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University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, M ichigan 48106 USA St. John’s Road, Tyler's Green High W ycom be, Bucks, England HP10 8HR 78-3530 MC GHAN, Barry Robert, 1939A SURVEY AND ANALYSIS OF TEACHERS* USE OF AUTHORITY AND ITS RELATION TO OPEN EDUCATION AND SCHOOL CLIMATE VARIABLES IN MICHIGAN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS. Michigan State University, Ph.D., 1977 Education, theory and practice University Microfilms International, @ Copyright by BARRY ROBERT MC GHAN Ann A rbor, M ic h ig a n 48106 A SURVEY AND ANALYSIS OF TEACHERS' USE OF AUTHORITY AND ITS RELATION TO OPEN EDUCATION AND SCHOOL CLIMATE VARIABLES IN MICHIGAN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS By Barry Robert McGhan A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in p a rtia l f u l f i l l m e n t of the requirements fo r the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department o f Secondary Education and Curriculum 1977 i ABSTRACT A SURVEY AND ANALYSIS OF TEACHERS' USE OF AUTHORITY AND ITS RELATION TO OPEN EDUCATION AND SCHOOL CLIMATE VARIABLES IN MICHIGAN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS By Barry Robert McGhan The purpose o f th is study was to examine some o f the claims made about a lt e r n a t iv e education by analyzing and id e n tify in g an open teaching s t y le often found in such schools and then looking a t th is s ty le and i t s re la tio n s h ip to other variables in a random sample o f a l l Michigan elementary schools with 4th and 5th grades. In p a r t ic u l a r , the goal was to determine (1 ) i f openness of teach­ ing s t y le was re la te d to students' socioeconomic status (SES); (2) i f openness o f teaching s ty le was re la te d to other features of open educa­ tio n in a general population; (3) how openness o f teaching s ty le was re la te d to c e rta in educational outcomes, v i z . , achievement, s e lf-r e lia n c e , sense o f competitiveness, and college a s p ira tio n s . Several other questions were investigated during the course o f research, these having to do with the prevalence o f an open teaching s t y le in a general popula­ tio n o f schools, and the r e la t io n between an open s ty le and (1) race, (2 ) c e rta in teacher c h a r a c te r is tic s , and (3) school and class size. The study contains two major parts. The f i r s t part includes d is­ cussions o f fundamental assumptions, the problems w ith , and value o f, social clim ate research, the nature o f open education and the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered in studying i t , and a review o f research p e rtin en t to open education. This p a rt also includes a development o f E tz io n i's compliance typology (as i t pertains to education) and thus provides a well-known in te r p r e tiv e background fo r viewing teacher a u th o rity . B arry Robert McGhan The second p a rt o f the study contains the analysis o f data from a sample of 70 Michigan elementary schools. Although the classroom was the principal u n it o f an a ly s is , school level analyses were also performed, and data were c o lle c te d from both teachers and students, thus permitting a tw o-tiered lev el o f analysis not only fo r classrooms and schools, but fo r the organizational roles o f teachers and students as w e ll. The fin din gs o f the research were th a t an open teaching s t y l e : (1) is r e l a t i v e l y rare in Michigan elementary schools; (2) is generally more l i k e l y to be found among higher SES students, and less l i k e l y to be found among black students (though th is la s t finding may be related to SES); (3) has a minor impact on educational outcomes when considered in conjunction w ith clim ate and background va ria b le s; (4 ) is less l i k e l y to be found in la r g e r schools and classes; (5) is not more l i k e l y to occur in one type o f community than another; (6 ) does not occur very much in conjunction w ith other aspects o f open education in a general population of schools; (7) is weakly re la te d to some teacher c h a ra c te ris tic s (female teachers, teachers w ith less experience, and teachers with more tra in in g are a l l somewhat more l i k e l y to e x h ib it an open teaching s t y le — teacher race appears to be unrelated to teaching s t y l e ) . Because the prevalence o f an open teaching s ty le is not great, and because i t is found more often with higher SES and non-black students, i t seems th a t much fu r th e r development o f th is form w ill have to take place before the open education movement gains popularity among large numbers o f educators and the general public. The problem of developing more open teaching styles is f u r t h e r complicated by the f a c t th a t these styles apparently do not have a c le a r -c u t impact on widely accepted educational Barry Robert McGhan outcomes, and are th erefo re hard to "s e ll" on the basis o f what they produce. This la s t problem is especially cru c ia l fo r low-SES and black groups, who tend to place high value on t r a d it io n a l outcomes (p a r tic u la r l y achievement), and who may be skeptical o f schools which vary from the tr a d itio n a l form and which do not c le a r ly produce valued outcomes in a more advantageous way than t r a d itio n a l programs. to my parents, Lawrence and Lois McGhan ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The completion o f th is research p ro ject leaves me indebted to a number of people. To the F l i n t Public Schools and the open school program th e re , fo r t h e ir cooperation with the research survey. To Joseph Wisenbaker, fo r his p a tie n t in s tru c tio n in the some­ times curious ways of the Michigan State U n iv ersity Computer Center. To Professor J.G. Moore, fo r his e a rly guidance with my doctoral program and fo r his e f f o r t to help me appreciate the value o f a know­ ledge of the history of education. To Professor Frederick Ignatovich, fo r his example of dedication to the value of theory in social science in general, and in educational administration in p a r t ic u la r , and fo r his frank and studied c r itic is m of my ideas. To Professor Rick H i l l , fo r his illu m in a tio n o f and in stru ctio n in the myriad and often insidious aspects o f social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , and fo r his persuasively challenging view o f contemporary p o l i t i c a l economy. To Professor Wilbur Brookover, f o r his patience in seeing me through th is excessively protracted quest, fo r his generous support of my research and his forbearance while I discovered the d irec tio n I wanted to take and, most im po rtantly, f o r his enlightening presen­ ta tio n of the idea th a t human in te llig e n c e is not an irmiutable e n t i t y , but rather is the product o f a c h ild 's environment, an environment which teachers can help to shape fo r good or fo r i l l . To Barbara McGhan, fo r e d it o r ia l help with too-many to rtured sentences and misplaced paragraphs, fo r lis te n in g to my not-alwaysfavorable remarks about one o f her f a v o r ite subjects— open education, fo r re fr a in in g from placing obstacles in my path when I was on i t , and fo r helping me fin d the path when I became discouraged. PREFACE I t is a hindrance to a boy's progress which nothing w i l l ever n u l l i f y , when his master succeeds in making his pupil hate learning before he is old enough to li k e i t f o r i t s own sake. For a boy is often drawn to a subject f i r s t fo r his master's sake, and afterwards fo r i t s own. Learning, l i k e many other th in g s , wins our lik in g fo r the reason th a t i t is offered to us by one we love. -Erasmus- from Desiderius Erasmus Concerning the Aim and Method o f Education. William Harrison Woodward. Teachers College Press: Columbia U n iv e rs ity . New York. p. 203. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES........................................................................................................ x LIST OF F IG U R E S .......................................................................................................xiv INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 TheProblem andi t s S i g n i f i c a n c e .............................................. Nature of the S t u d y ........................................................................ Propositions fo r Analysis ............................... . 1 5 9 PART 1 GENERAL CONCEPTS, VIEWPOINTS, AND RESEARCH FINDINGS CONCERNING SCHOOL CLIMATE, TEACHER AUTHORITY, AND OPEN EDUCATION Chapter I II CONSIDERATIONS OF A PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEORETICAL NATURE..............................................................................................................14 THEORY AND RESEARCH ON SCHOOL CLIMATES AND TEACHER AUTHORITY ................................................................................ 30 Theory and Research on School Climates ............................. 30 The Importance of the Concept of Authority in Schools . . ............................................................................ 41 A Theoretical Perspective on A uthority in Schools . . 46 The Relation Between Social Class and A u th o rity / Authoritarianism ................................................................... 56 Review o f Research on Classroom Authority ..................... 62 III THE PHILOSOPHY AND PRACTICE OF OPEN EDUCATION............................... 71 The Philosophical Background of Open Education. . . . 74 The Problems of Implementing Open Education.......................... 84 IV RESEARCH IN OPEN EDUCATION.................................................................... 95 Problems in Comparing Open and Trad itio n al A p p r o a c h e s .................................................................................... 96 Research Findings in Open Education .................................. 104 v ii PART 2 SPECIFIC FINDINGS ABOUT OPEN TEACHING STYLES Chapter V PROCEDURES, METHODOLOGY, VARIABLES STUDIED ............................... 127 Prelim inary Remarks ................. 127 Population and Sample ............................................................... 128 Data G a t h e r in g ................................................................................... 133 Variables of In te r e s t ............................................................... 134 D is c u s s io n ........................................................................................... 139 The Problem of D iffe re n t Levels o f Analysis ................. 143 R e l i a b i l i t y of Variables.............................................................. 148 VI STATISTICAL ANALYSES ............................................................................. 151 The Relationship Between Various Reports of O p e n n e s s ....................................................................................... 151 The V a l i d i t y o f the Openness V a r i a b l e s .................................166 The Prevalence of Openness in Michigan Elementary Schools ............................................................... 172 The Relationship Between Openness and Social Class . . 181 The Relationship Between Openness and Some Background Variables ........................................................... 189 The Relationship Between Openness and Other Aspects of Informal Education .......................................... 198 The Relationship Between Openness and Some Educational Outcomes ........................................................... 211 V II SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH .................................................................................... 222 L i m i t a t i o n s ....................................................................................... 222 Contributions . .......................................................................... 225 Conclusions and Reconmendations .......................................... 232 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................. 245 APPENDIX A STUDENT, TEACHER, PRINCIPAL SURVEYFORMS ............................ APPENDIX B SURVEY SCALE VARIABLES AND THE ITEMSFROM WHICH THEY ARE COMPOSED.......................................................................... 299 APPENDIX C ITEMS CLUSTERING INTO FACTORS AT THEINDIVIDUAL, CLASS, AND SCHOOL LEVELS UNDER A TEN-FACTOR VARIMAX FACTOR ANALYSIS ........................................................... 306 vi i i 257 APPENDIX D FOUNDING PRINCIPLES OF THE PARENTS OF CENTRAL OPEN SCHOOL....................................................................................... 307 APPENDIX E CENTRAL OPEN SCHOOL OBSERVATION INSTRUMENT .................. 309 APPENDIX F COMPARISON OF SURVEY OPENNESS ITEMS WITH SIMILAR ITEMS IN CENTRAL OPEN SCHOOL OBSERVATION INSTRUMENT ........................................................... 314 APPENDIX G ARCHETYPAL OPEN TEACHER ATTITUDES ..................................... 316 APPENDIX H EFFECT OF TIME OF YEAR OF SURVEY ON PERCENTOF PARENTS KNOWN BY TEACHERS ....................................................... 317 APPENDIX I CLASS LEVEL CORRELATION MATRIX; SCHOOL LEVEL CORRELATION MATRIX .................................................................... 318 ix LIST OF TABLES Table 1. The Development of Two Factors Through Several Levels of Factor Analysis ........................................................... 145 Table 2. Cronbach's Alpha R e l i a b i l i t i e s fo r V ariable Scales Used in the S t u d y .............................................................................. 149 Table 4. Means and Standard Deviations o f Variables Used in the Modified Sample o f Classrooms .......................................... 150 Table 5. School Level C orrelations For Students', Teachers' and P rin c ip a ls ' Reports of Openness ...................................... 152 Table 6. Frequencies o f the Differences Between the Standard Scores o f Teachers' and Students' Reports of Openness (ZDIFF) ............................................................................. 1 5 5 Table 7. Analysis o f Variance of the Summed Standard Deviations of Items Forming the Student Openness Scale by the Three ZDIFF Categories . ...................................................... . 1 5 8 Table 8. Correlations Between Students' Reports o f Openness, Teacher Reports o f Openness, and ZDIFF ............................. 160 Table 9. Analysis o f Variance o f Student and Teacher Reported Openness By Three ZDIFF Categories.............................................. 161 Table 10. Analysis of Variance of ZDIFF By Three Categories of Student Reported Openness and Three Categories of Teacher Reported Openness..........................................................162 Table 11. Variables fo r Which an Analysis of Variance Showed S ig n ific a n t Differences Between the Three ZDIFF Categories . .................................................................................. 164 Table 12. Correlations of Central Open School Observers' Evaluations and the Pre-Selected Ideal Observations . . 167 Table 14. Rank o f Central and Northern Open Schools Among 108 Schools Surveyed. ......................................................... 169 Table 15. Rank o f Classrooms in Central and Northern Open Schools Among 529 Classrooms S u rv e y e d ................................. 1 7 0 Table 16. Table 17. Proportions o f White and Non-White Classrooms in Total Survey and in Two Sub-Categories Above the Mean o f the Student Reported Openness Scale ..................... 176 School and Class Means and Standard Deviations o f , And Correlations Between Student and Teacher Reported Openness For Three Racial Categories ................. 177 Table 18. Class Level Analysis of Variance o f Student and Teacher Reported Openness Broken Down By Race of Teachers and Race of S tu d e n ts ...................................................... 179 Table 19. T-Test o f SES of Classes For Teachers Grouped by High and Low Reported Openness S c o r e s ..................................... 181 Table 20. Two-Way Analysis o f Variance of Students' Sense of F u t i l i t y By SES and By Student Reported Openness in Groups o f Classes Selected For High and Low SES and Openness S c o r e s ........................................................................... 184 Table 21. Two-Way Analysis of Variance of Teacher Expectations and Evaluations By SES and By Student Reported Openness in Groups o f Classes Selected fo r High and Low SES and Openness S c o r e s .................................................. 185 Table 22. Summary of Stepwise M u ltip le Regression of Student Reported Openness By A ll Other Independent Variables in Modified Sample .................................................. 188 Table 23. Number and Percentage of Teachers By Sex, Race, Teaching Experience, and Training .................................. . . 190 Table 24. Class Level Two-Way Analysis of Variance o f Student Reported Openness By Teacher Experience and Teacher T r a i n i n g ................................................................................................191 Table 25. Class Level Two-Way Analysis of Variance of Teacher Reported Openness by Teacher Experience and Teacher Training ........................................................................... 192 Table 26. C orrelation o f ZDIFF with Teacher Sex and Teacher T r a i n i n g ................................................................................................193 Table 27. Analysis of Variance of ZDIFF by Teacher R a c e ..................... 193 Table 28. Analysis o f Variance of ZDIFF by Teacher Experience . . 193 Table 29. D escriptive S t a t is t ic s on Variables Related to Openness and School and Class S i z e ..........................................195 Table 30. Correlations For Variables Related to Openness and School and Class S i z e .......................................................................195 xi Table 31 . Table 32!. Table 33!. Table 34 . Table 35 . Table 36 . Table 37 . Table 38 . Table 39 . Table 40 . Table 41 . Chi-Square Test of Teachers Report o f Their Primary Responsibility To Their Students (Teachers Grouped By High and Low Openness Scores) .......................................... 200 Correlations of Openness With Teachers' Reports of Their Success With Regard to Student Development in Four Areas (Based on High and Low Teacher Reported Openness Groups) ........................................................................... 201 Correlations of Openness With Teachers' Reports of the Extent To Which They In d iv id u a liz e T h eir In stru ctio n (Based on High and Low Teacher Reported Openness Groups) ........................................................................... 202 Chi-Square Test of Teachers' Reported Within-Class Grouping Practices (Based on High and Low Teacher Reported Openness Groups) ....................................................... 203 T-Tests o f Teachers' A ttitudes About Their R esponsibility For Students' Performance and the C orrelation o f Those A ttitudes With Reported Openness When SES is Controlled (Based on High and Low Teacher Reported Openness Groups) ..................... 206 T-Tests of Teachers' View of Students' A b i l i t y and Their Evaluations and Expectations fo r Performance and the Correlation of Those Views With Reported Teacher Openness When SES is Controlled ........................................................................................ 207 T-Tests o f Teachers' Opinions of the Value o f I.Q . Tests and the C orrelation of Those Opinions With Reported Openness When SES is Controlled (Based on High and Low Teacher Reported Openness Groups). . . 209 T-Tests o f Teachers' Concern For Their Parental Relationships and the C orrelation o f Those Concerns With Openness When SES is Controlled (Based on High and Low Teacher Reported Openness). . . 210 Zero-Order and F irs t-O rd e r Correlations Between SES, Student Reported Openness and Student Reported S elf-R eliance For A ll Classes in Modified Data Sample ................................................................... 212 Summary o f Stepwise M u ltip le Regression on Student Reported S elf-R eliance By A ll Other Independent Variables in Modified Sample . . . . . . . 213 Summary o f School-Level Regression on Mathematics Achievement By A ll Variables in the Modified Sample ................................................................................................ 215 xi i Table 42. Summary o f School-Level Regression on Reading Achievement By A ll Variables in the Modified S a m p l e ....................................................................................................215 Table 43. Summary o f School-Level Regression on Sense of Competitiveness By A ll Variables in the Modified S a m p l e ................................................................................................ 216 Table 44. Summary o f School-Level Regression on College Aspirations By A ll Variables in the Modified Sample . . 216 Table 45. Summary o f School-Level M u ltip le Regression on Sense of S elf-R eliance by A ll Variables in the Modified Sample ................................................................................ 217 Table 46. Summary of Percent o f Variance Contributed to Five Dependent Variables By Background Variables and Openness Variables at The SchoolLevel ................................. 217 Table 47. Summary o f Percent of Variance Contributed to Three Dependent Variables By Background Variables and Openness Variables At the Class Level .............................. Table 48. 218 Summary of Class-Level M u ltip le Regression on Sense of Competitiveness By A ll Variables in the Modified Sample ................................................................................ 219 Table 49. Summary o f Class-Level M u ltip le Regression on College Aspirations By A ll Variables in the Modified Sample ................................................................................ 219 Table 50. Summary of Class-Level M u ltip le Regression on Sense of S elf-R eliance By A ll Variables in the Modified Sample ................................................................................ 220 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. The Research Design: The Relationships Between The Variables Under In ves tig a tio n ............................................. Figure 2. 7 Hal pin and C ro ft's Elementary School Climate Typology Containing Eight Climate Dimensions and Six Climate Types . . ................................................................ 36 Figure 3. E tz io n i's Compliance Typology of Complex Organizations. 47 Figure 4. E tz io n i's Typology of Organizational E lite s ...................... 50 Figure 5. E tz io n i's Typology of E lite s and The A c t iv it ie s They C ontrol............................................................................................. 50 Figure 6. Hodgkins and H e r r io t t 's View o f the Relation Between The Compliance Structure and the Age-Grade Structure o f Schools . ................................................................ 53 Figure 7. F a n tin i's "Freedom-to-Prescription" Categorization of S c h o o l s ............................................................................................. 76 Figure 8. The Research Design: The Relationships Between The Variables Under In ves tig a tio n ........................................ 140 Figure 9. Frequency Diagram of the Differences Between The Standard Scores of Teachers' Reports of Openness and Students' Reports of Openness . .......................................156 Figure 10. Frequency Diagram of Students' Reports of Openness (SOPEN) For All Schools Surveyed................................................. 173 Figure 11. Expected Pattern of Relationships Between Students' Sense of F u t i l i t y , Teachers' Expectations fo r Achievement, Socioeconomic Status, and Students' Reports of Openness When Openness Overcomes The Effects of SES....................................................................................... 183 Figure 12. The Relationship Between V ariatio n in School S ize, V ariation in Class Size Within Schools, and Range of Students' Reports of Openness a t the School Level. . 