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I
i

77-18,481
GASTON, Juanita, 1947__
THE CHANGING RESIDENTIAL PATTERN OF BLACKS IN
BATTLE CREEK, MICHIGAN: A STUDY IN
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY.
Michigan State University, Ph.D., 1977
Social Geography

Xerox University M icrofilm s t A nn Arbor, M ic h ig a n 4 8 1 0 6

THE C H A N G I N G R E S I D E N T I A L PATTERN OF BLACKS
IN B A T T L E CREEK, MICHIGAN:
A STUDY IN
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY
By
J u a n i t a Gaston

A DISSERTATION
S u b m i t t e d to
Mi c h i g a n State U n i v e r s i t y
in p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m e n t of the r e q u i r e m e n t s
for the degree of
D O C T O R OF P H I L O S O P H Y
D e p a r t m e n t of G e o g r a p h y

1976

ABSTRACT
THE CHANGING RESIDENTIAL PATTERN OF BLACKS
IN B A T T L E CREEK, M I C H I G A N :
A S T U D Y IN
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

By
Juanita Gaston

In r e c e n t years,
on b l a c k A m e r i c a n s
studies have

the n u m b e r of g e o g r a p h i c a l s t u d i e s

has i n c r e a s e d t r e m e ndously.

f o c u s e d on the s p a t i a l

tion of b l a c k com m u n i t i e s ,
m e n t of b l a c k c o m m u n i t i e s
or

with even

Howeve r ,

few

d e v e l o p m e n t and f o r m a ­
fewer o n the d e v e l o p ­

in s m a l l s i z e d c i t i e s of 50, 0 0 0

less.
This

of b l a c k s

study examines

in B a t t l e Creek,

and migration of blacks

the c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n
Michi g a n .

to B a t t l e Cr e e k

changing residential patterns
period.
nomic

This,

in turn,

f orces b e h i n d

T h e gene s i s ,

growth,

as r e f l e c t e d in the

are e x a m i n e d o v e r a 90 y e a r

invo l v e s

t r a c i n g the s o c i a l a n d e c o ­

the m i g r a t i o n

and s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s

in

different periods.
The

"Dagwood Sandwich"

a p p r o a c h in h i s t o r i c a l g e o g ­

raphy is u t i l i z e d in an a t t e m p t to d e s c r i b e a n d e x p l a i n the
s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n .
in the a p p r o a c h w a s
p i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l
decades between

The

fi r s t s t e p

to e s t a b l i s h a h i s t o r y of c h a n g e b y m a p ­
l o c a t i o n of b l a c k f a m i l i e s

1850 and 19 30.

for the n i n e

The s e c o n d s t e p w a s to d e s c r i b e

J u a n i t a Ga s t o n

the p a t t e r ns a n d analyze the p r o c e s s e s creating the patterns.
The study relied hea v i l y upon m a n u s c r i p t censuses a n d city
d i r e c t o r i e s to identify b l a c k households.
B e c a u s e of changes in social and e c o n o m i c condi t i o n s
in B a t t l e Creek,

the residential patt e r n s w e r e t e m p o r a r i l y

d i v i d e d into three parts:

the 1850 to 1870 p e r i o d — an era

of rapid i n - m i g r a t i o n of blacks,
states to the p i o n e e r village;

ma i n l y from the b o r d e r

the 1880 to 1900 p e r i o d — an

e r a of m a r k e d increase in e c o n o m i c gr o w t h and low in-migration
of blacks;

and 1900 to 1 9 3 0 — an era of rapid u r b a n i z a t i o n and

c o n c o m i t a n t heavy in- m i g r a t i o n of s o u t h e r n blacks to Ba t t l e
Creek.
C a r t o g r a p h i c analysis reveals that the r e s i d ent i a l
pa t t e r n s of bl a c k s w e r e d i s p e r s e d during the three periods.
However,

in the 1900 to 19 30 period,

ing i n c r e a s i n g l y clustered.

the patt e r n s w e r e b e c o m ­

Spatial assimilation,

was the p r ocess b y w h i c h the spatial patte r n s w e r e
The p r i n c i pal

seemingly,
formed.

factors w o r k i n g to produce the spatial d i s t r i b u ­

tion of b l acks in Battle Creek w e r e a c c e s s i b i l i t y to so urces
of jobs,

low income housing,

and to a lesser degree,

and f r i e n d ship ties, and gr o u p identification.

kinship

A f t e r 1910,

racial d i s c r i m i n a t i o n b e c a m e an important factor in the r e s i ­
dential p a t t e r n of blacks.
nants w e r e

imposed,

W h i l e no formal re s t r i c t i v e c o v e ­

it b e c a m e incr e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t for

b l a c k s to p u r c h a s e h o u s i n g outside of cert a i n areas.
The data indicate that the forces w h i c h cre a t e d and
ch a n g e d the res i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of blacks

in Ba t t l e Creek,

Juanita Gaston

a small s i z e d city,

as o p p o s e d to m e t r o p o l i t a n c i t i e s , w e r e

d i f f e r e n t in degree rather than kind.

Bec a u s e of the low

m a g n i t u d e of blacks in the city from 1850 to W o r l d W a r I,
b l a c k s w e r e w i d e l y d i s p e r s e d t h r o ughout the city;
r e s i d e n t i a l cl u s t e r i n g
migration.

i n t e n s i f i e d in r e s p o n s e to rapid in-

These stages in the d e v e l o p m e n t of r e s i d enti a l

areas w e r e e x p e r i e n c e d in other cities,
Michigan,

later

Chicago,

tion a few,

Detroit,

e. g . , Lansing,

a n d Seattle Washington,

to m e n ­

at a much e a r l i e r p e r i o d in the d e v e l o p m e n t of

these cities,

d e p e n d i n g on the size of the city and the m a g ­

n i t u d e of the b l a c k population.

In fact, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n

of L a n s i n g and Seattle w h i c h d e v e l o p e d b l a c k areas a few
years

later,

a g h e t t o p a t t e r n h a d e m e r g e d by 19 30,

and the

p r o c e s s of "invasion and s u c c e s s i o n ” h a d been clearly

identi­

fied as the m o d e of e x p a n s i o n of the b l a c k res i d e n t i a l areas.
B attle C r e e k w a s in the e m b r y o n i c stage of g h e t t o d e v e l o p m e n t
d uring the last decade of this study.

To M y Family

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Several

individuals have a s s i s t e d me in the p r e p a r a ­

tion of this study,
Jacobson,

the c h a i r m a n of my committee,

sincere gratitude.
concern,

and to t h e m I am grateful.

To Dr.

Daniel

I w i s h to express m y

I a m indebted to h i m for his patience,

and guidance in h e l p i n g me pre p a r e this dissert a t i o n

A special w o r d of thanks
m y committee,

Dr.

is also e x t e n d e d to the members of

L a w r e n c e Sommers,

Dr.

M a n s o n w h o s u b s t i t u t e d for Dr. Matley,

Ian Matley,
and Dr.

Dr.

Gary

James McKee

for t h e i r c o n s e n t i n g to serve and for their helpfulness.
I w i s h to p a r t i c u l a r l y thank the citizens of Ba t t l e
C r e e k — too many,

unfortunately,

for the individual ackn o w l e d g

m e n t they d e s e r v e - - f o r their c o o p e r a t i o n and support.
A d di t i o n a l l y ,

I gratefully acknowledge

funds

the C e n t e r for Urban Affa i r s Mini G r a n t 11-7413.

from

TABLE OF CONTENTS

L I S T OF T A B L E S .............................................

Page
Vi

L I S T O F F I G U R E S ...........................................

vii

Chapter
I.

INTRODUCTION

.......................................

1

B a c k g r o u n d to the S t u d y ..................
1
S t a t e m e n t of the P r o b l e m .....................
3
R e l a t e d L i t e r a t u r e .............................
4
H y p o t h e s e s ...................................
12
A r e a an d P e r i o d of S t u d y ..................
13
Me t h o dology, Procedure, a n d D a t a S o u r c e s .
.
15
O r g a n i z a t i o n o f the S t u d y ................
22
II.

G E O G R A P H I C A L P E R S P E C T I V E S ON THE H I S T O R Y
OF
BLACKS IN M I C H I G A N ............................

24

P r e s t a t e h o o d Period:
1700-1837..... .........
The F o r m a t i v e Years:
1837-1910..... .........
M i g r a t i o n a n d Urban Growth:
1910-1930 . . .
III.

B L A CKS IN B A T T L E CREEK, M I C H I G A N

...............

O r i g i n of Ba t t l e Creek ........................
Black B e g i n n i n g s in B a t t l e C r e e k .... .........
G r o w t h of B l a c k Population:
1860-1900 . . .
E a r l y T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y Growth: 1910-1930
.
O r i g i n s of the Black P o p u l a t i o n of
Ba t t l e C r e e k ..................................
IV.

THE R E S I D E N T I A L PATTERNS:
The 1850
The 1880
The 1910

V.

to
to
to

1850-1930

..........

24
30
42
48
49
53
57
64
65
71

1870 P e r i o d ......................
72
1900 P e r i o d ......................
90
1930 P e r i o d ......................... 109

S U M MARY A N D C O N C L U S I O N S ......................... 138

APPENDIX A
B a t t l e Creek, Michigan, B u s i n e s s District,
M i c h i g a n Avenue, 1862
iv

14 3

Pa g e
APPENDIX B
B a t t l e Creek, Michigan, L o o k i n g W e s t from
C o r n e r of J e f f e r s o n {Capital Avenue) and
M a i n (Michigan Avenue) ,ca., 1868 .............

144

APPENDIX C
B a t t l e Creek, Michigan, N o r t h J e f f e r s o n St r e e t
(N. E. Cap i t a l Avenue) ,1869

145

APPENDIX D
B a t t l e Creek, Michigan, E a s t M i c h i g a n Avenue,
L o o k i n g West, ca. , 1872 .........................
B I B L I O G R A P H Y ................

146
147

V

L I S T OF T A B L E S

Table
1.

B l a c k P o p u l a t i o n of M i c h i g a n ,

1810 to 19 30

. . .

31

G r o w t h o f B l a c k P o p u l a t i o n o f B a t t l e Creek,
M i c h i g a n , 1850 to 1930 .............................

59

3.

P o p u l a t i o n of B a t t l e Creek,

78

4.

P e r c e n t a g e o f H e a d s o f H o u s e h o l d s P r e s e n t in
B a t t l e C r e e k at the S t a r t o f S e l e c t e d Years,
1850 - 1930
.........................................

86

P o p u l a t i o n o f B a t t l e Creek,

b y Ward,

18 84

. . .

96

P o p u l a t i o n o f B a t t l e Creek,

b y Ward,

189 4

. . .

103

P o p u l a t i o n of B a t t l e Creek,

b y Ward,

19 04

. . .

118

2

.

Page

5.
6

.

7.

by Ward,

1870

. . .

L I S T OF F I G U R E S

Figure

Page

1.

P e r c e n t Blacks

b y County, 1840

..................

35

2.

P e r c e n t Blacks

b y County, 1860

..................

41

3.

P e r c e n t Blacks

b y County, 1930

..................

47

4.

L o c a t i o n of Study

5.

O r i g i n s of Black P o p u l a t i o n of B a t t l e C r e e k by
Regions, 1850 - 1860 .............................

68

O r i g i n s of B l a c k P o p u l a t i o n of B a t t l e Creek by
Regions, 1870 - 1900 .............................

69

D i s t r i b u t i o n of Black Households, B a t t l e Creek,
M i chigan, 1850 ....................................

74

D i s t r i b u t i o n of B l a c k Households, B a t t l e Creek,
Michigan, 1860 ....................................

77

D i s t r i b u t i o n of B l a c k Households, B a t t l e Creek,
M i chigan, 1870 ....................................

30

P e r s i s t e n c e of Black Households, Battle Creek,
M i c h i g a n , 1870 ....................................

89

D i s t r i b u t i o n of B l a c k Households, B a t t l e Creek,
M i chigan,.1880 ....................................

92

D i s t r i b u t i o n of B l a c k Households, B a t t l e Creek,
M i chigan,.1890 ....................................

98

6.
7.

8

.

9.
10.
11.
12.

Area:

B a t t l e Creek, M i c h i g a n

50

13.

D i s t r i b u t i o n of B l a c k Households, B a t t l e Creek,
105
Michigan, 1900 ....................................

14.

P e r s i s t e n c e o f B l a c k Households, Ba t t l e Creek,
Michigan, 1880 ....................................

110

15.

P e r s i s t e n c e of B l a c k Households, Ba t t l e Creek,
M i chigan, 1890 ...................................... Ill

16.

P e r s i s t e n c e of B l a c k Households, Ba t t l e Creek,
Michigan, 1900 ....................................
vii

112

Figure

Page

17.

P e r s i stence of Black H o u s e h o l d s , B a t t l e Creek,
Michigan,..1 9 1 0 ...................................... 115

18.

P e r s i s t e n c e o f Black Households, B a t t l e Creek,
Michigan,..1 9 1 8 ...................................... 116

19.

P e r s i s t e n c e of Black Households, Ba t t l e Creek,
Michigan,..1930 ...................................

117

D i s t r i b u t i o n of Black Households, B a t t l e Creek,
Michigan, 1 9 1 0 ......................................

119

20.
21.

D i s t r i b u t i o n of B l a c k Households, B a t t l e Creek,
M ichigan, 1 9 1 8 ...................................... 125

22.

D i s t r i b u t i o n of Black Households, B a t t l e Creek,
Michigan, 1930 ...................................

viii

130

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION
Background to the Study
In recent years social scientists,
geographers,

in particular,

in general,

and

have b e c o m e i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n c e r n ­

e d w i t h p r o b l e m s of b l a c k s ^ in the urban areas of America.
The e m i g r a t i o n of b l a c k s from the South,

and the c o n c o m m i t a n t

formation and ra p i d e x p a n s i o n of the b l a c k gh e t t o and its
a s s o c i a t e d prob l e m s have m a d e such i n v e s t i g a t i o n s necessary.
T h e p r i m a r y foci o f the r e s e a r c h h a v e b e e n on:
2
to urban m i gration,
(2 ) residential mobility,
3
s e g r e g a t i o n and g h e t t o formation,
(3) bl a c k

(1)

rural

residential

^The terms Negro and Black will be used interchange­
ably in this study to refer to Americans of African descent.
2

C.
H o r a c e Hamilton, "The N e g r o Leaves the South,"
D e m o g r a p h y 1 (1964):
278; D o r o t h y K. Newman, "The N e g r o ' s
J o u r n e y to the City - P a r t I, M o n t h l y L a b o r Review 8 8 (May
1965):
18-34; Eu n i c e G r i e r and G e o r g e Grier, "The N e g r o
Migration:
II," H o u s i n g Y e a r b o o k (1962), pp. 17-20; Paul F.
Coe, " N o n w h ite P o p u l a t i o n I n c r e a s e s in M e t r o p o l i t a n Are a s , "
Journal o f the A m e r i c a n S t a t i s t i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n 50 (June 1955):
283-363".
^Charles S. Johnson, P a t t e r n s of N e g r o S e g r e g a t i o n
(New York:
H a r p e r and Row, 1943); Rob e r t C. Weaver, The N e g r o
G h e t t o (New York:
H a r c o u r t Br a c e Jovanovich, I n c . , 1948);
St. C l a i r Drake and Ho r a c e Clayton, B l a c k M e t r o p o l i s (New York:
H a r p e r a n d Row, 1962); Ro b e r t E. F o r m a n , B l a c k G h e t t o s , W h i t e
Ghettos, and Slums (Englewood Cliffs, N e w Jersey:
Prentice
H a l l , I n c . , 1971); E r n e s t W. Burgess, " R e s i d e n t i a l S e g r e g a t i o n
in A m e r i c a n C i t i e s ,H An n a l s of the A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y of P o l i t i ­
cal a n d S o c i a l S c i e n c e 146 (November 1928):
105-ll5;
R e y n o l d s F a r l e y , " T h e C h a n g i n g D i s t r i b u t i o n of N e g r o e s w i t h i n
1

2

lifestyles,

4

and

(4) social h i s t o r i e s of b l a c k communities.

5

In spite of the va st research dea l i n g w i t h black
America,

little is k n o w n a bout the spatial d e v e l o p m e n t and

f o r m ation of b l a c k com m u n i t i e s

in s m a l l - s i z e d cities

(popula­

tion <50,000) . M u c h of the r e s e a r c h on b l a c k c o m m u n i t i e s has
b e e n f o c u s e d on the larger m e t r o p o l i t a n cities:
Chicago, W a s h i n g t o n ,
a few,

D.

C . , Cleveland,

Detroit,

a n d Atlanta,

and to a lesser e x t e n t m e d i u m - s i z e d cities,

Lansing,

to m e n t i o n
such as

M i chigan, A n n Arbor, M i c h i g a n , and Jackson, M i s s i s s i p p i . 6

Th e s e cities,

for the m o s t part, b e i n g w i t h i n the m o s t i n d u s ­

t r i a l i z e d r egions of the U n i t e d States,
g e s t n u m e r i c a l in f l u x of blacks.

e x p e r i e n c e d the l a r ­

C o n v e rsely,

the s m a l l - s i z e d

cities, w h i l e e x p e r i e n c i n g small a b s o l u t e b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n i n ­
creases, h a v e e x p e r i e n c e d p r o p o r t i o n a l l y
b l a c k p o p u l ation,

large i n c r e a s e s

in

b u t have r e c e i v e d c o m p a r a b l y little a t t e n ­

tion from geographers.
M e t r o p o l i t a n Areas:
The E m e r g e n c e of B l a c k S u b u r b s , ” Ame r i c a n
J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y (January 1970):
512-529; O. D. D u n c a n
and B e v e r l y Duncan, The N e g r o P o p u l a t i o n of C h i c a g o (Chicago:
U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1957).
4
E d w a r d C. Banfield, The U n h e a v e n l y C i t y : T h e N a t u r e
an d F u t u r e of o u r Urban Cr i s e s (Boston:
Little, Brown, and
Company, 1976);
D a n i e 1 P . Moynihan, "Employment, Income, and
the O rdeal of the N e g r o Family," D a e d a l u s 94 (Fall 1965);
768-69; and U. S. D e p a r t m e n t o f Labor, The N e g r o Family:
The
Case for N a t i o n a l A c t i o n (Washington, D. C . : U. S. G o v e r n m e n t
P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1965).
5

J o h n W. B l a s s i n g a m e . B l a c k N e w O r l e a n s 1 8 6 0 -1880
(Chicago:
The U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o Press, 1973);
James
W e l d o n J o h nson, B l a c k M a n h a t t a n (New York:
A r n o Press a n d N e w
Y o r k Times, 1930T1 and A l l a n H. Spear, B l a c k Chicago:
The
Makincf of a N e g r o G h e t t o 1890- 1 9 2 0 (Chicago:
The University
o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1967).
^ R a lph A. San d e r s a n d J o h n S. Adams, "Age S t r u c t u r e
E x p a n d i n g G h e t t o - S p a c e : Cleveland, Ohio, 1940-1965,"

in

3

W h i l e k n o w l e d g e of blacks
portant,

in m e t r o p o l i t a n areas is i m ­

d e t a i l e d case stu d i e s o n b l a c k s in small cities are

n e e d e d — n o t o n l y for future city p l a n n i n g and d e v e l o p m e n t —
b u t to fill gaps in o u r k n o w l e d g e on h o w and w h y b l a c k c o m ­
m u n i t i e s f o r m and how they change o v e r time.
of b l a c k c o m m u n i t i e s

Further,

s t u dies

in the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y are needed,

if

we are to u n d e r s t a n d the p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the b l a c k experience.
Hence,

it is the p u r p o s e of this s t u d y to e x t e n d k n o w l ­

edge on the spatial d y n a m i c s of b l a c k r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s in
s m a l l - s i z e d cities.
S t a t e m e n t of the P r o b l e m
The study e x a m i n e s the genesis,

growth,

migration,

and

r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of b l a c k s in B a t t l e Creek, M i c h i g a n b e t w e e n
1850 a n d 19 30.

This,

in turn,

i n v o l v e s tracing the social a n d

e c o n o m i c forces b e h i n d the m i g r a t i o n a n d s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s
in d i f f e r e n t periods.
S p e c i f i c r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s to be a n s w e r e d are:
W h o w e r e the first b l a c k s to come to B a t t l e C r e e k ?

(1)

(2) W h e r e

S o u t h e a s t e r n G e o g r a p h e r 11 (November 1971):
121-132; D o n a l d
Rl Deskins, J r . , R e s i d e n t i a l M o b i l i t y of N e g r o e s in D e t r o i t ,
1 8 3 7 - 1 9 6 5 (Ann A r b o r : U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, G e o g r a p h i c a l
P u b l i c a t i o n No. 5, 1972); D a v i d R a l p h Meyer, S p a t i a l V a r i a t i o n
of B l a c k U r b y H o u s e h o l d s (Chicago:
T h e U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago,
D e p a r t m e n t of Geography, R e s e a r c h P a p e r No. 129, 1970): S t a n l e y
B r u n n and W a y n e L. Hoffman, "The S p a t i a l R e s p o n s e of N e g r o e s
a n d W h i t e s T o w a r d O p e n Housing:
The Flint Referendum," Annals
of the A s s o c i a t i o n of A m e r i c a n G e o g r a p h e r s 60 (March 1970):
T8
36; D o n a l d Deskins, J r . , "Negro S e t t l e m e n t in A n n Arbor" (M. A.
thesis. U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, 1963); G e o r g e W. Carey, L e n o r e
M acomber, a nd M. Greenberg, "Ed u c a t i o n a l a n d D e m o g r a p h i c F a c ­
tors in the U r b a n G e o g r a p h y of W a s h i n g t o n , D.C.," G e o g r a p h i c a l
R e v i e w 58 (October 1968):
515-537; and W a l t e r C. F a r r e l l , J r . ,
" I n t e r u r b a n M o b i l i t y a n d E n v i r o n m e n t a l P e r c e p t i o n in a B l a c k
M i d d l e C l a s s Ghetto:
A C a s e S t u d y in Flint, M i c h i g a n " (Ph.D.
d i s s e r t a t i o n, M i c h i g a n S t a t e Uni v e r s i t y , 1974).

4

did t h e y come from?

(3) W h a t w a s the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t ­

tern of b l a c k s in B a t t l e Creek?

(4) W h a t changes h a v e taken

pl a c e in the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of b l a c k s in B a t t l e C r e e k
fr o m 1850 to 1930?

(5)

H o w do these s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s

fit

w i t h i n the g e n e r a l f r a m e w o r k of the areal d e v e l o p m e n t a n d e x ­
p a n s i o n of B a t t l e Creek?

(6 ) W h a t are the factors,

both in­

ternal and external, w h i c h have i n f l u e n c e d the p a t t e r n s ? a n d
(7) H o w p e r s i s t e n t w a s the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y from 1850 to 1930?

7

Related Literature
A l t h o u g h m a n y g e o g r a p h i c a l studies have b e e n m a d e on
Q
blacks,

the spatial p a t t e r n a n d s t r u c t u r e of b l a c k r e s i d e n ­

tial areas h a v e n o t r e c e i v e d a d e q u a t e attention.

Hence,

this

li t e r a t u r e r e v i e w w i l l e n c o m p a s s studies c o n d u c t e d in g e o g r a p h y
a n d o t h e r d i s c i p l i n e s on the d e v e l o p m e n t and f o r m a t i o n o f b l a c k
commu n i t i e s .

This w i l l

include studies on r e s i d e n t i a l c h a n g e

of e t h n i c g ro u p s in ur b a n areas;
g h e t t o formation;

r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n and

and so c i a l h i s t o r y of b l a c k communities.

P e r s i s t e n c e is d e f i n e d as the p e r c e n t of b l a c k h o u s e ­
h o l d s r e a p p e a r i n g in s u b s e q u e n t m a n u s c r i p t cens u s e s o r c i t y
directories.
Q
F o r e x t e n s i v e b i b l i o g r a p h i e s on g e o g r a p h i c a l l i t e r a ­
ture on b l a c k A m e r i c a n s , see:
A l v a r W. Carlson, "A B i b l i o ­
g r a p h y o f the G e o g r a p h i c a l L i t e r a t u r e on the A m e r i c a n Negro,
1920-1971," V i r g i n i a G e o g r a p h e r 2 ( S p r i ng-Summer 1972); D o n a l d
R. Deskins, Jr., " G e o g r a p h i c a l L i t e r a t u r e o n the A m e r i c a n N e g r o
1949-1968:
A B i b l i o g r a p h y , " The P r o f e s s i o n a l G e o g r a p h e r 21
(May 1969): 146-148; O. F r e d D o n a l d s o n , " G e o g r a p h y a n d the
B l a c k A m e r i can:
The W h i t e P a p e r s a n d the I n v i s i b l e Man,"
T h e J o u r n a l of G e o g r a p h y 70 (March 1971):
138-149; and R o b e r t
T~. Ernst, wT h e G e o g r a p h l c a 1 L i t e r a t u r e of B l a c k America:
19491972:
A S e l e c t e d B i b l i o g r a p h y of Jou r n a l Articles, S e r i a l s
P u b l i c a t i o n s , T h e s e s and D i s s e r t a t i o n s , " C o u n c i l of P l a n n i n g
L i b r a r i a n s E x c h a n g e B i b l i o g r a p h y 4 9 2 , 197TI

5

Residential changes of ethnic groups in urban areas.
In 1969, J a k l e and W h e e l e r

g

u n d e r t o o k r e s e a r c h on the c h a n g i n g

r e s i d e n t i a l patt e r n s of the D u t c h in Kalamazoo,

Michigan.

In­

c o r p o r a t i n g the c o n c e p t of a c c u l t u r a t i o n in the study of the
o r i g i n a n d spatial e v o l u t i o n of the e t h n i c c o m m u n i t y in
Kalamazoo,

they a s c e r t a i n e d t h a t the Dutch w e r e i n i t i a l l y d i s ­

p e r s e d t h r o u g h o u t the c i t y as a re s u l t of r a p i d accultur a t i o n .
L a t e r r e s i d e n t i a l c l u s t e r i n g d e v e l o p e d in r e s p o n s e to ra p i d
D u t c h i m m i g r a t i o n and a c c u l t u r a t i o n decreased.
stage,

In the final

the city's ethnic ghet t o s al m o s t d i s a p p e a r e d b e c a u s e

of the a c c u l t u r a t i o n of later g e n e r a t i o n s .
In 1964, M a c k u n s t u d i e d the c h a n g i n g p a t t e r n of P o l i s h
s e t t l e m e n t in the g r e a t e r D e t r o i t are a . * ®
tories as sources for his data,

Using city direc­

he r e c r e a t e d the o r i g i n a l p a t ­

tern of P o l i s h s e t t l e m e n t a n d a n a l y z e d s u b s e q u e n t c h a n g e s o v e r
a 60 y e a r period.

He f o u n d that there w a s

a s t e a d i l y r i sing

rate of areal d i s p e r s i o n of P o l i s h h o u s e h o l d s a c c o m p a n i e d by
a h i g h d egree of c u l t u r e d assimilation.
M o r e recently,

two g e o g r a p h e r s h a v e

r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of blacks.

The

first,

f o c u s e d on the
by Meyer,

dealt

9

J o h n A. J a k l e a n d James O. Wheeler, "The C h a n g i n g
R e s i d e n t i a l S t r u c t u r e of the D u t c h P o p u l a t i o n in Kalamazoo,
M i c h i g a n , " A n n a l s of the A s s o c i a t i o n of A m e r i c a n G e o g r a p h e r s 59
(September 1969) , 441-4(50.
* ° S t a n l e y Mackun, "Changing P a t t e r n of P o l i s h S e t t l e ­
m e n t in G r e a t e r D e t r o i t Area, G e o g r a p h i c S t u d y of the A s s i m i ­
lation of an E t h n i c Group" (Ph. D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y
of Michigan, 1964).

6

wi t h the c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k s in Lansing,
M i c h i g a n f r o m 1850 to 1 9 6 9 . ^

He found that p r i o r to 1915,

blacks w e r e s p a t i a l l y a s s i m i l a t e d in Lansing.
influx of b l a c k s

in the p o s t w a r years,

ing intensified,

and by 1950,

Lansing.

residential cluster­

a g h e t t o h a d e m e r g e d in W e s t

I nvasion and s u c c e s s i o n was i d e n t i f i e d as the mode

of e x p a n s i o n of the ghetto.
pattern,

W i t h the large

In the final stage of the s p a t i a l

the g h e t t o d e c l i n e d slig h t l y as some of the b l a c k

p o p u l a t i o n i n v o l u n t a r i l y d i s p e r s e d into r e l o c a t i o n sites n e a r
the o u t s k i r t s of Lansing.
In a simi l a r study,

M c K e e s t u d i e d the r e s i d e n t i a l pat-

terns of b l a c k s in seven M i s s i s s i p p i cities.

12

He h y p o t h e s i z e d

that b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s in the p r e - C i v i l W a r ci t i e s of Natchez,
Vicksburg,

Columbia,

and G r e e n v i l l e w o u l d be less s e g r e g a t e d

and m o r e s p a t i a l l y s c a t t e r e d than in the p o s t - C i v i l W a r cities
of Hattie s b urg,
tain social,

Laurel,

and M e r i d i a n p r i m a r i l y b e c a u s e of c e r ­

economic^ a n d p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h

a p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l tradition.
being substantiated,

In addi t i o n to his h y p o t h e s i s

he c o n c l u d e d that

(1 ) d i s p l a c e m e n t of

b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s r a t h e r them i n v a s i o n by b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s on
a b l o c k b a s i s w a s the g e n e r a l t e n d e n c y in small M i s s i s s i p p i
cities.

(2) C r e e k s a n d r a i l r o a d tracts w e r e m o r e d i v i s i v e as

11D o u g l a s K. Meyer, "The C h a n g i n g N e g r o R e s i d e n t i a l
Pa ttern in Lansing, Michigan, 1850-1969" (Ph*.D. dissertat i o n ,
M i c h i g a n State University, 1970).
12
J e s s e O. McKee, "The R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n of Bl a c k s
in N a t c h e z a n d H a t t i e s b u r g and O t h e r Mississippi Cities" (Ph.D.
di s s ertation, M i c h i g a n State University, 1972) .

7
r e s i d e n t i a l b a r r i e r s to areal e x p a n s i o n o f b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s in
p o s t - C i v i l W a r than in p r e - C i v i l W a r cities.

3) The b l a c k r e s i ­

dential areas g e n e r a l l y star t e d f r o m a n d p r e s e n t l y c o n t a i n m u l ­
tiple core c e n t e r s rat h e r than just one g h e t t o core.

And

(4),

the h i s t o r i c a l time p e r i o d w i t h its a s s o c i a t e d cultu r a l p r o c ­
esses t o g e t h e r w i t h the orig i n a l g e o g r a p h i c a l site and s i t u a ­
tion of the city w e r e two of the m o s t critical e x p l a n a t o r y f a c ­
tors .
F o r m a t i o n of G h e t t o s . A n o t h e r as p e c t of r e s e a r c h p e r t i n ­
ent

to

u n d e r s t a n d i n g the r e s i d ential p a t t e r n of b l a c k s in Battle

C r e e k is t h at p e r t a i n i n g to ghettos.
the a f o r e m e n t i o n e d c a t e g o r y overlap,

A l t h o u g h this sec t i o n and
they are,

to some extent,

s u f f i c i e n t l y d i s t i n c t so that they m a y be t r e a t e d separately.

The focal point of the research on ghettos has been on the ex­
pansion of the ghetto.
B l a c k r e s i d e n t i a l patt e r n s have b e e n
gists of the U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o since the

s t u d i e d by s o c i o l o ­
e a r l y 1 9 2 0 's.

Thus it is fitting to m e n t i o n one s i g n i f i c a n t w o r k o n the s p a ­
tial a s p e c t of b l a c k r e s i dences

in a central city.

In 1957,

D uncan a n d Du n c a n c o n d u c t e d a study on the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n o f
Chicago.

13

T h e y found that the gen e r a l o u t l i n e s of the b l a c k

c o m m u n i t y w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d by 1920.

By 1950,

o v e r 50% of the

b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n r e s i d e d in census tracts o v e r 95% black.

The

m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n of the Duncans w a s the d e v e l o p m e n t of an
I n v a s i o n a n d S u c c e s s i o n model,
tration,

Invasion,
13

of C h i c a g o

i n c o r p o r a t i n g four stages

C o n s o l i d a t i o n a n d Pi l i n g Up)

{Pene­

in the process.

O t i s Dun c a n and B e v e r l y Duncan, The N e g r o P o p u l a t i o n
(Chicago:
U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o Press, 1957), pi $5.

8

Developing models, a few geographers have attempted to
s im ulate the p a t t e r n of ghetto expansion.

O n e of the p i o n e e r s

in g e o g r a p h y o f the g h e t t o was R i c h a r d Morrill.
traced the o r i g i n of the b l a c k ghetto,
petuate it,

a n d e v a l u a t e d p r o p osals

In 1965,

he

e x a m i n e d forces that per-

for c o n t r o l l i n g the ghetto.

14

A s i m u l a t e d m odel of g h e t t o e x p a n s i o n as a spa t i a l d i f f u s i o n
process i n t o s u r r o u nding w h i t e areas was d e v e l o p e d and tested
in the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y of Seattle,
p r e j u d i c e of w h i t e s a g a i n s t blacks,

Washington.

F o r c e s suc h as

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of blacks,

d i s c r i m i n a t i o n b y real e s t a t e i n d u s t r y and a s s o c i a t e d f i n a n c i a l
institutions,

and legal and g o v e r n m e n t a l b a r r i e r s w e r e i d e n t i ­

fied as s u s t a i n i n g the ghetto.

He c o n c l u d e d that the g h e t t o e x ­

p a n d e d by a s patial d i f f u s i o n p r o c e s s via b l o c k b y b l o c k t r a n s i ­
tion.

Three crucial

factors w e r e i d e n t i f i e d for the transition:

(1 ) p r o x i m i t y of the ghetto,
whites,

and

(2 ) p r o p o r t i o n s of w h i t e s a n d n o n ­

(3) p r e p a r a t i o n of the n e i g h b o r h o o d for a c c e p t a n c e

of N e g r o entrance.
C r i t i c i z i n g the d i f f u s i o n c o n c e p t in M o r r i l l ' s model.
Rose c o n s t r u c t e d an a l t e r n a t i v e m o d e l in 1970 in w h i c h he e m ­
p h a s i z e d "Negro search behavior"
segregation."

15

and "white p r o p e n s i t y for de-

U s i n g a m o d e l w i t h demographic, producer,

c o n s u m e r components,

and

he found that a d e f i c i e n c y in some b a s i c

a ss u m p t i o n s c a u s e d u n d e r p r e d i c t i o n in the h o u s i n g market,
^ R i c h a r d L. Morrill, "The N e g r o Ghetto:
P r o b l e m s and
A l t e r n a t i v e s , " T h e G e o g r a p h i c a l R e v i e w 55 (July 1965):
339361.
15
H a r o l d M. Rose, "The D e v e l o p m e n t of an U r b a n S u b s y s ­
tem:
The C a s e of the N e g r o G h e t t o , " A n n a l s of the A s s o c i a t i o n
of A m e r i c a n G e o g r a p h e r s 60 (March 1970):
1-17.

9

e s p e c i a l l y n e a r e s t the g h e t t o edge,
f a r t h e s t r e m o v e d from the ghetto.
tions are corrected.

a n d o v e r p r e d i c t i o n in a r e a s
G i v e n that c e r t a i n a s s u m p ­

Rose n o t e d that the m o d e l m i g h t be e m p l o y ­

e d to d e s c r i b e the proc e s s of g h e t t o development.
In 1972 Sands e x a m i n e d the g r o w t h of the D e t r o i t g h e t t o
and some of the forces w h i c h have i n f l u e n c e d i t . T r a c i n g
e v o l u t i o n of the g h e t t o since 1940,
and 1950,

the

he found that b e t w e e n 1940

the d o u b l i n g of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n m a d e the g e o ­

g r a p h i c e x p a n s i o n of n o n w h i t e areas

inevitable.

The 196 0 -1969

increase in p o p u l a t i o n w a s a c c o m m o d a t e d by i n c r e a s i n g the d e n ­
sities in the e s t a b l i s h e d ghetto.
generally,

he found little change

O v e r the forty y e a r span,
in the e s s e n t i a l n a t u r e of

the ghetto.
In the same volume,
political boundary

H a a k e a n a l y z e d the e f f e c t of a

(that s e p a r a t i n g H i g h l a n d P a r k f r o m Detroit)

on the e x p a n s i o n of a g h e t t o area.
and b l o c k statistics,

17

U t i l i z i n g census

tract

he found that the p o l i t i c a l b o u n d a r y d e ­

layed g h e t t o e x p a n s i o n in a p a r t i c u l a r direction.
A s i m i l a r st u d y w a s c o n d u c t e d b y H o d g a r t on the s p atial
e x p a n s i o n of the b l a c k n e i g h b o r h o o d in C l e v e l a n d ,

Ohio.

18

The

1(*Gary Sands, '‘G h e t t o D e v e l o p m e n t in Detroit" in R o b e r t
D. S w a r t z e t al., e d s . , M e t r o p o l i t a n America:
Geographic Per­
s p e c t i v e s a nd T e a c h i n g S t r a t e g i e s (Oak Park:
National Council
for G e o g r a p h i c Education, 1972):
175-198.
17
J o h n H. Haake, " P o l i t i c a l F r a g m e n t a t i o n and the G r o w t h
of B l a c k R e s i d e n t i a l Areas:
The Case of H i g h l a n d Park," Idem,
M e t r o p o l i t a n A m e r i c a , pp. 199-215.
18

R o b e r t T. Hodgart, "The Pro c e s s of E x p a n s i o n of the
N e g r o G h e t t o in C i t i e s of the N o r t h e r n U n i t e d States:
A Case
Study of C l eveland, Ohio"
(M.A. thesis, P e n n s y l v a n i a State
University, 1968).

