INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a docum ent sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "targ et” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. If copyrighted materials were deleted you will find a target note listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo­ graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in "sectioning” the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. For any illustrations that cannot be reproduced satisfactorily by xerography, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and tipped into your xerographic copy. Requests can be made to our Dissertations Customer Services Department. 5. Some pages in any docum ent may have indistinct print. In all cases we have filmed the best available copy. University Mkrcxilms International 3 0 0 N Z E E B R D . ANN A R B O R Ml 4 B1 0 6 8212447 Rathge, Richard Wayne THE INSTITUTIONAL IMPACTS OF RAPID POPULATION GROWTH ON A NONMETROPOLITAN MICHIGAN COUNTY Michigan State University University Microfilms International PH.D. 1981 300 N. Zeeb Rotd. Ann Aibor, MI 48106 PLEASE NOTE: In all cases this material has been filmed in the best possible way from the available copy. Problems encountered with this docum ent have been identified here with a check mark V . 1. Glossy photographs or p a g e s______ 2. Colored illustrations, paper or print_____ 3. Photographs with dark background______ 4. Illustrations are poor copy______ 5. Pages with black marks, not original copy______ 6. Print shows through as there is text on both sides of page______ 7. Indistinct, broken or small print on several pages ^ 8. Print exceeds margin requirem ents______ 9. Tightly bound copy with print lost in spine______ 10. Computer printout pages with indistinct print______ 11. Page(s)___________ lacking when material received, and not available from school or author. 12. Page(s)___________ seem to be missing in numbering only as text follows. 13. Two pages num bered___________ . Text follows. 14. 15. Curling and wrinkled p a g es______ Other________________________________________________________________ _ University Microfilms International THE INSTITUTIONAL IMPACTS OF RAPID POPULATION GROWTH ON A NONMETROPOLITAN MICHIGAN COUNTY By Richard Wayne Rathge A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1981 ABSTRACT THE INSTITUTIONAL IMPACTS OF RAPID POPULATION GROWTH ON A NONMETROPOLITAN MICHIGAN COUNTY By Richard Wayne Rathge This dissertation investigates the institutional impacts associated with rapid population growth in a nonmetropolitan county in Michigan's northern lower peninsula. The c o u n t y , O sc eolar experienced a population increase at a rate of 27.6% over the past decade amounting to a net gain of 3,049 migrants after four pervious decades of outmigration, indicative of the general "turnaround" migration phenomenon occurring throughout much of the United States and other industrialized countries. The emergent effects of in-migration on five social institutions, education, government, economy, religion, and health and social services, and their ability to cope with the shifting demands of an enlarged population, are addressed. Concurrently, this volume explores various problematic features of the current urban-to-rural migration trend and their possible ramifications for host communities. The data consist of several major typesi 1) personal Richard Wayne Rathge interviews, 2) printed materials including records, minutes, centennial publications, 3) census, 4) government documents, 5) newspapers, and 6) personal observations. Analysis of these data is mainly descriptive. Findings from the study indicate that the anticipated conflict between oldtimers and newcomers has not surfaced to any appreciable level. impacts are apparent. However, distinct institutional Among the more notable are curtailed programming in Osceola's schools, problems, increased discipline a significant shift in sentiment against millage and bond issue requests, strained infra-structures roads, waste di s p o s a l ) , increased crime, assessments, use. (e.g., excessive property inflated dependency ratios, and changing land Interestingly, county functionaries have taken a "wait and see" stance toward growth. Among the five institutions, religion has exhibited the least amount of change. In time, it would seem likely that special interests of newcomers and oldtimers will become more differentiated and organized, and perhaps be the catalyst for conflict. Thus further investigations into the impacts of rural revival on county institutions and systems are recommended. To my wife, during this Together we represented Polly, whose patience research was unwavering. share the achievement by this manuscript. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many thoughtful people have contributed their time and effort to my graduate training and to this research. I would be a bit naive to suggest that adequate recognition could be given to them in this limited space. Nonetheless, I wish to express my appreciation to those whose guidance and concern directed my course and made possible that which I have accomplished. A special word of thanks is given to Dr. J. Allan Beegle, Chairperson of my Dissertation and Guidance Committee. I have acquired much scholastically and personally from his encouragement and support. He has graciously allowed me to participate in many of his professional and research activities which have strengthened my academic awareness. His patience and untiring interest in others is a trait I shall always strive to achieve. I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to professors Harry Schwarzweller, James Zuiches, and Craig Harris for their unwavering interest, timely insights, and patient support. Their critical examination of my research, their fruitful comments, and their cordial guidance and encouragement are genuine expressions of the meaning of academia. Gratitude is also extended to Calvin L. Beale, Director, iii Population Studies Program, Economics and Statistics Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Administration, the Farmers Home and Michigan AES Project 1062 for the funding of the larger project on Community Impacts of Nonmetropolitan Growth of which this study is a part. I wish to further acknowledge Dr. Thomas Koebernick, Department of Sociology, Wright State University, and Fredrick Frankena, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, for their assistance in the data collection. A special note of thanks is also extended to the residents of Osceola County. Their friendliness and generous assistance made this research an enjoyable experience. Ironically, the person I owe the most thanks to I have chosen to acknowledge last — she would have insisted on. advisor, and counselor, in the modest and humble way She has served as editor, the person behind the scene who receives most of the frustration and grief and rarely ever the glory or recognition. To my wife, take for granted the meaning of giving. Polly, may we never TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES ......................................... viii ........................................ Xi Chapter I. II. INTRODUCTION ................................ 1 ........ 10 THE BIRTH AND GROWTH OF A COUNTY Early Settlers ........................... Osceola's Post 1870 Population Boom .... The Economy ............................... .............. Osceola's Economic Shift Manufacturing Growth .................. Other Economic Sector Gains .......... Political Developments .................. Social Organization ...................... Evolutionary Perspectives ............... III. IV. THE POPULATION RENAISSANCE: 1960-1980 13 21 28 33 35 36 37 41 44 ... 47 Characteristics of Turnaround Migrants • Tracing Migrants ......................... .......... Prospective Migrants' Origins Motivations for Moving .................. Osceola Movers and Their Motivations ... Why Migrants Left When They Did ...... ......... Factors Motivating Departure Factors Motivating Selection of Destination ............................ Destinations Selectivity in Osceola County .................................... Interactional Network Ties ........... ................ Informational Networks Summary ................................... 49 50 56 60 61 62 63 .... 80 Education ................................. Osceola's Educational System ......... Enrollment .............................. 83 84 87 INSTITUTIONAL IMPACTS OF RAPID GROWTH v 64 65 68 70 79 Chapter Page Impacts of Population Growth on Osceola Schools .......................... .................... Physical Facilities Programs ................................ Bond Issues and Millage Requests ... Drop-Outs ............................... .............................. Transients Delinquency ............................. Summary ................................... Government .................................. Osceola County's Governmental .................................... System Growth Awareness ......................... Government Officials' Reaction to Growth ............................ Growth Issues Confronting Osceola's Governments .............................. Road Maintenance ...................... Waste Disposal ....................... ................................... Crime Taxes ................................... Growth Management ........................ Summary ................................... ..................................... Economy Expansion in Manufacturing ............. Declining Farms and Farm Land .......... Shifts in Retail Trade..... ................ Economic Impacts of Population Growth ..................................... Inflated Dependency Ratios ........... Changing Land Use Patterns ........... Inflated Property Assessment ......... Recreation and Tourism ................ ................................... Summary Religion .................................... Health and Social Services ................ Gains in Medical Personnel and Facilities ............................... Expanded Mental Health Services ........ Shifts in Health Delivery .............. Increased Social Service Needs ......... Elderly ................................. Youth ................................... Welfare ................................. Summary ................................... Summary ..................................... V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND IMPLICATIONS .... Summary of Findings ....................... Population Renaissance..... ................ vi 89 89 91 94 96 97 98 100 102 103 107 109 110 112 114 115 117 119 121 124 124 129 130 130 131 133 139 140 141 143 147 148 149 151 151 152 154 155 157 159 161 162 163 Chapter ENDNOTES REFERENCES Page Institutional Impacts ................. ............................ Education Government ........................... Economy ............................... Religion .............*............... Health and Social Services ......... Conclusion and Implications ............. Future of Amenity Locations .......... Retirement and Rural Amercia ......... Rural Transportation Systems ......... Effects on Informal Rural ........................... Institutions Methodological Note ...................... 166 166 167 168 170 17 0 171 171 17 3 174 ................................................ 178 .............................................. 186 vii 174 17 6 LIST OF TABLES Table 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. Page Birth Place of Residents by Age Grouping, Osceola County, 1 8 7 0 ................................... 14 Birth Place of Foreign Born Residents by Age Grouping, Osceola County, 1 8 7 0 ....................... 16 Population of Townships and Places in Osceola County, 1 87 0- 1 9 8 0...................................... 24 Age Distribution by Sex of Osceola County Residents, 1870, 1930 and 1 9 7 0 ....................... 26 Persons Engaged in Gainful Occupations by Industry for Osceola County, 1870, 1930 and 1 9 7 0 ..................................................... 29 Number and Size of Farms and Major Crops Grown, Osceola County, 1900, 1935 and 1 9 7 4 .................. 31 Percent of Persons Employed by Industrial Grouping by Sex for Osceola County, 1870, 1930, and 1 9 7 0 .......................................... 32 Population Trends for Osceola County's Townships and Municipalities, 1950 to 1 9 8 0 ..................... 48 Housing Unit Counts and Septic Tank Applications by Township and Municipality, Osceola County 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 8 0 ............................................... 53 Number and Percent of Applicants for Septic Tank Approval by Type of Current Re si d e n c e ................ 55 Number and Percent of Intercounty Applicants by Type of Current Re si d e n c e .......................... 57 Number of Intercounty Applicants for Septic Tank Approval and Section Location, by Type of Amenity in Se ctions................................. 67 viii Table 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. Page Origin and Networks of Intercounty Applicants for Septic Tank Approval in Osceola County by Zip Code R e g i o n ...................................... 72 Destination Sites of Networks by Area of Origin Delineation and Number of Intercounty Applicants in Destination Section (in P e r c e n t ) ............... 74 Destination Sites of Networks by Total Intercounty Applicants Wi th in Destination Section by Origin Community Size and Sector ........................... Location (in Percent). 78 Growth-Related Articles Published in the Osceola County Herald by Subject Natter and Year, 1970 through 1980. 82 Percent Change in Public School Enrollment, K Through 12, 1971-72 Through 1978-79, Districts Comprising Osceola County, Michigan. .......... 86 Selected Characteristics of Osceola's School Districts, 1970 to 1 9 7 9 ............................. 92 Osceola County Budget Appropriations, 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 8 0 ............................................. Ill Osceola Road Commission Budgets, 1970 to 1 9 7 8 ................................................... 113 Equalized Property and Total Valuations for Cities and Townships in Osceola County, 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 8 0 ............................................. 118 Labor and Proprietors' Earnings in Selected Economic Sectors in Osceola County and Ranking among Michigan Counties, 1971 and 1 9 7 8 ............ 126 Employment by Industry, Osceola County 1970 to 1 9 7 8 ................................................ 127 Land Use of Parcels Sectioned Off in Osceola County, 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 7 8 .................................... 134 Location of Parcels of Land Sectioned Off Between 1970 and 197 8 in Osceola County and Designated as Small Tr a c t s / S u b d i v i s i o n s ....................... 136 ix Table 26. 27. Page Location of Parcels of Land Sectioned off Between 1970 and 197 8 in Osceola C o u n t y ................... 