196 Figure 13. The Relationship Between School and Class S ize , Range o f Class S ize , and Students' Reports of Openness a t the School L e vel..........................................................197 x iv INTRODUCTION The Problem and i t s Significance The decade o f the 1960's was a time of social unrest, a time when some people, p a r t ic u la r ly college students and blacks, f e l t the need to speak out against established relation ship s and develop new ways to li v e and work. The *601s were also a time when a host o f social s c ie n tis ts examined American public education and found i t wanting, es p ec ially with respect to poor and black c h ild ren . the locus Since o f unrest was among college students, who were in school, and among blacks and other m in o r itie s , who f e l t they needed school in order to b e tte r t h e ir position in s o c ie ty , and because academic research had spotlighted schools' f a i l u r e s , there was an understand­ able in t e r e s t in try in g to get the education system to function more e f f e c t iv e ly . One re s u lt o f the desire to make schools more e f f e c t iv e and responsive to the needs o f children was the development o f public and p riv a te a lt e r n a t iv e schools, and during the f i r s t h a lf o f the 1970's th is movement grew r a p id ly . The motivations fo r developing a lte r n a tiv e schools varied according to the in terests o f the par­ t i c u l a r groups involved in the movement. In some cases the public school professionals themselves developed a lte r n a tiv e s . Their motivations may have included an in te r e s t in experimenting with d i ffe r e n t and p o te n tia lly more e f fe c tiv e forms of schooling; in 2 meeting or appearing to meet the demands o f community groups; in promoting desegregation; in maintaining and extending t h e i r control over the educational "marketplace"; and perhaps in merely keeping up with innovations in other d i s t r i c t s . In other cases, community groups or individuals outside the public school systems sought to establish t h e ir own a lt e r n a t iv e schools. They may have f e l t th a t the public school bureaucracy was not responding quickly enough to t h e ir problems; th at public school people were tryin g to thwart e f f o r t s to change; or th at educators were only try in g to apologize fo r the status quo. Some a lt e r n a t iv e school groups sought to have the best of both public and p riv a te worlds--schools funded from public revenues but meeting the needs of special in te r e s ts . These groups promoted the ideas o f d e c e n tra liz a tio n , community c o n tro l, and the voucher system. Some a lt e r n a t iv e schools were s t r u c tu r a lly and ph ilosop hically s im ila r to the public schools they sought to supplant, d if f e r in g only in the issue of o v e r -a ll c o n tro l. Others offered philosophical and/or s tru c ­ tural differences but remained "in the fold" o f the public school system. S t i l l others wanted to change s tru c tu re , philosophy, and source o f c o n tr o l. In sp ite o f a l l the c r itic is m of the tr a d itio n a l school system, and despite in te r e s t expressed in new forms, i t is not y e t c le a r th a t the tr a d itio n a l forms cannot meet students' needs, or th a t the new forms can. Recently, considerable atten tio n has been focused on the drawbacks and deficiencies of some kinds o f a lt e r n a t iv e schools. For example, a young w r it e r reports from her experiences as a student in an elementary "free school" th a t no matter what high school she and her classmates went on t o , they were under-achievers. "The parents 3 of my former classmates c a n 't fig u re out what went wrong," she says. "They had sent in b rig h t curious children and had gotten back, nine years l a t e r , helpless adolescents (Wolynski 1976-11)." Even i f some a lt e r n a t iv e schools are not a c tiv e ly d e trim e n ta l, they may not be very h e lp fu l. As Katz (1973) says, " . . . poor people do not need another lesson in how to behave, even i f th a t behavior is to be lib e r a te d rath er than repressed. They need knowledge and s k i l l s to move out of poverty. A ffe c tiv e schooling . . . could be a d is tra c tio n rath er than a b e n e fit to people whose long term in te re s ts would be best served by the r e d is tr ib u tio n o f power and income (p. 344)." On the other hand, i t seems c le a r th a t a lt e r n a t iv e schools do provide a good opportunity to experiment with various practices. Grassis (1967) points out th a t while any given type o f school does not seem to be more or less e f fe c tiv e in teaching s k i l l s than other types, d i f f e r e n t types o f schools do teach d i f f e r e n t a ttitu d e s about society. He fe els th a t " . . . the expectations exerted by the whole stru ctu re of school, not ju s t in dividual teachers' expectations, can c rip p le the students' self-concepts and performance. We need data on the e ffe c ts of d if f e r e n t schools and programs on a l l aspects of an in d iv id u a l's development, not ju s t on academic achievement alone (p. 2 2 )." Moreover, proponents of English informal education claim th a t ce rtain unfortunate a ttitu d e s and practices are mostly absent from such schools: th a t i s , IQ and achievement tests are not extensively used to predict fu ture achievement; students who take more time to master something are not branded as problems; and streaming (tra c k in g ) is being abandoned. In sum, the proponents and opponents of a lt e r n a t iv e schools have made many claims fo r and against such schools. For the most p a rt, these claims seem to be based on personal experiences and/or 4 informal observations, and thus do not have the in te r s u b je c tiv ity necessary to be widely convincing. However, since the educational system is s t i l l f a i l i n g to provide m illio n s o f children with needed academic and social s k i l l s , i t behooves us to learn more abcut the advantages and disadvantages o f a lt e r n a t iv e education to see i f the system's performance can be improved. One way to in ves tig a te the f i e l d o f a lt e r n a t iv e education would be to locate p a r t ic u la r examples o f i t and analyze them. But, such an approach might lead to p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c explanations of the success or f a i l u r e of such programs. Instead, we w i l l focus on an important element of education in general which has a s p e c ific connection to a lte r n a tiv e education. This element is often ca lled "teaching sty le " and refers to the kind o f a u th o rity relation ship s which e x is t in a school or classroom. In b r i e f , various a u th o rity styles produce classes with d if f e r e n t patterns o f in teractio n s between in d iv id u a ls , and those patterns account fo r much of the stru ctu re o f the classroom (Brookover and Erickson 1975-156). Since a primary c h a r a c te r is tic o f many teachers in a lt e r n a t iv e schools is a teaching s ty le which is usually viewed as less a u th o rita ria n and more humanistic than the s ty le most often found in tr a d itio n a l public schools, we can expect to learn something about a lte r n a tiv e education by examining teaching s ty le in a more general settin g. Because the data we w i l l be reporting on comes from elementary schools, and because the most prominent type o f a lt e r n a t iv e school a t that level seems to be the "open school" Cor e q u iv a le n tly , "informal school"), our discussion re la te d to a lt e r n a t iv e education w i l l be in.... 5 * la rg e ly confined to th a t type. The primary measures o f teacher au th o rity in th is study of Michigan elementary schools are student- and teacher-reported degrees of teacher control over such classroom a c t i v i t i e s as s i t t i n g in assigned seats, working on in d iv id u a lly selected p ro je c ts , ta lk in g to classmates a t w i l l , e tc . Teachers who e x h ib it a low degree of control over student a c t i v i t i e s are herein defined as having a more •k "k open teaching s t y le . However, as our l a t e r discussions demonstrate, open schools and classrooms are not id e n t if ie d as such s o le ly by the au tho rity s ty le o f the teacher. That i s , not every instance o f an open teaching s t y le is also an example of open education, although i t seems l i k e l y th a t every example of open education represents the use o f an open teaching s t y le . Nature o f the Study O v e ra ll, the study has two main parts. Part One, consisting of Chapters I through IV , attempts to delineate important general aspects o f the research problem, in terms o f both the method and the object of the research. Chapter I id e n t if ie s ce rtain basic Note th a t the term " a lte r n a tiv e school" is often used in conjunc­ tion with the concept o f choice. That i s , a lt e r n a t iv e schools e x is t in school systems which allow parents and children to choose between d iffe r e n t school programs. The use o f the term " a lte rn a tiv e " in th is paper is closer to the meaning o f the term " n o n -tr a d itio n a l." Taken in th is sense, an open elementary school provides an a lt e r n a t iv e to tr a d itio n a l educational practices whether or not the school's c lie n t e le elects i t . C le a rly , someone (superintendent, p r in c ip a l, teachers, some parents, e t c . ) has chosen to follow a n o n -tra d itio n a l path when an open school is found, and i t is the existence o f the d if f e r e n t approach and the nature of i t s underlying concepts which are o f most in te r e s t in th is discussion. icie Referred to simply as openness. 6 phenomonological issues and perspectives. Chapter I I contains discussions of (1) organizational climate research, and (2) teachers' autho rity s t y le s , including: the importance o f the concept o f a u th o rity ; a th e o re tic a l perspective on i t ; i t s re la tio n s h ip to social class; and a review of general research on au th o rity styles in education. Chap­ te r I I I establishes the connection between a teacher's au th o rity s ty le and open education, and presents a discussion o f the nature of open education and d i f f i c u l t i e s th a t a ris e in try in g to implement such programs. Chapter IV contains a discussion o f the problems th at can arise when try in g to compare open and t r a d it io n a l education and offers a review o f research s p e c ific to open (o r open a u th o rity ) schools. Part Two, consisting o f Chapters V through V I I , presents the findings o f the current research on an open teaching s t y le . Chapter V contains s p e c ific information on the variables and the population in which they were studied. Chapter VI reports the findings o f th is research, and Chapter V II summarizes the study's lim ita tio n s and contributions and o ffe rs conclusions and recommendations. The research design c a lls f o r the variables measuring teaching style (students' and teachers' reports of the degree o f teacher control) to be examined in r e la t io n to selected social-psychological climate variables (norms, expectations, va lu e s), background variables (sex, race, socioeconomic status) and products o f schooling (achieve­ ment, e t c . ) . A ll o f these variables are discussed in d e ta il in Chapter V. The causal relation ship s th a t are presumed to e x is t between these variables are shown in the Diagram on the following page: 7 INPUT OUTPUT Background Variables Teacher Variables Outcome Variables Student _ Variables Background V ariables: student race, sex, SES; community type; race, sex, experience, tr a in in g Teacher Variables: classroom and school s iz e , f i v e teacher climate v a ria b le s , teacher report o f c o n tr o l, seven other teacher a ttitu d e s and practices Student Variables: f iv e student climate v a ria b le s , student of c o n tro l, student s e l f concept Outcome Variables: student sense o f s e l f - r e l i a n c e , sense o f com­ p e titiv e n e s s , aspirations fo r c o lle g e , reading and mathematics achievement Figure 1. teacher report The Research Design: The Relationships Between the Variables Under In vestigation The ra tio n a le o f th is model is : the teacher is the central character in the development o f the set o f ty p ica l social in te ra c tio n s th at take place in the school and e s p e c ia lly the classroom. The teacher's role is influenced by a number of fa c to rs , v i z . , h is /h e r professional t r a in in g , past teaching experiences and s e l f concept as a teacher; h is /h e r assessment o f what the community and immediate superiors expect and/or w i l l accept; the feedback he/she receives from the students; and many other things. Some o f the factors which shape a teacher's perform­ ance are w ithin h is /h e r c o n tro l, some are not. Some o f the aspects of a teacher's method are in t e n t io n a l, some are not. These factors are 8 " d is t i lle d " w ithin the teacher so as to produce a c e rta in a t t it u d in a l and methodological approach to the classroom. The nature o f a teacher's behavior in any given class s itu a tio n is la rg e ly beyond the scope of th is study. However, a fundamental assumption of the study is th a t while many factors influence a teacher's approach to managing a classroom, the teacher's e ffe c tu a ­ tion o f those influences is r e l a t i v e l y autonomous. In other words, the teacher's classroom behavior is not d ir e c t ly supervised by some other on-the-spot agent. While teacher behavior in a classroom may be r e l a t i v e l y autono­ mous, student classroom behavior seems less autonomous. Because of the differences in a u th o rity and power between teacher and student (which seems greatest at the elementary l e v e l ) , student behavior can be considerably influenced by the au th o rity s ty le o f the teacher. The teacher's degree o f control over student behavior varies in * several ways. But, regardless of the degree o f control over a given behavior a t a given tim e, the teacher's autonomy to choose a s ty le and h is /h e r power and a u th o rity to e ffe c tu a te i t j u s t i f y c la s s ify in g measures o f teacher performance as input variables in r e la tio n to student outcomes. Together, the background variables and teacher-influence variables produce some d ire c t e ffe c ts on student outcome behavior, and some in d i­ re c t e ffe c ts through the creation o f intermediate student behaviors which in turn accompany and perhaps influence student outcomes. * In th is study, I t varies between teachers, and can vary w ith in the same teacher's classroom from one time to another. I t also varies with respect to d if f e r e n t kinds o f behavior. For example, the contingencies which a teacher can provide f o r the behavior " s it t in g in one's seat" are more e a s ily and e f f e c t i v e l y applied than the contingencies f o r the behavior "doing one's own homework." 9 the accompanying intermediate or intervening variables are best under­ stood as clim ate variables. Propositions For Analysis Since we have connected our measure o f teaching s ty le to open education in a p a r t ic u la r way ( i . e . , low control is equivalent to high openness, which i s , in tu rn , re la te d to open education), we can derive some propositions from open education which can be tested by our data. These propositions are l is t e d below, followed by a b r i e f explanation o f them. The p rin cipal u n it o f analysis i s , fo r reasons discussed in Chapter V, the classroom. A classroom data u n it consists of the teacher's survey responses and the averages fo r his or her students' survey responses. Since openness can also e x is t on a school-wide basis, and since achievement data were only a v a ila b le a t the school l e v e l , some of the propositions are worded to include both lev els o f analysis. (1) The students' mean socioeconomic status s ig n if ic a n t ly predicts the degree of openness of a c la s s , and the degree o f reported s e l f re lia n c e . (2) The degree o f openness o f a class is p o s itiv e ly co rrelated wi t h : (3) a. An emphasis on a f fe c tiv e development (personal and social growth); b. An emphasis on in d iv id u a liz a tio n of in s tru c tio n ; and c. The use of non-homogeneous grouping. The degree of openness of a class s ig n if ic a n t ly pred icts: a. High teacher present-expectations and evaluations fo r performance; b. Low teacher opinion o f the value of IQ te s ts ; c. High acceptance of re s p o n s ib ility fo r student performance; and 10 d. (4) Low student sense o f academic f u t i l i t y . The degree of openness of a class (o r a school) is : a. P o s itiv e ly correlated with the degree o f se lf*-relia n ce reported by students; b. Negatively correlated with the degree of competition reported by students and teachers; and c. Not correlated with the degree o f importance of reported college as p iratio n s ; and d. Not correlated with the level o f achievement (o f the school) . Through Proposition One th is study attempts to analyze one aspect of the societal purposes th at may be re la te d to openness o f teaching s t y le . Within the a lt e r n a t iv e school movement (o f which open education is a p a rt) i t has been suggested th a t two d if f e r e n t perspectives on the purposes o f a lt e r n a t iv e schools have developed ( Edcentric 1976-3). The "system patchers" hold th a t the goals o f schools are worthwhile, but the stru ctu re through which the goals are pursued need to be augmented. The view of the "radical reformers" is th a t the structure and goals of many schools, both t r a d itio n a l and a lt e r n a t iv e , are wrong-headed. The system patching view of open schools might be expressed this way: Open schools are capable of elim in atin g many aspects of tr a d itio n a l schools which are negative, and can more humanely, but not necessarily more e f f i c i e n t l y , bring students into the ad u lt so ciety. The radical reform view o f open schools might be expressed th is way: Open schools support the same class in terests th a t are supported by tr a d itio n a l schools. Some proponents o f this second view would assert th a t the a lte r n a tiv e school movement in general is intended to reduce the 11 th re at o f social c o n f lic t by enacting humanitarian and r a t i o n a l i s t i c reforms which promise change but serve instead to maintain schools' so c ia liz in g and sorting functions (Katz 1973-343; Russo 1975-22). McDonough (1975-20) has also proposed th a t a lt e r n a t iv e schools support the in te re s ts of a managerial class (which requires tra in in g fo r leadership, individualism , independence, c r i t i c a l th in k in g , and humanism). In p a r t ic u la r , i t is asserted th at a new class of radical managers is a r is in g , a group which wants to wrest control o f corpora­ tions and bureaucracies from c a p ita lis t s so th at i t can run i n s t i t u ­ tions along the lin es of e f f i c i e n t humanism. Since they cannot pass along great personal wealth they provide t h e i r children with an education th a t develops c r i t i c a l th in k in g , a humanitarian outlook, independence, r e s p o n s ib ility , group cooperation, and use o f le is u re tim e, so th a t the children become candidates fo r entrance in to the managerial class. This view, i f c o rre c t, would not describe a new phenomenon: "Throughout American h is to ry , extensions of public education have given more b e n e fit to middle class or a f f lu e n t people than to the poor (Katz 1973-342)." The question o f what social class in te re s ts are being served by a lt e r n a t iv e schools has been raised by several w r ite r s . Some point out th a t the w ritin g s of informal education advocates contain l i t t l e e x p l i c i t c r it ic is m of contemporary social structures (Katz 1973-347; Simmons 1975-301). "There is no mention of class structures or class in t e r e s t , no sense of the dominant h is to ric a l considerations in the development of public education which help to explain the forms and purposes of the school system. The important s o c ia l, p o l i t i c a l and economic ways in which the system is successful are not discussed (Graubard 1974-301)." 12 While overt discussion of class in te re s ts is absent from much o f the l i t e r a t u r e on informal education, c e rta in c la s s -re la te d i n t e r ­ ests do seem to be co vertly represented. For example, the demand fo r humanistic public schools seems to come from middle and upper middle class fa m ilies (LaBelle 1973-30). One w r i t e r notes th a t some o f the basic concepts of open education (e .g . freedom, in d ivid u a lism , s e l f ­ development) are s im ila r to ideas which were central to the c r itiq u e o f feudal society and which furnished the ideological base f o r the rise of c a p i t a l i s t bourgeois democracy (Simmons 1975-146). The same w r it e r notes th a t Piaget's genetic epistemology expresses the pragmatic middle class desire fo r orderly social change (p. 157). To a very lim ite d e x te n t, th is study examines a question related to the "classism" o f open schools and classrooms. I f open schools (along with other a lte r n a tiv e forms) are o f special in t e r e s t to higher SES groups, then we would expect to fin d th a t knowing a school's SES predicts how open i t i s , and, in tu rn , how much s e lf - r e li a n c e it s students develop. Moreover, i f open schools are supporting the same class in te re s ts as tr a d itio n a l schools, then some of the c h a ra c te ris tic s of t r a d itio n a l schools which favor one class over another should also be found in open schools. For instance, two variables ( i . e . , low teacher expectations fo r performance and high student sense o f f u t i l i t y ) seem to be present in many low ^ES schools, and generally absent from higher SES schools, and these variables also can be examined with respect to school openness. The analysis o f Proposition Two indicates the extent to which other aspects of open education tend to accompany teachers' open au tho rity s ty le s . These other aspects of open education are discussed in some 13 d e ta il in Chapter IV. The analysis o f Proposition Three indicates the re la tio n s h ip between open teaching styles and other a ttitu d e s teachers have, a ttitu d e s which are in turn related to student achievement. These a ttitu d e s are discussed in Chapter I I . The analysis o f Propo­ s itio n Four indicates how openness is related to some school outcomes. While a more extensive discussion is found in Chapter IV , i t is appro­ p ria te to say here th a t open school advocates fo r the most part do not claim th a t open schools produce higher achieving students. Open school advocates do claim th a t t h e ir approach w i l l produce more s e l f r e l i a n t students, and students who value cooperation more than compe­ titio n . No p a r t ic u la r open school position on college aspirations e x is ts , but the strong emphasis on development o f an in d iv id u a l's "true" po tential would lead one to speculate th a t college aspirations should not be es p e c ia lly emphasized over other l i f e opportunities. In addition to these i n i t i a l research propositions, other findings obtained during the course o f research are discussed. In p a r t ic u la r , these findings concern the extent o f the openness phenome­ non and it s re la tio n to class size and ce rtain teacher c h a ra c te ris tic s . The foregoing propositions w i l l be analyzed in Part Two, p rin ­ c ip a lly in Chapter V I. At th is p o in t, we turn to Part One, containing a number of other m atters, some general, some s p e c ific , the discussion of which w ill help to in te r p r e t and c l a r i f y the research findings. PART ONE GENERAL CONCEPTS, VIEWPOINTS, AND RESEARCH FINDINGS CONCERNING SCHOOL CLIMATE, TEACHER AUTHORITY, AND OPEN EDUCATION CHAPTER I CONSIDERATIONS OF A PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEORETICAL NATURE In undertaking a study in education one encounters the problem of working with an amazing v a rie ty o f facts and conjectures, even in r e l a t i v e l y circumscribed areas. O ften, i t seems, a study begins some­ where "in the middle" and proceeds towards a conclusion which is am­ biguous since, in p a rt, the underlying foundations of the research were never stated. In order to reduce the ambiguity of this study, some discussion of fundamental concepts is necessary. There are several fundamental issues which are relevant to the subject and method of th is research, including some o f the most con­ tro v e rs ia l social science problems of recent times. In te lle c tu a l honesty requires one to acknowledge the existence of these contro­ versies and to s ta te a position with respect to them. However, the more thorough review and analysis which each controversy deserves is la r g e ly outside the scope o f th is paper. One important issue is the question of how people lea rn . This question must, in p a r t , be framed in r e la t io n to the much-debated issue of the r e la t iv e influence o f heredity vs. environment. The debate over th is issue has been going on fo r thousands of years, and i t w i l l not be resolved by th is study. So f a r , each side has f a ile d to propose a te s t of t h e ir theory th a t provides v e r if ic a t io n 14 15 which is c le a r and unambiguous enough to convince most of the people on the other side. In sp ite o f the absence o f v e r if ic a t io n o f one side or the o th e r, one must s t i l l choose a te n ta tiv e position with ■k respect to the dichotomy. This study's focus is generally on the environmental side of the question o f how people learn . Such a stance does not deny the p o s s ib ilit y o f genetic explanations o f human behavior: i t simply does not a ffir m them, and seeks answers elsewhere. There may be many reasons fo r choosing an environmentalist perspective ra th e r than a h e re d ita rian one. For example, one could say th a t the arguments and evidence o f the environmentalist side seem more convincing. But then another could le g itim a te ly ask why they seem more convincing, and so on ad in fin it u m . I t is possible to analyze the reasons why th is researcher finds the environmentalist perspective more persuasive, but such an e f f o r t would eventually lead back to some non-logical assumptions which others could f r e e ly choose to accept or r e je c t (unless one believes in P lato 's doctrine of innate ideas). Such an analysis is beyond the scope of th is paper. Within the environmentalist perspective on human behavior there e x is t several psychological th eories. The p rin cipal o rie n ta tio n of th is study is th a t o f the s y m b o lic -in te ra c tio n is t view o f human be­ havior. "Sym bolic-interaction" refe rs to an area in social psychology which is concerned with the behavior th a t is influenced by a s e lf-o th e r k Kuhn's (1962) concept o f the pre-paradigm stage o f s c i e n t i f i c development a p tly describes the current state of the social sciences. The competing schools o f thought have mostly f a ile d to produce success­ ful tests fo r t h e i r theories which were s u f f i c i e n t l y risky ( i . e . , not subject to post hoc explanations) to convince the competitors. In the absence o f undisputed proof of a theory, one is l e f t with the ex iste n ­ t i a l choice--a baseless one. 16 re la tio n s h ip sometimes re fe rre d to as " s ig n ific a n t o th e r." In b r i e f , the idea is th a t an in d iv id u a l's behavior is influenced by his per­ ceptions of the behavioral expectations th a t his s ig n if ic a n t others have fo r him. These perceptions c o n s titu te his s e l f concept which in turn direc ts his behavior. According to Brookover and Erickson (1969-15) th is social-psychological conception o f learning holds th at (1 ) Children learn to behave in the ways th a t the people with whom they associate behave. (2) Norms of behavior are basic components of every social group. (3) Norms and expectations define the appropriate behavior o f persons. (4) Each person learns the d e fin itio n s o f appropriate behavior through in te ra c tio n with s ig n if ic a n t others. (5) The individ ual learns to behave in the ways th a t he perceives are proper f o r him through in teractio n s with others. (6) The in d iv id u a l's s e l f concept o f a b i l i t y to learn is acquired through in te ra c tio n s with others. (7) P ositive s e l f concept is a necessary but not s u f f ic ie n t condition in determining behavior to be learned. This view of human behavior should be analyzed not only in re la tio n to a nature/nurture dimension, but also in r e la tio n to the dimensions of freedom/determinism and materialism /dualism (Stevenson 1974 121, 123). F i r s t , sym bolic-interactionism presents an almost com­ p le te ly environmentalist view. Although a genetic-environmental in te ra c tio n e f f e c t could e x i s t , since a s ig n if ic a n t o th er's expecta­ tions could be influenced by, e . g . , a su bject's race, no d is t in c t genetic component is implied in the model. Second, symbolic- interactionism views behavior as p a r t ly - f r e e and partly-determ ined: 17 S ig n ific a n t others' expectations do not command a c e rta in performance, they only influence i t . c a lly d u a lis t view. T h ird , symbolic-interactionism holds a basi­ That i s , mental states (f e e lin g s , a t t it u d e s , per­ ceptions, e t c . ) are assumed to e x is t along with brain states (e le c t r o ­ chemical a c t i v i t y ) and are fu rth e r presumed to guide behavior. The I methodology of symbolic-interactionism is to survey the a ttitu d e s of subjects and others regarding expectations and perceived expectations. The reported a ttitu d e s are then compared with other phenomena. If a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s ig n if ic a n t r e la tio n is found, one can t e n t a t iv e ly con­ clude (given the assumption th a t a ttitu d e s influence behavior) th a t the reported a ttitu d e s have "caused" the r e la tio n to be s ig n if ic a n t . Symbolic in te ra c tio n theory is perhaps weakest in explaining the motivation fo r behavior (M eltzer 1972-20). There i s , however, another psychological theory which does explain motivation fo r behavior and which seems to coordinate well with the s y m b o lic -in te ra c tio n is t view, v i z . , behaviorism. These two perspectives complement each other. Be­ haviorism emphasizes the behavior-shaping e f f e c t o f p o sitive and nega­ tiv e reinforcement; symbolic-interactionism emphasizes the social m ilieu in which these reinforcements are defined and presented. So f a r as the data reported in th is study are concerned, i t is the symbolic in te r a c t io n i s t perspective which provides underlying support. At most, the behaviorist perspective can only provide us with some useful terminology and in t e r p r e ta tiv e concepts. Behaviorism, l i k e sym bolic-interactionism , is high on the environ­ mental side o f the heredity-environment dimension. However, the behav­ iorism denies th a t there is any free w i l l component to behavior, and asserts th a t the mind is e n t ir e ly m a te r ia l, thus precluding the possi­ b i l i t y th a t a ttitu d e s or other a f fe c tiv e states can guide behavior. 