10

speci f i c r ese a r c h q u e s t i o n was:

"Is it p o s s i b l e to d i s c e r n

the p a t t e r n of e x p a n s i o n of a N e g r o g h e t t o any tend e n c y

in

to e x ­

p a n d m o r e r a p i d l y into cer t a i n types o f w h i t e n e i g h b o r h o o d s
than o t h ers?"

The study c o v e r e d the y e a r s 19*20 to 1965, w i t h

1920-65 b e i n g s t u d i e d c a r t o g r a p h i c a l l y a n d 1950-60 s t u d i e d m o r e
i n t e n s i v e l y w i t h the q u a n t i t a t i v e

t e c h n i q u e of fac t o r analysis.

He f o u n d the role of J e w i s h a n d N o n - J e w i s h i m m i g r a n t c o m m u n i t i e s
in d e t e r m i n i n g the l o c a t i o n of g h e t t o e x p a n s i o n to be v e r y s i g ­
nificant:
munities

J e w i s h c o m m u n i t i e s — g h e t t o expansion;
(especially Italian,

Hungarian,

c l a s s ) — r e t a r d a t i o n of gh e t t o expansion.
be i m p o r t a n t in g h e t t o expansion,

non Jewish com­

and Polish working
He fo u n d p r o x i m i t y to

"but indic a t e s t h a t the p r o c ­

ess of g h e t t o e x p a n s i o n is m u c h m o r e c o m p l e x than a s i m p l e one
of p e r i p h e r a l accretion.

To u n d e r s t a n d its l o c a t i o n a l p a t t e r n

it has to be c o n s i d e r e d as an u p w a r d social d i f f u s i o n p r o c e s s as
well as an o u t w a r d s p a t i a l d i f f u s i o n process."

The i n t e n s i v e

s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of 1950-60 p e r i o d w a s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the
g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n s d e r i v e d f r o m c a r t o g r a p h i c a n a l y s i s o f the
1 920-1965 period.
In 1973 u s i n g census tr a c t data,
A m e r i c a n s in Pittsburgh,

Darden examined Afro-

P e n n s y l v a n i a f r o m 19 30 to 1970.

19

W h i l e h i s s t u d y c o n t a i n e d a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n on the d e v e l o p m e n t
of P i t t s b u r g h ' s b l a c k community,
search were

the m a i n o b j e c t i v e s of h i s r e ­

to m e a s u r e the spatial d i m e n s i o n s a n d s p a t i a l d y ­

na m i c s of r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n and to i d e n t i f y e c o n o m i c a n d
19

J o e T. Darden, A f r o - A m e r i c a n s in Pittsburgh, T h e
R e s i d e n t i a l S e g r e g a t i o n oT' a P e o p l e (Toronto:
Lexington
--------------Books,

11

d i s c r i m i n a t o r y factors that i n f l u e n c e d the patterns.
ings r e v e a l e d that b e t w e e n

19 30 and 1970,

His

the r e s i d e n t i a l s e g ­

regation of b l a c k s in the city r e m a i n e d at a high level
o v e r 70%).

Ins t e a d of c o n t i n u o u s l y

he f o u n d an increase
75.7%);

to 70.5%).

(i.e.,

i n c r e a s i n g o v e r the period,

in s e g r e g a t i o n

f r om 1950 to 1970,

find­

from 1930 to 1950

there w a s a s l i g h t d e c r e a s e

(71.6% to
(75.7%

E c o n o m i c and d i s c r i m i n a t o r y fac t o r s w e r e f o u n d to

h a v e i n f l u e n c e d r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n o v e r the period.
S o cial h i s t o r y of b l a c k c o m m u n i t i e s .

A n u m b e r of w o r k s

have f o c u s e d on the social h i s t o r y of the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y in
large cities.
Osofsky,

T h e y i n c l u d e d DuBois,

Harlem,

The M a k i n g of a G h e t t o ; Drake and Clayton,

Black Metropolis:
Spear,

A Study of N e g r o Life in a N o r t h e r n City;

B l a c k Chicago:

and Katzman,

The P h i l a d e l p h i a N e g r o ;

The M a k i n g of a N e g r o G h e t t o 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 2 0 ,

D e t r o i t Before

the G h e t t o .

20

F o r the m o s t part,

these h i s t o r i a n s a n d s o c i o l o g i s t s have te n d e d to e m p h a s i z e the
h i s t o r y of settlement,

racial attitudes,

and e c o n o m i c a n d s o ­

cial c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h c o n t r i b u t e to the f o r m a t i o n of b l a c k
r e s i d e n t i a l areas.
In summary,

the li t e r a t u r e r e v i e w reveals

that v e r y

little r e s e a r c h has b e e n c o n d u c t e d on the spa t i a l p a t t e r n s o f
b l a c k r e s i d e n t i a l areas, w i t h even less d o n e on s m a l l - s i z e d
cities.

Also,

of time,

u s u a l l y a d e c a d e o r two.
20

m o s t o f the s t u d i e s h a v e f o c u s e d on s h o r t spans
It a p p e a r s that a study

W. E. B. DuBois, The P h i l a d e l p h i a N e g r o , P u b l i c a t i o n
of the U n i v e r s i t y of P e n n s y l v a n i a : P o l i t i c a l E c o n o m y an d
P u b l i c Law, No. 14 (Philadelphia;
U n i v e r s i t y of P e n n s y l v a n i a ,
1899 Reprinted, N e w York:
S c h o c k e n Books, 1967); G i l b e r t
Osofsky, Harlem;
The M a k i n g o f a G h e t t o (New York:
H a r p e r and
Row, 1966T1 S t . C l a i r D r a k e a n d Ho r a c e R. Clayton, B l a c k

12

e x p a n d i n g upon these foci w o u l d b e a logical c o n t i n u a t i o n of
research in the area.
Hypotheses
In v i e w of the literature,

the follo w i n g h y p o t h e s e s are

presented:
1.

The spatial p a t t e r n o f b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s is
d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the p r o p o r t i o n of b l a c k s
living in a c o m m u n i t y a n d the rate at w h i c h
b l a c k i m m i g r a n t s e n t e r a community.
a.

T h e r e is a g r e a t e r d i s p e r s a l in r e s i d e n ­
tial p a t t e r n s w h e n the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n
is small.

W h e n the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n
light,

is small a n d i n - m i g r a t i o n is

the c o m m u n i t y at large e x p e r i e n c e s

little p r e s s u r e in

a b s o r b i n g b l a c k s and is "able p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y ,
economically"

21
b.

socially,

and

to a b s o r b the b l a c k population.
The g r e a t e r the i n f l u x of b l a c k i m m i ­
grants a n d the larger the b l a c k p o p u l a ­
tion, the m o r e c o n c e n t r a t e d the r e s i d e n ­
tial areas.

R e s e a r c h has shown that ra p i d i n - m i g r a t i o n of b l a c k s
trigger d e f e n s e m e c h a n i s m s ,
(e.g.,

such as g e n e r a l pro c e s s b a r r i e r s

prejudicial practices

tions, etc.),

in real estate,

p h y s i c a l b a r r i e r s (walls,

t r a c k s ) ,a n d p o l i t i c a l

financial restric­

g r e e n spaces,

b a r r i e r s (zoning laws,

railroad

g e r r y mande r i n g )

w i t h i n the h o s t c o m m u n i t y a n d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n c e g r o w t h
and d i r e c t i o n of b l a c k r e s i d e n t i a l areas.
M etropolis:
A S t u d y of N e g r o Life in a N o r t h e r n C i t y (New York:
H a r p e r and Row, 1962); A l l a n H. S p e a r , B l a c k Chicago:
The M a k ­
ing of a N e g r o Ghetto, 1890-1920 (Chicago:
The U n i v e r s i t y of
C h i c a g o Press, 1967); a n d D a v i d Katzman, B e f o r e the G h e t t o :
B l a c k D e t r o i t in the N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y (Urbana:
U n i v e r s i t y of
I l l inois Press, 1973).
p.

21J a k l e a n d Wh eeler,
448.

"The C h a n g i n g R e s i d e n t i a l Pa t t e r n s , "

13

2.

A s the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n increases, its o r i g i ­
nal area c a n n o t a b s o r b all of the i n c r e a s e and
so it e x p a n d s via the invasion and s u c c e s s i o n
process.
Since the o r i g i n a l clusters are a l ­
m o s t always in the lowest s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status
a r e a o f a c i t y ' s inner zone, this e x p a n s i o n will
m o s t likely be along sectoral lines to b e t t e r
re s i d e n t i a l areas.

This h y p o t h e s i s o n g h e t t o expansion, f o r m u l a t e d b y
22
Johnson,
has b e e n c o n f i r m e d for a n u m b e r of m e t r o p o l i t a n
cities.

It w a s t e s t e d in this study to a s c e r t a i n if the same

m e c h a n i s m s a p p l y for a s m a l l - s i z e d city,
Creek,

specifically.

Battle

Michigan.
T h e h y p o t h e s e s relate to p a s t spatial cha n g e s and

p r o c e s s e s c r e a t i n g those changes in b l a c k residences.

They

w e r e t e s t e d by c o m p a r i n g maps d e p i c t i n g the spatial d i s t r i b u ­
tion of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
m a n u s c r i p t censuses,

t h r o u g h time.

city directories,

Data w e r e s e c u r e d from
a n d o t h e r sources.

A r e a and P e r i o d of St u d y
Area.

When e x a m i n i n g c o m p l e x i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s ,

it

is b e s t to ignore p o l i t i c a l b o u n d a r i e s and i n c o r p o r a t e the w h o l e
m e t r o p o l i t a n area as a u n i t for study.

However,

the u n a v a i l ­

ab i l i t y of d a t a for the m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a of B a t t l e C r e e k p r o ­
h ibits this approach;

therefore,

the i n c o r p o r a t e d c i t y of

B a t t l e C r e e k w a s s e l e c t e d as the a r e a of study.
the city was b a s e d on two criteria:

S e l e c t i o n of

t h e b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n of

B a t t l e C r e e k is s u f f i c i e n t l y large a n d d y n a m i c for a c h a n g ­
ing p a t t e r n o f b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t to be discernible.
Battle Creek's
22

total p o p u l a t i o n w a s

38,931,

In 1970

of w h i c h 20%

R. J. Johnston, U r b a n R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n s
P r a e g e r P u b lishers, 1972), p. 243.

(New York:

14
w a s black.

M o r e importantly,

Ba t t l e Creek has shown a gradual

d e c r e a s e in w h i t e population, b e g i n n i n g in 1940 and contin u i n g
through 19 70, w i t h the largest decr e a s e in 1970.
the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n has b e e n s t e a d i l y increasing.

Conversely,
In 1950,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n d o u b l e d the 1930 rate of four p e r c e n t
of the

total;

in 1970,

Secondly,

it q u i n t u p l e d the rate of 19 30.

B a t t l e C r e e k has a rich and c o l o r f u l

history.

Once a s t a tion on the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad, m a n y of the b l a c k s
w h o s e t t l e d in Ba t t l e Creek du r i n g the 1 8 4 0 *s and 1850's w e r e
a l l e g e d l y p a s s e n g e r s on "the train."
P e r i o d of
were s e t f r o m the

Study.

O r i g i n a l l y the bo u n d s of the

study

e a r l i e s t rec o r d of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t to the

c o n t e m p o r a r y period.

However,

many problems were encountered

in a s c e r t a i n i n g the spatial d a t a for bl a c k s

in a c i t y as small

as B a t t l e Creek, w h i c h m a d e it feasible to s h o r t e n the span
of the study.
T h e y e a r 1850 w a s s e l e c t e d as the b a s e l i n e date.

It

is c o n s i d e r e d the first c r i t i c a l d a t e w h e r e r e l i a b l e records
m a y b e obtained.

A n e w m e t h o d of federal census e n u m e r a t i o n

w a s i n i t i a t e d in 1850 w h i c h p r o v i d e d "bits a n d pieces"

of

social a n d e c o n o m i c d a t a on the en t i r e p o p u l a t i o n of a c o m ­
munity.

Name,

occupation,

relation to h e a d of household,

m a r i t a l status,

and his parents,

sex,

age,

race,

p l a c e of b i r t h for b o t h indi v i d u a l

p r o p e r t y holdings,

c l u d e d in the data collection.

and e d u c a t i o n w e r e i n ­

P r i o r to 1850,

c ensus o n l y i n c l u d e d a h e a d count;

the federal

individual inh a b i t a n t s of

a c o m m u n i t y w e r e not listed by name.

15

P o r t r a y i n g the final stage in the e v o l u t i o n of the
p a t t e r n s is p r o b l e m a t i c and raises the question:
one stop?

W h e r e does

N i n e t e e n h u n d r e d and thirty w a s a r b i t r a r i l y s e ­

lected as the terminal date b e c a u s e of the i n a d e q u a c y of
spatial d a t a up to 1970.

A f t e r 1900,

the m a n u s c r i p t cen s u s

was no longer a v a i l a b l e and a f t e r 1918,

the city d i r e c t o r y

was u s e l e s s in i d e n t i f y i n g b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
later in this c h a p t e r ) .

Moreover,

(to be d i s c u s s e d

unlike c e n t r a l cities,

cen­

sus t ract d a t a w e r e u n a v a i l a b l e for Ba t t l e C r e e k until 1970.
Thus,

f r o m 1900 to 1930,

a large p e r c e n t a g e of the b l a c k h o u s e ­

ho l d s c o u l d still be ascertained.

W i t h the large influ x o f

b lacks a f t er 19 30 it bec a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to g a t h e r
i n f o r m a t i o n on the e x t e n t of the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k r e s i ­
dences;

the o u t l i n e of the pattern,

Methodology,

Procedure,

however, w a s observable.

and D a t a Sou r c e s

H. C. Pr i n c e po i n t s o u t that "There is very little in
the p r e s e n t day lands c a p e that can n o t be e x p l a i n e d by r e f e r ­
ence to the past.
history."

23

The g e o g r a p h y of the p r e s e n t is a l m o s t all

This p e r s p e c t i v e of vie w i n g g e o g r a p h y as c o n c e r n ­

ed w i t h the t e m p o r a l e l e m e n t in space w i l l b e e m p l o y e d in
s t u d y i n g the c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of b l a c k s in B a t t l e
Creek,

Michigan.
23

H. C. Prince, "The G e o g r a p h i c a l Imagination,"
L a n d s c a p e 11 (Winter 1961-62):
25.

16

T r adit i o n a l l y ,

h i s t o r i c a l g e o g r a p h y has p r o v i d e d n u m e r ­

ous a p p r o a c h e s r e l a t e d to time in space.
d e f i n e d b y Newcomb,

24

Of the 12 a p p r o a c h e s

the m o s t p e r t i n e n t m e t h o d o l o g y for e x ­

p l a i n i n g the c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of b l a c k s is the
D a g wood S a n d w i c h A p p r o a c h — a c o m b i n a t i o n of the cross s e c t i o n
and the v e r t i c a l theme approaches.

T h e p u r p o s e of this a p ­

p r o a c h is to "integrate the d e s c r i p t i o n of the l a n d s c a p e in
stages w i t h an a n a l y s i s of the m e c h a n i s m s w h i c h b r o u g h t a b o u t
25
s u c c e s s i v e c h a n g e s in landscape, and hence, the settleme n t . "
In u t i l i z i n g this met h o d o l o g y ,

the first step,

then

is to e s t a b l i s h a h i s t o r y of change, v i a r e c o n s t r u c t i n g r e s i ­
dential patterns

for s p e c i f i c time periods.

The second step

is to d e s c r i b e and u n d e r s t a n d the struc t u r e of change,

rate

of c h a n g e . . . t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of indivi d u a l s i g n i f i c a n t p h e n o m e ­
non,

of m u l t i p l e functions of phenomenon,

teractive processes"

26

or of i m p o r t a n t in-

a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the spatial c h a n g e of

black r e s i d e n c e s t h r o u g h t i m e .
In o r d e r to p o r t r a y a h i s t o r y of change,
d i s t r i b u t i o n of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s w e r e mapped.

the sp a t i a l

N i n e cross

24

R o b e r t N. Newcomb, "Twelve W o r k i n g A p p r o a c h e s to
H i s t o r i c a l G e o g r ap hy," A s s o c i a t i o n of P a c i f i c C o a s t G e o g r a p h e r s
31 (1969):
27-50.
25

Paul M. Koroscil, "The C h a n g i n g L a n d s c a p e of W h i t e ­
horse, Y u k o n Territory:
A H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e , " Juli u s
M i n g h i ed. ,
B. C. G e o g r a p h i c a l Series No. 15 (Vancouver,
Canada:
T a n t a l u s Research, 1972):
162.
26
A n d r e w H. Clark, " G e o g r a p h i c a l Change:
A T h e m e for
E c o n o m i c H istory," J o u r n a l of E c o n o m i c H i s t o r y 20 (December
1960):
612.

17

sections in t i m e — 1850,
1918,

1860,

1870,

1880,

1890,

1900,

1910,

a n d 1930 w e r e s e l e c t e d to de p i c t the p h a s e s of b l a c k

c o m m u n i t y g r o w t h as r e f l e c t e d in c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s
in B a t t l e Creek.

C h o i c e of the s p e c i f i c dates was m a d e on the

basis o f d a t a availability.
h i s t o r i c a l records.

T h e study r e l i e d h e a v i l y up o n

F e d e r a l m a n u s c r i p t c e n s u s e s and city

d i r e c t o r i e s w e r e the m a i n sou r c e s used to i d e n t i f y r e s i d e n c e s
o c c u p i e d b y b l a c k p e r s o n s or families.
so identified,

Ho u s e s and apartments,

have b e e n d e s i g n a t e d as b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s a n d

m a p p e d for e a c h cross section.
B e c a u s e of the i n c o m p l e t e n e s s of the chief data
sources,

o t h e r h i s t o r i c a l sources and f i e l d m e t h o d s w e r e e m ­

ployed.

T h e data c o l l e c t i o n and m e t h o d of a n a l y s i s are p r e -

s e n t e d b e l o w in g r e a t e r detail:

27

1)

H i s t o r i c a l Sources:
Some of the sources of
i n f o r m a t i o n include: (a) F e d e r a l M a n u s c r i p t
C e n s u s e s for the City of B a t t l e C r e e k for the
y ears 1850-1880, and 1900; (b) C i t y d i r e c t o r ­
ies f r o m 1870-19 31; (c) e a r l y p l a t maps and
land o w n e r s h i p records; (d) The M i c h i g a n
Tribune, B a t t l e C r e e k Daily Journal, B a t t l e
C r e e k W e e k l y Journal, B a t t l e C r e e k E n q u i r e r
a nd News'; (ej A s s e s s m e n t a n d tax rolls; (f)
c h u r c h a n d c e m e t e r y records; a n d (g) B u r t o n
Historical Commission Michigan Historical
C o l l ection, a n d M i c h i g a n H i s t o r i c a l C o m m i s s i o n
records.

2)

F i e l d Methods:
The follo w i n g s o u r c e s p r o v i d e d
the p r i m a r y d a t a for d e s c r i b i n g and a n a l y z i n g
the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s for the y e a r s 1910
to 1930:
Interv i e w s w i t h o l d e r b l a c k r e s i d e n t s
f u r n i s h e d i n f o r m a t i o n on s p a t i a l cha n g e s of
r e s i d e n c e s as w e l l as i n f o r m a t i o n o n family

27

T h i s is a d a p t e d from M e y e r ' s study on "The C h a n g i n g
N e g r o R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n s in Lansing, Michigan, 18501969."

18

residential h i s t o r i e s . People from various
agencies w e r e interviewed:
City Planning
Commission, B a t t l e Cr e e k C i t y A s s e s s o r ' s
Office; Battle C r e e k P u b l i c Sch o o l System;
a n d G r e a t e r B a t t l e Cr e e k U r b a n League.
3)

C a r t o g r a p h i c A n a l y s i s : C o n t e m p o r a r y maps
w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d to s h o w the o r i g i n a l
r e s i d e n t i a l pattern, and to s h o w a series
of d i s t r i b u t i o n a l cha n g e s t h r o u g h time.
F o r all maps, the s m a l l e s t spatial u n i t —
the i n d i v i d u a l h o u s e h o l d — w a s the b a s i s of
analysis.
The sources of d a t a for the
s p e c i f i c years, and the d i f f i c u l t i e s e n ­
c o u n t e r e d are d i s c u s s e d in the n e x t
section.

To r e c o n s t r u c t the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s for the 1850
and 1860 c ross sections, b l a c k s
manuscript censuses

2 8 w e r e i d e n t i f i e d f r o m the

for the r e s p e c t i v e years.

O f these,

the

property owners were differentiated because addresses were
n o t r e c o r d e d in the census until 1880,

and b e c a u s e the city

d i r e c t o r y w a s n o t p r i n t e d for B a t t l e C r e e k until
ing b e e n identified,

1869.

Hav­

they w e r e then t r a c e d thr o u g h p r o p e r t y

d e e d s a n d C a l h o u n C o u n t y T a x A s s e s s m e n t Rolls
cr i p t i o n s of p r o p e r t y holdings.

for legal d e s ­

W i t h this information,

the

w r i t e r c o n s u l t e d p l a t b o o k m a p s of the city and w a s able to
d i s c e r n an a p p r o x i m a t i o n of the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k r e s i ­
de n c e s .
A m a j o r l i m i t a t i o n of this m e t h o d w a s

that n o n ­

p r o p e r t y o w n e r s c o u l d n o t be s p a t i a l l y identified.
28

T h i s was

F o r the p u r p o s e of this study, all p e r s o n s l i s t e d
as b l a c k o r M u l a t t o in the m a n u s c r i p t censuses w e r e c o n s i d e r e d
black.

19

e s p e c i a l l y crit i c a l
44

29

for the 1860 census w h e r e only 13 o u t of

h o u s e h o l d s w e r e l i s t e d as p r o p e r t y owners.

c h u r c h a n d ceme t e r y records,

newspapers,

Selected

a n d p u b l i c records

used in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h land o w n e r s h i p records w e r e s l i g h t l y
h e l p f u l in p i e c i n g t o g e t h e r the cross s e c t i o n s .
F o r the 1870 r e s i d e n t i a l pattern,

the city d i r e c t o r y

for that y e a r w a s e m p l o y e d to c o n s t r u c t the pattern.
a c c u r a c y measure,

A s an

b l a c k s i d e n t i f i e d in the c e n s u s w e r e c h e c k e d

against the city d i r e c t o r y for accuracy.

C o n s i d e r i n g that the

city d i r e c t o r y listed p e o p l e 15 ye a r s of age and older,
c r e p a n c i e s o b v i o u s l y existed.

dis­

T h e s e d i s c r e p a n c i e s w i l l be

d i s c u s s e d in detail later.
F o r the 1880 and 1900 cross sections, n a m e s and a d ­
d r e sses of b l a c k s w e r e o b t a i n e d f r o m the r e s p e c t i v e m a n u s c r i p t
censuses.

T h e s e w e r e c r o s s - c h e c k e d a g a i n s t the 1880 a n d 1900

city d i r ectories.
r e c o n struction.

T h e 1890 p a t t e r n p o s e d unique p r o b l e m s

B e c a u s e the 1890 m a n u s c r i p t census w a s d e s ­

t r o y e d b y fire in 1920,

the 1890 city d i r e c t o r y w a s the m o s t

co m p l e t e s ource a v a i l a b l e
Additionally,

in

for r e c r e a t i n g the cross section.

racial i d e n t i f i c a t i o n — w h i c h h a d b e e n i n c l u d e d

in p r e v i o u s d i r e c t o r i e s — w a s o m i t t e d in this issue.
di s c e r n the b l a c k population,

H e n c e to

the w r i t e r tr a c e d i n d i v i d u a l s

i d e n t i f i e d in the 1880 and 1900 c e n s u s e s 3® thr o u g h the 1890
29

In 1850, six out of nine b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w e r e
id e n t i f i e d as p r o p e r t y owners, a n d consequently, i d e n t i f i e d
spatially.
^°For the 1890 pattern, all i n d i v i d u a l s five ye a r s
and o l d e r in the 1880 census w e r e t r a c e d t h r o u g h the 1890 c i t y
directory; f r o m the 1900 census, all i n d i v i d u a l s 25 year s of
age a n d o l der w e r e t r a c e d b a c k w a r d s through 1890 b e c a u s e 15

20

city directory.

As a do u b l e check,

since

the 188 3 and 1900

city d i r e c t o r i e s w e r e n e a r e s t to 1890 w h i c h d i s t i n g u i s h e d
race,

these w e r e c o m p a r e d w i t h the 189 0 city directory.

c e e ding cross s e c t i o n s
ing subjects

{1910-1930)

Suc­

were constructed by trac­

i d e n t i f i e d in the 1900 m a n u s c r i p t c e n s u s ^

the 1918 d i r e c t o r y of b l a c k c i t i z e n s

32

and

thr o u g h s u b s e q u e n t

city directories.
W e m a y n o w r e v i e w b r i e f l y the d i s c r e p a n c i e s b e t w e e n
the b a s i c data sources,

h o w these w e r e resolved,

together with

some of the limitations of the i n f o r m a t i o n and the approach.
W h e n c o m p a r i n g the census w i t h the city directory,
d i s c r e p a n c i e s appeared:
times,

I n d i v iduals

w e r e m i s s i n g from the o t h e r

two m a j o r

i d e n t i f i e d in one,

some­

(after a l l o w i n g for b o t h

15 y e a r s as the e a r l i e s t age of i n c l u s i o n . i n the city d i r e c ­
tory,

a n d for single w o m e n w h o may have g o t t e n m a r r i e d ) ;

and

a d d r esses li s t e d in b o t h w e r e o c c a s i o n a l l y n o n —c o n g r u e n t .
This r a i s e s two questions:
ancies in d a t a sources?

H o w does one h a n d l e the d i s c r e p ­

A n d h o w r e l i a b l e are

c ensus a n d the city d i r e c t o r y ?

the m a n u s c r i p t

To resolve the first dilemma,

b e c a u s e the census is m o r e c o m p l e t e than the city directory,
years o f age seems to be the e a r l i e s t age at w h i c h p e o p l e w e r e
listed in B a t t l e C r e e k ' s city directory.
^ T h i s p r o c e d u r e w a s a d o p t e d b e c a u s e of the u n a v a i l ­
ability o f m a n u s c r i p t c e n s u s e s to the p u b l i c a f t e r 1900, a n d
b e c a u s e r a c i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w a s d r o p p e d f r o m the c i t y
d i r e c t o r y a f t e r 1910.
32

C l a u d e L. Evans, D i r e c t o r y a n d B u s i n e s s G u i d e for
the C o l o r e d C i t i z e n s of B a t t l e C r e e k (Battle Creek, M i c h i g a n :
By the Author, l d i 8 .

21

the w r i t e r chose to p r o c e e d f r o m the census to the city d i r e c ­
tory.

W h e r e the census d i d not surv i v e

not yet available
a surrogate.

(1910-1930),

(e.g.,

1890),

or is

the city d i r e c t o r y served as

O t h e r sources w h i c h have b e e n m e n t i o n e d p r e v i ­

o usly c o m p l e m e n t e d the m a j o r d a t a sources.
A s for the r e l i ability of the two sources,
w r i t e r s h a v e a d d r e s s e d t h e m s e l v e s to this issue.

33

several
Summarily,

the f o l l o w i n g s h o r t c o m i n g s w e r e d e l i n e a t e d from the c e n s u s :
(1 ) age falsification;

(2 ) p l a c e of or i g i n

(required to n a m e

only t h e i r state or n a t i o n of b i r t h ) ; (3) per s o n s
more than once in an enumeration,

included

e s p e c i a l l y domestics w h o

were s o m e t i m e s c o u n t e d b o t h at home and at work;

(4) re cords

in h a n d w r i t i n g w i t h m a n y a b b r e v i a t i o n s d i f f e r i n g from t h o s e
of today;

and

(5)

large n u m b e r s of b l a c k s omitted,

especially

in 1870, w h e n an e s t i m a t e d 10% of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n w a s
missed.

34

T h e m e t h o d of taking the census,

the e n u m e r a t o r s

33

See:
P e t e r R. Knights, "Using City D i r e c t o r i e s in
A n t e b e l l u m Urban H i s t o r i c a l Research," (Appendix A), pp. 127139, a n d "A M e t h o d for C h e c k i n g the A c c u r a c y of Some M a n u ­
scripts C e n s u s Data," (Appendix B ) , pp. 140-143 in P e t e r R.
Knights, The Plain P e o p l e of Boston:
1830-1869 (New York:
O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971); Pe t e r R. Kni g h t s and S t e p h e n
A. T h e m s t r o m , "Men in Motion:
Some D a t a and S p e c u l a t i o n s
about U r b a n P o p u l a t i o n M o b i l i t y in 19th C e n t u r y A m e r i c a , ”
J o u r n a l of I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y H i s t o r y 1 (Autumn 1970):
7-35;
and S a m Bass Warner^ J r . , S t r e e t c a r Suburbs.
The Proces s of
G r o w t h in Boston, 1 8 7 0 - 1 9 0 ? (C a m b r i d g e : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y
P r e s s , i 9 6 2)T
34

K a t z m a n found that in 19th c e n t u r y D e t r o i t at l e a s t
% of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n was n e v e r e n u m e r a t e d in city
directories.
Newspapers, c o u r t records, and a s s o c i a t i o n
records i n d i c a t e d that a large n u m b e r of b l a c k r e s i d e n t s of
D e t r o i t o r t r a n sients w e r e n e g l e c t e d at the time of the census.
A l s o see:
U. S. B u r e a u of the Census, N e g r o P o p u l a t i o n 1 7 9 0 1915 (Washington:
G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1918) , pp. 2"S29.
10

22

themselves,

and the p r o c e s s of t a b u l a t i o n — all c o n t r i b u t e d

to c r e a t i n g i n a c c u r a c y in the censuses.
Generally,

the city directory, w h i c h w a s d e s i g n e d

p r i m a r i l y for the businessman, was d i s t i n c t l y b i a s e d a g a i n s t
low status r e s i d e n t s — p r o p e r t y ow n e r s were m u c h m o r e likely
to be i n c l u d e d than n o n - p r o p e r t y owners;

a g a i n s t v e r y re c e n t

m i g r a n t s — t e n d i n g n o t to include them until they h a d lived
in the c i t y for a length of time;
h o u s e h o l d s w e r e listed m u c h more

and raci a l l y b i a s e d — w h i t e
f r e q u e n t l y than b l a c k h o u s e ­

holds .
D e sp i t e the s h o r t c o m i n g s

i n d i c a t e d above,

the census

and the c i ty d i r e c t o r y af f o r d an a p p r o x i m a t i o n of rea l i t y at
p a r t i c u l a r times a n d are,

therefore,

invaluable.

T w o m a j o r limitations of tra c i n g in d i v i d u a l s
sources are outstanding.
or c i t y d i r e c t o r y

thr o u g h

First, w h e n tracing from the c ensus

(where race is not d i s t i n g u i s h e d ) , from one

decade to another,

in- m i g r a n t s d u r i n g the int e r i m w e r e u n ­

d o u b t e d l y missed.

Second, women,

h eads of h ouseholds,

c e r t a i n l y some o f w h o m w e r e

w e r e u n d e r r e p r e s e n t e d in the p o p u l a t i o n

b e c a u s e of sur n a m e cha n g e s a c c o m p a n y i n g marriage.

Despi t e

the onunission a n d b i a s e s in this approach,

in r e s i d e n ­

changes

tial p a t t e r n s s h o u l d be d i s c e r n i b l e for the p e r i o d b e t w e e n
1850 and 1930.
O r g a n i z a t i o n o f the Study
T h e r e m a i n d e r of the study is d i v i d e d into four c h a p ­
ters.

C h a p t e r II o u t l i n e s

blacks

in Michigan,

the gr o w t h and d e v e l o p m e n t of

generally, w h i l e C h a p t e r III focuses on

23

the g r o w t h a n d m i g r a t i o n of b l a c k s
cally.

to B a t t l e Creek,

specifi­

The r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s are d e s c r i b e d and a n a l y z e d

in C h a p t e r IV.

Lastly,

and r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s

C h a p t e r V gives the m a j o r findings

for s u b s e q u e n t research.

C H A P T E R II
G E O G R A P H I C A L P E R S P E C T I V E S ON THE H I S T O R Y
OF B L A C K S IN M I C H I G A N
To place the d e v e l o p m e n t of the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y of
B a ttle C r e e k in p e r s pective,

it is n e c e s s a r y to r e v i e w the

h i s t o r y of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t in Michigan.
chapter,

then,

The p u r p o s e of this

is to e x a m i n e the d i s t r i b u t i o n and m o v e m e n t o f

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n from the p e r i o d of s l a v e r y in the F r e n c h
and B r i t i s h N o r t h w e s t to the p o s t W o r l d W a r I m i g r a t i o n to
M i c h i g a n c i ties and the e m e r g i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n in ghettos.
P r e s t a t e h o o d Period;

1700 to 1837

The h i s t o r y of bla c k s

in M i c h i g a n b e g a n w i t h b l a c k s

as slaves d u r i n g the F r e n c h Regime of the O l d N o r t h w e s t T e r ­
ritory in the 18th century.

Exactly when blacks

e n t e r e d M i c h i g a n is unknown; however,

initially

45 slaves w e r e r e c o r d e d

in Detroit^- as e a r l y as 1706.

N o t u n t i l 1738 w a s s p e c i f i c
2
r e f e rence m a d e to b l a c k sl a v e s in Michigan.
The parish
^Of these 45, n o racial d i s t i n c t i o n w a s made (i.e.,
b l a c k o r I ndian slaves).
See:
D a v i d M. Katzman, "Black
Slavery in M i c h i g a n , " M i d c o n t i n e n t A m e r i c a n S t u d i e s J o u r n a l 11
(Fall 1970):
65.
2
A r t h u r R a y m o n d Kooker, "The A n t i s l a v e r y M o v e m e n t in
Michigan, 1796-1840" (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of
Michigan, 1941), p. 45.

24

25

register of the Ch u r c h of St. A n n e of M i c h i l i m a c k i n a c ,

in

w h i c h was r e c o r d e d e v e r y rite of the C h u r c h as it was a d m i n i s ­
tered to I n dian and b l a c k slaves, li s t e d the b a p t i s m a l e n t r y
3
of one b l a c k slave.
B e t w e e n 1731 and 1750, 16 b a p t i s m a l e n ­
tries of s l a v e s w e r e liste d in the St. A n n e P a r i s h register,
4
w i t h s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e to five blacks.
D u r i n g these years,

a n d c o n t i n u i n g to 1805 w h e n

M i c h i g a n b e c a m e a s e p a r a t e territory,

M i c h i g a n was p r i m a r i l y

a h u n t i n g a nd trap p i n g region, w i t h two s e t t l e m e n t s of s i g ­
nificance- - M i c h i l i m a c k i n a c a n d Detroit.

The s e t t l e m e n t at

M i c h i l i m a c k i n a c w a s m a i n l y a t r a n s i t station.

It was

little

more than a trading p o s t for fur traders and trap p e r s from
M o n t r e a l and Detroit.

U n d e r b o t h F r e n c h and B r i t i s h regimes,

the p e r m a n e n t n o n - I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n rarely n u m b e r e d m o r e than
a c o m m a n d a n t a n d a few m e n . ^

O n the o t h e r hand,

Detroit—

"the largest town w e s t of the m o u n t a i n s " — was a stable b u t e x ­
p a n d i n g f r o n t i e r outpost;

consequently,

n e a r l y all s l a v e s in

M i c h i g a n w e r e h e l d by small farmers in D e t r o i t . ®
to 1750,

F r o m 1706

a total of 78 b l a c k and Indian slaves w e r e r e c o r d e d

for D e t r o i t ; 7 of these,

(in a total p o p u l a t i o n of 4 83) w e r e
g
r e c o r d e d by F r e n c h a u t h o r i t i e s in 1750 alone.
In 1765, two

3

Ibid.

4

Ibid.

5

K a tzman,

33

"Black Sla v e r y in M i c h i g a n , "

p.

58.

®Ibid.
7

I b i d . , p.

65.

g

Kooker,

"The A n t i s l a v e r y M o v e m e n t in M i c h i g a n , " p.

45.

26

years a f t e r the N o r t h w e s t T e r r i t o r y w a s r e l i n q u i s h e d to the
British,

the census of D e t r o i t r e c o r d e d 60 slaves;

in 1778,
9
178 slaves w e r e recorded.

in 1773,

75 slaves w e r e reported;

127 w e r e e n u m e rated;

1782,

In 1796, w h e n the O l d N o r t h ­

west T e r r i t o r y w a s t r a n s f e r r e d to the Americans,

and in

the slave

p o p u l a t i o n at D e t r o i t p e a k e d at a p p r o x i m a t e l y 300.^"®

Since

the N o r t h w e s t O r d i n a n c e of 1787 b a n n e d b r i n g i n g ad d i t i o n a l
slaves into the Territory,

slavery declined steadily there­

after until its o f f i c i a l d e m i s e upon statehood.

In w h a t n u m ­

bers free b l a c k s w e r e in M i c h i g a n d u r i n g this p e r i o d is u n ­
known .
As w i t h the South,

s h o r t a g e of labor for b o t h the fur

trader and the farmer was the chief factor r e s p o n s i b l e for
the c o m i n g of blacks to Michigan.
de D e n o n v i l l e u r g e d K i n g Louis

As ea r l y as 1688,

Governor

X I V o f F r a n c e to a u t h o r i z e the

im p o r t a t i o n of b l a c k slaves to N e w F r a n c e to a l l e v i a t e the
labor s c a r c i t y . I n
in N e w France;
developed,

1709,

however,

slavery was officially established

the p l a n t a t i o n sy s t e m e n v i s i o n e d n e v e r

and seemingly no Africans were

The sources,

then,

i m p o r t e d to Canada.

