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University M icrofilm s International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 USA St. John's Road, Tyler's Green High Wycombe, Bucks, England HP10 8HR 7 *151 52 mesa # jose lu is XNTRA.URBAM RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY and ethnxcityi cuba ^ - ameri cans i n l a n s i m g # MICHIGAN. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVER8XTY# PH.D.# 1976 University Microfilms International 300 n z t t & h o a d , a n n a h b o h . m i 48106 INTRA-URBAN RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY AND ETHNICITY: CUBAN-AMERICANS IN LANSING, MICHIGAN By Jose Luis Mesa A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in p artial fu lfillm e n t of the requirements fo r the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1978 ABSTRACT INTRA-URBAN RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY AND ETHNICITY: CUBAN-AMERICANS IN LANSING, MICHIGAN By Jose Luis Mesa The study examines the spatial patterns of 1ntra-urban residential m obility among Cuban-Americans 1n Lansing, Michigan, during the period 1963-1976, and seeks to establish whether ethnic-related factors have played a s ig n ifica n t role in the study's population selection of re s i­ dential location in the c ity . Urban ecological as well as behavioral principles concerned with the spatial attrib u tes of the residential m obility and location of ethnic migrants are scrutinized. propositions are made: Five main 1) a "receptor" resid en tial area which has functioned as a focus of resid en tial a c tiv ity fo r Cuban-Americans can be Id e n tifie d in Lansing; 2) ethnic households have gradually abandoned the receptor area, with those established in the c ity fo r the longest period more lik e ly to have moved away from the core urban area and into suburban locations; 3) current "relocation" patterns in suburban areas re fle c t a clustered spatial structure, an Indication th at ethnic bonds continue to act as important factors 1n resid en tial location selection; 4) "ethnic" channels of information have s ig n ific a n tly Influenced the selection of residential location by study households; and 5) a desire to liv e near relatives and "ethnic friends" has been an important element in the study sample's selection o f residential locations. Jose Luis Mesa The data were collected via seventy-one in-depth home interviews and analyzed through the description and comparison of sample and sample sub-groups' m obility and socio-economic ch aracteristics. In addition, a fa c to ria l ecology of Lansing was performed to define the social areas of the c ity and thus develop an adequate socio-spatlal context fo r the analysis of m obility patterns. Socio-economic v a r i­ ables from the United States 1970 Census of Population and Housing fo r Lansing census tracts were employed 1n the fa c to ria l ecology. Three of the fiv e proposed hypotheses were supported. The fin d ­ ings revealed that a main receptor residential area can be Id e n tifie d 1n the c ity and that many ethnic households who o rig in a lly established th e ir residences in the core areas have since moved to suburban loca­ tions. The conmonly held notion that time is an all-im p o rtan t factor determining the a b ilit y of ethnic migrant households to leave reception areas and s e ttle 1n suburbs, however, was not c le a rly supported. More meaningful relationships with current resid en tial location were found through selected socio-economic characteristics of the households such as Income, occupation and home tenure. Spatial clusterings of Cuban- Amerlcan households 1n the suburbs were detected, an indication that Intra-urban resid en tial relocation has not occurred 1n a random spatial fashion. A high degree of influence of the ethnic community in the resid en tial search experience of the households studied was recorded. Forty-three percent of a ll the intra-urban residential destinations were located as a re su lt of Information obtained through "Cuban friends and re la tiv e s " . However, when the reasons fo r having selected a given resid en tial location were examined, the "desire to be located near re la tiv e s and ethnic friends" was recorded as a primary reason fo r only Jose Luis Mesa 17 percent of the total residential selections made by the sample. The experience of Cuban-Americans 1n Lansing gives general support to the residential adjustment processes described for traditional ethnic groups 1n urban areas. The question as to how the residential experi­ ence of the group studied may compare to that of other Cuban-American communities and other contemporary racial and ethnic minorities in United States c ities 1s discussed In the concluding chapter. A la memorla de ml padre y a mi madre 11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS When the time comes to give written recognition fo r the assistance provided by others in the course of a research project, i t 1s often d if f ic u lt to account in words fo r a ll the help and goodwill that is received. For the development of many of the ideas and concepts con­ tained 1n this dissertation I am Indebted to the chairman of my com­ m ittee, Dr. Stanley Brunn. His readiness to openly discuss, c r itic iz e and o ffer suggestions at a ll times during the development of this study was most helpful and w ill always be remembered. My expression of g ra ti­ tude is also Immediately directed to the other members of the committee. The help provided by Dr. C. W. Minkel during the course of my doctoral program at Michigan State 1s much appreciated, as are his detailed re­ view and editing of the dissertation d ra ft. Dr. Gary Manson's suggestions relating to the organization of some key ideas in the study provided a real challenge and fo r this I am thankful. Many thanks are also due to Professor Sanford Farness of the College of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture fo r serving on the conmlttee and offering suggestions on the d raft copy of the paper. Particular thanks must also go to people and organizations who provided valuable Input or assistance at d iffe ren t stages of the study. The use of the fa c ilitie s of Michigan State University Computer Center with the support of the Department of Geography is acknowledged. The names of Dr. Robert N. Thomas of the Department of Geography and of ii1 Dr. Joe T. Darden of Geography and also of the Department of Urban and Metropolitan Studies are recognized; our discussions on the subject of this study proved useful and stimulating. The graphic Input of M1ke Upsey of the Center fo r Cartographic Research was of much assistance as well as the help of my friends Pete KHejunas and J1m Lebeau. For typing the manuscript time and time again 1n what must have seemed an endless task and helping 1n so many ways I am indebted to Donna Foress. I could not close the 11st of those who aided 1n the successful completion of th is study without mentioning the collaboration of the many Cuban-Amerlcan fam ilies and persons in the Lansing area who le t me 1n th e ir homes and sat through endless questioning, nearly always with the best of dispositions and kind expressions of h o s p ita lity . I can honestly state that th e ir overall a ttitu d e and willingness to help made the fie ld work phase of this study most pleasurable. Particular thanks go to o ffic ia ls of the Cuban-American Association of Lansing, who provided me with Information that I could not otherwise have obtained. A ll the mentioned persons and groups gave Invaluable support to this research e ffo rt and I express my gratitude. Responsibility for the material presented herein, however, rests solely with the author. 1v TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE LIST OF TABLES...................................................................................................... vH1 x LIST OF FIGURES.................................................................................................... CHAPTER I II INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................... 1 Intra-Urban Residential M o b ility .................................................. 1 Geography and Intra-Urban ResidentialM o b ility ......................... 2 Nature of the Study........................................................................... 3 Cuban-Americans in Lansing as a StudyPopulation..................... 4 Lansing as a Study S ite .................................................................... 6 CONCEPTUAL BASIS OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM................................... 8 A Spatial Perspective....................................................................... 8 Antecedents of the Spatial Perspective 1n the Study of Residential M o b ility ......................................................................... 18 Residential M obility 1n the Context of Urban E cology.... III 10 The Behavioral Approach................................................................ 15 Summary................................................................................................... 18 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE.................................................................. 21 Ethnic Factors in ResidentialM obility andLocation 21 Residential Location and Urban M obility of Cuban-Americans................................... ............................................... 26 Conceptual O rientation..................................................................... 32 v TABLE OF CONTENTS (C o n t'd .) CHAPTER VI V VI PAGE Hypotheses........................................................................................... 33 "Ecological" Hypotheses............................................................. 33 "Behavioral" Hypotheses................... . ....................................... 34 THE STUDY COMMUNITY, THE SAMPLE, ANDTHE STUDY AREA 35 The Study Community ................................................................. 35 The Population and the Sampling Frame......................................... 37 The Sample........................................................................................... 39 Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Sample............................................................................................... 40 The Study Area.............................................................................. 45 LANSING’ S SOCIAL AREAS AND THE LOCATION OF CUBANAMERICAN HOUSEHOLDS............................................................................. 50 Delim iting the Social Areas of Lansing....................................... 50 Factor Analysis................................................................................. 51 Hierarchical Grouping..................................................................... 54 Discriminant Analysis..................................................................... 54 The Social Areas o f Lansing............................................................. 55 Lansing's Social Space and the Location of CubanAmerican Households............................................................................. 59 Current Social Space of Study Households..................................... 50 RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY OF CUBAN-AMERICAN HOUSEHOLDS AND THE ROLE OF ETHNICITY......................................................................... 64 Residential M o b ility of Cuban-Americans 1n Lansing................. 64 A "Receptor" Area................................................................................. 65 Spatial A ssim ilation........................................................................... 70 vi TABLE OF CONTENTS (C o n t'd .) CHAPTER PAGE Some Variables of Residential Location................................ 71 Owners and Renters...................................................................... 77 Temporal Aspects of the Move to the Suburbs....................... 77 Ethnic Households and Residential Proximity....................... 83 Locating a Place to Live: The Influence of Ethnicity 86 The Desire to Live Near Relatives and Friends................... 92 CONCLUSIONS....................................................................................... 96 Summary of Findings........................................................................ 96 Summary Comments............................................................................. 99 BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................... 103 APPENDIX 1........................................................................................................ 112 APPENDIX I I ...................................................................................................... 124 APPENDIX I I I .................................................................................................... 125 V II v11 LIST OF TABLES Life-Cycle Stage, Cuban-Amerlcan Households 1n Lansing... 42 Occupations of Cuban-Americans 1n Lansing (1977) and West New York, N. J. (1968)........................................................ 43 Factorial Ecology of Lansing: Selected Results of the Factor Analysis............................................................................... 52 Social Space of Study Households.............................................. 62 Location of "First Residence" of Study Households.............. 67 Tracts Recording the Highest Frequencies of CubanAmerlcan Residential Moves: 1963-1976................................... 69 Social Area Origins and Destinations of Cuban-Amerlcan Intra-Urban Moves: 1963-1976.................................................... 72 Current Social Area Location and Length of Residence 1n Lansing.............................................................................................. 74 Current Social Area Location and Occupation......................... 75 Current Social Area Location and Household Income.............. 76 Social Area Destination of Last Residential Moves: Owners vs. Renters......................................................................... 78 The Move from the Reception Area to the Suburbs: Current Suburban Homeowners....................................................................... 82 The Three Tracts Showing Residential Clustering 1n 1977: Social Area Location and Household Occupational S tatu s... 84 Sources of Information Used by Study Households for Locating Living Places: All Moves........................................... 88 Sources of Information Used for Locating the "First" and "Last" (Current) Residence.......................................................... 89 Central Areas vs. Suburban Households: Sources of Information Used fo r Locating Current Residence.................. 91 V111 LIST OF TABLES (C o n t'd .) TABLE XVII X V III PAGE F irs t Reasons Given fo r Selecting "First" and "Last" (Current) Place of Residence......................................................... 93 Central Areas vs. Suburban Households: F irs t Reasons Given fo r Selecting Current Residence....................................... 95 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1 The Concept of Social Space.............................................................. 14 2 Elements Considered 1n the Decision-Making Process of Voluntary Movers.................................................................................. 16 3 An In d ividu al's Awareness Space..................................................... 18 4 A Hypothetical Spatial Assimilation Model Showing Spatial Behavior a t D ifferin g Levels of Assim ilation 25 5 The Study Area and the Location o f Study Households 46 6 T e rrito ry of Local Administrative Units in the Study Area and Study Area Regional S ettin g .......................................... 48 7 Study Area Census T racts.................................................................... 49 8 The Social Areas of Lansing - 1970................................................ 56 9 Relationship Between the Id e n tifie d Factors and the Social Areas o f Lansing.................................................................... 58 Residential Location and Urban Social Space of Study Households - 1977................................................................................ 61 11 Between-Tracts Moves of Study Households (1963-1976)............ 68 12 Destination of Last Intra-Urban Move of Home Owners 1n the Sample........................................................................................ 79 Destination of Last Intra-Urban Move of Renters in the Sample.............................................................................................. 