18 Behaviorists do not deny th a t fe elin gs e x is t ; they simply say th a t feelin gs accompany behavior rather than cause i t . Consequently, the a ttitu d e s measured by sy m b o lic -in teractio n ists can be thought of as correlates (not causes) o f behavior. I f we f u r ­ ther assume th a t the re la tio n between a ttitu d e s and behavior is stable and ra tio n a l ( i . e . , the a ttitu d e s are about the behavior they accom­ pany), then we can say th a t in te r a c tio n is ts and behaviorists are studying concomitant phenomena. We may now reformulate our social psychological conception of learning as follow s. V i r t u a l l y a l l human behavior is learned from the people with whom an individual associates. These p e o p le - - s ig n if i- cant o t h e r s - -e it h e r by accident or by design establish norms and convey expectations which, through various means o f reinforcement, shape the in d iv id u a l's p e rs o n a lity , s k i l l s , a p titu d e s , in te re s ts and overall s e l f concept. Because random events also shape behavior, the corre­ la tio n between norms, expectations and behavior is not p e rfe c t. In t e ­ gral to th is view is the proposition th a t there are no substantial innate differences between individuals in a b i l i t y to lea rn . One o f the p rin cip a l components o f the symbolic in t e r a c t io n is t perspective in education, the e f f e c t o f teacher expectations on stu­ dent performance, has produced considerable controversy. The contro­ versy was mostly sparked by Rosenthal and Jacobsen's fin d in g s , re­ ported in t h e i r book Pygmalion in the Classroom (1968). This work launched a host o f attempts to r e p lic a te or challenge t h e i r fin d in g s , followed by the in e v ita b le reviews and analyses o f research: Brophy and Good (1974); Johnson (1970); Insel and Jacobsen (1975); R ist (1970, 1974); Rosenthal (1968); Finn (1972); Claiborn (1969); Rothbart (1971); 19 Rubovitz and Maehr (1971); Howe (1970); West (1974). Having accepted a symbolic in te ra c tio n perspective, one cannot a t the same time r e je c t the concept th a t the expectations o f s ig n if ic a n t others such as te a ­ chers influence students' behavior. However, one must be open-minded enough to acknowledge th a t the phenomenon is not understood so well th at we can always produce the behavior we d e s ire , on the p a rt of e ith e r teachers or students. Some researchers in to expectation e ffe c ts ( e . g . , Brophy and Good 1974) have concentrated on the types of teachers and students th at resp ectively give and receive d i f f e r in g expectations, and some o f the conditions under which the phenomenon seems to operate. They id e n t ifie d three types o f teachers (c a lle d p ro a c tiv e , r e a c tiv e , and o v e rre a c tiv e ), analyzed differences in the reinforcement teachers gave to low and high achieving students, and found th a t expectations had reduced e ffe c ts when teachers concentrated more on subject matter and less on individ ual differences in student a b i l i t i e s . Other researchers ( e . g . , Rist 1970, 1974; Howe, 1970; Rosenthal and Jacobsen 1968) have tended to emphasize the r e la tio n s h ip between more general social facto rs (such as students' race and socioeconomic status) and teachers' expectations. Such studies tend to show th a t teacher expectations favor higher SES and non-minority students. These studies provide a lin k to , and can be considered a subset o f , another class of studies (c a lle d aggregate or contextual studies) which are discussed below. West (1 9 7 4 ), in his review of research on the expectancy e f f e c t , c a lls fo r a conceptualization o f the basic elements associated with teacher expectancies and the id e n t if ic a t io n o f linkages between these 20 elements in order to determine the necessary and s u f f ic ie n t conditions fo r the e f f e c t to occur. For example, one such set o f important l i n k ­ ages would be those between teacher expectations, parent expectations, and the c h ild 's r e l a t i v e success in school, the question being: To what extent does each o f these components influence the others? (Smith 1972-260). The problem o f determining the necessary and s u f f i c i e n t condi­ tions fo r the expectancy e f f e c t to occur leads s ia l issue— th a t of teacher a c c o u n ta b ility . us to another controver­ At present some researchers feel th a t a c c o u n ta b ility cannot be in s tit u te d because we lack s u f f ic ie n t knowledge to judge teaching effectiveness (Brophy and Evertson 1976-144). Others argue th a t ac c o u n ta b ility is e s s e n tia lly a p o l i t i c a l issue, sought by school administrators as a means of making teachers the scape­ goats f o r educational f a i l u r e s , or th a t ac c o u n ta b ility would, in prac­ t i c e , r e s u lt in the systematic punishment of teachers and thus produce some of the same undesirable behaviors t h a t , behaviorists a s s e rt, always occur when people are co ntrolled through punishment (McGhan 1970-13). I t is appropriate here to consider the notion o f a theory o f teach­ ing. I t seems reasonable to believe th a t some connection exists between teaching and le a rn in g , perhaps o f a p r o b a b ilis tic kind. I f there were a causal connection between teaching and le a rn in g , i t would mean th a t the f a i l u r e to produce learning is the teacher's r e s p o n s ib ility , fo r which he can be held accountable. However, there is no t i g h t lo gical or causal lin k between teaching and learn ing : each may occur without the other (Green 1971-140). The problem is th a t " i f teaching and learn ing , l i k e playing and winning, are to be understood as task and achievement, then they are the task and achievement o f d if f e r e n t 21 persons (Green 1971-142)." In f a c t , teaching and learning can be viewed as task and achievement of both teacher and le a rn e r , thus r e ­ vealing a process/product ambiguity (Green 1971-142). How can we resolve th is ambiguity? I f there is no d ir e c t causal lin k between teaching and le a rn in g , what kind o f lin k does e x is t be­ tween them? The answer to th is question lie s in the development of a theory o f teaching which in turn answers these questions (Gage 197245; DeCecco 1968-7): (1) behave as they do? student behavior? (3) How do teachers behave? (2) Why do they What are the e ffe c ts o f teacher behavior on Symbolic i n t e r a c t io n is t and behaviorist theories of learning both assert th a t teachers can have a positive e f f e c t on students' learning under c e rta in circumstances, and c e r t a in ly many of the re la te d studies o f teacher expectations and school climate (to be discussed l a t e r ) do tend to support th is position. The work of Rist (1 9 7 4 ), fo r example, makes i t c le a r th a t the socioeconomic background o f students is not ju s t an unconquerable force having a p o sitive or negative e f f e c t on the students' school l i f e , but th a t on the co n trary, social class provides schools and teachers with cues which they a c t iv e ly use to give d i f f e r e n t i a l treatment to d i f f e r e n t social types. However, research in to any phenomena suspected to have impor­ tance f o r school learning must do more than t e l l us th a t an associa­ tion exists between those phenomena and learn ing . For example, a study of school climate must t e l l us not only th a t a c e rta in climate "causes" c e rta in school achievements but also how th a t climate was produced and how s im ila r and d i f f e r e n t ones can be produced. Otherwise, 22 the researcher may be fa lla c io u s ly supposing th a t his variables con­ s t i t u t e necessary and s u f f ic ie n t conditions f o r student achievement (Brown and House 1967-402). I f th a t supposition were so, such*know­ ledge would c o n s titu te a fu ll- f le d g e d theory o f teaching, and teachers could be f a i r l y held accountable fo r the results o f t h e ir teaching actions. A major approach to research in education in recent years has been the contextual or aggregative approach. Such studies attempt to understand schools and students in re la tio n to the contexts or environments in which they are found. These environmental influences can be studied on an in t e r - and/or intra-school basis. Inter-school v a ria tio n in education's e f f e c t on students is often related to the concept o f social class ( i t s e l f a controversial concept). Bidwell (1965-984, 985) notes some of these re la tio n s h ip s : fo r example, he c a lls a tte n tio n to Del S olar's finding th a t teachers in upper middle class communities were found to be more concerned about students' withdrawal from class a c t i v i t y than with disorderly behavior. Bid- well also c a lls a tte n tio n to Coleman's fin din g of considerable schoolto-school v a ria tio n in the dominance o f value themes in student sub­ c u ltu re s , and his b e l i e f th a t interschool differences are a function of teachers' motivational a b i l i t y , the social class mix o f school and community, and values fo r parental and community support o f the school. One study, Coleman's massive Equality o f Educational Opportunity (1966), is p a r t ic u la r ly notable because of it s findings and the con­ troversy and analyses th a t have followed from i t . One o f Coleman's prin cipal findings was th a t socioeconomic status (SES) was s ig n if ic a n t ly 23 related to achievement; Pettigrew's (1967) reanalysis o f Coleman's data found th a t race was also s ig n if ic a n t ly related to achievement. Studies li k e Coleman's, climate stu d ie s , and others--!umped together under the term "contextual s tu d ie s " --a re not without t h e i r c ritic s . Hauser (1 971-43), fo r example, fa u lts them because " . . . fo r one th in g , such 'explanations' are concerned with a small p art of the to ta l v a ria tio n in performance and, f o r another, the s t r a ig h t ­ forward use of social-psychological in te rp re ta tio n s to account fo r the differences is u n ju s tifie d ." Hauser makes some in te re s tin g points, and they are worth quoting in d e t a i l . C r i t i c i z i n g studies by M c D ill, Meyers and Rigsby in 1967 and 1969, he says: "In some studies of the value climates of schools, normative a ttrib u te s are c a re fu lly measured, but l i k e the studies using gross correlations of school c h a r a c te r is tic s , they f a i l to provide a consistent basis on which to in te r p r e t the data (p. 4 6 )." M c D ill, Meyers, and Rigsby and others are also fa u lte d f o r t h e i r pre­ occupation with school q u a lit y , which has " . . . resulted from an erroneous id e n t if ic a t io n of the e ffe c ts of the school with those of schooling as a process. While some educational inputs may be in d iv is ib le below the aggregate level of the school, the learning experience of in dividual students is not. Moreover, schooling is d if f e r e n t ia t e d tem porally, not t e r r i t o r i a l l y . . . and [students] being ' i n ' rath er than 'o u t' of schools is f a r more important than which schools they attend (p. 7 ) ." Hauser also states th at: "Contextual analysis is based on a misunderstanding o f s t a t i s ­ t ic a l aggregation and of social process which is rooted in the id e n t if ic a t io n of differences among groups with the social and differences among individuals with the psychological (p. 13). " . . . the id e n t if ic a t io n of residual v a ria tio n with the e ffe c ts of p a r tic u la r variables [ e . g . , SES] places the in v e s tig a to r under some obligatio n to demonstrate th a t those variables per­ form as advertised. The place to begin is not the betweengroup segment of the model, but the within-group segment. 24 Neither normative climates nor peer groups are homogeneous w ithin schools. This form o f 'co n textu al' analysis depends on the e x p l i c i t assumption of a p a r t ic u la r re la tio n s h ip among a t le a s t two v a ria b le c h a ra c te ris tic s of individuals (p. 24). "Since student bodies of s im ila r socioeconomic composition do vary in performance, [use of the SES composition of student bodies as a surrogate fo r the school] leads to underestimates o f the gross e ffe c ts o f school. Unlike the gross c o rre la tio n school studies, these studies do attempt to control the socio­ economic status of individ ual students . . . [by en tering ] both school and student SES measures in m u ltip le regression analyses. The net co variation o f level of performance with the schools' socioeconomic composition is then id e n t if ie d as an e f fe c t of a normative climate . . . . [But] there is no basis fo r assigning s p e c ific content to the unmeasured school va ria b le s. They might be the e ffe c ts of the peer group, but they might also be a t tr ib u t a b le to newer b u ild ­ ings, b e tte r teachers or more e x tr a -c u r r ic u la r a c t i v i t i e s (p. 4 5 )." I t is Hauser's p o s itio n , in l i g h t of these flaw s, th a t re­ searchers must consider the place of the individ ual in a social structure before a t t r ib u t in g causal relevance to c h a ra c te ris tic s of the c o l l e c t i v i t y . This means th a t a tte n tio n must be paid to the mechanisms by which an aggregate's social c h a ra c te ris tic s exert influence on group or individual behavior through the aggre­ gate's irre d u c ib le s tru c tu ra l properties (p. 15). In an e f f o r t to overcome the fa u lts he sees in other analyses, Hauser undertakes his own analysis. His prin cipal s t a t i s t i c a l tools are path analysis and the analysis of covariance. I t is tru e , as Hauser says, th at most contextual studies are concerned only with between-school v a ria tio n in achievement, which is usually considerably smaller than within-school v a r ia tio n . His c r itic is m is apparently based on the idea th a t many researchers seem to feel th a t social (as contrasted with psychological) explanations o f behavior are only v a lid in inter-group comparisons. However, such 25 is not the case with the symbolic-i n te ra c tio n is t perspective which presents the view th a t individual behavior is shaped by the expecta­ tions o f s ig n if ic a n t others, where each individual "other" has an impact on behavior which can, but need no t, be independent of other "others." In th is view, climate factors can be in terp rete d as sum­ maries (in s o fa r as they express c o lle c tiv e a ttitu d e s which cause or accompany behavior) of some of the in d iv id u a l/o th e r in teraction s th a t occur in the organizations. Climate researchers in e f f e c t choose to lose the power to completely explain a l l behavior w ith in an organiza­ tio n in order to generalize about behavioral commonalities among organi­ zations. This kind o f approach does not involve d i f f e r e n t kinds of explanations about differences w ithin and between organizations; r a th e r, i t o ffe rs one explanation which values g e n eralizatio n over complete speci f i c i t y . We can also agree with Hauser th a t there is no reason to assign un­ measured v a ria tio n to the e ffe c ts o f normative clim ates. But i t is per­ f e c t ly permissible to conjecture th at climate may account fo r some of the unmeasured v a r ia t io n , and then set about measuring the climate to see how much v a ria tio n i t does account f o r , as is done in the Brookover studies (1973, 1976). I t is true th a t studies of climate tend to p r o l if e r a t e rath er than to r e p lic a te v a ria b le s. However, some lack of success in re p lic a tio n should not in i t s e l f be reason enough to discontinue try in g to r e p lic a te climate v a ria b le s . In f a c t , use o f a climate instrument carries with i t the obligatio n to attempt a re p lic a tio n in order to v e r if y the i n i t i a l use. Each r e p lic a tio n attempt can add to our understanding o f the d i f ­ f i c u l t i e s in using the concept o f clim ate. 26 Although we have acknowledged the v a l i d i t y o f some o f Hauser's c r itic is m s , there are some exceptions to be taken with his perspec­ tiv e . I f , as he says, contextual analysis confuses social explanations with group a ttrib u te s and psychological explanations with in dividual a t t r ib u t e s , then the in te r d is c ip lin a r y social-psychological perspec­ tives o f sym bolic-interaction and organizational climate may be the most appropriate areas of study where these confusions can be worked out. Furthermore, when Hauser says th a t normative climates are not homogeneous w ithin schools he is merely speculating. mains to be resolved by research. That issue r e ­ And, when he says th a t learning experiences of individual students are d i v is ib le below the aggregate level of the school we can re p ly , "Yes, but only to the extent th a t aspects of school climate are not pervasive throughout the school." Even then, the concept of climate would not exclude an aggregate e f f e c t on subgroups below the to ta l school le v e l . Such a fin din g would be consistent with other sociological and behavioral perspec­ tiv e s . I t seems th a t climate studies would have l i t t l e research value only in those cases where individual behavior is shaped by completely individual (thus not in t e r - in d iv id u a l) environmental circumstances. Those events would be b e tte r investigated through a s o c ia l-b e h a v io ris t observational approach. F in a lly , while a student's presence in any school may be c le a r ly more important than the nature o f the school he attends, i t is equally c le a r th at some schools may have climates which system atically "create" more dropouts than others, thus (avoidably) increasing the number who are not in school. 27 Whether a l l o f Hauser's c ritic is m s o f contextual studies are meritorious or no t, his in te r e s t in the analysis o f covariance as a means o f elim in atin g differences in antecedent variables related to w ith in - and between-school v a ria tio n in achievement is a thoughtprovoking contribution to the f i e l d . S im i la r ly , the use o f path models to investigate "causal" relation ship s is p o te n tia lly valuable. However, i t must be noted th a t the form o f any path model, though perhaps eminently sensible and widely subscribed t o , is a r b it r a r y . In sum, i t seems f a i r to say th a t some o f Hauser's c ritic is m s of contextual studies are v a lid , some seem less v a l i d , and his own a lt e r n a t iv e is open to c r itic is m . A f in a l controversial subject needs to be mentioned--one th at is probably relevant to any research in education. B a s ic a lly , this controversy can be reduced to one question, what is the value of an education? The tr a d itio n a l answers include: (1) the perpetuation of democracy requires a l i t e r a t e e le c to ra te ; (2) minimum li t e r a c y is needed to l i v e safely and happily in a complex in d u s tr ia liz e d society; and, (3) a good education leads to a good job and a chance to improve one's l i f e chances. The la s t of these answers has led to considerable analysis and debate in recent years. See Coleman (1 9 6 6 ), Jencks (1 972 ), Berg (1971), Collins (1971), Mayeske (1 969 ), Wilson (1 968 ), Pettigrew (1 9 6 7 ), Bowles and G intis (1972). The most common and t r a d it io n a l view o f education is th a t i t is m e rito c ra tic — those who work hard and achieve in school are rewarded by obtaining worthwhile jobs. This view has been chal­ lenged by research showing the high c o rre la tio n between social class and success in school, and the related fin din g th a t ce rtain ra c ia l 28 groups show l i t t l e b e n e fit from high achievement in so far as l a t e r l i f e chances are concerned. An important accompanying (and very co n tro v ersia l) finding of t the Coleman study in p a r t ic u la r was th a t not only are schools' e f fo r ts mainly influenced by social class and race, but th a t the conventional wisdom regarding the value of common educational inputs (class s iz e , teacher t r a in in g , per-pupil expenditures, e t c . ) appears mistaken. This assertion has led to considerable secondary analysis and discus­ sion (M o steller and Moynihan 1972) and fu rth e r e f fo r ts to restore the value o f these common resources (Summers and Wo'ife 1975, Shipman 1976). Other research shows th a t although there seems to be no re la tio n between IQ and income, or achievement and income, there is a re la tio n between level of education and income. Thus, one could argue th a t i t does not matter how well one does in school, but merely how f a r one goes. Another more unusual in te rp re ta tio n asserts th a t luck is as important a fa c to r as e it h e r fam ily background or educational achieve­ ment (Jencks 1972). This question o f the value o f education, li k e other controversial issues, cannot be discussed in the d e ta il i t deserves. The view taken here is th at formal education is a p rim a rily conservative, and a secon­ d a r ily c r i t i c a l s o c ia liz in g i n s t i t u t i o n . In the terms o f Bowles and G intis (1972), schools reproduce the social relatio n s systems in which they e x is t . o f the productive Schools have always been expected to "reproduce" ce rtain aspects of social groups: a common language or The social relatio n s o f production is the system o f rights and r e s p o n s ib ilitie s , duties and rewards th a t governs the in te ra c tio n of a l l individuals involved in organized productive a c t i v i t y (Bowles and Gintis 1972-74). 