12

of n e a r l y all slaves in C a n a d a were:

9

Katzman, "Black S l a v e r y in Mi c h i g a n , " p. 65.
There
are d i s c r e p a n c i e s in the n u m b e r o f slaves reported.
Silas
F a r m e r in H i s t o r y of D e t r o i t and W a y n e C o u n t y and Ea r l y Michigan
r e p o r t e d 96 slaves in D e t r o i t in 1773; 128 in 1778; and 175 in
1782.
10

I b i d . , p.

58.

1 1

I b i d . , p.

57.

27

(1) b y Indians c a p t u r i n g blacks

in forays in o u t l y i n g so u t h e r n

p l a n t a t i o n s in V i r g i n i a and Kentucky,

as w e l l as in N e w York;

13

(2) b y b e i n g taken as p r i s o n e r s by the B r i t i s h du r i n g the
R e v o l u t i o n a r y War;

14

and

(3) b y b e i n g b r o u g h t in by V i r g i n i a

planters w h o sett l e d in the T e r r i t o r y . 1 5
In 1810,

five years a f t e r M i c h i g a n w a s d e s i g n a t e d as

a separate territory,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n w a s

to a total p o p u l a t i o n of 4,762.
By now,

24 w e r e s l a v e s . 1 5

there w e r e four small centers of o c c u p a n c e w i t h i n the

t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries:
Marie,

O f these,

144 c o m p a r e d

Mackinac,

Frenchtown

( M o n r o e ) , S a u l t Sainte

and Detroit, w i t h D e t r o i t b e i n g the focal

point of p o p u l a t i o n for b o t h w h i t e s and blacks.
t hirteen b l a c k s

(71%)

r e s i d e d in the city of Detroit;

lived in M a c o m b Co u n t y in the D i s t r i c t of Erie;
in O a k l a n d County,

One hundred

Civil D i s t r i c t o f Huron;

13

two r e s i d e d

and 16 r e s i d e d in

M i c h i l i m a c k i n a c District.
As a result of the o p e n i n g of the E r i e C a n a l w h i c h
joined Lake Erie to the A t l a n t i c in N e w Y o r k in 1825,
sparsely s e t t l e d terri t o r y b e g a n filling in.

14
p.

1 0

Kooker,

the

F r o m N e w England,

"The A n t i s l a v e r y M o v e m e n t in M i c h igan, "

.
15

Ibid., p. 19.
L a y i n g c l a i m to the O l d N o r t h w e s t
T e r r i t o r y u nder colonial grants from the E n g l i s h Crown, V i r g i n i a
made c e s s i o ns to the A m e r i c a n s in 1784; consequently, any
V i r g i n i a n s e t t l i n g in the O l d N o r t h w e s t c o u l d b r i n g his slave
into the Territory.
1 5 U. S . , D e p a r t m e n t of Commerce, B u r e a u of Census,
C e n s u s o f the U n i t e d States, 1810, 8 8 .

Third

28

New York,

a n d Eu r o p e streams of immigrants,

by the C a n a l a n d the G r e a t Lakes,
portions of Ohio,

Indiana,

pouring westward

rapidly p e o p l e d the n o r t h e r n

a n d Illinois,

ern s e c t i o n s of M i c h i g a n and Wisconsin.

as w e l l as the s o u t h ­
A l o n g w i t h the w a v e s

of w h i t e e a s t e r n m i g r a n t s came rural free y a n k e e blacks, w h o
e x c e p t for skin color w e r e
parts.

little d i f f e r e n t from their c o u n t e r ­

B y 1827 increases in the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n were s i g ­

n i f i c a n t l y large for the t e r r i torial le g i s l a t u r e to pass the
black code of Michigan,
Blacks and M u l a t t o e s
Persons. " 1 7

d e s i g n a t e d as "An A c t to regu l a t e

, and to p u n i s h the K i d n a p p i n g of Su c h

In this first d i s p l a y of a n t i - b l a c k a n d a n t i ­

s l a v e h o l d e r sentiment, w h i c h later p e r m e a t e s the decades o f
the 50's a n d 6 0 ' s, the act s u p e r f i c i a l l y a p p e a r e d to p r o t e c t
b l a c k settlers.
free blacks,

In reality,

fugitive blacks,

the g r o w i n g territory.

18

the law te n d e d to d i s c o u r a g e
and s l a v e h o l d e r s

from e n t e r i n g

The m a i n p r o v i s i o n s of the law r e ­

q u i r e d that bla c k s pos s e s s a v a l i d c o u r t a t t e s t e d c e r t i f i c a t e
of f r e e d o m in o r d e r to e n t e r the territory,

to r e g i s t e r w i t h

the c l e r k o f the co u n t y in w h i c h they resided,

and to p o s t a

$500 s u r e t y b o n d as a g u a r a n t e e of g o o d behavior.

Further,

it p r o v i d e d that the she r i f f a r r e s t all p e r s o n s a c c u s e d of
of b e i n g fugitives,
17

and that a n y o n e a i d i n g e s c a p e d slaves

Laws of the T e r r i t o r y of M i c h i g a n , Vol.
W. S. G e o r g e and C o . , 1871-74), pp. 464-86.
18

1 (Lansing:

D a v i d M. Katzman, B e f o r e the Ghetto, B l a c k D e t r o i t
in the 19th C e n t u ry (Chicago!
U n i v e r s i t y of Illi n o i s Press,
1973), p. 6 .

29

w o u l d be s u b j e c t to p u n i t i v e fines.

19

De s p i t e these legal restrictions,
in the f o l l o w i n g 15 y e a r s
of statehood,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

incre a s e d a p p r e c i a b l y .

On the eve

the federal census e n u m e r a t e d 27 3 bla c k s

from 174 in 1820),

in an aggregate p o p u l a t i o n of 31,639.

Al t h o u g h 32 of these b l a c k s w e r e listed as slaves,
(two in M o n r o e C o u n t y a n d one in Cass County)
w i t h i n the p r e s e n t b o u n d a r i e s of Michigan;
were h e l d in Brown,

(up
20

only three

were identified

the r e m a i n i n g slaves

C r a w f o r d and Iowa c o u n t i e s w h i c h later b e ­

came p a r t of W i s c o n s i n Territory.

A t the d a w n of statehood,

the free b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n was e n u m e r a t e d at 379,
w i t h a w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n of 174,000.

21

contrasted

As in p r e v i o u s decades,

b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t r a d i a t e d largely a r o u n d the s o u t h e a s t e r n s e c ­
tion o f the L o w e r Peninsula:

60 p e r c e n t w e r e

14 p e r c e n t in W a s h t e n a w County;

9 p e r c e n t in M o n r o e County;

and 3 p e r c e n t in O a k l a n d County.
were s c a t t e r e d thr o u g h Calhoun,
and M a c k i n a w counties

in W a y n e County;

The r e m a i n i n g 14 p e r c e n t
Jackson,

St.

Joseph,

Chippewa,

(in o r d e r o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n ) .

^ L aws of the T e r r i t o r y of M i c h i g a n , II,

634-636.

20 U. S., D e p a r t m e n t of Commerce, B u r e a u of Census,
Fifth C e n s u s of U n i t e d States,

1830:

P o p u l a t i o n , 153.

21 C o n t e m p o r a r y accounts of the n u m b e r of b l a c k s in
M i c h i g a n in 1837 differ; however, no e s t i m a t e e x c e e d s 400.
See G e o r g e N. Fuller, E c o n o m i c and Social B e g i n n i n g s of
Michigan, 1 8 07-1837 ( L a n s i n g : Wynkoop, Hallenbeck, C r a w f o r d
C o . , 1917) , p"I 537; M a n u a l of the L e g i s l a t u r e o f the Stat e of
M i c h i g a n , 18 30, Q u o t e d in Kooker, "The A n t i s l a v e r y M o v e m e n t in
M i c h i g a n ," p. 263.

30

The F o r m a t i v e Years:

X837 - 1910

The first r e l a t i v e l y large b l a c k m i g r a t i o n into M i c h i g a n
b egan in the 1840's,

and c o n t i n u e d to 1880.

F r o m 379 in 1837,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d to 753 in 1840

(up 93 p e r c e n t ) .

The 1850 f e deral census r e c o r d e d 2,583 b l a c k s

(2 30 p e r c e n t

increase);

in 1870,

crease o v e r 1850);
percent);

there w e r e 11,849 b l a c k s

b y 1890 there w e r e 15,223 bl a c k s

a n d by 1910,

enumerated.

(359 p e r c e n t i n ­

17,115

(12 p e r c e n t over 1890)

(up 29
were

In spite of these large p r o p o r t i o n a l increases,

the r a t i o of b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n to total p o p u l a t i o n of M i c h i g a n
r e m a i n e d less than one p e r c e n t

(Table 1).

N u m e r o u s factors c o u l d a c c o u n t for the g r o w t h of
M i c h i g a n ' s b l a c k population.

F o r e m o s t among these w a s a

softening of w h i t e h o s t i l i t y toward blacks,

m a n i f e s t e d in

active e n c o u r a g e m e n t of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t by whites,
b e t w e e n 1840 and the Civil War.

especially

This m u s t be e x a m i n e d first

in the c o n t e x t of the social reform m o v e m e n t w h i c h b e g a n d e ­
v e l o p i n g in the E a s t a r o u n d 1825,

c o n c u r r e n t l y as the Erie

Canal b e g a n t r a n s p o r t i n g w a v e s of m i g r a n t s to Michigan.

By

1831 the social a n d m o r a l r e f o r m m o v e m e n t s w e p t across n o t
only the n o r t h e r n s e c t i o n of the U n i t e d States,
well.

b u t E u r o p e as

S t e m m i n g f r o m a g r o w i n g p o p u l a r con c e r n for the w e l f a r e

of the u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d persons,
w e l l as the m o v e m e n t s
forms, p r i s o n reforms,

for peace,

the a n t i s l a v e r y m o v e m e n t as
w o m e n ' s rights,

dietary re­

and t e m p e r a n c e m o v e m e n t s w a s one of its

manifestations.
As Eastern pioneers moved westward,
of the b e n e v o l e n t movement.

so did the s p i r i t

By 1834 a w a v e of p o p u l a r

31

TABLE 1
B L A C K P O P U L A T I O N O F MICHIGAN,

Intercensal
% Change

1810 to 19 30

Total
Population

% Black

4,762

3.0%

1810

144

—

1820

174

2 1

1830

273

57

31,639

1840

753

176

212,267

.03

1850

2,583

230

397,654

.06

1860

6,799

160

751,110

. 09

1870

11,849

73

1,184,059

1880

15,100

27

1,636,937

.9

1890

15,223

2,093,890

.7

1900

15,816

3

2,420 , 9 8 2

.7

1910

17,115

8

2,810 , 1 7 3

.6

1920

60,082

251

3,668,412

1.6

1930

1 6 9,453

182

4,842,325

3.5

Source:

U.

%

.8

S. Censuses,

1810 - 19 30

8,765

o

B lack

•
CM

Year

.9

1.0

32

o p p o s i t i o n to sla v e r y as an i n s t i t u t i o n b e g a n swee p i n g a c r o s s
Michigan.

T h a t y e a r the first a n t i s l a v e r y society in M i c h i g a n

was o r g a n i z e d in L e n a w e e County by Q u a k e r w o m e n in the v i l l a g e
of Raisin;

22

in 1836,

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f r o m seven counties

g a t h e r e d in A n n A r b o r to found a state a n t i s l a v e r y society.
By the s e c o n d half of 1837,

23

four additi o n a l a n t i s l a v e r y o r g a n i ­

zations w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d in L e n a w e e C o u n t y at F r a n k l i n and
Cambridge;

in L i v i n g s t o n C o u n t y at Gr e e n Oak;

Co u n t y at M o u n t Morris.

24

By 1838,

were e s t a b l i s h e d in Michigan.

and in G e n e s e e

19 a n t i s l a v e r y socie t i e s

25

In the v a n g u a r d of the a n t i s l a v e r y m o v e m e n t w e r e the
Quakers;

however,

several o t h e r d e n o m i n a t i o n s in Michiga n ,

i n c l u d i n g B aptists,

Wesleyans, Me t h o d i s t s ,

P r e s b yterians ,

and

C o n g r e g a t i o n a l i s t s , w e r e a l m o s t e q u a l l y v e h e m e n t against
slavery.

26

This s e n t i m e n t a g a i n s t sla v e r y found e x p r e s s i o n

n o t o n l y in the p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d a b o l i t i o n societies,

but

22

C l a r e n c e P. E. Knuth, "Early I m m i g r a t i o n and C u r r e n t
R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n s of N e g r o e s in S o u t h w e s t e r n Michigan , "
(Ph.D. d i s s ertation, U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, 1970), p. 13.
23
T h e o d o r e Claire Smith, L i b e r t y a n d F r e e Soil P a r t i e s
in the N o r t h e a s t (New York:
Rus s e l l and Russell, 1967), pp.
8-10, 14; a nd M. M. Qu a i f e a n d S i d n e y Glazer, M i c h i g a n F r o m
P r i m i t i v e W i l d e r n e s s to I n d u s t r i a l C o m m o n w e a l t E (New York:
P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc. , 1948) , p. ld'7.
OA

Knuth, "Early I m m i g r a t i o n and C u r r e n t R e s i d e n t i a l
Patter n s , " p. 14.
25
G e o r g e B. Catlin, The S t o r y of D e t r o i t (Detroit:
The D e t r o i t News, 1923), p. 322; and K o o k e r , klThe A n t i s l a v e r y
M o v e m e n t in M i c h i g a n , " p. 80.
26
Knuth, "Early I m m i g r a t i o n and C u r r e n t R e s i d e n t i a l
Patterns," p. 16.

33

also in the

" U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad."

27

E s t a b l i s h e d routes a l ­

legedly ran from Niles through Cassopolis,
Climax,

B a t t l e Cr e e k and along to D e t r o i t or n o r t h w a r d to

Port Huron.
Canada,

Schoolcraft,

28

F r o m these

"ports" b l a c k s w e r e he l p e d to reach

t h o u g h some u n d o u b t e d l y r e m a i n e d in Michigan.
S i m u l t a n e o u s l y as the a n t i s l a v e r y a d v o c a t e s w e r e e n ­

co u r aging b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t in Michigan,

there w a s a c u r t a i l ­

ment o f r ights of free b l a c k s in slave and b o r d e r states.
Partly in r e s p o n s e to a b o l i t i o n i s t activities,

a n d p a r t l y in

response to the c o l l a p s e of the t r a d i t i o n a l agr i c u l t u r a l
structure in the T i d e w a t e r states,
cially in Virginia,

free u r b a n blacks,

espe­

encountered increasingly oppressive

treat­

ment in the form of t i g h t e n i n g e n f o r c e m e n t of b l a c k codes.
27

In r e c e n t years the legacy of the U n d e r g r o u n d R a i l ­
road has c o me u n d e r dispute.
In t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n of the
U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad, r e v i s i o n i s t historians, p o i n t i n g to the
dearth of c o n t e m p o r a r y sources, s u p p o r t the thesis that the
U n d e r g r o u n d R a i l r o a d has b e e n g l a m o r i z e d and overstated, and
thus, " n e i t h e r as i m p o r t a n t nor as s u c c e s s f u l as it has s o m e ­
times b e e n po r t r a y e d . "
See L a r r y Gara, The L i b e r t y L i n e :
The L e g e n d of the U n d e r g r o u n d R a i l r o a d (Lexington:
University
of K e n t u c k y Press, 1961).
28

F r o m a c o m p o s i t e m a p o f r e p o r t e d u n d e r g r o u n d routes
to Canada, r e c o n s t r u c t e d by Siebert, three m a j o r routes are
i d e n t i f i e d in Michigan.
Run n i n g p a r a l l e l to the south shore
of L a k e M i c higan, the fi r s t route enters s o u t h w e s t e r n
M i c h i g a n n e a r Cassopolis, pas s i n g t h r o u g h Schoolcraft, Ba t t l e
Creek, M a r s h a l l , b i f u r c a t i n g w i t h a m i n o r route t r a v e r s i n g
Lansing, D u r a n d to P o r t Huron; w i t h a n o t h e r m i n o r route t r a v ­
ersing Jackson, Leoni, Ann Arbor, F a r m i n g t o n to Detroit.
From
Angola, Indiana, the s e c o n d route en t e r s s o u t h - c e n t r a l
M i c h i g a n n e a r Coldwater, p a s s i n g thr o u g h Centre, Springfield,
Cambridge, Saline to Ypsilanti, t e r m i n a t i n g in Detroit.
The
third r o u t e e n t e r s s o u t h e a s t e r n M i c h i g a n f r o m Toledo, ru n n i n g
through B l i s s f i e l d , Adrian, C l i n t o n to Detroit.
See W i l b u r H.
Siebert, The U n d e r g r o u n d R a i l r o a d F r o m S l a v e r y to F r e e d o m
(New York":
The M a c m i l l a n Company, 1898).

34

u n e m p l o y m e n t , riots,

lynchings,

of d e p o r t a t i o n to Africa.
pression by emigrating:
the Ohio Valley,

29

social alienation,

and threats

M a n y sought to e s c a p e this r e ­

first to the A p p a l a c h i a n s ,

later into

and e v e n t u a l l y pouring n o r t h w a r d into Michigan,

when the f o rme r locations p r o v e d hostile.
H e a r i n g of M i c h i g a n ' s r e p u t a t i o n as "gateway to f r e e ­
dom"

(especially as a res u l t of abolitionists'

in the c e l e b r a t e d C r o s s w h i t e c a s e 3® and,
the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad),

the tradesmen,

the farmers c a m e — from the Carolinas,

inte r v e n t i o n

to a lesser extent,
the m e c h a n i c s ,

Virginia,

O h i o — s e t t l i n g in two m a j o r zones in M i c h i g a n

and

Kentucky,

(Fig.

1).

and
The

first z o n e — the focus of e a r l i e s t b l a c k and w h i t e s e t t l e m e n t
in the s o u t h e a s t e r n c o r r i d o r of the s t a t e — c o n s i s t e d of Wayne,
W ashtenaw,

Macomb, Monroe,

a n d O a k l a n d counties, w i t h a m o r e

recent a d d i t i o n o f St. C l a i r County.
the 753 b lacks

in the State w e r e

S i x t y - o n e p e r c e n t of

located here in 1 8 4 0 . ^

One h u n d r e d n i n e t y three b l a c k s w e r e s i t u a t e d in the city of
29

Knuth, "Early I m m i g r a t i o n and C u r r e n t R e s i d e n t i a l
P a t t e r n s , ” pp. 18-26; a n d D a v i d M. K a t z m a n , "Early Settlers
in M i c h i g a n , " M i c h i g a n C h a l l e n g e 8 (June 1968):
10-11.
30In an a t t e m p t by K e n t u c k y slave h u n t e r s to reca p t u r e
and e x t r a d i t e the C r o s s w h i t e F a m i l y o f M a r s h a l l in 1847, local
a b o l i t i o n i s t s i n t e r v e n e d and the K e n t u c k i a n s w e r e d e t a i n e d b y
legal a u t h o r i t i e s w h i l e the C r o s s w h i t e s e s c a p e d to Canada.
Drawing n a t i o n a l a t t e n t i o n and s o u t h e r n scorn, the incident,
supposedly, i n f l u e n c e d the e n a c t m e n t of the F u g i t i v e Slave
L a w of 1850.
31

U. S., D e p a r t m e n t of Commerce, B u r e a u o f Census,
S i x t h C e n s u s of the U n i t e d States, 1840:
P o p u l a t i o n , 171.

35

PERCENT

BLACKS BY C O U N TY - 1 8 4 0

UNORGANIZED

•0

P ER C EN T B LA CK S
i %

-i

* %

UNORGANIZED

□

CD

o 10 ;o>Q40io.
.

SOUHCl

U ». CENSUS, S TH N M R T

Fi g u r e 1

36

Detroit,

alone;

the o t h e r s s e t t l e d n e a r a g r a r i a n Q u a k e r s e t ­

tlements in w e s t e r n W a y n e County,
Plymouth,

Livonia,

Spr i n g w e l l s ,

n e a r G r e e n f i e l d Township,

and Brownstown;

Y p s i l a n t i a n d P i t t s f i e l d in W a s h t e n a w County;
Pontiac a n d Royal Oak in O a k l a n d County;
Sterling in M a c o m b County;
Monroe County;

in A n n Arbor,

at Farming t o n ,

in W a r r e n and

at R a i s i n s v i l l e a n d M o n r o e in

a n d at P o r t H u r o n in St.

C l a i r County.

The s e c o n d zone of c o n c e n t r a t i o n e m e r g e d in the v i ­
cinity of a b o l i t i o n i s t c e n t e r s in s o u t h - c e n t r a l and s o u t h ­
w e s t e r n M i c higan.
Berrien,

Lenawee,

In the s o u t h e r n m o s t t i e r of c o u n t i e s —
Cass,

St.

Joseph,

Branch,

and Hillsdale--

along the O h i o and I n d i a n a b o r d e r s , b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t b e c a m e
prominent.

F r o m this tier of counties,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

p r o g r e s s e d n o r t h w a r d g e n e r a l l y in s m a l l numbers,

to Kalama z o o ,

Calhoun,

More im­

Jackson,

portantly,

Genesee,

and L a p e e r counties.

within these counties blacks were again localized

in or n e a r t o w n s h i p s n o t e d for Q u a k e r sentiment.
c e n ters of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t w e r e N i l e s a n d St.
B e r r i e n County;

in C a l h o u n County,

in H i l l s d a l e County,

Fayette;

J o s e p h in

B a t t l e Creek,

Madi s o n ,

in

at O s h t o m o a n d K a l a m a z o o

at L a p e e r in L a p e e r County;

Lenawee C o u n t y at Adrian,

and Mar s hall;

at F l i n t in G e n e s e e County,

P a r m a and J a c k s o n in J a c k s o n County;
in K a l a m a z o o County;

Leading

a n d Macon.

and in

M a n y of these

were sites of the e a r l i e s t a n t i s l a v e r y societies,

as w e l l as

a l l e g e d s t a t i o n s o n the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad.
In the 1850 census,
immigration;

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n s h o w e d h e a v y

2,58 3 bl a c k s w e r e r e c o r d e d for M i c h i g a n

(up 34 0

37

p e r c e n t o v e r 1840).

32

However,

no s i g n i f i c a n t cha n g e s w e r e

noted in t h e p a t t e r n o f distr i b u t i o n .

T h e two zones i d e n t i ­

fied in the p r e v i o u s d e c a d e s e r v e d as st r o n g m a g n e t s for the
newcomers;

the villages,

hamlets,

and townships which experi­

e n c e d i n c r e a s e s in 1840 n o w w i t n e s s e d an e v e n g r e a t e r c o n c e n ­
tration.

In the s o u t h e a s t e r n corridor,

cities of Detroit,

A n n Arbor,

their b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n
from 5 to 76,

population.

Pontiac,

the

and Y p s i l a n t i m o r e than d o u b l e d

(from 19 3 to 587,

respectively).

in W a s h t e n a w County)

for example,

f r o m 0 to 79,

A u g u s t a and Y o r k

and

(small v i l l a g e s

also h a d s u b s t a n t i a l i n c r e a s e s in b l a c k
Royal Oak, Monroe,

were s t i l l n u c l e i of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t s

Macomb and Port Huron

in t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e

counties.
In the se c o n d zone in s o u t h c e n t r a l a n d s o u t h w e s t e r n
Michigan,

m a n y a b o l i t i o n i s t c e n t e r s w h i c h h a d small b l a c k

p o p u l a t i o n s in 1840 n o w i n c l u d e d s i z a b l e increases.
County,
from

6

for example,
to 309?

J a c k s o n from 26 to 85;

A m o n g villages,

hamlets,

and K a l a m a z o o f r o m

and t o w n s h i p s w h i c h e x ­

p e r i e n c e d m a r k e d i n c r e a s e s w e r e B a t t l e Creek,
and M a r s h a l l

(Calhoun C o u n t y ) ; c i t y of J a c k s o n

County); Kalamazoo
and W o o d s t o c k
32

Cass C o u n t y

L e n a w e e C o u n t y f r o m 33 to 92; C a l h o u n C o u n t y

from 23 to 207;
14 to 99.

i n c r e a s e d f r o m 39 to 239:

Berrien

Emmet Township
(Jackson

(Kalamazoo C o u n t y ) ; and Adrian,

(Lenawee County).

By then M i c h i g a n ' s

Madis o n ,
frontier

U. S., D e p a r t m e n t of Commerce, B u r e a u of Census,
S e v e n t h C e n s u s o f the U n i t e d States, 1850:
Population,
1:886-896.

38

had i nched n o r t h w a r d b e c a u s e m o s t land w a s
s o u t h e r n m o st tier counties;

s e t t l e d in the t w o

and along w i t h it,

slowly i n t o t h i r d and fourth tier counties.

bl a c k s p u s h e d

Allegan,

Eaton,

Ionia, C l i n t o n and L i v i n g s t o n w h i c h h a d no b l a c k s in 1840,
now h a d f r o m

2

to

8

blacks;

other counties revealed slightly

larger increases:

Barry

(22), O t t a w a

and Genesee

(39),

(39),

Ingham

(25),

(28).

A p p r o x i m a t e l y seven

p e rcent of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n w a s

Kent

(34), L a p e e r

l o c a t e d w i t h i n these two

n o r thern tiers.
In this decade,

the e m b r y o of a t h i r d p a t t e r n of d i s ­

tribution was developing.

Into the l u m b e r i n g a n d m i n i n g r e ­

gions of the n o r t h e r n L o w e r P e n i n s u l a and U p p e r Peninsul a ,
into the c oun t i e s of Chippewa,

Houghton,

M i d l a n d a n d Ontonogon,

blacks trickled.
B y 1860,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n r e a c h e d 6,799,

pared to a total p o p u l a t i o n of 751,110,
ring in the latter half of the decade.

as c o m ­

w i t h the surge o c c u r -

33

F r o m 1850 to 1854,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d s l o w l y f r o m 2,583 to 3,338.

34

The s l o w g r o w t h a p p a r e n t l y may be a t t r i b u t e d to the F u g i t i v e
Slave L a w of 1850.

The o b j e c t of this law w a s to r e t u r n e s ­

caped slaves to t h e i r owners.

In g e n e r a l it provided:

(1)

that e s c a p e d sl a v e s w h o w e r e a r r e s t e d w e r e n o t e n t i t l e d to
33

U. S., D e p a r t m e n t of C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u of Census,
Ei g h t h C e n sus of the U n i t e d States, 1860:
P o p u l a t i o n ,3:
2 3 1 - 2 3 *.-------------------------

34

-------------------------- ----------

M i c h i g a n D e p a r t m e n t of State,
of the State of Michigan, 1 8 5 4 , 1:379.

Census and Statistics

39

writ of h a b e a s c o r p u s ; (2)

that U n i t e d St a t e s m a r s h a l l s w e r e

required to make a r r e s t s and if they refused,
liable to a fine of $ 1 , 0 0 0
(3 )

and for the cost of the slave;

that m a r s h a l l s and c o m m i s s i o n e r s w e r e e m p o w e r e d to call

upon b y s t a n d e r s to a s s i s t in m a k i n g captures,
zen refused,

liable for $1,000 damages;

m i s s i o n e r be a l l o t t e d a ten d o l l a r fee,
the master,
(5)

and if a c i t i ­

he c o u l d be i m p r i s o n e d six months,

$1,000 and m a d e

and

they w e r e

and a five do l l a r fee,

(4)

a n d fin e d
that the c o m ­

if he d e c i d e d for

if he d e c i d e d for the slave;

that a n y p e r s o n s aiding a fugitive c o u l d be fined

$1,000 o r i m p r i s o n e d up to six months.
these s t r i n g e n t measures,

35

A s a re s u l t of

n o t o n l y e s c a p e d slaves,

b u t free

blacks as well,

lived in c o n s t a n t fear.

B e i n g d e n i e d due

p r ocess of law,

they could b e a r r e s t e d u n d e r false p r e t e n s e

of f ormer o w n e r s h i p a n d r e m a n d e d to slavery.
many b l a c k s e m i g r a t e d to Canada.
personal

Consequently,

In 1855, M i c h i g a n e n a c t e d

lib e r t y laws w h i c h n u l l i f i e d the F u g i t i v e S l a v e Act,

again m a k i n g the state a t t r a c t i v e to b l a c k settlers.
W i t h the o n s e t of the 1860 d e c a d e the f r a m e w o r k for
the p a t t e r n of d i s t r i b u t i o n w h i c h w a s to p r e v a i l until a b o u t
1910 w a s entrenched.
d i s t i n c t regions:

the s o u t h e a s t e r n c o r n e r of the state in

the c o u n t i e s of Wayne,
and St.

Clair,

B l a c k s w e r e h i g h l y c o n c e n t r a t e d in two

Washtenaw,

Oakland,

Monroe,

Macomb,

w i t h 44 p e r c e n t of the total b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

^ W i l l i a m Hobart, "Marshall M e n a n d M a r s h a l l M e a s u r e s , "
M i c h i g a n P i o n e e r and H i s t o r i c a l C o l l e c t i o n 29 {1899):
267.

40

(2,968);

a n d the rural s o u t h w e s t e r n c o r n e r of the S t a t e c o n ­

sisting of Berrien,

Cass,

V a n Buren,

counties, w i t h 2 7 p e r c e n t

1,89

8

St.

J o s e p h and A l l e g a n

o f the p o p u l a t i o n

(Figure 2).

T h e r e m a i n i n g b l a c k s w e r e d i s p e r s e d in two g e n e r a l
areas:

a r o u n d the a g r i c u l t u r a l v i l l a g e s in s o u t h c e n t r a l

M i c h i g a n a n d in the f o r e s t and m i n i n g
counties.

In s o u t h c e n t r a l M i c h i g a n ,

regions

in the n o r t h e r n

blacks began abandoning

(and c o n t i n u e d to d o so u ntil the t w e n t i e t h century)

the d e ­

c l i n i n g f a r m a r e a s — o f t e n the site of e a r l i e r a b o l i t i o n i s t
centers,

a s w e l l as e a r l i e r n u c l e i of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t s

in

the S t a t e — for p r o b a b l y the g r o w i n g ham l e t s a n d v i l l a g e s of
the day,

in m a n y instances,

in the same county.

F o r example,

rural h a m l e t s such as C o l d w a t e r in B r a n c h County,
T o w n s h i p in C a l h o u n County,
lost b l a c k p o p u l ation,
and M a r s h a l l
Kalamazoo,

Emmet

and H i l l s d a l e in H i l l s d a l e C o u n t y

w h i l e v i l l a g e s such as B a t t l e C r e e k

in C a l h o u n County,

K a l a m a z o o County,

J a c k s o n in J a c k s o n County,

a n d Lansing,

Ingham County ex­

p e r i e n c e d t w o f o l d or m o r e g r o w t h in b l a c k population.
Ionia,

Eaton,

Branch,

Barry,

and H i l l s d a l e c o u n t i e s e x p e r i ­

e n c e d s m a l l a b s o l u t e i n c r e a s e s in b l a c k population.
of these m i n o r s h i f t s

Genesee,

in p o p u l a t i o n ,

In s p i t e

the g e n e r a l p a t t e r n w a s

unaltered.
In the fo r e s t a n d m i n i n g regions,

blacks were

c e n t r a t e d in n e w l y f o r m e d m i l l t o w n s — E a s t Saginaw,
Lowell,

G r a n d Ra pids,

Ottawa,

con­

Muskegon,

a n d p a r t s of M e c o s t a C o u n t y in

the N o r t h e r n L o w e r P e n i n s u l a and, in m i n i n g t o w n s — Houghton,
O ntonagon,

Holmes,

Marquette,

a n d p a r t s of C h i p p e w a C o u n t y

41

PERCENT

BLACKS BY C O U N T Y - 1 8 6 0

i

Lv*

*i

PERCENT SLACKS
MORI

E53

> % -> • %
1%

- I.S%

I-- 1

L l l l

CD

MO

TM AN

1%

BLACKS

0 10 10J04050

S OU RCE

THAN T %

MI LE S

U .S . C C M B U t,

• TM

R fP O R T

Figure 2

42

in the U p p er Peninsula.
the n u m b e r of b l a c k s
small,

It s h o u l d be s t r e s s e d that a l t h o u g h

i n v o l v e d in m i n i n g and lumbe r i n g w a s

t h e ir role is i m p o r t a n t in an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of b l a c k

settlement in Michigan.
B e t w e e n 1880 a n d 1910,

the d e c l i n e of b l a c k p o p u l a ­

tions in small centers w h i c h a f f e c t e d the e a r l y a b o l i t i o n i s t
centers in 1860,
trations.
p opulation

now s p r e a d to o t h e r zones of b l a c k c o n c e n ­

W i t h b l a c k i m m i g r a t i o n b u t a trickle,
(as w e l l as white)

tion less than 2,500),
centers

the b l a c k

in the s m a l l e r centers

(popula­

d e c l i n e d steadily, w h i l e m i d d l e size

(2,500 to 25,000)

rose in b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n . ^

This

is r e f l e c t e d in the p e a k of the rural b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n in
1880 at 54 p e r c e n t
after,

(8,000),

and the s t e a d y d e c l i n e t h e r e ­

though M i c h i g a n ' s total b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d

in numbers.

37

Des p i t e the loss of bl a c k s

centers in all four zones of settlement,

in the small rural
the g e n e r a l p a t t e r n

of d i s t r i b u t i o n r e m a i n e d in t a c t until a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1910.
M i g r a t i o n and Urban Growth:

1910 to 19 30

In the early t w e n t i e t h century,
a p h e n o m e n a l increase
there w e r e

Michigan experienced

in its b l a c k population.

15,816 blacks;

In 1900,

they r e p r e s e n t e d s e v e n - t e n t h s of

36

Amos H. Hawley, T h e P o p u l a t i o n of M i c h i g a n 1840 to
I960;
A n A n a l y s i s of Growth, D i s t r i b u t i o n and C o m p o s i t i o n ,
U n i v e r s T t y of M i c h i g a n G o v e r n m e n t a l Studies, No. 19 (Ann A r b o r :
U n i v e r s i t y of M i c h i g a n Press, 1949), p. 32.
37

U. S., D e p a r t m e n t of Commerce,
Tenth C e n s us of the U n i t e d States, 1880:

TTT.

B u r e a u of the Census,
Population, 1:
213-

-------- ------

43

one p e r c e n t of the p o p u l a t i o n of the state.

By 19 30,

the

black p o p u l a t i o n n u m b e r e d 169,453 and c o m p r i s e d 3.5 p e r c e n t
of the total population.

A m o r e d r a m a t i c statistic,

however,

is not d i r e c t l y r e v e a l e d b y the p r e c e d i n g figures, but is
derived therefrom:
e nced a

100

b e t w e e n 1900 a n d 1930, M i c h i g a n e x p e r i ­

p e r c e n t incre ase in total population,

same thirty y e a r period,

b u t in the

it e x p e r i e n c e d a 9 71 p e r c e n t in c r e a s e

in b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n 1
Two questions

i m m e d i a t e l y arise w h e n p o p u l a t i o n change,

such as t h at e v i d e n c e d b y the f o r e g o i n g data,
r elatively large scale:
M i g r a t i o n was

oc c u r s on a

wh e r e d i d they come from a n d w h y ?

the m a j o r factor in the g r o w t h of

M i c h i g a n ' s b l a c k community.

O v e r 80% of its b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

in 1920 w a s b o r n in states o t h e r than Michigan.
m i g r a t i o n in the 19th century,
m o v e d to M i c h i g a n

in w h i c h the m a j o r i t y of b l a c k s

f r o m the B o r d e r States,

the largest p o r t i o n s

of these m i g r a n t s o r i g i n a t e d in the Deep South:
Mississippi,
Texas,

Georgia,

a n d Florida.

Kentucky, Missouri,

Unlike im­

Louisiana,

Arkansas,

Alabama,

South Carolina,

U p p e r S o u t h and B o r d e r states
Virginia, N o r t h Carolina,

trict of C olumbia, W e s t Virginia,

Oklahoma,

(Tennessee,

Maryland,

Dis­

a n d Delaware)

w e r e a s e c o n d a r y source of M i c h i g a n ' s b l a c k p o p u l ation;

only

22.7 p e r c e n t came f r o m these states as o p p o s e d to 45 p e r c e n t
from the D e e p South.

T h e states

loc a t e d d i r e c t l y s o u t h of

M i c h i g a n s u p p l i e d the larger seg m e n t of the p o p u l a t i o n f r o m
the D e e p S o u t h and B o r d e r s t a t e s .
38

38

U. S., D e p a r t m e n t of Commerce, B u r e a u of Census,
F o u r t e e n t h Ce n s u s of the U n i t e d States, 1920:
Population

44

S e veral factors e x p l a i n this m a s s i v e p o p u l a t i o n m o v e ­
ment to the North,

in general,

and to Michigan,

Foremost a m o n g these w e r e e c o n o m i c and social

in particular.

’p u s h a n d Pull"

factors.