80 10 13 x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION This study centers on the sp atial patterns of the Intra-urban r e s i­ d en tial m o b ility of Cuban-Amerlcan households in Lansing, Michigan. Its primary o bjective 1s to establish whether eth n ic-related factors play a s ig n ific a n t ro le 1n the study population's selection o f re sid en tia l loca­ tio n in the c it y . To meet th is o b jec tiv e, answers are sought to the questions "Where w ithin the c ity have study households moved to and from?" and "Why have they moved to and from there?" In considering the above re la tio n s h ip s , a secondary concern of th is research is to determine whether the factors which generate re sid en tia l m o b ility in th is group of people are s ig n ific a n tly d iffe re n t from those generating m o b ility in the population a t larg e . Intra-Urban Residential M o b ility Changes of residence occur hundreds of times every day 1n every major c ity . The move from one dwelling to another 1s a basic means by which change occurs both 1n the d a ily pattern o f individual a c tiv itie s and 1n the charac­ te r is tic s of neighborhoods throughout the c ity (Moore, 1972, p. 1 ). The dynamics o f urban l i f e and the resu ltin g arrangements o f people and structures in c itie s are affected g rea tly by how households with d iffe re n t socio-economic and cu ltu ral characteristics and d iffe re n t H f e styles become positioned in urban space. A fam ily out-growing a home, a household "fleein g" a r a c ia lly or eth n ic a lly changing neighborhood, 1 and a person desiring to liv e near the place of work, near a certain school or near friends and re la tiv e s , are examples of the many reasons which may prompt a household to change its residence. The Intra-urban mobility process reflects a complex amalgam of Influences emanating from a combination of characteristics of the moving households, 1. e . , Income, stage in the l i f e cycle, l i f e style preferences, and of the characteristics of the available urban housing, such as price and type of dwelling, neighborhood qualities and locational aspects (Simmons, 1968, 399). As with most research problems 1n the social sciences, the study of urban residential moves 1s an Interdisciplinary endeavor. Sociolo­ gists and economists, and more recently geographers and planners are increasingly devoting th e ir s k ills to Its study. However, the research completed to date, while substantial, 1t 1s s t i l l found wanting in several respects, as for example 1n the study of the spatial and social processes and patterns of racial and ethnic groups. Geography and Intra-Urban Residential Mobility A steadily growing body of lite ra tu re has accumulated 1n geography 1n recent years on the study of Intra-urban residential m obility. One Important aspect of this research Is focused on the behavior o f In d i­ vidual households. Behavioral concepts and models have been developed which attempt to describe the residential m obility process centering on the household as the basic decision-making unit and as the mainactor 1n the process. This approach draws heavily on previous concepts developed in the fie ld of human migration and incorporates notions of migration theory as well as sp atially oriented concepts developed sp ecifically by geographers (Wolpert, 1965; Brown and Moore, 1970; B arrett, 1973). A second trend of geographic research has been derived from the assumptions of trad itio n al spatial models of urban structure and social area analysis and 1t stresses the "human-ecological" view of the c ity 's growth and change. Greater emphasis 1s placed on the relationships be­ tween urban residential structure and the socio-economic and cultural characteristics of d iffe re n t groups, and processes of group competition are generally postulated 1n attempting to explain the residential structuring of the c ity 's population (Rose, 1970, 1976; Deskins, 1972; Kenyon, 1976). I t is within the bounds of this second research approach that ethnic and racial factors have been mostly considered in geographic works. Both of these research approaches as well as studies pertinent to this Investigation are the subject of further discussion in Chapters I I and I I I . Nature of the Study This study seeks to Identify and analyze the spatial patterns of the Intra-urban residential mobility of a particular group of people in a specific c ity . In attempting to explain the resulting spatial mobil­ ity patterns of Cuban-Amerlcan households, emphasis 1s placed on assessing the re la tiv e Importance of ethnic-related factors 1n deter­ mining the selection of residential location 1n the urban area. In the geographic lite ra tu re , ethnicity has been suggested by a number of authors as a factor that can act in lim iting the number of possible residential alternatives available to ethnic households. Thus, 1t 1s seen as an element which expands on the answer to the question "Where do people move?" (Moore, 1972, 35). A considerable body of research lite ra tu re has been produced con­ cerning the experiences of d ifferen t immigrant groups 1n North American 4 c itie s . I t has been argued, however, that the spatial assimilation process undergone by ethnic minorities of the past is less relevant to present day ethnic groups which have d iffe re n t problems and which liv e 1n a c ity with d iffe re n t kinds of soda! Interaction and oppor­ tu n ity (Simmons, 1968, 401). Since most recent intra-urban reloca­ tion studies have u tiliz e d native white groups as study populations and have based theories on th e ir behavior, a sig nificant research gap appears to exist 1n the study of the m obility of ethnic and racial m inorities. This applies especially to those which are of non- European origin and ethnic extraction. An exception is Black Americans, whose Interaction and residential processes are being studied Increasingly (Rose, 1971, 1976; Darden, 1973; Roseman and Knight, 1975). The data base 1s an Important part of any study of residential moves. The type of data used in many studies has been 1n aggregate form from national census sources. I f greater Insight Into the be­ havior patterns of individual households concerning residential moves 1s to be gained, i t has been suggested that more studies based on In depth household survey data be conducted (Brown and Moore, 1970, 12). This study uses such a data base. Cuban-Americans in Lansing as a Study Population L it t le research has been conducted on the residential m obility patterns of Cuban-Americans 1n c itie s of the United States. A planning report emphasizing patterns of urban m obility of a sample of CubanAmerlcan households in Dade County, Florida, is the only study that treats sp e cific ally th e ir residential moves (Metropolitan Dade County Planning Department, 1970). The paucity of Information on Cuban resid en tial m obility and re s i­ dential patterns may be p a r tia lly explained by the re la tiv e recency of the Cuban migration to th is country. Most has occurred since 1959 a fte r a Marxist take-over o f p o litic a l power 1n Cuba set o ff a massive emigration. According to the 1970 United States Census of Population, approxi­ mately 650,000 people of Cuban b irth or parentage comprised the Cuban population of the United States and its te r r ito r ie s . A fig u re of 750,000 was estimated fo r the mid-seventies by a recent source (Casa! and Hernandez, 1975, 25). An important ch aracteristic of the Cubans in the United States, which d ire c tly relates to th is research, is th e ir “urban" nature. They have settled in the urban areas of the country to such an extent th at a recent report indicates that 94.6 percent of those individuals reporting Cuban b irth or parentage 1n the twenty states of the union with the largest Cuban population 1n 1970 resided in Standard Metropolitan S ta tis tic a l Areas. The largest concentrations were found in large c itie s such as Miami, New York, Los Angeles and Chicago (Prohfas and Casal, 1973, 45). Lansing's Cubans are an example of a re la tiv e ly recent, nonEnglish speaking, non-European ethnic group. They have become a part of the urban community a fte r having lived and worked 1n the c ity fo r some time. For a v a rie ty of reasons (some were sent by national organizations working on refugee-resettling programs and others came following friends and re la tiv e s who had arrived e a rlie r in the c it y ) , Lansing is today the home of a diverse group of Cuban-Amerlcan house­ holds. The group constitutes a so c ia lly active ethnic community in the c ity . A fra tern a l organization has been in existence fo r almost 6 ten years. I t publishes a monthly b u lle tin fo r members and sponsors sport a c tiv itie s of members 1n the c ity 's recreation programs. Annual religious and recreational a c tiv itie s , and a fo lk lo ric dance group which performs 1n community-wide a c tiv itie s , are a ll elements which re fle c t the existence of a Cuban-Amerlcan community 1n the Lansing area. A to ta l of ninety-seven Cuban-American households were Id e n tifie d fo r consideration in the survey. This Includes a ll the married persons, male or female, 1n the Lansing area who were born in Cuba and who are heads of household. Other households (eleven) where the wives are Cuban but are not heads of household were excluded from consideration. Seven single households made up mostly of college students and working young adults were not Included. A fter discounting the refusals and those households 1n which the interviewer was unable to locate the head, the fin a l number of cases fo r the study was seventy-one. The Interviews were conducted 1n Spanish by the author at the home of each respondent. Lansing as a Study Site Lansing, Michigan is the s ite fo r the present study. With a popu­ la tio n of approximately 375,000 1n 1970, the Lansing SMSA is comparable 1n size to other urban areas where resid en tial m obility studies have been conducted ( e .g ., Cedar Rapids, Iowa, and Brisbane, A u stralia; see Moore, 1966, and Brown and Longbrake, 1970). Lansing 1s a mid-sized northern industrial c ity . I t has a sub­ sta n tia l number of old as well as new residential areas 1n which pre­ viously developed notions about the residential processes of immigrant populations in urban areas can be tested. Given that the present study emphasizes Individual household urban mobility history, the question of the re la tiv e size of the studied Cuban community in relation to the Lansing urban setting was not considered to be of paramount importance. Obviously, the significance of ethnic- related factors in the spatial m obility of ethnic households in a community where a particular ethnic minority constitutes a large pro­ portion of the total population w ill tend to be greater in absolute terms. In re la tiv e terms, however, given that ethnicity 1s an Inde­ pendent factor, its basic effect on the process of spatial mobility of a small ethnic community should re fle c t dimensions and characteristics which are sim ilar 1n nature to those of the macro-setting. w ill help assess whether 1n fact the above may be the case. This study CHAPTER I I CONCEPTUAL BASIS OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM The soda! psychologist sees the household as acting under various kinds of stress; the econ­ omist views the move as maximizing satisfaction of a set of u t ilit ie s ; and the human ecologist treats i t as an element in a large pattern of movement, a part of processes of growth and succession (Simmons, 1968, 399). As with most other attempts to systematically analyze human behav­ io r, the task faced by the social researcher when studying the process of intra-urban residential mobility is a complex one. The diversity found In types of people, events and influences which come together to produce urban residential mobility can i n it ia lly overwhelm efforts to organize a study of the subject. Because of this inherent complexity, any analysis of the residential mobility process must identify a par­ tic u la r organizing perspective and the specific elements of the process to be scrutinized. A Spatial Perspective In this study, the organizing perspective for conducting an analy­ sis of the relationship between the Intra-urban residential moves of households and the question of ethnicity is spatial 1n nature. This means that the primary concern of this research is directed toward answering location-related questions such as "Where the move?" and "Why there?". Other questions concerning mobility such as "Why the move?" 8 and "How was the decision to move arrived at?" become secondary to the central focus. Locational considerations in the process of urban m obility and residential choice are recognized as being important. In his landmark study Why Families Move, Rossi pointed out that a fte r the housing unit characteristics of space and cost, "the n e x t.. .c r ite r ia looked fo r in the fam ilies new dwellings were p articu lar locations" (Rossi, 1955, 154). Lansing and Barth reported 1n a study of residential location and urban m obility that the main concerns of the households studied were "the character of the neighborhood and the type of housing in which they liv e" (Lansing and Barth, 1964, 19). Other geographers and sociologists have suggested sim ilar notions and arrived at sim ilar con­ clusions 1n more recent research (Boyce, 1969; Greenberg and Boswell, 1972; Michelson, 1977). To the geographer, the application of the spatial perspective to the study of residential m obility patterns and flows comes as a natural focus fo r investigation. A d is tin c tiv e ly geographic question is "Why are spatial distributions structured the way they are?", and answering this auestion involves reference to the mechanisms which produce the spatial d istribu tion s, namely "spatial processes" (Abler, Adams and Gould, 1973, 54 and f f . ) . Thus, spatial analysis in geography 1s con­ cerned with both pattern, or the s ta tic characteristics of places and areas, and process, which incorporates the dynamic elements causing those characteristics. 10 Antecedents of the Spatial Perspective in the Study of Residential M obility Two c le a rly distinguishable research directions have been devel­ oped within the spatial perspective in the study of residential mobil­ i t y , one well established and the other more recent. Residential M o bility in the Context of Urban Ecology. Research considering locational Questions 1n the study of urban residential patterns and processes originated in the fie ld of sociology. The o r i­ gins of th is research approach can be traced to the "urban ecological" school of the University of Chicago of the 1920's and 1930's . Many of the original theoretical formulations of that trend of research came from Robert S. Park's essay on "Human Ecology" (1936). Concerning the processes that structure the d iffe re n t population groups 1n the c ity , he postulated the existence of an ever-present "competition" fo r re s i­ dential space. This competition, wrote Park, brought about "invasions" of some resid en tial areas by incoming groups in need of housing a v a il­ able only in those areas. In tim e, the process led to "succession" and "dominance" of the resid en tial space by a new group. This new group occupied housing th at "filtered-down" from the so c ia lly upward-mobile outgoing group whose members moved to another location in the c ity . These formulations gave basis to the early hypotheses on urban structure th at subsequently developed and included important notions about c ity resid en tial structure: the "concentric zones" idea by sociologist Burgess, the "sector" model by economist Hoyt, and the "multipi e-nuclei" concept by geographers Harris and Ullman. The sub­ stance of these various hypotheses has been discussed at length in the lite r a tu r e , and several recent sources review i t 1n comparative d etail (Berry and Horton, 1970; Bourne, 1971). A substantial amount of research was generated 1n the past few decades to te s t the above­ described theories and models, and 1n the case of 1ntra-urban re s i­ dential m obility some work made d ire c t reference to the processes of urban m obility and spatial assim ilation of Immigrant ethnic groups (Jonassen, 1949; Kosa, 1956; Johnston, 1969). The resid en tial aspect of the ecological theories and models of urban patterns and processes was fu rther developed by the proponents of a research approach known as "social area analysis." O rigin ally developed by sociologists Shevky and B e ll, th is approach specified more precisely than before the way 1n which certain populations sorted themselves out in urban space on the basis of th e ir socio-demographic and economic ch aracteristics. constructs: I t was based on three major conceptual "Economic Status," "Family Status" and "Ethnic Status." Through the u tiliz a tio n of selected variables such as occupation, fam ily size and national o rig in , Indices were developed which measured the studied characteristics of populations within urban census tra c ts . "Social areas" 1n the c ity were thus delineated and a "typology" of such areas developed based on how they ranked on the defined dimensions (Shevky and B e ll, 1955, 18). The approach was I n i t i a l l y tested with 1940 census data fo r the Los Angeles and San Francisco Bay regions. In both c it ie s , the researchers were able to d elim it so cially d iffe re n t sub-regions (Shevky and W illiams, 1949; B e ll, 1953). Although the "v a lid ity " of the method was la te r confirmed by other researchers (Van Arsdal, Cam1ller1 and Schmid, 1958), some c ritic is m of social area analysis was raised regarding how the measures u tiliz e d presupposed the constructs to be correct. I t was fu rther argued th at the researchers had fa ile d to provide a te s t fo r the v a lid ity of those measures (Hawley 12 and Duncan, 1957). To meet these types of critic is m , Bell made use of factor analysis to show that in both Los Angeles and San Francisco the measures used, in fa c t, formed a structure consistent with the basic formulations of the method (B e ll, 1955). With the advent of the machine technology necessary to process large amounts of information, the social area analysis approach was further refined with greater application of factor analysis to popu­ lation-related characteristics of urban residential areas. The research of Berry and Rees (1969), Murdie (1968) and Abu-Lughod (1969) are examples of this type of work, which is often referred to as "factorial ecology." Geographers have worked extensively in the development of this approach and its spatial components. In factorial ecology a wider set of socio-economic variables, which include the Shevky-Bell group, are used as Input fo r detailing the characteristics of census tra c t populations and housing units. Factor analysis 1s used to isolate the fundamental patterns of v a ri­ ations in the data. The conceptual constructs to classify areas are hence derived from the data and not assumed a p riori (Berry and Horton, 1970, 316). Social areas thus typ ified re fle c t a greater number of shared characteristics and hence are classified on a more comprehensive and accurate basis. Most factor-ecological studies have revealed that urban sub-populations distribute themselves sp atially along charac­ te ris tic s which are sim ilar to those o rig in ally identified by Shevky and Bell (Kaufman, 1961; Murdie, 1968). The basic conceptual formulations of social area analysis are contained in Rees' work (1970). In this framework, the household is 13 i assigned a position 1n "social space," a given portion of urban space defined through a conceptual matrix of social meaning based on eco­ nomic, social status and I1fe-cycle variables, such as Income, occu­ pation andfamily size. 1n"housing space," u n it. This 1s matched by the position of a dwelling defined by price and design characteristics 6f the In this manner, the household becomes a part of a given "com­ munity space" or community of like-households in urban residential space. With reference to residential location, 1t is then postulated that the household w ill select "physical space," or actual location in the c ity , from a range of determined "communities." The fin a l selec­ tion of a specific location is dependent upon operating constraints related to neighborhood or accessibility characteristics. According to Rees: An orderly social geography results as lik e indi­ viduals make lik e choices 1n response to regulari­ ties in the operation of the land and housing markets and the collaboration of sim ilar individ­ uals who act to exclude dissim ilar people from th e ir neighborhood or to re s tric t minority groups to particular areas. The autonomous suburb is the prime example of the process of exclusion and the ghetto the most glaring illu s tra tio n of the process of exclusion (Rees, 1970, 313). To surnnarize, the basic conceptual constructs of ecological and social area analysis can be viewed as formulated from a perspective which stresses the constraints a household must face 1n moving about in urban space, whether these constraints are of an economic, socio­ cultural or in stitu tio n al nature. space, In Figure 1, the concept of social basic to social area analysis is portrayed and i t 1s shown, a generalized fashion, how social characteristics are regarding the population of a c ity . 