29 r e lig io n , acquired knowledge, ce rtain norms and standards of conduct, p o lit ic a l b e lie f s , etc. What Bowles and Gintis and others assert is th a t schools reproduce other aspects of a s o c ie ty --e s p e c ia lly the class stru ctu re --as w e l l, and th a t they do this in a r e l a t i v e l y covert manner. "In many respects schools give students t h e i r major sense of moral worth . . . [and] can be seen as agencies o f fa te or career co ntrol. Schools function to so rt and f i l t e r social selves and set these selves on the proper moral track . . . . (Denzin 1972-25) [emphasis added] ." While they promote the social m obility o f a society to some ex ten t, schools mainly serve to le g itim iz e social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . And, since schools reproduce the ex istin g social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , they must be mostly serving the in terests of various advantaged groups. The somewhat pessimistic opinion o f people who hold these views is th a t change in the social structure cannot re s u lt from changing the way schools function because the advantaged groups w i l l be able to thwart change based on a lt e r in g a secondary social i n s t i t u t i o n . Even so, i t is worthwhile to s t r iv e to understand and improve the schools' methods of basic education so th at students w i l l at le a s t have a functional set o f minimum s k i l l s with which they may in te r p r e t the world they liv e in . I t seems to th is w r it e r th a t the promise o f a lte r n a tiv e schools is th a t they may serve the primary educational needs of children at the same time th a t they change the context in which education is usually provided so th a t the students' "selves" are not so firm ly shaped to f i t into the e x istin g social stru ctu re . A principal component of schools' means to accomplish t h e i r overt and covert goals is the teacher's use of his or her a u th o r ity , and i t is th a t phenomena which is the principal focus of th is study. CHAPTER I I THEORY AND RESEARCH ON SCHOOL CLIMATES AND TEACHER AUTHORITY The general o rie n ta tio n of th is study is w ith in th a t f i e l d of sociological in quiry ca lled complex organization s, and is es p e c ia lly concerned with the "climates" which those organizations are believed to have, and in p a r t ic u la r , the climates o f elementary schools and classrooms which have some degree of n o n -tra d itio n a l a u th o rity stru ctu re (commonly ca lled open or informal schools). This chapter includes a discussion of theory and research related to two major topics: (1) school climates; and (2) a u th o rity structures in complex organizations, es p ec ially schools. Theory and Research on School Climate A basic assumption of climate studies, which t r y to measure the environmental context in a school, is th a t schools' climates a c tiv e ly influence and shape students' behavior. A fundamental view held by those in terested in studying climate is th a t " . . . the values held by the in te ra c tin g members o f a school organization are closely associated with the functional dimensions o f the organization, which in tu rn , a f f e c t the achievement o f the organizational goals (Leonard and Gies 1 9 7 1 -8 )." The case f o r the influence of climate is stated by Jencks (1972-150), "A high school's impact on individual students seems to depend on r e l a t i v e l y subtle 'c lim a tic ' conditions, not on the size of 30 31 the budget, or the presence o f the resources professional educators claim are important." I f SES and race are properly understood as gross environmental fa c ­ tors which influence le a rn in g , then studies of school clim ate can be viewed as attempts to discover more refin ed environmental factors and produce an understanding of the mechanisms th a t operate in schools to produce v a ria tio n in achievement. The term "organizational climate" (OC) is r e l a t i v e l y new to the l i t e r a t u r e on schools as complex organizations, as evidenced by the fa c t th a t i t did not appear as a separate heading in The Education Index u n til the middle o f 1969. An examination of the t i t l e s lis t e d under the heading indicates two d i f f e r e n t areas of in t e r e s t w ith in the major to p ic , v i z . , one related to students, the other to fa c u lty and s t a f f . As is the case with so many concepts in social science (and e s p ec ially because i t is r e l a t i v e l y new), there is some d is p a rity among the d e fin itio n s o f OC. Consider the following d e scrip tio n s/ d e fin itio n s . "Every organization develops i t s own culture or climate with i t s own taboos, folkways and mores. The climate or cu ltu re o f the system r e fle c ts both the norms and values o f the formal system and t h e i r re in te r p r e ta tio n in the informal system, . . . the histo ry of in tern al and external stru g g le, the types of people the organization a t t r a c t s , i t s work processes and physi­ cal lay o u t, the modes o f communication and the exercise of au th o rity . . . (Kenney and Rentz 1970-65)." " . . . look at the terms we use when we r e fe r to what surrounds the in d iv id u a l: atmosphere, behavior s e ttin g , conditions, c u ltu r e , . . . environment, . . . and very descrip tive is the word climate . . . . By climate we mean those c h a ra c te ris tic s th a t distinguish the organization from other organizations and th a t influence the behavior o f people in the organization (Gilmer 1971-37)." 32 " . . . one finds th a t each [school] appears to have a 'p er­ s o n a lity ' o f it s own. I t is th is 'p e r s o n a lity 1 th a t we describe here as the 'Organizational Climate' o f the school. Analogously, personality is to the individual what Organiza­ tio n a l Climate is to the organization (Halpin and C ro ft 1966-131)." " . . . organizational climate might be defined as the global assessment o f the in te ra c tio n between the task-achievement dimension and the need-satisfaction dimension w ith in the o rg anization , or in other words, of the extent o f task-needs in teg ratio n (Wiggins 1971-57)." Although one can fin d some s i m i l a r i t i e s between these explanations of the nature of OC, i t is c le a r th a t the term does not have a un ive rs ally accepted meaning. Even when the term OC is not s p e c ific a lly used, one s t i l l finds s im ila r concepts under consideration. For example, in L ik e r t 's New Patterns of Management (1961-178) we f in d , "These interdependent motivations and processes constitu te an o v erall system which coordinates, integrates and guides the a c t i v i t i e s of the organization and a l l it s members." He views th is " In te r a c tio n - Influence System" as an ideal to be sought, and th is system could be construed as the equivalent of a "healthy" organizational clim ate. Whatever organizational climate i s , i t seems c le a r th a t i t is a complex phenomenon. In his review of research on the concept, Johnson (1970-232) found th a t climate components seemed to be d iv is ib le into three groups: (1) Personality c h a r a c te r is tic s , a b i l i t i e s , motives, values, plans and past experiences o f students; (2) Norms, values and role requirements (a u th o rity s tru c tu re , f a c i l i t i e s ) o f schools; (3) Values and norms o f the informal organization. Because of th is complexity, only careful study w i l l enable educators to 33 understand the climate phenomenon well enough to control and d ir e c t i t toward desired ends. The antecedents of the concept o f organizational c lim a te , in p a r t , are the studies o f leadership and morale which have been undertaken by researchers often id e n t ifie d with the Human Relations school organization theory. of A major source o f fr u s tra tio n fo r researchers in leadership and morale and related areas has been the lack of a r t ic u la t io n between group and formal leader c h a r a c te r is tic s , with the re s u lt th a t attempts to a l t e r these c h a ra c te ris tic s in a given s itu a tio n often e it h e r f a i l to work, or have unintended consequences. The follow ing quotations indicate related views: "The contradictory evidence on styles of leadership . . . provides n e ith e r consistent support of a group-centered s ty le . . . nor consistent support of the favorable e ffe c ts of a d ir e c tiv e s ty le (Golembiewski 1965-116)." " . . . cohesion is not a fa c to r which determines the d ire c tio n of involvement of lower p a rtic ip a n ts in the organization (E tzio n i 1961-175)." "Experience had shown us how f u t i l e i t was to p rin cip a l with [c e rta in c h a r a c te r is tic s ] to a fa c u lty was not ready to accept a leader who, our point o f view, was l i k e l y to be e f fe c tiv e C roft 1966-132)." assign a school whose at le a s t from (Halpin and While the foregoing quotations do not a l l r e fe r to exactly the same problem, they do a t t e s t to the fa c t th a t in te ra c tio n in complex organizations is a m u lti-v a r ia b le problem. I t is ju s t th is m u lti-v a r ia b le s it u a t io n , i t seems, which studies o f organizational climate attempt to understand and explain. One o f the main areas of in te r e s t in studies o f OC is the organization 's open/closed-ness. Gilmer (1971), fo r example, reviews a number o f d if f e r e n t c la s s ific a tio n schemes fo r organizational 34 climate and finds the following o rie n ta tio n to the terms "open" and "closed.11 Closed________________________ vs_;______________________ Open no member autonomy - - - - - - - l i t t l e social in te ra c tio n - - — low upward influence - - - - - - status consciousness - - - - - - job performance and job s a tis fa c tio n inversely re la te d - - - - - individual autonomy high social in te ra c tio n mutual influence individual concern f o r overall goals higher job s a t is f a c t io n , salary re la te d to performance Gilmer says th a t the organizational climate is a composite o f the varied behaviors of the people in the organization. He fe e ls th a t there is some kind o f in te ra c tio n between the company's climate and the in d i­ vid uals' p e rs o n a litie s . In a d d itio n , he points out th a t clim ate is re la te d to not only the in tra o rg an izatio n a l in te ra c tio n s but also to in tero rg an izatio n a l in te r a c t io n s . Wiggins (1971) notes th a t school climates r e s is t attempts to change them, th a t the prin cip a l can expect to fin d th a t his behavior is la rg e ly subject to the control o f the school c lim a te , and th a t p rin cip a ls tend to pattern t h e i r leader s ty le to the role they per­ ceive is construed fo r them by the school and the d i s t r i c t . He concludes th a t the school's impact on the prin cipal is g rea ter than his impact on the school, and fe els th a t th is s itu a tio n should cause a change in the perspective of ad m inistrative leadership concepts cu rren tly popular. Monahan (1967) takes the position th a t factors in the school's environment can a f f e c t i t s clim a te, and points to the anomie caused by problems p e cu liar to big c i t y school systems. He o ffe rs Merton's 35 typology o f anomic response patterns (conformity, innovation, r itu a lis m , re tre a tis m , r e b e llio n ) as a paradigm fo r understanding urban schools, and sees a correspondence between th is paradigm and the experimental work o f Halpin (discussed below). Some of the l i t e r a t u r e about organizational climate centers around e f fo r ts to measure climate differen ces. Principal among these studies is the one by Halpin and Croft (1 966 ), which id e n t i­ fie d eig ht dimensions o f school organizational clim ate. sions were related to the group behavior of teachers: ment, (2) Hindrance, (3) E s p r it, (4) Intimacy. Four dimen­ (1) Disengage­ The other four dimensions were related to the individual behavior of the p rin c ip a l: (1) Aloofness, e ra tio n . (2) Production Emphasis, (3) Thrust, (4) Consid­ These eig ht dimensions were obtained by a fa c to r analysis of an Organizational Climate Description Questionnaire (OCDQ) which was administered to teachers and principals in 71 elementary schools. For the second stage o f t h e ir research Halpin and Croft developed climate p r o file s fo r each school by taking the average response of the teachers in the school and applying fa c to r analysis techniques to the p r o f ile s . As a r e s u lt , they were able to id e n tify six types o f clim ates— arranged on a continuum from "open" to "autonomous," "c o n tro lle d ," " f a m ilia r ," "p atern al," and "closed." They likened t h e ir concepts of open and closed climates to Lewin's hypothesis about the stru ctu re of the mind (p. 170): "To use Lewin's terms, we can describe the Open Climate as marked by 'functional f l e x i b i l i t y ' and the Closed Climate as distinguished by 'functional rig id ity .'" These six climates were also p ro to ty p ic a lly related to 36 the eig h t climate dimensions as the Figure below shows. ___________________ Climate Dimensions Open Types o f Climate Autono­ mous Con­ t r o ll e d Fam iliar Paternal Closed Disengagement low low low high high high Hindrance low low high low low high E sprit high moderate moderate low low low high low moderate re la ­ tiv e ly high Intimacy mod­ erate re la ­ tiv e ly high Aloofness mod­ erate high r e la t i vely high low low high Production Emphasis low low high low low high Thrust high re la ­ tiv e ly high moderate moderate low to moderate low Consideration high mod­ erate low high moderate low Figure 2. Halpin and C ro ft's Elementary School Climate Typology Containing Eight Climate Dimensions and Six Climate Types Halpin and C ro ft admitted succumbing to the u n s c ie n tific judgment th at open climates were good and closed climates were bad (p. 135) and they hypothesized th a t the concept o f a u th e n tic ity best expressed the d ifferen ce between the two: "We were struck by the v iv id impression th a t what was going on in some schools was fo r r e a l , while in other schools, the characters on stage seemed to have learned t h e i r parts by rote . . . (p. 2 0 4 )." 37 Their fa c to r analysis indicated th a t the dimensions of e s p r it and th ru s t contributed most to a u th e n tic ity . The authors devote considerable space to discussing the meaning o f "a u th e n tic ity " and i t s r e la tio n to concepts u t i l i z e d by other researchers. For example, they in d ic a te th a t in open-climate schools p e rsonalities seemed more important than professional ro le s , while in closed-climate schools roles were used to hide in d iv id u a ls ' id e n t it ie s They also lin k a u th e n tic ity with a considerable body of l i t e r a t u r e in three d i s t in c t conceptual areas: (1 ) The problem o f the marginal man ( i . e . , a man close to the boundary of some status group which he desires to become— or s ta y --p a r t o f ) . (2 ) The problem o f person-to-person re la tio n s in cross-cultu ral (and s u b -c u ltu ra l) exchange ( i . e . , a t t it u d in a l differences in values—what is appropriate behavior?). (3 ) The c r is is o f id e n t ity ( i . e . , the process by which an individual develops and grows into an authentic " I " ) . Several c r i t i c a l comments about the H alp in -C ro ft study are in order. According to the authors, t h e i r i n i t i a l resolve to avoid value judgments about the types of climate they found eventually gave way to a fe e lin g th a t open climates were good and closed climates were bad. I t is unfortunate th a t t h e ir subjective value judgments were not trans la te d in to ob jective evidence to which others could attach value, such as school achievement. The most serious c r it ic is m o f Halpin and C ro ft's work comes from research l i k e th a t of Kenney and Rentz (1970). According to them, " . . . Halpin and Croft d e lib e r a te ly excluded urban core schools choosing instead schools in communities where the concentration o f Negroes was low. The data were collected in 1960 and 1961 when the issues of teacher m ilita n c y and race problems were backstage (p. 6 3 )." 38 Kenney and Rentz conjectured th a t using the OCDQ on a d i f f e r e n t sample of schools might show a d if f e r e n t stru ctu re o f climate fa c to rs . And, to make a long story short, they did fin d a d i f f e r e n t climate s tru c tu re . Theirs contained only four fa cto rs : (2) (1) Principal as A uthority Figure, Non-Classroom Teacher S a tis fa c tio n , (3) Perception, (4) Work Conditions. Teacher Qua Teacher Group Of special in te r e s t to them was the fa c t th a t they found Halpin and C ro ft's e s p r it - r e la t e d OCDQ items to be dispersed across the four new fa c to rs . Another study using the OCDQ with urban elementary teachers found no s ig n if ic a n t differences in the values held across various clim ates. However, the m ajo rity o f in n e r -c ity elementary schools in th is study had p rim a rily closed climates (Leonard and Gies 1971). Other d i f f i ­ c u ltie s in understanding Halpin and C ro ft's concept of climate and its e ffe c ts have also been found. For instance, in t h e i r review o f a number o f OCDQ studies, Brown and House (1967-402) found no syste­ matic or enduring lin k between pupil achievement and the overall climate p r o f ile o f the schools. In sp ite o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced by some climate resear­ chers, the concept has seemed s u f f i c i e n t l y useful to encourage others to keep studying i t . One r e s u lt of the continued in te r e s t in climate research may be to overcome B idw ell's (1965) complaint th a t "Researchers have concentrated on the student so cie ty, ignoring the teacher colleague group and the modes o f in te g ra tio n of those two components o f the school's small society (p. 9 9 2)." Two research projects (M c D ill, e t . al_. 1967 and Brookover, e t . al_. 1973, 1976) have taken approaches th a t do attem pt, unlike the OCDQ studies, to in te g ra te information about both students and teachers in the school's society. McDill and his colleagues, using fa c to r analysis 39 on instruments fo r high school students and teachers, found th a t the climate fa c to r they c a lle d "academic emulation" (valuing academic excellence) was the most important clim ate fa c to r re la te d to achieve­ ment, and was in fa c t more strongly re la te d to achievement than the SES context o f the school. They also found th a t climate variables were s t i l l s ig n if ic a n t ly re la te d to achievement a f t e r fam ily SES and student in te llig e n c e were c o n tro lle d . The studies by Brookover and his associates found s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n s between student and teacher climate variables in elementary schools. Their research viewed school climate as a subcultural phenomena: th a t i s , the com­ ponents o f a school's clim ate are the norms, values, b e l i e f s , and expectations o f a l l o f the members o f the school organization . In th e ir p i l o t study (1973) they found th a t a f t e r c o n tro llin g f o r SES, race, and urban-rural type, the student climate fa c to r c a lle d "sense of f u t i l i t y " accounted fo r an additional 10%. These two v a ria b le s , plus two others, were a l l found to be " c le a r ly re la te d to mean school achievement in several types o f analysis (Brookover 1973-123)." The study which followed the 1973 Brookover report (Brookover 1976) also found important climate e f f e c t s . One key fin d in g resulted from the comparisons of the r e l a t i v e impact o f climate variables and composition (SES and race) variables in samples th a t were m a jo rity black only, m ajo rity -w h ite o n ly, and a combination o f both. A m u ltip le regression analysis showed th a t the climate variables accounted fo r more o f the variance when they were added a f t e r the composition v a r ia ­ bles than the composition variables accounted fo r when added a f t e r the climate v a ria b le s. These resu lts were found in two out o f three samples of elementary schools with which they were working. 40 Brookover and his associates concluded th a t " I t is apparent th a t composition variables used alone as a measure of school environment are inadequate measures o f the impact of school clim ate as id e n t if ie d in th is study. . . . The school climate variables which we have id e n t if ie d explain a s ig n if ic a n t proportion o f the d iffe re n c e in achieve­ ment between schools beyond th at explained by social composi­ tio n and . . . much o f the variance explained by socioeconomic composition is also explained by differences in climate variables which are associated with composition (p. 2 4 )." In other words, the phenomenon o f climate does seem to have an important general e f f e c t on one of the major outcomes o f education— student achievement. Brookover and associates also investigated various components o f climate and again found th a t the students' sense of academic f u t i l i t y contributed more to achievement than any o f the other clim ate variables. This va riable in turn was found to be most influenced by teacher climate variables in one sample, and about equally influenced by teacher climate variables and composition variables in the other two samples. In an attempt to f u r t h e r understand how climates a f f e c t student achievement, Brookover and associates followed up t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l analyses with a p a r tic ip a n t observation in v e s tig a tio n a t four schools in t h e i r sample. These schools were selected to have s im ila r SES and ra c ia l composition but d i f f e r e n t levels o f achievement. Their te n ta tiv e conclusions based on these observations were: (1) Teachers in the higher achieving schools spent more class time in in s tru c tio n and seemed to have a g rea ter concern fo r students' achievement. (2) The s t a f f o f lower SES schools tended to "w rite o f f" a la rg e r proportion o f students. That i s , the students were id e n t if ie d as low achievers and low expectations fo r achievement were set fo r them. 41 (3) Higher achieving schools tended to make more use o f group competition and teaching games rath er than individual competition. (4) The teachers in higher achieving low SES schools practiced more consistent p o sitive reinforcement f o r achievement. In sum, teachers in higher achieving schools could be said to work harder, hold higher expectations f o r achievement, u t i l i z e the social rewards found in c o lle c tiv e e f f o r t s , and more e f f e c t iv e ly shape students' behavior toward the goal o f achievement. The ra th e r obvious in te r p r e ta tio n o f the findings o f Brookover and his associates seems to be th a t in many cases teachers allow t h e ir a c t i v i t i e s to be defined by the nature o f t h e ir c l i e n t e l e , and in some cases th a t c li e n t e le seems more worthy of e f f o r t than in others. A more o p tim is tic conclusion which can be drawn is th a t expectations fo r performance can run counter to conventional practice and in those cases where they do, the e f f e c t on student achievement is b e n e f ic ia l. I t now remains fo r educators of a l l kinds— teachers, teacher unions, ad m in istrators, school boards, s ta te departments o f education and colleges o f ed ucation--to determine how school e ffe c ts on achievement can be a lte re d where they are d e trim e n ta l, so th at more students have the opportunity fo r the education to which they are e n t it l e d . The Importance of the Concept o f A uthority in Schools There are a number o f reasons which can be c ite d fo r studying the role th a t a teacher's use of his or her au th o rity plays in pro­ moting or r e s t r ic t in g student outcomes. F i r s t , power is a fundamental ingredient in a l l kinds o f social relation ship s and s it u a t io n s , and a u th o rity is often considered a 42 clo sely re la te d phenomenon. Much has been w r itte n about the nature of social power and the meaning of the term "a u th o rity ." While i t cannot a l l be reviewed here, some discussion is warranted. "Power," "fo rc e ," and "might" are a l l terms which connote related meanings, but fo r which s p e c ific , widely accepted d e fin itio n s which cover a l l situ a tio n s do not seem to e x is t . For our purposes we can leave them as e s s e n tia lly undefined terms which nonetheless evoke common under­ standings among many people. However, we can do b e tte r in saying what we mean by the term "a u th o rity ." A f a i r l y good way to explain "authority" is to c a ll i t the le g itim a te use o f power— th a t i s , i t is might transformed into r ig h t. The purpose o f le g itim a tin g power— of transforming i t in to a u t h o r it y - - is to reduce a lie n a tio n and make control more acceptable to those being co n tro lled . The notion o f au th o rity has several dimensions. Following the analysis o f Max Weber, we can speak o f three types o f a u th o rity : t r a d i t i o n a l , l e g a l - r a t i o n a l , and charismatic. Each o f these, in tu rn , may be best understood in terms o f how the a u th o rity is obtained or conferred--how i t is made le g itim a te . T rad itio n al a u th o rity is conferred by the tr a d itio n s which a society m aintains, the fundamental b e lie fs to which i t adheres. Charismatic a u th o rity is conferred on a leader by his followers insofar as they perceive in him personal q u a lit ie s worthy of follow ing. L e g al-ra tio n al or bureaucratic a u th o rity is conferred by the rules o f an organization. This a u th o rity can be divided in to two types: au th o rity o f o f f ic e or position and a u th o rity o f knowledge or expertise. The three types of au th o rity ju s t discussed are a l l ideal types and i t may not be c le a r in any given case j u s t exactly which one o f 43 them is most p e rtin e n t. In the case o f teachers, f o r example, i t seems th a t several o f the types mentioned may be im portant, depend­ ing on the circumstances. For example, when a teacher enforces a class ru le he exercises his a u th o rity of o f f i c e ; when he d irects a learning sequence he exercises his a u th o rity of knowledge; and when he is tryin g to motivate a student to do b e tte r he exercises ch aris­ matic a u th o rity . Second, a considerable body of research in education has been devoted to analyzing the re la tio n between a teacher's leadership s ty le and student outcomes, p r in c ip a lly student achievement. As Sexton (1967) says, "The most eloquent dispute in American education was over a u th o rita ria n versus democratic values in the school. The debate, interru pted by Sputnik, promises to resume i f the assumed need f o r a u th o rita ria n methods and 'high standards' diminishes (p. 8 1 )." We w i l l examine some o f the research findings p e rtin e n t to th is dispute more closely l a t e r . Third, class "d is c ip lin e " is a major concern to parents as shown by a 1969 Harris poll fo r L ife