In the South, m e c h a n i z a t i o n of agriculture;

failures,

e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g 1915 a n d 1916;

acreage;

crop

r e d u c t i o n of c o t t o n

n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the boll w e e v i l

(in 1892),

1915,

and 1916)

and floods on the M i s s i s s i p p i

River— all t e n d e d to p u s h bla c k s out of the South.
social conditions,
in the courts,
regation,

such as lynchings,

terrorism,

p o o r e d u c a t i o n a l systems,

and disenfranchisement,

Various

unfairness

discrim i n a t i o n ,

seg­

a g g r a v a t e d the e c o n o m i c

c onditions and further fo r c e d b l a c k s away f r o m the South.
S i m u l t a n e o u s l y , "pull"
north.

The

factors w e r e b e c k o n i n g p e o p l e

labor s h o r t a g e w h i c h d e v e l o p e d d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I

was u n d o u b t e d l y the s t r o n g e s t attraction.

With immigrants

r eturning to E u r o p e and w i t h i m m i g r a t i o n cut off,
war,

and l ater by r e s t r i c t i v e legislation,

first by the

a u t o m o b i l e and

other i n d u s t r i e s t u r n e d to south e r n bla c k s and w h i t e s
the labor shortage;

r e c r u i t i n g agents b r o u g h t b l a c k s in b y

trainloads to fill jobs in automobile,
ing industries,

to fill

to m e n t i o n o n l y a few.

steel,

and m e a t p a c k ­

A s e c o n d "poten t l u r e ”

for s o u t h e r n b l a c k s w a s c e r t a i n l y the five d o l l a r a day m i n i m u m w a g e for all w o r k e r s i n s t i t u t e d b y H e n r y F o r d in 1914.
In fact,

this h a s b e e n a c c r e d i t e d w i t h m a r k i n g

39

the b e g i n n i n g

2: 636-638.
39

J o e l D. A b e r b a c h and Jack L. Walker, Race in the
City P o l i t i c a l T r u s t a n d P u b l i c P o l i c y in the N e w U r b a n S y s ­
tem (Boston;
Little, B r o w n and Company, 1913) , pT

45

of the " g reat m i g r a t i o n . "

These centripetal

tion to s h o r t e r w o r k i n g days than o n farms,

forces,

in a d d i ­

less p o l i t i c a l

and social d i s c r i m i n a t i o n than in the South, b e t t e r e d u c a t i o n ­
al facilities,

and p e r s u a s i o n of friends and relatives al-

ready in M i c h i g a n a c t e d as m a g n e t s dra w i n g bl a c k s

to Michigan.

P e r h a p s as i n t e r e s t i n g as the m i g r a t i o n of b l a c k s
the q u e s t i o n of their d i s t r i b u t i o n w i t h i n the State.
to 1910,

as has b e e n noted,

40

is

Prior

the m a j o r i t y of M i c h i g a n ' s b l a c k s

lived in rural areas o f the s t a t e — in the rural h i n t e r l a n d of
Detroit,

around agricultural villages

s outhw e s t e rn Michigan,

in s o u t h c e n t r a l a n d

in the m i n i n g re g i o n of the U p p e r P e n ­

insula and in the lumbering areas a r o u n d S a g i n a w B a y and in
the v i c i n i t y o f the M u s k e g o n River.

Since 1910,

the trend

in b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n has b e e n to urban sec t o r s of Michiga n ,

a

part of the n a t i o n a l t r e n d of rural to u r b a n migration.
In 1910,

71 p e r c e n t

lived in u r b a n areas.

(12,156)

of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

Fifty-four percent

resided in c i t i e s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s
the cities w i t h i n this category,

Flint,
City,

2.3%,
.9%.

pp. 17-20,
South," p.

are as follows:

%, G r a n d Rapids,

3.8%,

B a t t l e Creek,

J a c k s o n a n d Lansing,

2.1%,

Saginaw,

6

Seven p e r c e n t

(1,198)

So m e of

lis t e d a c c o r d i n g to p e r ­
Detroit,
3.4%,

1.8% a n d B a y

of the total b l a c k p o p u l a ­

tion was c o n c e n t r a t e d in A n n Arbor,
40

of the total

25,000 and above.

centage of the total b l a c k po p u l a t i o n ,
24%, Kalamazoo,

(9,244)

Pontiac, Norway,

Benton

E u n i c e G r i e r and G e o r g e Grier, "The N e g r o M i g r a t i o n , "
and C. Hor a c e Hamilton, "The N e g r o Le a v e s the
278.

46

Harbor,
tion) .

Dowagiac,

Ni l e s and St. J o s e p h

(in o r d e r of c o n c e n t r a -

41
As the automo b i l e

industry c o n t i n u e d its e x p a n s i o n dur-

ing the 1920's, M i c h i g a n c o n t i n u e d to a t t r a c t a s t e a d i l y i n ­
creasing f low of b l a c k w o r k e r s

from the South.

The s u p p l y of

those e a g e r to mig r a t e n o r t h w a s e n s u r e d b y the l i n g e r i n g d e ­
pression in the cotton e c o n o m y a f t e r W o r l d W a r I , a n d the
spreading m e c h a n i z a t i o n of sout h e r n agriculture.
1920,

Thus,

by

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n of M i c h i g a n i n c r e a s e d 251 p e r c e n t

(60,0 82)

o v e r the p r e v i o u s decade,

representing

of the total p o p u l a t i o n of the State;

percent

b y 19 30 it had r e a c h e d

169,45 3— a 182 p e r c e n t i n c r e a s e o v e r 1920,
increase o v e r 1910,

1.6

and 251 p e r c e n t

and it c o m p r i s e d 3.5 p e r c e n t of the total

p o p u l a t i o n of M i c h i g a n . 4 2
The b u l k o f this g r o w t h w a s c o n c e n t r a t e d in the large
urban and in d u s t r i a l centers

in the s o u t h e r n h a l f of the

Lower P e n i n s u l a

Of the four m a j o r cen t e r s of

(Figure 3).

black p o p u l a t i o n gr o w t h in the N o r t h - - N e w Y o r k City,
phia,

Chicago,

Philadel­

and D e t r o i t — the g r e a t e s t relat i v e i n c r e a s e in

black p o p u l a t i o n o c c u r r e d in Detroit, w h e r e n u m b e r s i n c r e a s e d
from 5,741 in 1910 to 40,838 in 1920 or 611.3 percent;

in 1930,

120,006 b l a c k s — 194 p e r c e n t incr e a s e o v e r 1920, and 1,990 p e r c e n t
41

U. S., D e p a r t m e n t of Commerce, B u r e a u of the Census,
T h i r t e e n t h Census of the U n i t e d States, 1910: P o p u l a t i o n 2:

$32-946.---------------------------------42

--------------------------------- ------------

U. S., D e p a r t m e n t o f Commerce, B u r e a u of the Census,
F i f t e e n t h Census of the U n i t e d States, 1930:

T l l 7-11537
T:----1117-

47

PERCENT

BLACKS BY C O U N T Y - 2 9 30

••

P E R C E N T B LA C K S

Figu re

3

C H A P T E R III
B L A C K S IN B A T T L E C R E E K , M I C H I G A N
Ha v i n g d e t e r m i n e d to some ex t e n t the general d i s t r i b u ­
tion and m o v e m e n t of b l a c k s in M i c h i g a n , an e x a m i n a t i o n of
the genesis,
Battle Creek,
cally,

growth,

and m i g r a t i o n of the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y in

M i c h i g a n is c l e a r l y essential.

in this chapter,

the c o n d i t i o n s and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

u n d e r l y i n g the spatial d i s t r i b u t i o n of bl a c k s
will be examined.

More s p e c i f i ­

in B a t t l e C r e e k

Some of the q u e s t i o n s to be a n s w e r e d are:

Who w e r e the first b l a c k s to come to B a t t l e Cr e e k ?
they come from?

Where did

W h a t w a s the b a s i s for the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h

century m i g r a t i o n ?

A n d w h e r e d i d the re c e n t m i g r a n t s come

from?
Be f o r e p r o c e e d i n g to the d e v e l o p m e n t of the b l a c k c o m ­
munity,

l i m i t a t i o n s of the d a t a for this c h a p t e r w i l l be d i s ­

cussed briefly.

In the w o r d s of R i c h a r d Wade:

In r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the u r b a n e x p e r i e n c e of
the A m e r i c a n people, for example, scholars
are n e v e r q u i t e sure h o w m a n y p e o p l e lived
in a city at a p a r t i c u l a r time, h o w long
t hey h a d b e e n there, w h e r e they came from,
or h o w long they stayed.
It is no p r o b l e m
to iden t i f y the prominent, the rich and
the successful, or e v e n the notorious.
Yet
the o r d i n a r y are easily lost in the f r a g m e n ­
t ary d o c u m e n t a t i o n that s u r v i v e s the a t t r i ­
tion of time.l
^ R i c h a r d W a d e , F o r e w o r d to
The Plain Pe o p l e of B o s t o n
1 8 3 0 - 1 8 6 0 , b y P e t e r R. Knights
(New York:
Oxford University
P r e s s , 1571), p. v.
48

49
In the same vein, b l a c k s are m o s t o f t e n lost in the a t t r i t i o n
of time, w i t h bl a c k s of B a t t l e Creek b e i n g n o exception.
addition to very little p u b l i s h e d i n f o r m a t i o n on bl a c k s
Battle Creek,
ers,

In
in

there are few p r i v a t e papers of c o m m u n i t y l e a d ­

few memoirs,

few diaries,

few letters,

a n d few c h u r c h

records to r e c o n s t r u c t the early f o r m a t i o n of the b l a c k c o m ­
m unity of Battle Creek.
efflux"

Nevertheless,

the "influx,

flux,

and

of the c i t y ’s b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n did n o t go c o m p l e t e l y

unregistered,

and it is p r i m a r i l y f r o m m a t e r i a l s m e a n t for

ep h e meral use such as m a n u s c r i p t censuses,
newspapers,

tax a s s e s s m e n t rolls,

along w i t h i n t e r v i e w s w i t h o l d e r residents,

that

some of the story of the genesis and g r o w t h of the b l a c k c o m ­
m u n i t y of B a t t l e C r e e k m a y be reconstructed.

E v e n t h o u g h the

sketchy and i n c o m p l e t e data h i n d e r a total anal y s i s of the
black c o m m u n i t y of the n i n e t e e n t h a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u ­
ries,

it is the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the social s c i e n t i s t to ask

qu e s t i o n s a b o u t p h e n o m e n a for w h i c h
been gathered.
community,

W i t h this in mind,

little i n f o r m a t i o n has
the b e g i n n i n g s o f the b l a c k

and the later g r o w t h and m i g r a t i o n w i l l be discussed.

The O r i g i n of B a t t l e C r e e k
B a t t l e Creek is s i t u a t e d in C a l h o u n C o u n t y in the
s o u t h c e n t r a l sec t i o n of Michigan,
miles northeast)

and Detroit

tral c i t i e s s u r r o u n d it:
44 m i l e s east,

midway between Chicago

(114 mil$SL

Kalamazoo,

a n d Lansing,

Seve r a l c e n ­

24 m i l e s west;

47 m i l e s n o r t h e a s t

(162

Jackson,

(Figure 4).

Th e o r i g i n of B a t t l e C r e e k dates to 18 31, w h e n S ands
M c C a m l y and G e o r g e Redfield,

" a p p r e c i a t i n g the v a l u e of the

N

LOCATION
BATTLE

20

OF

STUDY

CREEK,

AREA =

MICHIGAN

4 0 mi.

® Saginaw

F igure

Grand

Rapids

W
O

£-

£ Lansing

£

Battle
% Creek
Kalamazoo
Jackson

Chicago

^

South
Bsnd

Soyrcs Adantsd from CowprWuniwt City Plan of Botttt C rm

INDIANA

O H IO

ONTARIO

51

site for

(water)

power,

d e c i d e d to p u r c h a s e the land w h i c h

lies in the v a l l e y ab o u t at the c o n v e r g e n c e of the K a l a m a z o o
2
and B a t t l e C r e e k Rivers."
When McCamly and Redfield arrived
at the l a n d o f f i c e in W h i t e Pigeon,

three others w e r e there
3
interested in p u r c h a s i n g the same land.
Thus, the a r e a w a s

bought b y the entire gr o u p and plans w e r e

laid for the d e v e l o p ­

ment of B a t t l e Creek.
In 1836, w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n of 400, the village w a s
4
platted.
The f o l l o w i n g year, the e r e c t i o n of the first g r i s t
mill m a r k e d the local i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t , 5
dustries s u c h as p l a n i n g mills,
mills,

g r i s t mills,

and p i o n e e r i n ­

wood cording

a n d w a g o n factories soon e m e r g e d in Ba t t l e C r e e k . 6

By 1845 the first r a i l r o a d r e a c h e d Ba t t l e Creek,
184 8 b y N i c h o l s a n d S h e p a r d Company,
manufacturer. 7

an a g r i c u l t u r a l m a c h i n e r y

This e x p a n s i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and i n d u s t r y

p r o v i d e d m o m e n t u m to c o m m u n i t y development,
a p o p u l a t i o n of 1,064,
village,

f o l l o w e d in

B a t t l e C r e e k was

and b y 1850,

with

i n c o r p o r a t e d as a

f o l l o w e d in 1859 w i t h i n c o r p o r a t i o n as a city.

With

2

H. T h o m p s o n Straw, "Battle Creek:
A S t u d y in U r b a n
G eography," P a r t II, Pa p e r s M i c h i g a n A c a d e m y Science, A r t s ,
and L e t t e r s 22 (1936): 71-72.
Ibid.

3

4

H a r l a n d B a r t h o l o m e w et a l . , C o m p r e h e n s i v e City P l a n :
Battle Creek, M i c h i g a n , C h a p t e r II:
E c o n o m i c B a c k g r o u n d ^ T549,
P* 4 Ibid.

5

6 Straw,

7

"Battle Creek," p.

B art h o l o m e w ,

74.

C o m p r e h e n s i v e C i t y P l a n , p.

4.

52

the coining of the railroad, the pioneer industries declined;
Battle Creek became an "agricultural trading hub" for surround­
ing farming areas— a preeminence it maintained well into the
twentieth century.
M ore importantly,

however,

in sha p i n g a n d d i r e c t i n g

the d e v e l o p m e n t of B a t t l e Cr e e k w e r e
Seventh Day A d v e n t i s t s

the d e c i s i o n s of the

to m o v e their h e a d q u a r t e r s

their p u b l i c a t i o n o f f i c e s in 1861 to the city.
t emperance and h e a l t h reform,

in 1855 a n d

Stressing

the S e v e n t h Day A d v e n t i s t s

in­

d i r e c t l y m a d e B a t t l e C r e e k renown as "food city" and " h e a l t h
O
city."
I n c o r p o r a t i n g their ideas o f d i e t a r y and h e a l t h r e ­
form,

the W e s t e r n R e f o r m Insti t u t e w a s e s t a b l i s h e d in B a t t l e

C r e e k in 1866,

f r o m w h i c h the Ba t t l e C r e e k S a n i t a r i u m w a s

d e v e l o p e d a de c a d e

later.

W i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t of the b r e a k ­

fast food f a c t o r i e s in the 1890's,

B a t t l e C r e e k ' s future

growth and p r o s p e r i t y w a s p a r t i a l l y insured:
was to b e c o m e

Ba t t l e C r e e k

the food ce r e a l capital of the nation.

B y 19 30,

Battle C r e e k f u n c t i o n e d p r i m a r i l y as a m a n u f a c t u r i n g center:
food cereal,

a n d m a c h i n e r y and e q u i p m e n t m a n u f a c t u r e r s w e r e

the m o s t i m p o r t a n t industries.

g

Q

"Food city" e m a n a t e d f r o m the S e v e n t h D a y A d v e n t i s t ' s
ideas a b o ut d i e t in w h i c h they a d v o c a t e d a v e g e t a r i a n d i e t o f
cereal, fruit, a n d vegetables, a n d an a v o i d a n c e of coffee, tea,
liquor, pork, a n d h i g h l y s e a s o n e d foods; "he a l t h city" e n s u e d
from t h e i r b e l i e f s r e l a t e d to t r e a t m e n t of disease, i.e., b y
use of water, air, a n d light, w i t h little o r no a s s i s t a n c e
from drugs.

g

In 19 30, a p p r o x i m a t e l y 42% of the w o r k force w a s in
m a n u f a c t u r ing.
O f this percent, 13% were e m p l o y e d in c e r e a l
processing; 11% in steel m a c h i n e r y a n d industries.
The r e m a i n ­
ing 18% w e r e d i s p e r s e d b e t w e e n m a n u f a c t u r i n g p r i n t i n g presses,

53

Black Beginnings in Battle Creek
The exact: d a t e w h e n the first b l a c k s e t t l e r a p p e a r e d
in B a t t l e C r e e k is unknown;

however,

as e a r l y as 184 0 two

blacks w e r e i d e n t i f i e d in B a t t l e Creek.
tioned S a m u e l S t r a u t h e r

Erastus Hussey m e n ­

(sic), "a c o l o r e d man"

as one of the

five a n t i s l a v e r y men in the city at the time of the o r g a n i z a ­
tion of the U n d e r g r o u n d R a i l r o a d . 1®
Strothers w a s

It is q u e s t i o n a b l e if

i n d e e d in the v i l l a g e of Bat t l e Creek,

documentation,

e x c e p t i n g the above,

c o u l d be

found.

for n o
Th e 1840

census w a s f r u i t l e s s in e s t a b l i s h i n g S t r o t h e r s as a r e s i d e n t
of B a t t l e Creek,

for n o t until

1850 w a s the V i l l a g e e n u m e r a t e d

se p a r a t e l y f r o m the t o w n s h i p . 1 1

Moreover,

was r e c o r d e d as s e l l i n g p r o p e r t y

in "East B a t t l e Creek"

Emmet township.

12

In 1850,

the v i l l a g e of B a t t l e Creek,

he w a s listed,

in 1847,

Strothers

once again,

in
n o t in

b u t at the o u t s k i r t s of Ea s t

gas and e l e c t r i c ranges, a n d a su n d r y o f smal l e r items.
Straw, "Battle Creek," p. 80.

See

1® Cha r l e s E. Barnes, "Battle C r e e k as a S t a t i o n on
the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad," M i c h i g a n P i o n e e r and H i s t o r i c a l
C o l l e c t i o n s 38 (1912):
280.
11The 1840 m a n u s c r i p t c e n s u s e n u m e r a t e d s i x b l a c k s
(not by name, unfortunately) in B a t t l e C r e e k Township.
A
b r e a k d o w n by age and sex r e v e a l e d two f e m a l e s : o n e b e t w e e n
1 a n d 10 a n d one b e t w e e n 24 and 36.
F o u r m a l e s w e r e listed:
one b e t w e e n 5 a n d 10; one b e t w e e n 10 a n d 24; a n d two b e t w e e n
24 and 36.
B a s e d on his age in the 1850 census, S t r o t h e r s
could have b e e n o n e of the m e n b e t w e e n 24 a n d 36; however,
the e v i d e n c e is i n c o n c l u s i v e to e s t a b l i s h h i m in the Township.
12

R e c o r d of Deeds, C a l h o u n County, B o o k 31, p. 837.
It s h o u l d be n o t e d that the i n c o r p o r a t e d v i l l a g e of B a t t l e
Creek s t r a d d l e d two t o w n s h i p s — E m m e t a n d Ba t t l e Creek.
How­
ever, the p l a t k n o w n as "East B a t t l e Creek" in E m m e t T o w n s h i p
w h i c h was r e s u r v e y e d in 1849 w a s n o t i n c l u d e d in the 1850
census as a p o r t i o n of the v i l l a g e of B a t t l e Creek.

54

Battle C r e e k . ^

C o u l d S t r o t h e r s have been in s o - c a l l e d East

Battle C r e e k from 1840 onward?
an answer;

however,

The a v a i l a b l e d a t a prec l u d e

in all p r o b a b i l i t y ,

S t r o t h e r s was in the

v i c i n i t y of B a t t l e C r e e k as e a r l y as 1840.
L ewis and Lou i s e Jac k s o n m a d e up the o t h e r blac k
family in Ba t t l e C r e e k in 1840.
deeds,

the J a c k s o n s p u r c h a s e d o n e - f i f t h acre of land in the

town of M i l t o n

(Battle Creek)

known of the Jacksons.
why,

A c c o r d i n g to the recor d of

on March

14,

1 8 4 0 . L i t t l e is

W h e n they arri v e d in B a t t l e Cre e k and

is o p e n to speculation.

15

A m o n g the initial b l a c k s e t t l e r s w a s J o h n J. Evans,
w h o s e a r r i v a l in Ba t t l e C r e e k in 1845 is m o r e e a g e r l y r e ­
co unted b y local historians.
County,

G e o r g i a on M a r c h 13,

Evans was born

in C h e r o k e e

1840 to free parents.

A recount

of the f a mily's journey as it a p p e a r e d in the D e t r o i t J o u r n a l
in 1892

follows:
In 1845 his fa t h e r im b u e d w i t h the b e l i e f
that the n o r t h p r e s e n t e d b e t t e r ad v a n t a g e s
for the success of his family than d i d the
13

Tax and A s s e s s m e n t Rolls, C a l h o u n County, Vol. 6 ,
1849-50; a n d 1850 M a n u s c r i p t Census, C a l h o u n County.
In a d ­
dition to land sold in E a s t B a t t l e C r e e k in 1847, S t r o t h e r s
sold p r o p e r t y in E a s t Bat t l e C r e e k to J o s e p h S k i p w o r t h in
November, 1848; to H e n r y D e n m a n in January, 1850; and to
John S i m p s o n in September, 1850.
Further, in 1849 and 1850,
he was a s s e s s e d p r o p e r t y tax on land he o w n e d at the o u t s k i r t s
of E a s t B a t t l e Creek.
H a v i n g s e a r c h e d the r e c o r d s of deeds
thoroughly, n o r e c o r d of h i s p u r c h a s i n g or his b e i n g g r a n t e d
the l a n d b y the G o v e r n m e n t could b e found.
14
15

R e c o r d of Deeds,

C a l h o u n County,

B o o k 12, p.

242.

The J a c k s o n s are c r e d i t e d w i t h b e i n g the p a r e n t s of
the f i r s t b l a c k c h i l d b o r n in B a t t l e Creek.
T h e i r son, J o h n H.
Jackson, w a s b o r n in 1842.
See:
"Obit u a r y J o h n H. Jacks o n , "
B a t t l e C r e e k D a i l y Journal, M a r c h 18, 1895.

55

slave states, so h e came to Indiana.
This
w a s the time w h e n refugee c o l o r e d families
w e r e h u n t e d down by owners, a n d Indiana w a s
a m o s t c o n v e n i e n t state for these r e p e a t e d
raids.
F e a r i n g for the safety of his family,
he a r r a n g e d to b r i n g them further north, when
d e a t h o v e r t o o k him.... The m o t h e r ' s i n d o m i t ­
able will, however, was g u i d e d by h e r late
h u s b a n d ' s counsel, and she c o n c l u d e d to carry
o ut the idea o f g e t t i n g the family further
north, so she sta r t e d for Cass County,
Michigan.
N o t liking the s u r r o u n d i n g s there,
she came to this city, the w h o l e journey from
the s o u t h b e i n g c o m p l e t e d during the y e a r
1 8 4 5 ____ 1 6
Five y ears later w h e n the m a n u s c r i p t census w a s conducted,
Evans family was
In 1847,
Battle Creek.
slaves,

l o c a t e d in E m m e t township

(East Bat t l e Creeki

Cass County,

a w e l l k n o w n h a v e n for fugitive

4 5 b l a c k s fleeing from there e n r o u t e

a l l e g e d l y via the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad,
night in B a t t l e Creek.
Sandford,

17

a small p a r t y of bla c k s s e t t l e d in o r n e a r

w a s ra i d e d by K e n t u c k y p l a n t e r s in A u g u s t of tha t

As aresult,

the

18

year.

to Canada,

s t o p p e d to rest over-

O f this group, W i l l i a m Casey,

Perry

J o s e p h S k i p w o r t h a n d Tho m a s H e n d e r s o n e l e c t e d to re-

main in B attle Creek.

19

In a d d i t i o n to these w h o m local h i s ­

torians r e p o r t e d st a y e d in B a t t l e Creek, N e l s o n Step h e n s and
his f amily w e r e p r o b a b l y a m o n g those w h o remained.

According

^ 6 "J. J. Evans, A H a n d s o m e C o m p l i m e n t a r y Sk e t c h in
the D e t r o i t Journal," B a t t l e C r e e k Daily Journal, A p r i l 14,
1892.
17

1850 M a n u s c r i p t Census,

C a l h o u n County.

18

Barnes, "Battle C r e e k as a S t a t i o n on the U n d e r g r o u n d
Railroad," p. 2 83.
19

These men a n d their families a d d e d at least 16 p e o p l e
to the population.
See:
1850 M a n u s c r i p t Census, C a l h o u n
County.

56

to a b i o g r a p h i c a l s k e t c h of P e r r y Sandford,

Casey,

Stephens,

and he o r i g i n a t e d from the same g e n e r a l area in Kentucky;
fled to Cass C o u n t y w i t h i n short p e r i o d s of e a c h other;
all w e r e in Cass Co u n t y at the time of the raid.

20

case,

in 1849,

and

Thus,

all p r o b a b i l i t y , they fled from Cass C o u n t y together.

all

in

In any

Ne l s o n S t e p h e n s w a s r e c o r d e d as a p r o p e r t y

owner in B a t t l e Creek.

21

T h e s e p e o p l e — the Strothers,

the Jacksons,

the E v a n s

and those w h o f o l l o w e d sho r t l y a f t e r w a r d s — fo r m e d the n u c l e u s
for a s e t t l e m e n t of b l a c k s in B a t t l e Creek.

B y 1849,

there

were e n o u g h b l a c k s in B a t t l e C r e e k to f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e the
Second B a p t i s t Church.

By 1850,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n w a s

c o n t r a s t e d to a total p o p u l a t i o n of 1,064.
this number,

22

34,

In addi t i o n to

Ba t t l e C r e e k ' s b l a c k c o m m u n i t y a l s o i n c l u d e d a

n u m b e r of b l a c k s in E a s t B a t t l e C r e e k — m a n y of w h o m a p p a r e n t l y
c o n s i d e r e d themse l v e s a p a r t of the g r o w i n g c o m m u n i t y o f
Battle Creek,

for they h e l p e d o r g a n i z e the b l a c k c h u r c h in

Battle C r e e k . 2 ^
20

"Out of Bondage, A R e m i n i s c e n c e of the U n d e r g r o u n d
R a i l r o a d — H o w P e r r y S a n d f o r d E s c a p e d from S l a v e r y as t o l d by
Perry S a n d f o r d in August, 1884," C l i p p i n g in Wiegmink, E a r l y
Days of B a t t l e C r e e k S c r a p b o o k , p. 679.
S a n d f o r d also l i s t e d
G eorge H a m i l t o n as among the g r o u p w h o f l e d f r o m Kentucky.
Born in Kentucky, he m a y h a v e b e e n from the same g e n e r a l area.
However, h e a p p a r e n t l y did not e s c a p e the s a m e time as C a s e y
et al.
for h e p u r c h a s e d land in B e d f o r d t o w n s h i p in C a l h o u n
C o u n t y in 1842.
See:
R e c o r d of Deeds, C a l h o u n County, B o o k
22, p. 100.
By 1850, he w a s in E m m e t t o w n s h i p (East B a t t l e
Creek) a n d then m a r r i e d to w i d o w Evans.
21
22

T a x A s s e s s m e n t Rolls,

C a l h o u n County,

1850 M a n u s c r i p t Census,

1849.

C a l h o u n County.

23
A c c o r d i n g to the M a n u s c r i p t Census,
in E m m e t t own s h i p in 1850.

59 b l a c k s w e r e

57

F o r m i n g 3.9 p e r c e n t o f the p o p u l a t i o n in 1850,
b lack p o p u l a t i o n was u n u s u a l l y high,

the

as c o m p a r e d to the six-

tenth p e r c e n t b l a c k for the State as a whole.

Co n d i t i o n s

which m a d e B a t t l e Creek favorable for b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t c o u l d
p r o bably be a c c o u n t e d for b y the p r e s e n c e of a large n u m b e r

of Quakers among the citizenry of early Battle Creek.
n o t e d previously,

As

Q u a k e r s w e r e f o r e m o s t in a i d i n g and a b e t t i n g

the a b o l i t i o n i s t movement ,

no exception.

24

In fact,

and Qua k e r s of B a t t l e C r e e k w e r e

"the stronghold of the abolitionists

in c e n t r a l M i c h i g a n was the little b r o w n Q u a k e r m e e t i n g h o u s e
25
in B a t t l e Creek."
B e g i n n i n g in 1840 and c o n t i n u i n g to the
Civil War,

the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad,

B attle Creek, w i t h E r a s t u s Hussey,

a l l e g e d l y o p e r a t e d in

a Quaker,

the stationmaster.

A l t h o u g h the i m p o rtance of the r a i l w a y is b e i n g questio n e d ,

it

ap p a r e n t l y a c c o u n t e d for a sizable n u m b e r o f the e a r l i e s t blacks
in B a t t l e C r e e k p r i o r to 1850:
families m e n t i o n e d here w e r e

at least five of the ni n e b l a c k

fugitive slaves,

arriving most

likely v i a the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad.
G r o w t h of the B l a c k Population:

1860-1900

D u r i n g the 1850's and 1860's the p o p u l a t i o n o f the city
of B a t t l e C r e e k e x p e r i e n c e d t r e m e n d o u s growth,

a n d the s mall

b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t a t t r a c t e d an i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r of blacks.
24

"Slavery and the U n d e r g r o u n d Railroad," in M i c h i g a n
Since 1 8 1 5 , ed. Fe r r i s L e w i s (Hillsdale, M i c h igan:
Hillsdale
E d u c a t i o n a l Pub., 1973), p. 46.
25

A n s o n Du Puy V a n Buren, "History of C h u r c h e s in
Battle Creek" M i c h i g a n P i o n e e r and H i s t o r i c a l C o l l e c t i o n s 5
(1883):
290.

58
The total p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d by 12 2% in 1860, b r i n g i n g the
total p o p u l a t i o n to 3,359;

a n d by 1870,

a 74% incr e a s e o v e r

1860, p l a c e d it at 5,838.

F o r the same period,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n was e v e n m o r e dramatic:
the p o p u l a t i o n
1850;

the g r o w t h of

f r o m 34 in 1850,

jumped to 155 in 1 8 6 0 — a 356% incr e a s e o v e r

a n d to 315 b y 1 8 7 0 — a 103% increase o v e r 1860.

b l a c k p r o p o r t i o n of total p o p u l a t i o n
1850 to 5.2% in 1870
Numerous

The

i n c r e a s e d from 3.3% in

(Table 2 ) . 2 6

factors co u l d a c c o u n t for this growth.

the town in general,

For

e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s in the d e v e l o p -

ing i n d u s t r i e s c o n s t i t u t e d a c o n s t a n t a t t r a c t i o n for pioneers.
F o r blacks,

in particular,

27

it seems not to h a v e b e e n the e m ­

p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s a c c o m p a n y i n g the i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h
w h i c h a t t r a c t e d them to B a t t l e Creek.

T h e y did not,

generally,

leave t h e ir p l a c e of o r i g i n p l a n n i n g to se t t l e in B a t t l e Creek,
but were,

in all prob a b i l i t y ,

see k i n g s a f e t y / f r e e d o m and e c o ­

n o m i c o p p o r t u n i t y w h e r e v e r possible.

H a v i n g v e n t u r e d to

B a t t l e C r e e k and finding a f a v o r a b l e env i r o n m e n t ,
of r e c e p t i v i t y a n d e m p l o y m e n t , m a n y b l a c k s

b o t h in terms

undoubtedly chose

to remain.
^ C e n s u s o f U n i t e d States,
27

1850-1870.

In 1850, 19 b u s i n e s s firms in B a t t l e C r e e k h a d an
annual value little o v e r $500 a n d a total an n u a l value o f m e r ­
ch a n d i s e of $142,524.
B y 1860, the n u m b e r of b u s i n e s s e n t e r ­
prises w i t h annual value o v e r $500 rose to 4 3 a n d the total
annual v a l u e of m e r c h a n d i s i n g w a s $562.88.
Agricultural
e n t e r p r i s e s a n d farm p r o d u c t i v i t y b o t h w i t n e s s e d the same
progress.
See:
Rut h v e n Prime, "Battle Creek, 1850-1860:
A P o l i t i c a l History," S t u d e n t Paper, A n d r e w s University, M a y
28, 1971, p. 22.

59

T A B L E II
G R O W T H OF B L A C K P O P U L A T I O N O F B A T T L E CREEK:
1850 - 1930

Year

T otal
Pop.

1850

1,064

1860

3, 359

1,295

121. 7

155

121

355.9

4.5

1870

5, 838

2,479

73.8

315

160

103.2

5.2

1880

7,063

1, 225

21.0

270

-45

-14. 3

3.

1890

13,197

6,134

8 6

.8

355

85

31. 5

2.7

1900

18,563

5, 366

40. 7

525

170

47. 9

2.8

1910

25,267

6

, 704

36.1

575

50

9.5

2.3

1920

30,164

10,897

43.1

1,055

480

83.5

2.9

1930

43,573

7, 409

.1

1,795

740

70.1

4.0

Source:

Increase
No.
%
—

Black
Pop.

—

2 0

34

U. S. Census of Population:

Increase
No.
%
—

% Black
3.3

—

1850 - 19 30.

8

60
M o r e i m p o r t a n t in e x p l a i n i n g the g r o w t h of the b l a c k
p o p u l a t i o n in Battle Creek during the 5 0 * s and 6 0 's wa s the
in c r e a s i n g h o s t i l i t y of w h i t e s towards blacks,

e s p e c i a l l y in

the b o r d e r states and M i d w e s t in the y e a r s p r i o r to and d u r ­
ing the C ivil War.

E m a n a t i n g p a r t l y f r o m s e c t i o n a l co n f licts

b e tween the N o r t h a n d the S o u t h in the 5 0 ' s and p a r t l y f r o m
a fear that e m a n c i p a t e d b l a c k s w o u l d flood the N o r t h in the
60's, this h o s t i l i t y found e x p r e s s i o n in r e a c t i v a t i o n of
black codes (similar to those of the 1830's)

and in e x c l u s i o n

or a t t e m p ted e x c l u s i o n laws in the M i d w e s t w h i c h made
legal for blh c k s to settle there.
preda t e d the e x c l u s i o n acts,

28

it il-

Where black settlement

hardening public opinion made

it d i f f i c u l t for t h e m to live w i t h o u t fear.^^
A b r i e f p r o f i l e of two b l a c k s w h o s e t t l e d in B a t t l e
Creek d u r i n g these y e a r s shed a d d i t i o n a l
n e t i s m the city h e l d for blacks.
ally k n o w n as a lecturer,

light on the m a g ­

Sojourner T r u t h , 3 0

nation­

first for a b o l i t i o n i s t movement,

28

J a c q u e s V. Voegeli, F r e e B u t N o t E q u a l ; T h e M i d w e s t
and the N e g r o d u r i n g the Civil W a r
(Chicago:
U n i v e r s i t y of
C h i c a g o Press, 1967) ; "The E d g e of Caste:
Colored Suffrage
in Michigan, 1827-1861" M i c h i g a n H i s t o r y 56 (Spring 1972):
20.
I n d i a n a p a s s e d e x c l u s i o n laws in 1852;
Illinois in 1853;
and O h i o citi z e n s p e t i t i o n e d for e x c l u s i o n laws in 1862
(Voegeli, 2, 7).
A n e x a m i n a t i o n of the s t a t e of b i r t h of
m i g r a n t s (to be d i s c u s s e d later in this chapter) suppo r t s the
thesis that states f r o m the b o r d e r r e g i o n and M i d w e s t p r o v i d e
the l a r g e st n u m b e r of b l a c k m i g r a n t s to B a t t l e Creek.
29

Voegeli;

Free b u t N o t E q u a l , pp.

2,

7.

30S o j o u r n e r Truth, is c i t e d m a i n l y f r o m S o j o u r n e r T r u t h
ed i t e d by B e r e n i c e Lowe, M i c h i g a n H i s t o r i c a l C o l l e ction s ,
U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, 1964, (Typewritten).

61

and w o m e n suffrage,
freedmen,
1856.

a n d later for temperance,

and refugee

i n i t i a l l y came to the v i c i n i t y of B a t t l e C r e e k in

T o the S p i r i t u a l i s t c o m m u n i t y of Harmonia,

west of B a ttle Creek,
a house.

In 1867,

six miles

she r e t u r n e d a y e a r later and p u r c h a s e d

she m o v e d to 10 C o l l e g e S t r e e t in Battle

Creek, w h e r e she lived b e t w e e n s p e a k i n g e n g a g e m e n t s unt i l her
d eath in 1883.

H a v i n g st r o n g ties w i t h Quakers,

Sojourner's

initial v i s i t to the B a t t l e C r e e k area is b e l i e v e d to have
been at the i n v i t a t i o n of a Q u a k e r reformer,
w h o h i m self t r a v e l e d extensively,

H e n r y Willis,

a n d in those travels he v e r y

likely m e t S o j o u r n e r Truth.
S ojourner's

p r e s e n c e in Ba t t l e C r e e k has b e e n a t t r i b u t e d

to the large n u m b e r of b l a c k s s e t t l i n g there.
gests a n u m b e r m u c h

One w r i t e r s u g ­

larger than those a t t r a c t e d b e c a u s e of

Q uaker s e n t i m e n t and e q u a l i t y . ^

A l t h o u g h n o dir e c t pr o o f

exists that S o j o u r n e r b r o u g h t a large n u m b e r of bla c k s or that
a s i g n i f i c a n t n u m b e r came to Bat t l e C r e e k b e c a u s e of h e r r e p u ­
tation,

it is h i g h l y p r o b a b l e that in h e r m a n y t r a v e l s t h r o u g h ­

out the country,
Creek.

she i n f l u e n c e d some b l a c k s to settle in Battle

T h r o u g h h e r w o r k w i t h the F r e e d m e n B u r e a u in general,

and "Freedman V i l l a g e ”
D. C.)

in particular,

(located at the o u t s k i r t s of Washington,
in the late 1 8 6 0 's, she w a s p r o b a b l y

more i n s t r u m e n t a l in b l a c k s s e t t l i n g in B a t t l e Creek.