1n sp atially arranged The patterns depicted bring to mind 14 THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL SPACE CBD E th n ic S ta tu s SOCIAL SPACE F a m ily S ta tu s CBD E c o n o m ic S ta tu s CBD PHYSICAL SPACE A fte r R obert A . M u rd ie ,"F a c to ria l Ecology of M etrop o litan Toronto: 1951-1961," C h icag o 1 U niver e ity o f C h icag o , D epartm ent of G eography, Research Paper 116, 1 9 6 9 , p. 9 . F ig u re 1 15 the formulation of the "classical" models of urban structure mentioned e a rlie r . The Behavioral Approach. Within the spatial perspective, a major a lte rn a tiv e approach in the study of 1ntra-urban residential m obility has recently developed. I t focuses on the residential decision-making process of Individual households. This approach, which can be viewed as a "preference-oriented" model, stresses the significance of space 1n re la tio n to mental images of the urban environment that are acquired by members of Individual households. The expression "behavioral approach" Is used to characterize th is research and geographers have made signi­ fic a n t contributions to the study of intra-urban residential m obility using this perspective, among them Brown and Moore (1970), Brown and Longbrake (1970), and Brown and Holmes (1971). The concepts contained within th is research perspective have been derived from previous research 1n the fie ld of psychology and notions basic to existing theories on human migration (B a rre tt, 1973, 4 ). A spatial-behavioral model o f the residential location decision has been proposed by Brown and Moore in which m obility is viewed in the context of migration theory, and "push" and "pull" factors in individual resid en tial environments are assessed. of two phases: The model consists 1) the decision to seek a new residence, and 2) the relocation decision (Brown and Moore, 1970). Moore la te r developed "flow charts" of these two phases of the household m obility process. These are presented in Figure 2. As Brown and Moore explain, entering the f i r s t decision phase does not commit a household to go f u ll cycle in the process. A fter evaluating th e ir present resid en tial s itu a tio n , individuals may or D E C IS IO N -M A K IN G IN R E S ID E N T IA L M O B IL IT Y F irs t P h ase: E le m e n ts C o n sid e re d in th e D e c is io n -M a k in g P ro cess o f V o lu n tary M o vers Adjust Level o f Expectations Form ulation of V alu es of S p ecific E xpectations Individual Regarding L ife S tyle and Dw elling Conditions Evaluation Reaction to Inertial Forces o f Present (Tenure, Length of Residence, Residential Situation S treng th o f Social T ie s ) DECISION Seek a New Residence M odify Structure a n d /o r L o c al Environm ent S tay in Present Dwelling Second Phase: E le m e n ts C o n sidered in th e In d ividu al S e le c tio n o f a N ew R e siden ce (Voluntary Moves Only) Decision to seek Establishment of C riteria Search for a New Dwelling fo r Dwelling Unit Evaluation Available Vacancies Evaluation of Perceived DECISION A lternatives S election of New Dwelling After Eric Moore, Residential Mobility in the City, Association of American Geographers, Commission on College Geography, Washington, D.C., 1972, pp. 5 and 13. may not decide to seek a new dwelling. Furthermore, some may choose not to move even a fte r examining alternative locations. This element is referred to as the "mover-stayer" framework (Brown and Moore, 1970, 12). A group of sociologists who recently proposed a sim ilar model have added an additional preliminary phase which they labeled "the decision to consider moving," but l i t t l e basic difference exists between th e ir model of Individual m obility and that of Brown and Moore (Speare, Goldstein and Frey, 1975). Neither model d irec tly addresses the issue of "where" the individual w ill move in the c ity . A concept basic to Individual mobility models 1s that of "place u t il i t y , " previously defined by Wolpert as "the net composite of u t ilit ie s which are derived from the individual's integration at some position in space" (Wolpert, 1965, 162). Other major concepts pro­ posed by Brown and Moore are "search behavior" and "awareness space." "Search behavior" 1s the action taken by a potential mover to become fam iliar with possible altern ative locations. This search is con­ ditioned by the "awareness space" of the prospective migrant, encom­ passing those locations within the to tal urban space about which he has knowledge (Brown and Moore, 1970, 8 ). This concept of "awareness space," of particular importance from a spatial point of view, was discussed at length by Adams In 1969 with specific reference to in tra ­ urban residential m obility. An illu s tra tio n of some specifics of Adams' discussion is presented in Figure 3. The graph 1s a good representation of a notion basic to behavioral models of mobility. An important spatial notion 1s advanced by Adams when he indicates that the intra-urban movements of c ity residents depend on "limited" mental maps or mental images. He suggests, for instance, that people's 18 AN INDIVIDUAL'S AWARENESS SPACE S, DOW NTOW N SLUM S H O M E N E IG H B O R H O O D SUBURBS How a Midwestern central city resident perceives his urban area. Sharp images exist for R,, the downtown, and its location with re ­ spect to the residents home, X; for R2, the gray area encoun­ tered moving from X to downtown which Mr. X considers a slum; for R4, the home neighborhood; and for R „ the ring of newer suburbs further out from X. Image sharpness is not the same thing as accuracy; it has to do with information, true or false, about a place together with attitudes and impressions of it. Places in sectors S2, S3, and S 4 are only vaguely known, a l­ though attitudes may be strongly positive or negative toward them. After John S. Adams, "Directional Bias in In tra-U rb a n M obility," 4 5 , p. 3 0 5 . F ig u re 3 Economic Geography, 19 Image of desired residential areas is restricted to those locations with which they are fa m ilia r. In most cases such locations Include “a wedge- shaped Image of the c ity which is sharply in focus fo r places close to home and other parts of the home sector and blurry or blank fo r distant places such as the other side of town" (Adams, 1969, 323). According to the postulates of Individual models, the m obility process begins when the u t ilit ie s of a given place of residence are no longer acceptable to the household. Alternate locations are then sought and the physical location of the new residence, I f the family chooses to move, w ill be determined by the nature of the search process. This process is 1n turn a function of the re la tiv e fa m ilia rity of the house­ hold with points and paths 1n urban space (B a rre tt, 1973, 5). Summary In discussion of the ecological and behavioral approaches, i t becomes evident th a t, even though both were developed within a spatial perspective, they contain somewhat dissim ilar conceptual foundations. For the behavioralists "perceived" space is the focus, while fo r the ecologists "social" space is the key. Berry commented 1n 1970 that these two approaches to the study of residential processes "are yet to be merged into a h o lis tic framework that w ill make clear the linkages between the social, structural and locational spaces of the c ity ." He suggests that a framework fo r such a synthetic e ffo rt can be provided by a geographic interpretation of social area (fac to r) analysis (Berry and Horton, 1970, 314). A recent pioneering work in the fie ld of social geography may well contain some of the essentials needed to merge the two perspec­ tiv e s . Indicating that "spatial behavior cannot be understood apart from its social context," these authors have brought together social and behavioral-oriented concepts which they proposed are needed to understand "how social and geographic systems of Id e n tity operate together" (Jakle, Brunn and Roseman, 1976, 2 and f f . ) . The task of studying residential m obility from an integrated spatial point of view thus f a lls squarely w ithin the fie ld of social geography which 1s concerned "with a community's social and geographic structure and the decision-making processes that govern its growth" (Jakle, Brunn and Roseman, 1976, 2 ). A preliminary model presented 1n this tre a tis e describes the process of spatial assim ilation of ethnic households 1n the c ity , a notion which relates d ire c tly to the subject of th is study. Thus, 1t appears that the development of a comprehensive conceptual so d a! and spatial framework remains a challenge to geographers and other social scientists seeking to provide a comprehensive explanation of the 1ntra-urban residential process and the larger questions of urban growth and change. CHAPTER I I I REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE In th is chapter a review is made of research 1n geography which has d ealt with e th n ic ity as a principal question in the study o f re s i­ dential m o b ility and location . Selected related works 1n other fie ld s are also reviewed. Ethnic Factors in Residential M o bility and Location In geography, the consideration o f ethnic factors in studies on or related to resid en tial m o b ility and location has been emphasized by several authors studying the concentrations and movements o f Immigrant populations and m inority groups 1n urban areas. In reporting on the h is to ric a l evolution of re sid en tia l location patterns o f immigrants in American c itie s during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Ward (1968, 1971) describes a process of sp atial assim ilation which closely conforms to Park's early formula­ tions regarding the structuring and change o f urban re sid en tia l areas. He also illu s tra te s how the processes o f Invasion and succession began to develop in several large American urban areas, resu ltin g from the re sid en tia l needs of the d iffe re n t Incoming groups. A study o f the h is to ric a l re sid en tia l patterns of the Dutch 1n Kalamazoo, Michigan, by Wheeler and Jakle (1969) explores in d e ta il the d iffe re n t stages of re sid en tia l clustering and dispersion undergone by members o f th a t n a tio n a lity in th e ir experience of acculturation and adjustment in the 21 22 d ty . Their conclusions support conventional studies on the assimila­ tion of European ethnic minorities in American c itie s , which describe the traditional communities having a core or reception area usually near the center of the c ity where much of the assimilation took place. With the passing of time, the successful immigrant moved out, socially and sp a tia lly , either individually or with his countrymen (Jonassen, 1949; Kosa, 1956; Lieberson, 1963). A recent study by Gad, Peddie and Punter (1973) discusses the residential location and mobility of a selected sample of Ita lia n and Jewish households in Toronto, Canada. Behavioral concepts such as “residential search" and "awareness space" are examined to determine 1f differences in "spatial preferences" exist between the two groups. Their results suggest a tendency for both groups to perpetuate the existence of respective "ethnic" sectors because of the nature of each group's residential search space which in turn appears related to the space characteristics of the communities' social a c tiv itie s . The writers also observe that Jews and Italian s migrated away from reception areas In close residential proximity to one another during the past several decades but that today "they seem to separate 1n the outer suburbs" (Gad, Peddle and Punter, 1973, 179). The social and economic charac­ te ris tic s of the households within the sample studied are only lig h tly discussed and no e ffo rt 1s made to relate them to the spatial and be­ havioral patterns analyzed in the a rtic le . Other geographic studies have been conducted on the residential patterns of European m inorities, many of them as theses prepared by graduate students. Jakle (1973) has compiled a bibliography which pro­ vides a comprehensive lis tin g of the geographic and other s p a tia lly- 23 oriented lite ra tu re on fo rty -s ix d iffe re n t ethnic and racial minorities in North America. question. I t Includes many items on the urban residential Of p articular significance in this compilation are the many studies dealing with the residential patterns of Blacks in American c itie s . Over two hundred such studies are cited. Many of these dis­ cuss the origins and development of Black ghettoes, such as Taeuber and Taeuber, 1965; Spear, 1967; Rose, 1964, 1966, 1970; others deal more d ire c tly with questions related to residential m obility and segre­ gation, i . e . , Deskins, 1972; Darden, 1973; Rose, 1976. H is to ric a lly , the residential patterns of Blacks have shown a sustained tendency for spatial clustering which implies that l i t t l e residential assimilation has occurred. Despite recent trends toward Black suburbanization, the patterns of segregation appear to persist. Rose (1976) has argued that the current Black movement to suburbia represents a present-day extension of the "ghettoizatlon" processes of the past. On the basis of a ll the above-mentioned geographic studies, Moore has observed that the mechanisms of Invasion and succession have been well id e n tifie d . More c r itic a l analysis, he Indicates, 1s needed of the factors which regulate the spatial and temporal magnitude of these processes (Moore, 1972, 36). An "individual-oriented" model of the spatial assimilation of ethnic households, which addresses in part Moore's concern, has been recently proposed (Jakle, Brunn and Roseman, 1976). A hypothetical situation centering on individual rather than aggregate spatial be­ havior shows ethnic households at d iffe re n t levels of assim ilation. The focus is on the interaction of the household at places of re s i­ dence and work and on other a c tiv itie s such as shopping and recreation: The individual 1s only gradually assimilated by the number and variety of contacts with various spaces within a c ity . Should the person find work outside an ethnic area where he or she re­ sides, over time the location of other a c tiv itie s and interactions may also occur there. The fin a l stage w ill represent almost complete separation from the ethnic area of original residence (Jakle, Brunn and Roseman, 1976, 161). An important point stressed in the proposed hypothetical model is that residential moves, and the resulting spatial expression of these moves, are lik e ly to be associated with the social assim ilation process. That 1s, variables such as rising incomes and changing cultural values areimportant. However, "no given individual is expected to follow the steps exactly" (Jakle, Brunn and Roseman, 1976, 162), In Figure 4, the model is graphically presented. Such a model would clearly need much testing and possibly further s p e c ific ity . The proposed "stages" follow an apparently logical se­ quence, but l i t t l e evidence has accumulated a t the household level to permit much further substantiation of the phases described. For instance, Simmons points out that in the case of recent European immigrants, "many have avoided the "ghetto" stage en tirely" (Simmons, 1968, 401). Also, as suggested fo r Blacks, the residential patterns of some present-day racial and ethnic minorities show a tendency toward permanency which suggests that the spatial assimilation process may not always have a "fin al" stage. Some of these shortcomings are discussed by proponents of the cited model. In any case, the notions offered by Jakle, Brunn and Roseman provide a new and Insightful perspective on a long-standing and s t i l l largely unclear research question. 25 A HYPOTHETICAL SPATIAL A SSIM ILA TIO N MODEL SHOWING SPATIAL BEHAVIOR AT D IFFERING L E V E L S OF A S SIM ILA TIO N i Migration from distant location to ethnic area Work found outside ethnic a re a , other activi* ties within Additional a c tiv itie s established outside Move residence to frin ge of ethnic a rea ethnic area Most activities outside ethnic area Move residence aw ay from ethnic area Urban a rea Ethnic area Residence A c tiv ity lo c a tio n s Chonge in resid en ce (m ig ra tio n ) L ittle interaction with ethnic area A fte r J. Jakle, S. Brunn, and D aily a c tiv ity trip s C. Roseman, Human Spatial Bahavior: A Social Geography, D u*bury Press, North S c itu a te , M ass., 19 76 , p. 161. F ig u re 4 26 Residential Location and Urban M o b ility o f Cuban-Americans Works in geography and other fie ld s which have p a rtic u la r re fe r­ ence to the re s id e n tia l patterns of Cuban-Americans in the United States are few. Some studies on Cubans provide a good general background on the reason and nature o f th e ir immigration to the United States (Fagan and Brody, 1968; Clark, 1971). Others deal more with adjustments which Cuban immigrants have had to make liv in g in the United States and other general social ch a rac teris tic s of the immigrants (Portes, 1969; Fox, 1971; Prohfas and Casal, 1973). A review is presented here o f those works which touch on the question of the re sid en tia l patterns of Cuban-Americans in the United States. Included also are comments on the re sid en tia l m obility and ch aracteristics of other Spanish-speaking m inorities and of Blacks, derived from comparative works which mention the structure and behavior o f these groups along with those o f Cubans. As previously noted, Cuban-Americans in the United States are mostly c ity dwellers. Although th e ir communities ex ist in many of the nation's urban areas, Information on these coirenunlties 1s available fo r only a few c it ie s . o f Rogg (1974). A recent and f a i r l y comprehensive study 1s th at I n i t i a l l y prepared as a doctoral d issertatio n in sociology and la te r published in book form, the study uses data from a survey o f 250 Cuban households 1n West New York, New Jersey. In the lig h t of Gordon's theories on assim ilation (Gordon, 1964), Rogg seeks to establish the significance of the development o f a strong ethnic community as a means to adjustment and acculturation in the host society. The work documents the existence o f a strong ethnic com­ munity and b r ie fly alludes to the re s id e n tia l concentration of Cuban- American households in that municipality. This concentration came about as a result of the resettlement program established by the United States government in the early sixties to help relocate Cuban immigrants from the Miami, Florida, area (Rogg, 1974, 1). The study, however, does not sp ecifically address issues concerning the residential mobility patterns of the households studied. A geographic work which studies the residential pattern of Cubans 1n Chicago, along with that of Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans, u tiliz e s information from the United States census (Ropka, 1973). Cubans 1n Chicago were found to be living in fa ir ly close residential proximity, but yet re la tiv e ly separated from other Latin groups. fa c t, each tration Latin group exhibited a marked degree In of residential concen­ at the census tra ct le v e l, although they a ll shared a generally contiguous residential area. As the author points out, "they seek out sim ilar low-cost housing" (Ropka, 1973, 173 and 183). In comparing the recently arrived Cubans with the other groups, Ropka writes: While the Cuban's credentials appear superior, he s t i l l has a certain mobility problem when he f i r s t arrives 1n the c ity . He must rely upon social and economic help from friends and c ity agencies to help him get established. Without money and having to accept low paying employment, at least at the beginning, only inexpensive housing near public transportation is acceptable. Also, and perhaps even more so due to the traumatic events surrounding th e ir leaving Cuba, they demonstrate a desire to be close to friends and others of sim ilar background and language (Ropka, 1973, 57-58). In another section providing a contrasting insight and reflecting on a d iffe ren t stage of the social and spatial assimilation process, Ropka comments: 28 One factor which may influence the settlement pattern of Cubans in the c ity is th e ir propensity to move Into the surrounding suburbs once they are able to make the necessary social and eco­ nomic adjustments. . . . I f the trend toward d is­ persal and assimilation continues, the next census may show a weakening of th e ir pattern, rather than a strengthening (Ropka, 1973, 158 and 159). From the above statements, 1t would appear that ethnic bonds are Influencing sig n ifica n tly the residential patterning of Cuban house­ holds in Chicago. A weakness 1n Ropka's findings is that no mention is made of the differences existing within Cuban households on the basis of key social and demographic indicators, such as life -c y c le stage and occupation. This weakness is an inherent problem 1n using aggregate data from secondary sources. S t i l l , the study provides a valid comparison of the groups and th e ir patterns of residential loca­ tion in the c ity . Regarding Cuban-Americans, the study suggests, but offers no survey evidence, that some households may be going through the trad itio n al spatial (and hence social) assimilation cycle of pre­ vious ethnic m inorities. I t should be mentioned, however, that Ropka does not address the question of whether those Cuban-Americans moving to the suburbs may be doing so in a clustered spatial pattern, a factor which would suggest a continued Influence of eth n icity on the residen­ t i a l mobility of the group. Also, he fa ils to deal with the question of whether a majority is moving out or merely a few. No mention is made in the study of Puerto Rican or Mexican-American movement to suburban areas, possibly an oversight. Another study in geography, an unpublished semester report by Elchelberger (1973), uses data from a sample survey of s ix ty -fiv e Cuban households in Cincinnati, Ohio. In that c ity , Cuban residential 29 location was a "suburban" phenomenon. college-educated heads of household. The sample Included mostly A fter comparing the occupational p ro file of his group with th at of Fagen and Bordy's study (1968), the w rite r concluded that "Cincinnati's Cuban population can be considered the very e lit e o f the Cuban exiles in the United States" (Eichelberger, 1973, 11). In another section of the paper, 1t 1s pointed out that "the occupation, fam ily size and the respondents' age would indicate the need and the a b ilit y to liv e outside of the central c ity " (p. 7 ). A ll of the heads of household interviewed had l e f t Cuba before 1963. As i t provides information on the resid en tial patterns of a CubanAmerican community otherwise unknown, Eichelberger's paper is of some value. However, no Information on the Intra-urban m obility history of the respondents is offered, so l i t t l e insight is gained from the study on the nature o f the residential movement o f Cuban-Americans in the Cincinnati area. And, as the author himself suggests, his study group is hardly representative of Cuban populations In other urban communities of the United States. By fa r the greatest concentration of Cuban-Americans in the United States 1s found in the Dade County-Miami area of Florida. Two geo­ graphic studies have dealt with questions related to Cuban settlement 1n that areja. A study by S alter and Mings (1972) projects the Impact of Cuban voters on future elections 1n the area. A map showing areas of Cuban resid en tial concentration is presented in the a r t ic le . How­ ever, the method employed to define the c ity 's "Cuban d is tric ts " is of l i t t l e value. As opposed to using United States census fig u res, the authors define areas of Cuban concentration on the basis of the number of Cuban Catholic fam ilies in Catholic Church parishes and the 30 percentage of native Spanish-speaking students in the county's school d is tric ts (S alter and Mings, 1972, 124). No discussion 1s included s p e c ific a lly on residential location and m obility questions. Longbrake and Nichols (1976) also provide information about Cuban settlement in the Miami area, but of a very general nature. A comment concerning the residential processes affecting Cuban-Americans in the Miami area in d i­ cates that "an overwhelming 97 percent of the Cubans surveyed said they had been accepted by Miamians into a l i f e free of resentment and d is­ crimination" (Longbrake and Nichols, 1976, 50). However, the source and nature of the "survey" and the corresponding sample population are never discussed. A pertinent study also carried out in the Miami area, and one which deals more d ire c tly with the residential m obility o f CubanAmerfcan households, was prepared 1n 1970 by the Dade County Planning Department. Its basic objective was to delineate the residential m obility patterns of the various ethnic groups in the county, "to include Blacks, non-Latin Whites and Latins (mostly Cubans)" (Dade County Planning Department, 1970, 1). Through the use of telephone d irectories fo r various years and other supplemental information, a sample of resid en tial movers fo r each group was Id e n tifie d and the actual moves (origins and d e s ti­ nations) plotted on maps. The residential areas of the c ity were divided into socio-economic d is tr ic ts , much as in previous studies involving social area analysis. The Latins were found to be the group with the highest proportion of resid en tial moves per response. The study also points out that the center of the c ity remained the "receptor" area fo r incoming Cuban residents. Moves o riginating 31 here involved a re la tiv e ly short geographic distance (Dade County Planning Department, 1970, 24 and 38). Again, the d iffe ren t stages of the spatial and social assimi­ lation process of Cuban-American households are only alluded to: Latins have moved outward from th e ir innerc ity " L ittle Havana" in a stepwise manner. Generally, the f i r s t move is to the fringe areas, with moves out of these fringe areas going s t i l l fu rther. The Latin was not generally attracted to far-out suburban areas, p articularly South Dade. Also, Latins are more lik e ly to move back toward town than are Blacks or non-Latin Whites (Dade County Planning Department, 1970, 100). An interesting d iffe re n tia tio n is made concerning the "origin" of Cuban households: The newly arriving Cuban refugee tends to locate in the poorer, more centrally located " L ittle Havana" area while the Latin in ­ migrant from the States is more lik e ly to locate in Latin suburbia (Dade County Planning Department, 1970, 101). In the last quotation, there is an implied reference that many Cuban-American households have moved out from the central "reception" area and re-established a clustered residential pattern in suburban sections of the c ity . Also, in assessing the overall spatial mobility of Latins in the c ity , the report Indicates that Latin in te r-d is tric t moves are much more scattered than fo r Blacks, suggesting that the urban spatial mobility of Black Americans is constrained to a larger degree than that of the Cubans (Dade County Planning Department, 1970, 40). In summary, the scant evidence that exists on the patterns of residential location and urban m obility of Cubans in the United States points to the existence of re sid en tia lly clustered communities. Also, 32 there appears to be some movement to suburban areas, which suggests that dispersion 1s likewise occurring. This dispersion does not necessarily connote "spatial assim ilation", however. In the case of Dade County, the movement of Cuban-American households to some suburbs has shown a pattern characteristically permeated by ethnicity whereby suburban communities such as Hialeah and Westchester had by 1970 a Cuban-American majority in terms of residence (Mesa, unpub­ lished research, 1974). S t i l l , the question remains as to whether the movement of Cuban-American households to a given location in any urban area 1s strongly influenced by ethnicity or whether this move­ ment reflects other preferences or constraints more closely related to the general processes of social and spatial assimilation of minority households. Conceptual Orientation As stated e a rlie r, the guiding questions of this research are: "Where do people move in the city?" and "Why do they move there?" Intra-urban residential mobility is thus examined in an urban spatial context, with emphasis on residential location selection. The role played by ethnicity in the residential mobility and location of study households becomes a fundamental question of analysis, and notions concerning spatial aspects of the "assimilation process" of ethnic households in urban areas are sp ecifically discussed. The concept of "social space" is stressed as a guiding conceptual tool and the residential patterns of the study sample are also analyzed in the lig h t of social and economic variables, a ll within the context of social area analysis. In addition, the behavioral concept of "search 33 behavior" is the subject of some scrutiny, as the influence of eth n icity on the observed urban m obility and residential location patterns of study households 1s assessed. Hypotheses The basic proposition underlying th is study re fle c ts a major tenet of previous social area analysis research: that the spatial patterns of the residential m obility process of urban ethnic m inorities re fle c t the effects of the general social and cultural assimilation influences which a ffe c t a ll such groups arriving in the c ity . However, as discussed in the review of pertinent research, the specifics of how and fo r how long this residential process is manifested have not been c le arly established. Indeed, many scholars s t i l l argue that in some cases, the "assimilation" does not re a lly take place, spatial or otherwise. To carry out the analysis, fiv e principal research hypotheses are advanced. They have been derived from the ecological and behavioral concepts and research findings discussed in Chapter I I and also in this chapter. "Ecological11 Hypotheses. In relatio n to the models developed by the proponents of the ecological models of urban residential processes (Park, 1936; Shevky and B e ll, 1955; Rees, 1970), and with p articular reference to the patterns and processes of ethnic migrants to urban areas (see Kosa, 1956; Berry and Horton, 1970; Jakle, Brunn and Roseman, 1976), the following propositions are made: 1. A "receptor" area fo r Cuban-Americans can be Id en tified in Lansing. As a focus of residential a c tiv ity fo r the group, the area has served both as a main receiving center and as a principal generator of intra-urban residential moves, 34 p a rtic u la rly during the early period of "settlement." 2. Households established in the c ity fo r the longest period w ill have moved to "suburban" locations, re fle c tin g an aspect of the spatial assim ilation process of ethnic house­ holds, i . e . , abandonment of the "receptor" area with the passing of time. 3. The resid en tial pattern of those relocated in suburban areas w ill re fle c t a "clustered" (non-random) spatial structure, an indication th at ethnic bonds continue to act as important factors in resid en tial location selection. "Behavioral" Hypotheses. With reference to behavioral concepts of urban resid en tial processes (Brown and Moore, 1970; B arrett, 1973, 1976), and with emphasis on the relationships between spatial m obility and ethnic characteristics of m inority households (Gad, Peddie and Punter, 1973), i t is hypothesized th at: 1. In searching fo r a place to liv e , information obtained through "ethnic" friends and re lative s w ill s ig n ific a n tly influence the selection of resid en tial location by study households, 2. The selection of resid en tial location by sample households w ill be strongly influenced by a desire to liv e near re la tiv e s and "ethnic" friends. CHAPTER IV THE STUDY COMMUNITY, THE SAMPLE, AND THE STUDY AREA The composition and character of Lansing's Cuban-American commu­ n ity re fle c t both the past history of individuals and fam ilies and the p a rtic u la r experience th at these people have shared during the years since they migrated from the island of Cuba. Many of the early fami­ lie s are now permanent residents of the c ity , new fam ilies have been formed and some households have moved away from Lansing a fte r liv in g 1n the area fo r varying periods of time. The Study Community From information obtained from local Cuban residents, i t appears th at the f i r s t nucleus around which the community began to form arrived 1n the m id -sixties. Approximately ten to fifte e n Cuban married couples came to Lansing to be re-united with th e ir children. The youngsters, about twenty in number and a ll between the ages of twelve and sixteen years a t the time of leaving th e ir home country, had come to the United States without th e ir parents In 1962. A fter a short stay in Florida, a national r e l ie f organization placed them at a children's home in the Lansing area. Their parents joined them la te r and most of the regrouped households took up residence 1n the d t y . Another group of Cuban immigrants to the Lansing area consisted of adults and th e ir immediate fam ilies relocated from the Miami area during 35 36 the middle and la te s ix tie s by a United States government-financed re­ settlement program in e ffe c t a t the time. Some individuals actu a lly requested to be sent to Michigan, a fte r having learned o f potential work opportunities in the s ta te . Upon a rriv a l in Lansing, these fami­ lie s were helped by local public w elfare agencies. Also, local ch ari­ tab le and re lig io u s organizations, among them the Catholic Social Service and the S t. Vincent de Paul Conference, provided then with m aterial assistance and help 1n locating housing and employment o pportunities. A th ird group migrating to the area was composed of in d ividu als, e ith e r single or in fam ily u n its , who came without any o f fic ia l spon­ sorship. Most came s p e c ific a lly in search o f work opportunities, p a rtic u la rly in the local automobile industry. They arrived in the Lansing are during the early seventies from c itie s in Florida and other states in which they had previously resided or had been relocated. Many in the la t t e r group had re la tiv e s or friends in Lansing who I n i ­ t i a l l y helped them become established. I t seems th a t a ll Individuals or fam ilies taking up residence 1n the c it y , regardless of when or how they came, have made use of local public r e l i e f services. By now, many have developed complete s e lf- su fficien cy although some, 1. e . , the e ld e rly , the disabled and several one-parent households, s t i l l make use o f public help. The d if f ic u ltie s encountered in the c ity during the early period of settlem ent, as reported by heads of households during the home Interview s, were many. Most re la te to employment, housing, language and c lim a tic adjustment problems. I t appears th at many household heads experienced severe downward occupational m o b ility . Professionals such 37 as lawyers and formerly self-employed businessmen found themselves working for some time as stockroom handymen or in ja n ito ria l services. These persons have since greatly improved th e ir occupational status, although some claim they s t i l l are not as "well off" as they were in Cuba. The most fortunate found early employment in the local auto in­ dustry, and numerous members of the community now work in such jobs. Many of the younger Cuban-Americans coming into the labor force and forming th e ir own families have also found employment in the industry. With regard to housing, the experience of the Cuban-Americans in Lansing varies widely. In general, i t seems that during the early stages, local religious and r e lie f agencies were instrumental in locating living quarters for many fam ilies, but most searched for th e ir own a fte r the f i r s t residence. The Population and the Sampling Frame Cuban-Amerlcan households in the Lansing area constitute the population for this study. With sligh t modification (see page 39) the c r ite ria employed to define Cuban households were sim ilar to those used by the United States Bureau of the Census in 1970: "Persons of Cuban origin comprise Individuals born in Cuba or permanently residing 1n that country before migrating to the United States and a ll other persons 1n families in which the head or wife report Cuban as th eir current or previous nationality" (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census Tracts, Miami. Florida. 1970). For this study, a household was classic fled as occupied by persons of Cuban origin i f the head reported Cuba as his or her place of birth or previous residence. 