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University M icrofilm s International 300 North Zeeb Hoad Ann Arbor. M ichigan 48106 USA St John's Road, Tyler's Green High Wycombe. Bucks, England HP10 8HR I I I 77-18,504 LA POINT, Velma De Vonne, 1950A DESCRIPTIVE SURVEY OF SCME PERCEPTIONS AND CONCERNS OF BLACK FEMALE SINGLE PARENT FAMILIES IN LANSING, MICHIGAN. Michigan State University, Ph.D., 1977 Education, guidance and counseling Xerox University Microfilms , Ann Arbor. M ichigan 48106 A DESCRIPTIVE SURVEY OF SOME PERCEPTIONS AND CONCERNS OF BLACK FEMALE SINGLE PARENT FAMILIES IN LANSING, MICHIGAN By Velma De Vonne La Point A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Counseling, Personnel Services, and Educational Psychology 1975 ABSTRACT A DESCRIPTIVE SURVEY OF SOME PERCEPTIONS AND CONCERNS OF BLACK FEMALE SINGLE PARENT FAMILIES IN LANSING, MICHIGAN By Velma De Vonne La Point The purpose of this survey was to obtain a description of the perceptions, concerns, and needs of black female sin­ gle parent families in the Lansing, Michigan, community. Demographic data of these families were identified as well as the economic and interpersonal concerns that selected black female single parents encounter in the Lansing, Michigan, community. Lastly, based upon the survey results and aspects of the literature review implications were made for counselors and counselor training programs. A self-administered questionnaire was developed. Eight general survey questions were the basis for the 22item self-administered questionnaire. The questionnaire was distributed to 200 black female single parents in Lansing, Michigan. The questionnaires were mailed and collected by return mail and door-to-door collection procedures. Eighty- eight or 44% of the black female single parents returned the questionnaires. Survey results indicated that the economic situation of the black female single parent families was bleak, but Velma De Vonne La Point the sample used consisted primarily o£ low-income families (defined here as $4,540 for a family of four). Single par­ ents reported difficulty in attempting to provide adequate housing, foo^ clothing, and transportation for their families Single parents also reported interpersonal concerns. These focused on whether one parent can be effective in rearing children, their children's acceptance of being members of single parent families, desiring more male influence in the home, and discipline problems with their children. A few women explicitly reported being discriminated against because they were female household heads: ting to get credit, (a) attemp (b) attempting to find an apartment, (c) feeling they earned less as female household heads, and (d) feeling society's negative practices towards single parent families in general. Single parents reported their perceptions of how the larger society feels about varying origins of single parenthood in terms of acceptance or re­ jection. The results, rank ordered, ranged from a woman who due to death of a spouse being most accepted, to a woman who has never been married being least accepted. Single parents reported that children from single parent families are usually accepted by most teachers and other children. The existing self-perceptions among the women were somewhat typical of female single parents in terms of what the literature suggests. Single parents reported feeling degrees of pressure from having to perform tasks that both parents perform in two-parent families and feelings of Velma De Vonne La Point loneliness as single parents. Some less typical responses were expressions of self-confidence, effectiveness as parents, and relief from being separated from the partners in their previous relationship. Single parents reported a range of expressions that their children have said about being members of a single parent family. Some expressions included: feeling more grown up because the children were able to help the mother, feeling negative because they do not have two parents like other children, and asking about the absent parent. In general, self-perceptions and reported c h i l d r e n ’s expressions were positive and negative. Single parents reported many positive aspects about their families. tive family interaction, These included p osi­ good adaptability to the lifestyle of a single parent family without a spouse, and the influence of religion that provided for a strong family bond. Single parents also reported being generally satisfied with varying social services. Many reported receiving both interpersonal and financial support from relatives and friends. Lastly, single parents reported that they would like an agency that served the needs of a racially integrated clientele of single parents. Results of the survey study suggested need for m o d i f i ­ cation of the present study and future studies on black female single parent families. In conclusion, it served to describe the particular lifestyle of selected black female single parent families in the Lansing, Michigan, community, Velma De Vonne La Point and to suggest implications for couselors and counselor training programs. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am most grateful to Norman Stewart, my chairman and advisor, who has successfully guided me throughout my doctoral program. His academic and professional expertise and his personal concern for my achievement will always be remembered. I am also appreciative of my other committee members, Tom Gunnings, John Schweitzer, Bob Winborn, and Eudora Pettigrew. Eudora, whose most insightful perspectives on black women, has been most inspiring and supportive. Without disclosing the names of my significant friends, I am sincerely appreciative of the empathy, encouragement, and support that was given to me during moments of stress and serenity. My dearest friend, Ernest (M&M) Wade, deserves special recognition for his professional knowledge and most suppor­ tive efforts given to me while in our doctoral program. His experiences, perspectives, and own dissertation concerning black female single parent families have served to assist me with the development of this dissertation. I look forward to future collaborations. The topic of my dissertation has personal significance in that I have had the experience of being reared in a ii female single parent family for a period of my family his­ tory. This experience has served to sensitize my feelings and sharpen my perspectives to the lifestyle and concerns of this family group. I am most appreciative to my parents, sister, and brother for our unique family experiences and togetherness. j • « XXX TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF T A B L E S ........................................... Page vi Chapter I. INTRODUCTION AND REVIEW OF LITERATURE . . . . Introduction ................................ Need for S t u d y ......................... Purpose .................................. Review of Literature ....................... Research and Views on Black Families . Definition of Black Female Single Parent Family ...................... Demographic Description of Black Female Single Parent Families ... I n c i d e n c e ......................... Marital Status .................. A g e ................................ Family Size and Own Children . . E d u c a t i o n ......................... Types of E m p l o y m e n t ............. I n c o m e ........................... Interpersonal Description of Black Female Single Parent Families ... Stresses on Black Female Single Parent Families . . . . Children in Black Female Single Parent Families . . . . Strengths of Black Female Single Parent Families . . . . S u m m a r y ...................................... II. SURVEY DESIGN AND PROCEDURES ................ O v e r v i e w .................................... Survey Design ................................ Sampling Procedures .................... Survey Questions ...................... Design of the Q u e s t i o n n a i r e ........... Data C o l l e c t i o n ......................... Treatment of D a t a ....................... Processing the D a t a ................ Coding of D a t a ...................... Classification of D a t a ............. Tabulation of D a t a .................. S u m m a r y ...................................... iv 1 1 2 4 5 5 8 10 11 14 19 19 23 27 32 37 37 40 41 43 45 45 46 46 47 49 50 51 51 51 52 53 54 Chapter III. IV. Page SURVEY R E S U L T S .................................. 55 Survey Question Results .................... ........... Explanation of Presentation Presentation of Results ................ Survey Question O n e .................. Survey Question T w o .................. Survey Question Three ............... Survey Question F o u r ............... Survey Question F i v e ............... Survey Question S i x .................. Survey Question Seven ............... Survey Question Eight ............... S u m m a r y ...................................... 55 55 55 56 69 73 77 85 87 89 92 95 SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, AND IMPLICATIONS . . . . 96 S u m m a r y ...................................... 96 The Place of Survey Study in a Research S t r e a m ..................... 100 L i m i t a t i o n s ................................ 101 Implications for the Counseling Profession . 103 Practicing Counselors .................. 104 ........... 106 Counselor Training Programs The Role of the Change A g e n t .............. 107 Implications for Future Research ........... 110 In R e t r o s p e c t .................................. Ill APPENDIX A - SELF-ADMINISTERED BIBLIOGRAPHY ............ 113 ................................................. 124 v QUESTIONNAIRE LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Page Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents Within Marital Status Categories: March 1974 ......................... 16 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents Within Each Age Group: March 1974 ............................... 20 Family Size: Percentage of Family Members in Black and White Female Single Parent Families with Mean Number Per Family: March 1974 21 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents With Number of Own Children Under 18 Years of Age: 1974 22 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents (Under 45 Years Old and 4 5 Years Old and Over) Completing Educational Levels: March 1974 ................ 24 Percentage of Black and White Male Heads of Two Parent Families (Under 45 Years Old and 4 5 Years and Over) Completing Educational Levels: March 1974 ................ 25 Percentage of Employed Black and White Female Single Parents Within Occupational Groups: March 1 9 7 4 ............................. 28 Percentage of Black and White Male Heads of Two Parent Families Within Occupational Groups: March 1 9 7 4 ............................. 29 Median Income Black and White Female Single Parent Families and Black and White Male Headed Families*: 1973 ............. 33 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parent Families and Black and White Male Headed Families* Below the Low-Income Level:** 1973 .................. 35 vi Number and Percentage of Single Parents Within Age Groups ...................... 57 Length of Time as a Single Parent ............. 58 Marital Status Categories of Single Parents ........................................... 59 Number and Percentage of Single Parents With One to Ten Children ...................... 60 Ages and Percentages of Children in Single Parent Families ...................... 62 Number and Percentage of Single Parents Who Completed Grades of School 63 Occupations Among Single Parents . . . . ............. 65 ........... 66 Range and Percentage of Income Among Single Parents ........................... 67 Sources of Income Among Single Parents .................................. 68 Type of Housing Among Single Parents ......... 70 Inadequacy of the Housing Among Single Parents ........................... 70 Need and Source of Help in Adjusting to Single Parenthood ................ 71 Changes in Relationships with Close Friends When Becoming a Single Parent ......... 74 Frequent Concerns and Problems That Single Parents Encounter ...................... 76 Feelings that the Number and Percentage of Single Parents Selected ......... 78 Positive Aspects About Single Parent Families ......................... 84 Degree of Acceptance Indicated for Possible Origins of Single Parenthood ......... 86 Arrangements for Child Care Among Employed or Student Single Parents vii TABLE 29. 30. Page Children's Expressions Concerning Being Members of Single Parent Families .............. 90 Community Services Which Were Used and Rated By Single P a r e n t s .................... 93 viii APPENDIX A. Page SELF-ADMINISTERED QUESTIONNAIRE ................ ix 113 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND REVIEW OF LITERATURE Introduction Increasingly black families are becoming black female single parent families. The female parent and her children are more frequently living alone in the absence of the father. A great deal of concern and subsequent research has been fo­ cused on black female single parent families, particularly on the black male children in these families Jackson, 1973; Ladner, 1974; Staples, (English, 1971; 1973). 