Thesis,

^ J . L. Hawks, "Blacks in B a t t l e Creek,"
O l i v e t College, Olivet, Michigan, 1949,

Senior Honor
p. 2.

62
Bernard

32

r e p o r t e d that b e t w e e n 1867-68,

ing a n d a d d r e s s i n g meetings,

while

Sojourner found many

able a n d r e t u r n e d to W a s h i n g t o n to find men
all likelihood,
Additionally,

she w a s t r a v e l ­
jobs a v a i l ­

to fill them.

In

she found jobs in B a t t l e C r e e k as well.

from the slums o f F r e e d m a n Village,

Sojourner,

w i t h the a i d of the F r e e d m e n B u r e a u w h i c h p a i d rai l w a y fares,
r eport e d l y b r o u g h t trainl o a d s of b l a c k s west,

d r o p p i n g them

off in small towns w h e r e she b e l i e v e d they w o u l d have
to b e t t e r themselves.

33

Creek is lost to history.

a chance

H o w m a n y of these s e t t l e d in B a t t l e
34

A n a c c o u n t of o n e family w h o m S o j o u r n e r b r o u g h t is
proba b l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of ot h e r s w h o came.
family,

Eliza,
32

Norton,

and her three children,

J a c q u e l i n e Bernard,
1967), pp. 221-222.

Addie,

The Grayson
Ben,

J o u r n e y to F r e e d o m

a n d Payton,
(New York:

33

" B r o u g h t Here b y S o j o u r n e r T r u t h L o c a l M a n R e calls
Famous W o r k e r , " and "That G r e a t Day, 80 Y e a r s A g o V i v i d O n e
to Payton G r a y s o n , " N e w s p a p e r C l i p p i n g s in S o j o u r n e r T r u t h ,
ed. B e r e n i c e Lowe; a n d V i c t o r i a Ortiz, S o j o u r n e r Truth: ~~A
Self-made W o m a n (Philadelphia: J. B. L i p p e n c o t t Company, 1972),
113-120.
K a t z m a n reports that a f t e r the Civil War, the
National F r e e d m e n ' s Re l i e f A s s o c i a t i o n s e n t b l a c k f a r m w o r k e r s
to the a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t a r o u n d B a t t l e Creek.
Sojourner
p r o b a b l y i n f l u e n c e d the B u r e a u to r e l o c a t e b l a c k s here.
See:
David Katzman, "Rural B l a c k s in M i c h i g a n , " M i c h i g a n C h a l l e n g e
9 (June, 1969):
30.
34

In the 1870 M a n u s c r i p t Census, Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C.
was the state of b i r t h o f five blacks; p r i o r to that census,
no b lacks in B a t t l e C r e e k w e r e b o r n in D. C.
O f the six
blacks b o r n in Maryland, in B a t t l e C r e e k in 1870, n o n e w e r e
here in p r i o r censuses.
C o u l d they h a v e c o m e as a res u l t of
Sojourner Tr uth?
Further, as in the case of the G r a y s o n s w h o
were o r i g i n a l l y fr om V i r g i n i a and w h o h a d m i g r a t e d to W a s h i n g t o n ,
other b l a c k s p r o b a b l y left st a t e s of Kentucky, Virginia , etc.
finally s ett l i n g in D. C., b e f o r e d e p a r t i n g for the West.
How
many of these, b o a r d i n g the train in D. C. s e t t l e d in B a t t l e
Creek?

63
a r r i v e d in B a t t l e C r e e k in November,
f reedman trains.

35

Originally

1867 on o n e of sev e r a l

from F a r q u h a r County,

Virginia,

they fled to Washington,

D. C. d u r i n g or shortly after the

close of the Civil War.

In F r e e d m a n Village,

m e e t i n g the Graysons,

Sojourner,

after

made a r r a n g e m e n t s w h e r e b y the G o v e r n ­

ment f u r n i s h e d t h e i r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n west.

O n c e in Batt l e

Creek,

E l i z a found w o r k and e v e n t u a l l y m a r r i e d Th o m a s Q u a i n -

tance,

an emigree f r o m Maryland,

w h o came on one of S o j o u r n e r ' s

trains f r o m W a s h i n g t o n b e t w e e n N o v e m b e r and December,
Further,

1867.

36

e x a m i n a t i o n of the State Census of

M i c h i g a n r e v e a l e d that m o s t of the g r o w t h of the 6 0 's o c c u r r e d
after 1864:

from 14 3 in 1864— an

. 8 % d e c r e a s e from 1860,

the

black p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d to 315 in 1870— a 121% i n c r e a s e
over 1864.

37

Thus,

it is p o s s i b l e that S o j o u r n e r Truth,

directly or indirectly,

c o u p l e d w i t h Q u a k e r s e n t i m e n t m a y be

responsible for the r e l a t i v e l y large influx o f b l a c k s by 1870.
During the dec a d e s 1880 to 1900,

the m a n u f a c t u r i n g

centers in southern M i c h i g a n in g e n e r a l , and B a t t l e C r e e k in
particular,

w i t n e s s e d a m a r k e d increase

F r o m 7,06 3 in 1880,

the total p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d to 18,56 3

in 1 9 0 0 — a 163% increase.
total population,
35

in p o p u l a t i o n growth.

A l t h o u g h not as d r a m a t i c as the

the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y e x p e r i e n c e d a large

Graysons,

N e w s p a p e r C l i p p i n g in Lowe,

Sojourner

Truth.
36

" Q u a i n t a n c e - G r a y s o n Wed," Ba t t l e C r e e k Daily Journal,
D e c e m b e r 12, 1867.
37

Michigan, D e p a r t m e n t of State,
of the State of Michigan, 1 8 6 4 , 73.

C e n s u s and S t a t i s t i c s

64
influx of newcomers.

F r o m a 14% decline at the o n s e t of 1880,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d in 1890 to 3 5 5 — a 32% increase,
and by 1900 w a s

r e c o r d e d at 5 2 5 — a 48% incre a s e o v e r 1890,

and a 94% increase o v e r 1880!
increase in absol u t e numbers,

D e s p i t e the r e l a t i v e l y

large

the p r o p o r t i o n of b l a c k to total

po p u l a t i o n s t e a d i l y d e c l i n e d f r o m 3.8% in 1880 to 2.8% in 1900.
Opportunities
upon g r o w t h potential.

for e m p l o y m e n t have a m a j o r influ e n c e
F o r B a t t l e Creek,

the e x t e n s i o n of

the G r a n d T r u n k R a i l r o a d to the city in 1873,

and later con­

ce n t r a t i o n of r e g i o n a l w o r k shops of b o t h r a i l r o a d s

in the

city,

c o u p l e d w i t h Ba t t l e C r e e k ' s c l a i m as "leading m a n u f a c 38
turing town in the state" in the 1870's and 1 8 8 0 's
trigger­
ed a g e n u i ne b o o m
1900-1930)

(a b o o m w h i c h w a s to i n t e n s i f y the decades,

in g r o w t h a n d d e v e l o p m e n t of the city.

Early T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y Growth:

1900-19 30

A t the b e g i n n i n g of the n e w century,
tered the p e r i o d of

its m o s t r a p i d g r o w t h a n d dev e l o p m e n t .

With a p o p u l a t i o n o f 18,563 in 1900,
in 1930,

Battle Creek e n ­

a 74% i n c r e a s e o v e r 1900.

in the d e c ade 1900 to 1910,

it i n c r e a s e d to 43,573
Although somewhat stable

the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y i n c r e a s e d

d r a m a t i c a l l y from 1910 onward.

F r o m 575 in 1910,

the b l a c k

p o p u l a t i o n w i t n e s s e d an 85% incr e a s e b y 1920, b r i n g i n g it to
1,055,

and b y 1930,

1,795.

F r o m 2.8%,

a 70% incr e a s e o v e r 1920,

p l a c e d it at

the p r o p o r t i o n b l a c k j u m p e d to 4.0% of

the total p o p u l a t i o n b y 1930.
"The C i t y of B a t t l e C r e e k - - I t s
E a r l y History, Growth,
and P r e s e n t C o n d i t i o n " (From the D e t r o i t Post and T r i b u n e
Ja nuary 16, 1878) M i c h i g a n P i o n e e r and H i s t o r i c a l C o l l e c t i o n s

65
F a ctors a f f e c t i n g gr o w t h w e r e

increased employment

o p p o r t u n i t i e s r e s u l t i n g from a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the cere a l
food f a c t o ries boom^®
l ization in general,
1917

b e g a n in the 1890*3;

and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of C a m p C u s t e r in

(a huge M i d w e s t regional

particular.

and w a r t i m e m o b i ­

Migrants,

t r a i n i n g c e n t e r for troops)

b o t h w h i t e and black,

flo c k e d to

Battle C r e e k see k i n g w o r k

in c o n s t r u c t i n g the A r m y base.

Later,

joined troops w h o w e r e s t a t i o n e d

f a m i l y and friends

at the base;

m a n y s e t t l e d p e r m a n e n t l y in B a t t l e Creek.

F o r the city,
decade,

in

1929 s i g n a l e d n o t o n l y the e n d of a

b u t a l s o the e n d of an e r a of t r e m e n d o u s g r o w t h and

development,

viz.

1900-19 30,

in w h i c h the rate o f g r o w t h o f

the city s u r p a s s e d that of the U n i t e d St a t e s a n d Michigan.
In e n s u i n g years,
in browth,

the c i t y p r o p e r w a s

w h i l e the subu r b s w e r e

40

to e x p e r i e n c e a d e c l i n e

to i n c r e a s i n g l y g a i n in

population.
Origins of B l a c k P o p u l a t i o n of B a t t l e C r e e k
P e r h a p s e q u a l l y as i n t e r e s t i n g as the g r o w t h of the
black p o p u l a t i o n are the questions:

W h a t are the c o m p o n e n t s

3 (1881); 347-363; and "Toledo's Testimony, The R e m a r k a b l e
G r o w t h of Battle Creek," B a t t l e C r e e k D a i l y J o u r n a l ,
N o v e m b e r 6 , 18 84.
39

The cereal b o o m a p p a r e n t l y h a d little e f f e c t on the
growth o f the b l a c k population.
Of the two l e a d i n g cer e a l
f a c t o r i e s — K e l l o g g s a n d P o s t s — at the time, P o s t h i r e d n o
blacks, and K e l l o g g s h i r e d a few, b u t o n l y as janitors.
This
i n f o r m a t i o n was g l e a n e d from i n t e r v i e w s w i t h s e n i o r citizens.
40

B a t t l e Cr e e k C o m p r e h e n s i v e P l a n , B a t t l e Creek,
Michigan, P r e p a r e d for C i t y P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n b y H a r l a n d
B a r t h o l o m e w a n d As s o c i a t e s , St. Louis, Missouri, December,
1966, p. 17.

66

of b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h ?
Unfortunately,

a n d W h e r e are the m i g r a n t s

from?

the u n a v a i l a b i l i t y o f d a t a p r o h i b i t s a n a l y s e s

of sources of p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h

(i.e., n a t u r a l

increase a n d

migration)

for the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y b e t w e e n 1850 and 19 30.

Migration,

a p p a r e n t l y was

During the five dec a d e s

the m a j o r c o m p o n e n t of this growth.

(185 0-1900),

the p e r c e n t a g e of b l a c k s

born in s t a t e s o t h e r than M i c h i g a n r a n g e d from 76% in 1850
to 47% in 1900.

41

F r o m the state o f b i r t h data,

42

the o r i g i n s

of these m i g r a n t s w a s ascertained.
F o l l o w i n g the n a t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n trend of blacks,

the

pre-1910 m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n w a s a r e l a t i v e l y small m o v e m e n t of
blacks o r i g i n a t i n g in the B o r d e r st a t e s and U p p e r S o u t h , 4 3
and o n l y a s l i g h t e x t e n t f r o m the L o w e r S o u t h to the North.
From 1850 to 1900,
of b l a c k s

the g r e a t e s t r e l a t i v e and a b s o l u t e n u m b e r s

in B a t t l e C r e e k o r i g i n a t e d in the U p p e r S o u t h a n d

B o r d e r S t a t e s Region.

K e n t u c k y a n d V i r g i n i a c o n t r i b u t e d the

largest s t r e a m of m i g r a n t s

from the region,

w i t h Tennessee,

St a t e o f b i r t h data is a v a i l a b l e for B a t t l e C r e e k
only for the years, 1850-1880, a n d 1900.
The 1890 census
was d e s t r o y e d b y fire in the 1920's.
42

B e g i n n i n g w i t h the 1850 Census, e a c h p e r s o n w a s
r e q u i r e d to i n d i c a t e his state o f birth.
F r o m this data, one
can a s c e r t a i n the o r i g i n o f migrants.
A drawback, however,
is that the data r e f l e c t o n l y one movement:
from p l a c e o f
b i r t h to final des t i n a t i o n , and does n o t p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n
on i n t e r v e n i n g movements.
43

The U p p e r S o u t h a n d B o r d e r States R e g i o n i n c l u d e s
Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Virginia, N o r t h Carolina,
Maryland, W a s h i n g t o n , D. C., W e s t Virginia, Oklahoma, a n d
Delaware.
This r e g i o n a l i z a t i o n is b a s e d on Spear, B l a c k
C h i c a g o , p. 13.

67

North Carolina, and Maryland increasing their proportions
from 1870 o n w a r d

(Figures 5 and

(excluding Michigan)

44

6

). The M i d d l e W e s t R egion

w a s the s e c o n d a r y s o u r c e of m i g r a n t s

to B a t t l e C r e e k for the five decades.

W i t h i n the region,

Indiana c o n t r i b u t e d b y far the l a r g e s t p e r c e n t of m i g r a n t s
to the city until 1900, w h e n

Ind i a n a and O h i o b o t h sent 45%

of the b l a c k population.
C a n a d a w a s the third m a j o r sou r c e of m i g r a n t s
Battle Creek.

Sending migrants

in all decades,

n i s h e d the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of im m i g r a n t s

to

Canada fur­

in 1880, w i t h

11.5% of the total population.
W h i l e the Northe a s t ,
England,

especially New York and New

s u p p l i e d the lar g e s t p e r c e n t a g e of w h i t e m i g r a n t s

to B a t t l e Creek,
blacks.

45

it s u p p l i e d a r e l a t i v e l y small n u m b e r of

T h e l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n f r o m the r e g i o n was

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

in 1870.

5.1% of

The leading state of the

region i n v a r i a b l y w a s N e w York.
Finally,

the L o w e r S o u t h ^ ^ c o n t r i b u t e d the s m a l l e s t

number o f m i g r a n t s
of the West;

t h r o u g h o u t the period, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n

C a l i f o r n i a s e n t two m i g r a n t s

in 1900.

The

h i g h e s t p r o p o r t i o n w h i c h o r i g i n a t e d f r o m this re g i o n o c c u r r e d
44

The Middle West Region includes Ohio, Indiana,

Kansas, Illinois, Wisconsin,
South Dakota, a n d Iowa.

Minnesota,

Nebraska,

N o r t h Dakota,

45

The N o r t h e a s t i n c l u d e s P e n n s y l v a n i a , N e w York,
M a s s a c h u s e t t s , N e w Jersey, C o n n e c t i c u t , Rhode Island, Maine,
N e w Hampsh ire, a n d Vermont.
^®The L o w e r So u t h includes M i s s i s s i p p i , Alabama,
Georgia, L ouisiana, Arkansas, S o u t h C a r o l i n a , Texas, and
Florida.

ORIGINS of BLACK POPULATION of BATTLE CREEK
by REGIONS

1850-1860
CANADA
NORTH
EAST

MIDDLE

WEST

Figure

UPPER* SOUTH

U1

ORDER
STATES

LOWER SOU

10 Pfreim o< Bloch Population

Nota

Michigan include* raudtnti
barn i
n Batllt Craah

O 'i
GO

ORIGINS of BLACK POPULATION of BATTLE CREEK
by REGIONS

1870-1900

X)

NORTH
EAST-

/

MIDDLE

WEST

Figure

UPPER' SOUTH

CT\
ORDER
STATES

LOWER SOUT

11 10 f^rcent of Block Population

Not* M
l
c
l
t
i
f
l
O
f
t include* r**ld*nfi
born in Bdttl* Crttk

a\
vo

70

in 1 8 7 0 — five y e a r s a f t e r the War.

The n e w l y a c q u i r e d m o ­

b ility of bl a c k s r e s u l t i n g from E m a n c i p a t i o n is r e f l e c t e d in
the d i v e r s i t y of o r i g i n s w i t h i n this region.

Seven states

were the b i r t h p l a c e s of 7.3% of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n of
Battle Creek.
Louisiana,

P r i o r to 1870,

S o u t h Carolina)

three states

(Georgia,

s u p p l i e d all of the migrants.

M i g r a t i o n af t e r 1 9 0 0 .

F r o m 1910 to 1930,

the census

does not p e r m i t a b r e a k d o w n of B a t t l e Cre e k ' s b l a c k p o p u l a ­
tion by state of birth.

The o n l y m a t e r i a l

of b i r t h d a t a for Michigan.

a v a i l a b l e is state

In all p r o b a b i l i t y the d a t a for

B attle C r e e k c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l the s t a t e w i d e figures.
over,

c o n s i d e r i n g the literature,

to the large influx of b l a c k s
onward,

More­

the i n n u m e r a b l e r e f e r e n c e s

from the D e e p South,

f r o m 1914

a s s u m p t i o n can b e m a d e that the p a t t e r n of m i g r a t i o n

to B a t t l e Creek,

just as that of M i c h i g a n as a whole,

began

to d i f f e r from the p r e - 1 9 0 0 pattern, w i t h the g r e a t e s t n u m ­
bers o r i g i n a t i n g f r o m Mis s i s s i p p i ,
Carolina,

Texas,

Florida, Arkansas,

Alabama,

Georgia,

and Louisiana.

South

C H A P T E R IV
THE R E S I D E N T I A L PATTERNS:

1850 - 1930

T h e p r e c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n s on the genesis,
m i g r a t i o n of b l a c k s

to Michigan,

growth and

p a r t i c u l a r l y Battle Creek,

serve as an i n t r o d u c t i o n to the c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s
of b l a c k s in B a t t l e Creek.

The focus of this c h a p t e r is on

the s p a t i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n of the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y f r o m 1850
to 1930.

Specific research questions

to be a n s w e r e d are:

What w a s the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n ?

W h a t cha n g e s h a v e

taken p l a c e in the spatial d i s t r i b u t i o n of the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y
through time?
general

H o w do these s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s

fit w i t h i n the

f r a m e w o r k of the areal d e v e l o p m e n t and e x p a n s i o n of

Battle C r e ek?

W h a t w e r e the factors,

ternal, w h i c h have

b o t h internal and e x ­

i n f l u e n c e d the p a t t e r n s ?

Lastly,

how per­

s i stent o r h o w stable w a s the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n d u r i n g t hese
years?
In an a t t e m p t to a n s w e r these questions,
sections in t i m e — 1850,
1918,

1860,

1870,

1880,

1890,

nine cross1900,

1910,

a n d 1 9 3 0 ^ — w e r e s e l e c t e d to i l l u s t r a t e the p h a s e s of

bl a c k c o m m u n i t y g r o w t h as m i r r o r e d in the c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l
patterns.

The choice of s p e c i f i c ye a r s w a s b a s e d on the

^“In the a b s e n c e of a 1930 city directory, the 1931
d i r e c t o r y w a s s u b s t i t u t e d in the a n a l y s i s of the 1930 c r o s s section .

72
a v a i l a b i l i ty of data.

B e c a u s e of changes

and p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s
this study,

in B a t t l e Creek,

in social,

economic

for the p u r p o s e s of

the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s can t e m p o r a r i l y be d i v i d e d

into three parts:

the 1850 to 1870 p e r i o d — an e r a of r a p i d

in-migration of blacks,
pioneer village,

m a i n l y f r o m b o r d e r states,

to the

r e s u l t i n g in a d i s p e r s e d r e s i d e n t i a l pattern;

the 1880 to 1900 p e r i o d — an e r a of low i n - m i g r a t i o n of b l acks,
resulting in s i m u l t a n e o u s d i s p e r s i o n and light c o n c e n t r a t i o n
of b l a c k households;

and 1900 to 1 9 3 0 — an e r a of ra p i d u r b a n i z a ­

tion a n d c oncomitant

h e a v y i n - m i g r a t i o n of s o u t h e r n blacks,

resulting in i n c r e a s i n g l y concentrated,
r e s i d e n t i a l areas.

but not segregated

W i t h city d i r e c t o r i e s and federal m a n u ­

script c e n s u s e s as p r i m e s t a r t i n g points,

a n s w e r s to the

a f o r e m e n t i o n e d q u e s t i o n s w i l l be sought.
The 1850 to 1870 P e r i o d
B a t t l e C r e e k b e g a n its rise to d o m i n a n c e
County r a t h e r i n a u s p i c i o u s l y .
lation a b o u t 400)

until

1850,

F r o m its p l a t t i n g in 1836

(popu­

it h a d g r o w n a little o v e r

1,000.

S p a r k e d b y i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t in 1848,
v e l o p m e n t in 1849,
decades later.
taverns,

two b l a c k s m i t h s ,
1830's,

the p o p u l a t i o n

and r a i l r o a d d e ­

j u m p e d to a l m o s t 6,000 two

F r o m a front i e r v i l l a g e w i t h

two sawmills,

"six stores,

two

two m a c h i n e shops,
2
a n d one c a b i n e t m a n u f a c t u r e r "
in the late

B a t t l e Creek,

two f l o u r i n g mills,

by 1870,

h a d b e c o m e the " a g r i c u l t u r a l
1830-1877

L. H. Evi

in C a l h o u n

(Philadelphia:

73

trading hub" of C a l h o u n , Barry,
counties."*

Eaton,

and p a r t of St. J o s e p h

The c o m m e r c i a l

core h a d e x p a n d e d f r o m one b l o c k
4
in length o n W e s t C a n a l St r e e t in 1856
to the e n t i r e span of

West Canal in 1870,

then s o u t h e r l y on J e f f e r s o n Street, a n d
5
East C a n a l St r e e t a n d the M i l l Race.
Twenty-five manufac­
turers w e r e there in Ba t t l e Creek;®

they h e l p e d to m a k e up

the i n d u s t r i a l core loc a t e d n e a r the o u t s k i r t s of the s e t t l e d
area.

7
A t the o n s e t of the period,

settlement was centered

north a n d e a s t of the K a l a m a z o o River; land s o u t h a n d w e s t o f
O
the river w a s m o s t l y in farms.
F e w in number, the b l a c k
h o u s e h o l d s w e r e d i s p e r s e d m a i n l y b e t w e e n the B a t t l e C r e e k a n d
9
K a l a m a z o o Rivers (Figure 7).
One b l a c k h o u s ehold, Cur t i s
and Ogles b y,

was w e s t of this a r e a on M a i n Street.

dences s c a t t e r e d on Jefferson,

W e s t Canal,

Lydia,

Four resi­
and D i v i s i o n

3G e r a l d Carson, " F o o dtown U S A , ” M i c h i g a n H i s t o r y 41
308.
4
H e n r y Wiegmink, "Early Days of B a t t l e Creek," M i c h i g a n
History Room, W i l l a r d Library, B a t t l e Creek, M i c h i g a n , n . d . ,
p. 90.
(1955):

^ D e t e r m i n e d f r o m 1869-70 C a l h o u n C o u n t y B u s i n e s s
Directory.
Seers,
Straw,

7

p.

A t l a s of C a l h o u n C o u n t y , p.
"Battle Creek:

31.

A S t u d y in U r b a n G e o g r a p h y , "

78.
Q
H e n r y Wiegmink,
9

"Early Days of B a t t l e Creek,"

p.

194.

Using p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p records, a d d r e s s e s w e r e o b ­
tained for o n l y five of the n i n e b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s l i s t e d in
B attle C r e e k in 1850.
The three r e s i d e n c e s a r o u n d M a r s h a l l
Street w e r e s i t u a t e d in w h a t w a s c a l l e d E a s t B a t t l e C r e e k — a
plat i n c l u d e d in the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the v i l l a g e in 1850,
but w h i c h was n o t e n u m e r a t e d as p a r t of the town in the 1850
m a n u s c r i p t census.

Rnm

Figure

Distribution of Block Households
Battle Creek, Michigan

1850

Crg!

3000 ft

Sourctt Rocordl of
To* HWW

Cdhoun County, 040*1850;
11,040-1060; Plato of Battlo Ctook, 636-1050

M ill

Pond

75
streets w e r e just b e y o n d the zone of c o m m e r c i a l land use,
parently at the edge of the village.
part,

This area,

ap­

for the m o s t

lying w i t h i n the flood plain, w a s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by

poorly d r a i n e d land.

W h i l e no r e s i d e n t i a l areas e x i s t e d in

the v i l l a g e w h e r e b l a c k s w e r e concentrated,

a h i n t of c l u s t e r ­

ing was e m e r g i n g in the fourth b l o c k o f M a r s h a l l

Street. 10

This c l u s t e r m a y p a r t i a l l y b e e x p l a i n e d by the fact that all
three— Skipworth,

Simpson,

and C a s e y — p u r c h a s e d their land

rather i n e x p e n s i v e l y from Samuel S t r o t h e r s ,

w h o has p r e ­

viously been i d e n t i f i e d as o w n i n g c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p e r t y in E a s t
Battle C r e e k in the 1 8 5 0 * s.

The r e l a t i v e l y low c o s t of the

lots— $40 e a c h for S k i p w o r t h and S i m p s o n

12

— w a s p r o b a b l y the

major a t t r a c t i o n of b l a c k s to this s e c t i o n of the city.
By 1860 the r e l a t i v e l y large influx of blacks,
resenting a p o p u l a t i o n of 155,

c o m p r i s e d 44 households.

rep­
Where

A l t h o u g h a d d r e s s e s w e r e not i n c l u d e d in the census
e n u m e r a t i o n p r i o r to 1880, the " d w e lling
houses" and the
"families enu m e r a t e d " lis t e d in c o l u m n s 1 and 2 , respectively,
of the s c h e d u l e a c c o r d i n g to o r d e r of v i s i t a t i o n of the c ensus
marshall p r o v i d e d some insi g h t into the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the
population.
In this instance, a S m i t h household, e n u m e r a t e d
i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r Casey, w a s a m o n g the c l u s t e r on M a r s h a l l
Street.
U nfor t u n a t e l y , it was i m p o s s i b l e to d e t e r m i n e his
exact location, a n d consequently, m a p his residence as n o
property o w n e r s h i p r e c o r d co u l d be found.
^ D e s p i t e c o n s i d e r a b l e l a n d h o l d i n g s in E a s t B a t t l e
Creek in the 1850's, S t r o thers e x a c t loca t i o n in B a t t l e C r e e k
was not d e t e r m i n e d until 1870.
A p p a r e n t l y , he w a s o n the o u t ­
skirts of the city until then.
12

C a s e y p u r c h a s e d three lots f r o m S t r o t h e r s for $425
in e a r l y 1850's; G e o r g e H a m i l t o n also p u r c h a s e d a lot from
S t r o thers in the same v i c i n i t y in the e a r l y 5 0 ' s for $150.
See Records of Deeds for Casey, Hamilton, Skipworth, Strothers,
and Simpson.

76
the m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n r e s i d e d is
for the spatial d i s t r i b u t i o n of o n l y
tained from the a v a i l a b l e data.

12

lost to history,

(27%)

As in 1850,

could be a s c e r ­
these

holds w e r e b a s i c a l l y in the same location a decade
(Figure

8

).

later

In the n o r t h e a s t e r n s e c t i o n of the city, on e

r e s i dence— Joseph Jones,
Street,

few h o u s e ­

a b a r b e r — was

located on W e s t K a l a m a z o o

n o t too far f r o m the d e f u n c t site of the Curtis a n d

Oglesby h o u s e h o l d in 1850.
lived o n M a i n Street,
In South B a t t l e Creek,
to Jay Street,
block area,

J o s e p h Johnson,

a w e l l digger,

a d j a c e n t to the small b u s i n e s s district.
stretching d i a g o n a l l y

from W e s t Canal

four h o u s e h o l d s w e r e loca t e d w i t h i n a four

n e a r the fringe of the city.

around M a r s h a l l S t r e e t persisted:

The light c l u s t e r

four h o u s e h o l d s w e r e lo-

cated w i t h i n a few feet of e a c h other.

13

for the first time on n e a r b y F l i n t Street.

Residences appeared
W i t h the a b a n d o n m e n t

It sh o u l d be n o t e d that from the d w e l l i n g s a n d f a m i ­
lies e n u m e r a t e d in col u m n s of the 1860 m a n u s c r i p t census, the
d istribution of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n is more fully delineated.
From the o r d e r o f v i s i t a t i o n of the census marshall, c o n c e n t r a ­
tion is m o r e p r o n o u n c e d in the two general areas a l r e a d y i d e n ­
tified o n the map.
W i t h i n the D i v i s i o n St r e e t c l u s t e r in
South B a t t l e Creek, d w e l l i n g n u m b e r s 380, 381, 382, 384, 386
(Blevins) and 389 (Henderson) w e r e i d e n t i f i e d as b l a c k h o u s e ­
holds.
C o m p a r i n g the n u m b e r i n g w i t h the 1858 m a p of B a t t l e
Creek, in all probability, these h o u s e h o l d s e x t e n d e d f r o m the
m i l l p o n d n o r t h along D i v i s i o n to L y d i a Street.
The M a r s h a l l
Street c l u s t e r is s o m e w h a t m o r e d i s p e r s e d than D i v i s i o n Street;
dwelling n u m b e r 575 is the C a s e y household; d w e l l i n g n u m b e r
611 is the S k i p w o r t h household.
L y i n g b e t w e e n these w e r e
the h o u s e numbers 592, 593, 594, 595, and 5 9 9 — all b l a c k h o u s e ­
holds, for w h i c h no a d d r e s s e s c o u l d be determined, b u t v e r y
likely in E a s t B a t t l e C r e e k on o r n e a r M a r s h a l l Street.
See:
Manuscript Census of Cal h o u n County, 1860.

• JH

Word
MCflR

4 n Word

Distribution of Black Households

igure

Battle Creek, Michigan

I860

"J

/

oo

•j

LMtnd

■ |

tOn* KouhMU o
k
f
l
i
m
t
r
•On* houwMM nmcomar
.-Word t
t
o
t
f
i
d
o
r
)_

'« i*c n

__ 'liAl

*.

of Q m i , CdMa*ft Coi 0 1 • 4 0 ' I* * C I

78
of the s e c o n d B a p t i s t C h u r c h on G r e e n and P i t t e e in 1 8 5 9 , ^
and its s u b s e q u e n t r e l o c a t i o n "a li t t l e d i s t a n c e e a s t of
Michigan Central Railroad crossing on Marshall S t r e e t , " 1 5
the M a r s h a l l St r e e t c l u s t e r in 1860 was e m e r g i n g as the focal
point of the b l a c k community.
Continuing

its rapid growth,

e s p e c i a l l y du r i n g

the

latter half of the 186 0 's, the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n d o u b l e d by
1870.

F o r the first time,

available b y wa r d s

(Table

the p o p u l a t i o n of B a t t l e C r e e k w a s
3).

T A B L E III
P O P U L A T I O N OF B A T T L E CREEK, BY WARD,
Black
Population

Ward

No.

1870

White
Population

%

No.

%

1

201

64

2,178

39

2

42

13

782

14

3

47

15

1,238

22

4

25

8

1,325

24

315

1 0 0

5,523

99%

Total
Source:

U.

%

S. C e n s u s of P o p u l ation,

1870.

A l t h o u g h the l a r g e s t p e r c e n t a g e of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n
w as f o u n d in the F i r s t Ward, b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w e r e i n t e r s p e r s e d
w i t h w h i t e households.
^Wiegmink,
15

The two p o c k e t s of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

"Early Days o f B a t t l e Creek,"

H i s t o r y o f C a l h o u n County,

Michigan:

p.

192.

1830-1877,

79

identified as e a r l y as 1850 still e x i s t e d

(Figure 9).

Marshall S t r e e t c l u s t e r e x p a n d e d b o t h w e s t w a r d

The

to w a r d the c e n ­

tral b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t a n d e a s t w a r d toward the a r e a of h e a v y
industry

(Nicholas and S h e p h a r d T h r e s h e r W o r k s ) .

Street s e c t o r r e m a i n e d g e n e r a l l y
Creek,

intact.

The D i v i s i o n

In s o u t h Ba t t l e

an e n c l a v e w i t h i n a m i l i e u of wh i t e h o u s e h o l d s e m e r g e d

south of P e n i n s u l a r R a i l r o a d b e t w e e n East M a i n a n d the Mill
Pond.

W i t h 11 h o u s e h o l d s w i t h i n a two b l o c k area,

pa r ently w a s
city.

the m o s t d e n s e l y b l a c k p o p u l a t e d s e c t o r in the

The r e m a i n d e r of the h o u s e h o l d s in the Fi r s t W a r d w e r e

d i s p e r s e d throughout;

one b l a c k a n d few w h i t e h o u s e h o l d s w e r e

located w e s t of the Mill Pond;

two h o u s e h o l d s w e r e

East M a i n S t r e e t w i t h i n the c o m m e r c i a l core.
barber,

this ap-r

l o c a t e d on

J o h n Evans,

a

l i v e d here in the rear of h i s shop.
What was

First W a r d ?

the q u a l i t y of the b l a c k n e i g h b o r h o o d s

A l t h o u g h the d a t a are sketchy,

n orth of P e n i n s u l a r R a i l r o a d seems to have
class area.

in the

the r e s i d e n c e s
r e p r e s e n t e d a lower

This g e n e r a l i z a t i o n is b a s e d o n the fact that

many u n r e l a t e d individuals,
the c o m m e r c i a l core,

viz.,

lodgers,

on E a s t M a i n Street,

especially near
Stock,

E a s t Canal,

and J a c k s o n s t r e e t s r e s i d e d w i t h i n h o u s e h o l d s r e f l e c t i n g the
low e c o n o m i c level of the h o u s e h o l d e r s . 1 6

Moreover,

in 1863,

16N o t until 1880 d i d e n u m e r a t o r s r e c o r d the r e l a t i o n ­
ship of i n h a b i t a n t s to the h e a d of the household.
Thus, the
s t a t e m e n t is b a s e d on the a s s u m p t i o n that i n h a b i t a n t s w i t h
surnames d i f f e r e n t from the head, u s u a l l y l i s t e d last in the
household, w e r e boarders.

80

Distribution of Block Households
B ottle C reek, Michigan

1870

Figure 9

81

most o c c u p a n t s a r o u n d L y d i a Street,

Division,

and South

Je f f erson A v e n u e to K a l a m a z o o River w e r e d e s c r i b e d as " p o o r . "

17

It is u n l i k e l y that the c o n d i t i o n s h a d a l t e r e d c o n s i d e r a b l y
by 1870.

Further,

light industry,
of stockyard,

m a n y r e s i d e n c e s were

and n e a r o f f e n s i v e

intermingled with

factories

next d o o r to soap f a c t o r y and t a n n e r y ) — u n d e s i r ­

able q u a l i t i e s e v e n in 19th cen t u r y cities.
households

(e. g . , in rear

repor t e d real e s t a t e

than b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

in 1870

18

O n e - f i f t h of the

— a p e r c e n t lower

in o t h e r areas of the city.

Head s of

househ o l d s w e r e a l m o s t e q u a l l y d i v i d e d b e t w e e n u n s k i l l e d a n d
s e m i s k i l l e d jobs:

there w e r e e i g h t laborers,

three b l a c ksmiths,

one w h i t e w a s h e r ,

erally,

two barbers,

a n d one w e l l digger.

it w a s the d a y l a b o r e r w h o d e p e n d e d on b o a r d e r s

Gen­
to

make ends meet.
N o t all of the b l a c k s in the F i r s t W a r d lived in the
lower class neighborhood.

The area s o u t h of P e n i n s u l a r Rail-

road d e v e l o p e d as a "working class" neigh b o r h o o d .
1 7 Wiegmink, MS S c r a p b o o k of B a t t l e Creek,
of Half a Century," p. 22.