38 To Id e n tify the population, o ffic ia ls of the Cuban American Asso­ ciation of Lansing, as well as local Cubans known to the researcher were contacted. The most useful and complete source of names and addresses of Cuban fam ilies 1n the Tri-County Area proved to be the membership 11st of the Cuban-American organization. O ffic ia ls of the Association also provided a l i s t of non-member Cuban fam ilies 1n Lansing which they had compiled. In addition, names were incorporated into the population roster a fte r the home interviews were begun and "new" households id e n tified through word-of-mouth. A fter approximately the f i r s t three weeks of survey fie ld work, i t became evident that the compiled 11st of Cuban households in Lansing was reasonably exhaustive. In questioning house­ hold heads about known Cuban fam ilies in the area, the re fe rra ls started to become re p e titiv e . Bureau of the Census figures were used to cross-check the com­ pleteness of the obtained lis tin g , which to ta lle d 124 households. For the year 1970, a to tal of 281 Cubans were reported as residing 1n the Lansing metropolitan area. I f the average number of persons per house­ hold for the metropolitan area (3 .2 ) is used to estimate the current Cuban-Amerlcan population of the area, a figure of 397 persons is derived (124 households x 3 .2 ). This estimate suggests that the Id e n tified population more than approximates the census fig u re. Yet, given that some years have elapsed since the census was taken, i t is doubtful whether the census count is s t i l l meaningful. In a ll l i k e l i ­ hood, some migration of Cuban-American households both into and out of 39 the Lansing area has occurred since 1970, along with births and deaths.^ The Sample. From a 11st of 124, a to ta l of ninety-seven house­ holds were Id e n tifie d as constituting the to ta l sampling frame. This figure was arrived a t a fte r elim inating names of sons and daughters over eighteen years of age liv in g a t the same address as th e ir parents and some single college students. Also, some households headed by North American and Mexican-American males in which the wife is Cuban, were excluded from the sampling frame because of operational problems. Questions on the interview schedule requested Information about the head of household while s t i l l 1n Cuba and about d etails of his or her migration to the United States. apply in such situ ation s. Obviously these questions did not F in a lly , a few households were excluded because th e ir place o f residence f e l l outside of the study area. E1ghty-four o f the ninety-seven heads of household id e n tifie d in the sampling frame were contacted by telephone to arrange fo r the home Interviews. Problems 1n locating people or the appropriate telephone numbers prevented contact with a ll ninety-seven. Among those contacted, seven refused to be Interviewed and fo r an additional s ix , adequate arrangements fo r interviews could not be made. Thus, the number of Cuban-American households interviewed fo r th is study to ta lle d seventyone. As Indicated e a r lie r , a ll interviews were conducted in Spanish at V h e p o s s ib ility of census undercount fo r Cubans in Lansing in 1970 may be due to language-related d if f ic u ltie s . This was brought up by an o ffic ia l of the local Cuban Association as a c ritic is m of the r e l ia b i l it y o f th at fig u re . A sim ilar problem with Cubans on a national scale was reported by Prohfas and Casal, a condition th a t, fo r a variety of reasons, appears common to m inority populations (Prohfas and Casal, 1973). 40 the respondents' homes. The home v is its were made by the researcher between the months of March and June, 1977. A copy o f the o rig in al Interview schedule, along with an English version, is included as Appendix I . Before a more in-depth analysis of the ch aracteristics of the sample o f Cuban-American households is begun, a few comments concerning sample selection are appropriate. An i n i t i a l objective of th is study was to interview a ll of the households id e n tifie d in the sampling frame. One reason fo r th is was th at the home survey had to be started before a complete id e n tific a tio n of the study population was made. As previously indicated, many names fo r the sampling frame were obtained from the respondents during the Interviews. I t would have been v ir tu a lly Impossible to draw a completed population l i s t otherwise, due to the lack of appropriate sources of inform ation. Hence, the selection process fo r interviewing was not systematic and some bias is lik e ly 1n the sample. I t 1s possible, fo r example, th a t some Cuban households may have been missed because they were unknown to the rest o f the local Cuban-American community. Also, as explained above, a small portion of the id e n tifie d population could not be Interviewed. Despite these shortcomings, the sample obtained fo r the study is equivalent to 73 percent of the to ta l number of households id e n tifie d in the sampling frame. Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics o f the Sample As reflected in the survey information co lle cte d , the CubanAmerlcan community o f Lansing is formed by a heterogeneous group of households. A useful way to describe some o f the most basic charac­ t e r is tic s of the group is to look a t the composition o f it s fam ily units. In Table I , the households in the sample are grouped according to the family "stage" of individual units, or the fam ily's current " life -c y c le ." A possible In it ia l observation is to note the presence of children in over h alf (55 percent) of the households in the sample (Table I , Life Cycles 4 and 5). A majority appears as "mature" fami­ lies 1n that the oldest child present is beyond the age of six years. Indeed, fo r the group as a whole, the mean family age (time since the family was formed) was computed to be 20.9 years, a fact that supports such contention. For families with offspring, the average number of children at home was 2.0, somewhat below the Lansing metropolitan area average of 2.4 1n 1970. In 45 percent of the households there were no children as indicated in Table I (L ife Cycles 1, 2 and 3 ). A comparatively high average age for Cuban-Amerlcan heads of household can also be Inferred from the Information on the table. The “mature" families and the "head 35 to 64; no children present" categories (L ife Cycles 5 and 2) make up two-thirds of the total sample, giving support to such contention. Further evidence is found 1n that another 13 percent of the families are in the "elderly" cate­ gory (L ife Cycle 3 ). The computed mean age of 48.3 years for the total sample is also supportive of the stated notion. The finding is in agreement with previous research on Cubans 1n Dade County, Florida, conducted 1n 1967, where i t was found that older persons (45 and above) were over-represented among Cuban refugees (Prohfas and Casal, 1973). In terms of occupational structure, Lansing's Cubans are shown in Table I I to be mostly blue-collar workers. Some managerial and professional individuals are also found in the group. Figures from 42 TABLE I LIFE-CYCLE STAGE CUBAN-AMERICAN HOUSEHOLDS IN LANSING (1977) (N-71) L ife Cycle Stage L ife Cycle 1: Head less than age 35; no children present Percent of Total Households 1n Sample 1 L ife Cycle 2: Head 35 to 64; no children present 31 L ife Cycle 3: Head 65 or over; no children present 13 L ife Cycle 4: Head any age; oldest child less than 6 11 L ife Cycle 5: Head any age; oldest child 6 to 18 44 TOTAL Sources: 100 Data from Study Survey. L ife Cycle Categories from South­ east Michigan. A Background Paper: Regional Forecasts. Southeast Michigan Council of Governments (SEMCOG), D e tro it, June 1977, (mlmeo). 43 TABLE I I OCCUPATIONS OF CUBAN-AMERICANS IN LANSING (1977) AND WEST NEW YORK, N.J. (1968) (In Percent of Total N) Occupation West New York (N=348) Lansinq (W=71) 4.8 18.0 Clerical and Sales 10.8 10.0 S k illed , semi-skilled and unskilled 67.6 41.0 Other 5.6 1.0 Unemployed* 4.4 29.0 Managerial and Professional ♦Retired and/or disabled heads of household (N = ll) are included in the percentage given fo r Lansing. Sources: Study Survey and E. Rogg's The Assimilation of Cuban Exiles. Aberdeen Press, New York, 1974, p. 177. 44 Rogg's 1974 study (data collected 1n 1968) are given fo r comparative purposes. The high rate of unemployment indicated fo r the Lansing sample re fle c ts mostly the status of disabled and re tire d persons and also of several one-parent households. The mean number of years of schooling fo r the group was computed a t 11.4, one under the metropolitan area average of 12.4 years. In fo r­ mation gathered on income characteristics gives a median household income fo r the sample of approximately $13,500 annually. This figure compares favorably with the United States Cuban average of $9,300 and with the Lansing metropolitan area average of $11,312, both fo r 1970. Obviously, in judging these income differences, the level of in fla tio n accrued since 1970 must be considered. Data on household length of residence in the Lansing area show an average period of 8.8 years fo r the group o f households (to December, 1976). When the same fig u re 1s computed only fo r heads, 1t increases to 10.2 years, a re fle c tio n of the fa c t th at some persons lived in the c ity before forming a fam ily. Eighty-two percent of the heads of household reported a Cuban-born spouse, which indicates that some degree of Intermarriage has taken place. H alf of a ll households in the sample were recorded as buying the homes 1n which they were liv in g . A typical Cuban-American head of household, as suggested by the preceding information on the group's p r o file , would lik e ly have the following characteristics: age between 44 and 54 years, married (spouse present), liv in g in a fam ily composed o f four members (two c h ild re n ), residence in Lansing fo r ten years or less, having com­ pleted eleven years of schooling, engaged in a b lu e-c o llar occupation, 45 and ye arly fam ily median income of $13,500. C le a rly , such a general­ ized p ro file does not do ju s tic e to the many variations found w ithin the to ta l sample. In fa c t, these variations provide a basis fo r fu rth e r analysis on the subject of the present study. The Study Area Any description and analysis of a given set of social charac­ te r is tic s o f a population in space necessitates the d elim ita tio n of a formal "study area." in Figure 5. For th is research, the study area is shown The re sid en tia l location of Cuban-Amerlcan households 1s also portrayed, and c r ite r ia used to d e lim it the study area are based la rg e ly on the re sid en tia l location patterns. To provide an answer to the study question "Where w ithin the c ity have CubanAmerlcan households moved to and from?", the above approach was deemed appropriate. Other factors related to the nature o f the study area give support to such selectio n. The defined portion of urban space in ­ cluded most of Lansing's urbanized area and 1n 1970 contained 45 percent of the to ta l SMSA population. A few suburban land tracts adjacent to the central c ity are also included, shown a t the western and southern edges In Figure 5. In th is manner, both highly urban and also suburban areas became a part o f the analysis to fo llow . Delim iting the study area solely on the basis of sp ecific t e r r i ­ t o r ia l- p o lit ic a l ju ris d ic tio n s would have been o f l i t t l e u t i l i t y . Urban re sid en tia l processes more often than not transcend the con­ s tra in ts o f municipal boundaries, p a rtic u la rly 1n metropolitan areas. Thus, and as a re s u lt of the c r ite r ia employed, te r r ito r ie s administered 46 THE STUDY AREA AND THE RESIDENTIAL LOCATION OF STUDY HOUSEHOLDS - 1977 Sheridan Rd. • • Oakland Saginaw Michigan An. C8D 1 -4 9 6 —I----- Holmes Rd. *•*« • •• » Jolly Rd. a> Hott Rd. ★ S t a t e C a p ito l 0 • C u b a n -A m e rica n Households (N = 8 4 ) 0 F igu re 5 2 Miles 3 Kilometers 47 by various of the many municipal e n title s of the metropolitan region are contained within the study area, as shown in Figure 6a. Almost the en tire area of the c ity of Lansing, most of the lands administered by Lansing Township, and portions of both Delta and Delhi townships are a part of 1t. The East Lansing and Meridian Township lands to the east of the urban area are almost to ta lly excluded, except fo r a re la ­ tiv e ly small land tra c t located 1n the former. In Figure 6b, the setting of the study area in the context of the 1970 Lansing SMSA is outlined. Figure 7 portrays the o ffic ia l land divisions recognized by the United States Bureau of the Census as urban census tra c ts . tracts are contained within the study area. F ifty such For this research, the tracts constitute the spatial units upon which the social area analysis of Lansing, and the discussion of the residential patterns of CubanAmerlcan households within the c ity , are based. For semantic purposes, the above-defined study space w ill from this point on be referred to as "study area", "the city" or "Lansing." The use of these terms throughout the remainder of the te x t reflects an identical areal meaning. 48 A. TERRITORY OF LOCAL A D M IN IS TR A TIV E U N IT S IN TH E STUDY AREA 2 ML 3 Km. □ City of Lansing Lansing Township B □ City of East Lansing D elta Township Delhi Township B. STUDY AREA REGIONAL SETTING C linton Co. M Study Area I Eaton Co. Ingham Co. Lansing S M S A , 1970 F igu re 6 49 STUDY AREA CENSUS TRACTS ( N = 50) 33.01 201.01 38.02 31.02 33.02 38.01 31.01 201.02 202 36.02 36.01 53.01 53.02 ★ S T A TE C A P IT O L O 0 F ig u re 7 I 1 2 2 Milas 3 Kilometers CHAPTER V LANSING'S SOCIAL AREAS AND THE LOCATION OF CUBAN-AMERICAN HOUSEHOLDS In attempting to outline a c ity 's social areas, a f i r s t task of the researcher 1s to select the c rite ria on which to base his areal classification scheme. One or more pertinent characteristics must be Identified and the necessary information collected for the c ity under study. After analyzing the data gathered, the needed classification of areal subunits can be made. Delimiting the Social Areas of Lansing Seventeen characteristics or "variables" were u tilize d 1n this study fo r classifying Lansing's census tracts into d is tin ct social areas. The variables chosen are listed In Appendix I I . Most were selected a fte r examining previous social area analyses (Shevky and B e ll, 1955; Berry and Rees, 1969), and a few were specifically chosen for this study (see Appendix I I ) . A subsequent step involved the conduct of a factorial ecology analysis. A ll the information used for the analysis was obtained from the Census Tracts volume fo r the Lansing SMSA, 1970 (see b ib li­ ography). Determination of the factorial ecology of the c ity Included the following steps: 1. A Factor Analysis on the chosen variables. 2. A Hierarchical Grouping of census tracts into "social areas" 50 51 using tra c t factor scores, and 3. A Discriminant Analysis of the selected tra ct groupings as a s ta tis tic a l check on the p o ssib ility of misclass1ficat1on of Individual tracts into Inappropriate groups.1 Factor Analysis. Four principal patterns (Factors) were revealed by the data (fo r a detailed discussion of factor analysis terminology and applications see Rummel, 1967). The four major factors accounted fo r 81 percent of the s ta tis tic a l variation contained in the processed information. The patterns of relationships identified were sim ilar to those described by Shevky and Bell (1955). Table I I I presents selected results from the factor analysis conducted. In addition to the values shown 1n the tab le, other high variable "loadings" (over + .5) on the various factors were registered in the analysis. Complete information on high varlable-loadings 1s presented in Appendix I I I . A fter an examination of the grouping of specific variables on each uncovered pattern, the four principal factors were labeled with descriptive names sim ilar to those used 1n previous studies. For example, Factor I clearly represents the "Economic Status" dimension defined by Shevky and Bell. The high-loading variables suggest a relationship between a set of characteristics which are descriptive of key socio-economic conditions (Table I I I and Appendix I I I ) . Factor IV reflects the "Ethnic Status" patterns and indicates a ^11 of the automated analysis routines used in the factorial ecology of Lansing—Factor Analysis (FACTORS), Hierarchical Grouping (CONGROUP) and Discriminant Analysis (DISCR) were available at the time of this study through the Computer In s titu te for Social Science Research (CISRR) at Michigan State University. Except for CONGROUP, they are also available at Michigan State University through the SPSS system (S ta tis tic a l Package for the Social Sciences). 52 TABLE I I I FACTORIAL ECOLOGY OF LANSING: SELECTED RESULTS OF THE FACTOR ANALYSIS Variables with Highest Positive Loadings fo r Each Factor Factor I "Economic Status" Factor I I "Family StatusWorking Women" Factor I I I "Family StatusOlder Persons" Factor IV "Ethnic Status" Percent of Variance Accounted fo r by the Factor 38 Income Housing Value Years of Education (.92 ) (.85 (.7 4 ) 21 Working Women Professional Workers Years of Education 1 :8 1 (.5 1 ) 13 (.6 8 ) Older Persons Persons 1n Same House Five Years or Longer (.64 ) 9 Black Population Spanish-speaking Population (nega­ tiv e loading) (.7 5 ) (-.6 3 ) TOTAL Note: 81 For more complete Information on the details and results of the factor analysis see Appendices I I and I I I . 