137 A Comparison of Clergy RESPONSES about Church Related Activity Among "Old-Timers" and Newcomers in Osceola C o u n t y ................................... 145 x LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page .............................. 6 ....... 7 Location of First Village and Road in Osceola County ................................. 12 Location of Major Highways and Railroad Lines, ................................. Osceola County 18 Known Population Centers in Osceola County, Michigan ........................................ 23 Age Distribution by Sex for Osceola County, 1870, 1930 and 1970 25 Dates at which Townships Organized, Osceola County, Michigan ............................... 39 Building Site Locations, and Existing Land Use, Osceola County, 1970 52 Michigan's Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSA's) and Major Urban Centers, 1970 59 Development Areas with High Concentration of Applications for Septic Tank Permits, Osceola County, 1970-1980 66 11. Zip Code Regions in Michigan 73 12. SMSA Counties in Michigan and Distance from Osceola County, 1970 75 Location of School Districts in Osceola County, Michigan ........................................ 85 Percent Change in School Enrollments; 1972-73 through 197 8-7 9, Michigan, Osceola County and its School Districts .......................... 88 1. Michigan Counties 2. Study Site: 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 13. 14. 15. Osceola County, Michigan .................. Osceola County Commission Districts, 1979 xi ... 104 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION During the decade of the 1970's, the established trend of migration from rural areas to metropolitan centers actually waned and began to reverse itself in the U.S. (Beale, 1975). This phenomenon, however, was not restricted to the U.S., but appeared in other industrialized nations (Vining and Kontuly, 197 8). The rural renaissance occurred rapidly within the U.S., beginning in the North and quickly spreading to other parts of the nation. Baffled as to the characteristics of the population "turnaround" and concerned by its intensity and breadth, scholars concluded that a new, or at least more complicated pattern of settlement, was emerging which necessitated scientific inquiry Morrison, (McCarthy and 1978). Investigations into the characteristics of migrants opting to relocate in rural areas reveal that they are, on the whole, younger, more educated, and of a higher socioeconomic status than other members of previous nonmetropolitan in-migrant streams or of native rural populations. professionals, stages Their numbers include well educated elderly retirees, and those in early career (Ploch, 197 8; DeJong and Humphrey, 1976). 1 2 Further studies of urban to rural migrants' selection of nonmetropolitan environs suggest that their motivations are less economic than most previous migrants in that "quality of life" considerations are now stressed (U.S. Census, 1979; Williams and Sofranko, 1979; Voss and Fuguitt, 1979) . This is convincingly corroborated by the fact that numerous bucolic counties, with few plausible economic catalysts for growth, are posting marked population increases 1977; Bowles and Beale, 1980). Similarily, (Zelinsky, counties experiencing the most pronounced changes are exhibiting the lowest rate of commuting (Morrison and Wheeler, 1976) which tends to eliminate "bedroom" communities as a dominant explanation of growth. Accenting this marked departure from previous decades, evidence shows that rural migrants do not seem to require close proximity to urban centers, ties are opting to sever urban (Voss, 1979), and are often moving into areas at considerable distance from metropolitan centers Fuguitt, 1978). (Beale and Destinations are frequently retirement or recreational environments (McCarthy and Morrison, 1978; Beale, 1976; Campbell, 1975) . intriguing query: Such analyses raise an Why has this trend surfaced? Several explanations for the emerging rural influx have been proposed. Recently, Beale (1976) synthesized migrants' motivations into several major push-pull categories, which include the desire to escape the cities' unfavorable images, the near elimination of the urban-rural gap in material 3 conveniences, and the growth of post high school educational facilities in rural areas. Morrison and Wheeler (1976) assert that affluence as well as various structural and lifesyle changes 1 in the U.S. have given rise to a "floating population" which, circumstances, seemingly unrestricted by economic acts upon an expressed preference for rural residential locations. As they view it, liberal policies regarding government transfer payments welfare, etc.) (i.e. social security, are an example of one stimulus in a complex web of catalysts. Althought little doubt remains as to the authenticity of the rural renaissance, debate rages over its longevity. Some scholars suggest that the trend toward rural living will be truncated by the current economic situation U.S. Congress, (Rainely, 1976; 1974) , while others propose that the rising cost of energy may promote less traditional lifestyles thus enhancing rural growth 1977). (Frankena, 1978; Miernyk, et al., Regardless of one's leanings, we can only predict the turnaround's longevity and strive to more fully understand its consequences. Since previous explanations of suburbanization, employment d ec en t r a l i z a t i o n 2, and urban sprawl3 no longer entirely explain rural development (McCarthy and Morrison, 1978), there is a void of information needed by planners and policymakers in order to anticipate the effects of changing demographic circumstances of their communities. the apparent shift in migrants' Furthermore, motivations has dramatically 4 altered rural settlement patterns, consequences for land use, which may have serious environmental quality, and the overall organizational and institutional structure of rural governmental systems. Additional questions remain concerning the effects of rapid growth on traditional4 rural cultures and life styles. The lack of scientific scrutiny into these areas diminishes the amount and diversity of information available to policy makers and potentially retards the timely development of growth strategies that may curb an array of long range negative consequences for rural America. response to this concern, In the following chapters attempt to document the effects of rapid growth on the institutional structure of a nonmetropolitan Michigan county. It is postulated that the type and intensity of impact experienced by a nonmetropolitan turnaround county system as a result of rapid, predominately urban origin inmigration, is a consequence of the i n m i g r a n t s ' pattern of settlement and composition of the migrant stream. Attention is directed at determining w here m igrants are settling within the nonmetropolitan county, the characteristics of the migrant stream, and the impact these two factors have on the institutional structures of the county. A fundamental objective of this study is to assess the impacts of rapid population growth in a nonmetropolitan county. One may speculate that growth in isolated pockets may suppress county governmental officials' awareness of 5 growth while concurrently localizing environmental impacts. In the following chapters, investigated. this conjecture will be Augmenting the inquiry is a descriptive analysis of the institutional disruptions which the county has incurred. The analysis will focus on a nonmetropolitan Michigan county during the decade from 1970 to 1980. The approach of this study is descriptive in nature. Utilizing an array of field method techniques, the bulk of the data consists of: 2) printed materials, 1) personal interviews; including records, minutes, centennial publications; 3) census; 4) other government documents Economic Development Plans, Financial Reports, etc.); newspapers; and 6) personal observations. (eg. 5) To facilitate the reader's insight, a detailed description of these data are given as they are encountered in the study. The county selected for observation is Osceola, located in northwest Michigan about seventy five miles directly north of Grand Rapids and adjacent to the Manistee National Forest (see Figure 1). Three major highways pass through the heavily forested county; numerous lakes are nestled in the rolling hills and woods. The Muskegon River bisects the county's southeastern edge, while four other smaller rivers (Hersey, Chippewa, Pine and Middle Branch) county's four corners. cut across the A state forest tends to make the center of the county sparsely populated (see Figure 2). Osceola County contains six towns and villages. largest town is Reed City, The the county seat, whose population 6 rciiTgr Study Site raxmsr Figure 1. Michigan Counties 7 OSCEOLA COUNTY MICHIGAN Wexford Co. Sherman ee Tuscln N Hartwick Ro I Marion! I Middle1 Branch Co LeRoy Marion Highland Clare LeRoy _£L Osceola incoln Sylvai o arc icfimond Hersey vart Reei Mecoaca Co. Figure 2. Study Site: Osceola County# Michigan Orient 8 (2,286 in 1970) decreased slightly during the decade. Evart, the second largest town, grew modestly, with a 13% gain by April, 1980. The other smaller villages, Tustin, Hersey, LeRoy, and Marion gained at different rates, however, all remained at less than 900 people by 1980. Overall, the county's population increased at a rate of 27.2% from 1970 to 1980 (partly from a net gain of 3,000 migrants), after four previous decades of net outmigration. Since the towns and villages accounted for only 6% of the county's growth, the major change occurred in the open country. Osceola was selected for study because its growth is attributed to retirement, manufacturing, recreation, and small-scale factors viewed by Beale related to the turnaround. (1976) as key elements The county is readily accessible due to its three major interstate highways. Osceola's population is relatively small, Moreover, thus it is a more manageable study site. Entree into the county was established in late spring of 1979 via an initial visit with Agricultural Extension personnel. Actual fieldwork began in the summer of 197 9, after a preparatory period including the collection of census data and a content analysis of the county's weekly newspaper, the Osceola County Herald, from 1970-1979. To establish a proper perspective for understanding the county, its people, and the setting in which the turnaround occurred, the beginning chapters are devoted to a brief historical glance of the county. Information from centennial 9 publications, newspaper articles, and various archival sources are drawn upon. Subsequent chapters focus on the population influx which occurred during the 1970's and the resultant environmental and institutional impacts. A concluding section discusses the ramifications of these events and possible policy strategies which may assist planners in formulating long range schemes to eliminate or moderate deleterious growth impacts. CHAPTER II THE BIRTH AND GROWTH OF A COUNTY The beginning stages of Osceola County's settlement are, unfortunately, largely unpreserved in written documents. However, via stories, biographies and other details verbally passed down through generations, one can assemble an overview of the early residents of the county. Prior to the early surveyors who sectioned off the territory during the mid part of the last century, roamed the land. Ottawa, Chippewa, and Potawatomi Indians The hardwood forests of the territory provided excellent winter hunting grounds for these early residents who, after maple sugaring in early spring, returned to the coast line region of Lake Michigan to cultivate corn and other crops (Osceola County Herald, 1974e). It is uncertain how many Indian villages were in the area, or the number of persons who occupied the land. However, the largest Indian activity in Michigan is believed to have been centered in the Muskegon Valley, including Lake, Osceola, and Newaygo counties. Pioneers were first known to have ventured into the territory during the late 1830's, mainly for trapping and fur trading. Similar to their predecessors, little information has been recorded concerning their adventures; and rivers still bear their names 10 several towns (eg., H e r s e y ) . 11 In 1838, the land encompassing Osceola County was surveyed in accordance with an act of the Michigan State Legislature. Two years later on April 1, 1840, the survey was approved and the land was given the name Un-wa-tin in honor of an Ottawa Indian chief named in Washington's 1836 treaty. At this juncture the territory was still politically a part of Ottawa County. Surprisingly, Legislature renamed the county Osceola, three years later the to honor a Florida Seminole chief. According to several reports, no one permanently settled the land until 1851 when a logger named Delos (Doc) Blodgett took up residency in what is now section 19 of Hersey Township (see Figure 3). Within a short span of time, a lumbering camp w as constructed under the supervision of "Doc" and his partner T. Stinson. River to transport logs, Utilizing oxen and the Muskegon their operation grew in a span of a few years to gross 30 million feet of logs annually. A road accommodating wagons was blazed in 1855 paralleling the Muskegon River from Big Rapids to Houghton Lake (see Figure 3). growth of the county. This corridor greatly facilitated the In 1860, a census of the area recorded 27 settlers in the territory. area's first railroad However, by the advent of the (Flint and Pere Marquette) in 1870, nearly 2,100 people had moved into its scenic wilderness. During those fifteen years Osceola had shifted from being politically a part of Ottawa County County (until 1857), Newago (until 185 9) , and Mecosta County until 1869 when it 12 OSCEOLA COUNTY MICHIGAN Burdell Highland Marion Roselake Hartwick Middle Branch ton LeRoy Sherman incoln icnmond Cedar Osceola Evart Orient Assumed Route Figure 3. Location of First Village and Road in Osceola County. 13 was organized as an independent political unit. A description of the people who settled this l a n d r their economic and social activity, and the county's early political development follows. EARLY SETTLERS Historically, migrants who settled the U. S., at least in its early stages, followed a general pattern of movement from east to west along well defined lines. waves of settlers, The progressive uniquely preserved in Census documents via records of family members' birth places, are striking. A U.S. Census Bureau statute allows one access to original census records if 80 years has elapsed from the date it was taken. Enumerations in Osceola County prior to 1890, therefore, are available to the public. fortunate opportunity, Utilizing this I coded Osceola's entire 1870 Census counts for computer analysis. The 1870 Census, or Osceola's second official enumeration, was analyzed due to the small county population in the previous census the enumeration is the age, occupation, (N-27). Included in birth place, and parental birth place of each family member (Nc2,093). As shown in Table 1, more than one out of three (35.6%) residents of Osceola County 18 years of age or older, presumably the first settlers, countries. originated from foreign Considerably fewer children, were foreign born (24.0%) those less than 18, with slightly more than 44 percent of youngsters being native Michiganians. 