19

Of the

"Glimpses

18

Real estate figures m u s t be u s e d w i t h caution, for
it w a s left to the h e a d of the h o u s e h o l d to d e c l a r e v a l u e of
real a n d p e r s o n a l property.
In fact, b e c a u s e of the s u b j e c t i v i t y
of this category, it was d r o p p e d f r o m the census in 1880.
19

C o n s i d e r i n g that e c o n o m i c d a t a of the p o p u l a t i o n are
u n a v a i l a b l e for Ba t t l e Creek, a crude a t t e m p t has b e e n m a d e
to c l a s s i f y the b l a c k n e i g h b o r h o o d s of B a t t l e C r e e k into three
r e s i d e n t i a l areas:
lower class, w o r k i n g class, and u p p e r
class b a s e d on occupation, e n v i r o n m e n t a l conditions, d e n s i t y
of h o u s e h o lds, a n d p r i o r to 1880, v a l u e of p e r s o n a l and real
estate.
T h e lower class a r e a was d e f i n e d as an area w i t h a
high d e g r e e of d o u b l i n g a n d lodgers, a d j a c e n t to o r i n t e r m i x e d
w i t h h e a v y industry, c r i s s c r o s s e d b y railroads, a n d s u b j e c t to
frequent flooding.
O c c u p a t i o n s c o n s i s t e d m a i n l y of d a y l a b o r e r s

82
eleven households,
$1,000.
smith.

five o w n e d real e s t a t e v a l u e d from $500

N i n e w e r e laborers,
S amuel Strother,

one a shoemaker,

and one a b l a c k ­

a r e s i d e n t of this area, w a s u n ­

do u b t e d l y one of the m o s t p r o m i n e n t b l a c k s in the city.
early as 1840,

to

As

he was b u y i n g and s e l l i n g p r o p e r t y in Eas t

Battle C r e e k . I n

c o n t r a s t to the M a r s h a l l St r e e t sector,

there w a s no p i l i n g up of u n r e l a t e d individuals,
two-family d w e l l i n g w a s found here,

and only one

reflecting relative well-

to-do blacks.
T h e p r o p o r t i o n s of b l a c k s
F o u r t h w a r d s w e r e 13,

15,

of the b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

and

8

in the Second,

, respectively.

in the S e c o n d W a r d w e r e

the b i f u r c a t i o n of the K a l a m a z o o River,
core.

Third,

and

The m a j o r i t y
loc a t e d n e a r

n e a r the c o m m e r c i a l

In the n o r t h w e s t e r n s e c t i o n of the city in the Se c o n d

and T h i r d wards,

a se c o n d nucleus of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t wa s

e m e r g i n g a r o u n d Mt.
the c i t y limits,

Zion A M E Church.

B o u n d e d on the w e s t b y

on the no r t h by C h a m p i o n Street,

on the e a s t

by W a s h i n g t o n Street,

a n d on the so u t h by the K a l a m a z o o River,

this a r e a c o n t a i n e d

% (1

city.

H i s t o rically,

2 2

1

) o f the b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

in the

the M e t h o d i s t C h u r c h has b e e n an

and p e r s o n a l servants.
The w o r k i n g class area w a s d e f i n e d as
an a r e a w i t h little d o u b l i n g a n d few boarders.
Occupations
of h e a d w e r e u s u a l l y in the s e m i s k i l l e d (e.g. Painters, T e a m ­
sters, etc.) and u n s k i l l e d c a t e g o r i e s (e.g., laborers w i t h
steady e m p l o y m e n t at f a c t o r i e s ) . The upper c l a s s area w a s
defined as an a r e a w i t h a p r e p o n d e r a n c e of s k i l l e d w o r k e r s
(e.g. masons, bric k l a y e r s , w e l l diggers, m i n i s t e r s , barbers,
etc.); a h i g h degree of h o m e o w n e r s h i p as r e f l e c t e d in real
estate; and r e m o v e d f r o m h e a v y industry, railroads, floodplain, etc.
20

R e c o r d of Deeds, C a l h o u n County,
Henry M a i l i n g to Sam u e l Strother.

B o o k 28, p.

682,

83
impor t a n t link in the chain of u p p e r class b l a c k life.
parently,

Ba t t l e C r e e k w a s n o exception.

m a n u s c r i p t census,

Ap­

Upon e x a m i n i n g the

this e n c l a v e s e e m i p g l y w a s d e v e l o p i n g

as an "upper class" b l a c k neighborhood.

21

The jobs h e l d b y

heads of h o u s e h o l d s w e r e m a i n l y in the s k i l l e d and s e m i s k i l l e d
trades:

there w e r e a farmer,

a teamster,

two barbers,

two w h i t e w a s h e r s ,

and three laborers.

a stone mason,

A l m o s t hal f of

the h o u s e h o l d s w e r e r e c o r d e d as o w n i n g p r o p e r t y v a l u e d f r o m
$600 to $1,200.

Renters and b o a r d e r s so p e r v a s i v e

First W a r d w e r e u n c o m m o n in the T h i r d Ward;

in the

households were

c o m p o s e d of f a m i l y members.
W i t h i n the F o u r t h Ward,
in the c i t y w e r e

located,

the m o s t f a s h i o n a b l e residences

e s p e c i a l l y a l o n g M a p l e Street.

The few b l a c k s w h o r e s i d e d here w e r e w i d e l y scattered.
were l i v e-in servants

(those on M a p l e Street)

others w e r e

blacksmiths,

laborers,

Thus,

22
Some

and caretakers;

a n d teamsters.

from the few h o u s e h o l d s

around M a r s h a l l a n d D i v i s i o n S t r e e t s

loca t e d in small c l u s t e r s
in the 1850's

(in w h a t w a s

later to b e c o m e the F i r s t W a r d ) , the b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s by 18 70
had d i f f u s e d t h r o u g h o u t the city w i t h two nu c l e i of b l a c k
s ettlements emerging.

This d i s p e r s a l p a r t i a l l y refl e c t s

the

level a n d e x t e n t of the e c o n o m i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n the
black community.

Initially,

b l a c k s s e t t l e d in the low i n c o m e

sectors of B a t t l e C r e e k — o n M a r s h a l l S t r e e t

(then at the f r inge

21

E i g h t of the 11 h o u s e h o l d s w e r e c h a r t e r m e m b e r s of
the A M E C h u r c h .
2 2 "The C i t y of B a t t l e C r e e k - Its E a r l y History,
and P r e s e n t Co n d i t i o n , " p. 349.

Growth,

84

of the city and spar s e l y settled)
from these,
clusters.

and ar o u n d D i v i s i o n Street;

e x p a n s i o n w a s r a d i a t e d o u t w a r d to "better" c l a s s
The low cost h o u s i n g c r e a t e d by rela t i v e u n a t t r a c ­

tive river lowlands and d i s t a n c e

from the c i t y c o r e , c o u p l e d

with n e a r n e s s to jobs a p p a r e n t l y w e r e the m a i n forces in
c reating a nd s u s t a i n i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s from 1850 to
1870.

A s yet,

f r o m no a r e a s in the city w e r e bl a c k s

system­

atically excluded.
The P e r s i s t e n c e of the B l a c k Population:

1850 - 1870

W i t h the inf l u x and e f f l u x of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n b e ­
ing a l l u d e d to in prev i o u s discussions,

the q u e s t i o n arises:

How stable o r h o w p e r s i s t e n t w a s the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n d u r i n g
this p e r i o d ?
question:

23

T i e d c l o s e l y to the s t a b i l i t y inqu i r y is the

W h e n d i d a p e r m a n e n t b l a c k c o m m u n i t y e v o l v e in

Battle C r e ek?

24

As n o t e d previously,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

23
P e r s i s t e n c e is d e f i n e d as the p e r c e n t of b l a c k h o u s e ­
holds r e a p p e a r i n g in s u b s e q u e n t m a n u s c r i p t c e n s u s e s or c i t y
directories.
In d e t e r m i n i n g the p e r s i s t e n c e rates, heads of
h o u s e h o l d s w e r e tra c e d t h r o u g h the m a n u s c r i p t c e n s u s e s or city
d i r e c t o r i e s (when the census w a s u n a v a i l a b l e ) . Heads of h o u s e ­
holds w e r e e m p l o y e d b e c a u s e o f the a v a i l a b i l i t y of data; n a m e s
of all i n h a b i t a n t s w i t h i n the c i t y w e r e u n a v a i l a b l e for the
span of the study.
Further, in u t i l i z i n g h o u s e h o l d s to
ascertain the p e r s i s t e n c e rates, the m a r g i n of e r r o r c r e a t e d
by high m o r t a l i t y rates for children, a n d the d r o p o u t r e ­
sulting f r om w o m e n c h a n g i n g their n a m e s upon m a r r i a g e w a s r e ­
duced.
24

Here c o m m u n i t y is b r o a d l y d e f i n e d as "people w h o are
in c o n t i n u o u s social c o n t a c t w i t h one a n o t h e r o v e r some time
period a n d w h o have m a n y c o m m o n e x p e r i e n c e s . "
A c o m m u n i t y is
assumed to be e v i d e n t w h e n b u s i n e s s e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , c h u r c h e s
or schools, formal and informal a s s o c i a t i o n s are present.
See:
L e o F. Schnore, e d . , The N e w Urban History:
Quantita­
tive E x p l o r a t i o n by A m e r i c a n H i s t o r i a n s (Princeton,
J.:
Princ e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974j.

85

rose f r o m 34 in 1850 to 155 in 1860,
terms of households,
tively.

and to 315 in 1870;

these r e p r e s e n t e d 9, 44,

a n d 96,

respec­

T hese figures indicate a n e t a d d i t i o n to the city

of 281 p e o p l e and 87 h o u s e h o l d s o v e r the three decades.
ever,

in

How­

if one ex am i n e s the p o p u l a t i o n change on a d e c e n n i a l

basis,

not to m e n t i o n an an n u a l basis,

the gross t u r n o v e r

w o u l d reveal even g r e a t e r ch a n g e in the b l a c k population .
Many b l a c k s m o v e d to B a t t l e Creek,
one census,

s t a y e d to be r e c o r d e d in

and m o v e d on; m a n y m o r e p r o b a b l y m o v e d in,

stayed

for a s h o r t t i m e — a few m o n t h s , p e r h a p s a y e a r or t w o — a n d
m o v e d b e f o r e the census m a r s h a l l c o u l d r e c o r d t h e i r presence.
A t any rate,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n of B a t t l e Creek,

19th c e n t u r y cities,

was h i g h l y mobile.

sistence rate d i d n o t rise above
lower than p e r s i s t e n c e rates
Boston,
but more

a n d Omaha,

generally,

17%

In fact,

as in o t h e r
the p e r ­

(Table 4)- - a rate s l i g h t l y

for total p o p u l a t i o n s in Atlanta,
o v e r the same p e r i o d of time,

in k e e p i n g w i t h the p e r s i s t e n c e rate on Lansing,

M i c h i g a n f r o m 1850 to 1860.

25

This r e l a t i v e l y h i g h p o p u l a t i o n

turno v e r m a y p a r t i a l l y r e f l e c t the c l i m a t e of the times:

a

period w h e n b l a c k s — b o t h free and e s c a p e d s l a v e — e n d a n g e r e d
25

B e t w e e n 1850 and 1880, the p e r s i s t e n c e rates in
Lansing, M i chigan, Atlanta, Boston, Omaha, to m e n t i o n a few,
ranged f r o m 7 to 53%, w i t h Lan s i n g 7%.
See:
Meyers, "The
R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n of B l a c k s in Lansing, M i c h i g a n , " p. 77;
Blake McKelvey, Rochester:
T h e F l o w e r City, 1855- 1 8 9 0
(Cambridge:
H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1949), p^ 3n; Chudacoff,
Mo b i l e A m e r i c a n s , p. 40; a n d R i c h a r d J. Hopkins, "Status,
M o b i l i t y , a n d D i m e n s i o n s o f C h a n g e in a S o u t h e r n C i t y :
Atlanta, 1870-1910," in C i t i e s in A m e r i c a n H i s t o r y , e d s .
Kenneth J a c k s o n and S t a n l e y Sch u l t z (New York:
A l f r e d A. Knopf,
1972):
216-231.

86

T A B L E XV
P E R C E N T A G E OF H E A D S OF H O U S E H O L D S P R E S E N T IN B A T T L E C R E E K
A T T H E S T A R T OF S E L E C T E D YEARS, 1850 - 1930

Years

1850

1860

1850

1 0 0

%

16%

1860

1 0 0

1870

%

1870

1880

1890

1900

1910

1918

17%
1 0 0

1880

%

53%
1 0 0

1890

%

61%
1 0 0

1900

%

46%
1 0 0

%

1910

52%
1 0 0

%

1918

77%
1 0 0

1930
Total
House­
holds
Sources:

13

44

1930

96

76

96

156

M a n u s c r i p t Censuses, 1850-1880,
Directories, 1870-1931.

200

1900,

212

City

%

6 6

%

1 0 0

%

196

87

as a r e s u l t of the s t r i n g e n t F u g i t i v e S l a v e Law,

26

fled to

Canada.
A c a r e f u l s c r u t i n y of the c o m p o s i t i o n of those w h o c o n ­
tinued to r e s i d e in Ba t t l e C r e e k m a y o f f e r some e x p l a n a t i o n
for the r a t e s .

A m o n g those w h o s t a y e d in Ba t t l e C r e e k f r o m

1850 to 1860 w e r e T h o m a s Henderson,
Casey,

P e r r y Sandford,

Nelson S t e p h e n s

J o s e p h Skipworth,

(Figures 7 and

8

pioneer s e ttlers of the village;
were d i s c u s s e d in C h a p t e r 3.
John Tillman,

G e o r g e Hamilton,

H e n r y Olds,

).

27

William

L o u i s Jackson,

Generally,

and

these w e r e the

the d a t e s of their arr i v a l

F r o m 1860 to 1870,

Samuel Strothers,

to m e n t i o n a few, w e r e added to this list.

H e n r y Tillman,

and H e n r y Clark,
Laborers,

barbers,

w e l l - d i g g e r s , and farmers w h o had a c q u i r e d some real p r o p e r t y
in B a t t l e Creek,

these men,

seemingly,

w e r e able to form a

stable e c o n o m i c c o n n e c t i o n w h i c h a p p a r e n t l y h e l p e d to h o l d t h e m
in the community.
erty owners.

28

Of those w h o left the city,

B o t h e m p l o y e d and unemployed,

few w e r e p r o p —
perhaps,

they

were a t t r a c t e d to larger ci t i e s w h e r e c h a n c e s of ^success s e e m e d
better.
W i t h a small stable core of blacks,

it is n o t s u r p r i s -

ing that " c o m m u n i t y feeling and o r g a n i z a t i o n , "

29

developed

early in the h i s t o r y of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t in B a t t l e Creek.
27
28

S k i p w o r t h w a s also s p e l l e d S k i p e r t h and Skipperth.

T h r e e - f o u r t h s of those w h o left o w n e d no property.
1850 and 1860 M a n u s c r i p t Census.
29
The p h r a s e is b o r r o w e d from Dan i e l Jacobson,
"Lansing's J e w i s h Community:
The Beginnings, M i c h i g a n J e w i s h
8 .
History 16 (January 1976):
See:

88

As n o t e d in C h a p t e r 3, the first p e r m a n e n t b l a c k i n s t i t u t i o n
in the city,

as in m o s t cities, w a s the Se c o n d B a p t i s t Church,

organized in 1840.

Samuel Strothers,

and Joseph Skipworth—

two of the p e o p l e ins t r u m e n t a l in f o u n d i n g the Church r e m a i n e d
in B a t t l e C r e e k for several decades.
second church,

the Mt.

Zion A.M.E.

By 1862 or 1863,

a

C h u r c h h a d b e e n organized.

Heads of h o u s e h o l d s

ins t r u m e n t a l

in e s t a b l i s h i n g this c h u r c h

were N a t h a n Vestal,

H e n r y Clark,

C h a r l e s Davis,

Ben Williams,
Fisher,

John Tillman,

N e w t o n Snodgrass,

N a t h a n Sena,

John Caines,

Levi

and S a m R e a d e — peo p l e w h o st a y e d t h r o u g h the d e c a d e

(Figure 1 0 ) . ^
In a d d i t i o n to the c h u r c h e s — the focal p o i n t of n e a r l y
all a c t i v i t i e s and the m a i n s t a y in p r o v i d i n g a s t a b i l i z i n g and
cohesive i n f l u e n c e in the c o m m u n i t y - - o t h e r e v i d e n c e s of c o m ­
munity f e e ling emerged.
through the 1870's,
West Indies,

B e g i n n i n g in 1853 a n d c o n t i n u i n g

the e m a n c i p a t i o n of slaves

a n d a f t e r 1865,

in the B r i t i s h

e m a n c i p a t i o n of A m e r i c a n s laves

were c e l e b r a t e d in B a t t l e C r e e k w i t h m u c h fanfare:
picnics,

parades,

g u e s t s p e a k e r s from w i t h i n a n d w i t h o u t the city,

v isitors f r o m as far a w a y as Niles,
t i c i p a t e d in the events.

31

Lansing,

a n d D e t r o i t par-

V o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s — the U n i t e d

C o l o r e d A m e r i c a n A s s o c i a t i o n and I m p r o v e m e n t Society,
" ^ I n t e r v i e w w i t h Mrs.
32

and

a n d the

M a x i n e Good, J a n u a r y 19 75.

E m a n c i p a t i o n in B r i t i s h W e s t Indies," Ba t t l e C r e e k
J o u r n a l , J u l y 26, 1861; " E m a n c i p a t i o n C e l e b r a t i o n , " B a t t l e
C reek J o u r n a l , J a n u a r y 5, 1870; B a t t l e C r e e k Scrapbook, Vol. 3,
p^ 2 30 M i c h i g a n Room, W i l l a r d Library, B a t t l e Creek, Mi c h i g a n .

89

Persistence o f Block Households
B o ttle C r e e k , M ichigan

1870

i«

C « o tr * l

m■

et

*

Figure

10

Om

90
Masonic L o d g e o r g a n i z e d in the e a r l y 1 8 6 0 ' s — further a t t e s t to
32
the d e v e l o p m e n t of a p e r m a n e n t b l a c k community.
As w i t h the
churches,

the names W i l l i a m Casey,

Henderson,

John Simpson,

Tillman, J o s e p h Johnson,

John Gaines,

John Evans,

Thomas

Na t h a n Vestal,

J o h n Woodfork,

John

and Ge o r g e Hamilton,

to m e n t i o n a few — a p p e a r e d r e p e t i t i o u s l y in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h
the social and p o l i t i c a l activities;
leadership to the b l a c k community.

apparently,
In sum,

then,

they gave
the heads

of h o u s e h o lds w h o had stakes in the c o m m u n i t y w e r e g e n e r a l l y
those w h o s t a y e d through time.
The 1880 to 1900 Period
D e spite
Creek,
growth.

the d e p r e s s i o n of the early

1870's,

Ba t t l e

f r o m a b o u t 1877 to 1900 w i t n e s s e d a m a r k e d incr e a s e in
In 1880,

the p o p u l a t i o n n u m b e r e d 7,06 3; b y 1900,

population jumped to 18,653.
and i n d u s t rial e x p a n s i o n

34

the

Improved pub l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ^ ^

p r o v i d e d m o m e n t u m for c o n s t r u c t i o n

32

B a t t l e Creek J o u r n a l , June 1, 1860.
An A r t i c l e on
The U n i t e d C o l o r e d A m e r i c a n A s s o c i a t i o n picnic; on O c t o b e r
8 and 9, 1860,
"the first o r g a n i z a t i o n to b e t t e r the c o n d i t i o n
of blacks in M i c h i g a n h e l d a c o n v e n t i o n of c o l o r e d m e n in
Battle Creek, for the p u r p o s e of p e t i t i o n i n g the L e g i s l a t u r e
for the r i ghts of suffrage, and to c o n s i d e r the i n t e l l e c t u a l
and m oral status of the c o l o r e d people, and to d e v i s e m e a n s
to b e t t e r t h e i r condition...." W i l l i a m Casey of B a t t l e C r e e k
was e l e c t e d to a t t e n d the conference.
See:
Michigan Manual
of F r e e d m e n , p. 35; S t r o t h e r s M a s o n i c Lodge,
r e c e i v e d its
charter f r o m the G r a n d C h a r t e r of the State in 186 3.
See:
Battle C r e e k City Directory, 1 8 8 0 .
33
T h e h o r s e c a r w a s i n t r o d u c e d in B a t t l e C r e e k in 1879,
followed three y e a r s later by the e l e c t r i c streetcar.
See:
A r t h u r K. Bartlett, "Glimpses of Half a Century," in Wie g m i n k ,
Battle Creek, p. 18, and "First S t r e e t c a r in Battle Creek."
Verticle File, M i c h i g a n Room, W i l l a r d Library, Bat t l e Creek,
Michigan.
" ^ Regional w o r k shops of C h i c a g o and G r a n d T r u n k R a i l ­
way a n d M i c h i g a n and O h i o Railway, c o u p l e d w i t h the b u d d i n g

91

and further growth.

In 1883 alone,

erected in B a t t l e Creek,"
ditions w e r e platted.

35

"500 n e w b u i l d i n g s w e r e

and b e t w e e n 1879 and 1884,

B y the turn of the century,

six a d ­

Battle

Creek w a s on the v e r g e of one of the b i g g e s t p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h s
and areal e x p a n s i o n s in its history.
M e anwhile,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n c o n t i n u e d to grow,

more slowly than the total population.

but

F r o m 270 in 76 dwellings

in 1 8 8 0 — «a d e c l i n e of 14% in p o p u l a t i o n and a 20% r e d u c t i o n in
dwelling u nits since 1870— the n u m b e r h a d g r o w n to 525 b y 1900
in 156 d w e l l i n g units.
between 1870 and 1880,
slightly.

W i t h the decline in b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n c h a n g e d b u t

A decline in a former nucleus,

others, w h i l e at the same time,

light a c c r e t i o n s in

light d i s p e r s i o n s of h o u s e h o l d s

outward f r o m the core areas as the city e x p a n d e d in all d i r e c ­
tions c h a r a c t e r i z e d the spatial p a t t e r n of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s at
the start of the p e r i o d

(Figure 11).

S p e c i f i c a l l y in the F i r s t W a r d , 3 6
of the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n occurred.

some r e a r r a n g e m e n t

F o r example,

o c c u r r e d in the area w e s t of E a s t C a n a l Street:

expansion

in 1870, o n l y

new factories:
B a t t l e C r e e k Implem e n t s Co., B a t t l e C r e e k S c h o o l
F u r n i t u r e M a n u f a c t u r e r , A d v a n c e T h r e s h e r works, etc. s p a r k e d
the e x p a n s i o n w h i c h w a s f u e l e d a f t e r 1895 w i t h cereal p r o c e s s i n g
factories, r e s u l t i n g in "boom" c o n d i t i o n s in the e a r l y 1900's.
See:
" T o l edo's Testimony:
The R e m a r k a b l e G r o w t h o f Bat t l e
Creek."
B a t t l e C r e e k Daily J o u r n a l , N o v e m b e r 6 , 1884.
35

"Our City, its A p p e a r a n c e from a T o l e d o Outloo k , "
Battle C r e e k D a i l y J o u r n a l , O c t o b e r 23, 1883.
36T h e a r e a
t h a t c o m p r i s e d the F i r s t W a r d in 1870 was
d i v i d e d in h a l f at So u t h A v e n u e in 1880 to m a k e the F i f t h
Ward.

Distribution of Block Houssholds
Bottle Crssk, Michigan

1680

Figure
11
JLL

93

one h o u s e h o l d w a s

located here.

N o w n i n e — m o s t of t h e m old-

timers— d i s p l a y e d a t e n d e n c y t o w a r d c l u s t e r i n g on L y d i a Street,
between K a l a m a z o o River and C.
area a r c e d

b y light indu s t r y

and Gas W o r k s S h o p ) .

& G.

T.

(a nail

Two households,

R a i l w a y c r o s s i n g — an
factory,

in farms,

& M.

Depot,

a f a r m e r and a laborer,

had s p r e a d as far w e s t as R i t t e n h o u s e Street,
1870 w h i c h w a s m o s t l y

C. J.

37

an a r e a in

r e f l e c t i n g the p r o g r e s s i v e

inching out o f the p o p u l a t i o n from the core of the city.
remaining h o u s e h o l d s in the F i r s t W a r d w e r e

The

l o c a t e d in the

same g e n e r a l a r e a as in e a r l i e r y e a r s — a d j a c e n t to the M i l l
Pond a n d w i t h i n the b u s i n e s s core.
A s there was no c h a n g e in the o c c u p a t i o n a l statu s of
blacks in 1880, w i t h i n the F i r s t Ward,
wards,

b l a c k s were e m p l o y e d m a i n l y in p e r s o n a l service

and as day laborers,
trades.

s i m i l a r l y as in o t h e r
jobs

w h i l e a few w e r e e m p l o y e d in the s k i l l e d

The na t u r e of the w o r k - - e s p e c i a l l y day l a b o r i n g w h i c h

was t e nuous at best,

i n v o l v e d d a i l y hiring,

and p a i d low w a g e s — fo r c e d bl a c k s

d e m a n d e d long hours,

to live in low c o s t dwellings,

typically in the lowlands in close p r o x i m i t y to t h e i r pl a c e s
of e m p l o y m e n t w h i c h was p r o b a b l y in the b u s i n e s s core or in
the h e a v y i n d u s t r y n e a r the o u t s k i r t s o f town.
in p e r s o n a l ser v i c e jobs

(servants and cooks)

M a n y of those
li v e d w i t h t h e i r

employers.
In the F i f t h Ward, w i t h the M u r d o c k ' s ,
the Page's,

the Lewis',

the Casey's,

the B a i l e y ' s and the J a c k s o n ' s

leaving

37*rhe 1880 ce n s u s listed two b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s on R i t t e n Street, b u t o n l y p r o v i d e d the h o u s e n u m b e r for o n e — the S c o t t
h o u s e h o l d w h i c h w a s p l o t t e d o n the map.

94
the city,

the nuc l e u s of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t a l o n g M a r s h a l l

Street d e c l i n e d and h o u s e h o l d s b e c a m e very d i s p e r s e d a r o u n d
the S e c o n d B a p t i s t Church.

A few h o u s e h o l d s h a d d i f f u s e d to

the n e w l y o p e n e d land w e s t of M i c h i g a n C e n t r a l
around N i c h o l a s and S h e p a r d T h r e s h e r Works,

Railway c r o s s i n g

s e e m i n g l y in an

attempt to b e n e a r their place of e m p l o y m e n t — N i c h o l a s a n d
Shepard.
R e m a i n i n g intact,

the W a r r e n S t r e e t c l u s t e r in the

southern p a r t o f the w a r d c o n t i n u e d to be the m o s t d e n s e l y
p o p u l a t e d se c t o r in the city.

W i t h i n a m i l i e u of w h i t e h o u s e ­

holds, n i n e o l d t i m e r s w e r e

jo i n e d by six n e w c o m e r s in d w e l l i n g s

situated n e x t door,

the street,

across

or a f e w doors away.

Most of the heads of h o u s e h o l d s in this se c t o r w o r k e d at
Nicholas a n d Shepard,
smiths,

laborers,

some as long as 13 years,

stonemasons,

carpenters,

38

as b l a c k ­

ma c h i n i s t s ,

p a i n ters,

and y a r d m e n — a factor w h i c h m a y a c c o u n t for the s t a b i l i t y of
the cluster.
The Second,

Third,

and 9 b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

and F o u r t h w a r d s c o n t a i n e d 14,

respectively.

12,

In the S e c o n d Ward,

blacks c o n t i n u e d to live a d j a c e n t to o r in the m i d s t o f the
business d i s t r i c t on W e s t Canal, W e s t Main,
of J e f f e r s o n street;
st r e e t s w e r e m a i n l y
tion of t h e w a r d ,
38

however,

a n d the w e s t s i d e

those on W e s t M a i n a n d J e f f e r s o n

liv e - i n servants.

In the n o r t h w e s t e r n s e c ­

b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s e x p a n d e d along K a l a m a z o o

The le n g t h of time b l a c k s h a d w o r k e d at N i c h o l a s a n d
Shepard w a s g l e a n e d f r o m a n e w s p a p e r a c c o u n t in 1875 w h i c h
listed the n u m b e r of y e a r s m a n y e m p l o y e e s h a d w o r k e d there a n d
from the 1880 c i t y d i r e c t o r y w h i c h c o n t i n u e d to list N i c h o l a s
and S h e p a r d as the p l a c e o f e m p l o y m e n t for m a n y blacks.
See:
Battle C r e e k D a i l y J o u r n a l , J a n u a r y 2, 1875.

95

Street;

s e ven h o u s e h o l d s w i t h i n a three b l o c k area,

doors apart,

most a few

fo r m e d the core of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t in the ward.

Jobs h e l d by these w e r e m a i n l y in the s k i l l e d category:
sters,

carpenters,

hostlers,

the u n s k i l l e d class:
Third Ward, bl a c k s
however,

workers,
Street,

and w h i t e w a s h e r s , w i t h three in

two laborers and a porter.

W i t h i n the

c o n t i n u e d to live n e a r the A.M.E.

s hif t i n g a b l o c k westw a r d ,

more concentrated.

A

few blacks,

mo s t l y p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d
n e i g h b o r h o o d on Va n B u r e n

n e a r the fringe of the b u s i n e s s district.

tanners, mi n i s t e r s ,

A few w e r e e m p l o y e d in u n s k i l l e d jobs as cooks,
a n d laborers;

however,

these o c c u p i e d a m u c h lower

percen t a g e than in o t h e r s e c t i o n s of the city.
Fourth Ward,

Similarly,

they w e r e m a i n l y e m p l o y e d in

skilled and s e m i - s k i l l e d jobs— w e l l diggers,

washerwomen,

39

the T h i r d W a r d tended to a t t r a c t b l a c k s

of h i g h e r o c c u p a t i o n a l status;

stonemasons.

Church;

they n o w h a d b e c o m e s l i g h t l y

r e s i d e d in the "Upper Class"

as in the S e c o n d Ward,

team­

Within

the

b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s w e r e w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d on Maple,

F r e l i n g h u y s e n , Wendell,

Clay,

a n d F l i n t streets.

However,

most b l a c k s on and n o r t h of M a p l e w e r e d o m e s t i c servants,
waiters,
ment.

and c a r e t a k e r s w h o r e s i d e d at t h e i r pl a c e of e m p l o y ­

A m o n g the few s o u t h of Maple,

were a barber,

a blacksmith,

w h o o w n e d their r e s i d e n c e s

a deliveryman,

and a l a b o r e r w h o

p r o b a b l y w o r k e d in the b u s i n e s s core or at N i c h o l a s and
Shepard,

a few blocks
39

to the east.

A c c o r d i n g to the m a n u s c r i p t census, a d d r e s s e s r a n g i n g
from a b o u t 1 0 to 1 0 0 w e r e w i t h i n an upper class w h i t e n e i g h b o r h o o d ;
the o n l y b l a c k s living therein w e r e servants.
Black households
beg sun f r o m a b o u t 130 Van Bu r e n onward.

96

By 1880,

then, b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w e r e b e c o m i n g s l i g h t l y

more d i s p e r s e d — inching o u t w a r d from initial s e t t l e m e n t s into
newly d e v e l o p i n g areas n e a r e r the o u t s k i r t s of the city, w h i l e
s i m u l t a n e o usly b e c o m i n g s l i g h t l y m o r e c o n c e n t r a t e d in some w e l l
e s t a b l i s h e d areas.
population,

In spite of these m i n o r shifts

in the b l a c k

the b a s i c res i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n w a s unaltered.

tors— n e a r n e s s

to place of e m p l o yment,

low cost housing,

Fac­
near­

ness to friends and f a m i l y — w h i c h i n f l u e n c e d b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t
in these areas in p r e v i o u s decades p r o b a b l y c o n t i n u e d to do so
in 1880.

Further,

since the influx of b l a c k s w a s light and

the p r o p o r t i o n of b l a c k s in the total p o p u l a t i o n w a s r e l a t i v e l y
small,

B a t t l e C r e e k a p p a r e n t l y e x p e r i e n c e d little d i f f i c u l t y in

absorbing the migrants;

consequently,

residential segregation

did not develop.
Du ring the 1880's,
grow

(Table 5),

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n c o n t i n u e d to

n u m b e r i n g 354,

in 97 h o u s e h o l d s by 1890.

TABLE V
P O P U L A T I O N O F B A T T L E CREEK, B Y WARD,

Ward

Black
Population
No.

1884

White
Population

«

No.

%

1

55

16

1,535

16

2

101

29

1,633

17

3

67

19

2,261

23

4

49

14

1

, 882

19

5

82

23

2,370

24

0 ,69i

99

Total
Source:

354

101

S tate Ce n s u s of Michigan,

18 84.

97

From the table,

it is a p p a r e n t that in some instances,

were l o c a t ed w i t h i n w a r d s
to whites,

blacks

in equal or n e a r l y eq u a l p r o p o r t i o n s

r e f l e c t i n g the i n t e g r a t i o n of the population .

A t the o n s e t of 1890,

d i s p e r s i o n cle a r l y w a s the m o s t

striking c hange in the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n
in the F i r st Ward,

(Figure 12).

22 h o u s e h o l d s w e r e scattered,

far w e s t as U p t o n A v e n u e and J e w e l Street.

e x t e n d i n g as

Six households

were n o w located in the w e s t e r n p a r t of the ward,
blocks f r o m Lake A v e n u e s t r e e t c a r route;

With­

a b o u t three

three h o u s e h o l d s

were b u n c h e d n e a r the co r n e r of Lake A v e n u e a n d F o u n t a i n
Street on the s t r e e t c a r route.
holds w e r e

In 1880,

o n l y two b l a c k h o u s e ­

located in this area w e s t of C o l d w a t e r Street.

It

should be n o t e d that the e x p a n s i o n of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s t o wards
the o u t s k i r t s of the city p r o b a b l y w a s not the r e s u l t of t r a n s ­
p o r t ation improvements,

which were

i n t r o d u c e d in 1883.

It is

g enerally a c c e p t e d that the e l e c t r i c street c a r s h a d m i n i m a l
effect o n the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of the p o o r w h o c o n t i n u e d
to reside n e a r job o p p o r t u n i t i e s w h i c h w e r e u s u a l l y in the
b usiness district,

w h i l e the m o r e a f f l u e n t t e n d e d to m i g r a t e

o u t w a r d f r o m the core of the city.

40

Rather,

the e x p a n s i o n

of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w e s t w a r d m a y be v i e w e d as an a t t e m p t to
be near p l a c e of e m p l o y m e n t — w h i c h for m a n y of these h o u s e ­
holds w a s the w e s t side of town.

In fact,

m o s t of the h eads

of h o u s e h o l d s w e s t of L a k e A v e n u e w o r k e d as laborers,
smiths,

masons,
40

and carpenters,

Warner,

black­

e i t h e r at A d v a n c e T h r e s h e r

S t r e e t c a r Suburbs,

p.

80.

r

Distribution of Block Households
Battle Creek, Michigan
1890

1S

War*

- I- .

-r-

99

or J. U p t o n Company, w i t h i n w a l k i n g d i s t a n c e of their r e s i ­
dences .
T w e l v e h o u s e h o l d s w e r e s c a t t e r e d t h r o u g h o u t the a r e a
east of C o l d w a t e r Street,

along L y d i a and D i v i s i o n s t r e e t s —

the sites of initial b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t four d e c a d e s earlier.
Unlike 1880 in w h i c h several h o u s e h o l d s w e r e c l u s t e r e d a long
a street,

a single b l a c k h o u s e h o l d — at m o s t two located a

few doors a p a r t — was the rule,

r a t h e r than the exception.

A

southerly e x p a n s i o n of the b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t c o u p l e d w i t h
expansion of light industry,

e s p e c i a l l y along J e f f e r s o n and

Lydia s t r e ets p r o b a b l y c o n t r i b u t e d to the d i s p l a c e m e n t of
black residences.
W i t h this area b e i n g s o m e w h a t c e n t r a l l y located,
blacks w o r k e d at N i c h o l a s and S h e p a r d in the e a s t e r n p a r t of
town,

at A d v a n c e T h r e s h e r W o r k s

in the w e s t e r n p a r t of town,

and on the fringe of the b u s i n e s s district,

m a i n l y at C h i c a g o

and G r a n d T r u n k Depot and M i c h i g a n Cen t r a l Depot.

Within

this d i s t r i c t c o u l d be f o u n d a mason,

a laborer,

a porter,
hand,

a cook,

a for e m a n of a b l a c k s m i t h shop,

a dressmaker

and two b a r b e r s

a machin i s t ,

a section-

(who p r o b a b l y u s e d h e r h o u s e as w o r k p l a c e ) ,

(who,

in all probability,

w o r k e d in or n e a r

the b u s i n e s s c o r e ) .
The res i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s c h a n g e d
very l i t t l e in the F i f t h Ward.
ward,

Of the 29 h o u s e h o l d s in the

16 c o n t i n u e d to be l o c a t e d w i t h i n the r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e

Warren S t r e e t c l u s t e r — still the m o s t d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d s e c t o r
in the city,

w h i l e the m a j o r i t y of these r e s i d e n t s c o n t i n u e d

100

to w o r k at N i c h o l s and Shepard.

A few r e s i d e n c e s w e r e s c a t t e r ­

ed n o r t h of the G r a n d T r u n k Railway,
Locust,

and M a r s h a l l streets.

w i t h two

Bennett,

The g r a d u a l e x p a n s i o n e a s t w a r d

toward the o u t s k i r t s of the city,
ly intensified;

on E a s t Main,

be g u n in 1880,

now was slight­

six h o u s e h o l d s h a d sp r e a d e a s t of Union S t r e e t

(both e m p l o y e e s of C.

& G. T.

Shops)

s t r e t c h i n g as

far e a s t as T h i r d Street.
C o n t a i n i n g 16 b l a c k households,
mained r e l a t i v e l y stable.

the S e c o n d W a r d r e ­

A few h o u s e h o l d s c o n t i n u e d to be

located w i t h i n the c o m m e r c i a l core o n M a i n and W e s t Canal
street.

Now,

however,

a few h o u s e h o l d s h a d d i f f u s e d to the

southern p a r t of the ward,
less,

n e a r the d r i v i n g park.

the locus of settlement,

in number,

although slightly diminished

w a s still K a l a m a z o o Street.