1974; The speci­ fic orientation of this research has been an attempt to hold black female single parents responsible for the disadvantaged position of a large segment of the black population 1973; Ladner, 1974; Pettigrew, 1974; Staples, (Jackson, 1974a). Black female single parents have been erroneously labeled as heads of a so-called matriarchal society. Con­ clusions drawn from many studies have asserted that the causes of delinquency, drug-abuse, illegitimacy, low school achievement, and a variety of other problems which confront black youth are to be found within the so-called matriarchal 1 2 society 1974a). (Jackson, 1971; 1973; Pettigrew, 1974; Staples, 1971; This myth has detrimental effects on all black families, particularly on black female single parents 1971; English, 1974; Jackson, (Davis, 1973; King, 1973; Ladner, Pettigrew, 1974; Slater, 1973; Staples, 1974; 1971; 1974a). Aside from being victimized by this myth, many black female single parent families are subjected to the conditions of poverty. In addition to facing a disadvantaged economic position, black female single parent families are confronted with numerous interpersonal concerns that are unique to black female single parent families as well as the gamut of con­ cerns faced by many female single parents, regardless of race (Herzog and Sudia, 1972; Jackson, 1974; Staples, 1973; 1974a; Stein, 1973; Ladner, 1974; McAdoo, 1970). Need for Study Since by definition all female single parent families, irrespective of race, differ from the societal two-parent family statistical norm, the single parent family has fostered a great deal of concern and research by child development specialists and other behavioral scientists, social planners and the general community (English, 1974; Guidepost, 1974; Herzog and Sudia, 1972; Staples 1973; 1974b; Sussman and Cogs­ well, 1972; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). Single parent families are viewed not only as being different, but have im­ plicit and explicit connotations of being a deficit functioning family group by social institutions and agencies Sudia, 1972; Ladner, 1974; (Herzog and Staples, 1973; Thomas and Sillen, 1972; Thompson, 1971). Because of this view there is some question as to how well the society meets the needs of this family group. With a significant number of black female single parent families being a part of the total female single parent faunily population, even more doubt exists as to how well society is meeting the needs of black female single parent families. This is due to the racial discrimination in the theoretical orientation towards black families in general, black female single parent families in particular and the subsequent delivery of services to black female single parent families. Because of the particular issues that confront black female single parent families, it is crucial that at­ tention be given to this group of women and children (Jackson, 1973; Ladner, Staples, 197 3) . 1974; McAdoo, 1974; Pettigrew, 1974; Thus, there is a need to document the per­ ceptions, concerns, and needs of this population. There is the tendency to make generalizations about the interpersonal lives of single parent family members. It is as if children and parents are all alike with the same social and economic circumstances, concerns, and aspirations. These generalizations can result in stereotyping which can be to the detriment of family members and Sudia, 1972; 1969). (Billingsley, 1968; Herzog Thus, there is a need to document the variability among black female single parent families. This includes documenting the positive aspects of black female single parent families which have tended to be negelected (Billingsley, 1968; Herzog and Sudia, 1969; Hill, 1972; Ladner, 1974). Lastly, with the wealth of literature and research c on­ cerning the lifestyle of women in relation to psychology and counseling, there is a nead to document and include the life­ style and needs of black women. Literature and research in the area of women studies and issues have focused primarily upon professional, middle-class, predominately white women. (Jackson, 1973; Ladner, 1974; Pettigrew, 1974). There has been one published survey about the concerns and needs of single parent families. However, this study was undertaken in Canada on a sample of white male and female single parents (Thompson, 1971). The present survey will focus on black female single parent families. Because of the unique position that black female single parents occupy, being the victims of racism, sexism, and often times poverty, there is a need to make implications for coun­ selors and counselor training programs with regard to this special population. Those individuals who provide human services have an obligation to be cognizant of the needs and issues relating to black female single parent families. Purpose The overall purpose of this study is to document the perceptions, concerns, and needs of black female single parent families. Some demographic data of these families will be identified as well as the economic and interpersonal concerns that selected black female single parent families have in the 5 Lansing, Michigan, community. Lastly, the purpose of this survey is to suggest implications for counselors and coun­ selor training programs based on the survey results and aspects of the literature review. Review of Literature Research and Views on Black Families The 1 9 6 0 's and 1970's has been characterized by a heightened interest in black family life Staples, 1971; 1 9 7 4 a ) . (English, 1974; The concern with black families has resulted in a wealth of theories and research about black families on the part of social researchers and planners. More than the general concern and study for family life in society, the interest, views and research on black families has been significantly intensive and controversial (English, 1974) . This intensity and controversy has resulted because of the particular orientation towards studying black families. The emphasis on the problems of poverty and race relations has tended to make the concern for black family life a cen­ tral focus for dealing with the two problems and their effects on black families, particularly on those lower socio­ economic families (Staples, 1971). In attempting to find solutions to the social and economic disadvantaged position that most black people occupy, the family life of black families has been examined as a variable (socialization unit) that could be responsible for the socio-economic position of black people (Staples, 1971). 6 The specific orientation of this research has been an attempt to hold black families responsible for the disad­ vantaged socio-economic position of a large percentage of black people. Some of the research findings have asserted that it was weaknesses in black families, more specifically, female headed households, that were responsible for black male emasculation, personality disorders, crime, educational failures and poverty among the black population. for black oppression was put on black families and specifi­ cally on black women (Jackson, 1971; 1971; 1973; 1974; Staples, 1974). 1971; The blame Pettigrew, Placing the blame on black women centers on the ma tri­ archal myth which is attributed to black females who are spouses and household heads in two-parent and single parent families, respectively. The matriarchal myth theorizes that black women have superior economic status, in terms of types of employment, education, and income levels in comparison to black men. This power then transfers to the interpersonal dimension of black family life whereby black women are seen as having omnipotent power over the home, marriage, childrearing and poverty - all of which are responsible for the psychological "emasculation” of black men Jackson, 1971; (Billingsley, 1973; Mack, 1971; Pettigrew, 1971, 1974a; Ten Houten, 1970). 1968; 1974; Staples, Thus, black women are seen as psychologically castrating black men because of their unnatural superior power and aggression. However, such detrimental accusations have been challenged empirically and 7 philosophically (Billingsley, 1968; English, 1974; Hill, 1972; Jackson, 1971; 1973; Ladner, grew, 1974; Staples, 1971, 1974a; 1974; Mack, 1971; Petti­ 1974b; Ten Houten, 1970). It is crucial that the matriarchal myth be discussed in reference to black female single parent families because this family has been victimized by this belief politically in addition to the host of negative assumptions about female single parent families regardless of race. Female single parent families have been viewed as being a deficit func­ tioning family group. The focus of the research has been primarily on the effects on this family group on the chil­ dren, particularly the male children. Studies have correlated the effects of living in a single parent family with psychological and emotional malfunctioning, demic achievement and juvenile delinquency. low aca­ However, these studies have been challenged philosophically and empirically (Herzog and Sudia,1968; 1972; Rosenfeld and Rosenstein, 1973; Sprey, 1967). Although these same conclusions about the effects of single parent families on children are made regardless of race, black single parent families have received more in­ tense criticism. The matriarchal belief is imposed on black women, whereas white female single parent families do not bear such a label. It is as if there were a social distance in viewing black as opposed to white female single parent families (Herzog and Sudia, 1969). Labels alone connotate racial discrimination in viewing black female single parent families. 8 Definition of Black Female Single Parent Family For purposes of this study, the black female single parent family is a family in which there is a black female single parent whose single status is due to divorce, w i dow­ hood, legal or informal separation or having never been married. She has one or more own children living in her home. This broad definition can include a married female who is in­ formally separated from her husband due to marital discord, desertion, the spouse's long term employment away from home or his institutionalization in a mental or penal institution. Throughout the literature on female single parents, tive of race, several terms are used interchangeably with the term "single parent family". headed family", These terms are " female­ "one-parent family", "only parent f a m i l y " ,"broken home", "father-absent family", family", McAdoo, "parent without partner", "fatherless family", "mother-centered home", "incomplete family", and "non-family" 1974; Schlesinger, Sprey irrespec­ (1967) 1971; Sprey, "matriarchal (Jackson, 1974; 1967). suggests that the female single parent family structure has two universal characteristics which can affect the on-going family process. 1. These universals are that: One parent is absent from the f a m i l y . This fact places a heavier burden upon the remain­ ing parent. (economic) Not only does the instrumental role responsibilities have to be ful­ filled, but the expressive (emotional/psychological) 9 roles also. Given the reciprocal nature of emotional role behavior, it is highly doubtful that aJLl obliga­ tions of that nature can be absorbed by the remain­ ing parent {Sprey, 1967). This is not to suggest that parental surrogates cannot fulfill these roles (Staples, 1974b). 2. The single parent structure is a minority one in our society and as such deviates from the statistical n o r m . One consequence of this is the fact that our society is poorly equipped to deal with the needs of single parent families. Aside from this practical consid­ eration, stigmatization of the single parent family, and especially single parents, does occur. Stigma may increase the burden of single parenthood con­ siderably, but does not necessarily have negative effects on family functioning (Sprey, 1967). Lastly, there is another universal. 3. Single parenthood as an independent factor can be viewed'as a condition which results from a number of different events happening to the family p r o c e s s . The absence of a father may seriously aggravate a family's economic conditions and/or family relation­ ships. Depending upon the amount of financial assistance and personal help provided by relatives, friends and community agencies, the family's ability to function may be increased, decreased or not affected. These conditional factors, in addition to the precipitating circumstances which give origin 10 to single parenthood, adds to the variability of single parent family functioning. (Herzog and Sudia, 1972). Some believe that the definition ">f family, when applied to black people, should be inclusive of all legal relatives (nuclear and extended family members) as well as all black people, nationally and internationally. Further, they suggest that this view has theoretical and practical value for scholars studying black family life Staples, 1974a). (Nobles, 1972a; 1974b; However, given the unique social and economic position that the black female single parent family occupies, it becomes necessary to have a distinct definition and conception of the black female single parent family (Jackson, 1973; Ladner, 1974; McAdoo, 1974; Sprey, 1967; Staples, 1 9 7 4 b ) . Demographic Description of Black Female Single Parent Families The major demographic data used in this thesis were taken from three major reports from the United States Census Bureau: 1. Household and Family Characteristics, March 1974 which was issued in February 1975 2. The Social and Economic Status of the Black Popula­ tion in the United S t a t e s , 1973 which was issued in July ld?4------------- ------ 3. Household and Family Characteristics, March 1974 which was issued in July 19T4. The comparative statistics cited in the first and third report do not differ significantly. The first report will be cited most often for consistency. However, in some 11 cases where certain recent categorical data are unavailable, the second and third reports will be cited. These reports contain data based on 197 3 statistics which are the most recent issued by the United States Census Bureau. In this section demographic comparisons will be made between black and white female single parent families. In the education, employment, and income categories, black and white male heads of two-parent families will be compared to black and white female single parent families to highlight the economic position that black females have as family heads with financial responsibilities of maintaining a household. This point is made explicit in table 9. Percentages in this chapter were rounded to the nearest whole number except in the "Incidence" subsection. This was done to present exact increases in the growth of female single parent families. Incidence. Of 55,053,000 families in the United States, 6,804,000 or 12.4% were single parent families in 1974 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975). The number of women in the United States who are heads of their families increased about 2.4 million since 1955. This number rose from 4.2 million in 1955 to 6.6 million in 1973. The increase from 1970 to 1973 has been nearly equal to the entire decade of the 1960's (1.1 million) (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). In 1974 the 4,854,000 white female single parent families comprised 71.3% of all female single parent families and 9.9% of white families (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975). In 1970, 1971, 1972, and 1973 white female single parent 12 familieB represented 9.1%, of all white families 9.4%, 9.4%, and 9.6% respectively (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). In 1974 by comparison the 1,849,000 black female single parent families comprised 27% of all female single parent families and 34% of all black families Census, 1975). In 1970, 1971, (U.S. Bureau of the 1972, and 1973 black female single parent families represented 28.3%, 34.6% respectively of all black families Census, 1974b). 