53 s ta tis tic a l relationship between the "ethnic" variables used (percent Black and percent Spanish-speaking population), an Inverse one 1n th is case. Factors I I and I I I contain the "Family Status" characteristics. But, 1n the case of th is analysis, these did not group 1n a single dimension. In Factor I I , fo r Instance, "percent of working women" (a fam ily status-type variable as used by Shevky and B ell) 1s found p o sitively related to "percent professional workers" and "years of education," two variables th at re fle c t "economic status" character­ is tic s . Also, 1n Factor I I I , another fam ily status variab le, "percent of older persons," loads p o s itive ly on the Factor with "percent of people 1n the same house fo r fiv e years or longer," a m obility v a ri­ able which was selected s p e c ific a lly fo r this study. I f the relationship between the two fam ily status variables mentioned ("working women" and "older persons") 1s examined, 1t Is found th at they are not Intercorrelated to any meaningful degree (.07 c o e ffic ie n t). This fa c t helps to explain why two d iffe re n t factors emerged instead of one. I t may well be th at the "Family Status" pattern 1s the most complex to Id e n tify of those proposed by Shevky and B e ll, or th at d iffe re n t and/or more variables need to be used to uncover its f u ll dimension. Exploring such an Issue, however, goes beyond the scope of th is study. Thus, fo r the purposes of th is research, Factors I I and I I I were considered separately and labeled "Family Status-Working Women" and "Family Status-Older Persons", respectively. As 1s normally the case with th is type of analysis, the re la tiv e "strength" o f the patterns uncovered decreases a fte r the f i r s t defined 54 fa c to r. This is c le a rly shown in Table I I I , where the percentage of the s ta tis tic a l v a ria tio n accounted fo r by each of the id e n tifie d dimensions indicates such decrease. This 1s an Inherent q u a lity 1n the mechanics of th is technique and a f u ll discussion of its im p li­ cations 1s, again, not pertinent here. As Indicated, the f i r s t four factors uncovered account fo r 81 percent o f the to ta l variance. Other factors subsequently id e n tifie d 1n the analysis r e fle c t much "weaker1' patterns (3 .5 percent o f the variance and below, Factors V through X V II). Therefore, only the f i r s t four were Included in the remaining steps o f the fa c to ria l ecology analysis. Hierarchical Grouping. The "factor scores" o f each of the f i f t y census tra cts on the included factors were used as input data to group the tra c t Into social area categories. "Factor scores are the scores fo r each case on the Id e n tifie d Factors" (Rummel, 1967, 469). Thus, tra cts "loading high" on the same fac to r or fa c to rs , th at is , scoring s im ila r high p ositive or high negative individual values on a given p attern , were grouped 1n the same category. The use of an automated s ta tis tic a l procedure fa c ilita te d the task a t hand. The program, known as CONGROUP (see footnote page 5 0 ), scales a ll observations on the basis o f the s ta tis tic a l "distance" between them. The researcher then selects "cu t-o ff" points fo r including the cases into whatever number of groups he chooses. Next, a te s t on the s ta tis tic a l accuracy o f the chosen groupings is possible through the use of a th ird and fin a l analysis routine which completes the fa c to ria l ecology. Discriminant Analysis. The technique of discrim inant analysis allows fo r checking on the p o s s ib ility of having allocated individual 55 units (tracts) Into inappropriate groups. An automated analysis pro­ gram* i t also uses factor scores as input data. Of f i f t y census tracts grouped Into four types of social areas, eight units were reclassified by the program. That is , they were re­ assigned to groups d iffe re n t from those o rig in ally assigned by the researcher. The remaining forty-two tracts maintained th eir original group assignment. In a ll instances, the reclassified units were “borderline" cases. This means that th e ir membership in any given group was not en tirely "clear-cut." Because of this fa c t, and a fte r an examination of indi­ vidual factor scores and other supplemental information, three of these units were placed back Into th e ir original groups. The five remaining tracts were reassigned as suggested in the analysis. The Social Areas of Lansing The four groupings of census tracts delimiting the social areas of the c ity are portrayed 1n Figure 8. For id entificatio n purposes, these areas were labeled as follows: 1. "Inner City". An area Including a set of tracts forming an almost circu lar spatial pattern around the Central Business D is tric t (CBD) tra c t (Shown on map shaded with the darkest pattern). 2. "Central Outer Ring". Formed by a group of tracts Immedi­ ately adjacent to and generally around the edges of the "Inner City". 3. "Suburbs - North and Southwest". Composed of a cluster of tracts in the northern and south-southwestern portions of the study area. 56 THE SOCIAL AREAS OF LANSING - 1970 mmmmm ■m M The value used to cate­ gorize the groupings be­ low was actually a com­ posite index value on ail four Factors. The Economic Factor is highlighted because it was the most clearly defined pattern (see Figure 9). ECONOMIC STATUS High Negative ("inner City") Medium Negative ("Central Outer Ring") ★ State Capitol F 7 I Medium Positive ("Suburbs North and Southwest") o 0 High Positive ("SuburbsEast and Northwest") Figure 8 2 Miles 3 Kilometers 5? 4. "Suburbs - East and Northwest". Tracts located mostly on the eastern portions of the c ity , with two units 1n the northwest and two In a southwesterly direction. In assessing the socio-economic characteristics of the d iffe re n t soda! areas, a not unexpected finding was soon noted. The "Inner City" area tracts posted the highest-negative values on the composite Index of socio-economic status used fo r the analysis, especially on the "Economic Status" Factor. In other words, "Inner City" tracts were grouped mainly because th e ir factor scores on Factor I were high-negative, I . e . . 1t was 1n 1970 an area of low average household income, low average educational attainment and low average values of the owner-occupied housing stock. Factor score patterns on the remaining Factors were not as clearly defined, as Indicated 1n Figure 9. The other three soda! areas are shown to gradually increase th e ir socio-economic ranking as th e ir spatial distance from the CBD Increases. A negative ranking is also registered fo r "Central Outer Ring", although not as extreme as that Indicated fo r the "Inner C ity". As expected, suburban areas score highest on the positive side of the socio-economic scale (Figures 8 and 9 ). The re la tiv e importance of the "Economic Status" dimension In the c la s s ific a tio n of social areas in Lansing 1s worth noting. In Figure 9, the relationship between the four social areas of the c ity and the factors Id e n tified 1n the analysis 1s summarized. On the basis of the Included characteristics fo r Lansing, "Economic Status" 1s the one pattern that most clearly defines the socio-economic progression of urban social areas 1n spatial terms. S t i l l , the "Family Status" and "Ethnic Status" patterns are obviously present in the data. I t 1s also 58 R E L A T IO N S H IP B E TW EE N T H E ID E N T IF IE D FACTORS AND T H E S O C IA L A R E A S O F LA N S IN G Factors m Areas 'Economic S tatus' 'Family S tatu s Working Women 'Family S ta tu s O ld er Persons' "Inner City" C en tra l O u ter Ring" Suburbs N orth and S outhw est1 "Suburbs East and N orthw est1 P a tte rn o f Facto r Score Loadings ■ I Hi E 2 H igh -negative M ediu m -n eg ative M ediu m -p ositive H igh -po sitive U ndefined F ig u re 9 m 'Ethnic S ta tu s ' 59 worth noting that the spatial patterns of social areas uncovered for Lansing o ffe r support to the tradition al models of urban structure discussed 1n Chapter I I . Both "concentric ring" and "sector" patterns can be detected 1n Lansing's social areas map. I f anything, the results obtained 1n the social area analysis conducted for this study underscore the complexity of the relationship between urban physical space on the one hand and the demographic, and socio-economic charac­ te ris tic s of urban populations on the other. Lansing's Social Space and the Location of Cuban-Amerlcan Households In describing the current location of study households 1n the social space of Lansing, a comment 1s needed concerning the use of 1970 census data for characterizing the area of the c ity in social terms. I t 1s reasonable to expect that some social change occurred 1n the urban area In the seven years since the census was taken. In essence then, the "match up" attempted here between current (1977) study households location and existing socio-spatlal re a litie s suffers from a "tlme-gap" problem. However, because of the type of data needed for conducting the social area analysis, this d iffic u lty cannot be avoided. For this study, an e ffo rt was made to employ more recent census tra c t information than that of the 1970 census. Such data were located, but they were 1n a format which could not be used. Operational problems of study area d efin itio n were too serious to overcome. The data 1n question were prepared by R. L. Polk and Company 1n a series entitled Profiles of Change. The reports are assembled by the Urban S tatis tic al Division of the firm , using updated information obtained from surveys conducted during Intercensal periods. For the c ity of Lansing (legal 60 c ity ) the reports exist for a period as recent as 1973-1974. Since Polk and Company's research Includes a c ity map fo r 1973-1974 depicting a summary ranking of area census tracts on a variety of social and eco­ nomic characteristics, that map was compared with the results obtained 1n this study using 1970 census data. To the extent that areal compari­ son was possible, the level of agreement between the two sets of "social areas" was found to be generally satisfactory, with discrepancies occurring mostly 1n regard to "borderline" tracts. The method used by Polk and Company Involves a less sophisticated technique which uses a composite Index of absolute ordinal rankings on selected socio-economic variables (R. L. Polk and Company, 1974). Current Social Space of Study Households. For determining the type of residential soda! space currently occupied by Cuban-Americans 1n Lansing, a super-1mpos1t1on of graphic Information was made. House­ hold location data from Figure 5 (page 46) were transferred onto the social area scheme presented 1n Figure 8 (page 56). depicted In Figure 10. The results are The breakdown of the number of households by urban social area 1s given In Table IV. The spatial distribution of study households over the c ity 's social areas leads to several In it ia l observations. Americans liv e 1n a ll of the c ity 's social areas. F irs t, CubanKeeping in mind the lim ited extent of the urban area defined fo r this study, 1t Is s t i l l of Importance to note such distribution. Second, the number of study households by social areas appears f a ir ly evenly distributed (Table IV ), with perhaps a slight over-representation 1n "Suburbs North and Southwest" and an opposite pattern fo r "Suburbs - East and Northwest". The distribution of households by major "subareas" shows 61 RESIDENTIAL LOCATION AND URBAN SOCIAL SPACE OF STUDY HOUSEHOLDS -1 9 7 7 (N a 84 ) ECONOMIC STATUS H H High Negative ("inner City") Medium Negative ("Central Outer Ring") 0 3 I • Study Households ★ S tate Capitol Medium Positive ("Suburbs North and Southwest") 2 Miles I High Positive ("SuburbsEast and Northwest") 3 Kilometers F igure 10 62 TABLE IV SOCIAL SPACE OF STUDY HOUSEHOLDS (N=84) Social Area Number of Households Percent of Total N "Inner City" 20 23.8 "Central Outer Ring" 21 25.0 "Suburbs - North and Southwest" 29 34.5 "Central Areas" 48.8% "Suburbs" 51.2% "Suburbs - East and Northwest" 14 16.7 TOTALS 84 100.0 Source: By Major "Sub-Area" Study Survey and Study Analysis. an almost exact s p lit , with 48.8 percent of the study households located 1n "Central Areas" and 51.2 percent 1n "Suburbs" (Table IV ). Third, the general residential pattern of study households re fle c ts elements of both clustering and dispersion over the space o f the c ity . Clusters of households 1n re la tiv e ly close residential proximity can be Id e n ti­ fie d fo r three specific census tra cts : Tract 6 in the "Inner City" (seventeen households), Tract 202 1n the "Suburbs - North and Southwest" (th irte e n households) and Tract 31.02 1n the "Suburbs - East and Northwest" (six households).^ S lig h tly more than one-th1rd of the study households resided in these three tra c ts . The remaining f i f t y - four were found in twenty-one of the additional forty-seven tracts located w ithin the study area. To account fo r the observed residential location patterns of the study population, a number of questions re la te d ire c tly to the objec­ tives o f th is study: (1) What has been the sp atial nature of the m obility process which has brought about the current residential location structure? (2) What are some of the social and temporal constraints which may help explain such m obility and residential location?, and (3) What 1s the ro le of eth n ic ity 1n accounting fo r the spatial nature of the observed Intra-urban m obility process? Answers to these and other questions are discussed 1n the following chapter. V o r census tracts id e n tific a tio n numbers see Figure 7, page 49. CHAPTER VI RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY OF CUBAN-AMERICAN HOUSEHOLDS AND THE ROLE OF ETHNICITY To answer f u lly the two research questions posed a t the beginning o f th is study, "Where do people move 1n the city?" and "Why do they move there?", pertinent ch aracteristics of the re sid en tia l location and 1ntra-urban m o b ility of Cuban-Amerlcans are examined in th is chapter. Also, the ro le th a t ethnic factors have played 1n the resu ltin g re s i­ d en tial patterns o f study households 1s assessed. Residential M o b ility o f Cuban-Amerlcans in Lansing The data collected fo r th is study Indicate th at the average re s i­ d ential m obility ra te fo r Cuban-Amerlcan households 1n Lansing 1s higher than the known average ra te fo r households 1n the general popu­ la tio n of the United States. Whereas most fam ilies 1n the country move once every fiv e years (Moore, 1972), the overall ra te computed fo r households 1n th is study indicates a re sid en tia l move every 3.3 years.^ This r e la tiv e ly high m o b ility ra te fo r Cuban-Amerlcans 1s supported by s im ila r findings 1n Dade County, Florida (Dade County Planning Depart­ ment, 1970), and does not come unexpectedly. Given the adjustment they ^Not a ll households had lived 1n the c ity during the e n tire study period (1963-1976), so computing the group's m obility ra te In ­ volved adjusting fo r Individual differences. By dividing the time a given household liv ed 1n Lansing by the number of re sid en tia l moves made by th a t household, an average "length of residence 1n one place" fo r the households was obtained. The ra te of 3.3 years was the mean fig u re obtained a fte r adding a ll the individual averages. 64 65 have had to make in settling in a previously unknown environment, 1t seems reasonable to expect that th e ir residential mobility as a group would be higher than "normal." Within the sample, however, Individual mobility rates were found to vary greatly, with average periods of residence 1n Lansing ranging from two months (in a newly formed family) to 10.8 years (an elderly couple owning th eir own home). With regard to the number of residential moves, a total of 225 2 were recorded fo r the sample between 1963-1976. The number of moves per household ranged from a high of eleven to a low of one, p a rtia lly reflecting individual differences 1n length of residence in the d t y . The overall mean frequency of moves was slig h tly more than three per household (3 .1 ). A "Receptor" Area3 The urban ecological notion stating that the in it ia l residential experiences of ethnic households newly arrived 1n a c ity w ill occur 1n a "receiving" or "core" area (Park, 1936; Kosa, 1956; Lieberson, 1963) was examined 1n this study. I t was hypothesized that a "receptor" residential area for Cuban-Amerlcans could be Identified In Lansing and that such an area functioned as a residential core for the group, acting as "receiving" center and as a principal "generator" of in tra­ urban residential moves. The evidence gathered documents that the central portions of c itie s . 71). ? This to tal Includes the original move to Lansing from other The recorded total of 1ntra-urban moves was 154 (225 minus 3 The remaining discussion 1n this chapter has been ordered with reference to the hypotheses advanced in Chapter I I I (pages 33 and 34). 66 Lansing have been the principal areas of residence of Cuban-Americans, p artic u larly during the in it ia l stage of settlement. Almost 89 per­ cent of the households interviewed reported having established th e ir f i r s t residence 1n Lansing's central areas ("Inner City" and "Central Outer Ring"). The Information in Table V cle arly indicates this fact and highlights the special role of the innermost portion of the c ity as an I n it ia l destination. Only a few households established th e ir f i r s t home in the suburbs. Areas within "Inner City" also have functioned as a focal point of 1ntra-urban moves. In Figure 11, a composite drawing of 107 between tracts residential moves (70 percent of a ll 1ntra-urban moves recorded 1s presented.4 The densest "node" of origins and destinations of moves is shown in the figure fo r Tract 6 1n "Inner City".® Locations within th is tra c t were principal receptors and generators of moves of CubanAmerican households, as Table VI also Indicates. A few other tracts 1n the central areas are shown 1n Table VI as having functioned as receptors and generators of moves (Tracts 7 and 11), but not to the extent of Tract 6. A suburban tr a c t, Tract 202, located in the southwestern portion of the study area, stands out as having "received" a re la tiv e ly high proportion of household moves, second only to Tract 6. The origin and destination of the remaining moves not accounted fo r in Table V I, are scattered throughout th ir ty two of the remaining census tracts in the study area. 4 As can be On the map the origins and destinations of moves were plotted from and to "tract centroids", i . e . , the vertices of the portrayed census tra c t surfaces. e In addition to between-tracts moves, more than h alf of the re­ corded w ith in -tra ct moves took place into or out of this p articular tra c t. 67 TABLE V LOCATION OF "FIRST RESIDENCE" OF STUDY HOUSEHOLDS (N=71)* Social Area Number of U lie Households Percent of T +»1 Total M N "Inner City" 42 59.1 "Central Outer Ring" 21 29.6 "Suburbs - North and Southwest" 6 8.5 "Suburbs - East and Northwest" 2 * Includes Interviewed households only. 00 71 a • CVJ TOTALS a 100.0 By Major "Sub-Area"** "Central Areas" 88.7% "Suburbs" 11.3% 68 BETWEEN-TRACTS MOVES OF STUDY HOUSEHOLDS ( 1963 - 1976) j- W’ t- itir A to ta l of 107 moves are plotted on the map. The lines shown con* nect origin and d e s ti­ nation census tra c ts (a t tra c t "cen tro id s") fo r each move. SOCIAL AREAS □ Inner City 'Central Outer Ring" ★ S tate Capitol 'Suburbs - North and o o Southwest" Suburbs - East and Northwest" F ig u re 11 2 Mites 3 Kilometers 69 TABLE VI TRACTS RECORDING THE HIGHEST FREQUENCIES OF CUBAN-AMERICAN RESIDENTIAL MOVES: 1963-1976 Tract No. Intra-Urban Moves "Generated" (Percent of Total) N=151 Intra-Urban Moves "Received" (Percent of Total) N*146 6 ("Inner City") 27.8 23.3 7 ("Inner City") 6.1 1.4 ("Central Outer Ring") 6.0 4.1 ("Suburbs - North and Southwest") 6.0 14.3 45.9 43.1 11 202 TOTALS Note: Both between-tracts and w ithln-tract moves are Included 1n the above computations. Original moves to Lansing were excluded. 