14 Table 1. Birth Place of Residents by Age Grouping, Osceola County, 1870. AGE GROUPING 0*-17 BIRTH PLACE No. New England Maine Vermont New Hampshire Massachusetts Connecticut Rhode island 11 2 7 - Middle Atlantic New York Pennsylvania New Jersey 122 87 35 East North Central Michigan Ohio Indiana Illinois Wisconsin 603 443 78 67 7 8 West North Centred Minnesota Iowa Missouri Nebraska Kansas 21 South Atlantic Virginia South Carolina Foreign TOTAL % No. 1.1 .2 .7 - — — 2 .2 — — 12.2 8.7 3.5 60.3 44.2 7.8 6.7 .7 .8 1 17 1 2.1 .1 1.7 .1 - - 2 4 - 4 240 1001 Total 18 & over « No. % 41 10 14 3 6 6 2 3.9 .9 1.3 .3 .6 .6 .2 52 12 21 3 6 8 2 2.5 .6 1.0 .1 .3 .4 .1 326 259 64 3 31.1 24.7 6.1 .3 448 346 99 3 21.9 16.9 4.9 .1 291 104 155 26 3 3 27.7 9.9 14.7 2.5 .3 .3 894 547 233 93 10 11 43.6 26.7 11.4 4.4 .5 .6 28 1 18 1 1 7 1.3 * .9 * * .4 .7 7 - 1 — - .1 — .2 1 5 .1 .5 .4 — .4 10 3 7 1.0 .3 .7 14 3 11 .7 .1 .6 24.0 374 35.6 614 30.0 100.0% 1049 100.0% 2050 100.0% ♦Less than .1% Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1870. 15 The gradual westward movement of earlier generations of foreign inmigrants is apparent in the fact that 46% of the residents 18 years of age or o l d e r r were born in the contiguous states of New York and Ohio (14.7%) • (24.7%), Pennsylvania (6.1%) The migra ti on pattern of these early pioneers, would be succinctly described by tracing the movement of the family as a unit, via the birth place of each member in the family. However, such a diagram is too cumbersome to demonstrate effectively the migration pattern of the 440 resident families of Osceola County in 1870. Rather, the following example may suffice in illustrating the lateral movement of settlers during the era. According to Census e n u m e r a t o r s 5 , Oswald Esner, one of many German farmers born around 1831, migrated to the U.S. sometime thereafter. Around 1844, Electra Esner, presumably his wife was born in New York. Within the next 10 years, the Esner family traveled to Ohio where Hannah was born around 1855. Two years later Martha Esner was born, also somewhere in Ohio. Once again the Esner family pushed westward traveling to Michigan where Lewis was born around 1864. Two years later Albert Esner was born, presumably in Lincoln Township where the Esner family resided during the 1870 Census. Slightly more than 53% of foreigners in Osceola during this time were born in Canada, primarily Ontario 2)• (see Table It appears that Osceola County may have been a temporary stopping point for some Canadians, the high ratio of young to old a speculation implicit in (see Table 2). Germans, Irish, and English accounted for an additional 43.8% of the foreign inmigrants. Several factors contributed to the movement of different ethnic groups to Osceola, railroad and lumber industry. including the 16 Table 2. Birth Place of Foreign Born Residents by Age Grouping, Osceola County, 1870. AGE GROUPING BIRTH PLACE 0--17 No. England Canada Germany * Scotland Switzerland Norway Ireland Wales France # Nassau TOTAL 3 208 29 - % 1.2 86.6 12.2 - - - - - — — - - - - — — 240 Total 18 & over 100.0% No. % No. % 28 121 175 5 3 3 34 1 2 2 7.5 32.4 46.8 1.3 .8 .8 9.1 .3 .5 .5 31 329 204 5 3 3 34 1 2 2 5.0 53.6 33.3 .8 .5 .5 5.5 .2 .3 .3 374 100.0% 614 100.0% * Germany includes Bavaria, Prussia, Saxony, and Selecia (spelling appears as written in Census Records). # France includes Elsess Alcare (spelling appears as written in Census Records). Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1870. 17 The Irish, for example, played an important part in the construction of the railroad during the mid 1800*s. Grand Rapids and Indiana Railroad, The later known as the Pennsylvania Central, expanded northward from Big Rapids. A second major carrier traversing the territory was the Flint and Pere Marquette (now the Chesapeake and Ohio) which pushed westward through Evart and eventually intersected the G R & I at Todd's Slashing (see Figure 4). At this junction, many of the Irish opted to settle, congregating on the east side of the newly developing village which later became Reed City. As a result, the east side of Reed City still bears the name "Irish T o w n ”, named after the area's large settlement of Irish during the 1870's (White, 1975:12). Early Swedish immigrants, similar to the Irish, were also attracted to the territory by the railroads. unlike the Irish, County. Rev. the Swedes were actually recruited to the Isaac Tustin traveled to Sweden to hire laborers for the Grand Rapids and Indiana Railroad 1971). However, (Holmes, It is reported that he offered free transportation and inexpensive land in return for employment on the railroad. His successful recruitment campaign combined with 40 acres of land donated by the railroad conditions that a church, (under the school and cemetery would be constructed), provided the ingredients for the founding of Tustin village. The original colony was settled by 80 families or approximately 300 people (Smith, 1884). Nearly a century later, on October 7, 1979, a plaque located at the 18 OSCEOLA COUNTY MICHIGAN Sherman Burdell Highland Marion Marion Tuaqin Roselake Hartwick Middle Branch Osceola Sylvan cn Cedar Lincoln o> O' Evart •Richmond Kersey art Orien U.St.10 — Major Highway m n Railroad 'if Sice Figure 4. of Swedish Dedication Plaque Location of Major Highways and Railroad L i n e s r Osceola County. 19 scenic turnout on U. S. 131, just north of the Marion exit (see Figure 4), was dedicated to the descendents of Swedish pioneers who settled the territory (Osceola County Herald, 1 97 9d) . Highland Township was the destination of many of the migrants from Holland. the township. By 1880, nearly 200 people lived in Interestingly, during this period, Highland was known for its production of "gentian", a herb used as a stomach tonic. Hundreds of pound^ of the herb were marketed annually by the people of Highland Township (Smith, 1884). German immigrants were the second largest ethnic population in the county. During the 1870's, approximately one of every five settlers in the county was of German descent, that is, approximately 400 of the county's 2,093 residents. Richmond Township became the home of 350 of these German descendants, accounting for more than half the township's population Canadians, (Holmes, 1971). also numerous in Osceola in 1870, tended to settle in Richmond and Lincoln townships. According to the 1870 Census, 62% of the native Canadians in Osceola resided in Richmond township. Neighboring Lincoln township attracted the second highest proportion of Canadian migrants. Few native Americans (Indians) during the last half of the 1800's. Census, However, lived in the county According to the 1870 less than a dozen Indians resided in wigwams. those that did usually camped north of Reed City. White reports, the Indians made baskets, fascinated the local 20 people by their handiwork, and exchanged their wares for food {White, 1975:11). Apparently, hostility to the Indians was commonplace during this period, but, as to the issues involved little evidence exists (Rose, 1972:4) . Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that the Native American population in the territory, rapidly vanished. A similar social commentary is found with respect to Osceola's black population. rare to the county. In the late 1800's, blacks were Obviously, one reason was their lack of geographic mobility. Although freed from slavery in 1865, blacks often had a difficult time raising sufficient funds to migrate. Compounding this situation were the negative attitudes toward blacks. Daniel White, A tragic instance, was that of the first known black in Osceola County. Homesteading land in section 30 of Highland township, became the county's first documented murder victim 1975:19) . he (White, The only other known black family during that time was the Smiths, freed slaves from Kentucky, who purchased 20 acres of land in Lincoln Township in 1873. book by Harry Smith, According to the "Fifty Years of Slavery in the U. S.7 ", the Smiths were also subjected to harsh treatment. Ironically, they built a dance hall on their property which was a major entertainment attraction during that period (White, 1975:19). It appears that Harry Smith was quite adept at dancing and story telling, entertainment. the county Presently, and added much to the in 1980, only 17 blacks reside in (U.S. Census, 1981). 21 OSCEOLA*S POST 1870 POPULATION BOOM Osceola's population rapidly expanded after 1870. Easy access to the county was made possible by one of four railroads completed after 1870, along with numerous stagecoaches which traveled through the territory. publicity about the "land of green gold" Osceola with migrants, (lumber) Extensive inundated especially from the east coast, eager to establish their fortunes. In 1871, it was not uncommon for 100 people to arrive in one day via rail or stagecoach (Rose, 1972:15). The tremendous population influx rivals that of modern boomtowns as 400 lots were sold and 67 new building we re constructed in Evart, months of 1872 (Rose, 1972:17). during the first six Even though 70 full time carpenters were employed in Evart during that year, wa iting list for construction was quite extensive County Herald, 197 8 b ) . one of exploitation; $80,000 the (Osceola This period of prosperity was also two Evart merch an t s alone grossed nearly in goods sold during the first six months of 1872 (Rose, 1972:15). Population expansion was not only confined to the villages, but rapidly spread to the surrounding land. additional impetus was homestead land. Northern Michigan was designated by the governor as homestead territory, Homestead Act of 1862 legislation, (Rose, 1972:3) . An under the According to this a person could acquire 80 acres of land if he or she successfully cleared two acres each year for four years. 22 while improving, fencing, and building a house on the property where residency was established. Moreover, Civil War veterans could homestead twice the amount of land, or 16 0 acres. By 1880, immigrant families passing through the villages of Osceola enroute to the outlying territory were commonplace. According to the Census Bureau, villages at that time were Reed City and Hersey (472). dotted the county the major (1,091), Evart (1,302) However, numerous other smaller villages (see Figure 5). Osceola's population continued to expand rapidly until 1910, when lumber and related industries declined due to depleted forests followed, (Table 3). During the 20 years that the county lost 5,083 residents. It was not until after 1970 that Osceola's population reached the zenith it established during the lumbering boom days. With the rapid development of Osceola County before the turn of the century, and the subsequent rapid population decline that followed, the composition of its population changed significantly. The early pioneers of the county were, according to the 1870 Census, predominately young or middle aged men and women and their families. In 1870, 38.5% of Osceola's population were between the ages of 19 and 45, as seen in Figure 6 and Table 4. Since relatively large families were common during this period a significant portion (42.7%) of the residents of Osceola were children less than 15, as depicted in the large base of the population pyramid 23 OSCEOLA COUNTY MICHIGAN Burdell Tustin □ I j Marion □ I L DightonQ LeRoy Marion Highland Sherman Lake Hartwick | 1 I LeRo Middle Branch I Avondaleq ! | Corner Q ( ____________ L lshtoi0 Cedar Lincoln Sylvan Osceola \Orono Evart Richmond Reed City Hersey p-j Heraeyii—I I I Evart I SparP Orient | ChippevaQ I I I I I __________ I____________ Figure 5. Known Population Centers in Osceola County, Michigan. Table 3. Population of Townships and Places in Osoeola County, 1070-1980. TONNSHIP/fUCE Osceola County Durdell Township TUstin Village Cedar Township Evart City Evart Township Hartwick Township Hersey Township Hersey Village Highland Township LeRoy Township LeRoy Village Lincoln Township Marion Township Marion Village Middle Branch TVp Orient Township Osoeola Township Reed City City Richmond Township Rose Lake Towndiip Sherman Township Sylvan Township 1870 1 2,093 168 47 286 58 148 334 49 54 137 653 116 43 1880 2 1890 5 1900 3 1910 3 1920 3 1930 1940 1950 4 1960 1970 1980 10,717 14,630 17,859 17,889 15,221 12,806 13,309 13,797 13,595 14,838 18,879 547 734 336 1,269 1,215 417 908 328 326 1,087 452 1,084 1,042 219 707 1,550 1,776 3,064 627 810 504 1,359 303 314 1,360 1,194 540 1,157 327 792 1,312 375 1,250 1,253 741 518 758 1,697 2,051 3,401 659 1,002 653 1,183 371 249 1,386 1,077 652 1,064 310 1,417 1,033 331 1,020 1,562 767 520 763 1,705 1,690 2,855 704 1,451 724 906 281 228 1,326 1,019 519 926 284 1,132 799 642 842 1,428 708 425 654 1,476 1,803 2,748 469 1,091 559 762 253 179 1,301 875 442 701 279 841 739 270 701 1,092 607 389 488 1,433 1,792 2,677 357 734 396 747 232 203 1,335 503 481 615 202 937 708 274 658 1,334 710 430 513 591 1,845 865 362 690 492 698 229 158 1,578 544 374 521 239 810 634 243 860 1,417 879 472 426 509 2,241 1,197 323 574 461 685 248 102 1,775 526 368 645 246 659 617 267 889 1,417 898 403 382 519 2,184 1,135 292 544 453 737 230 103 1,707 582 406 815 276 712 644 248 910 1,427 891 541 552 623 2,286 1,318 380 608 487 1,084 264 238 1,931 1,025 423 1,229 364 1,059 858 295 1,168 1,487 819 640 637 927 2,214 1,630 834 839 656 - 374 (1,302) 1,077 239 778 (472) 198 619 - 902 92 169 508 1,318 (1,091) 2,352 470 568 366 1 In 1070, airdell was part of LeRoy Tavnship, Cedar was part ofLincoln Township,Marion and Rose Lake was part of Lincoln Township. waspart ofMidUe 2 Evart City is included in Evart and Osoeola Townships, Reed City City isincluded inRicnmondTownship is included in Hersey and Richmond Townships. * Evart City is included in Evart and Osceola Townships and Reed City is included in Richmond Township. 4 Hersey Village is included in Hersey and Richmond Townships. Source: U.S. Decennial Censuses of Population. Br<*Kh Township and Hersey Village m/n rrtM r5 mr> irmrs 1*110 ifwurs fr 55 45 I IDM J* j c 0 mtcMf Source: Figure 6. 10 s 4 ? I 4 6 _1 L lT7~~r 0 n*TFlrl See Table 4 Age Distribution by Sex for Osceola County, 1870, 1930, and 1970. N> le 4. Age Distribution by Sex of Osoeola County Residents, 1870, 1930 and 1970. 1670 (tale 1930 Ftanale Tbtal No. t No. 1 No. 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 189 158 119 86 93 117 102 9.0 7.6 5.7 4.1 4.4 5.6 4.9 167 133 129 80 109 85 73 8.0 6.3 6.1 3.8 5.3 4.1 3.5 356 291 248 166 202 202 175 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 + Unknown 134 78 52 14 6.4 3.7 2.5 .7 89 47 21 13 4.3 2.3 1.0 .6 .1 223 125 73 27 5 54.6% 946 45.4% Total 1 ,147 Median Age Source: U.S. U.S. U.S. 20.5 17.3 2,093 Male 1970 Female Total No. No. t No. % 17.0 13.9 11.8 7.9 9.7 9.7 8.4 636 670 719 665 416 359 351 5.0 5.2 5.6 5.2 3.2 2.8 2.7 628 725 658 562 372 307 344 4.9 5.7 5.2 4.4 2.9 2.4 2.7 1264 1395 1377 1227 788 666 695 10.7 6.0 3.5 1.3 .1 788 733 659 709 8 6.2 5.7 5.2 5.5 .1 748 669 557 523 5.8 5.2 4.3 4.1 1536 1402 1216 1232 8 % 100.0% 19.1 6,713 52.4% 28.0 Censusof Population, 1870; Censusof Population, 1930 vol. 3(l):Tsble 11; Censusof Population, 1970 PC(l)-B24:Table 35. 