magazine, which found th a t two third s of the high school students' parents surveyed believed th a t maintain­ ing d is c ip lin e was more important than developing s e lf - in q u ir y (Silberman 1970-145). Class control is also very important to teachers since ". . . i t is the c h ie f means by which t h e i r competence is judged (Silberman 1970-144)." Willower (1967-3) found th a t pupil control problems played a major part in teacher-teacher and teacher-adm inistrator re la tio n s h ip s . Teachers who were viewed as weak on control had only marginal status among colleagues. In t h e i r p a rtic ip a n t observation study o f an 44 elementary school Smith and Geoffrey (1969-52) found th a t the primary concern o f teachers was to establish control of the classroom. They also observed th a t i t seemed to be considered a major sin f o r a student to be reprimanded by another teacher. They concluded th a t students in some sense "belong" to a teacher, and i f they don't behave according to the norms o f the teaching s t a f f , questions are raised about the teacher's adequacy f o r carrying out his ro le . Even apart from th is judgmental aspect of a teacher's a b i l i t y to control students through his exercise o f a u th o r ity , i t seems only common sense to agree with Johnson (1970-194) th a t "Unless the teacher is able to influence and control student behavior, he cannot d ire c t and supervise the learning w ithin the classroom." According to B l i t z (1 973 ), "For a teacher to deny th a t she has a u th o rity is to be dishonest, and f a i l u r e to use her au th o rity may be damaging to children (p. 4 3 ) ." However, the manner in which a teacher should exercise au th o rity is a highly debatable s u b je ct, which advocates of informal education fin d to be of fundamental importance to t h e ir view o f schools, and about which more w i l l be said l a t e r . Fourth, is the h is to ric a l connection between studies o f leader­ ship s ty le and the concept o f organizational climate mentioned e a rlie r. I t seems proper to continue to examine the issues o f teacher au th o rity and leadership through the climate approach. C ertainly i f clim ate is viewed as a global concept which encompasses a l l organizational behavior, i t makes sense to include a u th o rity and leadership styles as components o f th a t clim ate. Furthermore, some social s c ie n tis ts believe th a t teacher behavior is one o f the most important determinants of classroom climate (Smith 1960-1) and th a t 45 the teacher's classroom control is an important aspect in the develop­ ment o f the classroom's social stru ctu re (Smith and Geoffrey 1969-71). They argue th a t as a teacher makes class rules c le a r he is dealing with b e l i e f systems, and th a t as he t r ie s to b u ild the students' emotional commitment to those b e lie fs he is engaged in shaping normative s tru c tu re . Rubovits and Maehr (1971-198), c it in g Kirscht and D ille h a y , s ta te th a t the degree o f a u th o rity exercised by a teacher may well mediate a students' conformity to an imposed set or expectancy. I t is f e l t not only th a t the teacher's a u th o rity ro le has a strong impact on class climate but also th a t the school environment in turn prescribes the ro le o f the teacher to some e x te n t, es p ec ially as regards a u th o rity and control (Smith 1960-2). In t h e ir p a rtic ip a n t observation study c ite d e a r l i e r , Smith and Geoffrey (1969) concluded th at a teacher's conception of "proper" pupil behavior is a product of his or her past experiences with teacher-pupil in teraction s and the norms of the clique o f teachers with whom he or she associates (p. 50). F i f t h , ju s t as the climate studies discussed above have shown an important re la tio n s h ip between social class and c e rta in teacher a ttitu d e s and behavior, so too is i t f e l t th a t there is a d e f in it e connection between social class and the exercise o f teacher a u th o rity . For example, "The question of why teachers have more trouble maintaining control in lower class than in middle class schools remains . . . . Leacock suggests [ t h a t ] the school . . . conveys a middle class image o f how working class children are and how they should be— an image which emphasizes obedience, respect, and conscientiousness . . . ra th e r than a b i l i t y , r e s p o n s ib ility and i n i t i a t i v e and which expects . . . unruliness with regard to behavior and apathy with regard to curriculum (Silberman 1970-91)." 46 This "middle class" school view o f lower class children corresponds with recent r e v is io n is t views o f the h is to ry o f American education which Silberman also c it e s . "The purpose o f public education was to give the lower classes the habits o f obedience and submission necessary fo r public peace, a docile labor force and the protection of property (p. 6 0 )." S ix th , the ro le o f teacher au th o rity is perhaps the central issue in recent discussions about a lt e r n a t iv e schools in general, and informal elementary schools in p a r t ic u la r , and the research reported l a t e r in th is study is concerned with a p a r t ic u la r aspect of teacher a u th o rity in such schools. A more d e ta ile d discussion of teacher a u th o rity in informal schools appears in Chapter I I I . In summary, the concept o f au th o rity is o f general importance in social re la tio n s h ip s , much research in education has been devoted to i t , and the nature of teacher a u th o rity is o f central concern to parents and teachers. Furthermore, leadership styles have h i s t o r i ­ c a lly been connected with climate research, and, l i k e some climate fa c to rs , teachers' use of a u th o rity is related to social class. F i n a lly , teachers' use o f au th o rity is o f fundamental concern to proponents o f informal schools. A Theoretical Perspective on Authority in Schools In order to give some form to our discussion and analysis of teacher a u th o rity , i t w i l l be worthwhile to produce a hypothetical viewpoint to which the items under discussion can be re la te d . Such a viewpoint is a v a ila b le in the w ritin gs of Amitai Etzioni (1961), who has developed what he c a lls a compliance typology to describe various kinds of organizations. According to E tz io n i, compliance 47 is a central and universal element of organizational s tru c tu re . It is the re la tio n s h ip which consists o f the power employed by superiors to control subordinates, and the o rie n ta tio n o f the subordinates to th is power. I t is a global concept since i t is concerned with the kinds and d is tr ib u tio n o f power in many organization s, the d i f f e r e n t i a l commitment o f actors to those organizations, the goals, e l i t e s , con­ sensus, recruitment and scope, d is tr ib u tio n and control o f charismatic p a rtic ip a n ts , and the a llo c a tio n o f tasks in various organizations (p. xv ). This approach f a l l s w ithin the s t r u c t u r a lis t school o f organizational study. I t seeks to understand and explain the in e v ita b le strains between upper and lower levels o f p a rtic ip a tio n in o rg a n iza tio n s-the incompatible in te r e s t s , d if f e r in g values, a lie n a tio n from work, and manipulation o f lower p a rtic ip a n ts . I t emphasizes formal and informal elements o f o rg a n iza tio n , the scope o f informal groups, social and material rewards, and the in te ra c tio n between an organization and i t s environment. E tz io n i's typology contains two major dimensions: involvement. Power is divided in to three types: tiv e or u t i l i t a r i a n , and normative. three types: Kinds of Power power and coercive, remunera­ Involvement is also divided in to a l i e n a t iv e , c a lc u la tiv e and moral. Kinds o f Involvement A lie n a tiv e C a lc u la tive Coercive Moral 2 3 U t i1i t a r i an 4 5 6 Normati ve 7 8 9 Figure 3. E tz io n i's Compliance Typology o f Complex Organizations 48 The organization types found in the main diagonal of th is m atrix are ca lle d "congruent types," by which he means such organizations occur most o fte n . To put i t another way, fo r example, the "c orre latio n" between coercive power and a lie n a tiv e involvement is higher than the "c o rre la tio n " between coercive power and e it h e r c a lc u la tiv e or moral involvement. I t must be noted, before going fu r th e r with th is typology, th a t Etzioni emphasizes power and not a u th o rity . However, he does state th a t a l l three kinds o f power can be viewed as le g itim a te by the lower p a rtic ip a n ts in an o rg a n iza tio n , thereby becoming a u th o r ity , moreover, there is increasing legitim acy to the types as one passes from coercive to u t i l i t a r i a n to normative power (p. 15 ). This w r it e r believes th at th is typology provides a su ita b le per­ spective from which to view teacher a u th o rity in schools, esp ec ially elementary schools, f o r two reasons. F i r s t , Etzioni himself views schools as p rim a rily normative organizations (p. 45) and so as he says, power would be more l i k e l y to be viewed as le g itim a te . Second, because o f the r e la t iv e superordinate/subordinate positions o f adults and ch ildren in any s o c ie ty , even coercive power (which Etzioni iden­ t i f i e s as a secondary compliance pattern f o r elementary schools) seems very l i k e l y to be viewed as le g itim a te by a l l the p a rtic ip a n ts in the organization . In other words, fo r a l l p ra c tic a l purposes, teacher "power" and teacher "auth ority" are v i r t u a l l y synonomous terms fo r elementary schools. Even though our use o f E tz io n i's typology may include a b i t of w a fflin g with regard to the meanings o f the terms "power" and "a u th o rity ", there are some important conceptual benefits which r e s u lt . For one 49 th ing, the paradigm focuses a tte n tio n not ju s t on the a u th o rity used by teachers but on the involvement (E tzio n i c a lls i t the c a th e c tic evaluative o rie n ta tio n o f an actor to an object) o f the students. This focus is advantageous here because i t is exactly the question of how students react to teacher a u th o rity which is o f principal in te r e s t in th is study. Furthermore, the typology i t s e l f can be considered as a climate concept and thus may be expected to coordinate in some way with other climate analyses. E tz io n i's concept o f involvement has two dim ensions--intensity and direc tio n --w h ich describe the three types of involvement. The a lie n a tiv e type is high in in te n s ity and negative, while the moral * type is high in in te n s ity and p o s itiv e . C alculative involvement is mild in in te n s ity and n e u tra l. Insofar as schools are concerned, students are said to have a p rim a rily moral involvement. ment breaks down in to two types: pure and s o c ia l. Moral involve­ Pure moral involve­ ment is based on in te r n a liz a tio n of norms and id e n t if ic a t io n with au th o rity ; social moral involvement "rests on s e n s i t iv it y to pressures of a primary group and t h e ir members (p. 1 1 )." Pure moral involvement tends to develop in v e rtic a l r e la tio n s h ip s , such as between students and teachers, while social moral involvement develops in horizontal relatio n sh ip s. Etzioni does not dwell nearly as much on the type o f involvement of students as he does on the type of power (or a u th o rity ) of teachers. The position we take is th a t student involvement is both pure and Here, "positive" and "negative" r e fe r to the d irec tio n of the involvement, e it h e r "toward" the organization (commitment) or "away" from the organization ( a lie n a t io n ) . 50 s o c ia l, and f u r t h e r , th a t teachers behave in such a way as to transform the pure moral involvement th a t students have with them in to a social moral involvement with each other th a t also fosters the compliance of students with the goals of the teachers. This transformation e f f o r t creates some of what we commonly c a ll school or classroom clim ate. Two other a n c illa r y typologies developed by Etzioni are of in te r e s t here. The f i r s t is a typology of e l i t e s , based on differences in sources o f power. Power Derived From O ffic e (c o ercive, u t i l i t a r i a n , normative) Personal Power (normative only) + + formal leaders informal leaders n o n -e lite s o f f i cers - Figure 4. - Etzioni 's Typology of Organizational E lite s The second is a typology of e l i t e s and the a c t i v i t i e s they c o n tr o l. Leaders A c t iv it ie s Informal Formal O fficers instrumental le a s t l i k e l y more l i k e l y most l i k e l y expressive most l i k e l y more l i k e l y le a s t l i k e l y Figure 5. E tz io n i's Typology of E lite s and the A c t i v it ie s They Control 51 Here, instrumental a c t i v i t i e s f u l f i l l the needs of input and a llo c a ­ tion and usually require c a lc u la tiv e involvement produced by u t i l i t a r ­ ian c o n tro l, while expressive a c t i v i t i e s f u l f i l l the needs o f social and normative in te g ra tio n and usually require moral involvement produced by normative co n tro l. For schools, instrumental a c t i v i t i e s are directed a t developing knowledge and s k i l l s , but since u t i l i t a r i a n control plays a t best a t e r t i a r y role in schools (t h a t i s , in elementary schools), control o f instrumental a c t i v i t i e s must be sought by e it h e r coercive or normative means; expressive a c t i v i t i e s are directed at shaping values, a ttitu d e s and m otivation. Now th a t the basic elements o f E tz io n i's perspective have been introduced, we can go in to more d e ta il about some o f them with respect to schools. As we mentioned above, schools make much use of normative power/authority. Normative controls include grades, honors, personal influence o f teacher, scolding, appeals to moral commitments, manipula­ tion of the class climate o f opinion (p. 4 5 ). Like moral involvement, normative power comes in two v a r ie t ie s : pure and social (not s u r p r is in g ly , since moral involvement which is of two types, co rrelates most highly with normative power). Pure normative power u t i l i z e s the manipulation of esteem, p re s tig e , and other r i t u a l i s t i c symbols. Social normative power u t i l i z e s manipulation o f acceptance and p o s itiv e response. Pure normative power is used most often in v e rtic a l re la tio n s h ip s , social normative power in horizontal re la tio n s h ip s . As we said above, teachers seek to use social normative power to produce the social moral involve­ ment o f students in schools. E tz io n i's (1961) b e l i e f th a t schools are p rim a rily normative organizations is f a i r l y strongly stated: 52 "Organizations which r e ly heavily on normative power are the most successful in terms o f t h e i r s o c ia liz a tio n achievements. Modern schools are a prime example (p. 2 0 )." His position is based on his analysis o f the type of controls most often used by teachers, and he c ite s survey evidence to support his view. He also states th at "Modern schools have gradually reduced corporal punishment and other coercive means o f d is c ip lin e and stress the need to r e ly on psychological in s ig h t, leadership o f the teacher, clim ate o f the classroom and other such normative means (E tz io n i 1961-311)." He believes th a t coercion is an important secondary fa c to r in producing compliance but th a t only a small m inority o f students are affected by coercive measures. Because coercion is used to some e x te n t, schools e x h ib it somewhat more a lie n a t iv e involvement than other normative organizations. Coercion is a fa c to r because schools are not voluntary organizations and therefore cannot be very s e le c tiv e . Thus, there is a b u i l t - i n need f o r some degree of fo rc efu l ness to insure the s o c ia liz a tio n of the lower p a rtic ip a n ts to the s a tis fa c to r y performance o f organizational roles and accomplishment o f organizational goals. A ll students experience some a lie n a tiv e in ­ volvement in .schools because o f compulsory attendance (although, lik e Marx's a lie n a tio n , i t is not necessarily f e l t in a psychological sense). Other w rite rs stress the coercive nature o f schools more heavily. For example, " I f one thinks o f a u th o r ity , c o n tr o l, and leadership in p o li t i c a l terms, i t is c le a r th a t the classroom group, a t le a s t in it s formal aspects, is about as f a r from democracy as one can get. Not only do the students have no control over the selection of t h e i r lea d e r, they normally also have no recourse from his leadership, no influence on his method o f leadership beyond th a t granted by him, and no power over the tenure o f his le a d e rs h ip .- There are very few working groups in our society in which these e s s e n tia lly despotic conditions are le g itim a te ly so much the rule (Getzels and Thelen 1960-56)." 53 Several w rite rs have noted the s im ila r it y o f some aspects o f schools to prisons and other involuntary in s tit u tio n s (Boocock 1973-20; Haney and Zimbardo 1975-29, 30; Friedenberg 1963-32). Hodgkins and H e r r io t t (1970) have proposed the idea th a t the compliance stru ctu re o f schools varies with the age-grade s tru c tu re . Diagrammatically, t h e i r hypothesis looks l i k e t h is : K - 6 Coercive Control Figure 6. 7 -9 10-12 College Normative Con ;rol Hodgkins and H e r r i o t t 's View o f the Relation Between The Com­ pliance Structure and the Age-Grade Structure of Schools This proposed addition to E tz io n i's analysis bears some s i m ila r it y to S ilk 's (1976-775) suggestion t h a t , as grade level increases, the teacher becomes more a u th o rity (exercising a u th o rity of knowledge) and less ij^ a u th o rity (exercising a u th o rity o f p o s itio n ). S im ila r ly , from t h e i r research in to the re la tio n between student dependency and teacher a u th o rity or permissiveness, Wallen, e t . al_. (1963, 1964, 1966) derived the impression th a t fir s t -g r a d e r s are unsure of school One problem with the Hodgkins-Herriott model is th a t i t does not account fo r the d i f f e r e n t types o f a c t i v i t i e s in which students engage at d i f f e r e n t points in t h e ir school careers. I t does not seem, fo r example, th a t the very e a rly grades (where much general learning and s o c ia liz a tio n seem to occur) are as coercively managed as l a t e r elementary grades (where class a c t i v i t i e s tend to focus r e l a t i v e l y more on producing cognitive achievement). 54 and so are more comfortable with teachers who exercise higher control which is comforting but not o v e rtly a ffe c tio n a te . F u rther, Wallen f e l t th a t pupil behavior may be very d i f f e r e n t between the f i r s t two grades and l a t e r grades. We o f f e r the ad ditional hypothesis th a t the r e la t iv e decrease in coercive control and increase in normative control over time is due to the emphasis teachers give to developing social normative o rie n ­ tations among the students. As time passes, many students become successfully so cia lized to normative c o n tro l; the ones who don't eventually drop out or are pushed out (note th a t the rapid increase in normative control in the H odgkins-Herriott model occurs near the upper age fo r compulsory attendance, when " d i f f i c u l t " students no longer need to be r e ta in e d ). As we have s a id , the question o f how much normative or coercive control is (and/or should be) used in school is related to the in s tr u ­ mental and expressive a c t i v i t i e s o f the school and to the fa c t th a t schools are not voluntary. E tz io n i's typology o f e l i t e s and a c t i v i t i e s indicates th a t the two types o f a c t i v i t i e s are most l i k e l y to be pursued by d if f e r e n t e l i t e s (instrumental a c t i v i t i e s by o f f i c e r s , expressive a c t i v i t i e s by informal le a d e rs ). But the school has an in t e r e s t in pursuing both instrumental (knowledge and s k i l l s ) and expressive (values, a ttitu d e s ) a c t i v i t i e s because i t s o v e ra ll purpose is s o c ia liz a tio n . And so, the locus of control must l i e la r g e ly w ith the formal leaders and o ffic e rs of the organization . One problem th a t confronts the teacher in his e f fo r ts to carry out instrumental and expressive a c t i v i t i e s as formal leader is the degree to which the expressive a c t i v i t i e s he pursues c o n f lic t with the expressive a c t i v i t i e s pursued by informal leaders among 55 the students. Use o f coercive controls w i l l increase a lie n a tiv e involvement and may strengthen the informal leaders' p o s itio n . Use of normative controls w i l l increase moral involvement and is l i k e l y to promote some degree o f expressive leadership on the p art o f the teacher. Even i f there is no c o n f l ic t between formal and informal leaders in schools, there may be a c o n f l ic t between the two fundamental types of a c t i v i t i e s themselves. Etzioni (1961) says ". . . t o the degree th a t . . . the primary school educates (communicates values) more than i t t r a i n s , supremacy of expressive leadership in the classroom in general, and in the teacher's role in p a r t ic u l a r , seems to us highly functional (p. 110)." But, he fe e ls th a t in schools i t is also functional fo r instrumental a c t i v i t i e s to dominate expressive ones a t times, and th a t coercive controls c a n 't always be avoided and so some a lie n a tiv e involvement of students w i l l r e s u lt. The dilemma is summarized by Etzioni (quoting Brim): " . . . the dominant ro le prescription fo r teachers is to be ta s k -o rie n te d , though e it h e r role is acceptable; th a t teachers follow th is a t the expense o f expressive considerations; th a t they gain respect but lose a ttra c tio n in doing t h is ; th a t both teachers and students wish more a tte n tio n were (o r could be) given to expressive or social-emotional m atters, and, f i n a l l y , th a t i f they do, learning (or task accomplishment ) suffers (p. 109)." Having developed th is th e o re tic a l perspective we may now use i t to discuss other factors p e rtin e n t to this study. One o f these, mentioned above, is the r e la t io n between social class and the use o f a u th o rity. 56 The Relation Between Social Class and A uthority/A uth oritarianism In general, one usually considers organizations to be subunits of a la rg e r social system. Thus, the social class stru ctu re in a society forms part o f the general context or environment in which organizations e x is t. The Etzionian model is p r in c ip a lly concerned with what goes on inside an organization and not with it s environment. However, given the model's inclusion o f the concepts of power and organizational e l i t e s , i t c e r t a in ly can be presumed th a t i t would be able to accommodate some development o f a r e la tio n between advantaged groups in the society a t large and the a c t i v i t i e s and relation ship s w ithin organizations. For example, C ollins (1971-1010) believes th a t in complex s o c ie tie s , struggles between status groups are c a rried on la rg e ly w ithin organizations. In b r i e f , we assert th at schools are influenced by in te r e s t groups in s o c ie ty , but th a t the sp ecifics o f th is influence are outside the bounds o f th is discussion. The fa c t th a t student achievement is highly co rrela ted with race and social class is a general in d ica tio n of such in flu e n c e , and our e a r l i e r remarks about the functional role of schools in reproducing the social re la tio n s o f production should be re c a lle d . For the present we w i l l review some o f the findings o f studies which show some re la tio n s h ip between social class and organizational control or a u th o rity . The study which is most enlightening in i t s analysis of th is re la tio n s h ip is the cros s-c ultu ra l study of Pearlin and Kohn (1 966 ), who surveyed I t a l i a n and American middle and working class parents' a ttitu d e s about ch ild rearing . Based on t h e i r review o f other research they f e l t th a t i t was f a i r l y well established 57 th at in the United States "s e lf-c o n tro l is the pivotal parental value f o r the middle class, obedience fo r the working class (p. 4 6 6 )." Their objective was to enlarge the scope o f th is fin d in g by looking a t these values fo r s o c ia liz a tio n in another country. I f we look at s e lf - r e lia n c e and obedience in Etzionian terms— as a ttitu d e s r e fle c tin g the involvement o f lower p a rtic ip a n ts in an organization—we would characterize s e lf - r e li a n c e as a kind o f moral involvement, compatible with normative c o n tro l, while obedience is a more a lie n a tiv e involvement and is a more appropriate o rie n ta tio n fo r situation s involving coercive c o n tro l. In both the U.S. and I t a l y , Pearl in and Kohn found th at working-class c h ild -re a r in g values emphasized obedience and neatness, while middle-class c h ild -re a r in g values were strongest fo r s e lf - c o n t r o l, de p en d a b ility, happiness and showing consideration. ( I t should be noted th a t most parents in both countries found some value in most of the q u a lit ie s mentioned above, and the social class differen ce found in the study was only a d ifferen ce in r e la t iv e emphasis.) Pearlin and Kohn found the s i m i l a r i t y of value patterns between the two countries to be very impressive: in both countries middle-class parents valued s e l f control fo r both boys and g i r l s , while working-class parents valued conformity to external prescription fo r both sexes. The authors noted th a t f o r both classes of parents in both countries, the c h ie f value was fo r co ntrol: control from w ithin or control from w ithout. Some studies have shown th a t th is social class d ifferen ce in the locus o f control f o r c h ild