70 observed in Figure 11, a small portion of the movement took place in and out of suburban tracts. The evidence indicates that a "receptor" area has existed for most of the Cuban-Americans settling in Lansing, p articularly within the residential space contained within census tra ct number 6. I t has functioned not only as a primary reception area but also as principal origin and destination area for about one-fourth of a ll +he in tra ­ urban moves made by study households. Spatial Assimilation Another urban-ecological proposition examined in this study states that ethnic migrants move gradually away from receptor urban areas to "higher status" residential environments as they improve socio-economically over time (Park, 1936; Jonassen, 1949; Ford, 1950). In spatial terms, the net effect of such movement is thought to be a continual decline in the concentration of ethnic households 1n the core area, a reflectio n of the general social assimilation process the particular group is experiencing. Moreover, whether members of the group w ill move out and become dispersed in the total residential space of the c ity or there is merely a "relocation" of the ethnic core 1n another part of the urban area 1s said to be dependent on whether assimilation occurs as a group process or on an Individual basis (Simmons, 1968). For Cuban-Americans 1n Lansing, i t was hypothesized that those households established in the c ity for the longest period would cur­ rently occupy residential locations away from receptor areas, as opposed to those arriving or establishing th eir households la te r. Further, i t was expected that the residential environments of those 71 "moving out" would re fle c t the re la tiv e socio-economic Improvement which should have occurred through time. Operationally, the quality of Lansing's residential environments was defined on the basis of the c ity 's social area scheme presented in Chapter V. In that analysis suburban areas were shown to have the higher socio-economic status attrib u tes within the c ity . The socio-economic level of households was measured 1n terms of the current occupational status of heads, the levels of household Income, and home tenure status. In examining the notion of "spatial assimilation" in the context of the Cuban-Amerlcan experience 1n Lansing and given the re la tiv e recency of Cuban-American settlement 1n the c ity , i t was proposed that the spatial patterns of residential location 1n "new" settlement areas would tend to maintain a "cluster" effe ct sim ilar to that found 1n receptor areas. I t was expected that ethnic households would tend to remain re la tiv e ly "close" 1n spatial terms given the re la tiv e ly short period that had elapsed since the f i r s t fam ilies began arriving in the city.® Some Variables of Residential Location. Substantial residential movement of Cuban-Amerlcan households to suburban areas has occurred, a fa c t cle a rly documented in Table V II. As expected, a majority of the moves recorded fo r the study period took place within the central areas of the c ity . S t i l l , almost 44 percent of a ll 1ntra-urban moves had suburban destinations. Opposite to central areas, the suburbs recorded a greater proportion of "destinations" than "origins" during 6Gad, Peddle and Punter (1973) reported that Ita lia n and Jewish groups 1n Toronto tended to remain re s ld e n tia lly clustered several decades a fte r th e ir a rriv a l in that c it y , even though they "relocated" th e ir respective residential "core" areas several times. 72 TABLE V II SOCIAL AREA ORIGINS AND DESTINATIONS OF CUBAN-AMERICAN INTRA-URBAN MOVES: 1963-1976* (IN PERCENT OF TOTAL N) Destinations TfPTOT Social Area “Inner City" 43.7 32.2 72.8 56.1 "Central Outer Ring" 29.1 23.9 "Suburbs - North and Southwest 19.2 29.5 "Suburbs - East and Northwest" 27.2 8.0 ♦Includes both between tracts and w ithin tra c t moves. 43.9 14.4 73 the study period, a fa c t Indicating an overall tendency toward suburban residence reflected 1n the m o b ility patterns of the study sample. The pattern uncovered in the data did not support the hypothe­ sized relation sh ip between length of residence and resid en tial location , 1. e . , the longer a household has lived 1n the c ity the greater the lik e ­ lihood 1t w ill cu rren tly reside in suburban areas (and vice-versa). Such association was found to be v ir tu a lly non-existent (Table V I I I ) , suggesting th a t the two variables may be acting Independently from each other. However, the current social area location of study households shows a s ig n ific a n t relation sh ip with the occupation and income charac­ te r is tic s o f study households, as Indicated 1n Tables IX and X. From the Information 1n Table IX i t 1s seen that a m ajority of both "bluec o lla r" and "w h ite-collar" Cuban households cu rrently lives 1n suburban locations. Proportionately, the w h ite -c o lla r group seems to have made the "suburban tra n s itio n " to a greater extent than the group 1n bluec o lla r occupations. Most households 1n the "unemployed" category are shown to be liv in g 1n the central areas Indicating that with such a labor status 1t 1s u n lik e ly th at a household w ill "move-out" of reception areas.7 S im ilar patterns are shown in the relationship between income and current re s id e n tia l location (Table X ). Most o f the "low income" house­ holds liv e 1n the c ity 's central areas and those in the "high income" category tend to be 1n suburban locations. Those 1n the defined "mlddle-lncome" bracket ($12,000 to $15,000 annually) are s p lit almost 7Three o f the six unemployed heads o f households residing 1n suburban locations liv e 1n government-subsidized rental housing. 74 TABLE V III CURRENT SOCIAL AREA LOCATION AND LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN LANSING (N»71) Social Area Length of Residence Totals 8.8 years or less* Over 8.8 years Central Areas 16 19 35 Suburbs 18 18 36 Totals 34 37 71 Chi-square s ta tis tic = 0.12 (Not significant) *8.8 years was the mean average length of residence in the c ity for the total sample. 75 TABLE IX CURRENT SOCIAL AREA LOCATION AND OCCUPATION (N=71) Occupation* Social Area Unemployed** Central Areas 15 13 7 35 Suburbs 6 17 13 36 21 30 20 71 Totals Chi-square s ta tis tic * 5.62: White Collar Totals Blue Collar significant at .10 level. ♦Occupation categories generalized from those shown 1n Table I I * p. 43. ♦♦Includes retired heads of households. 76 TABLE X CURRENT SOCIAL AREA LOCATION AND HOUSEHOLD INCOME (N«71) Soda! Area Central Areas Suburbs Totals Household Income* Totals Low Income Middle Income High Income 15 11 9 35 5 10 21 36 20 21 30 71 Chi-square s ta tis tic = 9.27: sig nificant at O.Ol lev el. *Income categories were as follows: under $12,000 annually: "Low Income"; $12,000 to $15,000: "Middle Income"; over $15,000: "High Income". The median 1977 household income fo r the group was about $13,500 annually. 77 equally 1n th e ir current social area location. Another socio-economic variable exhibiting a high degree of asso­ ciatio n with residential location 1s home tenure (Table X I). Most of the home-owners 1n the study sample purchased th e ir current residences w ithin the suburban tracts of the study area. In contrast, those renting th e ir current dwelling 1n the suburbs are a m inority when compared with the number of tenant households located 1n the c ity 's central areas. Owners and Renters. Given the degree of association between the home tenure variable and current household location , and 1n an e ffo rt to fu rther assess the spatial nature of the resid en tial movement of sample households during the la te s t "stage" of th e ir m o b ility, the la s t move of current owners and renters 1n the sample was plotted on maps. These destinations of owners and renters are portrayed 1n Figures 12 and 13. A spatial "bias" to the suburbs 1s c le a rly suggested by the pattern of moves made by the owners. In contrast, the recent moves of the renters have a less scattered spatial pattern. Thus, the central portions of the d t y remain Important as sources of housing fo r house­ holds which rent th e ir liv in g places. Of a ll the most recent moves made by renters, two-th1rds took place w ithin the central areas of the c ity (Table X I). A large portion of these moves (12 o f 19) occurred In to , out o f, or within Tract 6. Temporal Aspects of the Move to the Suburbs. A fu rth er step in the analysis of residential patterns o f Cuban-Americans involved the temporal sequence of residential moves made by study households. The purpose was to discover 1f the residential "transitio n" o f those who moved to the suburbs from central areas occurred a t a specific point 78 TABLE XI SOCIAL AREA DESTINATION OF LAST RESIDENTIAL MOVES: OWNERS VS RENTERS (N=63)* Social Area Destination Home Tenure Renters Owners Totals Central Areas 19 8 27 Suburbs 11 25 36 Totals 30 33 63 Ch1-square s ta tis tic * 9.8: significant at the .005 level. *E1ght of the households 1n the sample were not Included 1n this computation because they did not report any intra-urban moves. 79 DESTINATION OF LAST INTRA-URBAN MOVE OF HOME OWNERS IN THE SAMPLE ( N a 33} m >* A ^ ' Arrows indicate d irec­ h * f 't < avs s>* '» -» * * >N< *' < *»» > f *w Lines represent moves. rff & tion and number of moves. Short lines not crossing tra c t fc *- & - *> . a, Q* i*Ti< ^ * *> s m 4 * it h h h i boundaries represent within* tra c t moves. SOCIAL AREAS □ "inner C ity" □ ’'Central Outer Ring" B K iia a ★ State Capitol m u "Suburbs - North and o 0 Southwest" m "Suburbs - East and Northwest" Figure 12 2 Miles 3 Kilometers so DESTINATION OF LAST INTRA-URBAN MOVE OF RENTERS IN THE SAMPLE (N=30) M ;« tW' moves. Short lines not crossing tra c t >jr * * ^ boundaries represent w ith in -tra c t moves. SOCIAL AREAS □ “ Inner C ity" a ■'Central Outer Ring" ★ State Capitol "Suburbs - North and Southwest" 2 Miles "Suburbs - East and Northwest" 3 Kilometers F igu re 13 In the household's m obility history. In the absence of previous empir­ ical findings on this question, the notion that the move to the suburbs would occur a t random, and not at any p articu lar point 1n the sequence, was proposed. Information on the re la tiv e position of the move to the suburbs within the sequence of a ll the moves made by Individual sample households is presented 1n Table X II. Data are shown only fo r current suburban home-owners who previously lived 1n the central areas of the Q c ity (30 percent of the to ta l sample). For almost h alf of the sampled households (ten of twenty-one), the "second" 1ntra-urban move was the f i r s t one with a suburban desti­ nation. This Indicates that the households moved only once within the -ce n tral areas of the c ity before moving to a suburban location. For a smaller group (seven of twenty-one) the " fir s t" 1ntra-urban move was suburban. In it ia l suburban moves recorded la te r than the "second" family move occurred fo r only three of the households 1n the sub-group. I t 1s also noted from the table th at most current suburban owners (fourteen of twenty-one) purchased a home fo r th e ir In it ia l suburban move, while one-th1rd made the original move to suburban areas as renters. The patterns discovered on the re la tiv e position of the "move to the suburbs" 1n the sequence of a ll household moves give an Indication th a t, at least for the fam ilies 1n the "owners" sub-group, the stage of spatial assimilation which Involves leaving the reception area and establishing a suburban residence did not Include many moves within g Households 1n the sample 1n the category of "current suburbanrenters" numbered eleven (Table X I). Of these only four had previously lived 1n the "receptor" area, too few to carry out a meaningful scrutiny sim ilar to that presented fo r owners. 82 TABLE X II THE MOVE FROM THE RECEPTION AREA TO THE SUBURBS: CURRENT SUBURBAN HOMEOWNERS (N=21)* Sequence of Intra-Urban Moves Household 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 F irs t Second Third Fourth 0** 0 0 0 0 R*** 0 R 0 0 R 0 R R R R 0 0 ♦Excludes suburban owners never liv in g in central areas (N=4). ♦♦0 = I n it ia l move to suburbs made to occupy a purchased home. ***R = I n i t i a l move to suburbs made to a rental u n it. 83 the central c ity before the suburban "transition" occurred. The median time period fo r these current suburban homeowners to make such a move a fte r they f i r s t settled 1n the c ity was 4.1 years. However, the period varied ind ividu ally between nine months and eleven years. Ethnic Households and Residential Proxim ity. As discussed by some w riters (Kosa, 1956; Simmons, 1968; Darden, 1976; Rose, 1977) the net "movement to the suburbs" by a group of ethnic and m inority households does not necessarily Indicate the degree to which "spatial assim ilation" g may be taking place. I f ethnic households leaving the central areas "re -s e ttle " together 1n a suburban location, the resulting situ ation may be viewed as one where resid en tial "segregation" persists and l i t t l e spatial assim ilation occurs. I f , on the other hand, the moving house­ holds become randomly dispersed 1n suburban areas, a case fo r a greater degree of spatial assim ilation may be made. The evidence on current resid en tial location patterns of CubanAmerlcans 1n Lansing Indicates both clustering and. dispersion of house­ holds In urban space. In Chapter V (page 63) 1t was noted th at two suburban tracts are among the three study area tra cts currently con­ taining the largest number of Cuban-Amerlcan residences. To gain In­ sight Into the possible reasons behind the observed clustered patterns, the occupational characteristics of the households liv in g 1n Tracts 6, 31.02 and 202 were analyzed and compared with the social area character of the tra c ts . The relationship 1s shown 1n Table X I I I . ®In theory, complete resid en tial assim ilation of a minority group exists when individual members are randomly located in urban residential space. The notion of whether a m inority group 1s s p a tia lly segregated (or assimilated) has been em pirically tested by numerous authors using aggregate census data (see fo r Instance Darden, 1973, 1976; Grebler, e t a l . , 1970). 84 TABLE X III THE THREE TRACTS SHOWING RESIDENTIAL CLUSTERING IN 1977: SOCIAL AREA LOCATION AND HOUSEHOLD OCCUPATIONAL STATUS (N=29) Tract — Social Area Location Occupational Status Totals Unemployed Blue Collar White Collar 6 -- "Inner City" 7 3 3 13 202 - "Suburbs North and Southwest" 1 8 2 11 "Suburbs East and Northwest" 0 1 4 5 8 12 9 29 31.02 — Totals 85 Although the relationship was not checked s ta tis tic a lly because of the low frequencies 1n some cells 1n the table, an analysis of the recorded frequencies clearly Indicates a degree of "matching" between the occupational status of the clustered households and the social area character of the Included census tracts. This evidence suggests that the reasons fo r the clustering effect go beyond ethnic considera­ tions. For example, most of those living 1n Tract 202, a "medium economlc-status" suburban tra c t (see Figures 7 and 8 ), have blue-collar occupations. Tract 31.02, a "high economlc-status" suburban tra c t, has mostly w hite-collar employment. In contrast, Tract 6 in the "Inner City" Includes a disproportionate number of "unemployed" households. These findings o ffer some Insight into the nature of the "spatial assimilation" undergone by Cuban-Americans 1n Lansing. F irs t, resi­ dential clustering has occurred 1n the movement of some study households to suburban areas, indicating that the selection of suburban residential location has not occurred en tirely in a random fashion. Second, such clustering has not Involved a singular spatial pattern of group relo­ cation to a specific "reception" suburb but, rather, appears to be p a rtia lly a function of the occupational status of study households. Sub-groups with higher occupational status tend to be found resident l a l l y clustered in corresponding types of suburbs (and v ic e -v e rs a ).^ Third, households at the lower end of the occupational scale have tended to remain 1n the central areas. Residential clustering of these households was also observed. ^However, tendencies found 1n matching occupational status and social area character for the "dispersed" group of study house­ holds, those liv in g 1n tracts other than 6, 31.02 and 202 (Na42), were not as clearly defined. 86 Locating a Place to Live: The Influence of Ethnicity Theories on the processes of assimilation and acculturation of ethnic migrants emphasize the Importance of the role played by urban ethnic communities 1n "cushioning" the Impact o f the adjustments that new migrant households must make when arriving 1n the c ity . Newcomers receive support from those already established in the c ity and, 1n time, they in turn may o ffer support to other group members 1n need. As a resu lt of this process, group so lid a rity develops and tends to be more strongly manifested during the early stages of settlement. The network of ethnic relationships 1s thus viewed as having a considerable e ffe ct on the a c tiv itie s and Interaction of Individual ethnic households (Jonassen, 1949; Gordon, 1964; Gans, 1967). In her study on the assimi­ latio n of Cuban-Amerleans in West New York, Rogg (1974) indeed found that the social l i f e of the households 1n the study sample was permeated by e th n ic ity , 1n that many of the social a c tiv itie s of individual fami­ lie s (e .g ., v is itin g , recreation, religious events) took place mainly within the ethnic comnunlty. In assessing the role of ethnicity 1n residential m obility and location, a hypothesis was developed fo r this study which reflects the above research formulations and findings: 1n the search fo r places to liv e , Information obtained through friends and relatives w ill s ig n ifi­ cantly Influence the selection of residential location by study house­ holds. The residential experience of Cuban-Americans in Lansing clearly re fle cts the e ffe c t of the network of primary relationships that has tra d itio n a lly characterized the social interaction of newly formed urban ethnic communities. Data on the channels of information which 87 study households used 1n locating residential places 1n Lansing are presented 1n Table XIV. Information sources fo r a ll of the recorded moves 1n the survey are shown 1n the computations. The high degree of Influence of "Cuban friends and relatives" 1n the resid en tial search experience of sample households 1s readily observed. For 43 percent of a ll moves recorded 1n the survey, re s i­ dential destinations were located as a resu lt of information obtained 1n such a manner. Other sources had some Importance 1n the home- locating process, but none did to the extent of th is category. Real estate offices and newspapers are shown as sources of primary housing "leads" fo r 17 percent of a ll the moves effected, with the self-search category ( e .g .. walking, driving by) accounting fo r another 15 percent. Church-related groups or Individuals and government housing agencies are also of some Importance. Non-Cuban friends and re lative s comprise the least Important Information source. Greater insight is gained 1f the same elements of the home-search process of Cuban-Americans are examined 1n a "temporal" frame of re fe r­ ence. Data showing Information sources used fo r locating the " fir s t" and the "last" places of residence are presented in Table XV. observations can be made: Several 1) the "Cuban re lative s and friends" fa c to r, even though 1t remained the most s ig n ifica n t source of Information fo r both stages, dropped considerably 1n Importance as a primary source of housing Information fo r the most recent move; 2) use of the household's own resources as well as the use of conventional sources of housing a v a ila b ility Information (re a lto rs , newspapers) registered a re la tiv e ly high Increase; 3) the role of church-related agencies or persons has disappeared e n tire ly , while government housing agencies have become 88 TABLE XIV SOURCES OF INFORMATION USED BY STUDY HOUSEHOLDS FOR LOCATING LIVING PLACES: ALL MOVES (N=225)* Category Percent of Total 1. Cuban friends or re la tiv e s 43.1 2. Realtors and newspapers 17.0 3. S e lf Search (walking or d rivin g ) 15.6 4. Church-related agency or persons 9.2 5. Government Housing Agencies 7.8 6. Non-Cuban friends and re la tiv e s 7.3 100.0 ♦Includes move to o rig in al re sid en tia l place 1n Lansing. 