6,093 47.6% 12,806 26.1 1 Male Fatale No. « 9.9 10.9 10.8 9.6 6.2 5.2 5.4 644 738 854 750 463 370 400 4.4 5.0 5.8 5.1 3.0 2.5 2.7 12.0 10.9 9.5 9.6 .1 759 721 705 848 5.1 4.9 4.8 5.7 100.0% 27.1 7,252 27.4 49.0% No. Total % No. % 595 803 864 729 497 406 420 4.0 5.4 5.8 4.9 3.4 2.7 2.8 1,239 1,541 1,718 1,479 960 776 820 8.4 10.4 11.6 10.0 6.4 5.2 5.5 792 798 731 951 5.4 5.3 4.9 6.4 1,551 1,519 1,436 1,799 — 10.5 10.2 9.7 12.1 7,586 28.8 51.0% 14,838 100.0% 28.1 27 in Figure 6. After the turn of the century, several significant events shifted the composition of Osceola's population. D epressed by the exhausted lumber industry, the County's economy fostered the out-migration of its young adults, who according to population trends, most often relocated in the urban areas of the state or nation As a result of this exodus, (Price and Sikes, 1975) . the pool of young m e n and women w or kers in Osceola rapidly diminished. cohort of children dwindled, Simultaneously, reflecting the outmigration of those in the early childbearing years. Furthermore, resident population of the county gradually aged, its elderly population. young workers elderly in 1870 to 31.6% the (less than 15 years old) in 1930 . The pool of (20-34) declined from 27.8% to 16.8%, while the (65 and over) increased from 1.3% of the county's p opulation in 1870 to 9.6% period, the inflating As a result of this trend, proportion of children in the county dropped from 42.7% the in 1930. During this sixty year the me di an age of the county's population rose 8 years; women's median age rose 8.8 years The trend of outmigration, early career stages, particularly for those in continued as evident by the relatively small proportion of persons the county in 1970 (see Table 4). (20-34 years of age) (see Figure 6 and Table 4). residing in An increased movement of retirees into the nonmetropolitan counties of Northern Michigan also began after W o rl d War II and Beegle, 1978). (Koebernick This added dimension to Osceola's 28 population redistribution caused the number of senior citizens (65 and over) population by 1970. to swell to 12.1% of the county's The average life expectancy of women continually rose over this time span to exceed men's by 7.7 years in 1970 elderly, (Verway, 1979) . Given the large contingent of the median age of women in the county surpassed that of men in 1970, 28.8 to 27.4, respectively. THE ECONOMY Agriculture accounted for 77.9% of those gainfully employed in Osceola in 1870 (Table 5). Interestingly, the Census Bureau reports that 72.6% of these workers were farmers. However, dual occupations were common, the summer months and lumbering in the winter) (farming in which may account for the low proportion of reported lumber workers. This discrepancy is apparent since lumber, or "green gold" as it was referred to, is viewed as the initial economic catalyst which attracted people to the county (Rose, 197 2) • In 1873, eleven lumber mills were operating in the county, seven of which were near Evart. lumbering industry, The magnitude of the rapidly depleted the supply of timber. By 1882, one half of the virgin pine forests, estimated at 100,000 acres, were cut or destroyed by fires which frequently ravaged the land (Rose, 1972) . Agricultrual crop production rapidly grew in its contribution to the county's economy. In 1882, the farmers of Osceola were producing three times the food needs of its Table 5. Persons Engaged in Gainful Occupations by Industry for Osoeola Cotnty, 1670, 1930 and 1970. INDUSTRY GROUP TOtal Employed, 16 Years Old and Over YEAR "1870 No. % All Industries 599 Agriculture Faroing/Fam Managers Faro Laborers Forestry/Fishing Extraction of Minerals 466 77.9 434 72.6 26 4.3 6 1.0 — - Manufacturing/Mechanical Saw Mills, FUmiture and other Woodworking Building/Construction Metal Other 100.04 61 33 20 3 5 1530 No. 4,463 No. % 100.0% 5,044 100.0% 2,569 1,772 731 18 48 57.6 39.7 16.4 .4 1.1 471 293 86 34 58 10.2 5.6 3.3 .5 .8 533 139 139 61 194 11.9 3.1 3.1 1.4 4.3 1.3 1.0 .3 316 71 245 7.1 1.6 5.5 199 18 181 .8 419 300 119 9.4 6.7 2.7 1,014 433 581 20.2 8.6 11.6 191 3.8 8 Trade Wholesale/Retail Other 5 PUblic Service (not elsewhere classified) 2 .3 37 .8 Professional Service Teachers Physicians Legal, Engineering, Others 19 3.2 1.2 .3 1.7 259 * * * 5.8 * * * 798 172 41 585 Domestic and Personal Service Hotel Domestic Other 32 5.3 203 60 139 4 4.5 1.3 3.1 .1 183 Other Industry not Specified 6 127 2.9 5 - 7 2 10 5 17 10 .8 - .8 2.8 1.7 1.0 *not available Source: U.S. U.S. U.S. Censusof Population, 1870; Censusof Population, 1930 vol. 3(l):Tahle 20; Censusof Pojxilation, 1970 PC(1) -C24:Table 123. 9.3 5.8 1.7 .7 1.1 2,188 43.4 67 1.3 4.6 231 323 6.4 1,567 31.1 Transportation/Camunications Railroad Other 6 2 1970" % _ * 74 • 3.9 .3 3.6 15.8 3.4 .8 11.6 3.6 * 1.5 * - to 30 people, and began exporting crops 1978c). (Osceola County Herald, The number of farms rapidly increased to over 2,200 by the turn of the century, with an average size of 82.1 acres (Table 6). At this time slightly more than one half of Osceola's land was utilized in farming operations; potatoes, hay, wheat and corn were the major crops. Dairy farming also was a major agricultural industry, and still remains quite viable. Orchards were numerous during this period with approximately 95,000 trees in the area, 73% of which were apple (U.S. Census of Agriculture, 1902:Table V I I - 2 ) . However, today relatively few orchards remain. Potatoes, the first crop introduced into the county in 1851, thrived especially in the eastern part of the county. By the turn of the century, Tustin was the largest potato shipping center in Michigan. However, increased statewide competition during the next forty years lowered the price of potatoes, eventually shifting Osceola farmers away from potatoes toward grain crops, especially wheat. Today, the large potato warehouses of Tustin remain standing; however, they are empty and deteriorating remanents of a changing era. Although farms encompassed 71.6% of Osceola's land area in the 1 9 3 0 ' s 8, agriculture began waning as a major sector of employment. The total proportion of men employed in agriculture declined from 80.4% Table 7). in 1870 to 63.3% in 1930 (see Interestingly, women's participation in the agricultural sector of the economy increased slightly during that same period, 9.5% to 11.7%, respectively. However, the 31 Table 6. Number and Size of Farms and Major Crops Grown, Osoeola County, 1900, 1935 and 1974. FARM CHARACTERISTIC 1900 1935 Nunber Total All Farms 2,287 2,061 554 187,664 50.5 82.1 * 264,444 71.6 128.3 79,477 117,288 31.5 212.0 45,140 10,699 11,447 14,533 9,014 15,768 1,510 39,495 7,585 11,099 2,186 28,837 209 Size Toted Acres of Farmland Percent of All Land Average Farm Size (Acres) Harvested Cropland Major Crop6 Grown (Total in Acres) Corn Wheat Hay Irish Potatoes 1974 *Data not available (first data on Harvested Cropland available is 1925 which was 79,400) Source: U.S. Census of Agriculture, 1900 vol. 6(1): Tables 10, 22, 55; U.S. Census of Agriculture, 1935 vol. 1(1): Tables 1, 3; U.S. Census of Agruculture, 1974 vol. 1(22): Tables II-l, 11-18, 11-21, 11-23, 11-27. Table 7. Percent of Persons Employed by industrial Grouping by Sex for Osoeola County, 1870, 1930, and 1970. YEAR INDUSTRY GROUP Total Employed, 16 Years Old and Over All Industries (Total Number) 1970 1930 1870 Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total 100.0% 578 100.0% 21 100.0% 599 100.0% 3,967 100.0% 496 100.0% 4,463 100.0% 3,164 100.0% 1,880 100.0% 5,044 9.3 Agriculture 80.4 9.5 77.9 63.3 11.7 57.6 14.9 - Manufacturing/Mechanical 10.4 4.8 10.2 12.8 5.2 11.9 45.8 39.4 43.4 1.3 7.4 4.8 7.1 5.2 1.8 3.9 Transportation/Cannunicaticsis 1.4 - Trade .5 4.5 .8 8.8 13.9 9.4 19.9 20.4 20.2 Public Service (not elsewhere classified) .3 - .3 .8 .8 .8 4.6 2.4 3.8 Professional Service 2.9 9.5 3.2 2.9 29.2 5.8 8.6 28.0 15.8 Domestic and Personal Service 3.1 66.7 5.3 1.1 32.3 4.5 1.0 8.0 3.6 Other 1.0 1.0 2.9 2.1 2.9 - - - - Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1870; U.S. Census of Population, 1930 vol. 3(l):Table 20; U.S. Census of Population, 1970 PC(1)-C24:Table 123. 33 overall decline represents increased competition and downward spiralling farm prices which Osceola's farmers could not withstand, especially due to the county's soil quality, irregular weather conditions, and short growing season (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 4 e ) . As a result, by 1930 the county's economy had gradually shifted toward manufacturing, trade, and transportation industries (see Table 7) . This trend rapidly accelerated after 1940, as numerous small manufacturing companies were attracted to the county. By 1970, 43.4% of the workforce was employed in manufacturing or mechanical industries: both men and women the largest employment sector for (see Table 7). Agriculture's contribution diminished to less than 10% of the workforce. The number of farms dwindled 73% during the forty years while the average size of farms increased 65% to 212 acres. At this juncture, farmland accounted for only 31.5% of Osceola's total territory (see Table 6). OSCEOLA'S ECONOMIC SHIFT Manufacturing, trade, and service sectors of the economy initially only complemented the lumbering industry. For example, numerous saw, grist, and planing mills dotted the territory before the turn of the century. Coupled with these businesses, Osceola County also boasted companies manufacturing wooden chairs, charcoal. furniture, wooden bowls and However, hardwood forests quickly disappeared in the late 1 8 0 0 's, taking with them the economic base which 34 supported many of the towns and residents of Osceola. result, As a such flourishing villages as Brazel, Dewings, McDonald's Switch, Mt. Vernon, Chippewa, Gormer and others vanished with little trace today (Nurnberger, 1 9 7 1 a ) . Lakeview for example, was once a thriving village of over 100 people, located on the shores of Rose Lake, largest lake in Osceola County (see Figure 5). the The village boasted of the largest saw mill in the county, which produced over 50,000 board feet of lumber a day. Considering its shingle mill, general store and dozens of houses, a local paper reported prior to 1900, that the "village will continue to grow and in a short time assume a position among the many other growing villages in the county" Unfortunately, (Nurnberger, 1 9 7 1 d ) . the demise of the lumber industry quickly snuffed the development of Lakeview, and few traces of its existence remain. Orono, is another reminder of the boom and bust period of Osceola's history. Located three miles north of Reed City (see Figure 5), Orono was named after a distinguished Penobscot Indian chief known for his advocacy of peace during the French and Indian War (Nurnberger, 1 9 7 1 a ) . It was also one of the terminal stations of the Grand Rapids and Indiana Railroad. Twice a day the locomotives would enter Orono, turn around via wooden turntables, attach additonal passenger or box cars and begin the return journey to Luther, Michigan (about 15 miles to the n or theast). The village, much larger than Lakeview, was a bustling center including four hotels, 35 two restaurants, several sawmills, a wooden bowl factory, a charcoal mill, several general stores, a post office, and numerous potato warehouses (Nurnberger, 1971b, 1 9 7 1 c ) . More than twice the size of Lakeview, Orono remained viable until the beginning of World War II. Today, there are few remnants of the once flourishing town. More economically diversified towns and villages managed to survive the post 1900 decline of the lumber industry. Evart and Reed City for example, housed many of those employed in the service sector of the economy, physicians, attorneys, including small business proprietors, and hotel owners, and numerous others. restaurant Also, many small manufacturing firms sprang up in these locations before 1900. Residents of Reed City operated flour mills, woolen and textile mills, utility companies among others (White, 1975). (water and electricity) Similarily, Evart had several large manufacturing firms prior to 1900 including M. Belanger and Sons Blacksmith Shop which later became American Logging Tool Corporation, still one of the town's leading employers (Rose, 1972:95). MANUFACTURING GROWTH After the turn of the century, manufacturing firms slowly increased their contribution to Osceola's economic base. By 193 0, nearly 12% of those gainfully employed in the county worked in manufacturing next forty years, (see Table 5). Within the this proportion more than tripled (43.4%) 36 while those employed in the service industries, especially professional services, more than doubled those employed in agriculture (15.8%) outpacing (9.3%). Several large manufacturing firms which entered the county after 1940 accelerated Osceola's economic shift. Miller Industries for example, began manufacturing aluminum doors in Reed City around 1945. By 1961, the company was using more than 6 million pounds of aluminum annually. Shortly thereafter. Miller Industries was taken over by Consolidated Aluminum Company, presently the second largest employer in Osceola (White, 1 9 7 5 ; 1 2 2 ) . Michigan Cottage Cheese Company also began operating in the county in the early 1940's, producing powdered and condensed milk along with cottage cheese. yogurt. This company now produces Yoplait In 1974, Reed City was designated as the Cottage Cheese capital of Michigan in recognition of the output of this company (White, 1975:121). Several other large manufacturing firms entered the county in the 1950's including Gardner-Denver (tools), Evart Products Liberty Dairy and Wolverine Manufacturing leather g o o d s ) . Rancour (gloves and other (machine products) harnesses for auto industry) (plastics), and Natron (wire arose after 1960. OTHER ECONOMIC SECTOR GAINS Moderate gains in trade and professional sectors of the economy are recorded, by women in part due to increasing participation (see Table 7). In 1930, 29.2% of the women recorded 37 by the census as being employed, worked in professional fields, especially teaching. (32.3%) A slightly higher proportion were employed in domestic or personal service fields. It is important to note, however, that trade and service industries did not parallel the pace of growth that occurred in manufacturing after 1940. Perhaps one explanation is the influence of large service centers in neighboring counties, (Big Rapids and Cadillac) which may have stifled the development of these sectors in Osceola. As a result, by 1970, manufacturing firms employed the largest proportion (39.4%) of men (45.8%) and w o m en (39.4%) of all industrial classifications. The discovery of oil around Reed city also contributed to the economic shift which took place in Osceola County during the 1940's. The "Reed City Zone" as it is still known, became one of the top five oil producing fields in Michigan (White, 1975:69) . As a result, housing once again became scarce around Reed City as those associated with oil and natural gas production flocked to the area. The rapid influx of people reversed Osceola's outmigration trend which plagued the county after 1910 (see Table 3). However, only modest growth was evident in the county's population until after 1960. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS Politically, Osceola County was juggled between several surrounding counties prior to its early development into an 38 independent entity. County, In 1861, while still part ot Mecosta the township of Richmond was organized, encompassing Osceola's entire land area. Sixteen votes were cast in the organizational election with D.A. Blodgett becoming the first township supervisor (Smith, 1884). Six years later the townships of Lincoln and Middle Branch were organized. Within the next three years, an additional twelve townships were laid out. Marion, which lacked the hardwood forests that initially attracted migrants to the county, was not organized until 1871 — the last of the sixteen townships (see Figure 7). The County as a whole gained administrative powers in 1861 with its first election held in D.A. Blodgett's house (Atlas of Osceola County, 1878). Blodgett, along with B.R. Gooch and A. McFarlane were elected county inspectors. Eight years later in 1869 the first general election was held, with six townships participating and eight county officials elected. At this time the county seat was located in Hersey, the county's largest village. However, Hersey's development did not parallel county growth as did Reed City or Evart, which sprang up several years later. member board of supervisors county commission) in Reed City. However, As a result, the 16 (the precursor of the existing voted in 1926 to relocate the county seat They failed in two attempts that year. the following year, 1927, a proposition voted on by the people successfully moved the seat of government to Reed City. Animosity developed over this political maneuvering. 39 OSCEOLA COUNTY MICHIGAN 1 Burden f 1 1 | 1871 1,1 Sherman _l LeRoy 1870 __ Lincoln I | I I 1 1 1868 Roselake 1871 1 | I 1 f t 1 1 1 Figure 7. 1 1 1 1 1 Cedar j 1870 Hartwick 1870 Osceola Hersey 1868 I t 1 1 I j | t 1 F I I 1 1 Marion 1877 Middle Branch 1867 I I Sylvan | 1 1871 T 1 F I I I 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I F 1861 | 1 t Richmond 1 1 I J 1 F _F I I I 1867 __ ____ [ F | Highland I 1 1 I ________ i j 1869 F 1 1 1870 I Evart 1870 I I 1 I 1 1 I 1 Orient 1870 1 Dates at which Townships Organized, Osceola County, Michigan. 40 although some of it has faded with time (White, 1975:62) . Interestingly, history repeated itself three times since the turn of the century with respect to the placement of the county's seat of government. The last effort began in January of 197 8, when a member of the County Commission introduced a bill to move the county seat to Evart. The impetus for this move was the desire for a new courthouse. Animosity once again flared between supporters of the move, mostly residents of Evart, and those seeking to keep the county seat in Reed City. The major issues pro and con, centered around the cost of new construction, anywhere from $6.5 million to $11 million, and the need for the county seat to be centrally located (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 9 a ) . The controversy became intense and ultimately the residents of the county were left to resolve the issue in a special election. During the months before the election, in April of 1979, both sides poured thousands of dollars into promotional and advertising campaigns in an effort to sway public opinion. However, by a nearly 3-to-l margin, the voters of the County decided to keep the County Seat in Reed City. Ironically, during that same special election, the residents of the County turned down a bill to borrow $3 million for construction of a new courthouse by a 7-to-2 vote. Thus, even if the County Seat had been moved, no money would have been available for courthouse construction (Swem, 1979). 41 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION The settlement patterns of Osceola's early migrants suggest that the social organizational structure of the county was qu ite fragmented. Numerous homogeneous and independent groups dotted the territory, often comprised of people with similar ethnic backgrounds as noted earlier in the chapter. Residents of the county were, however, initially linked together in mutual bonds of support, enabling them to survive in a wilderness environment. this mutual dependency, proximity. From group cohesion was based primarily on Settlers in nearby areas would often assist newcomers in clearing their land and constructing dwellings (Rose, 1972:9). In fact, during those days. "barn raisings" were special events Logs were cut and transported to the construction site, while those at the site w er e hewed. sides of the building were pieced together, completed, The and when a day was set aside for assembling them. R esidents from miles around we re called for assistance. Utilizing poles, secured. the sides were lifted into place and Afterwards, a meal and celebration followed providing a social climate for exchanging news and information (Rose, 1972:9). Churches also were pivotal the County. The first church in the early development of (Lutheran) constructed in Osceola was built in 1865 in Hersey to serve the large contingent of Germans in and around that area. Today, the 42 building still stands. Within the next d e c a d e , numerous other denominations established churches in the county including Catholics, Methodists, Baptists, and Congregationalists. Church attendance, similar to "barn raisings" provided an opportunity for social community. interaction among members of the Numerous church social events, the entertainment during the mid 1800's. furnished much of Furthermore, socials often were fund raisers for new construction. "Popcorn Social", church The the "Calico Hop" and numerous suppers, for example, were held by residents of Evart to construct the M.E. Church in the mid 1870's (Rose, 1972:49). As the population of Osceola County increased and diversified, various societies, organizations were formed. associations, and fraternal Since agriculture dominated the economy until after the turn of the century, many of the social organizations reflected farming interests. example, For the Osceola County Agricultural Society was first established in 1875, holding its formal meeings in Hersey. The following year chapters of the Patrons of Husbandry (known popularly as the Grange) Lincoln, Sherman, were organized in Richmond, and Orient Township, the latter in 1877. The formation of these groups reflect the concern that farmers shared in seeking solutions to common problems in agriculture as well as attempting to gain m or e control in the market place (Carlson, et al, 1980). By shifting from autonomous local community groups to state, regional and 43 national organizations such as the Granger farmers attempted to facilitate their visibility and actual input in policy making. Fraternal organizations also formed in the county during the last half of the 1800's. The influence of religion was often an integral part of some. built lodges in Hersey (1871), Evart (1873, 1875) City (1882). However, For e x am pl er the Masons others were more service oriented, like the Odd Fellows, with chapters in Evart (1877) and Reed (1874), LeRoy and Reed City (1878). Formal womens' organizations surfaced in around the turn of the century. the county The Order of the Eastern Star was granted dispensation in Reed City in 1899, with 56 charter members. Shortly after the turn of the century, women in Evart organized the Evart Women's Club (1905). Similar to the Eastern Star, the Women's Club was established for educational and cultural advancement of its members. Moreover, this group functioned as a service organization, credited, for example, with the creation of Evart's library. Military service organizations surfaced after the first World War with Osceola's founding chapter of the American Legion being established in Reed City in 1919. Evart's chapter was organized the following year, while the accompanying auxiliaries began in 1921. Osceola's chapter of the VFW and its auxiliary began in 1936. Numerous other social and service organizations sprang up in the county during the mid 1900's including the Lions, 44 JayCees, Osceola W o m e n ’s Club and the Rotary Club. Organizations for youth were also established early in the decade including Boy and Girl Scout troups and 4-H clubs (White, 1975; Rose, 1972) . EVOLUTIONARY PERSPECTIVES The preceding glance at Osceola County's economic and social development provides useful insights into changes which occurred in reaction to its recent population upsurge. The first and perhaps most useful observation concerns the county's persistently narrowing economic base. Initially monopolized by a prosperous yet fleeting lumber industry, Osceola's economy revolved largely around timber during the late 1 8 0 0 's and early 1900's. industry, activity. With the demise of that farming became the county's leading economic However, marginal soils, weather conditions, sporadic unfavorable and short growing seasons were not conducive to sustaining Osceola's economy in the midst of increased competition, costs. lower farm prices, and rising labor Thus during and shortly after World War II, manufacturing replaced agriculture as the county's economic mainstay. Ironically, Osceola's manufacturing sector became largely dependent upon the auto industry. In fact, by the mid 1970's, almost half of those employed in manufacturing worked in one of two firms (Evart Products and Nartron) directly linked to the auto industry (Osceola County, 1976). The recent instability of the auto industry has once again 45 threatened Osceola's economic vitality as witnessed in the closing of Riverside Manufacturing in Marion, involving 100 auto related workers* Osceola's historically vacillating economic situation is reflected in the county's sporadic population growth. Its narrow economic base has seemingly retarded the county's ability to retain its youth and those in early career stages, while possibly promoting an attitude among its residents of an inability to attract large numbers of new migrants. Tourism and recreation were viewed as limited contributors to the county's economy. As officials suggested, "the county lacks those special elements that make an area stand out from others" (Osceola County, 1976:22). Viewing tourism and recreation as having minimal potential for growth may have also contributed to residents's lacking an anticipation of and sensitivity to the 1 9 7 0 's population influx. These speculations will be addressed more fully in Chapter 4. A second noteworthy insight deals with Osceola's social organizational development. communication, Although transportation, and other forms of technology have expanded the potential range of informal networks among county residents (Anderson, 1961), rivalries still exist among certain geographic areas of the county. Evidence of such antagonism surfaced in the recent dispute over relocation of the county seat (see Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 9 a ) . The county's apparent lack of harmony may stem from economic quibbling or possibly from early settlement patterns. As 46 noted previously, the county was dotted with numerous ethnic enclaves which may still maintain certain normative characteristics. Perhaps more important are the possible political power blocs which may exist as a result of differences among geographic areas in the county. conjectures will be addressed in later chapters. begin with an analysis of the population influx, Such Let us including origin and destination patterns, motivations for migration, and the characteristics of the migrants. CHAPTER III THE POPULATION RENAISSANCE: 1960-1980 Osceola County experienced a population resurgence during the 1960's after three previous decades of population decline. One intriguing aspect of this population influx is that the growing areas differed markedly from the past. As noted in Table 8, prior to 196 0 Osceola's municipalities often experienced population expansion while most of the county's townships lost residents. However, during the decaae of the 1 9 6 0 's the trend unexpectedly reversed. Population gains were recorded in all sixteen townships but only in two of the county's six municipalities Village and Reed C i t y ) . (Hersey This trend intensified during the 1 9 7 0 's when twelve townships grew by more than 25% (see Table 8 ). As mentioned in Chapter 1, Osceola's rural renaissance is indicative of a general trend sweeping many parts of the U.S. Residential preference research reveals a significant appeal to rural living; however, most migrants also desire close proximity to urban centers (Fuguitt and Zuiches, 1975) . Interestingly, many of the nonmetropolitan counties that experienced rapid population growth in the 1 9 7 0 's, including Osceola, centers. are located at some distance from metropolitan The following sections probe the turnaround migrant 47 Table 8* Population Trends for Osceola County's Townships and Municipalities, 1950 to 1980. POPULATION TOWNSHIPS/ MUNICIPALITIES PERCENT POPULATION PERCENT POPULATION PERCENT CHANGE CHANGE CHANGE 1970-80 1970 1960-70 1980 1950-60 1950 1960 469 158 544 374 282 810 391 860 538 472 426 509 1,197 323 574 461 437 102 526 368 399 659 350 889 519 403 382 519 1,135 292 544 453 - 6.8 -35.4 - 3.3 - 1.6 41.5 -18.6 -10.5 3.4 - 3.5 -14.6 -10.3 2.0 - 5.2 - 9.6 - 5.2 - 1.7 507 103 582 406 539 712 396 910 536 541 552 623 1,318 380 608 487 16.0 1.0 10.6 10.3 35.1 8.0 13.1 2.4 3.3 34.2 44.5 20.0 16.1 30.1 11.8 7.5 1,067 235 1,029 420 1,229 1,063 858 1,173 1,491 642 635 920 1,649 847 847 657 44.8 128.2 76.8 3.4 50.8 49.3 33.2 28.9 4.5 18.7 15.0 47.7 25.1 122.9 39.3 34.9 1,578 239 243 879 2,241 229 1,775 246 267 898 2,184 248 12.5 2.9 9.9 2.2 - 2.5 8.3 1,707 276 248 891 2,286 230 - 3.8 12.2 - 7.1 - 0.8 4.7 - 7.3 1,945 364 293 816 2,221 264 13.9 31.9 18.1 - 8.4 - 2.8 14.8 13,797 13,595 - 1.5 14,838 9.1 18,928 27.6 Townships Burdell Cedar Evart Hartwick Hersey Highland LeRoy Lincoln Marion Middle Branch Orient Osceola Richmond Rose Lake Sherman sylvan Mmicipalities Evart City Hersey Village LeRoy Village Marion Reed City City Tustin Village TOTAL Source: U.S. Bureau of Census, Census of Population, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980. 