ren s' behavior is found in school as well as the home. Research reviewed by Brophy and Good (1574-253) showed th a t lower-class children were more productive when the teacher presented in stru ctio n in an a u th o rita ria n ( i . e . , coercive) 58 and h o s tile way; another study they reviewed found th a t mild th reats were more e f fe c tiv e with middle class c h ild re n , while harsh threats were more e f fe c tiv e with lower-class c h ild ren . Pearl in and Kohn's analysis went beyond the general phenomenon of social class and t r i e d to grasp the r e la t io n between parents' values fo r the s o c ia liz a tio n o f t h e i r ch ildren and t h e i r occupational exper­ iences and requirements. occupations: They id e n t i f i e d three crucial dimensions of (1) closeness o f supervision; (2) the content of the work— things vs. people or ideas; (3) the need fo r s e l f re lia n c e . They noted th a t while both middle and working class jobs deal with a ll three dimensions, there is a tendency fo r working class jobs to be more involved with things and middle class jobs to be more involved with people and ideas. They also noted th a t although these three dimensions tend to be re la te d in a regu lar way, they can be independent They found th a t the more a man was supervised from above, the more he valued obedience, and th a t the g rea ter his sense of power over work conditions, the more he valued s e lf - c o n t r o l. Their analysis o f job types led them to conjecture th a t dealing with things e n ta ile d the le a s t freedom and le a s t necessity fo r independent judgment (as on a factory assembly l i n e ) , while dealing with people and e s p e c ia lly with ideas is more under the d ir e c t control o f the individual doctor, or mathematician). (as fo r a T h e ir research indicated th a t men who worked with things were le a s t disposed to value s e lf - c o n t r o l, while men who work with ideas were most disposed to value s e l f - c o n t r o l , and f u r t h e r , th a t these re la tio n s were independent o f social class. Lastly they found th a t men who f e l t t h e i r jobs required a large measure of s e lf - r e lia n c e overwhelmingly valued s e lf-c o n tro l fo r c h ild re a rin g , 59 while those whose jobs require l i t t l e s e lf - r e li a n c e valued obedience-again independent o f social class. Pearl in and Kohn concluded th a t the combined e f f e c t o f these three dimensions o f occupations account fo r a large part o f the differen ce between middle- and working-class values f o r the s o c ia liz a tio n of children . In other words, the typical occupations o f working-class men tend to be closely supervised, to deal with th in g s, and to require l i t t l e s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and the usual conjunction o f these three condi­ tions produce the workers' value fo r ra is in g children who e x h ib it more obedience than s e lf - c o n t r o l. S im ila r statements could be made fo r middle class occupations and the re s u ltin g valuation of s e lf-c o n tro l over obedience. Since "occupation" and "organization" are not synonomous terms, there is some d i f f i c u l t y in coordinating these findings with the Etzioni paradigm. However, since occupations and organizations are r e la te d , we should expect to fin d some way to express the P e a rlin Kohn findings in Etzionian terms. o f co n tro l. The key idea seems to be locus As we said before, the Etzioni model contains the basic proposition th a t d i f f e r e n t types o f control produce d i f f e r e n t kinds of involvement. Etzioni asserts th a t moral involvement (produced by normative co ntrol) is based on the in te r n a liz a tio n o f norms, while a lie n a tiv e and c a lc u la tiv e involvement (produced by coercive and u t i l i t a r i a n co n tro l) is based on actors tr e a tin g each other as means, or objects, with no in te rn a l aspect (E tz io n i 1961-10). So, i f an occupation involves mostly a lie n a tiv e or c a lc u la tiv e re la tio n s with others the appropriate locus o f control seems to be control from w ithout, and so obedience is valued. S im i la r ly , i f an occupation 60 involves mostly moral re la tio n s with others the appropriate locus o f control seems to be control from w ith in , and s e lf-c o n tro l is valued. Before leaving Pearl in and Kohn, i t is appropriate to say th a t while we can believe th a t occupational experiences and needs (r a th e r than social class) are a t the root of some parents' values f o r the education o f t h e i r c h ild re n , we must s t i l l tr y to understand why certain occupations and occupational dimensions are more freq uen tly found among the members o f one social class than another. To sum up, we have argued th a t the r e la tio n between social classes and d i f f e r e n t types o f au th o rity exists both in schools and in fa m ilie s , and th a t the lower-class value fo r a u th o rity is coercively oriented, while the middle-class value fo r a u th o rity is normatively oriented. Having established th at some connection seems to e x is t betweer social class and values fo r normative and coercive c o n tro l, we can now propose a lin k between th is phenomenon and other findings in climate research. For example, Brookover e t . al_. (1973, 1976) found student reported sense o f f u t i l i t y ( s im ila r to Coleman's celebrated sense of control) to be an important climate va ria b le re la te d to achievement in schools. Other important variables in th is study were teacher evaluations-expectations o f achievement and teacher push o f students. The research indicates t h a t , with respect to low achievement, teachers' expectations are also low, teacher push is high and so is students' sense of f u t i l i t y . Using E tz io n i's terms, l e t us regard teacher expectations as a kind of normative c o n tro l, teacher push as a kind of coercive c o n tro l, and students' sense of f u t i l i t y as a kind o f a lie n a tiv e involvement. 61 Insofar as Brookover's climate variables are representative o f E tz io n i's compliance concepts, we can say th a t his findings show th at normative and coercive control methods vary in r e l a t i v e strength among schools, and th a t teacher push and students' sense o f f u t i l i t y are higher in the low SES, p a r t ic u la r ly black, schools. Other research can also be in terp rete d using E tz io n i's terms. Consider, fo r example, the finding th a t low SES children view them­ selves as more e x te rn a lly co ntrolled and less capable o f determining t h e ir own destiny than do high SES children ( c f . 1963; Haggstrom 1964; Clark 1965). B a ttle and Rotter Consider also C o llin s ' (1971) finding th a t the "evidence indicates educational requirements fo r employment r e f l e c t (primarily] employers' concern f o r acquiring respectable and w e ll-s o c ia liz e d employees . . . . The higher the normative control concerns of the employer, and the more e l i t e the organization's sta tu s , the higher his educational requirements (p. 1014)." These findings can be a r tic u la te d with the r e la t iv e use of normative (expectations) and coercive (push) techniques in schools through the well known re la tio n between SES, educational attainm ent, and job attainment. We can speculate th a t the lower a c h ild 's SES, the more e x te rn a lly controlled and less capable of determining his own destiny he is judged to be ( i . e . , the more coercively controlled he i s ) , thus the less his educational a t t a i n ­ ment and the lower the job level he can a t t a in . Or, to put i t another way, the lower a c h ild 's SES, the more a teacher substitutes push (coercive control) fo r expectations and (we surmise) since th is teacher e f f o r t is an e s s e n tia lly aversive technique and therefo re according to behaviorist prin ciples not as e f f e c t iv e in shaping 62 behavior as p o s itiv e reinforcement, i t does not r e s u lt in high achievement. Consequently, students' experience with normative control in school is often shortened (because low achievers escape the aversive s itu a tio n by dropping out) and thus do not q u a lify fo r higher-level jobs. Looking a t the reverse o f th is s it u a t io n , we can see th a t the higher the c h ild 's SES, the more l i k e l y his teachers are to exercise normative control (p o s itiv e ex pectation s), thus producing higher achievement. The higher his achievement, the fa r th e r he goes in school and the more experience with normative control he gets, thus making him more a t t r a c t i v e to employers. We note also th at regardless o f the length o f time students spend in school gaining experience with normative control v is -a - v is coercive c o n tro l, t h e i r overall experience is with a fundamentally bureaucratic i n s t i t u t i o n , and they thus receive "tra in in g " in the ways o f s im ila r in s tit u tio n s which they w i l l encounter in l a t e r l i f e (Cusick 1973). This idea is echoed by Meyer (1971-6) who says, "In the tr a d itio n a l elementary school, the closest thing to a routine bureaucratic employee turns out to be the c h ild ." In order to more f u l l y understand the phenomenon of teacher a u th o rity , we now turn to some o f the research studies s p e c ific to this area. Review o f Research on Classroom A uthority Research in to the effectiveness o f one or another kind of leadership s ty le has been going on fo r a long time. The classic study in th is area was undertaken by Lewin, L i p p i t t and White, who studied the r e la t io n between three group leader s t y le s - - a u t h o r it a r ia n , democratic, and la is s e z -fa ir e --a n d ch ild ren 's arts and c ra fts work in 63 a club s e ttin g (E tzioni 1964-37). This study led researchers to emphasize communication between ranks, p a rtic ip a tio n in decision making and democratic leadership. The study o f leadership in schools has been, in p a r t , concerned with the teacher's use o f a u th o rity — his teaching s t y le . The au th o rita ria n and democratic types o f the classic study can be likened to several dichotomies which have been used to describe teaching s t y le — fo r example, Anderson's (1946) d o m inative/integrative concept, W ith a l!'s (1948) teacher-centered/pupil-centered o rie n ta tio n and, Smith's (1960 p. 3) use o f Halpin's notion of i n i t i a t i n g stru ctu re/con sid eratio n. One e a rly study using the a u th o r ita r ia n / democratic dichotomy (Brookover 1943) found th at students o f au to c ra tic teachers had higher achievement than students of democratic teachers. However, Brookover f e l t th a t his data might only r e f l e c t the fa c t th a t the students were more thoroughly so cia lized to autocratic methods. Indeed, the au thoritarian/dem ocratic conceptualization o f teacher behavior has received considerable c r itic is m since i t was f i r s t pro­ posed. Anderson (1959) reviewed 49 experimental studies in an attempt to determine the answer to two questions: (1) Is there s u f f ic ie n t evidence to say one s ty le o f leadership is more e ffe c tiv e ? (2) Does the au tho ritarian/dem ocratic continuum provide an adequate conceptuali­ zation o f leadership? From his review Anderson d i s t i l l e d the fo llo w ­ ing description o f the two styles o f leadership: Democratic - f r ie n d ly , personal, allows group as a whole to plan agenda, allows members to choose tasks, allows group to ta lk without permission, accepts group suggestions, talks l i t t l e more than average group member. 64 A u th o rita ria n - impersonal, punishes disobedience, decides what group does, decides on d ivisio n o f la b o r, decides method o f work, judges soundness o f ideas, ta lk s more than other members o f group. His review led him to conclude th a t "We cannot s ta te with any c e rta in ty th a t e it h e r teacher-centered or learner-centered methods are associated with g rea ter learning (p. 20 6 )." He found th a t some studies showed greater gains f o r one s t y le in some areas and greater gains fo r the other in other areas. For example, a teacher-centered (a u th o r ita r ia n ) s ty le seemed more e f f e c t iv e in develop­ ing knowledge and information and producing gains on ap titu de te s ts , while the learner-centered (democratic) s ty le seemed more e f f e c t iv e in developing leadership s k i l l s and in te r e s t in subject. Anderson found th at n e ith e r s t y le was co nsistently associated with higher p ro d u c tiv ity and came to the overall conclusion th a t "The authoritarian -dem o cratic construct provides an inadequate conceptualization o f leadership behavior (Anderson 1959-212)." In an attempt to overcome the problem o f the m u lti-d im e n s io n a lity of teaching s t y le , some researchers have developed additional variables and new conceptual approaches. Willower (1967) approached the study o f teachers' use o f a u th o rity by looking a t teachers' a ttitu d e s about students' needs f o r control rather than teachers' classroom practices and t h e ir e f f e c t s . He hypo­ thesized th a t teachers' a ttitu d e s l i e along a continuum from c u s to d ia lism (where students are viewed as irresponsible and undisciplined and in need of stru ctu re and punishment) to humanism (where students are viewed as capable o f s e l f d is c ip lin e and democratic p a r t ic ip a t io n ) . He found th a t teachers (who are more d ir e c t ly responsible f o r d a y-to day control of pupil behavior) are more custodial than counselors and 65 adm inistrators; secondary teachers are more custodial than elementary * teachers; experienced teachers are more custodial than less exper­ ienced teachers; elementary teachers with more formal education are less custodial than less educated teachers. In a l l cases, he found th a t more dogmatic teachers were more custodial than less dogmatic ones (supported by Helsel 1974). On a contrary note, Rubovits and Maehr (1971-202) found th a t dogmatism was not re la te d to expectations fo r performance. Another e f f o r t to lin k teaching styles with teacher's a ttitu d e s and b e lie fs was undertaken by Harvey, e t . a]_. (1966). They id e n t if ie d four teacher types (which they ca lled systems) among Head S ta r t teachers. System 1 - most concrete (high absolutism, ta u to lo g ical ness, high frequency o f p la titu d e s , high ethnocentrism, r e l i g i o s i t y , super­ i o r i t y o f American m o ra lity ). System 2 - next most concrete (h igh ly e v alu ativ e and a b s o lu t is t ic , strong negative a ttitu d e s toward r e lig io n , American values, e t c . ) System 3 - next to highest abstractness (more r e la t iv is m , less evaluativeness, strong p o sitive b e lie fs about frie n d s h ip , people, interpersonal r e la t io n s ) . System 4 - highest abstractness (high degree o f n o velty, indepen­ dence, r e la tiv is m , contingency of thought, general usage of multidimensional in te r p r e tiv e ca teg o ries ). The teachers were then rated by observers on the extent to which t h e ir teaching approach was characterized by d ic t a t o r ia l ness (approxi­ mately the opposite of expressiveness) and task o r ie n ta tio n . They found th a t high concrete teachers were s ig n if ic a n t ly more d ic t a t o r ia l and less task-oriented than high abstract teachers, but drew no con­ clusions about the e ffe c ts o f these differences on students. * This fin din g c o n flic ts with the Hodgkins-Herriott model discussed e a r l i e r . 66 A l a t e r stuoy by Harvey e t . al_. (1972) found th a t teacher systems having greater abstractness correlated with higher achievement. In ad d itio n , these researchers found th a t a teacher's needs f o r structure and order were the most in f lu e n t ia l of several factors related to achievement and th a t those needs were negatively correlated with achievement. They also found th a t a teacher's resourcefulness was p o s itiv e ly correlated with achievement while punitiveness correlated negatively. They concluded th a t teacher b e l i e f systems are related to overt teacher behavior and th a t teacher behavior is related to student behavior. They devalued the notion th a t both student and teacher behavior re s u lt from organizational climate because they found that teachers with d if f e r e n t b e l i e f systems experienced the same organi­ zational climate (o f the school) and y e t d iffe r e d in classroom behavior. Silberman (1969-406) also found th a t teachers' attitu d es were revealed in t h e ir behavior, th at some a ttitu d e s were more c le a r ly expressed than others, and th a t students were aware of these a ttitu d e s . Brophy and Good (1974-250) reviewed another study which d e a lt with the concepts of convergent and divergent thinking of teachers which bore some sim i­ l a r i t i e s to the systems in Harvey's analysis. A somewhat more complex analysis o f teaching styles which u t i l i z e d concepts very s im ila r to some aspects o f the Etzionian model was reported by Larkin (1973, 1975). He began with Anderson's c r itic is m th a t the authoritarian/dem ocratic contrast lacked consistency and unidimension­ a l i t y , and hypothesized th a t the d i f f e r e n t e ffe c ts of the three styles in the Lewin, L i p p i t t , White study resulted from the democratic teacher's successful leg itim atio n of power, while the au th o ritarian 67 k and laissez f a i r e teachers did not achieve th is le g itim a tio n . Larkin states th a t the thesis of his study is th a t a teacher gains compliance from students through a process o f social exchange: teachers must inspire t r u s t or they w i l l meet resistance; helpfulness and a ffe c tio n a f fe c t morale and transform power in to le g itim a te au th o rity (Larkin 1975-401). As we have said e a r l i e r , teachers are concerned with transform­ ing a lie n a tiv e involvement in to pure moral involvement and social moral involvement on the part of the students; we propose th a t th is transformation is a s a tis fa c to ry equivalent fo r Larkins's transformation of power into le g itim a te a u th o rity . A fte r a l l , coercive power seems (o r fe els ) less le g itim a te than normative power, and so what might appear to Larkin as a s h i f t to legitimacy may in fa c t be a s h i f t to normative co ntrol. Surely the notion of in spiring t r u s t is compatible with the Etzionian concept o f normative control producing a social moral involvement. Some of the other aspects of Larkin's conceptualization are very closely related to the Etzionian paradigm. For example, he id e n t ifie s three dimensions of teacher leadership behavior: expressive o r ie n ta tio n , and power o rie n ta tio n . task o r ie n ta tio n , Larkin also discusses three other variables he c a lls climate dimensions: influence and c e n t r a li t y . morale, peer He says th a t the peer group is a source k Our e a r l i e r analysis of the Etzioni model did not distinguish between power and legitim ated power (or a u th o r ity ), but ra th e r emphasized types of c o n tr o l--p r in c ip a lly normative and coercive control fo r schools. We e s s e n tia lly agreed with Etzioni th a t types of control and the involvement they evoke are more f r u i t f u l concepts than the presence or absence of le g itim a tio n . Our primary divergence from Etzioni lie s in our assertion th a t in schools a l l types of control are e s s e n tia lly le g itim a te . 68 of normative influence and i f i t "perceives" th at the teacher is working toward the common good i t w i l l approve o f conformity to the teacher's d ire c tio n s . These ideas are representative of E tz io n i's concepts o f instrumental and expressive e l i t e s . Larkin's three leadership variables and three climate dimensions allowed him to id e n t ify eig ht d if f e r e n t elementary school class climates (1) peer dominated acquiescent; (2) d if f e r e n t ia t e d acquiescent; (3) d iffu s e acquiescent; (4) teacher dominated acquiescent; (5) re b e l­ lious; (6) d i ffe r e n tia t e d alien a ted ; (7) d iffu s e a lie n a te d ; (8) weak alienated . For example, "teacher dominated acquiescent" classes re s u lt when the teacher's leadership s ty le is high on power and expressiveness. In general, Larkin found th at acquiescent classes resulted from leader­ ship styles of middle to high task and low power o r ie n ta tio n s , or middle power orien tation s with middle to high expressive o rie n ta tio n s . He f e l t th at such classes clustered around the democratic s ty le of leadership. He found the highest morale in classes with "super teachers * who were high on a l l three leadership dimensions. Other findings were that (1) teachers with a low expressive o rie n ta tio n had trouble l e g i t i ­ mating t h e ir power ( i . e . , producing moral involvement); (2 ) teachers with a low power and low task o rie n ta tio n produced anomic clim ates; (3) use of power was not related to morale but did reduce the influence of the peer group. * Etzioni speaks o f leaders who e f f e c t iv e ly control both in s tr u ­ mental and expressive a c t iv i t ie s as "great men," and Larkin's notion of "super teachers" seems to be a p a ra lle l concept. In a s im ila r ve in , we can characterize as "competent" those teachers who f u l f i l l e it h e r t h e ir task (instrum ental) or expressive roles (though t h e ir competencies would obviously lead to d if f e r e n t outcomes fo r students). 69 While Larkin did not report any relatio n sh ip between the leader­ ship o rien tation s of teachers, the climates they tended to produce, and student outcomes, he did take a look at the leadership orien tation s with respect to various background and contextual va ria b le s. He found (1973): more expressiveness exhibited by teachers in higher SES communi­ tie s ; higher task o rie n ta tio n in la rg e r communities; higher task and power orien tation s and lower expressiveness in more urban communities; higher power o rie n ta tio n in more segregated communities. He found no re la tio n between leadership s ty le and school s iz e , organizational clim ate, class size and school ra c ia l composition. L a s tly , he found that "open-structure" environments have lower task and expressive o rie n ta tio n s , though power was not re la te d . Two aspects of Larkin's study are worth special mention. F irs t, i t is f a i r l y c le a r ly a r tic u la te d with a prominent th e o re tic a l perspec­ tiv e and thus tends to provide a fundamental in te rp re ta tio n o f the phenomena. Second, i t begins to approach, in it s own s tru c tu re , the complexity of the social stru ctu re under in ves tig a tio n . For example, i t introduces consideration fo r the varying influences th a t peer groups might have on classes irre s p e c tiv e of teacher leadership o rien tatio n s. In closing th is discussion on school/classroom climate and teacher leadership types, we applaud those research e f fo r ts which attempt to develop s u f f i c i e n t l y complex conceptual systems to be able to deal with the phenomena in a robust manner. Such attempts may lead to an understanding o f the phenomenon mentioned by Boocock (1973-35), namely th at some studies have apparently shown th at authority is c u r v ilin e a r ly related to achievement: th a t i s , increasing au tho rity produces less and less learning gain u n til the middle range, a f t e r which the lin e curves up again, with the most au th o ritarian teachers producing the highest gains. The global perspectives th at climate studies provide, along with the stru ctu ral analysis th a t modern organization theory makes possible, can lead us to grasp why— to paraphrase F ie ld e r (1 9 7 3 -2 6 )-. . i t makes no sense to speak o f a good [teac h er] or a poor [te a c h e r]. There are only [teachers] who perform well in one s itu a tio n but not well in another." Given a grasp of the re la tio n between teaching and learning we might, as Boocock suggests, even be able to determine the conditions under which au th o ritarian or l a i s s e z - f a ir e modes of teaching may be more e f f e c t iv e than democratic modes. CHAPTER I I I THE PHILOSOPHY AND PRACTICE OF OPEN EDUCATION Now th a t we have a th e o re tic a l viewpoint fo r studying a u th o rity in schools we can look a t what the concept means in open education and what some o f the l i t e r a t u r e in th is area says. Before we can t a lk about teacher a u th o rity with respect to open schools, we need to make a prelim inary i d e n t if ic a t io n o f th is type of school. I f we were to t a lk with contemporary proponents o f open schools we would discover two things: ( 1 ) there are several important features which distinguish open education from tr a d itio n a l education, and ( 2 ) there is no single widely accepted view as to what these features are. Thus, we are confronted with an immediate d i f f i c u l t y in explaining what we are ta lk in g about. In th is s it u a t io n , i t seems most p ractical i n i t i a l l y to attempt to derive a meaning fo r the term "open education" which conveys a r e l a t i v e l y general understanding. More s p e c ific aspects o f open education w i l l be discussed l a t e r . In the discussion to fo llo w , the terms "open education" and "informal ★ education" w i l l be considered synonymous. We begin our attempt to grasp the meaning of "open education" by taking note o f a number o f relevan t contrasts which are often found * The use of the term "informal education" seems more common in Great B r it a in , while the term "open education" is more commonly used in the United States. "Informal" does not r e f e r to the day-to-day methods of s o c ia liz a tio n found in s o c ia l groups. 