30.6%, 31.8%, and (U.S. Bureau of the Since 1955, of the 2.4 million increase in female single parent families, approximately 44% were black female single parent families 1974b). (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Within 1973, black female single parents increased from 32% to about 35% (Ladner, 1974). It is speculated that by 1980, the majority of black families may be headed by a female (Staples, 1974b). The statistics on the incidence and growth of black female single parent families when compared to white female single parent families have caused some speculations as to why proportional racial differences exist. One such inter­ pretation is that the Census Bureau undercounts black men. It has been estimated that the decennial U.S. Census under­ counts urban blacks by as much as 20%. This undercounting may have caused the estimate of black female single parent family trends to appear larger than what actually exists (Ten Houten, 1970; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). Another speculation and interpretation is that the incidence of black female family heads can be attributed to 13 the disproportionsted sex ratios of black men to black women. In 1970r if no adjustment is made for age, there were at least 1,069,694 black women in the United States without available monogamous mates. Reasons for the limited number of black men are higher death rates for black men due to heart and lung disease, chronic alcoholism, automobile and industrial accidents, homicides and suicides. Drug over­ doses are more common among black men than black women. The numbers of black men are further reduced when one notes the number of black men in prison, war deaths, enter interracial marriages, relationships exclusively Jackson those who and those who prefer homosexual (Jackson, 1971; Staples, 1974b). (1971) theorizes that the phenomenon of the black female single parent family should be re-assessed not as a weakness in black family life but as a response to an insufficient supply of black males. There is a significant inverse relationship between the black female and black male ratios and the percentages of black female single parent families. That is, the percentage of female single parent families tends to decrease as the sex ratio increases or the greater the number of males, female single parent families the smaller number of black (Jackson, 1971; 1973). Although a significant correlational relationship exists, it cannot be equated with the causation of the phenomenon of black female single parent families . It has been suggested that this relationship could warrant causative studies (Jackson, 1971; 1973). 14 Given the demographic composition of the black popula­ tion with the excessive number of black females. Staples (1974b) suggests that "there is simply no way for every black woman to enter a monogamous marriage and that fact alone will force alternate family life styles on large numbers of black people" (p. 6). The black female single parent family can be viewed as a rational alternative for black women given the sex ratios within the black population. The black fe­ male single parent family is not only viewed as a deviation from the two-parent family societal norm, but also implied a malfunctioning family group. Although these views exist, the black female single parent family may in fact be a normal phenomenon in response to a particular social environment where there are disproportioned black sex ratios (Jackson, 1971; 1973; Staples, 1974b). Marital Sta t u s . Several reasons can be cited for the rising rate of female single parenthood in the black and white population (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). Overall, a changing societal attitude towards women living independently and without spouses has occurred. High rates of marital dis­ solution through divorce and separation have had an impact on the rise of female single parenthood. An increasing number of mothers who have never been married make decisions to keep their children as opposed to adoption or abortion. Women within the "never married" category are probably more willing to accurately report such a status in surveys. 15 The liberalization of adoption procedures whereby single women may now adopt children is another factor. Eco­ nomically, women have better ways of maintaining a household than was true two decades ago. The availability of some better and wider selections of occupations and the availa­ bility of public assistance programs has led to the increased economic independence for some women. These are some general factors that have contributed to the rise of female single parenthood (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). In Table 1 four major categories of the marital status of female single parents are identified as: "never married", "divorced” , "widowed", and "married, husband absent" Bureau of the Census, 1975). The category "married, husband absent" is further divided into "separated", armed services" and "other". (U.S. "husband in the Persons reported as "separated" included those females with legal separations, those living apart from spouses with intentions of obtaining a d i v o r c e , and those persons permanently or temporarily separated b e ­ cause of marital discord. The sub-category "husband in armed services" is specifically listed. The sub-category "other" refers to separation due to male spouses being employed and living a considerable distance away from home, temporarily absent on vacation, business or in the hospital of the Census, 1975) . (U.S. Bureau The categories used in the present survey were "never married", "divorced", widowed", and several sub-categories for "married, husband absent". The data in Table 1 represent the percentages of black and white female single parents within the four categories 16 Table 1 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents Within Marital Status Categories: Marital Status Black Female Single Parents March 1974 White Female Single Parents Never married 21 9 Divorced 16 32 Widowed 29 40 Married, husband absent 34 19 separated husband in armed services other 100 % 30 15 1 1 3 3 100 % 17 of marital status. The percentage of black female single parents who were "never married" is at least twice the rate for white counterparts. reasons. This rate may be higher for several Black women, both married and single, produce a greater number of offspring, on the average, women. than do white Also the proportion of women who are single and of child bearing age is higher for blacks than whites. The higher rate for black females may also reflect the extent to which black children born to single women are incorporated into the famxly unit as opposed to women using adoption or abortion procedures. these procedures. White women have had greater access to Lastly, having access to reliable birth control methods may be a viable option for middle class females. A significant proportion of the black population is in the lower socio-economic status. Thus, many black females do not have access to reliable birth control methods (Staples, 1973; 1974b; Ten H o u t e n , 1970). The percentage of black female single parents in both the "divorce" and "married, husband absent" categories was double that of white female single parents. Ten Houten (1970) has suggested that poor and black persons are less able to afford and/or less likely to define legal divorce and legal separation as necessary. Marriages between blacks are dissolving for some of the same reasons that marriages in general are resulting in separation (Staples, 1974). The institution of marriage was 18 strongest under patriarchal rule in a predominately agrarian setting. Marriage in this setting was not meant to be equalitarian. Women are the dependent and subordinate partner and men were to be the rulers. "In the case of blacks the independence of women in the family existed for a longer period of time (Staples, 1974, p. 6)." Staples (1974b) suggests that the equalitarian nature of marriage and the independence of black women has influenced the decline of the marital institution for black people. Another reason for the decline of marriage among blacks is that the problems of racism and economic depriva­ tion have further complicated the difficulties inherent in the existing fragile institution of marriage (Staples, 1974b). Often the frustration and despair that many blacks have felt at their treatment in society has been directed at the nearest and safest object - spouses in marriage (Staples, 197 4 b ) . Black women are also making conscious decisions to form single parent families. Some women accomplish this through giving birth to a child outside of legal marriage while others opt for single parent adoptions 1974b). Lastly, (Staples, it has been strongly suggested that the disproportioned sex ratios in the black population, whereby an excessive number of females exist, have further reduced the number of two-parent families and increased the existing and probability of black female single parent families (Jackson, 1971; 1973; Ladner, 1974; Staples, 1973; 1974b). 19 Age. The median age for black female single parents is 39 years. This is nine years less than the median age for white female single parents 1974b). (U.S. Bureau of the Census, The percentage distribution of female single parents within the specific age groups is presented in Table 2. Black female single parents in the "under 25 year old" cate­ gory represent twice the percentage of their white counter­ parts. Black female single parents in the "25 to 29 year old" category and "30 to 34 year old" category represent almost one and one-half the percentage of their white counterparts. The age distribution of the black population differs substantially from that of the white population in that the black population is younger with a higher proportion under 15 years old and a lower proportion 65 years old and older (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974a). Considering the differences in age distribution of the black and white population, it is perhaps not surprising that black female single parents, on the average, assume re­ sponsibilities as heads of household at a younger age than their white counterparts. Family Size and Own C h i l d r e n . The size of the family includes the female parent and all persons in the living quarters who are related to the head of the family by blood, marriage or adoption (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975). As indicated in Table 3 black female single parent families have four m e m b e r s , which is one member more than their white counterparts. 20 Table 2 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents Within Each Age Group: Ajfe Group in Years March 1974 Black Female Single Parents White Female Single Parents Under 25 13 7 25 - 29 14 10 30 - 34 14 10 35 - 44 23 20 45 - 54 15 20 55 - 64 9 15 65 - 74 8 10 75 and over 4 8 100 % 100 % 21 Table 3 Family Size: Percentage of Family Members in Black and White Female Single Parent Families with Mean Number Per Family: March 1974 Black Female Single Parents White Female Single Parents 2 30 50 3 22 25 4 16 13 5 13 7 6 8 3 11 2 Number of Persons 7 or more Mean 100% 100% 3.89% 2 .95% "Own" children in a family are sons and daughters, in­ cluding step-children and adopted children of the family head (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975). As presented in Table 4, black female single parent families have at least three children, which is one more child than their white counter­ parts . In 1974, data on number of own children under 18 years old showed that black female single parents were more likely than their white counterparts to have children to support, and of those with children, a larger proportion of blacks than whites had two or more children (U.S. Bureau of the 22 Table 4 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents With Number of Own Children Under 18 Years of Age: March 197 4 Own Children Under 18 Black Female Single Parents White Female Single Parents No own children under 18 30 44 With own children under 18 70 56 1 child 22 25 2 children 19 7 3 children 12 7 4 children 8 4 5 children 5 2 6 or more children 4 1 100 % 100 % Mean number 1.96 1.10 Mean number per family with children 2 .46 1.71 23 Census, 1975). These statistics suggest that, given more children and family members in black female single parent families, they live on less income despite family size in comparison to white female families and two-parent families (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 197 5; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974a). Education. Data on years of school completed were based on the combination of answers to two questions: (a) What was the highest grade of school that the person attended? and (b) Did the person finish that grade? The questions on educational attainment applied only to progress in graded pub­ lic, private and parochial elementary and high schools, colleges, universities and professional schools. Schooling in other than regular schools was recorded only if the obtained credits were regarded as transferrable to a school in the regular school system. The percentage of female single parents and the percen­ tage of male heads in two-parent families, by race, who have completed the listed school years of education is presented in Tables 5 and 6. "Less than three years of education" re­ fers to low educational attainment. "One year or more of college" refers to high educational attainment. For those persons under 45 years of age, 54% of the black females had less than three years of high school as compared to 36% for white female single parents, 37% for black male heads, and 21% for white male heads in two-parent families. Thus, the percentage of black single