W i t h the h o u s e h o l d s

in the w e s t e r n p a r t of the T h i r d

Ward s h i f t ing a b l o c k e a s t w a r d t o w a r d the A.M.E.
co a l e s c i n g of h o u s e h o l d s o n K a l a m a z o o S t r e e t
Van B u r e n S t r e e t
dispersed,

(Third Ward)

reappeared.

on the n o r t h b y Champion,
For the first time,

Church,

a

(Second Ward)

and

Although somewhat

14 h o u s e h o l d s w e r e l o c a t e d w i t h i n

on the s o u t h b y K a l a m a z o o River,

the a r e a b o u n d e d

on the e a s t by B a r n e y Street,

a n d on the W e s t by K e n d a l l Street.

a b l a c k h o u s e h o l d a p p e a r e d on O r i n Street,

near the n o r t h e r n c i t y limits.
mestics,

Neverthe­

Four households— mostly do­

living w i t h their e m p l o y e r s — w e r e s c a t t e r e d n o r t h w a r d

from the b u s i n e s s core to McCamly,
As in p r e v i o u s decades,

West,

and C o l l e g e streets.

the 19 b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

Fourth W a r d w e r e w i d e l y scattered.

in the

W i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f

five

101

househ o l d s c l u s t e r e d on M a r t h a Street,
hold in a b l o c k was still
Many of these,

the lone b l a c k h o u s e ­

the rule rather than the exception.

e s p e c i a l l y those on Van Buren,

Maple,

Calhoun,

and F r e l i n g h u y s e n w e r e p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d w o r k e r s r e s i d i n g
at their w orkpl a c e .

On Clay,

Flint,

Hart,

Cherry,

Fremont,

and C e n t r a l streets,

six h o u s e h o l d s w e r e a l s o scattered.

s ettle m e n t of bla c k s on these streets w a s n o t unusual,
most of the heads of households,
horsemen,

stable hands,

cooks,

w o r k i n g as laborers,

a n d tailors,

prob a b l y

The

for
barbers,

fo u n d

work n e a r b y in the b u s i n e s s core.
Thus b y 1890,

the d i s p e r s i o n of b l a c k h o u s e holds ,

w h i c h h a d b e g u n a decade earlier,

b e c a m e m o r e pronounced .

With the p o p u l a t i o n g r o w i n g slowly d u r i n g the 1880's,
sult of light m i g r a t i o n and nat u r a l

increase,

r e m ained in small clusters, w h i l e at the same

as a r e ­

black households
time d i f f u s i n g

o u t w a r d t o w a r d the p e r i p h e r y of the city.

The unavailability

of data p r o h i b i t s an a n a l y s i s to d e t e r m i n e

if those b l a c k s

w h o m i g r a t e d o u t w a r d from the core w e r e u p w a r d l y mobile;
b a s e d s i n g u l a r l y o n occupation,
clusive

no area stands o u t as an e x ­

"better class" neig h b o r h o o d .

Theoretically,

r e s i d e n t i a l m o v e m e n t to w a r d the p e r i p h e r y of a city,
p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1880,

however,
es­

g e n e r a l l y i n d i c a t e s an i m p r o v e m e n t in

e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s .^ ^
41

Those who have previously concerned themselves with
e c o n o m i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n b l a c k r e s i d e n t i a l zones tend
to v e r i f y the e x i s t e n c e of an i n c r e a s e in the level of s o c i o ­
e c o n o m i c s tatus w i t h d i s t a n c e from the core of the city.
See:
K e n n e t h T. Jackson, "Urban D e c o n c e n t r a t i o n in the 19th Century:
A S t a t i s t i c a l Inquiry" in The N e w U r b a n H i s t o r y ed. L e o F.
Schnore, (Princeton, N. J.l
P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974),
p. 129.

102

The

1900 Cross S e c t i o n . A m o d e s t influx of b l a c k s to

Battle C r e e k du r i n g the 1 8 9 0 ' s — some b e c a u s e of family and
friendship b o n d s , a few as a re s u l t of active r e c r u i t m e n t by
the Sanitarium,
tists,

43

42

some a t t r a c t e d by the S e v e n t h Day A d v e n -

a n d ot h e r s s e e k i n g e m p l o y m e n t in a b o o m i n g e c o n o m y —

pushed the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n to 525,
by 1900.

By m i d 1890,

however,

comprising

156 h o u s e h o l d s

the p r o p o r t i o n of b l a c k s a n d

whites w i t h i n w a r d s w a s shifting.

T h e gaps in the p r o p o r t i o n

of b lacks to w h i t e s in the F i r s t and F o u r t h w a r d s w e r e w i d e n ­
ing, w h i l e the p r o p o r t i o n s
fairly equal

(Table

6

).

Conversely,

converging,

F o r the F i r s t Ward,

p ortions p r o b a b l y reflects
of the ward,

in o t h e r wards,

the e v o l v i n g

were

the s h i f t in p r o ­

low e c o n o m i c status

e s p e c i a l l y in the a r e a e a s t of C o l d w a t e r Street.
the F o u r t h W a r d i n c r e a s i n g l y te n d e d to a t t r a c t

the w e a l t h i e r p r o f e s s i o n a l

and c o m m e r c i a l class,

which probably

accounts for the low p e r c e n t a g e of b l a c k s in the area.
W i t h the e c o n o m i c and c o n c o m i t a n t b u i l d i n g b o o m a r o u n d
1900,

the city e x p a n d e d in all directions.

Black households—

newcomers and o l d t i m e r s — m o v e d i n c r e a s i n g l y i n w a r d to and o u t ­
ward from the old e s t a b l i s h e d c o r e areas on W a r r e n and K a l a m a z o o Van Buren streets,

as these,

a d v a n c i n g m o d e r a t e l y o n one front

42

G l e a n e d f r o m an i n t e r v i e w w i t h Mrs. D o r o t h y Johnson,
M a r c h 1976, w h o r e p o r t e d t h a t h e r m o t h e r a l o n g w i t h several
other w o m e n w e r e r e c r u i t e d in T e n n e s s e e to w o r k at the s a n i t a r i u m
in the late 1890's.
4 3 " Mainly A b o u t Folks," B a t t l e C r e e k E n q u i r e r a n d N e w s ,
S e p t e m b e r 7, 184 7.
A r t i c l e on J a m e s H. L e w i s w h o a r r i v e d in
Battle C r e e k about 1890 b e c a u s e B a t t l e C r e e k w a s h e a d q u a r t e r s
of the S e v e n t h - D a y Adventists.
Others were probably attracted
by this r e l i g i o u s element.

103

TABLE VI
P O P U L A T I O N OF B A T T L E CREEK, BY WARD,

Black
Population

Ward

No.

1894

White
Population

«

No.

«

1

113

25

2,182

14

2

73

16

2,415

16

3

10 3

22

3,834

25

4

43

9

3,205

21

5

128

28

3,421

23

Total

460

1 0 0

Source:

%

15,057

S t ate Census of Michigan,

while c o n t r a c t i n g on the other,
fusion of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

99%

1894.

persisted.

The g r a d u a l d i f ­

toward the o u t s k i r t s of B a t t l e C r e e k

is r e f l e c t e d in the d e c r e a s i n g d e n s i t y of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n
as it m o v e d o u t w a r d f r o m the c o r n e r of M a i n a n d J e f f e r s o n
s t r eets— the "heart of town."

Seventeen black households were

located w i t h i n o n e - f o u r t h mile f r o m the c e n t e r of town, w i t h i n
the b u s i n e s s core;
the intersection;
away;

30 w e r e o n e - f o u r t h to o n e - h a l f m i l e fr o m
55 w e r e o n e - h a l f to t h r e e - q u a r t e r s of a m i l e

27 w e r e t h r e e - q u a r t e r s to o n e mile;

4 were between one

and one a n d o n e - q u a r t e r m i l e from the intersection;

and 4 w e r e

one a n d o n e - q u a r t e r to one and t h r e e - q u a r t e r s m i l e s f r o m the
center of town.

In 1890,

the f a r t h e r m o s t d i s t a n c e of b l a c k

-J.-04

households f r o m the i n t e r s e c t i o n w a s about one a n d o n e - e i g h t h
miles.

44

Thus,

at the turn of the century,

dispersion con­

tinued to be the m a j o r change in the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of
blacks in B a t t l e Creek.
Upon e x a m i n i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n of bl a c k h o u s e h o l d s
within the wards,

simultaneously,

were m o r e p r o n o u n c e d

(Figure 13).

dispersion and concentration
The si n g l e b l a c k househ o l d ,

w hich h a d m o v e d o u t w a r d to the n e w l y o p e n e d p l a t s

in 1890,

was joined at the onset of this d e c a d e by a few h o u s e h o l d s
(often friends and family),

forming light clusters,

w h i l e at

the same time an adv a n c e g u a r d i n c h e d fur t h e r o u t w a r d into the
recently o p e n e d p l a t s of the late 1 8 9 0 's.
In the F i r s t W a r d the nu m b e r o f b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
creased f r o m 22 to 39.
Jackson,

in­

W i t h i n the b u s i n e s s core along Main,

a n d Ri v e r streets,

eight households were situated

(three of w h i c h w e r e servants
compared to three in 1890.

living w i t h their e m p l o y e r s ) , as

A smaxl c o n c e n t r a t i o n of r e s i d e n c e s

appeared a r o u n d C o l d w a t e r a n d S y c a m o r e streets.

A n o t h e r light

cluster e m e r g e d in the 200 a n d 300 b l o c k s of F o u n t a i n

Street.

A few h o u s e h o l d s h a d s p r e a d as far s o u t h as M o n r o e S t r e e t n e a r
the city limits,
Streets,
Webber,

a n d as far w e s t as Upton A v e n u e a n d C h a p e 11

w i t h h o u s e h o l d s — one e a c h — a p p e a r i n g on Meacham,
Corwin,

Cleveland,

a n d three r e s i d e n c e s s i t u a t e d a few

doors a p a r t on G o g u a c Street.

In the e a s t e r n p a r t of the ward,

one h o u s e h o l d h a d s p r e a d to B u r c h a r d S t r e e t b e l o w the M i l l Pond,
44

C o m p u t e d from o n e - f o u r t h m i l e
Polk m a p of B a t t l e Creek.

tiers on 1900 R.

L.

Figure
13
Distribution of Block Households
B attle Creek, Michigan

W

trnmrm C M ,

<«M C«t •»««)

106

while a few r e m a i n e d s c a t t e r e d on S h o r t , Division,

and S o u t h

A v e n u e — the general v i c i n i t y o f b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s in 1850.
W i t h i n the F i f t h ward,
cated.

40 b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w e r e

lo­

The W a r r e n S t r e e t clu s t e r b e c a m e s l i g h t l y m o r e c o n c e n ­

trated, w i t h a tent a c l e st r e t c h i n g
Hall S t r e e t and S o u t h Avenue,
for about five blocks.
joined 19 oldtimers,

from the i n t e r s e c t i o n of

n o r t h w a r d along S o u t h A v e n u e

E i g h t n e w c o m e r s m o v i n g into the a r e a

some of w h o m h a d b e e n there

for three

decades and w o r k e d at N i c h o l a s and S h e p a r d e q u a l l y as long.
M a i n t a i n i n g its rank as the m o s t c o n c e n t r a t e d s e c t i o n of b l a c k
settlement for three decades,
spersed w i t h w h i t e households.
ward,

the area c o n t i n u e d to be i n t e r ­
In the e a s t e r n p a r t of the

b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t — m a i n l y teamsters a n d m a s o n s w h o p r o b a b l y

w a l k e d to their jobs at N i c h o l a s and S h e p a r d and C.
Shops— a p p e a r e d for the first time on Greenville,
and C l a r k streets,

& G. T.

Idaho,

East,

r e f l e c t i n g the small b u t s t e a d y p u s h t o w a r d

the p e r i p h e r y of the city.
The m a j o r changes
the S e c o n d a n d T h i r d w a r d s

in r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n o c c u r r e d in
in w h i c h b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

over the d ecade from 16 to 33, and f r o m 11 to 30,
A light c l u s t e r

(7 households)

respe c t i v e l y .

a p p e a r e d in the south e r n p a r t

of the S e c o n d W a r d ar o u n d McCamly,
in 1890,

increased

Pearl,

o nly three r e s i d e n c e s w e r e here.

and Gr o v e s t r e e t s ;
F r o m P a g e to A n g e l l

streets in the m i d w e s t e r n p o r t i o n of the ward, nine h o u s e ­
holds w e r e scatt e r e d near A d v a n c e T h r e s h e r Works.

The

former

K a l a m a z o o - V a n B u r e n nuc l e u s of s e t t l e m e n t d r i f t e d a p a r t in
this decade.

A sl i g h t filling in of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s o c c u r r e d

107

on K a l a m a z o o Street,

w h i l e the r e s i d e n c e s on V a n B u r e n Street,

advancing a b o u t two bl o c k s on the w e s t e r n
ward o n t o Hubbard,

45

Wood, N o r t h Kendall,

front,

and M a n c h e s t e r streets.

In the n o r t h e a s t e r n sec t i o n of the T h i r d Ward,
c ontinued to spread;
Washington,

south b y C h a m p i o n Street,

Hazel,

Lincoln,

College, N o r t h Avenue,
these b l a c k s w e r e

bl a c k h o u s e h o l d s

in the area b o u n d e d on the w e s t by N o r t h

and n o r t h b y the city limits,
Howard,

shi f t e d n o r t h -

e a s t by N o r t h Avenue,

17 h o u s e h o l d s w e r e

Barbour,
Franklin,

46

Brook,

located on

Spring,

a n d Hill stree t s .

live-in domestics;

Popular,
Some of

oth e r s w e r e e m p l o y e d by

the Sanitarium, w i t h i n e a s y w a l k i n g d i s t a n c e o f their h o m e s —
as barbers,

nurses,

and laundry workers.

A

few p o s s i b l y w o r k e d

at B a t t l e C r e e k K n i t t i n g Mill l o c a t e d n e a r the corner of
C hampion and T o m p k i n s t r e e t s

as laborers,

also within walking

distance.
W i t h i n the F o u r t h Ward,
declined slightly

the n u m b e r of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s

from 19 to 14 d u r i n g the decade;

the p a t t e r n of r e s i d e n c e s r e m a i n e d stable.

however,

Black residences

were still w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d w i t h those on and n o r t h of M a p l e
m a i n l y l i v e-in p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d workers,

and those s o u t h of

M a p l e p r e d o m i n a t e l y laborers w h o p r o b a b l y w o r k e d in the b u s i ­
ness core o r at N i c h o l a s and S h e p a r d at the e a s t e r n edge o f
the city.
45

N i n e b l a c k s r e s i d e d at Has k e l l Home, an o r p h a n a g e
on H u b b a r d Street.
See 1900 M a n u s c r i p t Census.
46

S e v e n t e e n b l a c k s (students and employees) l i v e d at the
S a n i t a r i u m d o r m i t o r y on B a r b o u r Street.
See:
19 00 M a n u s c r i p t
Census.

108

Such w e r e the spatial p a t t e r n s of b l a c k residence s in
Battle Creek

from 1880 to the turn of the century.

In sum,

two p r i m a r y c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s — nei t h e r of
w h i c h w a s p r e d o m i n a t e l y o c c u p i e d b y b l a c k s — e x i s t e d by 1900.
C o n t i n u e d m i g r a t i o n over the 20 y e a r p e r i o d led to e x p a n s i o n
for the m o s t part,

of these clusters, w h i l e at the same time,

led i n c r e a s i n g l y to the d i s p e r s a l of h o u s e h o l d s

from these

core areas.
The social c o n s e q u e n c e s of these p a t t e r n s are e a s i l y
visualized.

T h e v a s t m a j o r i t y of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w e r e d i s ­

p e r s e d t h r o u g h o u t the city,

s u g g e s t i n g a general a c c e p t a n c e

by and c o n s e q u e n t l y spatial a s s i m i l a t i o n into the w i d e r society.
It s h o u l d b e n o t e d that the e x p e r i e n c e s of the m i g r a n t s d u r i n g
this p e r i o d p r o b a b l y p r o v i d e d them w i t h a h e a d s t a r t t o w a r d
assimilation.

M i g r a t i n g m a i n l y from the U p p e r S o u t h and

B o r d e r States,

m a n y of t h e m came as artisans w i t h some capital,

or were q u i c k l y able to a c c u m u l a t e some capital;

they tended

to be b e t t e r educated, m o r e active in c o m m u n i t y leadership,
a n d m o r e f a m i l i a r w i t h u r b a n living than blacks a f t e r W o r l d
W ar One.

More

i m p o r t a n t than their social and e c o n o m i c s k ills

w a s p r o b a b l y the fact that a r r i v i n g in B a t t l e C r e e k in small
numbers,

the m i g r a n t s did n o t "intrude on the h o s t soc i e t y and

th r e a t e n its values;"

47

consequently,

residential

seg r e g a t i o n

did not occur.
47

R. J. Johnston, U r b a n R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n s
Pr a e g e r Publishers, 1972), p. 49.

(New York:

109

Persistence of the B l a c k Population:
As n o t e d previousl y,

1880 - 1900

dur i n g the first 30 years,

the

large m a j o r i t y of bl a c k s did not m a k e B a t t l e C r e e k their p e r ­
manent home.

Nonetheless,

a small core of b l a c k s r e m a i n e d in

the city to form the b l a c k community.
laborer and service jobs o p e n e d up,

In this period,

the p e r s i s t e n c e rates of

black h e a d s of h o u s e h o l d s i n c r e a s e d to 53%,
respectively

as m o r e

61%, a n d 46%,

{Table 4).

As in the p r e v i o u s period,

a small g r o u p of o l d t i m e r s —

people w h o h a d b e e n p r e s e n t for d e c a d e s — J o h n J. Evans,
Snodgrass,
McGruder,

Ha r r y C. Olds,
P e r r y Sandford,

W i l l i a m Casey,

W i l l i a m Curley,

and William Woodlin

H. F.
Jim

(Figures 14,

15,

and 16)— p r o v i d e d g u i d a n c e and d i r e c t i o n for sha p i n g the b l a c k
community.
The 1910 to 1930 P e r i o d
T h e first d e c a d e o f the 1900's m a r k e d the b e g i n n i n g of
an i n c r e a s i n g flow of p e o p l e to B a t t l e Creek;
period,

b y the e n d of the

the p o p u l a t i o n j u m p e d from 25,267 to 4 3,573.

increasing m i n i m a l l y the first decade,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n

jumped f r o m 525 in 1910 to 1,795 b y 1930.
sparked b y two p r i m a r y factors.

wa rtime m o b i l i z a t i o n b e c k o n e d people,

A. fl

and others,

This g r o w t h w a s

In the y e a r s 1900-1909,

br e a k f a s t c ereal b o o m a t t r a c t e d newcomers.

at C a m p Custer,

While

the

A d e c a d e later,

as some w e r e s t a t i o n e d

m a i n l y f r o m the s o u t h e r n states of

T his s l i g h t dec l i n e in the 1890-1900 d e c a d e m a y b e a
r eflection of i n c o m p l e t e n e s s in the 1890 cross s e c t i o n a l data.

110

Poraiotanca o f Bloch HoueohokU
Bottlo Crook, Michigan

1880
Icoo T,

y<
TXT
• *« o

F i g u r e 14

Persistence of Black Households
Battle Creekt Michigan
1890

Figure
111

15
0CDOM

c m m . w c**»
-« e o

m* #

f

Figure
16
•

"OuwnM ewer

•Q
"
«
- - » r d Bes

i* i

Rsrsistence of Block Households
Bottle Creek, Mlchigon
iQon

113

Alabama,

Georgia, Mississippi,

and Tennessee,

s o u g h t w o r k in

the factories.
A s n e w r e s i d e n t s came,
city changed.

the p h y s i c a l a p p e a r a n c e of the

N e w s u b d i v i s i o n s w e r e o p e n e d in all direct i o n s ,

and the c i t y e x p a n d e d its b o u n d a r i e s to include these ne w l y
opened additions.

B e t w e e n 1900 a n d 1910 alone,

15 a d d i t i o n s

were p l a t t e d to a c c o m m o d a t e the g r o w i n g population.
cribed as a "work i n g class expansion,"

Inn Road,

Des­

by 1904, h o u s e s — lots

and a l l — c o u l d be p u r c h a s e d in the P o s t A d d i t i o n
Kingman,

49

and E a s t M a i n streets)

(Lathrop,

as w e l l as in o t h e r

developments in the e a s t e r n a n d w e s t e r n p a r t s o f the c i t y
for a little over $ 7 5 0 . 50
A s peo p l e c o n t i n u e d to flock to Ba t t l e Creek,

espe­

cially d u r i n g W o r l d W a r One,

s u b u r b a n development, w h i c h w a s

opened just o u t s i d e the city

in the e a r l y 1900's, b e g a n f i lling

in.

In U r b a n d a l e and W a s h i n g t o n H e i g h t s in B e d f o r d Township,

Goguac Lake a n d C o l u m b i a A v e n u e in B a t t l e Creek Township ,
Marshall R o a d in E m m e t t Township,
streetcar,

the interurban,

and

s e t t l e m e n t s p r e a d as the

a n d m o s t importantly,

the a u t o m o b i l e

made it f e asible for p e o p l e t o m o v e o u t w a r d e v e n more.
For the b l a c k p o p u l ation,

specifically,

b e c o m i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y m o r e concentrated.
clusters w a x e d and waned,

new

racially

towards the o u t s k i r t s of the city.
T h o m p s o n Straw,
Geography," p. 77.
50

Yet,

residences were

As o l d e s t a b l i s h e d
mixed pockets emerged
by the c l o s e o f the

"Battle Creek:

A S t u d y in U r b a n

"Tale of B a t t l e C r e e k ' s G r o w t h is S t o r y of A r e a and
People," B a t t l e C r e e k E n q u i r e r a n d N e w s , J a n u a r y 1, 1951.

114

period, no s e c t i o n c o u l d clearly be i d e n t i f i e d as a bl a c k area.
B e f o r e d i s c u s s i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s

in detail,

it s h o u l d be n o t e d that of the b l a c k s w h o w e r e a t t r a c t e d to
Battle C reek du r i n g this p e r i o d b e c a u s e of the cereal boom,
wartime expansion,

or for w h a t e v e r reason,

a higher percentage

tended to r e m a i n from one de c a d e to the next t h a n in the 19th
century.

F o r example,

in 1910,

were in B a t t l e C r e e k in 1900;
and in 19 30,

6 6

52% o f the heads of h o u s e h o l d s

in 1918,

% r e m a i n e d f r o m 1918.

77% w e r e f r o m 1910;
G i v e n this p a t t e r n of

rather h i g h s t a b i l i t y in the b l a c k community,

it is n o t s u r ­

prising that m a n y of the names a p p e a r r e p e t i t i o u s l y a m o n g the
sampled heads of h o u s e h o l d s o n the p e r s i s t e n c e m a p s
17, 18, a n d 19).

(Figures

The i m p a c t the r e s i d e n t s — b o t h n e w and o l d —

had on the re s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s w i l l n o w be considered.
The 1910 Cr o s s S e c t i o n .

By

1904 the p r o p o r t i o n of

blacks to w h i t e s w i t h i n the w a r d s w a s b e c o m i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y
more d i s p a r a t e

(Table 7).

F r o m 1894 to 1904,

the c o n c e n t r a ­

tion of b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n s h i f t e d f r o m the n o n c o n t i g u o u s First,
Third,

a n d F i f t h w a r d s w h i c h c o n t a i n e d 75% of the p o p u l a t i o n

to the c o n t i g u o u s First,
the population.

Second,

In contrast,

and F i f t h wards, w i t h 73% of

the p r o p o r t i o n of w h i t e s

wards r e m a i n e d r e l a t i v e l y stable o v e r the decade.

in the

Despite

the i n c r e a s e d p r o p o r t i o n s of bl a c k s w i t h i n the wards,

the a b ­

solute n u m b e r s w e r e small and no zone e m e r g e d as a b l a c k area.

Persistence of Black Household*
Bottle Creek, Michigan
-i-----

1910

I-

Figure
115

17

Porototonco of Block
Baltic

Houuholdi

Crook, Mlchigon

1918

Figure
116

18

r3

Raroiotonco of Block Houoohokla
Battle Crook, Michigan

1930

Figure

-M
117

19
M

i i
5

118

T A B L E VII
P O P U L A T I O N OF B A T T L E CREEK, BY WARD,

Black
Population

Ward

No.

1904

White
Population

%

No.

%

1

131

25

3, 752

17

2

140

27

3,724

17

3

78

15

4,699

22

4

57

11

4,567

21

5

111

21

4,937

23

Total

517

99

21,679

Source:

State Census of Mi c h i g a n , 1904
By 1910

the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n b y

wards still p r o b a b l y r e p e a t e d the 1904 pattern,
Second,

100

and Fifth wards contained

6 8

for the F i r s t

% of the b l a c k househ o l d s .

Within the wards, b l a c k s — d i s p e r s e d t h r o u g h o u t the c i t y — w e r e
in the same gene r a l a r e a s as in 1900.

However,

a slight

ti g h t e n i n g up in the spat i a l p a t t e r n w a s o b s e r v e d as bl a c k s
in small n u m b e r s m o v e d n e a r e x i s t i n g h o u s e h o l d s .

Further,

wi t h the i n c r e a s e in r e s i d e n t s d u r i n g the decade,

the b l a c k

p o p u l a t i o n w a s c o n t i n u i n g to s h i f t its locus f r o m the s o u t h e r n
half of B a t t l e C r e e k
rivers)

(area s o u t h of B a t t l e C r e e k and K a l a m a z o o

to the w e s t e r n h a l f of the city

and N o r t h avenues)

(Figure 20).

(area w e s t of S o u t h

Distribution of Black Households
Bottle Creek, Michigan

1910

---- 1— H

6

20

IT

Figure

120

Specifically,

in the Fi r s t Hard, b l a c k s b e c a m e s l i g h t l y

more concentrated, e s p e c i a l l y n e a r the sout h e r n fringe of the
business district, w h i l e a few d i f f u s e d s o u t h w a r d t o w a r d the
city limits.

D i s p l a c e d b y b u s i n e s s and c o m m e r c i a l enterprises,

all b u t one bl a c k h o u s e h o l d h a d left the central b u s i n e s s d i s ­
trict.

Some h a d p r o b a b l y s p r e a d a few bl o c k s s o u t h to the

section b o u n d e d on the w e s t b y C o l d w a t e r Street,
Mill Pond,
Street.

e a s t by D i v i s i o n Street,

C o n t a i n i n g 20 h o u s e h o l d s

s o u t h b y the

and north by Fountain

in this n a r r o w strip,

if a n y

section in B a t t l e C r e e k c o u l d be i d e n t i f i e d as a b l a c k area,
this w o u l d be it.

W i t h 11 h o u s e h o l d s — some w h i c h h o u s e d

boarders a n d one w h i c h h o u s e d three f a m i l i e s — S y c a m o r e Street,
the o n l y all bl a c k s t r e e t in the city,
the cluster.

A r c e d by the Ri v e r a n d the M i l l P o n d and i n t e r ­

spersed w i t h h e a v y industry,
area.

seemingly,

T h e heads of h o u s e h o l d s w h o

laborers,

f o r m e d the h e a r t of

w i t h a peddler,

this w a s a low income

lived here w e r e m a i n l y

junk dealer,

cook,

teamster,

barber,

and j a n itor th r o w n in.
W i t h the S y c a m o r e - M o n r o e a r e a for m i n g the n u c l e u s of
black s e t t l e m e n t in the F i r s t Ward,

the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f b l a c k

house h o l d s d e c l i n e d as o n e p r o g r e s s e d o u t w a r d f r o m the core.
West of C o l d w a t e r Street,
on Blanch,
Scenery,

Rittenhouse,

14 h o u s e h o l d s w e r e w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d

B a t t l e Creek,

L o g a n a n d C o r w i n streets.

Lake,

Goguac,

S o u t h e a s t of the Mill Pond,

a s e c o n d small p o c k e t of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s emerged.
Burchard,

Virginia,

and P a u l i n e streets,

located as o p p o s e d to one in 1900.

Bidwell,

O n Fonda,

nine households were

121

The m o s t s t r i k i n g c h a n g e in b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s w a s the
decline of h o u s e h o l d s in the F i f t h Ward, w h i c h in p r e v i o u s
years w a s s e c o n d

to the F i r s t W a r d

in the n u m b e r of b l a c k h o u s e ­

holds .

demise of m a n y o f

the o l d t i m e r s in the W a r r e n

W i t h the

Street cluster,
ries, however,

the d e n s i t y of the a r e a declined;
remained

black h o u s e h o l d s

relatively

stable.

d i p p e d sha r p l y to

core of the cluster,

the hou s e h o l d s ,

the b o u n d a ­

A s the n u m b e r o f

six on W a r r e n Street,

the

a l t h o u g h n u m b e r i n g 23,

became v e r y dispersed.

A few h o u s e h o l d s w e r e s c a t t e r e d n o r t h

of the r a i l r o a d tracks,

on M a r s h a l l S t r e e t

where

the S e c o n d B a p ­

tist C h u r c h still stood as a r e m i n d e r of a o n c e t h r i v i n g n u c l e u s
of b l a c k settlement.

F a r t h e r to the east,

the few r e s i d e n c e s

s c a t t e r e d a r o u n d N i c h o l a s and S h e p a r d C o m p a n y r e m a i n e d r e l a ­
tively s t a ble as the h e a d s p r o b a b l y c o n t i n u e d to w o r k in the
nearby factories.

A light d i f f u s i o n of r e s i d e n c e s to the

southern p a r t of the w a r d

(to P o s t and K i n g m a n streets)

was

observed.
As b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
black r e s i d e n c e s
pact.

in the F i f t h W a r d w e r e s c a t t e r i n g

in the S e c o n d W a r d w e r e b e c o m i n g m o r e c o m ­

W i t h 46 h o u s e h o l d s in the area,

a s l i g h t fil l i n g in

was o b s e r v e d in b l o c k s w h i c h h a d o n l y a few h o u s e h o l d s in 1900.
For example,

the n u m b e r of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

increased slightly

from six to ten w i t h i n the b u s i n e s s district.

However,

the

most n o t i c e a b l e ch a n g e in r e s i d e n c e s w a s seen in the s o u t h e r n
part o f the ward.
Kendall,
Street,

In the area b o u n d e d o n the w e s t b y S o u t h

o n the n o r t h b y the railroad,

on the south b y U p t o n

a n d on the e a s t b y S o u t h Jeffer s o n ,

20 b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

122

were scattered;

in 1900,

seven r e s i d e n c e s w e r e here.

Another

pocket w a s e m e r g i n g in the v i c i n i t y of A d v a n c e T h r e s h e r W o r k s
on Parish,

Hamblin,

and R a i l r o a d streets;

in the n e x t d e c a d e

this p o c k e t w o u l d fuse w i t h the S o u t h M c C a m l e y S t r e e t cluster.
And lastly,
ward,

the K a l a m a z o o S t r e e t node,

inching slightly w e s t ­

r e m a i n e d rather stable in n u m b e r of b l a c k househol d s .
W i t h i n the T h i r d Ward,

a few b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

scattered in the v i c i n i t y o f the A.M.E.

Church.

remained

However,

the

major i t y of b l a c k s w e r e fil l i n g in the b l o c k s s u r r o u n d i n g the
Sanitarium,

p r o b a b l y r e f l e c t i n g a r e s i d e n c e - w o r k p l a c e tie.

few blacks,

private household workers,

Street n e a r the b u s i n e s s district.

A

l i v e d on V a n B u r e n

A m o r e stri k i n g c h a n g e in

black r e s i d e n c e s o c c u r r e d s l i g h t l y n o r t h of the T h i r d Ward,
i m mediately o u t s i d e the c i t y limits.
1900's,

P l a t t e d in the e a r l y

the V i l l a g e of W a s h i n g t o n Heights,

Day A d v e n t i s t area,

k n o w n as a S e v e n t h

b e g a n a t t r a c t i n g a few blacks.

holds w e r e s c a t t e r e d on Wood,

Goodale,

Vineyard,

Six h o u s e ­

and Oneida

streets.
As in e a r l i e r years,

the p r o p o r t i o n of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

in the F o u r t h W a r d c o n t i n u e d to be the lowest of the w a r d s ;
o n e - e i g h t h of the h o u s e h o l d s w e r e l o c a t e d herein.
e x c e p t i o n of John A. Evans,

W i t h the

a b l a c k b u s i n e s s m a n at the i n t e r ­

section o f E a s t A v e n u e a n d M a p l e Street,

b l a c k s on a n d n o r t h

of M a p l e S t r e e t c o n t i n u e d to be p e r s o n a l s e r v i c e w o r k e r s r e ­
siding w i t h their employers.
of M a p l e — janitors,
w e l l - t o - d o blacks.

policemen,

T h e few b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

south

porters— probably represented

123

Thus,

o n the eve of "the G r e a t M i g r a t i o n , "

the d e n s i t y

of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w a s i n c r e a s i n g l i g h t l y in m o s t sections;
nonetheless,

b l a c k s w e r e still w i d e l y d i s p e r s e d thr o u g h B a t t l e

Creek.
The 1918 Cross S e c t i o n .
blacks d u r i n g the w a r decade,
nearly two-fold,

to 1,055.

W i t h the ra p i d i n f l u x of

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d

The p e r c e n t a g e of blacks,

climbed less than one p e r c e n t

{from 2.3% to 2.9%)

as a w h o l e g r e w f r o m 18,000 to 25,000 b y 1920.

however,

as the city

S i g n ifi c a n t l y ,

the n u m b e r of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s d i d n o t k e e p p a c e w i t h the
rapid i n f l ux of blacks:

from 200 b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s

number i n c r e a s e d s l i g h t l y to 212 in 1920,

As yet,

life style of b l a c k s

the

indicating a high

degree of d o u b l i n g up, b u t m o r e importantly,
e c o n o m i c a l ly m a r g i n a l

in 1910,

r e f l e c t i n g the

in Bat t l e Creek.

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n w a s n o t c o n f i n e d to a ghetto;

most b l a c k s lived in r a c i a l l y m i x e d n e i g h b o r h o o d s .
ed to s ettle in the same gene r a l areas as in 1910,
i ncreasing scale

They tend­
b u t o n an

(Figure 21).

In the e a s t e r n p a r t of town

( i . e . , e a s t of N o r t h a n d

South a v e n u e s ) , a d e c l i n e in the n u m b e r of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
was o b s e r v e d as the p e r c e n t a g e d r o p p e d from 30 to 24 o v e r the
decade.

A t the same time,

black households became slightly

more c o n c e n t r a t e d in three areas.

T h e first,

the W a r r e n Street

c l u ster in s o u t h e a s t e r n B a t t l e C r e e k once again,
nucleus of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t as
block a r e a — on W e s t Hall,

21

Warren,

households

became a

f o c u s e d in a four

and Oak S t r e e t s w i t h a few

h o u s e h o l d s s c a t t e r e d at the fr i n g e on S o u t h Avenue,

E a s t Hall,

124

Mott,

a n d W i l l o w streets.

The second cluster emerged

to the e a s t a r o u n d N i c h o l a s a n d S h e p a r d ,
Postum Cereal Company.

G.T.W.

Shops,

farther
and

A t o t a l o f 14 h o u s e h o l d s as c o m p a r e d

to three i n 1910 w e r e l o c a t e d o n First,

Idaho,

Second,

Shepard,

and N i c h o l a s streets.
D e s p i t e an o v e r a l l d e c l i n e in the n u m b e r of b l a c k
households,

d e s p i t e the l i g h t a c c r e t i o n of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s

the M a p l e - C l a y s t r e e t s area,
of the B a t t l e C r e e k

the t h i r d p o c k e t ,

situated north

(formerly the F o u r t h W a r d ) , c o n t a i n e d the

most w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s

in the c i t y — a p o s i ­

tion t h e a r e a ha s m a i n t a i n e d for o v e r f o u r d e c a d e s .
Street c o n t i n u e d to b e the
in the city,

Maple

"s h o w p l a c e of the f i n e s t h o m e s "

and consequently,

the d i v i d i n g

upper a n d l o w e r c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l areas.
on M a p l e Street,

e x c e p t J o h n A.

line b e t w e e n

All blacks who

lived

E v a n w h o w a s s t i l l at the

i n t e r s e c t i o n of E a s t and M a p l e stre e t s ,

and m a n y of t h o s e

s c a t t e r e d n o r t h o f M a p l e c o n t i n u e d to b e p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d
workers

living wit h their e m p l o y e r s .

living in the a r e a
were a painter,
feur,

(on C e n t r a l ,

a laborer,

a n d a retiree;

success,

A m o n g the o t h e r b l a c k s

Elizabeth,

a n d F o x streets)

a barbershop proprietor,

a chauf­

t h e y h a d p r o b a b l y a c h i e v e d a m o d i c u m of

as e v i d e n c e d b y t h e i r p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e .

Five

black households were located south of Maple Street on Clay
and E a s t V a n B u r e n

in

( f o r m e r l y Hart)

s e r v e d as b o a r d i n g houses,

streets.

T w o of t h e s e

possibly reflecting a residential

area l o w e r in s t a t u s t h a n the a r e a n o r t h of M a p l e Stree t .

Distribution

VIHofo of
Wo«kl*fto*
Holfhto

of

Block HouMholda

Bottlt Crook, Michigan

1918

1

0

II
ID
% 1

JQrUL

i
□OB

£

126

W i t h 76% of the b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
half of the city,

bl a c k s w e r e c l u s t e r e d in four p r i m a r y nodes,

and several m i n o r ones.
central B a t t l e Creek,
street area,
holds;

l o c a t e d in the w e s t e r n

T h e first core,

l o c a t e d in south-

r e f e r r e d to here as the S y c a m o r e - M o n r o e

e x p e r i e n c e d a sl i g h t accre t i o n of b l a c k h o u s e ­

it g r e w f r o m 20 to 26.

M o r e i m p o r t a n t than the i n c r e a s ­

ing density,

however,

w a s the shift in the p a t t e r n of b l a c k

residences.