71 72 in the l i t e r a t u r e of education: informal open progressive open ac tiv e in t r i n s i c h o lis t ic process child-centered person-oriented informal romantic freedom abstract independent democratic in te g ra tiv e p a rtic ip a to ry non-directive humanistic conventional tr a d itio n a l tr a d itio n a l closed passive e x tr in s ic fragmented product teacher-centered object-o riented formal re a lis tic prescription concrete dependent a u th o rita ria n dominative supervisory d ire c tiv e custodial More contrasts could be added to th is l i s t o f 20, but these are more than enough fo r our purposes. In general, the terms in the l e f t hand column, even though many of them contain p re s c rip tiv e valuations, tend to connote what is meant by "open education." We do not claim th at any o f the terms have any simple denotative meaning or th a t any simple re la tio n s h ip ex ists between any two or more contrasts. By taking th is position we are e s s e n tia lly saying th a t none of the con­ trasts represent simple one-dimensional continuums, and th a t there is no equivalence between any two contrasts. To make a mathematical analogy, informal education is a t le a s t as complicated as a 2 0 dimension vector space. Not only are these contrasts relevan t to the meaning o f the term "open education," but they are also important to our topic o f teacher a u th o rity. Several of them are discussed by Anderson (1959) in his major review o f research in to the use o f a u th o rity in schools. In th is study, we contend th a t how a teacher uses his or her a u th o rity 73 is o f major concern to the proponents and p r a c titio n e rs o f open education and th a t the use o f a u th o rity tends to define and/or influence most other features o f schools o f th a t type. Not only does this connection between recent discussions of informal education and e a r l i e r discussions o f teacher leadership styles e x i s t , but there also seems to be an important conceptual connection between informal education and the idea o f clim ate. Though the term "climate" is not always used in discussions of th is type of education (even in a nontechnical sense), neverthe­ less, i t is something very much l i k e school clim ate which concerns the proponents of open education. "Advocates o f informal education begin w ith the conception o f childhood as something to be cherished, a conception th a t leads in turn to a concern with the q u a lity o f the school experience in i t s own r i g h t , not merely as prepara­ tion fo r l a t e r schooling or l a t e r l i f e (Silberman 1970-208)." Other analysts of informal education make s p e c ific use o f the term. "In much o f the l i t e r a t u r e concerning open-informal education there is strong emphasis on achieving open 'c lim a t e ,' [b u t] the s p e c ific cues by which observers judge a classroom climate are not c le a r (Katz 19 71-9)." In l i g h t of our previous discussion o f c lim a te , several points should be made immediately. F i r s t , the word "open" in the term "open school" does not necessarily mean the same thing as i t does in the term "open clim a te ." Second, i f open schools r e a l l y are d iffe r e n t from tr a d itio n a l schools, then a clim ate study may provide a useful perspective from which to view both types, determine the character o f t h e ir organizational d iffe re n c e s , and assess what impact the respective characters have. I t must be noted th a t not a l l a t t r i ­ butes and aspects o f e ith e r t r a d it io n a l or open schools w i l l be assessed 74 in th is study. There may well be several important dimensions o f climate or i t s impact which are not in the study's compass. l i m i t is impossible to avoid: fixed somewhere. This the study's boundaries have to be Whatever conclusions re s u lt from i t , i t must be remembered th at a l l the stru ctu re and functions o f the organizations have probably not been accounted fo r . The Philosophical Background o f Open Education As we have s a id , the concept o f a u th o rity and the a u th o rita ria n nature of tr a d itio n a l or conventional schools plays a major ro le in the thinking of proponents o f informal education. For instance, Herbert Kohl, author o f The Open Classroom (1 9 6 9 ),says: "There is the same obsession with power and d is c ip lin e every­ where; fo r most American children there is e s s e n tia lly one public school system in the United States and i t is a u th o rita ria n and oppressive. Students everywhere are deprived of the r ig h t to make choices concerning t h e i r own destinies (p. 1 2 ) . " Echoing s im ila r concerns, Marin (1975) says, " . . . the open classroom has come to represent f o r many parents and teachers an ideal kind o f freedom: the creation o f a wider sense of choice and the diminishment o f coercion w ithin the ordinary lim it s o f the public schools (p. 8 3 )." Both o f these quotations suggest the idea th a t coercion and freedom of choice are inversely re la te d and th a t since freedom o f choice is a desirable go al, coercion must be diminished. Boocock (1973-19) quotes a re la te d view expressed f i r s t by Waller: "Teacher and pupil confront each other in the school with an o rig in a l c o n f l ic t o f desires, and however much th a t c o n f l ic t may be reduced in amount or however much i t may be hidden i t s t i l l remains . . . . The teacher represents the established social order in the school and his in te r e s t is in maintaining th a t order . . . . Pupils are the material in which teachers are supposed to produce r e s u lts . Pupils are human beings s t r iv in g to r e a liz e themselves in t h e i r own spontaneous 75 manner, s tr iv in g to produce t h e i r own resu lts in t h e ir own way." Boocock also points out s i m ila r it ie s between W aller and contemporary proponents of a lte r n a tiv e schools, namely Kozol, H o lt, and Farber. The issues o f freedom and control are so important in discussions of a lt e r n a t iv e education th a t Mario Fantini (1 974 ), a leading analyst of the current trends toward a lte r n a tiv e forms o f schooling, uses a freedom -to-prescription continuum to categorize a lt e r n a t iv e schools. He id e n t if ie s seven types of schools: Free - le a rn e r-d ire c te d and c o n tro lle d ; lea rn er has complete freedom to orchestrate his own education; teacher is one resource. Free/Open - school open to the community and i t s resources; non-competitive environment; no student f a ilu r e s ; curriculum is viewed as a social system rath er than as a course o f studies; learn er centered. Open - lea rn er has considerable freedom to choose from a wide range o f content areas considered relevant by parents, teachers, and students; resource centers in major s k i l l areas are made a v a ila b le to the student; teacher is supportive guide. Open/Modified - teacher-student planning, teacher centered. Modified - prescribed content is made f l e x i b l e through i n d i v i ­ dualized in s tru c tio n ; ungraded; curriculum same fo r a l l , but ra te of learning is d i f f e r e n t ; teacher and programmed course of study are the major sources o f student learning. Modified/Standard - competitive; school is the major in s tru c ­ tio n a l s e ttin g ; subject matter centered. Standard - lea rn er adheres to in s t it u tio n a l requirements uniformly prescribed; what is taught, when, where, how, with whom is a ll decided fo r the student; teacher is both in s tru c to r and evaluator; student passes or f a i l s according to normative standards. The differences between proponents of informal schools and adherents of conventional schools can be best understood in a general way as a differen ce in world views, or paradigms, or myths. These 76 paradigms reach back in to the h isto ry of educational thought and although one may seem more prominent in discussion and/or practice than another a t any given tim e, the others l i e w aiting to renew t h e ir message to those who become d is s a tis f ie d with the current approach. I f these competing paradigms were based on s im ila r views of the nature and goals of man, and simply o ffered d if f e r e n t educational practices, the task o f deciding which is best would be somewhat ea sie r. But such is not the case. In general, these paradigms vary in p h ilo ­ sophy (what is good), psychology (what is man's n a tu re ), and method (what is education). A ll three o f these areas bear some re la tio n to the topic o f teacher a u th o rity and th erefo re warrant some discussion. The Fantini typology discussed e a r l i e r can be conceptualized as four overlapping sets o f thought and p rac tice arranged li k e links in a chain: Free Figure 7. Open Modified Standard F a n tin i's "Freedom-to-Prescription" Categorization of Schools This view suggests th a t an educational continuum e x is ts . Some w rite rs have proposed a simpler d iv is io n , in to two d is t in c t viewpoints. Denton (1975), fo r example, characterizes the viewpoints as d iffe r in g 77 in myths and speaks metaphorically o f Mr. Open Education and Principal Standard liv in g "next door, but in d if f e r e n t worlds." Of p a rtic u la r in te r e s t to us, he says, "Mr. Open Education envisions a w orld -of-ed ucation, not necessarily schooling, in which social growth [ i s ] enhanced through the sharing of a u th o rity . He envisions a w orld-of education in which a u th o rity is freed o f it s oppressive aspects . . . (p. 4 0 0 )." Though Denton claims th a t most contemporary proponents of Mr. Open Education's viewpoint tend to ignore the in t e lle c tu a l histo ry of t h e i r b e lie f s , some attempts to connect current approaches to e a r l i e r ones have been made. For instance, Stephens (1974) traces concepts re la te d to open education through Socrates, P la to , A r i s t o t le , Montaigne, Comenius, Locke, Rousseau, P e s ta lo z zi, H erbart, Froebel, Tolstoy, Dewey, K ilp a t r ic k , Montessori, Isaacs, P iaget, Bruner, and Rogers. Other recount a somewhat shorter and less luminous histo ry: "Open education . . . resonates strongly with the educational thought of Rousseau . . . and the methods used in the one-room p r a i r i e school house in the 19th century and by some Progressives during the 1920's and ' 3 0 ' s (Walberg and Thomas 1972-198)." Graubard (1972) c ite s A. S. N e i l l ' s ideas about freedom as an important part o f the core assumptions o f the free-school proponents at the l e f t (and most r a d ic a l) end o f F a n tin i's spectrum. According to Graubard, N e ill holds the Freudian and Reichean view th at repression through a u th o rita ria n d is c ip lin e is bad, and th a t happiness results from abolishing a u th o rity and l e t t i n g the c h ild be himself. N e ill believes th a t fre e children w i l l be se lf-m o tivated , w e ll-in te g ra te d people who are able to seek the learning they need in order to pursue th e ir in te r e s ts . They are capable of choosing a way of l i f e from inner considerations rath er than being ruled by e x te rn a lly imposed standards. 78 For proponents of th is view o f the nature of human beings, the word "natural" has the normative connotation o f "good" and " r ig h t ." Because o f the p re s c rip tiv e nature of th is view, radicals fe el th a t the natural motivations o f children are superior to others such as pleasing a d u lts , competing with peers and s ib lin g s , and desire fo r approval. Graubard notes th a t th is view, while extreme, has had an impact on current educational thought to the extent th a t modern educators generally do not espouse the view ( t y p i f i e d by Dickens' schoolmaster Thomas Gradgrind, or the e a rly C a lv in is ts ) th a t children k are e s s e n tia lly s lo t h f u l, s in fu l and r e c a lc it r a n t . A more d e ta ile d analysis of these two viewpoints is offered by Riegle (1 9 7 3 ), who has adapted McGregor's Theory X/Theory Y analysis of organizations to schools: Theory X (1 Students are by nature indolent and work as l i t t l e possible. as (2 Students lack ambition, d i s lik e re s p o n s ib ility and p re fe r to be directed . (3 Students are in d if f e r e n t to the needs of the school organization. (4 Students n a tu r a lly r e s is t change. (5 Students are e a s ily duped and must be protected from t h e i r own ignorance. (6 Teachers must d ir e c t students e f f o r t s , m otivate, and modify behavior to f i t the needs o f the organization. (7 Teachers must reward, punish and control the a c t i v i t i e s o f students in order to persuade them to remain a c tiv e . W illower's research on custodial a t t it u d e s , discussed in Chapter I I , may indicate th a t Grauband's view is overly o p tim is tic . ** For a s im ila r tabulatio n of two d i f f e r e n t views of education, see Carl Rogers (1969), pp. 15 7 f . , 171f. 79 Theory Y (1) Students are not by nature passive, lazy or re s is ta n t to organizational needs. (2) In d iffe re n c e is a re s u lt of negative experiences in school. (3) Teachers have r e s p o n s ib ility to arrange organizational conditions so th a t students can achieve t h e i r own goals. (4 ) R esponsibility of teachers is to make i t possible fo r students to develop t h e i r characters fo r themselves. (5 ) Teaching is a process which c o n tin u a lly creates o p p o rtu n itie s , releases p o te n tia l, removes obstacles, encourages growth and provides guidance. E a r lie r we discussed differences in o rie n ta tio n to control (obedience vs. s e lf - r e li a n c e ) found among d i f f e r e n t social classes. Analogously, adherents o f both Theory X and Theory Y may believe th a t t h e i r approach leads students to a d iscip lin e d l i f e : the former through teacher d i s c ip lin e , the l a t t e r through s e l f - d is c ip lin e . Riegle says th a t Theory X depends on coercion, ve iled th re a ts , close supervision, r ig id co ntrols, and c e n tra liz e d a u th o rity . He views the t r a d it io n a l classroom as an example of an organization shaped by Theory X, and fe e ls i t does not provide fo r c e rta in needs: reco g n itio n , s ta tu s , s e c u r ity , acceptance as an in d iv id u a l, need fo r belonging, independence, s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . Whether he disagrees with Graubard's b e lie f th a t Theory Y ( i f we may tra n s la te Graubard's position in th is way) has made some inroads in contemporary schools is not c le a r . Graubard's c r itiq u e of N e i l l ' s philosophy--the Rousseauian posi­ tion th a t man's nature is badly modified by social pressures--is that' i t misunderstands the meaning o f c u ltu re . He says, " . . . the natural c h ild , l i k e the natural person, appears only as a concept, while real children are always a mixture o f pure natural capacities and the e ffe c ts of a p a r t ic u la r world . . . , a complex c u ltu ra l environment which creates motives or a t le a s t warps the so -c a lle d natural motives (1974-p. 300)." 80 Graubard asserts th a t c u ltu ra l norms, social personality t r a i t s , and typical value clusters are not accidental shapings added on to some essential human nature: r a th e r , humans are, in p a r t , products of cultures. Not only does the radical view o f freedom lack s u f f ic ie n t appreciation fo r the c u ltu ra l aspect of man's nature, i t also seems inadequate to deal with the problems of liv in g with other people, i . e . , the problems of social ju s t ic e . Although the radical perspective f o r schools could be f i t t e d in to a more general anarchist social view, that is usually not done. As Graubard (1972) points o u t, radical school reformers are generally not concerned "with a p o l i t i c a l and social analysis o f the functioning of the educational system, but with the kinds of pedagogical fa ilu r e s th a t [Silberman (1970) summarizes], i . e . , m u tilatio n o f spontaneity, of joy in le a rn in g , o f pleasure in crea tin g , of sense of s e l f (p. 1 6 )." In summary, we may say th a t the radical school reformers' view i s , in p a r t , a reaction against ce rtain coercive aspects o f t r a d it io n a l education, and affirm s th a t in the absence o f compulsion, man's natural ( i . e . , desired) development w i l l occur. Graubard challenges th is proposition by noting th a t i t is a statement of an ideal th a t is safe from empirical t e s t , since i t s proponents may claim th a t any counter­ example based on research in schools has already been contaminated by the negative e ffe c ts o f social contact (p. 18). Another v a lid c r it iq u e of the radical position is th a t i t is not enough to say what one opposes; one must say what one is f o r as w e ll. Radebaugh (1 9 7 3 ), fo r example, points out th a t s h iftin g from the external control o f the school to the in tern al control of students could lead to b e l i e f in 81 supernatural or t o t a l i t a r i a n values which could threaten a democratic social order. In terms o f behavioral psychology, fo r example, i f one proposes to discontinue the use of overt aversive reinforcers to shape behavior, one should also take some position on the presence of overt positive re in fo r c e r s , as well as the presence of both kinds of covert reinforcers. In the same terms, i t seems th a t radical school reformers place t h e i r emphasis on which reinforcers are unsuitable while most behaviorists seem more concerned with which behaviors are su ita b le and unsuitable. "For us," says Henderson (1 973-372), "genuine humanism rests not so much in in ten tio n as in the actual resu lts of e f fo r ts to f a c i l i t a t e the growth o f the children in our charge." I f we look a t Theory X and Theory Y as thesis and a n tith e s is a t the ends o f F a n tin i's spectrum, then i t may be appropriate to think of the middle types as the d ia le c tic a l product, the synthesis, o f the best parts of both. We can begin our discussion o f th is synthesis with a statement with which the radical reformers would be l i k e l y to agree: "The highest good f o r man is . . . a dynamic process of growth and s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n (Feinberg 1973-21)." S e lf - r e a liz a t io n is developed when an individual is able to practice mak­ ing d i f f i c u l t choices and freedom provides one with the opportunity to make those choices. Growth is stunted " . . . when one is given no choice in the f i r s t place, e ith e r because of being kept in ignorance, or because one is te rr o r iz e d by the wielders of bayonets (Feinberg 1973-22)." Therefore, says Feinberg "The highest social good is then the greatest possible [emphasis added] amount o f individual s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n . . (p. 2 1 ) . " However, says Feinberg, seeking the social good can include the use of 82 coercion, through the Public Harm P rin c ip le and the notion o f legal paternalism. Coercion is j u s t i f i e d on the ground th a t i t is necessary to prevent impairment o f in s t it u t io n a l practices and regulatory systems that are in the public in t e r e s t . Legal paternalism j u s t i f i e d s ta te coercion to protect in divid uals from s e l f - i n f l i c t e d harm or to guide them toward t h e ir own good. Feinberg rejec ts the views th a t paternalism is e it h e r always or never a v a lid ground f o r in te rfe re n c e . Therefore, he says, we must s ta te the conditions under which paternalism is v a lid . "Even children a f t e r a ce rtain p o in t, had b e tte r not be 'tre a te d as ch ild re n ' or they w i l l never acquire the outlook and capa­ b i l i t y o f responsible adults (Feinberg 1973-45, 4 6 ) ." Feinberg's emphasis on the goals o f growth and s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n in human development lead very obviously to the educational philosophy of John Dewey, W illiam H. K ilp a tr ic k and other educators of the progressive movement. For example, in comparing N e ill to K ilp a t r ic k , Hopkins (1976- 210) quotes K ilp a tr ic k as saying th a t children are "to assume as much re s p o n s ib ility in matters of choice and d ire c tio n as is consistent with best growth", but the teacher is to have f in a l a u th o rity "to command or forbid as may be necessary." The q u a lif ic a t io n on freedom in the phrase above--" as is consistent with the best growth"--turns us away from the more philosophical o rie n ­ ta tion of radical school proponents towards the more psychological o rie n ­ tation of the progressives and t h e ir la t te r -d a y open-school colleagues. We do not claim th a t the philosophical and psychological components are completely d is t in c t from each other or th a t they are very d if f e r e n t between free-school and open-school advocates, but there does seem to be a d iffe r e n t emphasis present. In taking th is view, we agree with Graubard (1972-155) th a t the dilemmas debated w ith in fre e schools "are 83 set by the basic opposition o f the l ib e r t a r ia n [philosophy] to the structure of conventional schools, the key o b jec tive being to abolish constricting and a u th o rita ria n philosophies." Kohl berg and Mayer (1972) see three divisions o f educational ideology, each with i t s own psychology. They c a ll t h e i r three ideologies "romanticism", "progressivism", and "c u ltu ra l transmission", and they appear to bear some s i m i l a r i t y to F a n tin i's typology, with romanticism on the l e f t , c u ltu ra l transmission on the r i g h t , and progressivism somewhere in between. Romanticism - Rousseau, Freud, G e s e ll, N e i l l , Mead, and Hall are cited as proponents o f the idea th a t the c h ild is n a tu r a lly good. The ideology values growth, h e a lth , spontaneity, c re a tiv ity . It s re la te d psychology can be described as m aturationist and organic. Cultural Transmission - This ideology is characterized as the classical academic t r a d it io n . I t emphasizes l i t e r a c y , mathe­ matics, moral ru les . I t s re la te d psychology is described as mechanical, involving cla s s ic a l and operant conditioning. Educational technology and behavior m odification f i t in with th is ideology. Progressivism - Based on the philosophy o f John Dewey, th is ideology aims to create an unconflicted environment which can fo s te r healthy development. Education progresses through in v a ria n t stages. There is an emphasis on ac tiv e knowledge; moral development occurs through social in te r a c tio n . The related psychology is described as the cognitive developmental in t e r a c t io n is t type associated with Jean Piaget, which is la b e lle d d i a l e c t i c a l . MacDonald (1970-24) describes open education as a combination of the psychology of c h ild development and the moral prin ciples of democracy. He believes th a t overriding eth ica l concerns are the motivation fo r the development o f open schools. This description f i t s in well with Kohlberg and Mayer's description of progressivism, which combines the pragmatic moral philosophy o f Dewey with the developmental rinciples advanced by Piaget. The mammoth "Plowden Report" ( Children 84 and Their Primary Schools: A Report of the Central Advisory Council fo r Education, 1967) also id e n t if ie s a p a r t ic u la r school o f research on learning with informal schools in England. The report distinguishes between the b e haviorist school (Thorndike, H u ll, Pavlov, Skinner) and the developmentalist school (Baldwin, Isaacs, Luna, Bruner, P ia g e t); i t avers th a t the developmental school seems to f i t the observed facts * about the learning o f young ch ild ren . Though much more could be said about the interweaving of p h ilo ­ sophical and psychological viewpoints in education, such a discussion is beyond the scope o f th is paper. In summary, the foregoing paragraphs have ra th e r b r i e f l y attempted to characterize some varying viewpoints in education. We note e s p e c ia lly th a t open school advocates view the child as a special kind of "m aterial" and t h e i r goals fo r the develop­ ment o f th a t m aterial are special as w e ll: open education is d if f e r e n t from tr a d itio n a l education coming and going. The Problems in Implementing Open Education The fundamental differences between educational paradigms lead to c e rta in empirical claims and counter-claims. For example, Graubard (1972-17) c a lls a tte n tio n to H o lt's claim th a t children learn much more ra p id ly and e f f e c t iv e ly in t h e i r own way than i f they are directed by a teacher. This e s s e n tia lly psychological claim about the nature of children combines with the coordinate philosophical b e l i e f th at the goal o f education is to produce c r e a tiv e , independent thinkers * The position expressed by the Plowden Report re c a lls Kuhn's (1962) admonition th a t facts do not e x is t as facts apart from the paradigm through which they are in te rp re te d and th a t indeed, there is a dynamic in te ra c tio n between facts and theory. 