parents was 24 Table 5 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parents (Under 4 5 Years Old and 45 Years Old and Over) Com­ pleting Educational Levels: March 1974 Under 45 Years Old Black Female Single Parents White Female Single Parents Educational Levels 0-8 years - elementary 15 14 1-3 years - high school 39 22 4 years - high school 35 44 1-3 years - college 8 13 4 or more years college 3 7 100% 100% 0-8 years - elementary 55 37 1-3 years - high school 22 16 4 years - high school 17 31 1-3 years - college 3 9 4 or more years college 3 7 4 5 Years and Over Educational Levels 100% 100% Table 6 Percentage of Black and White Male Heads of Two-Parent Families (Under 45 Years Old and 45 Years and Over) Completing Educational Levels: March 1974 Under 45 Years Old Black Male Heads in Two-Parent Families White Male Heads In Two-Parent Families Educational Levels 0-8 1-3 4 1-3 4 years elementary years high school years high school years college or more years college 14 23 43 13 7 8 13 40 17 22 100% 100% 61 17 13 4 5 30 17 30 10 13 100% 100% 45 Years Old and Over Educational Levels 0-8 1-3 4 1-3 4 years elementary years high school years high school years college or more years college 26 about: one and one-half that of white female single parents, about one and one-half that of black male heads and two and one-half times that of white male heads in two-parent families in the low education category. and older, For those persons 45 years 77% of the black families had less than three years of high school as compared to 53% for white females, 78% for black male heads, and 47% for white male heads in husband-wife families. Thus, black female single parents represented one and one-half times the rate for white female single parents, about the same rate as black male heads and one and one-half times the rate for white male heads in two-parent families. Overall, black female single parents were represented higher in the low education category than white female single parents, and black and white male heads of two-parent families. For those persons under 45 years of age, 11% of the black female single parents had more than one year of college as compared to 20% for white female single parents, 20% for black male heads, and 40% for white male heads in two-parent families. Thus the percentage of black female single parents is about one-half that of white female single parents, about one-half that of black male heads and less than one-third that of white male heads of two-parent families in the high educational category. For those persons 45 years and older, 6% of the black female single parents had one or more years of college as compared to 16% of the white female single parents, 9% of the black male heads, and 23% of the white male heads in two-parent families. Thus, the percentage of 27 black female single parents was less than one-half that of white female single parents, about equal to that of white female single parents, about equal to that of black male heads and about one-fourth that of white male heads in twoparent families. Overall, black female single parents were represented less in the high educational level category than white female single parents and black and white male heads of two-parent families. Types of Employ m e n t . Tables 7 and 8 are presented to show the percentage distribution of female single parents and male heads in two-parent families who were employed in the following twelve major occupational groups in 1974: 1. professional, technical and related workers include en ­ gineers, physicians, dentists and related practicioners, teachers at all educational levels and other professional workers 2. managers, administrators, except farm workers include salaried, and self-employed workers in retail trade and manufacturing and other managerial workers 3. sales workers include retail trade and other industrial sales workers 4. clerical and related workers include bookkeepers, retaries, stenographers, sec­ typists, and other clerical workers 5. craftsmen and related workers include carpenters, c o n ­ struction craftsmen, mechanics, metal craftsmen, and other related workers Table 7 Percentage of Employed Black and White Female Single Parents Within Occupational Groups: Occupational Groups March 1974 Black Female Single Parents White Female Single Parents White Collar Workers Professional, technical and related workers Managers, administrators, except farm Sales workers Clerical and related workers 8 1 2 23 13 6 6 34 1 16 1 1 2 14 1 1 0 1 1 0 31 15 20 2 100% 100% Blue Collar Workers Craftsmen and related workers Operatives, except transport Transport operatives Laborers, except farm Farm Workers Farmers and farm managers Farm laborers and farm foremen Service Workers Service workers, except private household Private household workers Table 8 Percentage of Black and White Male Heads of Two-Parent Families Within Occupational Groups: Occupational Groups March 1974 Black Male Heads in Two-Parent Families White Male Heads in Two-Parent Families White Collar Workers Professional, technical and related workers Managers, administrators, except farm Sales workers Clerical and related workers 6 5 2 8 15 17 7 6 19 18 11 13 24 11 6 4 1 3 4 1 13 1 5 0 Blue Collar Workers Craftsmen and related workers Operatives, except transport Transport equipment operatives Laborers, except farm Farm Workers Farmers and farm managers Farm laborers and farm foremen Service Workers Service workers, except private household Private household workers 100% 100% 30 6. operatives, except transport workers, include workers in durable and nondurable manufacturing, and nonmanufacturing industries 7. transport equipment operatives include drivers and deli­ verymen, and other transport equipment operative workers 8. laborers, except farm, include construction and manufac­ turing laborers 9. farmers and farm managers 10. farm laborers and farm foremen 11. service workers include cleaning service, health service, food service, personal service,and protective service workers 12. private household workers (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). When the white collar workers are combined, 34% of the black female single parents are in this group as compared to 59% for white female single parents, 21% for black male heads and 45% for white male heads in two-parent families. When the clerical workers group, which is a traditional female occu­ pational group is omitted, 11% of the black female single parents are in the white collar group as opposed to 25% for white female single parents, 13% for black male heads and 39% for white male heads in two-parent families. Wher. the cleri­ cal group is omitted, the percentage of black female single parents in the white collar group is only one-half that of white female single parents, about the same as black male heads and about one-fourth that of white male heads in two-parent families. 31 In the blue collar workers group, 19% of the black female single parents are in this group as compared to 18% for white female single parents, 61% for black male heads, and 45% for white male heads in two-parent families. Black and white female single parents are almost equal in percen­ tages in the blue collar work category. Black female single parents are almost one-third that of black male heads and almost one-half that of white male heads in two-parent families in the blue collar workers category. In the farm workers group, 1% of black female single parents were engaged in this group in comparison to white females, 1% for 4% for black male heads and 5% for white male heads in two-parent families. Black and white female single parents were almost equally represented in this category. Black female single parents were only one-quarter that of black and white male heads of two-parent families in the farm workers group. In the service workers group, 46% of black female single parents were engaged in this group in comparison to 2 2% for white female single parents, 14% for black male heads and 5% for white male heads in two-parent families. Black female single parents were represented in this group at least twice the rate for white female single parents, at least triple the rate of black male heads and at least nine times the rate for white male heads in two-parent families. This percentage distribution for black and white female single parents and black and white male heads in two-parent 32 families would suggest that the female single parents are con­ centrated in the lower paying occupations, particularly the more traditionally female occupations as opposed to the male heads in two-parent families. Black female single parents are heavily represented in the service workers group as opposed to the white collar workers group where salaries are higher than in the service workers group. These suggestions are further substantiated when the median income distributions are noted. Income. The median income of female single parent families and two-parent families is presented in Table 9. In 1973, the median income for black female single parent families was $4,226 or $2,334 less than the median income for white female single parent families. Black female single parents were more likely than their white counterparts to have child­ ren to support and of those with children, a larger proportion of black than whites had two or more children to support Bureau of the Census, 1974b). (U.S. This suggests that black female single parents had less resources, on the average, by which to support more children than their white counterparts. The median income of black male-headed parent) (single and two- families was $9,549 or $3,704 less than the median income for white male-headed (single and two-parent) families. However, a distinction should be made with respect to those two-parent families where the wife was in the paid labor force. In those families where the wife was in the paid labor force, the black families had a median income of $12,226 which was $3,428 less than the median income of white families where 33 Table 9 Median Income for Black and White Female Single Parent Families and Black and White Male-Headed Families*: 197 3 Type of Family Black Families White Families Female single parent families $ 4,226 $ 6,560 Male-headed families $ 9,549 $13,253 Wife in paid labor force $12,226 $15,654 Wife not in paid labor force $ 7,148 $11,716 * Male-headed families include male heads of two parent families and male single parent families. 34 the wife was in the paid labor force. In those families where the wife was not in the paid labor force, black maleheaded families had a median income of $7,148 or $4,568 less than the median income of white male-headed families. Thus, the median income of black female single parent families is significantly less than white female single parent families and black and white male-headed (single and two-parent) families. Being "poor" is defined by the low-income threshold. The low-income threshold is an index which reflects the differing consumption requirements of families based on their size and composition, sex and age of the family head and farm-nonfarm residence. In 1973 the low-income thres­ hold for a nonfarm family of four was $4,54 0. Both white and black female single parents had a majority percentage residing in metropolitan areas, (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 71% and 81%, respectively 197 4 b ) . Thus, a majority of all female single parent families are non-farm by residence. The percentage distribution of female single parent families and male-headed (single and two-parent) families who are below the low-income level is presented in Table 10. The data concerning those families below the low-income level do not show a percentile distribution (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974a). Thus, precise and meaningful information is not re­ ported. Of the black female single parent families, 53% were below the low-income level. This percentage was at least double the rate for white female single parent families who were below the low-income level, triple the rate for black 35 Table 10 Percentage of Black and White Female Single Parent Families and Black and White Male-Headed Families* Below the Low-income Level:** 1973 Type of Family Black Families White Families Female single parent families 53 25 Male headed families 15 5 * Male headed families include male heads of two-parent families and male single parent families. **Defined as $4,540 for a nonfarm family of four. male heads and over eleven times the rate for white m a l e ­ headed (single and two-parent) Thus, families. female single parent families, both black and white, were more likely to be poor than families headed by males. Black female single parents were more likely to be poor than their white counterparts. It has already been stated that 35% of black families are headed by families opposed to 10% for white families Bureau of the Census, 197 5). (U.S. It has been suggested that there is a strong correlation between low income levels and the pre­ sence or absence of fathers (Stein, 1970; Ten Houten, 1970). When a male breadwinner dies or leaves his family, the reduc­ tion or loss of financial support may be only partly offset by the wife's earnings, insurance, or other government 36 financial assistance. Poverty or low-income levels may create tensions leading to family breakup (Stein, 1970). It has also been suggested that the incidence of female single parent families is more closely related to level of income than to race: among blacks the low-income families are 39% more apt to have female heads; among whites, 34%. Thus, female single parent families are more characteristic of poor families than black families per se (Ten Houten, 1970) . At the upper income level of $15,000 and over the percentage of black families headed by a male is similar to that of whites (Staples, 1973). The data on black female single parent families undoubt­ edly exaggerates the extent to which black fathers are not present. State welfare requirements often make financial aid to families contingent on there being no father or father sub­ stitute in the home. This creates a strong economic incentive to conceal the presence of a husband and also contributes to the husband's motivation to leave the family Houten, 197 0). (Stein, 1970? Ten Thus, a black female single parent family, since it is not a two-parent faultily, is perceived as being out of harmony with societal norms even though it may be a practi­ cal accommodation to state welfare regulations Lewis, 1970; Stein, In conclusion, 1970; Ten Houten, (Herzog and 1970). the major economic issue facing most black female single parent families is that they are more vulnerable and subject to the conditions of poverty 1973; Ladner, 1973; 1974b). 