49 stream to gain insight into the characteristics and motivations of these movers. CHARACTERISTICS OF TURNAROUND MIGRANTS Current literature suggests that a diverse population has participated in the rural migration trend of the past decade. Although no unique label appropriately describes the migrant stream, such as an "upper middle class escapism" popularized by the media (Sofranko and Williams, 1980:19), studies indicate a significant proportion of the movers include the young, elderly retirees (1980) and the (Ploch, 1978; Mitchell, 1975; DeJong and Humphrey, 1976) . Williams the well educated professionals, Voss and Fuguitt (1979), and Sofranko and have broadened our understanding of the turnaround migrant stream through their research of rapid growth counties in nonmetropolitan areas of North Central states9 . Based on research by Voss and Fuguitt Sofranko and Williams (1979) and (1980)r0 one may speculate that migrants to Osceola County, most likely, significantly over-represent various socio-demographic strata, especially retirees, and upper white collar occupations (professionals, technical and kindred, and managers and administrators, except f a r m ) . Disparities between characteristics of migrants and the resident population they join, may pose serious implications. For example, large influxes of elderly migrants into rural environments have been found to affect significantly 50 community social structures by producing increased demands on existing public services (Koebernick and Beegle, Moreover, expanding numbers of young, educated, movers, in some instances, shift political bases, communities they join Colfer and Golfer, 1978). cosmopolitan effectively alter voting patterns, and disrupt social norms in the rural (see Graber, 1974; Hennigh, 1978). 1978; A detailed discussion of the impacts incoming migrants have had on Osceola's social systems is offered in Chapter 4. TRACING MIGRANTS The geographical origins of recent migrants to nonmetropolitan counties in the North Central states have been the center of much speculation. a "back to the land" movement The media, popularizing (Press, 1979; Werner, 1981), reinforced the hypothesis that many of the movers were from central cities of Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSA'S)11 . The surveys of Voss and Fuguitt Sofranko and Williams (1980) (1979) and substantially confirmed this conjecture. Voss and Fuguitt Minnesota, (1979), centering upon Wisconsin, and Michigan, indicate that 40% of the migrants surveyed originated from one of four SMSA'S (M i nneapolis-St. Paul, Milwaukee, Chicago, or Detroit). Moreover, approximately seven out of ten listed their former residence within a metropolitan county. If one assumes their weighted sample is representiative of Michigan, then approximately 70% 51 of all recent migrants to any of its fast-growing nonmetropolitan counties are believed to have had recent residence in a metropolitan county. Osceola County's recent migrants, This analysis 12 of in part, substantiates their findings. As noted earlier, the bulk {94%) of Osceola's growth during the 1 9 7 0 's occurred in the county's sixteen townships (see Table 8). Recognizing the fact that these townships were for most cases, sparsely populated (see Figure 8), limited housing was available to accommodate the influx. According to housing census data, in 1970 only 1,006 vacant units existed in the county along with 1,158 seasonal dwellings (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1972: Table 60)• As a result of the influx, 3,161 new units were constructed in Osceola over the decade (see Table 9). This represents an expansion nearly three times greater than the previous ten years. Eighty-nine percent of the new construction occurred outside existing population centers. Moreover, only 283 of these units (9%) were built in areas where sewer lines were accessible, specifically in or around Reed City, Evart, and Marion. As a result, the vast majority of new housing units required septic t an ks 13. A Michigan health ordinance requires that all persons obtain septic tank approval from the County Health Department prior to construction or modification of existing structures in rural areas. address, The permit contains the applicant's present the exact location of the land holding, and the type 52 r> v 3 ; T OSCEOLA COUNTY • Residential 4 Commercial/Industrial B Subdivision Source: Osceola County Planning Commission Figure 8* Building Site Locations, and Existing Land Use, Osceola County, 1970. 53 Table 9. Housing Unit Counts and Septic Tank Applications by Township and Municipality, Osceola County 1970-1980. HOUSING UNITS SEPTIC TANK APPLICATIONS1 1970 1980 NO. PERCENT CHANGE 1970-80 Burdell Cedar Evart Hartwick Hersey gighland 350 82 418 275 466 Lincoln Marion Middle Branch Orient Osceola Richmond Rose Lake Sherman Sylvan 414 533 265 345 249 390 377 230 333 606 136 692 336 678 429 386 606 608 404 491 411 604 873 354 580 256 54 274 61 212 131 105 192 75 139 146 162 214 496 124 247 73.1 65.9 65.6 22.2 45.5 44.0 37.4 46.4 14.1 52.5 42.3 65.1 54.9 131.6 53.9 74.2 643 122 96 324 817 89 803 149 114 334 930 97 160 27 18 10 113 8 24.9 22.1 18.8 3.1 13.8 9.0 6,766 9,927 3,161 46.7 TOWNSHIP/ MUNICIPALITY TOTAL INTER % OF NEW COUNTY HOUSING PERMITS UNITS Township 11! 137 117 236 119 264 103 111 162 64 102 135 179 213 337 102 170 58 47 103 58 134 43 36 37 10 32 62 44 35 202 38 75 54 * 86 * * 79 * 84 85 73 92 * 99 68 82 69 Municipalities Evart City Hersey Village^ LeRoy Village Marion City5 Reed City City 7\istin Village TOTAL - - — — — — — — - — — - — - - — — — 2,551 1,014 --- *Over 100% due to the inclusion of modifications to existing dwellings, 1 which are not counted as new housing units. The septic tank applications are for the period January 1, 1970 to 2 June 30, 1979. 3Housing unit counts include those in Tustin Village. Housing unit counts include those in Hersey Village. Housing unit counts include those in LeRoy Village. 5Housing unit counts include those in Marion City. Source: 1980 Census of Population and Housing, PHC80-V-24:Table 1. 54 of dwelling. The County Health Department considered the permits to be public records and permitted u s 14 to code the data for analysis. All applications for septic tanks in Osceola County between January 1, 1970 and June 30, 1979 were collected and coded. The total for this period amounted to 2,551 permits, the majority of which were in-county residents 10). (see Table It is believed that the majority of in-county applications reflects modifications to existing dwellings or second homes and cottages. Since our present concern focusses upon intercounty movers, the analysis will be largely restricted to the 1,014 permit applications from outside the county. Table 9 indicates that the number of septic tank applications in each township closely approximates the number of new housing units constructed over the decade. In five townships, more applications for approval were submitted to the County Health Department than there were new housing units constructed. Most likely, this discrepancy is a result of permits requested for modifications to existing dwellings, which therefore are not counted as new housing by the Census Bureau. Additionally, the larger number of permits may represent construction planned but not yet acted upon. Nonetheless, data from the septic tank applications encompass a significant portion of the county's growth. Several limitations are inherent in the data set just described. First, only applications for new or modified 55 Table 10. Number and Percent of Applicants for Septic Tank Approval by type of Current Residence. AREA OF ORIGIN Within County Outside the County but within the State Other State Unknown* TOTAL NUMBER PERCENT OF TOTAL 1,325 51.9 978 38.4 36 1.4 212 8.3 2,551 *Due to lack of information on septic tank applications 100.0% 56 dwelling sites can be monitored. Hence, those migrants moving into existing dwellings do not appear in this data set. Also excluded are those migrants whose dwellings could tap the sewer systems of Reed City, Marion, or Evart. Second, the permits represent intended or prospective dwelling requests. An extensive survey to establish the actual existence of dwellings subsequent to application was not feasible for reasons of time and travel costs. Spot checks of selected areas in the county led us to conclude that in most cases permit approvals were accompanied by actual dwelling construction or the placement of a mobile home. Finally, the permits only imply that one or more migrants will be associated with the dwelling space for which septic tank approval was granted. Thus the number of persons occupying the dwelling cannot be assessed via these data. Moreover, one can not know whether or not the inhabitants are seasonal residents by this data source. limitations, Acknowledging these the following analysis utilizes the septic tank applications to assess the origins and destinations of "prospective migrants." PROSPECTIVE MIGRANTS' ORIGINS The original distribution of prospective intercounty migrants to Osceola County closely parallels the findings of Voss and Fuguitt (1979) . Approximately three out of four out-of-county applicants came from urban settings 11). Moreover, (see Table the majority of the urbanites came from 57 Table 11. Ntsnber and Percent of Interoounty Applicants by Type of Current Residence. INTERCOUNTy APPLICANTS AREA OF ORIGIN* NUMBER PERCENT OF TOTAL Metropolitan 761 75 .0 Core1 2 Suburban Nonmetropolitan Southern Lower3 Adjacent to Osceola Northern Lower Adjacent to Osceola 512 249 217 Upper Peninsula Other State TOTAL 50.5 24.5 1,014 52.4 25.4 22 .2 9.3 (4.7) 11.9 (6.8) 2 36 77 .8 21 .4 94 (48) 121 (69) PERCENT OF IN STATE TOTAL 9.6 (4.9) 12.4 (7.1) .2 .2 3,.6 100,.0% 100,.0% *1970 SMSA delineations. 1Core counties are those containing a central city or cities of an SMSA 2 Suburban counties are within an SMSA but do not contain a central city of an SMSA. 3Southern lower counties are in the lower peninsula south of a line running from Oceana County to Bay County. 4 Northern lower counties are in the lower peninsula north of the Oceana-Bay City line. 58 central cities of SMSA'S (see Figure 9). For example, the Detroit SMSA is the origin of one half of the prospective intercounty migrants, with 98 coming from the city of Detroit. Similarily, more than 25 prospective migrants come from the cities of Warren, Dearborn, and Livonia, which when combined with Detroit account for nearly 40% of all cases from this SMSA. Other SMSA central cities with significant proportions of prospective migrants to Osceola are Flint with 49, Lansing with 35, Grand Rapids with 26, and Kalamazoo with 20. The prospective stream originating in nonmetropolitan areas is significantly smaller and consists mainly of those residing in counties adjacent to Osceola, with half originating in the two neighboring cities of Cadillac and Big Rapids (N=19)• (N=38) An additional 3.6% of the prospective intercounty movers are from other states. This group also is dominated by persons having an urban origin, the bulk of which are from the neighboring states of Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio. Overall, more than 80% of the prospective migrants to Osceola are from metropolitan or city backgrounds. Thus, one may infer that disparities may exist between the newcomers and natives, especially in lifestyle values and ideologies. The consequences which developed as a result of these variations are detailed in Chapter 4. 59 3 #' * 4 9 0 0 * 1* II o *K««ni Figure 9. Michigan's Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSA's) and Major Urban Centers, 1970. 60 MOTIVATIONS FOR MOVING A peculiar aspect of Osceola's renaissance is that motivations prompting inmigration appear to differ significantly from those affecting past decades of migration. As noted earlier, prior to 1960 the fluctuations in Osceola's population were attributed mainly to economic forces. general, In residents left the area in times of underemployment or low wage rates, while migrants entered the county during times of prosperity. This trend, reallocation of resources, models of migration in theory, reflects a a basic component in economic (see Bowles, 1970; Greenwood, 1975) . The popularity of such explanations of migration may have arisen from the common tendency of researchers to infer migration motivations from structural characteristics. Availability of economic and employment data facilitated interpretation of people as economic maximizers, thus suggesting that economic elements are major causal factors in the migration process (Shaw, 1975:57). Certainly, evidence substantiates the proposition that many people do cite employment as a catalyst for migration (Lansing and Mueller, 1967; Masnick, 1968; U.S. Bureau of Census, 1979) . However, a major flaw in economic models is their inability to account for those not in the labor market considerations (eg. retirees), as well as noneconomic (eg. climate, social ties, he a l t h ) • Subsequent studies have incorporated noneconomic motivations into migrations models (see Wolpert, 1965; Speare, 1974). 61 However, until recently, employment remained the single best descriptor of the motivation for long distance moves (Sofranko and Williams, 1980:46). Convincing evidence suggests that many migrants of the 1970's have distinctly noneconomic rationales for moving (Voss and Fuguitt, 1979; Sofranko and Williams, 1980). Interviews with newcomers to Osceola keenly illustrate this claim. OSCEOLA MOVERS AND THEIR MOTIVATIONS D a t a 15 was gathered on the motivations of recent migrants (people who moved after 1970) to Osceola. Movers were contacted in the summer of 1979 via recommendations from key info rm an ts 16. In order to guarantee reasonably complete coverage of the diverse population, between five and ten interviews were conducted with individuals in each of five distinct categories of movers: persons 17, b) professionals, and laborers, a) voluntary simplicity c) skilled and unskilled workers d) welfare clients, and e) elderly (both seasonal and year r o u n d ) . No formal survey instrument was used; an outline consisting of areas of inquiry guided all interviews. In general, a combination of, 1) precipitating events, 2) factors "pushing” migrants away from their area of origin, and 3) elements enticing movers to Osceola could be identified in all interviews. Several examples are illustrative of this observation. 