85 and the claim th a t too much authoritarian ism depresses in t e lle c t u a l c u rio s ity and produces low s e lf - r e li a n c e . The conclusion drawn insofar as school practice is concerned is th at reducing the teacher's use of au tho rity w i l l stim ulate the development of g rea ter s e lf - r e li a n c e and independence, which is good in i t s e l f ( i . e . , i t is a humanistic g o a l), and f u r t h e r , th at s e lf - r e li a n c e and independence lead to g rea ter s e l f ­ esteem and sense o f c o n tro l, which also promote higher achievement (Lickona 1971-5). These assertions have stimulated counter-claim s, m odifications of the o rig in a l claim s, and apologia on the p a rt of various educators, and we now turn our a tte n tio n to some o f these reactions. One position s ta te d , we th in k , in a n tic ip a tio n o f c r it ic is m of the informal approach is th a t a good formal class can be b e tte r than a poor informal class (Featherstone 1968-328), and another is th a t when both tr a d itio n a l and modern approaches are competently executed s im ila r results w i l l be obtained (Wallache 1971-238). These positions give some c r e d it to the t r a d itio n a l approach to education and a t the same time leave an opening to apologize fo r the f a i l u r e o f informal methods. The possible f a i l u r e of informal methods is often a t tr ib u t e d to potential fa u lts in teachers' a ttitu d e s . "An organizational change— the free day, fo r example, or simply rearranging classroom space is u n lik e ly to make much differen ce unless teachers r e a ll y believe th a t in a ric h environment young children can learn a great deal by themselves and th a t most often t h e ir own choices r e f l e c t t h e i r needs (Featherstone 1 9 6 7 -7 )." ". . . i t is suggested th a t the success o f the many approaches now being followed in primary schools is l i k e l y to depend f a r more upon the individual teachers using them than upon any organizational change in i t s e l f . Unless, th e re fo re , relevan t aspects of the teachers' philosophy and a t t it u d e s , as well as sp e c ific features o f the learning s itu a tio n created by the new 86 approaches, are taken in to account, evaluations [o f informal schools] w i l l be as varied and inconsistent as were those from the e a rly studies o f streaming. Blanket comparisons o f outcomes from schools using new approaches with those not so doing, w i l l prove o f very lim ite d value (Pidgeon 1972-12)." One o f the greatest obstacles to teacher acceptance o f informal methods (c ite d by Pidgeon) is the b e l i e f th a t ", . . a n approach th a t does not seek to d i f f e r e n t i a t e among children o f c le a r ly d i f f e r e n t a b i l i t i e s can indeed do ju s t ic e to a l l (p. 3 6 )." He fe e ls th at teachers' a ttitu d e s are based on a model of normally d is trib u te d a b i l i t y to do co gn itive work which "explains" what happens in school, and mentions other models which may be more approp riate, v i z . , the so-called J-curve o f le a rn in g , and the Carroll-Bloom model which posits th a t the degree of learning achieved is a function o f time spent in mastery. The Plowden Report also notes th a t teachers "brought up" on a u th o rita ria n precepts may feel h o s tile or contemp­ tuous or fe a r fu l o f informal methods, and are thus less l i k e l y to successfully use them. I t seems c le a r , in view o f our e a r l i e r accept­ ance of the proposition th a t teachers' expectations influence t h e i r behavior (and consequently student behavior) th a t we can surmise th a t some kind o f s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy may influence the success of both formal and informal methodologies. An in te r e s tin g study th a t i l l u s t r a t e s some o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s teachers have in implementing an informal approach ( d i f f i c u l t i e s possibly based on t h e i r own past experiences and b e lie f s ) was conducted in B ritis h primary schools by Berlak and Berlak (1975). T h eir obser­ vations o f teachers led them to conclude th a t some o f the more glowing accounts o f informal education in Great B r ita in presented an incomplete picture o f the operation o f such classrooms. They found, fo r example, 87 many instances where teachers exercised f a i r l y d ir e c t control over ch ild ren 's a c t i v i t i e s , but they were unable to determine through observation a t ig h t connection between the teacher's ideals and h is /h e r behavior. They id e n t if ie d fourteen dilemmas ( e . g . , eq u a lity o f opportunity vs. e q u a lity o f r e s u lt ; in t r i n s i c motivation vs. e x tr in s ic m otivation; learning as a social experience vs. learning as an individ ual experience) which they f e l t could be divided in to three major areas: (1) The in te r r e la tio n s h ip o f c h ild and society; (2) The teaching-learning process; (3 ) Social ju s t ic e and due process. They observed th a t during class a c t i v i t i e s , problematic situation s arose which involved one or more o f these dilemmas and which the teacher would resolve in favor of one value pole on one occasion, and the other on another. McCauley and others' (1972) comparison o f t r a d itio n a l and radical a lt e r n a t iv e school teachers' responses to questionnaires showed s im ila r d i f f i c u l t i e s in expressing a consistent position fo r the teachers taking the a lt e r n a t iv e approach. They found th at the a lt e r n a t iv e school teachers perceived t h e i r tasks with less goal c l a r i t y , p r e d i c t a b i l i t y and e ffic a c y of performance. The degree to which a tr a n s itio n from formal to informal methods can or should or did take place is central to the analysis o f the success o f informal programs. For example, Deal (1975) reviewed the history o f several a lt e r n a t iv e schools and concluded th a t they f a ile d because the change in au th o rity patterns caused organizational problems with which the schools could not (o r would not) cope. Salzberg (1973), 88 speaking from his experiences with the d i f f i c u l t i e s in developing a free school sa id , . . w e gave our children a school environment with a maximum of freedom from ad ult a u th o rity and assumed th a t t h e i r actions would r is e to meet the occasion. They d i d n 't . The opposite e f fe c t occurred and the r e s u lt was a h o s t i le , unproductive atmosphere (p. 6 4 )." Salzberg and his associates discovered th a t the school developed an environment where none of the children were f r e e , even from fe a r fo r th e ir own physical w e ll-b e in g . He concludes th a t freedom is not a global e n t i t y - - t h a t there are many p o te n tia l freedoms w ith in a school and they can be maintained so long as they are accompanied by associated responsible behaviors. This p a r t ic u la r school did manage to change it s climate by in s t it u t in g a behavior-m odification program which helped students learn to exercise greater r e s p o n s ib ility . The problem of tr a n s itio n from formal to informal methods encoun­ tered by Salzberg could be said to r e s u lt from removing one kind o f structure (deemed undesirable) without i n s t i t u t i n g some other kind of s tru c tu re , the r e s u lt being also undesirable (but in a d i f f e r e n t way). Czajkowski and King (1975) also speak to th is point: "The danger is ever present th a t devastating forms o f hidden curriculum can be ac tive in the open classroom (p. 2 8 0 )." The elements of th is hidden curriculum include things l i k e uncontrolled noise, overexcitement and in s u f f i c i e n t d ir e c tio n . Czajkowski and King say th a t open school proponents' b e l i e f in the value of play as a means of learning should not lead to the conclusion th a t a l l learning looks lik e play. The d i f f i c u l t i e s th at informal schools have had in prac ticin g t h e ir psychology and reaching t h e i r philosophical goals have led some 89 of the educators who once f e l l towards the more radical end o f the Fantini spectrum to take a more c e n t r is t view of the problem of teacher a u th o rity . Like the Berlaks (1 9 7 5 ), Stephens (1974-320) c r i t i c i z e s American observers' reports on informal English schools ( e . g . , th a t "children e s s e n tia lly work on t h e i r own a t whatever they d e s ir e " ) , reporting th at she found English educators f e l t such views were so f a r from the tru th as to be u n jus tly misleading. She believes th at i t is more proper to view open classrooms as both ch ild-cen tered and teachercentered, th a t giving students more freedom does not include the freedom not to fu n c tio n , and c ite s Dewey as endorsing th is po sitio n . For her, freedom is not merely the absence of com pulsion--it requires some stru ctu re f o r i t s existence. A s im ila r viewpoint is expressed in the Plowden Report (1967): "Children . . . depend upon adults fo r t h e i r moral standards and guidance on what behavior is to le r a b le in s o cie ty; an a d ult who withholds such guidance is in fa c t making a decision which involves as heavy a claim f o r his own judgment as is made by the m artinet (p. 2 6 8)." The idea th a t both teacher and c h ild take a hand in d ire c tin g learning a c t i v i t i e s is echoed by many open school proponents, such as Featherstone (1967), Lickona (1 9 7 1 ), Hapgood (1 9 7 1 ), Taylor (1 972 ), B l i t z (1973), and Barth (1972). These w rite rs generally tend to agree th a t making the tra n s itio n from formal to informal classrooms requires careful a tte n tio n to planning and caution in implementation. Two cases can be c ite d 'ic which a ffir m the view th a t a "go slow" approach is worthwhile. * These cases are also o f in te r e s t to us because they both involve in n e r - c i t y , mostly black schools and thus may be thought to have some bearing on the question o f how informal approaches work with these students. 90 One case, apparently successful, is L i l l i a n Weber's development o f an "open corridor" program which we c it e as an example of gradualism, where students, teachers, and parents were drawn toward an informal structure in small steps over a period of time (Tobier 1969). The other case, conceded unsuccessful, is reported by Barth (1972) from his experiences in a school where teachers s tarted the school year with a completely new approach but by December found i t necessary to in s t it u t e a number o f more t r a d it io n a l practices. The c e n t r is t position th a t open school proponents adopt about the teacher's use o f au th o rity leads them to look a t student behavior as a product o f the climate o f a te ach er/ch ild-c en tered classroom. Taylor (1972-55) says, fo r example, "Young children cannot act responsibly i f they do not have an o rderly environment in which to do so . . . ." One approach to developing an orderly environment in open class­ rooms which has received r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e a tte n tio n in the l i t e r a t u r e is the b e haviorist approach. According to Robin (1974), " . . . the s i m i l a r i t i e s in practice are so astounding th a t i t is surprising th a t proponents o f the two approaches have not gone beyond t h e i r ideological differences to e s tab lish useful cross­ f e r t i l i z a t i o n of ideas (p. 4 9 )." I f we view re s p o n s ib ility as a s k i l l to be learned rath er than as a natural tendency to be lib e r a te d , then a behavior modification approach seems worthy o f consideration. Robin says th a t "Young children can take r e s p o n s ib ility fo r learning only when t h e ir teachers have done t h e i r homework: a high lev el of hidden teacher planning . . . is essential to the success o f the open classroom (p. 5 0 )." He l i s t s f iv e areas o f s im i l a r i t y between informal education concepts and behavior modification p rin cip le s (planning, in d iv id u a liz a tio n , p a r tic ip a tio n , gradual ness, m o tivatio n). 91 Some b e h a v io ris ts ' in te rp re ta tio n s are more aggressively expressed. For example, "Looking a t schools and classrooms from Skinner's point of view, i t is obvious th a t there is always control of conduct in school. In an open classroom the teacher may have made a conscious decision to abandon some o f the more tr a d itio n a l procedures, goals and controls in order to su b stitu te those of his own choosing (Madden 1972-101)." Madden goes on to say th a t children cannot be made fre e by teacher f i a t because they have already been conditioned by previous experiences 'k both in school and with parents and peers. Madden fe e ls th a t some open classroom teachers o f f e r a v a rie ty of a c t i v i t i e s without giving students a sense of d ire c tio n because they view the overt use of r e in ­ forcement as an imposition o f students' freedom and because they f a i l to understand th at control is not a process to be avoided but a tool which must be exercised in e it h e r a p o s itiv e or negative way. He concludes by saying, " I f teachers view freedom of choice and s e lf - d ir e c t i o n as s k i l l s to be learned in sm all, s e q u e n tial, reinforced steps rath er than as the natural condition of American school children today, they w i l l fin d the path to creating and maintaining an open classroom much ea sie r (p. 106)." The task of developing r e s p o n s ib ility is not only one of the most important goals o f informal schools, but i t is also, according to Stephens (1 974 -39 ), one o f the most d i f f i c u l t problems. We o f fe r the observation th at open school proponents may not have made much use of behavioral approaches to the development of r e s p o n s ib ility and s e lf-r e lia n c e p a rtly because in the view of t h e i r developmentalist psychology, these a ttrib u te s occur in large p a rt through a natural He f e e ls , fo r example, th at children in middle-class schools are conditioned to go along with whatever new school scheme the adults in autho rity cook up. Presumably, then, the success of an open program should be judged not ju s t where i t is easy to implement, but where i t is d i f f i c u l t as w e l l . 92 process o f maturation. We have not d e a lt with the developmental psychology o f informal education very much, and r e a ll y cannot present much of a discussion here. I t w i l l be s u f f ic ie n t to note, with Featherstone (1 9 6 7 -9 ), th a t c r i t i c s o f Piaget say he pays too l i t t l e a tte n tio n to the expectations o f parents and teachers ( t h a t i s , his concepts are weak with respect to c e rta in environmentalist fa c to r s ); in a d d itio n , we note th a t both Piagetan and Skinnerian psychologies claim to be c r o s s -c u ltu r a l, and thus do not provide p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c explanations of the success or f a i l u r e of a program such as the kind t y p ifie d by the "cultu re of poverty" explanation of social problems. The explanation of some social problems as re s u ltin g from the culture o f the lower socioeconomic classes is one form o f what Ryan (1972) c a lls "blaming the v ic tim ." Something lik e th is approach is also used to explain the d i f f i c u l t i e s th a t c e rta in teachers and schools encounter with c e rta in students. In p a r t ic u l a r , some research shows a re la tio n s h ip between teacher s t y le , student type and achievement. Brophy and Good (1974-246) reviewed several studies o f th is general type. One study id e n t ifie d students as "compulsive" or "anxious" and compared t h e ir achievement in democratic and a u th o rita r ia n classes. They found th a t compulsive students had higher achievement in both types o f classrooms, and th at both types o f students had higher achievement in the more structured classes. Another study reviewed by Brophy and Good id e n t if ie d students and teachers as "convergent" thinkers (oriented to organized deductive problem-solving leading to a single co rrect so lution) and "divergent" thinkers (oriented to generating a lt e r n a t iv e solutions to problems). Teachers and students were found to r e la te b e tte r to 93 each other when they were o f the same type. Convergent college students were found to p re fe r structured courses, while divergent students preferred courses with less stru ctu re and more student involvement. Some recent studies of informal education have raised the question of how d i f f e r e n t types o f students succeed in d i f f e r e n t types o f class­ rooms. For example, a recent study of informal education in Great B rita in (Bennett 1976) takes pains to point out th a t open educators may be unmindful o f the lack of a match between children with c e rta in c h a ra c te ris tic s and schools with c e rta in environments (p. i x ) . In some ways th is kind o f research may seem li k e a p e rfe c tly sensible approach to understanding why some students succeed and others f a i l under d i f f e r e n t approaches to the use o f teacher a u th o rity . We have characterized i t as a form of "blaming the victim " because of an under­ lying assumption th a t appears to be present. This assumption seems to be th a t the various types id e n t if ie d (convergent vs. divergent, com­ pulsive vs. anxious, e t c . ) are natural aspects of students' p e rs o n a litie s . Consequently, the thinking goes, in order to maximize achievement as f a r as possible f o r a given type, we must fin d the teaching approach which is most b e n e fic ia l to th a t type. I t then becomes possible to say, fo r example, th a t a student is unsuccessful not because the school has f a ile d him, but because "he is the wrong type of student" fo r the kind of teacher he has. This approach is indeed ingenious, since i t not only allows schools to be excused f o r f a i l u r e to produce achievement, but also permits a given type of school or classroom to be c r i t i c i z e d as in e f f e c t iv e , e s p e c ia lly when a m ajo rity of students are thought to be o f a d is s im ila r type. 94 The general environmentalist o rie n ta tio n we have adopted leads us to be skeptical of the assumptions th a t such personality d i f f e r ­ ences are n a tu ra l. Furthermore, whether they are natural or not, we are skeptical o f how accurately they can be measured, and how much real gain in various outcomes would r e s u lt from attempting to match student types to teaching s ty le s . O v e ra ll, th is educational approach seems plausible but not p a r t ic u la r ly u s e fu l, except insofar as i t allows schools to deny re s p o n s ib ility fo r student progress, and factions w ithin schools to deny the e ffic a c y o f the programs of other fa ctio n s. Even i f student types are r e a l , our environm entalist o rie n ta tio n would lead us to study how the type developed, and i f the type is judged to be unwholesome or ab errant, would lead us to study how i t could be a lte r e d . About the only student types which seem l i k e l y to m erit serious consideration with respect to teaching s ty le are those types th at occur as a student develops to m atu rity; however, this Piagetan psychological paradigm has y e t to vanquish a l l i t s competi t o r s . In the following chapter we w i l l devote our a tte n tio n to some sp ecific research findings re la te d to informal education. CHAPTER IV RESEARCH IN OPEN EDUCATION Up to th is p o in t, we have la r g e ly talked about teacher a u th o rity as the prin cip a l v a ria b le with which we d i f f e r e n t i a t e between types of schools and classrooms. I t is true th a t a teacher's use of a u th o rity is an important fa c to r in classroom s t y le ; furthermore, i t is a major fa c to r in id e n tify in g informal or open schools. But other factors are important in open schools too, and we mention some of them b r i e f l y . Walberg and Thomas (1974) have t r i e d to develop an operational d e f i ­ n itio n o f open education based on e ig h t themes. In general, they say " . . . Open education is a n tip a th e tic to a lin e o f mainstream educators . . . who c la s s ify the curriculum in to subjects, group learners by a b i l i t y , and view knowledge as represented a u th o r it a t iv e ly by the teacher . . . (p. 192)." S p e c ific a lly , the eig h t themes in open education are (1) In s tru c tio n - characterized by a high degree o f individual in s tru c tio n and in te r a c tio n . (2 ) Provisioning - characterized by a wealth and d iv e r s ity of manipulative m aterials in in te r e s t centers; children move about f r e e ly in heterogeneous groups. (3) Diagnosis - characterized by in d iv id u a liz e d observation and questioning; teacher evaluations are more important than standardized te s ts ; children diagnose t h e ir own work. (4) Humaneness - ch ild re n 's ideas, a c t i v i t i e s , products are r e fle c te d abundantly about the classroom. (5) Evaluation - individual growth is assessed, based on observation o f class behavior as well as products; evalu­ ation is used p rim a rily to improve in s tru c tio n . 95 96 (6 ) Seeking - teacher looks fo r new approaches, seeks community resources. (7) S elf-perception - teachers are resource persons, feel comfortable with children taking the i n i t i a t i v e , and working with set c u rric u la . (8 ) Assumptions - knowledge is a personal synthesis; warm accepting atmosphere is necessary; e x p l i c i t a u th o rity , competition, te s tin g , th re a ts , bargaining are a l l frowned on. Stodolsky (1974) o ffe rs several key developmental objectives fo r open education: thinking s k i l l s and problem solving; i n i t i a t i v e ; respon­ s i b i l i t y ; a b i l i t y to r e la t e to others; high level of i n t e l l i g e n t thinking; creativeness; ingenuity. The task o f reviewing research relevan t s t r i c t l y to the use of teacher au th o rity by examining research in informal education is complicated by the above-mentioned additional aspects (themes and objectives) of informal schools. The m u l t i p l i c i t y o f factors in ­ volved in informal education has produced a diverse body o f research, marked not only by differences in research methodology, but by d i f f e r ­ ences in factors studied as w e ll. Problems with Comparing Open and T ra d itio n a l Approaches Since the findings reported l a t e r in this study f a l l w ithin the a n aly tica l perspective o f organizational climate research (and thus deal with a number o f v a r ia b le s ), i t is necessary to examine a v a rie ty of research e f f o r t s , which, though not always related too closely to each o th er, do have some r e la t io n to th is study. In general, i t seems safe to agree with Gatewood (1975-175) th at " . . . c le a r and consistent data have not ye t been collected to e m p iric a lly prove the open classroom superior to any other type o f classroom." 97 Gatewood also notes th a t many open school advocates claim th a t open education is by i t s nature unresearchable; he fe e ls th a t nevertheless, demands fo r ac c o u n ta b ility must be met, and th a t proponents of open education must work out ways to meet them. The somewhat negative tone of his remarks might be counterbalanced (though not necessarily proved u n ju s tifie d ) by noting th a t the data may not prove th a t the open classroom is i n f e r i o r to every other type o f classroom e it h e r . Nor should demands fo r acco u n ta b ility ( i f th a t concept can be properly defined) be met only by programs th at vary from the more tra d itio n a l approaches. As we have implied above, the basic problem in evaluating research findings is coming to grips with the paradigmatic d i f f e r ­ ences th a t e x is t among educators and researchers. I f open school proponents feel th a t th at type of education is unresearchable, i t may be because they do not adhere to the same rules of evidence th at other educators fo llo w . I t is said th at n o n -tra d itio n a l schools emphasize process ra th e r than s p e c ific outcomes ( Center fo r New Schools 1974-17), and so a straightforw ard comparison o f the outcomes of d if f e r e n t school types would be of l i t t l e value to open school supporters without some accompanying comparison of the processes by * which those outcomes were obtained. In th is co ntext, we also note that the research methodology which one selects tends to determine whether one can study process or outcome: cross-sectional studies (li k e the present case) seem less relevan t f o r judging processes However, tr a d itio n a l education is also a process. Therefore, i t too needs to be studied as such. Indeed, some o f the most impor­ tant critic ism s th a t open school proponents make o f tr a d itio n a l education have to do with the processes th a t occur th ere. 98 than longitudinal studies. Epstein and McPartland (1975-26) fo r instance, believe th a t "The most convincing t e s t o f the e ffe c ts o f open school attendance on academic achievement is the te s t fo r cumulative e ffe c ts over the long term, when many students have attended r e l a t i v e l y stable open school programs throughout t h e i r school ca re ers." C le a rly , long-term research is desirable and should be pursued. At the same tim e, studies lim ite d to a given "moment" in a program can help to define and guide f u r t h e r study and p ra c tic e . We assert th at outcomes o f school practices are a matter o f concern, and can be used to i n f e r conclusions about processes. I f open school proponents devote t h e i r study to some outcomes rather than o th e rs , i t is because they subscribe to d i f f e r e n t goals. " U ltim a te ly ," says Friedlander (1 975 -46 7), "the process of form ulating, conducting, and in te r p r e tin g open education must come to grips with the question o f values." This view is stated in a somewhat d if f e r e n t way by Silberman (1970-256): "What the researcher must do, Goodlad argues, is 'come to grips with the conceptual underpinnings o f the innovation' f o r i f i t is t r u l y r a d ic a l, i t w i l l have objectives the conventional instruments o f evaluation simply are not designed to measure." What these w rite rs seem to be saying is th a t we must be careful not to end up comparing apples and oranges. I f the goals o f open schools are d i f f e r e n t from the goals of t r a d it io n a l schools, then to judge the one inadequate because i t does not meet the goals o f the other doesn't make too much sense. The i n i t i a l th ru s t o f research probably ought to be to analyze how well a given kind o f program is meeting i t s own goals. Then one may go on to judge how well d i f f e r e n t programs are meeting common goals, and to judge what other la t e n t resu lts are also 99 obtained. Cronbach's statement seems p e rtin e n t here: " I t is no defense fo r the [researcher] to say th a t competition [ f o r example] is the only o b jective th a t concerns him. I f he recommends an educational change, i t is his re s p o n s ib ility to consider how th a t change w i l l a f f e c t a l l the outcomes th at reasonable men consider important (quoted by Silberman 1970-257)." Let us attempt to f u r t h e r delineate the research problem by casting the argument in ab stract terms. programs, ca lle d A and B. goals a-|, a2 , a^, Suppose we have two school Suppose also th a t program A has manifest , c2 , and la t e n t consequences 1 -j, 1 2 , 1 3 , while program B has manifest goals b-|, b2 , bg, c-| , c 2 and la t e n t consequences l