1974; McAdoo, (Jackson, 1974; Pettigrew, 1974; Staples, This is directly attributed to the oppressed 37 economic status of women whereby black women are the most oppressed in comparison to white males, white females, and black males (Aldridge, 1975; Jackson, Pettigrew, 1974; Staples, 1973; Ladner, 1974; 1974b). The socio-economic description of black female single parent families, when compared to white female single parent families and male heads in two-parent families, is indicative of this disadvantaged economic status. Interpersonal Description of Black Female Single Parent Families Stresses on Black Female Single Parent Fa m i l i e s . The effects of black single parenthood on the development of children in these families has been the usual emphasis of con­ cern by behavioral scientists and social planners. As a re­ sult, less attention has been given to the needs of the black female parent (Ladner, 1974). Depending on the precipitating circumstances that give origin to the woman's single parent status (widowhood, divorce, never been married and informally separated), a host of emotional feelings can be present at varying stages of single parenthood. from feelings of self-confidence, feelings of rejection, 1973). These feelings can range independence and relief, failure and guilt to (Thompson, 1971; Welsh, With the changing attitudes toward single parenthood, women also make options for being single with children. The emotional feelings in this case may be different compared to when the single status is imposed (Kadushin, 1971; Staples, 1974; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974b). 38 With reference to poor black female 3ingle parents, women who are deprived of the quality of life that comes with adequate economic resources have fewer chances for being use­ ful to themselves and society. So much of their energies and limited resources must be expended in the acquisition of life's minimum necessities (Ladner, 1974; McAdoo, 1974). Because so many black female single parents must also be the major breadwinner, they are sometimes unable to adequately meet the physical and sometimes emotional foundation so necessary for the healthy development of their children. Thus, they find themselves unable to provide for proper food, clothing, housing, education, discipline, protection and other resources that are necessary for child-rearing. This inability to provide for life's necessities causes families to endure physical and emotional hardships. The physical deprivations are obvious but the emotional deprivations are perhaps less easily recognized (Ladner, 1974). Because a great number of black female single parents are poor, the self-esteem and confidence of these parents may be lowered when they are unable to be like desired models of womanhood tance tized. (Ladner, 1974). Being recipients of public assis­ (welfare) also results in some women feeling stigma­ The work ethic of society is that every able-bodied adult must provide for his or her own welfare. Underlying this assumption is the idea that the society allows for equal competition and opportunities. The granting of relief to supposedly physically and mentally alert adults is thought to 39 be contradictory to the ideals of society. Thus, some welfare recipients are labeled as "undeserving" and it is within this category that most poor black female single parents are as­ signed (Ladner, 1974). With reference to models of womanhood, being a female single parent can also connotate stigma for some women. This has particular implications for black women who are likely not to have a mate due to the unequal sex ratios in the black population (Ladner, 1974; Staples, 1974b; Jackson, 1973; Jackson, 1971). The numerical imbalance between the sexes in the black population is more dramatic than in the white popu­ lation (Murray, 1970). In the white population the excess of women shows up in the middle or later years. In the black population the sex imbalance is present in every age group over fourteen and is greatest during the age when most marriages occur (Murray, 1970). The social implications of an excess of more than a half a million black females over fourteen years of age are obvious in a society in which the glamour and expectations of romantic love and marriage are heavily emphasized (Murray, 1970). In this case, social ex­ pectations of marriage may not become a practical reality experience for all black females because of the imbalanced sex ratios in the black population. Thus, if an aspect of the model of womanhood for some black women in a monogamous heterosexual marriage, desired model. some women may not achieve such a This could result in the woman feeling failure because she has not achieved a socially expected goal (Murray, 1970). 40 Social institutions and individuals can have a range of perceptions of female single parents in terms of accepting the parent's status as being a single parent. The perceptions can range from "most accepted" to "least accepted" for the various origins of single parenthood (widowhood, divorce, never married and informally separated). These perceptions from society can influence the feelings that single parents have about themselves (Ladner, 1974; Schlesinger, 1971; Thompson, 1971). With reference to black female single parents, the result of internalizing the stigma of being reared in a single parent family can be fatal. Discussing some possible reasons why there is a rising suicide rate for black women. Slater (1973) cites Dr. Floyd Wylie, a black psychologist, who sug­ gests that "what we are seeing here and elsewhere, I think, is a growing belief of the lie perpetrated largely by Moynihan [a major research report on black families in 1965] that single-parent, so-called mother-dominated families are some­ how pathological" (p. 158). Dr. Wylie implies that a belief in this assumption may be having subtle, detrimental effects on young black women who come from such homes. The sugges­ tion made by Dr. Wylie can apply to those women who are reared in such homes or women who head such homes. Children in Black Female Single Parent Families. Nu­ merous studies have suggested that a child's development is impaired when reared in a black female single parent family. Outcomes such as low school achievement, personality disorders, 41 and juvenile delinquency are attributed to black children who are reared in black female single parent families. However, these studies have been challenged empirically and statisti­ cally (Herzog and Sudia, Pettigrew, 1974; Staples, 1968, 1969, 1972; Jackson, 1971; 1973; 1974a). The socialization of children in black female single parent families is inevitably affected by the stresses and strains on some mothers who must be responsible for household maintenance and child—rearing. Many scholars have begun to examine other environmental factors, aside from child-rearing practices, per se, which can affect the development of children in black female single parent families Ladner, 1974; Zwack, 1973). (Herzog and Sudia, 1972; The focus on the children in this study relates to parental perceptions of degree of acceptance by other children and teachers toward children in single parent families. Children in single parent families may also express thoughts and feelings about being in a single parent family. These can be influenced by what children perceive to be the attitudes of the larger community toward members of single parent families (Herzog and Sudia, 1972; Zwack, 1973). Strengths of Black Female Single Parent F a milies. Aside from the economic and often accompanying emotional stress that confront many black female single parent families, black fe­ male single parent families can also have positive aspects. These have tended to be overlooked in the theoretical orienta­ tions and research on black female single parent families (Herzog and Sudia, 1969; Hill, 1972; Ladner, 1974). 42 Positive characteristics can be attributed specifically to black female single parents Sudia, 1969; Hill, (Billingsley, 1968; Herzog and 1972; Ladner, 1974). Black female single parents have a high degree of role flexibility which allows them to handle some of the traditional roles of male heads in two-parent families. With the dual role of mother and father, some black females have a high degree of parenting skills under the most adverse economic circumstances. These parent­ ing skills include high aspirations for their children's educational and occupational achievement. Some women also embrace a religious orientation which provides a source of psychological strength to help them combat their numerous stresses (Billingsley, 1968; Herzog and Sudia, 1969; Hill, 1972; Ladner, 1974). Research has also suggested that black female single parents are effective role models for female children in the family (Myers, 1975). The black female parent family as a unit also has posi­ tive characteristics. Strong kinship bonds can exist with extended family members. Mutual support and acceptance is also noted within and between black female single parent families. Lastly, strong family ties can survive and/or emerge with the absence of a parent Hill, 1972). (Herzog and Sudia, 1969; These positive aspects can enhance the family functioning of black female single parent families. In some cases, these strengths have accounted for the stability of black female single parent families (Jackson, 1973). 43 Summary An increasing family group among black families is the female single parent family. A great deal of research has been focused on black female single parent families, particu­ larly on the male children of these families. The results of this research has been used in an attempt to hold black female single parents responsible for rearing unproductive children who have emotional and behavioral maladjustments. This conclusion is a part of the matriarchal myth. The socio-economic condition that confront many black female single parent families is quite disadvantaged when compared to white female single parent families and black and white male heads in two-parent families. Aside from being confronted with disadvantaged economic conditions, many black female single parents have a number of emotional con­ cerns and stresses as a result of being poor and as heads of families. Despite these conditions, positive aspects of family living can characterize black female single parent families. Single parent families, irrespective of race, are viewed not only as being different from two-parent families, but have implicit and explicit connotations of being a deficit function­ ing family. This view subsequently determines how well social institutions and agencies meet the needs of this family group. With a significant number of black female single parent families being a part of the total female single parent 44 population, there is even more doubt as to how well society is meeting the needs of black female single parent families. This is due to the racial discrimination in the theoretical orientation towards black female single parent families and the subsequent delivery of services to this population. Because of the unique position that black female single parent families occupy, being the victims of racism, sexism and often times poverty, there is the need to document the perceptions, concerns and needs of this particular popu­ lation. Since black female single parent families have been stereotyped, there is also a need to document the variability among black female single parent families. This documentation of perceptions, will be done by using a survey. concerns and needs Some demographic data will be identified in addition to the concerns and needs that selected black female single parent families have in the Lansing, Michigan, community. Lastly, implications will be made for counselors and counselor training programs based upon survey results. CHAPTER II SURVEY DESIGN AND PROCEDURES Overview The purpose of this survey was to describe a population of black female single parent families in the Lansing, Michigan, community. The description was made to obtain demographic characteristics of selected black female single parent families, to obtain an account of the experiences of the selected black female single parent families, and to identify their needs as black female single parent families. Lastly, the purpose of the survey was to suggest implications for counselors and counselor training programs based upon survey results and some of the normative data from the United States Census Bureau (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Bureau of the Census, 1974a, 1975; U.S. 1974b). This survey is a partial replication of a survey under­ taken in Canada to determine the needs of male and female single parents in Canada, to attain information from social agencies including single parent organizations on how they were meeting the needs of single parent families, and to recommend social policy to alleviate the problems of single parent families (Thompson, 1971). 