area contri
buted to a clustering of factories in the immediate
vicinity.
In 1913 the first Southern Furniture Exposition
was held in High Point.
^A. Gordon Foster, Report on A Tour of the United
States of America, p. 6.
136
TABLE 10
FURNITURE PRODUCTION 1890-1929
1890
City
N o . of
Employees
Firms
New York
Chicago
Grand Rapids
Philadelphia
Cincinnati
187
149
31
79
62
Value of
Production
6,491
7 ,706
4,347
2 ,589
3,134
12 ,922,290
12,540,215
5,638,916
4,812,913
4,208,974
6,760
7,843
6,236
1,032
1,759
13,246,405
12,344,510
7,494,607
2,849,734
1,547,305
11,097
9,878
7,854
5,533
1,134
20,512,384
19,438,816
12,629,524
3,486,869
1,494,385
18,370
12,862
12,036
15,609
57,571,060
54,009,287
36,213,310
27,012,621
1900
New York
Chicago
Grand Rapids
Boston
North Carolina
187
114
34
50
44
1910
Chicago
New York
Grand Rapids
North Carolina
Boston
202
406
54
117
64
1929
Chicago
New York
Grand Rapids
North Carolina
Source:
316
622
72
146
U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census, Census of Manufacturers, 1890-1929
(Washington, b.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office).
137
Boston faded as a production center and North
Carolina steadily rose.
New York, Chicago, and Grand
Rapids were the top three centers.
Although Grand Rapids
never was number one in the number of firms, employees,
or the value of production, it was a top producer.
For a
small city it was little short of amazing that production
reached such great proportions
(Figure 15).^
The local
population was low compared to that of New York and Chicago.
Thus, a large internal market did not exist.
The size of
the factories in Grand Rapids were substantially larger
than those of New York or Chicago.
In 1929, 72 factories
in Grand Rapids employed nearly as many men as 622
factories in New York.
Workers
City firms drew craftsmen from many foreign coun
tries.
From 1690 to 1929, hundreds of skilled European
workers came to Grand Rapids.
workers.
Not all were initially wood
But, they were conscientious people whose skills
were easily transferable to furniture making.
These
immigrants were attracted to the city by the furniture
industry, good land, relatives, and the dominant religion
of the community.
The high standards of the industry were
^The distribution of factories in 1929 still showed
the affects of early location close to the river and the
once present canals.
However, factories were more widely
dispersed than in 18B1. This dispersal was made possible
by the railroad.
138
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