The S y c a m o r e S t r e e t s e c t o r r e m a i n e d stable w i t h

the o n l y t ot a l l y b l a c k str e e t in the city,
in on M o n r o e Street,

while blacks piled

c a u s i n g a d o u b l i n g of the r e s i d e n c e s a n d

a fairly c o m p a c t s p a t i a l pattern.

A s in e a r l i e r years,

area c o n t i n u e d to d e v e l o p as a lower class area.
flooding,

this

Frequent

m i x e d r e s i d e n t i a l and i n d u s t r i a l land use, n o i s e

and p o l l u t i o n f r o m railroads a n d n e a r b y industry,
public sewers,

to m e n t i o n a few,

abs e n c e of

s e r v e d to m a k e it u n a t t r a c ­

tive to all b u t the p o o r e r c i t i z e n s of B a t t l e Creek.
Leapfrogging,

the l o w income a r e a e x p a n d e d a co u p l e

of b l o c k s w e s t w a r d to the S o u t h M c C a m l e y S t r e e t a r e a — b o u n d e d
on the w e s t b y G r a n d T r u n k Avenue,
way,

e a s t b y S o u t h Jefferson,

38 h o u s e h o l d s ,

a n d so u t h b y Up t o n Avenue.

In 1910 w i t h no d i s t i n c t

the ho u s e s w e r e w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d t h r o u g h o u t the area;

eight y e a r s later,

the d i s t r i c t h a d b e c o m e fa i r l y c o m p a c t as

b l a c k s m o v e d in large n u m b e r s to S o u t h McCamly,
Clyde,

With

i n c r e a s i n g d e n s i t y as w e l l as a l o c a t i o n a l s h i f t

in b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s w a s observed.
core,

north by Grand Trunk Rail­

Pearl,

South Washington,

a n d L i b e r t y s t r e e t s — the h e a r t of the area. W i t h

the large p e r c e n t of n e w c o m e r s and the m o d e r a t e d e g r e e of d o u b l i n g

127

this area along with the S y c a m o r e - M o n r o e streets sector was
seemingly the "port of entry"
stricken b l a c k s

for m a n y of the rural p o v e r t y

from the South.

W i t h h o u s e h o l d s m u c h m o r e s c a t t e r e d than the two areas
just mentioned,

the t h i r d p o c k e t r e f e r r e d to here as as

K a l a m a z o o - P a r i s h streets d i s t r i c t — was b o r d e r e d on the n o r t h
by K a l a m a z o o Street, w e s t by Angell,
Railway,

South b y M i c h i g a n C e n t r a l

a n d e a s t b y S o u t h Washington.

W i t h half of the 22

households in the c l u s t e r located on it, K a l a m a z o o S t r e e t —
for d e c a d e s a node of the b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t — f o r m e d the c o r e of
the section.

The o t h e r households,

d i r e c t e d t o w a r d the A d v a n c e

Thresher Works, w e r e s c a t t e r e d in the m o r e recent s e t t l e m e n t
on Page,

Hamblin,

Parish,

and L a f a y e t t e streets

e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y infe r i o r to K a l a m a z o o Street.
frequent flooding,
dustry,

in a s e c t i o n
S u b j e c t e d to

and b o r d e r e d b y r a i l r o a d s a n d h e a v y i n ­

the d i s t r i c t south of the River w a s p r o b a b l y sh a p i n g

up as a lower class area.
The fourth core w h i c h d e v e l o p e d n o r t h of the s a n i t a r i u m
will be r e f e r r e d to as the Irving P a r k Area.
Street o n the north,
on the east,

N o r t h W a s h i n g t o n on the west,

and C h a m p i o n o n the south,

I r v i n g Park

the a r e a r e m a i n e d

stable in the n u m b e r of b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
However,

Bounded by Howard

(23)

o v e r the decade.

the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n c h a n g e d r a d i c a l l y as e x p a n s i o n

of the s a n i t a r i u m f o r c e d the d i s p e r s e d r e s i d e n c e s of 1910 to
shift n o r t h w a r d to form a c l u s t e r e d spa t i a l p a t t e r n in 1918.
Hanover,

Hazel,

residences.

a n d B e d f o r d s t r e e t s c o n t a i n e d a m a j o r i t y o f the

M a n y of the h e a d s of these h o u s e h o l d s w o r k e d at

the S a n i t a r i u m as cooks,

barbers,

nurses,

and laundry workers

128

which m a y a c c o u n t for this spa t i a l e x p r e s s i o n of b l a c k r e s i ­
dences .
In a d d i t i o n to these nuclei of b l a c k settlements,

blacks

were l o c a t e d in other sections of the w e s t e r n p a r t of the city
in fairly d i s p e r s e d r e s i d e n t i a l patterns.
north o f the c i t y limits

I m m e d i a t e l y to the

in the V i l l a g e of W a s h i n g t o n Heights,

blacks w e r e s p r e a d i n g in m o d e r a t e numbers:
to 19 o v e r the e i g h t y e a r period.
tors, barbers,

hairdresser s,

increasing from

These w e r e

laborers,

6

jani­

and m a c h i n i s t s — some oldtimers,

but m o s t n e w c o m e r s — w h o h a d p r o b a b l y a c h i e v e d a small de g r e e
of e c o n o m i c security;

this s e e m i n g l y w a s a m i d d l e class area.

W i t h i n the city,

a n o t h e r h i g h s t a t u s a r e a w a s sh a p i n g

up in the n o r t h w e s t e r n c o r n e r of the city.
north by W e l c h Avenue,

e a s t by Hubbard,

west b y the city limits,
in this decade.

B o u n d e d on the

south b y M i c h i g a n ,

and

b l a c k s m o v e d into the s e c t i o n i n i t ially

T h i s is the o n l y s e c t i o n in B a t t l e C r e e k w h e r e

blacks s e t t l e d for the first time in 1918;

in the o t h e r l o c a ­

tions at l east one or two b l a c k s w e r e there in p r e v i o u s years.
The r e m a i n i n g b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s w e r e w i d e l y d i s p e r s e d in two
areas:

a f ew b l o c k s e a s t of the W e l c h S t r e e t c l u s t e r in the

v i c i n i t y of the A.M.E.
Blanch,

Goguac,

Burchard,

Church,

Corwin,

and so u t h of U p t o n A v e n u e — —o n

Eldred,

Elsmere,

Scenery,

Logan,

and O a k l a n d streets.

In sum,

b y 1918,

the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k s in

Battle C r e e k w a s b e c o m i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y m o r e concentrated .
29% of the b l a c k households,

With

the low income area b e t w e e n S o u t h

K e n d a l l a n d D i v i s i o n s t r e e t s was

a p p a r e n t l y e m e r g i n g as the

129

nucleus of the b l a c k community.
The 1930 C r oss Section
D u r i n g the twenties,

the i n c r e a s i n g l y large inf l u x of

blacks m a i n l y f r o m the South,

p u s h e d the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n to

1,795 by 19 30, up 70% from 1920,
population.

and c o m p r i s e d 4% of the total

The n u m b e r of households,

however,

d r o p p e d to 196.

The low n u m b e r of r e s i d e n c e s is p r o b a b l y n o t a r e f l e c t i o n of
intense c r o w d i n g in B a t t l e Cree k ' s b l a c k community,
likely,

a r e f l e c t i o n of a l i m i t a t i o n in the data.

51

but more
The house­

holds r e p r e s e n t p e o p l e w h o w e r e tra c e d t h r o u g h the 1931 c i t y
directory,
boarded.

as w e l l as those n e w c o m e r s w i t h w h o m o l d t i m e r s
Thus an y o n e e s t a b l i s h i n g a n e w h o u s e h o l d in B a t t l e

Creek in 1930,
nately,

unless an o l d t i m e r r e s i d e d w i t h him,

unfortu­

c o u l d not be identified.
K e e p i n g this lacuna in d a t a in mind,

p a ttern o f b l a c k s c h a n g e d s l i g h t l y o v e r the
Generally,

the r e s i d e n t i a l
12

y e a r period.

b l a c k s c o n t i n u e d to reside in the same g e n e r a l

areas as in prev i o u s years;

however,

the d e n s i t y of h o u s e h o l d s

i n c r e a s e d in e n c l a v e s o n the w e s t s i d e a n d d e c r e a s e d on the
eastside

(Figure 22).
W i t h 85% of the households,

t h r o u g h o u t the w e s t s i d e

blacks were dispersed

(i.e., w e s t of S o u t h and N o r t h avenues).

A t e n d e n c y t o w a r d clustering,

nonetheless,

w a s still e v i d e n t

as four p r i m a r y n e i g h b o r h o o d s w e r e v i r t u a l l y the s a m e as in
51

See C h a p t e r 1 for deta i l s o n the a p p r o a c h u s e d to
trace i n d i v i d u a l s thr o u g h the decades.

Distribution of Slock Households
Bottle Creek, Michigan
1930

Figure
22

I

131

1918, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of a light fill i n g in of residences.
The m o s t r a d i c a l change o c c u r r e d w i t h i n the S y c a m o r e - M o n r o e
streets e n c l a v e — a low income se c t o r in the c e n t r a l p a r t of
the city,

a n d an o l d e r site of b l a c k settlement.

by h e a v y i n d u s t r y a n d a p u b l i c institution,

Displaced

the d e n s e l y settled,

all b l a c k S y c a m o r e S t r e e t w a s o b l i t e r a t e d in this decade.
few blacks,

however,

tain, Monroe,

c o n t i n u e d to re s i d e on River,

A

East Foun­

and D i v i s i o n streets, w i t h t e n t a c l e s s t r e t c h i n g

n o r t h w a r d into the b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t and e a s t w a r d across
South A v e n u e to E a s t M a i n and Y u b a str e e t s
of the city.

in the e a s t e r n p a r t

To the w e s t of the S y c a m o r e - M o n r o e str e e t s c l u s ­

ter, P a r i s h S t r e e t and M c C a m l y S t r e e t e n c l a v e s — two low i n ­
come a r e a s — fused.

B o u n d e d on the w e s t by A n g e l 1 Street,

south

by U p t o n Avenue,

e a s t by J e f f e r s o n Street,

and n o r t h b y the

Kalamazoo River,

this w e d g e of land w h i c h c o n t a i n e d 35 r e s i ­

dences w a s the m o s t den s e l y p o p u l a t e d e n c l a v e of the b l a c k
settlement in the city.
to be n e a r Pearl,

The

Liberty,

locus of the c l u s t e r c o n t i n u e d

a n d C l y d e str e e t s as e v i d e n c e d b y

the e m e r g e n c e of St. M a r k s A.M.E.
Street.

R e f e r r e d to as

t e rized

by lowlands,

of p u b l i c sewers,

Church on South McCamly

"the Bottoms,"

p o o r drainage,

this s e c t o r w a s c h a r a c ­

f r e q u e n t flooding,

a h i g h d e g r e e of doubling,

and i n t e r s p e r s e d w i t h h e a v y industry,

lack

a n d a d j a c e n t to

railroads,

a n d the

business c o r e . 5 2
52

F r o m three s t u d i e s on B a t t l e Creek, the c h a r a c t e r i s ­
tics of the r e s i d e n t i a l areas w e r e gleaned.
In 1934, T h o m p s o n
i d e n t i f i e d three r e s i d e n t i a l areas b a s e d on p e r s o n a l a p p e a r ­
ance, p r o x i m i t y to h e a v y industry, railroads, and c o m m e r c i a l
core.
" T h i r d C l a s s Res i d e n c e , " the p o o r e s t r e s i d e n t i a l area.

132

To the south of U p t o n Avenue,
scattered on Frisbie,

Rittenhouse,

West Bidwell,

Elsmere,

streets.

Corwin,

26 h o u s e h o l d s w e r e w i d e l y

Bluff,

Scenery,

Webber,

Logan,

Burr,

Ravine,

a n d River s i d e

In these homes w e r e families h e a d e d b y a repairman,

a machinist,
janitors.

a clerk,

a bellman,

a n d several

laborers and

T h e y p r o b a b l y r e p r e s e n t e d w e l l - t o - d o blacks,

for

they lived in a r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a d e s c r i b e d as "Second Class,"
neither the lowest status n o r h i g h e s t status r e s i d e n t i a l area.
East o f the M i l l Pond, b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s on Fonda, Virginia,
and S o u t h aven u e s r e m a i n e d stable in w h a t T h o m p s o n d e s c r i b e d
as a "Third Class"

r e s i d e n t i a l area.

N o r t h of the K a l a m a z o o River,
three " S e c ond Class" n e i g hborhoods.
Park n e i ghborhood,

53

blacks

T h e f i r s t — the Irving

n o r t h of the Sanitarium,

in b l a c k h ouseholds,

loca t e d m a i n l y in

slightly declined

w h i l e the W a s h i n g t o n Hei g h t s sector,

now

i n corporated into the c i t y — s l i g h t l y g a i n e d b l a c k households.
Becoming f aintly m o r e concentrated,

the locus of d i s t r i c t

was a d j a c e n t to the b u s i n e s s district, etc.
"First C l a s s R e s i ­
dence," the site of the fi n e s t r e s i d e n c e s in the city e x t e n d e d
about three b l o c k s on M a p l e Street.
"Second C l a s s Resid e n c e "
was a l l r e s i d e n c e s w i t h i n the c i t y n o t c o u n t e d in the above.
It is u n l i k e l y t h a t the r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s c h a n g e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y
over the four years.
See:
H. T h o m p s o n S t r a w "Battle Creek:
A Study in U r b a n Geo g r a p h y , " (Ph.D. dissertation. U n i v e r s i t y
of M i c h i g a n , 1936); Hawks, "The N e g r o in Ba t t l e Creek, Michigan,"
and A l l a n A. T w i c h e l l and E m i l A. Tiboni, "Housing P r o b l e m s a n d
Policy in the Ba t t l e C r e e k Community, (Battle Creek, 1948),
(typewritten).
53
T h o m p s o n i d e n t i f i e d the a r e a n o r t h of K a l a m a z o o R i v e r
as " s e c o n d class residence ."
This is p r o b a b l y e q u i v a l e n t to
middle class residence.

133

shifted from N o r t h W o o d Street,
Kendall,

a nd R o o s e v e l t Streets.

a b l o c k e a s t w a r d to Roseneath,
M a r t i n Chapel A.M.E.

Church,

organized in the late 2 0 * s, w a s located on N o r t h Kendall
Street.

W i t h a few residences

cluster

(on Howland, Vineyard,

l o c a t e d on the fringe of the
a n d Hask e l l s t r e e t s ) , the

Irving P a r k and W a s h i n g t o n Heights

clusters w e r e on the v e r g e

of coalescing.
In the third neig h b o r h o o d ,

the W e l c h A v e n u e cluster,

black h o u s e h o l d s d o u b l e d over the 12 y e a r period.
filling in of r e s i d e n c e s on W e s t V a n B u r e n
streets w a s o b s e r v e d as b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s
19.

A

light

and G r a v e s

i n c r e a s e d from 9 to

W i t h a large n u m b e r of p r o f e ssionals,

this area w a s de-

lineated as an "upper class" b l a c k r e s i d ential a r e a in 1948;
in 1934, T h o m p s o n d e s c r i b e d it as a "second class"
tial area.
sional,

residen­

C o n t a i n i n g a w i d e range of o c c u p a t i o n s — p r o f e s ­

clerical,

craftsmen,

p r o p r ietors,

service and la b o r e r s -

was this a r ea e m e r g i n g as a h i g h status a r e a in 19 30?
evidence is inconclusive,
those w h o r e s i d e d there,
1949 h o u s i n g data,

The

b u t c o n s i d e r i n g the o c c u p a t i o n s of
and e x t r a polating,

if possible,

r e s i d e n t i a l sector.

O u t s i d e of these nodes,

b l a c k s w e r e again s e t t l i n g —

albeit in small n u m b e r s — in the v i c i n i t y of Mt.
on Kendall,

Zion A.M.E.

Champion, Van B u r e n and K a l a m a z o o st r e e t s —

the g e n e r a l site of b l a c k s e t t l e m e n t in the 1860's.

No ex­

tensive o u t w a r d m o v e m e n t of b l a c k s to n e w areas o c c u r r e d
54

from

the area m a y have b e e n in its e m b r y o n i c

stage as a " b e t t e r class"

Church,

54

Hawks, pp.
Problems," p. ii.

13-14;

Twich e l l and Tiboni,

"Housing

134
during the decade;
laundry proprietor)

two families

(a m a s o n c o n t r a c t o r a n d a

s e t t l e d in r e c e n t l y a n n e x e d U r b a n d a l e

in

the n o r t h w e s t e r n p a r t of town.
O n the e a s t side/

blacks were

living in the same g e n e r ­

al areas as in 1918, b u t they w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y m o r e d i s p e r s e d
as the d e n s i t y w i t h i n the c l u s t e r s declined.

F o r example,

Warren S t r e e t c l u s t e r — an a r e a of "second class"

the

r e s i d e n c e and

a sizable n u m b e r of o l d t i m e r s — d e c l i n e d alm o s t 50% as m a n y of
the o l d e r r e s i d e n t s died.

Likewise,

the I d a h o St r e e t cluster,

a low income a r e a n e a r N i c h o l a s and Shepard,
North of B a ttle Creek,

an

Pittman,

55

a few h o u s e h o l d s r e m a i n e d s c a t t e r e d on

East V a n Buren, Clay, Maple,
Broad,

d e c l i n e d b y 75%.

F r e l i n g h u y s e n , Adams, Wabash,

and C h a r l o t t e streets.

Two h o u s e h o l d s

(headed b y

auto m e c h a n i c and a machinist) had d i f f u s e d just o u t s i d e the

n o r t h e r n c i ty limits on P l e a s a n t V i e w a n d C o r n e l l streets.
this decade,

there was a s h a r p d e c l i n e

servants living w i t h their employers,
Street.

J o hn A.

Evans,

in p e r s o n a l h o u s e h o l d s
e s p e c i a l l y on M a p l e

p r e s i d e n t of E v a n s M a n u f a c t u r i n g Company;

c o n t i n u e d to reside at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of E a s t and Maple.
b a r b e r shop proprietor,
two laborers,

In

two b l a c k smiths,

a policeman,

A

a janitor,

and an e l e c t r i c i a n li v e d h e r e in w h a t has b e e n

termed "second class res i d e n c e , " p r o b a b l y e q u i v a l e n t to a m i d ­
dle c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l area.
S u c h then w a s the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k s in
Battle Creek at the o n s e t of the "Great D e p r e s s i o n . "
^Thompson,

"Battle Creek," p.

24.

Blacks

135
continued to b e found t h r o u g h o u t the city;

however,

trations w e r e i n c r e a s i n g o n the w e s t side of town,
cally,

concen­
specifi­

in the low income sector c a l l e d "the b o t t o m s , ” and in

the "better c l a s s ” r e s i d e n t i a l areas n o r t h of the K a l a m a z o o
River.

The b l a c k n e i g h b o r h o o d s w e r e by n o means e x c l u s i v e l y

black.

B y the c l o s e of the period,

the out l i n e of the f uture

black g h e t t o of Battle Creek h a d crystallized.
The p r o c e s s e s w o r k i n g to p r o d u c e the p a t t e r n s

in e a r ­

lier y e a r s still s e e m e d to be o p e r a t i v e in B a t t l e C r e e k in
this period.

W i t h bl a c k s still c o n c e n t r a t i n g at the lower

rung of the o c c u p a t i o n a l ladder,

n e a r n e s s to sources of j o b s —

mainly the central b u s i n e s s district,
near the o u t s k i r t s of the city,

a n d the h e a v y i n d u s t r y

and location of low c o s t h o u s ­

ing w e r e the p r i m a r y factors in the ch o i c e o f w h e r e to live.
In a d d i t i o n to these e c o n o m i c factors,
i n f l u e n c e d the s e t t l e m e n t of blacks,

social

factors

to a lesser degree.

The

first of these f r i e n d s h i p and k i n s h i p ties may a c c o u n t for
some of the r e s i d e n t i a l clustering.

In some cases,

newcomers

to the city w e r e a t t r a c t e d to Ba t t l e C r e e k b e c a u s e of a f r i e n d
or f a m i l y m e m b e r alre a d y living there.
city,

o f t e n times,

ol d e r residents,

U p o n a r r i v i n g in the

the r e c e n t m i g r a n t s w o u l d settle w i t h the
until b e c o m i n g f a m i l i a r w i t h the city,

m o v e d o u t w a r d — next door,

then

a few doors a w a y , ^ ^ b u t p r o b a b l y

m a i n t a i n i n g close f r i e n d s h i p or family ties.

This p r o c e s s is

56G l e a n e d from C i t y D i r e c t o r i e s a n d maps.

136

referred to as "chain m i g r a t i o n . "
e t h n icity

58

57

G r o u p i d e n t i f i c a t i o n or

m a y a c c o u n t for a n o t h e r f r a c t i o n of the r e s i d e n ­

tial clustering.

A n d finally,

a l t h o u g h no formal r e s t r i c t i v e

covenants w e r e i m p o s e d on blacks
War I w i t h a h o u s i n g shortage,
ficult for blacks
come sectors;

59

in Ba t t l e Creek,

after World

it b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f ­

to p u r c h a s e h o u s i n g out s i d e of the low i n ­

thereby c o n t r i b u t i n g to the e v e n t u a l spatial

se p a r a t i o n of the b l a c k and w h i t e communities.
While residential clustering characterized a segment
of the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of b l a c k s in B a t t l e Creek,

dis­

persion or spatial a s s i m i l a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d the r e m a i n i n g
portion.

B l a c k s c o n t i n u e d to m o v e o u t w a r d s f r o m the clu s t e r s

into n e w areas,

b u t at d e c r e a s i n g rates.

In conclusion,
be g i n n i n g of the study,

two h y p o t h e s e s w e r e p r e s e n t e d at the
the first,

The spatial p a t t e r n of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s is
d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the p r o p o r t i o n of
bl a c k s living in a community, a n d the rate
at which new immigrants enter a community
57

B r y a n Thompson, "Newcomers
to the City:
Factors
I n f l u e n c i n g Initial S e t t l e m e n t and E t h n i c C o m m u n i t y G r o w t h P a t ­
terns; A r e view," in Immig r a n t s and Migrants:
The D e t r o i t
Et h n i c E x p e r i e n c e , ed~ D a v i d W. H a r t m a n (Detroit:
Wa y n e S t a t e
U n i v e r s i t y , 1974), p. 32.
58

Ibid.; K a t h l e e n N e i l s Conzen, "Patterns of R e s i d e n c e
in E a r l y M i l w a u k e e , " Schnore, e d . , The N e w U r b a n H i s t o r y , p. 149.
59

"First Auto, F o o d Boom..." B a t t l e C r e e k E n q u i r e r and
N e w s , J u l y 20, 1975.
In 1920 it w a s e s t i m a t e d that 2,000 h o m e s
we r e n e e d e d in B a t t l e C r e e k to a c c o m m o d a t e the g r o w i n g p o p u l a ­
tion; in 1926, the g r e a t e s t b u i l d i n g y e a r in the c i t y ' s growth,
340 h o m e s w e r e built, and in 1927, 225 h o u s e s w e r e built.
For
r e f e r e n c e to c o n f i n e m e n t of b l a c k s to c e r t a i n areas, see:
Marie
Duesenberg, "A H i s t o r y of N e g r o e s in B a t t l e Creek, W i l l a r d
I.ibrary, B a t t l e Creek, Michigan, A p r i l 30, 1952.
(typewritten);

137

tended to be confirmed.

T h r o u g h o u t the decades,

the b l a c k

p o p u l a t i o n r e m a i n e d less than five p e r c e n t of the total p o p u ­
lation.

In the years,

e s p e c i a l l y b e f o r e W o r l d W a r I, bl a c k s

were w i d e l y scattered; w i t h the war,
influx of b l a c k s and whites,

a n d the r e l a t i v e l y large

b l a c k r e s i d e n t i a l areas b e g a n

tight e n i n g up.
The se c o n d hypothesis.
As the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n e x p a n d s , its
o r i g i n a l area c a n n o t a b s o r b all of the
i n c r e a s e and so e x t e n d s v i a an i n v a s i o n
and s u c c e s s i o n p r o c e s s , a l o n g sectoral
lines into b e t t e r r e s i d e n t i a l areas,
tended n o t to be confirmed.

Although blacks were widely dis­

p e r s e d t h r o u g h o u t the city d u r i n g the 90 y e a r period,

blacks

began c o n c e n t r a t i n g in the P a r i s h - M c C a m l y st r e e t sector,
p e c i a l l y a f t e r W o r l d W a r I.
of b l a c k to total population,

However,

b e c a u s e of the low r a t i o

and the r e l a t i v e l y small

al t hough a d o u b l i n g of a b s o l u t e numbers,

(50% b l a c k of a

census t r a ct for a g h e t t o n e i g h b o r h o o d and 75% or m o r e

study,

influx,

the m i n i m a l t h r e s h ­

old g e n e r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d for g h e t t o f o r m a t i o n

g h e t t o c o r e ) ® ® w a s n o t attained.

es­

for a

A t the t e r m i n a t i o n of the

s p a t i a l a s s i m i l a t i o n as r e f l e c t e d in d i s p e r s e d r e s i d e n ­

tial p a t t e r n s w a s s e e m i n g l y the p r o c e s s b y w h i c h b l a c k r e s i d e n ­
tial p a t t e r n s w e r e formed.
and U r b a n L eague Papers,
An n Arbor, Michigan.

B e n t l e y Library,

U n i v e r s i t y of M i c h i g a n ,

®®Rose, "Black R e s i d e n t i a l S u b s y stem," p. 51.
It
sh o u l d b e n o t e d t h a t census tract d a t a for Ba t t l e C r e e k w e r e
not a v a i l a b l e at the time; n e v e r t h e l e s s , of the d a t a availa b l e ,
no s e c t i o n of the city w o u l d q u a l i f y as 50% black.

CHAPTER V
SUMMARY A N D CONCLUSIONS
In re c e n t years the nu m b e r of g e o g r a p h i c a l stu d i e s
on b l a c k A m e r i c a n s has i n c r e a s e d tremendously.

H o w e v e r , few

studies h a v e foc u s e d on the u r b a n r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of
blacks, w i t h e v e n fewer o n the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k s
in s m a l l - s i z e d cities of 50,000 or less.

In an a t t e m p t to

b ridge t h e g a p w i t h i n this r e s e a r c h area,

this study i n v e s t i ­

gated the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of b l a c k s in B a t t l e Creek,
Michigan,

a small town of

central M i chigan.

38,000 in 1970,

T h e origin,

growth,

l o c a t e d in south-

and m i g r a t i o n of b lacks

as r e f l e c t e d in the c h a n g i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n w e r e e x ­
amined o v e r a 90 y e a r period.
The g u i d i n g r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s were:
the first b l a c k s to come to Ba t t l e C r e e k ?
p lace of o r i g i n ?

(3) W h a t w a s

tern o f b l a c k s in B a t t l e Cr e e k ?

(2) W h a t was

their

the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t ­
(4) W h a t c h a n g e s took p l a c e

in the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s f r o m 1850 to 1930?
these s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s

(1) W h o w e r e

(5) H o w do

fit w i t h i n the g e n e r a l framework,

and a r e a l d e v e l o p m e n t a n d e x p a n s i o n of B a t t l e Cre e k ?
(6 ) W h a t f actors i n f l u e n c e d the p a t t e r n s ? a n d

(7) H o w p e r s i s t ­

ent w a s the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y f r o m 1850 to 19 30?
The
raphy

"Dag w o o d Sandwich"

a p p r o a c h in h i s t o r i c a l g e o g ­

w a s e m p l o y e d in an a t t e m p t to d e s c r i b e and e x p l a i n the
138

139

spatial d i s t r i b u t i o n of the b l a c k p o p u l ation.

The first step

in the a p p r o a c h was to e s t a b l i s h a h i s t o r y o f change by m a p ­
ping the r e s i dential

location of b l a c k

decades b e t w e e n 1850 and 19 30.

families

for the n i n e

The s e c o n d step was

to d e ­

scribe the p a t t e r n s and analyze the p r o c e s s e s c r e a t i n g the
patterns.

The s t u d y r e l i e d h e a v i l y upon m a n u s c r i p t censuses,

city d i r ectories,

tax a n d a s s e s s m e n t rolls,

newspapers,

u n s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w s to i d e n t i f y b l a c k h o u s e h o l d s .

and
Two

hypoth e s e s r e l a t i n g to s p a t i a l p a t t e r n s and p r o c e s s e s c r e a t ­
ing those p a t t e r n s w e r e considered.
I.

The spatial p a t t e r n of b l a c k r e s i d e n c e s

in

B a t t l e Creek is d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the p r o ­
p o r t i o n of b l a c k s living in a community,

and

the rate at w h i c h n e w c o m e r s e n t e r the c o m ­
mu n i t y .
A.

A g r e a t e r d i s p e r s a l in r e s i d e n t i a l
p a t t e r n e x i s t s w h e n the b l a c k p o p u l a ­
tion is small and the i n f l u x of n e w ­
c omers is light.

B.

The g r e a t e r the inf l u x of b l a c k im­
m i g r a n t s a n d the larger the b l a c k
po p u l a t i o n ,

the m o r e c o n c e n t r a t e d the

r e s i d e n t i a l area.
II.

As the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n increases,

its o r i g i ­

nal area c a n n o t a b s o r b all of the increase;
it,

therefore,

e x p a n d s via the " i n v a s i o n and

suc c e s s i o n " process.

The o r i g i n a l clus t e r s

140

are almost always

in the l o w e s t s o c i o ­

e c o n o m i c s t a t u s a r e a of the c i t y ' s

inner

z o n e and t h i s e x p a n s i o n w i l l m o s t li k e l y
be along sectoral

lines t o b e t t e r r e s i ­

d e n t i a l areas.
T h e f i r s t set of h y p o t h e s e s
B e t w e e n 1 8 50 and 1910,

is c o n f i r m e d b y the study.

the m i g r a t i o n of b l a c k s to B a t t l e

Creek w a s r a t h e r l i g h t as i n d i c a t e d b y the small p o p u l a t i o n :
up f r o m 34 in 1850 to 575 in 1910.
of b l a c k s

The highest percentage

in the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n w a s

b l a c k s w e r e in r e s i d e n c e at the time.

5.2% in 187 0;

315

Concomitantly,

the

r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of b l a c k s w e r e w i d e l y d i s p e r s e d .
ginning around

1914 a n d c o n t i n u i n g t h r o u g h 1930,

population increased threefold,

to 1,795.

the b l a c k

Growing chiefly

by m i g r a t i o n ,

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n j u m p e d a l m o s t 84%

1910 to 1920;

it i n c r e a s e d a l i t t l e o v e r

1930.

M a p s d e p i c t i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l

Be­

70%

from

f r o m 1920 to

l o c a t i o n o f b l a c k s for

the 16 y e a r p e r i o d s h o w e d an i n c r e a s i n g t e n d e n c y t o w a r d
clustering.
T h e s e c o n d set o f h y p o t h e s e s r e l a t i n g to the p r o c ­
esses by w h i c h ghettos expand
90 y e a r p e riod,
ma l

is n o t c o n f i r m e d .

O v e r the

the b l a c k p o p u l a t i o n d i d n o t r e a c h the m i n i ­

t h r e s h o l d — 50% b l a c k of a c e n s u s t r a c t

for a g h e t t o

n e i g h b o r h o o d a n d 75% o r m o r e for a g h e t t o c o r e — g e n e r a l l y
recognized

for g h e t t o f o r m a t i o n .

B y the y e a r 1930,

no

141

exclusive b l a c k a r e a s had developed.

Although residential

areas for b l a c k s w e r e b e c o m i n g m o r e clustered,

spatial a s ­

similation s e e m i n g l y was the p r o c e s s b y w h i c h the r e s i d e n t i a l
patterns w e r e formed.
The
tion

factors w o r k i n g to p r o d u c e the spatial d i s t r i b u ­

of b l a c k s in Ba t t l e C r e e k a p p e a r s to have b e e n a c c e s s i ­

bi l i t y to sources of jobs,
lesser degree,
fication.

low income housing,

k i n s h i p and f r i e n d s h i p ties,

A f t e r 1910,

and to a

and g r o u p i d e n t i ­

racial d i s c r i m i n a t i o n b e c a m e an i m ­

p o r t a n t factor in the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n of blacks.
no formal r e s t r i c t i v e c o v e n a n t s w e r e

imposed,

While

it b e c a m e i n ­

c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t for b l a c k s to p u r c h a s e hou s i n g o u t s i d e
of c e r t a i n areas.
The
c r eated

r e s e a r c h findings indi c a t e that the forces w h i c h

and c h a n g e d the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s of bl a c k s in

Battle Creek,

a small sized city,

as o p p o s e d to m e t r o p o l i t a n

cities, w e r e d i f f e r e n t in d e g r e e r a t h e r than kind.

Because

of the low m a g n i t u d e of b l a c k s in the c i t y f r o m 1850 to
Wo r l d W a r I , b l a c k s w e r e w i d e l y d i s p e r s e d t h r o u g h o u t the
city;

later r e s i d e n t i a l c l u s t e r i n g i n t e n s i f i e d in r e s p o n s e

to rapid in-migration.

These stages in d e v e l o p m e n t of r e s i ­

dential a r eas w e r e e x p e r i e n c e d in o t h e r cities,
Michigan,

Chicago,

Detroit,

e.g.,

Lansing,

a n d Seattle, W a s h i n g t o n at a

m u c h e a r l i e r p e r i o d in the d e v e l o p m e n t of these cities,
p e n d i n g o n the size of the city a n d the m a g n i t u d e of the

de­

142
bl a c k p o p u l a t i o n .

In fact, w i t h

the e x c e p t i o n o f L a n s i n g

and S e a t t l e w h i c h d e v e l o p e d b l a c k a r e a s
a g h e t t o p a t t e r n h a d e m e r g e d by
sion a n d s u c c e s s i o n "

19 30,

had been clearly

a few y e a r s

a n d the p r o c e s s

of "inva­

i d e n t i f i e d as the m o d e

of e x p a n s i o n of the b l a c k r e s i d e n t i a l areas.
Battle Creek was

later,

It a p p e a r s

that

in the e m b r y o n i c s t a g e of g h e t t o d e v e l o p m e n t

at the c l o s e o f t h i s study.
S u g g e s t i o n s for F u r t h e r R e s e a r c h
T h i s s t u d y c o v e r e d the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the b l a c k c o m ­
m u n i t y f r o m 1850 to 1930;
search wou l d be

thus,

to e x a m i n e the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s

1930 to the c u r r e n t period.
esting,

a logical extension of re­
from

The results should prove

inter­

f o r m o s t o f the c h a n g e s in the s p a t i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n

of the b l a c k c o m m u n i t y o c c u r r e d d u r i n g
the city o f B a t t l e C r e e k w a s

t h e s e years.

20% black,

B y 1970,

a n d m a n y o f th e a r e a s

in 19 30 in w h i c h b l a c k s w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n f i n e d w e r e a t
l east 90% black.

It s h o u l d b e n o t e d t h a t l a c u n a e

in the

r e s i d e n t i a l d a t a m a y h i n d e r a t h o r o u g h a n a l y s i s o f the b l a c k
c ommunity.

However,

o p e n i n g o f the

w i t h 19 70 c e n s u s

1910 m a n u s c r i p t c e n s u s

t r a c t data,

a n d the

in f o u r years,

a some­

w h a t more accurate picture may b e obtained.
Secondly,
dential areas

a r e p l i c a t i o n o f the s t u d y on b l a c k

in o t h e r s m a l l a n d m e d i u m s i z e c i t i e s

South,

W e s t,

a n d N o r t h to a l e s s e r e x t e n t ,

on the

spatial patterns

and processes

o p m e n t of p e r m a n e n t b l a c k c o m m u n i t i e s
r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s in g e n e r a l .

resi­

in t h e

wou l d add knowledge

i n v o l v e d in the d e v e l ­
in p a r t i c u l a r ,

and urban

APPENDICES

P H O T O G R A P H S OF B A T T L E C R E E K

APPENDIX A
BUSINESS DISTRICT,

S o urce:

M I C H I G A N AVENUE,

E. W. R o b e r t s C o l l e c t i o n ,
B a t t l e Creek, M i c h i g a n .

1862

W i l l a r d Libr a r y ,

144

APPENDIX B
L O O K I N G W E S T F R O M C O R N E R O F J E F F E R S O N (CAPITAL
AVENUE) A N D M A I N (MICHIGAN A V E N U E ) , ca. 1868

Source :

E. W. Roberts Collection, W i l l a r d Library,
B a t t l e Creek, Michigan.

145

APPENDIX C
NORTH JEFFERSON STREET

S o urce:

(N. E.

CAPITAL AVENUE),

E. W. R o b e r t s C o l l e c t i o n .
B a t t l e Creek, M i c h i g a n .

1869

W i l l a r d Library,

iu
1
I *

0

A *

146

APPENDIX D
E A S T M I C H I G A N AVENUE,

Source:

L O O K I N G WEST,

ca.

18 72

E. W. Rob e r t s C o l l e c t i o n , W i l l a r d Library,
B a t t l e Creek, Michigan.

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1 8 7 0 . M i c h i g a n : Calhoun County, M i c r o c o p y No. 593,
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1 9 0 0 . M i c h i g a n : C a l h o u n County.
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B a t t l e C r e ek J o u r n a l , June 1, 1860.
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J a n u a r y 5, 1870.

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6

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, 1884.

14,

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B a t t l e C r e e k D a i l y J o u r n a l , Ma r c h 18,

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1975.

O t h e r Sources
B a t t l e Creek, Michigan.
Personal interviews w i t h s e l e c t e d
residents of B a t t l e Creek, J a n u a r y 1975 to M a r c h
1976.