45 Although the Canadian 46 survey had value in determining the orientation of this survey, it was undertaken in another culture on a male and female white single parent population (Thompson, 1971}. is more limited in scope, The present survey focusing on black female single parents. Survey Design The type of design used in this survey was crosssectional. In this type of survey design data are collected at one point in time from a sample selected to describe some population at that time (Babbie, 1973). The present survey also used a variation of the basic cross-sectional survey. This was the contextual study in which data are collected about some portions of the person's environment and used to describe the individual (Babbie, 1973). Sampling Procedures The census tract data indicated that 836 black female single parent families were in the Greater Lansing area Bureau of the Census, 1972). (U.S. In attempting to obtain a sam­ ple from this population, the researcher contacted various social agencies that possibly served black female single parent families. However, agency personnel were unwilling to submit names of families. Reasons for the unwillingness ranged from wanting long term services rendered to their clientele, concerns about the confidentiality of the collected data, and agency files being out-of-date. The researcher then contacted four black community wor­ kers who served black female single parent families and who were 47 not. affiliated with any social service agency. Each of these people were directly related to specific low-income housing sites and had frequent contact with the black female single parent residents. The workers were interested in the survey objectives and felt that their clientele would be cooperative as prospective survey participants. The definition of black female single parent family used in this survey was a family headed by a black female whose marital status was that of never having been married, divorced, widowed, or legally or informally separated from her spouse. She could be married with the spouse absent due to marital discord, desertion, institutionalization in a m e n ­ tal or penal institution, or the spouse could be absent due to long-term employment away from the home. All prospective participants had to meet this broad definition of "black female single parent family" in order to be included in the survey sample. Using this definition, the community workers provided the researcher with the names and/or addresses of the prospective participants. Two-hundred black female single parent families were identified using this procedure. Survey Questions Questionnaire items were constructed to obtain a description of (a) the demographic characteristics of the selected black female single parent families, (b) an account of their experiences and their feelings as single parent families, and (c) the identification of their concerns and needs as single parent families. 48 Eight, general survey questions were identified as a basis for the study. In order to obtain data to answer these survey questions a 22-item questionnaire was developed. The survey questions were as f ollows: 1. What were some demographic characteristics of the selected black female single parents? This was in reference to the age of the female single parents, the length of time as a single parent, origins of their single parenthood, the number and ages of their children, their educational attain­ ment, their current occupations, amount and source of income, and the type and adequacy of their housing. 2. What were some changes in the lifestyle of the women when they became single parents? 3. What were the most frequent concerns and problems of the single parents? 4. What were some feelings that the women had as single parents? 5. How did single parents perceive community attitudes about differing origins of single parenthood in terms of general acceptance or rejection? 6. How did single parents perceive that teachers and other children ususally feel about children from single parent families in terms of general acceptance or rejection? 7. What are some thoughts that children express about their being members of single parent families as reported by their parents? 8. What types of services from social agencies have single parent families used? How did the parents rate the 49 services rendered? Would single parents like an agency to provide services primarily to black single parents? The complete questionnaire appears in the Appendix. Design of the Questionnaire A self-administered coded questionnaire was designed as an instrument for the survey. The questionnaire was an adap­ tation of the questionnaire used in the Canadian survey (Thompson, 1971) . Modification was necessary because the Canadian study utilized the interview schedule as a means of instrument design and data collection. The present study utilized a self-administered coded questionnaire. Items on the questionnaire were primarily close-ended. Respondents merely had to check the desired responses. These kinds of items were used because the majority of the sample would be low-income people and it was assumed their educa­ tional level and/or daily and/or work experiences might not be compatible with writing expressive responses to open-ended items. Although this was taken into consideration, open-ended items were included after some items to give the respondent latitude in responding to items. The questionnaire was pilot-tested on 15 persons, men and women, with various educational levels, some without children, married and single parents. asked to complete the questionnaire, These persons were state the amount of time it took them to complete the questionnaire, and to criticize the questionnaire in terms of its clarity and the appropriate­ ness of the items in view of the stated objectives. 50 The general changes that were suggested were to (a) shorten the twelve-page questionnaire without losing the most necessary items, (b) allow more flexibility for the various origins of single parenthood, and (c) include more items that relate to the positive experiences of single parent families. After incorporating these suggested changes into the questionnaire, two raters agreed that the question­ naire was ready for distribution. Data Collection An introductory letter was mailed to the prospective participants on May 19, 1975. This letter introduced the researcher, explained how the prospective participants were identified through the community worker, the purpose of the survey, confidentiality of respondent information, when the participants would receive the questionnaire, and the collection procedures. After a two-day waiting period the coded questionnaire was mailed. It was accompanied by a letter briefly reiter­ ating the purpose of the survey, confidentiality of information and collection procedures of the questionnaires. Fifteen percent of the questionnaires had coded addressed stamped envelopes for a mailed return. The re­ mainder of the questionnaires were collected by the community worker in two settings and by employed children who lived in other settings. The children's assistance was organized by the researcher. This was done because the respondents lived in a public housing site where it was easier to go from house 51 to house to request the completed questionnaire. It was an additional motivational factor for the respondents which had the purpose of insuring a higher return rate. It was also less expensive than return mailing procedures. All question­ naires were returned and collected by June 30, 1975. Treatment of Data The different stages in the treatment of collected data were divided into fying the data, and (a) processing the data, (c) tabulating the data. (b) classi­ A rater was employed to treat the raw data from the returned question­ naires. This was done to prevent potential researcher bias. The rater has a master's degree in educational psychology. She is currently working at the Department of Labor for the State of Michigan. Her duties consist of developing and evaluating manpower training programs, bu d ­ geting and the allocation of funds to these programs and analyzing labor force data. Processing the d a t a . The first step in processing the data was the editing of the questionnaires. questionnaires required careful editing. The completed They were checked for completeness, accuracy, and uniformity. Examples of editing included making check marks more visible and legibly re-writing responses to open-ended questions for coding. Coding of d a t a . Coding the responses to the items was the next stage after editing. The purpose of coding was to 52 classify responses to an item in meaningful categories so as to summarize the basic characteristics of the data. The coding frame should be prepared for all questions by considering all possible answers a respondent might provide. The closed-ended items were initially pre-coded on the questionnaire by the researcher. This pre-coding was based on the expected responses received from the prospective participants. This procedure is called "post-coding" and was used by the rater only after all questionnaires were returned. The items on the questionnaires were coded in the following manner: 1. Since the majority of the items were pre-coded those items did not need coding. 2. Those items on the questionnaire which were closed- ended but gave the respondent an option to express "other" would be post-coded. If the rater determined that the response could be coded in one of the pre-coded categories, the response could not be coded as one of the pre-coded responses, the rater would post-code the r e s p o n s e . 3. If a response was not provided to an item, "no answer" was used as a post-code. Classification of d a t a . The classifying of data is the division of the collected information into classes or arrangements according to similarities of their nature which exiBt among units and groups of units. The purpose of classifying data was to reduce heterogeneity and construct 53 homogeneous groups. This simplified the raw data to make it more easily understood. Collected data was classified on the basis of distinguishing features which may be either quantitative or qualitative. Quantitative data reports only the presence or absence of a feature or phenomenon. Qualitative data, on the other hand, is a measure of degree. "Number of females over 45" would be a quantitative measure, while "the assess­ ment of the relative effectiveness of workers" would be a qualitative measure. To classify qualitative attributes it was essential that the line of distinction between each attribute was mutually exclusive. All qualitative data was grouped according to similarity of responses. Similar responses were tallied. To classify quantitative attributes class intervals were established. The number of items belonging to each class interval were tallied as frequencies. were formed as a series. Some responses Series were formed on responses to items such as pressing problems as a single parent, p a r ­ ental attitudes about acceptance of black female single parent families and the use and rating of community services. Tabulation of d a t a . Tabulation of data is the process of presenting classified data in an orderly manner to bring out its essential features. Numerically, it is the counting of cases falling into each of the several classes or 54 categories. Each classified response on the questionnaire was tabulated. After tabulation of the r e s p o n s e s , measures of dispersion and description such as distributions and per­ centages were made. These descriptions would represent the distribution of the responses to the items on the question­ naire. Conclusions concerning black female single parent families would be drawn from these data distributions as well as from the normative data on black female single parent families. Summary The purpose of this survey was to obtain information about the needs and perceptions of 200 black female single parent families in the Lansing, Michigan, community. This information was collected through the use of a self­ administered questionnaire. The survey design, procedures, and treatment of the collected data were described in this chapter. The tabulated results of the questionnaire are reported in chapter three. CHAPTER III SURVEY RESULTS Overview The results of the survey were reported in this chapter. The data from the self-administered questionnaires were edited, coded, classified, and tabulated by the rater. The tabulated results of this survey were based upon responses from 88 black female single parents who returned the self­ administered questionnaires. This represented a 44% sample return rate. Explanation of Presentation It is recognized that the survey questions are some­ what general in nature. Care has been exercised in attempt­ ing to minimize subjective interpretation. As previously stated, these data are not based upon a random sample of black female single parents. Caution must therefore be exercised in generalizing these results to other groups. Presentation of Results The tabulated responses will be presented under sections of the eight survey questions. in chapter 2. These questions were stated Reported percentages were rounded to whole numbers throughout the chapter. 55 56 Survey question o n e . What were some demographic char­ acteristics of the black female single parent families? 1. What were the ages of the female single parents? The ages of the black female single parents ranged from 20 to 55 years old. The number and percentage of black female single parents is presented in Table 11. The largest number of black female single parents who responded were between the ages of 25 to 29 years old. 2. How long had the women been single parents? The length of time as a single parent ranged from six months to 23 years (see Table 12). The largest number of black female single parents who responded were single parents for three to five years. This length of time might account for the other types of responses given to other i t e m s . 3. What were the origins of single parenthood among the women? The origins of single parenthood among the women ranged from divorced, legally separated, never married, separated and widowed (see Table 13). informally The largest group of female single parents were never married. It was surprising to note the number of women who willingly reported this status, since this status is quite stigmatizing by society. The "divorced" category was almost equal to the "never married” category. It was also interesting to note that no women checked the "other" category where husbands may have been incarcerated in mental institutions or prison. This does not mean that other reasons for separation did not 57 Table 11 Number and Percentage of Single Parents Within Age Groups N % 20 - 24 14 16 25 - 29 28 32 30 - 34 20 23 35 - 39 15 17 40 - 44 4 5 45 - 49 2 2 50 - 54 1 1 55 - 60 1 1 3 3 Age Groups Those who did not answer 88* 100 * N will equal the 88 responding black female single parents unless otherwise indicated. 58 Table 12 Length of Time as a Single Parent N % 0-2 14 16 3-5 20 23 6-8 18 21 9-11 13 15 12-14 2 2 15-17 3 3 18-20 3 3 21-23 1 1 14 16 88 100 Years Those who did not answer 59 Table 13 » Marital Status Categories of Single Parents Marital Status N % 31 35 7 8 Never married 33 37 Informally separated 11 13 Widowed 4 5 Other 0 0 Those who did not answer 2 2 88 100 Divorced Legally separated exist; the women could have been unwilling to report such information. 