89 TABLE XV SOURCES OF INFORMATION USED FOR LOCATING THE "FIRST" AND "LAST" (CURRENT) RESIDENCE Source of Information 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. "First" Residence % of Total (N=63)* "Last" Residence % of Total (N=63)* Percent Change Cuban Friends or Relatives 50.7 31.7 -19.0 Realtors and Newspapers 11.2 20.6 + 9.5 Self Search (Walking, driving) 14.3 23.8 + 9.5 Church-related agency or person 15.8 0.0 -15.8 Government Housing Agency 3.2 14.4 +11.2 Non-Cuban Friends or Relatives 4.8 9.5 + 4.7 *E1ght of the households 1n the sample were not Included 1n this computation because they did not report any 1ntra-urban moves. 90 more Important as sources of housing information; and 4) the number of study households tapping non-Cuban friends and relatives for in fo r­ mation on liv in g places registered some increase. From these results, I t is clear that although the ethnic commu­ n ity 's network of social relationships ( i . e . , Cuban relatives and friends) remains an Important information source for housing "leads", Its proportional significance has eroded considerably. Study house­ holds appear to have become more s e lf-s u ffic ie n t 1n locating and selecting residential places with longer periods of residence in the Lansing area. Despite an Increased use of the household's own resources in finding housing, reliance on conventional media sources (newspapers, realtors) remains lim ited. Only 20 percent of the most recent re s i­ dential places were located by study households using such media, a reflectio n perhaps that many are s t i l l unable or unwilling to tap i t . "Non-conventional" sources (categories 1, 3, 5 and 6 in Table X II) provided primary Information for locating close to 80 percent of the current homes. I f the channels of housing information used by study households are analyzed in the lig h t of current patterns of residential location, further Insight 1s obtained Into the re la tiv e significance of ethnicity In the m obility of Cuban-Amerleans. In searching for th e ir current residential places, study households presently livin g in the central areas of Lansing made greater use of "ethnic" information channels than suburban households, as data in Table XVI indicate. Those currently residing in the suburbs relied less on th e ir Cuban friends and relatives and more on real estate agencies and newspapers to find th e ir present 91 TABLE XVI CENTRAL AREAS SOURCES OF LOCATING (IN Central Areas Households (N=20) Suburban Households (N=34) Cuban Friends or Relatives 41.3 23.5 Realtors and Newspapers 10.4 35.4 S elf Search (Walking, Driving) 20.7 20.6 Government Housing Agency 13.8 11.7 Non-Cuban Friends or Relatives 13.8 8.8 100.0 100.0 Source of Information 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. VS SUBURBAN HOUSEHOLDS: INFORMATION USED FOR CURRENT RESIDENCE PERCENT OF N) 92 homes. The differences recorded fo r the two groups 1n the use of the remaining information sources {self-search, government agencies and non-Cuban friends and re la tiv e s ) are re la tiv e ly minor. The Desire to Live Near Relatives and Friends. The data collected on "reasons fo r selecting a given dwelling" were examined to assess the extent to which selection of resid en tial places reflected a desire 1n study households to locate th e ir homes in close proximity to one another. Along with the reasoning employed 1n the previous hypothesis (p. 86 ), i t was proposed that the desire to liv e near friends and re la ­ tives would s ig n ific a n tly influence the selection of resid en tial loca­ tion of study households. For only 17 percent of a ll the resid en tial moves recorded in the survey was the "desire to liv e near re la tiv e s and friends" mentioned as the principal reason fo r selecting a given residence. As often occurs in surveys where respondents are asked open-ended questions as to the "why" of a p a rtic u la r event, the subjects offered a wide variety of responses as main reasons fo r selecting a home or apartment. Data presented in Table XVII indicate c le a rly th at the primary concerns of Cuban-Americans in selecting a home are sim ilar to those of other groups (see B a rre tt, 1973, p. 100). When the principal reasons fo r having chosen the current place o f residence are examined, dwelling space, p rice, and neighborhood q u a lity were found to predomi­ nate. Other reasons appear in the data but they re fle c t lesser overall importance. Households selecting a residence because of a desire to be near other Cuban-Americans (re la tiv e s and friends) were found fo r both residential stages (" f ir s t " and " la s t" ). S t i l l , they were rather few, p a rtic u la rly since i t is reported that "ethnic" information channels 93 TABLE XVII FIRST REASONS GIVEN FOR SELECTING “FIRST" AND "LAST" (CURRENT) PLACE OF RESIDENCE (N=63) Reason "First" Residence (Percent of Total N) "Last" Residence (Percent of Total N) Percent Change 1. Needed a place 58.7 1.6 -57.1 2. To be near re lative s and friends 11.1 6.3 - 4.8 3. Price 11.1 23.8 +12.7 4. Space 6.3 25.4 +19.1 5. Good area 4.7 20.6 +15.9 6. Near work 3.2 3.2 0.0 7. Furnished 3.2 * - 3.2 8. Good Condition 1.7 6.4 + 4.7 9. Privacy * 4.7 + 4.7 10. Schools * 4.8 + 4.8 11. General A ccessibility * 3.2 + 3.2 100.0 ♦Reason not mentioned. 100.0 94 constituted an important element in the search fo r places to liv e (see Tables XIV and XV). The changing nature of the re sid en tia l selection process of Cuban-Amerleans in Lansing is also apparent from Table XVI. As ex- pected, the reasons given fo r moving to the " f ir s t " residence in the c ity re fle cte d a basic and obvious concern o f study households at th a t i n i t i a l phase: they needed a place to liv e . The trend to a more "normal" s itu atio n shown in the figures fo r more recent times 1s lik e ly a re fle c tio n o f both a general Improvement in the economic status of the group and of Increased fa m ilia r ity with the resid en tial ch aracteristics of the urban area th at comes with the passing of time. I f the reasons given by heads of household fo r selecting a place to liv e are scrutinized on the basis o f current resid en tial location , fu rth e r patterns are uncovered in the data. For instance, 44 percent o f the heads o f suburban Cuban-American households mentioned the space c h aracteristics of the dwelling as the principal reason fo r selecting th e ir current homes as compared with only 20 percent of those presently residing 1n central areas (Table X V III) . In ad d itio n , the data show th a t fo r central c ity households the desire to locate th e ir homes near re la tiv e s and Cuban friends was r e la tiv e ly more important than fo r suburban fa m ilie s . Other reasons such as price and q u a lity o f the re s id e n tia l area were mentioned as Important by both groups, although no major differences were recorded fo r these. A c c e s s ib ility -re la te d responses were mostly offered by central area heads of household. 95 TABLE X V III CENTRAL AREAS VS SUBURBAN HOUSEHOLDS: FIRST REASONS GIVEN FOR SELECTING CURRENT RESIDENCE (IN PERCENT OF N) Reason Central Areas Households (N=29) Suburban Households (N=34 To be near relatives and friends 17.2 3.0 2. Price 20.7 26.5 3. Space 20.7 44.1 4. Good Area 13.8 14.7 5. Near Work 7.0 2.9 6. Good Condition 10.3 * 7. Schools * 5.9 8. General Accessibility 10.3 2.9 100.0 100.0 1. ♦Reason not mentioned. CHAPTER V II CONCLUSIONS The purpose of this study has been to examine the spatial patterns of Intra-urban residential mobility among Cuban-Americans in Lansing, Michigan. The group represents one of the many urban Cuban-American communities 1n the United States fo r whom this country became a new homeland within the past two decades. In a theoretical sense, the study examined urban-ecological as well as behavioral principles concerned with the spatial attributes of the residential mobility and location of ethnic migrants. To test these principles, survey information was collected via 1n-depth home interviews. Analysis of the survey data involved description of various sample characteristics and comparison of sample sub-groups on selected socio-economic attrib u tes. Non-parametric tests were applied to check s ta tis tic a lly the examined relationships. To provide a soclo-spatial frame of reference from which the mobility characteristics of the house­ holds could be properly analyzed, a factorial ecology of Lansing was performed employing socio-economic data from the United States 1970 Census of Population. Summary of Findings The patterns of intra-urban residential mobility and location described for the Cuban-American community of Lansing are supportive of two basic notions advanced in previous social area analysis research: 96 97 1. Urban ethnic households enter a residential adjustment process upon th e ir a rriv a l 1n the c ity which 1s clearly affected by the socio-economic characteristics of the fam ily units involved, and 2. The Influence of the ethnic community on the residential m obility and location of ethnic households 1s strong during the in tia l stages of urban residence and gradually decreases with the passing of time. Other more practical findings were also derived from this research. For example, 1n agreement with many previous studies (Lieberson, 1963; Spear, 1964; Ward, 1968), the central areas of the c ity functioned as a residential "reception" center fo r the arriving migrant households. Furthermore, the results show that within the study period (1963-1977), many of the households in the sample moved away from the central areas and Into "better" ( I . e . , suburban) residential environments. In the context of this study, the evidence did not c le arly support the commonly held notion that time 1s an all-im portant factor in deter­ mining the a b ility of migrant households to leave reception areas and s e ttle in suburbs. More meaningful relationships with residential location were found through an examination of selected socio-economic characteristics of the households studied, which Included income, occupation and home tenure. Ethnic family units 1n the higher occu­ pational and income brackets moved out of the original reception areas and into the suburbs to a greater extent than those with lower socio­ economic status. This finding is in agreement with recent formulations concerning the relationships between m obility and the social geography of c itie s . The principle that the aggregate m obility of urban 98 households results in an orderly spatial patterning of the c ity 's social groups, as households with lik e characteristics occupy sim ilar "social spaces" is largely supported (Rees, 1968; see Chapter I I of th is te x t). And, as is true with the general population of urban areas, homeownership was a more predominant condition among Cuban-American house­ holds currently located 1n suburban areas than fo r those residing in the central c ity (Beyer, 1960; Berry and Murdie, 1965). The results of the study are in p a rtia l concordance with the model proposed by Jakle, Brunn and Rosetnan (1976) concerning the spatial assim ilation of ethnic households (see Chapter I I I and Figure 4 ). Although the specific "steps" described 1n that model were not d ire c tly tested, support was found fo r the authors' thesis that the gradual abandonment of the reception area by ethnic households depends largely on the re la tiv e levels of social interaction of the migrants with the host society. In resid en tial terms, many study households were found to have made the spatial "transition" hypothesized in the model. An increase was c le a rly registered in th e ir interaction with host society housing Information sources and away from "ethnic" channels, as re­ flected in the analyzed resid en tial search patterns. For those who l e f t the reception areas, the tra n s itio n took a short time (a median period o f four years). Also, 1t Involved few previous residential moves w ithin the central areas of the c ity . The evidence on the re la tiv e degree of "spatial assim ilation" undergone by Cuban-Americans in Lansing 1s less conclusive. Both clustering and dispersion of study households have occurred within the social space of the c ity . The reasons fo r th is variance are not e n tire ly c le a r, although the clustering of a group of households in 99 selected urban tra cts was found related to occupational status. The overall sp atial p attern, however, was d e fin ite ly not random, an in d i­ cation th at a t the time o f th is study the group was not " s p a tia lly assimilated" in a s t r ic t and to ta l sense. The research reveals that ethnic factors have played an Important ro le 1n the re sid en tia l m o b ility and location of Cuban-Amerleans 1n Lansing, much as they have fo r previous migrant groups to urban areas (Kosa, 1956; Gans, 1967; Gad, Peddle and Punter, 1973). The network of primary relationships of the Cuban-Amerlcan community functioned as the primary Information source fo r individual ethnic households in th e ir search fo r housing. The r e la tiv e importance of that network has de­ creased considerably in the more recent stages of the group's residence 1n the c ity . The ethnic community played a greater ro le in recent resi dentlal decisions of those remaining in the central c ity than in those of households currently in the suburbs. Implied 1n findings on the changing nature of the housing search patterns o f the group is some support fo r behavioral concepts that re la te to the sp atial ch aracteristics of m o b ility. The increased r e l i ­ ance o f study households on th e ir self-search a b ilit ie s (driving by, walking) in the quest fo r re sid en tia l places, suggests th at the "aware­ ness space" o f Cuban-Amerlcans in Lansing has increasingly become an important fa c to r both 1n th e ir m obility and location decisions. Summary Comments Two major questions formed the basis fo r th is research, v i z . , "Where the mobility?" and "Why there?". There are many other questions and aspects which would have to enter into a comprehensive discussion o f intra-urban re s id e n tia l m o b ility. Of significance would be an 100 assessment of the re la tiv e importance of the many characteristics of the housing market that affect and determine mobility patterns. Also, l i f e ­ cycle and life -s ty le variables would have to be more extensively con­ sidered as factors that may help explain the residential mobility of Cuban-Americans. The patterns of intra-urban residential mobility of CubanAmericans in Lansing were found to conform generally with those of other ethnic groups previously migrating to the c ity . A difference is that a majority of these Cuban-American households seem to have evolved rather quickly to a level of socio-economic improvement which normally might take much longer, i f 1t took place at a l l . In the course of home interviews and in analyzing the survey data, i t became obvious that many of these newly-arrived migrants have made vis ib le gains in the process of economic adaptation to a new environment. That sim ilar conditions may exist with other Cuban-American communities in the United States was suggested by the studies on Cuban-Americans reviewed in Chapter I I I . While emphasizing d ifferen t conceptual approaches and analytical methods, these findings indicate that the general economic adjustment of Cuban-Americans has progressed at a re la tiv e ly rapid pace. In agreement with the results of this study, Cuban-American residential movement to the suburbs in other c itie s was suggested by Ropka (1973) and Eichelberger (1973) and recorded and analyzed in a planning report (Dade County Planning Department, 1970). Even though suburban movement is taking place, 1t should be pointed out that many Cuban-American households in the United States currently reside in central c itie s . This was evident for Lansing and has been documented for other c itie s , i . e . , Chicago and Miami. As was found in Lansing and 1s lik e ly true elsewhere, households living in central c itie s include the most socio-economlcally deprived segments of the ethnic population. Specific areas of the " L ittle Havana" sector in the central areas of Miami come to mind in this regard, where the disproportionate presence of such groups, e .g .. the unemployed and the elderly, was documented by a recent study on the Cuban-American minority of the United States (Prohfas and Casal, 1973). This concentration of disadvantaged groups 1n central c itie s 1s a condition which appears characteristic of the residential location patterns of practically a ll urban population sub-groups, Including other ethnic and racial minori­ ties such as Blacks, Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans. With the la tte r groups, however, the re la tiv e proportions of th e ir populations living 1n central c ity areas, and the persistence over time of these types of central c ity concentrations, seem to re fle c t a lesser tendency to become "spatially assimilated" than that appearing to be the norm for Cuban-Americans. A lik e ly explanation for this phenomenon which has been offered is that the migration of Cubans to the United States has been largely p o litic a l and has Included a large group of highly skilled middle-class migrants fleeing a Marxist revolution. Portes (1969) and Rogg (1974) o ffe r evidence that the re lative socio-economic "success" of Cuban-Americans in the United States can be explained largely in terms of the middle-class orientation and background of most migrants. On the other hand, the works of Cox (1971) and Wong (1974) Indicate that sizable numbers of lower-class Cubans, mostly urban but some ru ra l, have been part of the exodus to the United States. I t 1s apparent from the findings of this and previous studies that much research is s t i l l needed on the background and adaptation charac­ te ris tic s of Cuban-American individuals and communities in United States c itie s . The residential patterns and processes of Cubans, along with those of other new groups of Immigrants such as Vietnamese and other contemporary and not-so-recent racial and ethnic m inorities, i . e . , Blacks, Mex1can-Amer1cans and Puerto Ricans, provide a subject of continued Interest to social scientists and policy makers. 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Mes _______ A no _______ 3* i.Podria indicar las razones principales por las que vino a vivir a Lansing? iCuanto tiempo lleva de formada esta familia? Anos ______ Meses______ 5*