62 (1) Why Migrants Left When They Did Life cycle transitions often parallel shifts in residency. Retirees, for example, are a major component in the turnaround migration stream. Elderly are "uprooting" urban homesteads and returning to rural environments upon retirement, attempting to rekindle former lifestyles Voss and Fuguitt, 1979: 114) . In Osceola County, (see sentiments corroborating this finding were frequently given by elderly informants. explained, As one retired security worker from Royal Oak "its a slower pace here ... more relaxed than life in the cities. You get a sense of freedom here which brings back fond memories of boyhood." Employment factors were also verbalized as catalysts for rural migration. Industrial and manufacturing firms seeking to capitalize upon potential economic benefits in rural areas (eg. low cost land and l a b o r ) , have often expanded satellite operations into rural counties. Concurrently, job transfers and promotions of staff members to key positions in these environs increase, evident in numerous cases in Osceola. Additionally, employment opportunities communicated to unemployed or underemployed workers in other environments, often prompt migration. Workers in urban areas affected by economic recessions may find it easier to locate employment through friends or kin in rural areas, than through metropolitan employment centers. This supposition is 63 reinforced by several informants who noted that relatives helped them secure work in Osceola after they lost former jobs due to the decline in the auto industry. This may, in part, account for the curiously high proportion of people in Voss and Puguitt's (1979) study who cite employment as their major reason for moving to rural areas. Also it may explain the inverse relationship between population size of metropolitan origin and migration due to employment factors found in the Sofranko and William (1980) study. In Michigan, the larger urban centers are mainly dominated by the auto industry, thus loss of employment in these areas may have been greater during the 1970's than in less populated places. (2) Factors Motivating Departure Anti-urban sentiments and ethnic clashes) (eg. crime, overcrowding, racial tend to be the most powerful incentive for migration of urbanites (Voss and Fuguitt, 1978) • A principal of one of Osceola's High Schools illustrates this finding by noting, "the biggest impact of in-migration occurred just after the riots in Detroit and the subsequent controversy over busing." A diminished attractiveness of urban centers is evident in most interviews with Osceola's newcomers. For example, a plant superintendent verbalized his chief reason for leaving Toledo as, Similarily, "a fear for his children to go out at night." a former university professor, who became 64 disenchanted with his work, shop in Osceola. left Detroit and opened a gift He commented, "there is no noise pollution here" and "I have a lot more control of my life." Perhaps a registered nurse from Lansing best summarized these antiurban sentiments in her comment, "I wanted to get out of that rat race" and gain some "peace of mind." (3) Factors Motivating Selection of Destination Attractive features of rural amenities opportunities, family) (e. g. recreation friendly atmosphere, good place to raise a are often cited in the same breath with anti-urban factors. One notable exception, the voluntary simplicity mover, are those migrants who expressed a concern for a simpler lifestyle. "Back to nature" generally best describes the feelings prompting these newcomers to leave their prior residence. One former Lansing school teacher, although satisified with his former teaching position, explained that his move to Osceola County represented a life cycle transition in which he and his family were living out certain values that had gradually coalesced. Ecological aspirations to reduce consumption and a desire to revamp their entire life routine prompted them to leave Lansing and relocate in a rural environment where raising chickens and other food staples was possible. A similar experience was related by a family from Grand Rapids, who sought to escape the city in search of a more ecological, and self-sufficient way of life. Organic farming, wood heating, utilization of a food co-op, 65 and other forms of a less capital-intensive lifestyle appear to be a prime motivating force. Destination Selectivity in Osceola County Movers to Osceola were quite selective in their choice of residential location sites. In mapping out the a r e as 18 cited on the Health Department applications, we found that approximately 70% of the new dwelling sites were located in sections containing either the Muskegon River, a lake of at least twenty acres, or one of four smaller rivers Chippewa, Middle Branch, Hersey, Pine) (i.e., (see Figure 10). Lakes tended to be the most attractive natural amenity, accounting for nearly 40% of the total intercounty permits. Lake sites averaged nearly seven times as many new dwellings as those sites lacking lakes or rivers (see Table 12). The number of new residences in sections surrounding lakes, however, varies significantly, as suggested by the relatively large standard deviation for these areas, Rose Lake, for example, three separate sections; shown in Table 12. stretches across 370 acres and the Rose Lake subdivision encompasses part of a fourth section. Over the nine and one half years covered by the data, 113 permits were requested for this area alone. In contrast, Big Lake, the second largest lake in the county totaling 204 acres, attracted only twenty dwelling sites over the decade. This suggests that realtors and land developers may be significant forces in promoting natural amenity areas. Interviews with residents 66 © IlS K ttl OSCEOLA COUNTY Figure 10. Development Areas with High Concentration of Applications for Septic Tank Permits, Osceola County, 1970-1980. 67 Table 12. Nunber of Interoounty Applicants for Septic Tank Approval and Section Location, by Type of Amenity in Sections. REQUESTED PERMITS IN SECTION TYPE OF AM lNITY IN SECTION _____ NUMBER______ PERMITS SECTIONS MEAN STANDARD DEVIATION Lake1 402 81 4.96 9.30 River 2 195 27 7.22 5.60 Stream3 90 70 1.29 1.67 294 398 .72 1.05 33 - - - 1,014 576 — — Other Unknown4 TOTAL A section contained a lake if it included all or a portion of a lake amounting to at least 20 acres. One exception to this rule is section 5 in Rose Lake Township. This section was included in the lake category since it contained the extension of a subdivision surrounding Rose Lake. 2 A section contained a river if the section included a portion of the Muskegon River. 3 A section contained a stream if the section included a portion of either the Chippewa, Hersey, Pine or Middle Branch Rivers. 4 Unknowns are applications which lacked information on section locations. 68 in the Rose Lake area, in part, confirm this hypothesis. According to these newcomers, information and promotion of the Rose Lake subdividion was disseminated though a travel trailer club whose members were mainly retirees. The Muskegon River accounts for an additional 19% of the new dwelling sites occurring in the county during the last decade. In Hersey Township, 102 of 134 prospective residences were in sections along the Muskegon River. Once again the density of dwellings in the sections along the Muskegon River varies significantly, mainly due to the development of subdivisions. The lack of appreciable growth along the three major interstate highways indicates that commuting (or easy access to major throughfares) is a less important consideration to migrants than is appealing natural amenity locations, especially in combination with water resources and development activity. The applicants selectivity of destination sites suggest linkages between migrants and residents in the area of destination may be important elements in the migration process (see also Voss and Fuguitt, Williams, 1980: 63). indistinguishable, namely, 1979: 106; Sofranko and Two separate forces, often seem to account for this selectivity interpersonal and informational networks. INTERPERSONAL NETWORK TIES The interpersonal network between kin, friends and migrants has been shown to be an important factor in 69 facilitating the migration process. During the rapid industrialization and urbanization of the 19th century, Le Play (1872) observed that the parental household served as the foundation from which members ventured to take advantage of opportunities and to retreat to its safe haven in times of duress. He referred to this type of family structure as famille-souche, Brown, or stem family. Schwarzweller, and Mangalaro (1963) applied Le Play's notion to the contemporary migration of people to-andfrom Beech Creek in Eastern Kentucky. Their longitudinal study corroborated the existence of an interpersonal kinship network, particularly in connection with extended families. Beech Creek families facilitated the migration process through encouragement, by providing family migrants "havens of safety" in times of crisis, while in turn "branchfamilies" established socio-psychological "cushions" in the areas of destination for family members who also became migrants (Brown et al., 1963). Evidence from Osceola County indicates interpersonal network ties are contributing factors to the destination choice of some turnaround migrants. informants cited crisis situations divorce) For example, several (eg. unemployment, which prompted them to leave their prior residence and move closer to their family. An unemployed road construction worker from Detroit explained, a job anywhere, "I couldn't find so my father let me use his cottage." Similarily, a recently divorced woman from Kalamazoo 70 commented, "I moved up here because my mother has property here, so I put my trailer next to hers." INFORMATIONAL NETWORKS In addition to interpersonal networks, where migrants seek destinations which maintain proximate ties to significant others, informational networks are active contributors to destination selection. Informational networks are social links that function primarily as channels of communication. For example, friends or relatives in a nonmetropolitan area may relay knowledge of employment opportunities, attractive sites for recreation, and available lots for retirement homes in their area, urban friends. to a network of This information link may implant possible destination sites into the minds of friends, associates. relatives and Similarly, urbanites may vacation with friends in nonmetropolitan areas, creating an awareness of the natural amenities existing in the area. More importantly, each contact may be circulated through a variety of friendship webs, disseminating information about a specific nonmetropolitan area to many others which could result in giving greater visibility to an area as a desirable destination. Evidence of widespread utilization of informational networks was found by Voss and Fuguitt (1979: 106) . More than half of the 992 migrants interviewed gained information about their nonmetropolitan residence through visits with 71 friends and relatives, while slightly less than one in three reported that they had vacationed in the area. Interestingly, less than 35% arrived at their information independently, that is, through realtors, newspapers, or brochures. Support for the apparent vitality of informational networks in Osceola County is found by utilizing the septic tank applications. An informational network is said to exist when applicants from the same community of origin seek septic tank approval for the same one-mile square section in the county. It is necessary to emphasize that data verifying any form of communication between applicants in the assumed networks was not obtained. applicants analyzed, Of the 1,014 intercounty nearly one in four applied for the same square mile section of Osceola county as did at least one other person from the given home community - a total of 91 networks (see Table 13 and Figure 11). There appears to be a pattern between applicant's place of origin and the particular section of Osceola chosen for residence. Interestingly, the incidence of applicants selecting similar places for intended destination increased as the distance from the community of origin increased Table 14 and Figure 12). (see Of the 48 networks with applicants originating more than 120 miles from Osceola county, nearly 60% chose destination sites that were also selected by more than 15 intercounty applicants. This is in marked contrast to the members of the 16 networks with origins less than 60 Table 13. Origin and Networks of Intercounty Applicants for Septic Tank Approval in Oseoola County by Zip Code Region.* ZIP CODE REGION APPLICANTS No. Royal Oak Detroit Flint Saginaw Lansing Kalamazoo Jackson Grand Rapids Traverse City Upper Peninsula and Gaylord Other TOTAL Percent of Total DIFFERENT CITIES OF ORIGIN OF APPLICANTS IN REGION NO. Percent of Total CITIES WITH SOLE APPLICANTS IN REGION No. Percent of Total cities in Region NETWORKS No. Percent of Total 206 299 90 49 96 59 19 102 55 20.3 29.5 8.9 4.8 9.5 5.8 1.9 10.1 5.4 39 40 20 25 31 22 9 28 11 15.2 15.6 7.8 9.7 12.1 8.6 3.5 10.9 4.3 8 10 8 15 17 13 6 14 6 20.5 25.0 40.0 60.0 54.8 59.1 66.7 50.0 54.5 10 31 10 4 7 4 3 13 9 11.0 34.1 11.0 4.4 7.7 4.4 3.3 14.3 9.8 3 36 .3 3.6 3 29 1.1 11.2 3 25 100.0 86.2 • — 257 100.0% 125 91 100.0% 1,014 100.0% 48.5% *See Figure 11 for graphic depiction of zip code regions in Michigan. 73 498-499 5t*. Mjn* Mountain^ pr •.»<< fscanaa T ravtrio City Sir.TTi 486*487 MitfUfldJ lS A w N A W 493-495 Ug*h*qon'^* Owo«iO Oraaa "*»— Flint < 488-489 ■ P O N T I A C 'M t KALaMaZOO !* B enton Harbor irj ~ 9ICI iSattta ,Cr”K 490 - 491 1 Sourca: Rand McNally zip Coda Atlao Figure 11. Zip Code Regions in Michigan. haon £T£0»t yaaootta Table 14. Destination Sites of Networks by Area of Origin Delineation and Number of Intercounty Applicants in Destination Section (in Percent). TOTAL INTEROCUNTY APPLICANTS wrmiN DESTINATION SECTION * SECTOR LOCATION1 0 60 mi. 61 120 mi. over 120 mi. 2 - 5 68.8 33.3 25.1 57.7 22.7 6-15 18.7 33.3 16.7 15.4 12.5 33.3 58.2 100.0% 8=16 99.9% tt=27 100.0% N=48 16 & over TOTAL B C fEDIUM CITY 20,000 99,999 SMALL CITY 0 19,999 A OOUOTY DESIGNATION 9 OOmJNITY SIZE LARGE CITY CORE SUBURBAN NOMETRO 28.0 28.3 18.2 70.0 18.2 27.9 25.0 9.1 15.0 26.9 59.1 44.1 41.7 72.7 15.0 100.0% N=26 100.0% N=22 100.0% N=43 100.0% N=60 100.0% N=ll 100.0% N=20 100,000+ Each county was divided into one of three sectors according to which sector the majority of it's land mass was located. Hie sectors represent three concentric zones with radii of 60 miles, 120 miles, and 120 + miles from the center of Osceola County. See Figure 12 for a complete breakdown of Michigan into sector categories. See Figure 9 for a breakdown of Michigan into metropolitan categories PiQure 12. SMSA Counties in , ,cies ln Michigan and Distance from Osceola County, 1970. 76 miles from Osceola in which only 12% choose destinations with more than 15 intercounty applicants. Instead, the vast majority of network applicants who originated in areas close to Osceola county applied for sections which, by July 1979, included at most three additional intercounty applicants. Based on initial impressions, one may suggest the reported pattern is due in part to the operation of informational networks. Since distance is a major obstacle in acquiring full knowledge of available sites for migration, one must often rely on information gained through visits and conversations with friends, relatives and associates. Moreover, with increased distance one may become more reliant on secondary information, which may moderate awareness of alternative sites and make selected areas more appealing. As a result, people from more distant places may become selectively attuned to specific locales for possible migration via an informational network. Several key examples provide support for this notion. Kalamazoo, a city of approximately 80,000 persons which is more than 120 miles from Osceola county, is the origin of 20 prospective migrants to dwelling sites in the county. Eight applicants selected the same one mile section in Rose Lake township, while an additional five applied for an identical section in Burdell township. Thus 65% of the prospective migrants from Kalamazoo are accounted for in two networks as previously defined. Similarly, of the 98 applicants from the city of Detroit, also located more than 120 miles away from 77 Osceola, 53% are accounted for by 17 networks ranging in size from ten to two. The neighboring suburb of Dearborn had 27 prospective migrants, Likewise, nine of whom sought the same section. the cities of Warren and Livonia have five networks ranging in size from two to eight, which account for roughly 35% of more than 30 prospective migrants from each of these cities. Overall, 23% of the 632 applications from communities more than 120 miles from Osceola county are accounted for by 48 networks, which range in size from two to ten households. Distance, however, may be a confounding element since the southern half of the lower peninsula of Michigan contains the majority of all major population centers in the state. Thus, a significant portion of urban places are distant from Osceola county. To control for this intervening factor, the effects of size and distance are studied separately (see Table 15). Although small cell sizes make interpretation difficult distance seems to exert an independent effect. The incidence of migrants from the same small community (less than 20,000 inhabitants) choosing destinations in identical square mile sections of Osceola which contain at least 15 other prospective intercounty migrants, dramatically rises as distance from Osceola county increases; the reverse holds true for larger cities of origin. This finding, in theory, adds support to the conjecture that the role of informational networks increases with distance. 