4. How many families had specific numbers of children? What was the mean number of children per family? the ages of the children? What were Where did the children live? The total number of children in the single parent families reported was 261 children, with 124 females and 137 males. The number and percentage of families with one to ten children is presented in Table 14. The largest number of families were those single parents with two children. How­ ever , families with three children were almost equal to those families with two children. family was 2.96. question. The mean number of children per Twelve single parents did not answer this 60 Table 14 Number and Percentage of Single Parents With One to Ten Children Number of Children Per Family N % 1 8 9 2 20 2 3 16 18 4 13 15 5 9 10 6 5 6 7 4 5 8 0 0 9 0 0 10 1 1 12 14 88 100 Those who did not answer 61 The ages of -the children in the single parent families ranged from three months to 19 years old. percentage of largest The ages and the children are presented in Table 15. group of children were in the The four- to six-year old category. The majority or 81% of the children lived at home with their mothers. Two families had some children living with their father and six families had some of their children with relatives, some in a foster home, and some living on their own. That most children were living with their mothers was not surprising. Many of the mothers had never married. Another large group of the women were divorced and courts usually place children in the custody of their mothers in divorce settlements. 5. What were the educational grades completed among the single parents? The educational grades completed ranged from fifth grade to four or more years of college. The number and percentage of single parents who completed grades of school are pre­ sented in Table 16. Black female single parents who com­ pleted the graded categories. This will certainly reflect the type of occupations and income of the black female single parents. 6. How many single parents were employed? What were the current occupations among the single parents who were employed? A total of 55 parents, or 63%, reported that they were unemployed. Since a majority of the women received incomes 62 Table 15 Ages and Percentages of Children in Single Parent Families Age Groups in Years N % 0-3 38 15 4-6 68 26 7-9 52 20 10-12 47 18 13-15 31 12 16-18 19 7 19-21 6 2 261* * 100% These 261 children are from 76 families, twelve parents (14%) did not answer this question. 63 Table 16 Number and Percentage of Single Parents Who Completed Grades of School Grade Completed N % 5 th 1 1 6 th 2 2 7 th 4 5 8th 2 2 9 th 11 13 10 th 9 10 11th 19 22 12th 26 30 1 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 2 4 or more 5 6 3 3 88 100 Elementary High School College Those who did not answer 64 from Public Assistance, it would seem likely that the majority might be unemployed. Thirty-one single parents were employed in 15 different job titles, five were full-time students, and two were part- time students question. (see Table 17). Two parents did not answer the Most of the reported jobs were traditionally fe­ male occupations. From the job titles one may infer a broad range of incomes among the single parents. 7. What were the arrangements for child care if the single parents were employed and/or students? For those single parents who were employed or part-time or full-time students, the various child care arrangements used are presented in Table 18. Those single parents using day care services represented the largest type of child care services. Six parents (19%) who were employed and/or students did not answer this question. A majority of the single parents were unemployed and could therefore care for their children themselves. This can account for the small number of reported child care arrangements. 8. What was the range of income among the female sin­ gle parents? Black female single parents had a range of income from $2,000 to $13,999. This range is presented in Table 19. The greatest number of female single parents fell in the lowest income bracket, $2,000 to $4,999. This was not surprising given that a majority of the parents received public assis­ tance. Due to the manner in which the item was worded, there 65 Table 17 Occupations Among Single Parents N % College level administrator and part-time student 3 10 Nurse 1 3 Nutritionist 1 3 Social worker 1 3 Court case worker and part-time student 1 3 Occupations 7 Community worker Hospital worker 1 3 Secretary 1 3 Secretary and part-time student 4 13 7 Key punch operator Telephone operator 1 3 Sewing machine operator 1 3 Bar-maid 1 3 Cook 1 3 Baby sitter 1 3 Private household worker 2 7 Full-time student 5 16 Part-time student 2 7 31* * 100 These 31 occupations were reported by those student or employed single parents. 66 Table 18 Arrangements for Child Care Among Employed or Student Single Parents N % Day care 9 31 Older children 3 10 Relatives 6 21 Friends 2 7 Baby sitter 6 21 Child can stay alone 3 10 Child Care Arrangements 29* * 100 These 29 child care arrangements were reported by 31 parents who were students and/or employed. More than one response per parent was permissible. In addition, six parents (19%) did not answer the question. 67 Table 19 Range and Percentage of Income Among Single Parents Income Ranges N % $ 2,000 - $ 4,999 38 43 $ 5,000 - $ 7,999 28 32 $ 8,000 - $ 10,999 8 9 $11,000 - $ 13,999 4 5 $14,000 - $ 16,999 0 0 10 11 88 100 Those who did not answer was no way to conclude how many families were below the lowincome level. 9. What were the sources of income among the single parents? The sources of income among the single parents are pre­ sented in Table 20. The largest number of single parents receive their source of income from public assistance. This assistance can mean Aid to Dependent Children, Unemployment Compensation, and other social security benefits. However, the item did not request specified types of public assistance. 10. parents? What was the present type of housing among single Was the housing adequate? The type of housing that single parents inhabit is 68 Table 20 Sources of Income Among Single Parents Income Sources N % Employment 12 14 Public assistance 58 67 Child support payments 3 3 Student aid 1 1 Public assistance and employment 6 Fublic assistance and child support 1 Employment and child support Public assistance and student aid Those who did not answer 88 100 69 presented in Table 21. The largest number of single parents reside in public housing. This large percentage is perhaps misleading in that the majority of the women who participated in this study resided within three public housing sites in Lansing. An assessment of housing adequacy as reported by the parents is presented in Table 22. Fifty-four parents reported that their housing was adequate. (61%) This was somewhat surprising since a majority of the single parents lived in public housing where residents often complain that poor housing conditions exist. Housing that was too small or neighborhoods not good enough for rearing children were the two most frequent inadequacies among the 31 parents who res­ ponded. Three parents (3%) did not answer this question. Survey question t w o . Here there changes in the life­ style of the women when they became single parents? 1. Did the women need help in adjusting to single parenthood? If yes, who provided such help? Sixty-six women (75%) reported that they did not need help in adjusting to single parenthood. Those who needed and received help are reported in Table 23. Eighteen single parents needed and received help from the listed sources of help. Five single parents needed help but did not receive help. It was surprising that so many women did not need help in adjusting when they first became single parents. However, given that the word "adjusting" could have been interpreted in many ways, such as interpersonally or financially, many 70 Table 21 Type of Housing Among Single Parents N % Public housing 60 68 Renting apartments 17 19 Buying a home 6 7 Those who did not answer 5 6 88 100 Type of Housing Table 22 Inadequacy of the Housing Among Single Parents N % 16 36 Repairs needed 9 21 Heating inadequate 4 9 15 34 Type of Inadequacy Too small Neighborhood not good for bringing up children 44* * 100 These 44 inadequacies in housing were reported by 31 parents. More than one response per parent was per­ missible. In addition, three parents (3%) did not answer the question. 71 Table 23 Need and Source of Help in Adjusting to Single Parenthood N % Relatives 7 32 Friends 7 32 3 13 5 23 Source of Help Agencies (counselors & therapists) Those who needed help but did not receive help 22* * 100 These 22 responses were reported by 18 parents who needed help in adjusting to single parenthood. Five parents needed help but did not receive help. More than one response per parent was permissible. In addition, four parents (5%) did not answer this question. 72 women could have responded "no" because of the ambiguity of "adjusting. " 2. Did the quality of housing change when the women became single parents? Often when women become single parents through separa­ tion, divorce, or widowhood, their standard of living changes because of a decrease in finances. These finances cover various realms of living maintenance. housing. One such area is This was the rationale for having this item. Forty (46%) of the single parents reported that there was no change in their quality of housing since becoming a single parent. Thirty-one (35%) reported that there was im­ provement in their quality of housing, and ten (11%) stated that their quality of housing had become worse since becoming a single parent. Seven answer this question. (8%) of the single parents did not Thus, a greater number of women re­ ported no change in the quality of housing since becoming a single parent. 3. Did becoming a single parent cause a change in the women's job status when they became single parents? Oftentimes when women become single parents, they may have to start working to support their families, stop wor k ­ ing to stay home with younger children, or change a job in order to obtain more money. These are some reasons for changes in job status due to becoming a single parent. Fifty-four (61%) of the women reported that becoming a single parent did not cause a change in job status. Five 73 women (6%) reported that they had to start working, eight (9%) stated that they had to stop working, that she had to change jobs. Twenty parents did not answer this question. and one (1%) said (22%) of the single Thus, a greater num­ ber of single parents stated that becoming a single parent did not cause a change in their job status. 4. Did the interpersonal relationship of the women change with close friends when they first became single parents? Sometimes when women become single parents their inter­ personal relationships may change with close friends. Often they have more single friends because of the commonality in lifestyles. Conversely, couple friendships may decrease because of differences in lifestyles. The changes of rela­ tionships with friends when becoming a single parent is pre­ sented in Table 24. their relationships. change. Fifty-four (61%) reported no change in Thirty parents (34%) reported some Interaction with close single friends increased and interaction with couples decreased in nearly equal amounts. This was not surprising due to the commonality in lifestyles as mentioned above. Four parents (5%) did not answer this question. Survey question t h r e e . What were some of the most fre­ quent concerns or problems that the single parent encoun­ tered? 1. problems? blems? Did the single parents have pressing concerns or What were the nature of these concerns and pro­ 74 Table 24 Changes in Relationships with Close Friends When Becoming a Single Parent N % Doing things with close female friends increased 14 23 Doing things with close male friends increased 11 19 4 7 12 20 5 8 14 23 Changes in Relationship Doing things with close couples or married friends increased Doing things with close female friends decreased Doing things with close male friends decreased Doing things with close couples or married friends decreased 60* * 100 These 6 0 changes were reported by 30 parents. More than one response per parent was permissible. In addition, four parents (5%) did not answer this question. 75 Forty-four (50%) of the single parents reported that they did not have pressing concerns or problems. Eleven (12%) did not answer this question. (38%) Thirty-three single parents reported that they did have pressing concerns or problems. These are presented in Table 25. quent problem was financial. The most fre­ Many women explicitly ex­ pressed difficulty in obtaining the minimum essentials and clothing) Fifteen (food for living within their present income. (30%) concerns/problems were related to the inter­ personal area of family living. The specific concerns were discipline problems with children, concerns as to whether a single parent can be effective in rearing children, concern about the absence of a male from the home, their children's acceptance of being members of a single parent family, and wanting more emotional support for the children from their father. Some parents expressed the need for transportation and dissatisfaction with their neighborhood in terms of it being inadequate for properly rearing children. Others also m en­ tioned being confronted with family health problems. Three parents specifically expressed concern with society's dis­ crimination towards female single parents. One was in reference to negative attitudes held about single parent families (not specific); being limited financially because of being a woman with children, and not being able to find an adequate apartment as a woman with children. These concerns were typical in terms of what the litera­ ture suggests. It was not surprising that financial concerns 76 Table 25 Frequent Concerns and Problems That Single Parents Encounter Concerns or Problems N % Financial 24 48 Interpersonal 15 30 Transportation 4 8 Discrimination due to being single parent 3 6 Inadequate neighborhood 2 4 Family health problems 2 4 50* * 100 These 50 concerns or problems were reported by 33 single parents. More than one response per parent was permissible. In addition, 11 parents (13%) did not answer the question. 77 would be the most frequently listed concern, given the in­ come of the single parents. It was unfortunate that data could not be obtained on how the single parents were dealing with the concerns, particularly the two most frequently listed. Survey question four . What were some present feelings that the women had in terms of being single parents? 1. What were some existing feelings that the single parents might have about themselves? Based on the literature review, several common feelings were listed that women may have as female single parents. These feelings and how single parents responded are presented in Table 26. Each of the "feeling" statements are next pre­ sented and some comments made about the findings in each instance. a. I feel good about myself as a p a r e n t . A greater number of single parents reported feeling very good about themselves as single parents. This may be partially due to the social desirability of favorable self-report that is prevalent throughout our culture. Also, with a greater number of women having been single parents for three to eight years, feeling good as a parent could have evolved if it were not present at the time of separation. b. I feel ashamed as a single parent with my child or children. A greater number of women reported feeling not ashamed at all as single parents. t Here again, it might be 78 Table 26 Feelings that the Number and Percentage of Single Parents Selected Type of Feelings a. N I Feel Good About Myself As a Parent Not good at all Somewhat good Good Very good Those who did not respond 3 11 32 41 1 88 b. 70 8 4 1 5 88 100 79 9 5 1 6 100 I Feel Pressured to be Both Mother and Father in the Home Not pressured at all Somewhat pressured Pressured Very pressured Those who did not respond 28 4 3 9 4 4 88 d. 3 13 36 47 1 I Feel Ashamed as a Single Parent With My Child or Children Not ashamed at all Somewhat ashamed Ashamed Very ashamed Those who did not respond c. % 32 48 10 5 5 100 I Feel Angry With the Partner Who Was in my Relationship or Marriage Not angry at all Somewhat angry Angry Very angry Those who did not respond 53 17 7 7 4 88 60 19 8 8 5 100 79 Table 26 (cont'd) Type of Feelings e. N I Feel That Being Married is Important to me Not important at all Somewhat important Important Very important Those who did not respond 21 25 21 17 4 88 f. 12 13 18 35 10 88 100 14 15 20 40 11 100 I Feel Rejected by the Partner Who Was in the Relationship or Marriage Not rejected at all Somewhat rejected Rejected Very rejected Those who did not respond h. 24 28 24 19 5 I Feel Relieved that I am Separated from the Partner in the Relationship or Marriage Not relieved at all Somewhat relieved Relieved Very relieved Those who did not respond g. % 50 15 10 7 6 57 17 11 8 7 88 100 4 13 24 41 6 5 15 27 46 7 I Feel Sure That I Can Make It Not sure at all Somewhat sure Sure Very sure Those who did not respond 88 100 80 Table 26 (cont'd) Type of Feelings i. N I Feel It Is Easier To Make Plans and Decisions Now That I Am a Single Parent Not easy at all Somewhat easy Easy Very easy Those who did not respond 6 7 12 12 51 88 j. % 7 8 14 14 57 100 I Feel Lonely As a Single Parent Not lonely at all Somewhat lonely Lonely Very lonely Those who did not respond 22 42 9 7 8 25 48 10 8 9 81 expected that most people would not respond negatively to themselves. c. I feel pressured to be both mother and father in the h o m e . The distribution of responses were more evenly distributed between feeling no pressure and feeling somewhat pressured. A relatively small number reported feeling this pressure to any great extent. The literature suggests that feeling pressured to perform some duties of both parents is common among female single parents. d. I feel angry with the partner who was in my rela­ tionship or m a r r i a g e . More women responded they were not angry with their partner. of angry feelings. was not explored. However, 35% reported some degree Whether or not their anger was justified It was interesting to note that a majority of the women held no angry feelings which could be attributed to length of time since their marriage or relationship dis­ solved. years. The majority had been single parents three to eight Intense angry feelings, if present, could have been reduced or become extinct over time. e. I feel that being married is important to m e . responses to this item were almost evenly distributed. The Those who attached some importance to marriage represented 71% of the respondents. This was almost three times the number who felt marriage was not at all important to them. There can only be speculation as to whether these results indicate varying degrees of ambivalence concerning being a single or married parent. 82 f. I feel relieved that I am separated from the partner in the relationship or m a r r i a g e . A greater number of women reported feeling very relieved from their previous relationship. Those reporting varying degrees of relief re­ presented 75% of the total. large as the percentage relieved at all. This was almost six times as (12%) who reported not feeling People have tended to think that relief is an uncommon feeling for female single parents, especially those in the divorced categories. g. I feel rejected by the partner who was in the re­ lationship or m a r r i a g e . feeling rejected at all. The majority of women reported not However, again, people have a tendency to report positively about themselves. Thirty-six percent of the women felt some degree of rejection. Feeling rejected is another quite common feeling among single parents. h. I feel sure that I can make i t . In the three cate­ gories of being sure or confident, 88% reported feeling sure of themselves. Again, people have a tendency to report positively about themselves. However, since a greater num­ ber of the women have been single parents for three to eight years, confidence, if not present at the time of separation, could have developed over time. i. I feel it is easier to make plans and decisions now that I am a single p a r e n t . A number of responses were placed in the "no answer" category due to a slight error in the wording of the item on some questionnaires. The error raises questions about the validity of responses and results should be viewed with caution. 83 However, 36% did indicate that they experienced some degree of ease in making plans and decisions. This represented over five times as many respondents as those indicating no ease at all in planning or deciding. Again, due to the length of time as single parents, women could quite likely have gained confidence, if it was not present at the time of separation. j. I feel lonely as a single p a r e n t . The largest per­ centage of women reported feeling somewhat lonely. However, when all three categories of loneliness are combined, felt some degree of loneliness. 66% The literature suggests that loneliness is a very common feeling among female single parents. 2. What were positive aspects about family living among the single parent families? The categories of positive aspects of single parent families are presented in Table 27. The number of parents who responded did not equal 88 because some respondents expressed more than one positive aspect. The rater determined that statements from the single parents expressing closeness of family members, good communication, ciplined children, cooperation, love, understanding, respect, well dis­ and family pride would be classified in the "positive family interaction" category. Some respondents explicitly stated that there was better family functioning as a result if the spouses' or partners' absence. Some women also explicitly stated that they and their children were well adjusted to the single parent lifestyle despite 84 Table 27 Positive Aspects About Single Parent Families Positive Aspect N % 58 84 Excellent emotional and social adjustment to a single parent lifestyle 5 7 Influence of religion which creates strong family unity 4 6 Peace and togetherness due to s p ouse 's absence 2 3 Positive family interaction 69* * 100 These 69 positive aspects were reported by 66 parents. More than one response per parent was permissible. In addition, 22 parents (25%) did not answer the question. 85 the absence of their spouse and their limited family income. Those expressions which mentioned "God” , "Jesus", or the "Lord" as the entity who created a strong family bond were classified in the "influence of religion which creates family unity" category. These expressions of positive aspects about single parent families run contrary to the existing literature which usually states negative aspects of black female single parent families. Survey question f i v e . How did the single parents p er­ ceive the larger community would feel about single parents who had various reasons for their single parenthood in terms of the extent of acceptance or rejection? 1. How did the single parents perceive that the larger community would feel about single parents who had various reasons for their single parenthood in terms of accepted by all in the larger community, accepted by most, accepted by half, rejected by most, and rejected by all of the larger community? Forty-five respondents (51%) of the sample, followed the directions correctly in responding to this item on how they perceived the larger community would feel about the differing origins of single parenthood. It was apparent that some respondents misunderstood this item. A rank ordering of these perceptions in terms of degrees of accep­ tance and rejection is presented in Table 28. Table 28 Degree of Acceptance Indicated for Possible Origins for Single Parenthood Origins of Single Parenthood* Accepted By All Accepted By Most Accepted By Half Rejected By Most Rejected By All Total N % N % N % N % N % Death of husband 35 78 8 18 2 4 0 0 0 45 45 100 Husband is away due to employment 16 36 19 42 9 20 1 2 0 0 45 100 Mother is divorced 6 13 24 53 12 27 3 7 0 0 45 100 Mother is separated due to marital problems 5 11 23 51 15 34 2 4 0 0 45 100 Husband in mental hospital 6 3 7 16 23 51 6 13 3 7 45 100 Husband in prison 3 7 6 13 13 29 15 33 8 18 45 100 Mother never married 2 4 12 27 19 43 11 24 1 2 45 100 * N** % The origins of single parenthood were ranked in order of acceptance by all as reported by the single parents. ** N represents the 45 parents who answered the question. This number was much smaller than 88 due to respondents probably not understanding how to answer the question as indicated. 87 A woman who was widowed was ranked the highest in terms of acceptance by all in the larger community. A woman who was never married was ranked the lowest in terms of accep­ tance by all in the large community. not surprising. Schlesinger (1970) This distribution was ranked four origins of single parenthood in order of acceptance by society similar to the respondents in the sample as follows: (b) divorced, (c) separated, and •[ 8. With Relatives With Friends Idren of a single parent family? How do other chi Idren usually feel about children [ ] Accepted By All Children C ] Accepted By Most Children [ ] Accepted By About Half [ ] Rejected By Most Children [ ] Rejected By All Children 122 Code 19. How do teachers usually feel about children in a single parent family? [ ] Rejected By AIT Teachers 20 . [ ] Rejected By Most Teachers [ ] Accepted By About Half Accepted By Most Teachers C 3 Accepted By ATT Teachers Your use of community agencies and services since becoming a single parent. A. Listed below are several agencies and services that you and your family may have used as a single parent family. B. Check each agency or service that you may have used. C. For each agency or service used, put a check [/] in the space that shows how satisfied you were with the agencies or services. Have Used Very Satis ied Satisfied 1. Juvenile Court [ ] 2. Family Court [ ] 3. Public Health Clinic [ ] 4. Parent-Teacher Groups [ ] 5. Single Parent Groups [ ] 6. [ ] 7. YWCA/YMCA [ ] 8. [ J C ] Church Activities G1rl or Boy Scouts 9. Big Brothers 21 [ 3 10. Public Recreation C ] 11. 12. Counselors or Therapists C 3 Day Care or Nursery C ] Not Satis led you think there should be a sing e parent agency for the following groups of families: Check [/] All That Apply: a. [] An Agency for Chlcano or Mexican American Families Primarily b. C] An Agency for Black Families Primarily c. [] An Agency for White Families Primarily 123 Code d. [ ] An Integrated Agency Which Serves All Families 22. Sometimes children will talk to a parent about their feelings. Some children might say things about being a single parent family. Listed below are things that some children might say: A. Read each statement carefully B. Put a check [v'l by any statement that your child or children may have said at any time BEG N HERE: a. Asking Why There Is Only One Parent in the Home b. Asking 1f you will get Married c. Feeling More Grown Up Because They Can Help You d. Feeling Dlsapointed When Outside Activities Suggest That Both Parents Come e. Feeling It's Easier Because They Have Only One Parent To Check With f. Feeling Disappointed When You Do Not Have Time for Activities Because You Are the Only Parent g. Saying How Things Are Going Better With One Parent in the Home h. Wanting to Have Two Parents in the Home Like Some Other Children Have 1. Feeling Relieved Because There Are Not So Many Fights j. Asking If and When the Other Parent Will Return If None of The Above Apply, State What Feelings Were Expressed: BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Aldridge, D. Black women in the economic marketplace: A battle unfinished. Journal of Social and Behavioral Sciences, 1975, 21 (iy;- '48-62. Babbie, E. 1973. Survey research methods. California: Wadsworth, Bell, R. The culturally deprived psychologist. seling Psychologist, 1971, 2 (4), 104-107. The Coun- Billingsley, A. Black families in white a m e r i c a . sey: Prentice-Hall, 1968. New Jer­ Davis, A. Reflections on the black woman's role in the community of slaves. The Black Scholar, 1971, 3 (4), 2-16. “ Dustin, R. Training for institutional change. and Guidance J o u r n a l , 1974, f>2, 422-427. The Personnel English, R. Beyond pathology: research and theoretical per­ spectives on black families. In L. 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