78 Table 15. Destination Sites of Networks by Total Intercounty Applicants Within Destination Section by Origin Community Size and Sector Location (in Percent). SECTOR LOCATION* 0-60 mile radius TOTAL INTERCOUNTY APPLICANTS WITHIN DESTINATION SECTION 2 - 5 16 & over TOTAL SMALL CITY 0 19,999 LARGE CITY 100,000 -1- 61-120 mile radius SMALL CITY LARGE CITY 0 19,999 100,000 + 68.8 — 29.6 27.7 31.2 — 70.4 72.3 100.0% N=27 100.0% N=47 100.0% N=16 I*=0 *See Figure 12 for a breakdown of Michigan into sector categories. 79 SUMMARY Osceola County has, during the past decade, experienced a significant influx in its population. Studies suggest much of the growth is due to the migration of elderly, professionals, and those in early career stages, many of whom seem disenchanted with urban environments (see Voss and Fuguitt, 1979; Sofranko and Williams, 1980). informational and interpersonal networks, Through these metropolitan and nonmetropolitan migrants are selectively settling into the county's scenic and recreationally attractive river and lake front areas. An influx of migrants, younger, more educated, and more likely to be professionally employed than the resident population they join, the speculated case in Osceola, is potentially disruptive to political and normative structures within rural community systems Sokolow, 1977) . Moreover, (Graber, 1974; Hennigh, 1978; lifestyles may clash when predominately urban movers relocate into rural environments (Colfer and Colfer, 1978; Freudenburg, 1978) . The selective settlement patterns of migrants to natural amenity regions may pose numerous environmental and aesthetic consequences (Beale, 1974; Stabler and Patton, 1977), while possibly concealing the magnitude of growth from policy makers. following chapter, The focussing upon the institutional impacts of rapid growth in Osceola County, addresses these issues. CHAPTER IV INSTITUTIONAL IMPACTS OF RAPID GROWTH Limited attention has been directed toward assessing the impact of turnaround migration upon social institutions. Changing demographic conditions may influence individual and community stability as well as the adequacy of county institutions to cope with the shifting demands and characteristics of its resident population. The following description of the impacts of rapid population growth on Osceola county may offer insight into the effects of population change on rural social institutions. Five social institutions are focussed upon in the following analysis: education, government, religion, and health and social services. economy, Information and data on the consequences of growth are derived from various sources. Interviews with over 100 local residents and key informants in the five institutional sectors were conducted in the summer of 1979 and 1981 to gain insight into effects, perceptions, and reactions to population expansion. Abstracted material from relevant documents provides supportive evidence. These sources are further detailed in the following sections. Prior to the field work, a content analysis of the main weekly newspaper in Osceola County, 80 the Osceola County Herald 81 was carried out to learn something about how population growth impinged upon different community sectors. Items related to growth were classified as to subject-matter from 1970 through 1980. A total of 710 "stories" were coded; results are summarized in Table 16. The growth-related articles in the Osceola County Herald are classified into ten subject-matter types. order of greatest frequency: education/schools; general, (1) transportation; (3) government, business/local economy; and They are, all levels; in (2) (4) (5) health and medical care. In commentaries involving transportation problems, school issues, and government disputes were frequent each year throughout the 70's. Others, such as religious life and crime and deviancy, were mentioned infrequently in Herald stories. Transportation issues mainly revolved around the construction of a major interstate (U.S. 131) the western edge of the county (see Figure 4). which traverses Disputes over the most appropriate site for the interchange and "off ramps" raged throughout the decade. Debate centered on economic advantages versus land use alterations prime agricultural l a n d ) . (i.e., the usurping of Other subject matters classified in the analysis are discussed in the following pages. 82 Table 16. Growth-Related Articles Published in the Osceola County Herald by Subject Matter and Year, 1970 through 1980. YEAR SUBJECT MATTER Transportation Number Percent Education/ Schools Nunber Percent Government/All Number Percent Business/Local Economy Number Percent Health/Medical Care Number Peroent Overall Quality of Life Number Percent Land use Number Peroent Recreation/ Leisure Number Peroent Religious Life Number Percent Crime/Deviancy Number Percent TOTAL Number Peroent TOTAL 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 127 18.0 13 16.9 16 24.6 8 14.8 6 6.1 14 15.8 21 23.6 16 36.4 14 26.9 6 10.9 7 15.2 6 14.6 115 16.2 15 19.5 5 7.7 10 18.5 17 17.3 26 29.3 17 19.1 6 13.6 1 1.9 6 10.9 4 8.7 8 19.5 112 15.8 7 9.1 6 9.2 10 18.5 18 18.4 6 6.7 9 10.1 6 13.6 17 32.7 15 27.3 13 28.3 5 12.2 96 13.5 12 15.6 3 4.6 6 11.1 15 15.4 16 18.0 5 5.6 8 18.2 7 13.5 9 16.4 7 15.2 8 19.5 67 9.4 4 5.2 11 16.9 4 7.4 2 2.0 10 11.2 24 27.0 5 11.4 1 1.9 3 5.5 - 3 7.3 68 9.6 18 23.3 14 21.5 6 11.1 7 7.1 2 2.2 2 2.2 1 2.3 3 5.8 8 14.5 3 6.5 4 9.8 2 3.1 - 22 22.4 5 5.6 8 9.0 2 4.5 4 7.7 8 14.5 4 8.7 2 4.9 8 8.2 7 7.9 3 3.4 4 8.7 3 7.3 1 2.2 2 4.9 57 8.0 49 6.9 11 1.5 8 1.1 - 8 10.4 - - 4 6.2 7 13.0 4 6.2 3 5.6 - - - 3 3.1 1 1.1 2 2.2 - 5 9.6 - _ - - - - - - _ - - 3 6.5 _ - 77 710 65 44 54 98 89 89 52 55 46 41 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Source: Cattplied from issues of the Osceola County Herald from Januray 1, 1970 through December 31, 1980, Osceola County Michigan. 83 EDUCATION The post 1970 urban-to-rural migration trend has a number of potential impacts for rural school systems. Alterations in school age populations may directly affect educational revenues, demand on facilities and personnel, maintenance, and future planned development. Moreover, significant shifts in other segments of the population may also have potential example, ramifications for school systems. For elderly are frequently viewed as opposing school bond and millage requests and thus, a dramatic influx of retirees into a school district may adversely affect school revenues. Furthermore, large numbers of newcomers with values at variance with local norms may induce institutional alterations, as witnessed in an Oregon tax revolt which closed four school districts (see Hennigh, 1978). The following narrative describes the consequences of the rapid growth of the 1970's on Osceola County's four school districts. Interviews with the seven school principals and Osceola's four school district superintendents intermingled with those of several teachers, provide insights into their perspective on Osceola's growth. the county's major newspaper Articles from (Osceola County Herald), and various educational statistics from Michigan's Department of Education are also utilized. offered as well. Policy recommendations are 84 OSCEOLA'S EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS Osceola County contains portions of four public school domains (see Figure 13), Evart, Marion, Pine River, and Reed City, which subdivide the county into quadrants. Reed City's district, encompassing the county's more populated territory, contains about twice as many students as does the Marion school district (see Table 17). student bodies are about equal Evart and Pine River's in size, but are slightly smaller as compared with Reed City. Each of the school systems is administered by an elected board. A superintendent oversees the operation of all schools within each district. School districts within Osceola contain at least one high school middle school (grades 10-12), (grades 7-9), and elementary school 6), and kindergarten facilities. (grades 1- Principals, the key administrators of each school, are directly below district superintendents in the educational hierarchy. Augmenting public education in Osceola are several parochial schools that conduct classes within the county. Dwarfed by the larger public schools, these private facilities are all located in Reed City. An alternative to public education is available to residents in the county at all grade levels (K-12) , including numerous non-public facilities in neighboring counties. Administrators in Osceola's private schools, also contacted, facilitated an awareness of consequences which occurred in the non-public 85 OSCEOLA COUNTY MICHIGAN Highland Sherman Burdell Marion PINE klVER MAF t l ON I l Hartwick Roselake LeRoy Lincoln REED Osceola iedar Middle Branch 1 I I Sylvan CITY EVART j Richmond Figure 13. Hersey Evart Orient Location of School Districts in Osceola C o u n t y » Michigan. 86 Table 17. Percent Change in Public School Enrollment, K Through 12, 1971-72 Through 1978-79, Districts Comprising Osceola County, Michigan. K 1-6 YEAR NO. PERCENT CHANGE NO. REED CITY 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 144 118 136 142 149 137 153 118 -18.1 15.3 4.4 4.9 - 8.1 11.7 -22.9 922 952 918 924 905 903 856 838 fYART 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 80 73 87 87 92 76 94 84 - 8.7 19.2 0 5.7 -17.4 23.7 -10.6 538 548 522 509 522 551 529 527 72 82 94 90 84 90 117 105 13.9 14.6 - 4.3 - 6.7 7.1 30.0 -10.2 60 56 69 77 71 74 59 66 - 6.7 23.2 11.6 - 7.8 4.2 -20.3 11.9 PINE RIVER 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 MARION 1971-1972 1972-1973 1973-1974 1974-1975 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 PERCENT CHANGE 7-9 10-12 TOTAL NO. PERCENT CHANGE NO. PERCEOT CHANGE NO. 3.3 3.6 .6 2.1 .2 5.2 2.1 525 514 520 654 563 521 515 471 - 2.1 1.2 8.5 - .2 - 7.5 - 1.2 - 8.5 403 448 497 503 S21 512 540 518 11.2 10.9 1.2 1.8 0 5.5 - 4.1 1,994 2,032 2,071 2,133 2,129 2,073 2,064 1,945 1.9 4.7 2.5 2.5 5.6 4.0 .4 320 322 325 316 321 318 297 307 .6 .9 - 2.8 1.6 - .9 - 6.6 3.4 292 279 294 348 361 306 309 300 - 4.4 5.4 18.4 3.7 -15.2 1.0 - 2.9 1,230 1,222 1,228 1,260 1,296 1,251 1,229 1,218 .6 .5 2.6 2.8 - 3.5 - 1.8 - .9 506 599 576 556 598 591 565 579 .2 3.0 - 3.5 7.5 - 1.2 - 4.4 2.5 306 332 345 320 306 342 344 335 8.5 3.9 - 7.2 - 4.4 11.7 .6 - 2.6 231 246 268 309 340 333 313 305 6.5 8.9 15.3 10.0 - 2.1 - 6.0 - 2.6 1,169 1,219 1,283 1,275 1,328 1,356 1.339 1,324 4.3 5.2 - .6 4.1 2.1 - 1.2 - 1.1 448 419 416 420 408 419 437 419 - 6.5 - .7 1.0 - 2.9 2.7 4.3 - 4.1 233 242 249 255 235 250 218 224 3.8 2.9 2.4 - 7.8 6.4 -12.8 2.7 179 173 201 196 204 200 206 203 - 3.3 16.2 - 2.5 4.1 - 2.0 3.0 - 1.5 920 890 935 948 918 943 920 912 - 3.3 5.1 1.4 - 3.2 2.7 - 2.4 - .9 - - - PERCENT CHANGE - 1.9 1.9 3.0 .2 2.6 .4 5.8 - Source: Calculated from Michigan Department of Education Data. See also Stanely E. Hecker and Frederick R. Ignatovich, "Michigan Total, Public, and Nonpublic Membership Baaed on 1971-72 through 1978-79 Membership Data," Michigan State University, College of Education, 1979. 87 sector of the county*s educational institution. ENROLLMENT The trailing edge of the "baby boom" cohort 19 initiated a period of expected enrollment decline in Osceola's schools starting in 1970. Osceola's shrinking student populations became manifest in the closing of St. Philips school in mid 1970. (K-12) However, a concurrent rapid influx of young urbanite families halted the county's declining student enrollment and ushered in a new wave of growth. Consequently, Osceola's schools encountered a brief span of accelerated growth while Michigan's student population, general, plunged in (see Figure 14). Closer inspection of enrollment data reveals that Osceola's four school districts did not grow at similar rates (see Figure 14). Rather, those districts encompassing Osceola's prime natural amenity locations 13) recorded the largest advances. student body expanded until mid-1977 in 1974). (see Figures 10 and For example, Pine River's (except for slight dip In contrast, Marion's enrollment vacillated greatly throughout the decade. Student populations began receeding in all four districts, however, near the end of the 1970's 14) . (see Figure The Reed City Schools which were p a r t i c u l a r l y affected by shrinking numbers lost nearly 6% (19 pupils) in one year. Disruptions resulting from these enrollment fluctuations are now discussed. 88 MICHIGAN Of 5 •■ i. '3-"4 3 * 2 *4-7S - ■S-76 1P E RCE N T OSCEOLA 0■ -1 -2 -3 - I a -78 FT '8-79 I -i « RFFD CITY EVART PINE RIVFR PFIiCENT MARION Figure 14. Percent Change in School Enrollments; 1972-73 through 1978-79, Michigan, Osceola County and its School Districts. 89 IMPACTS OF POPULATION GROWTH ON OSCEOLA*S SCHOOLS The educational system in Osceola County has been affected in major ways by population growth. Impacts include pressure on educational facilities and programs, shifting attitudes toward school bond and millage requests, increased heterogeneity of students, and an array of discipline problems. The effects of growth, however, have varied greatly among the public and private school systems in the county. Generally, actors in the school system, whether superintendents, of directors, arise. principals, teachers or members of the board have chosen to cope with problems as they Aggressive planning to contend with enrollment changes or to create school-based programs that address the needs of the migrant population are conspicuously absent, to any significant degree, in the Osceola school system. The following sections describe in more detail several of the major concerns which surfaced during the 1970 decade. PHYSICAL FACILITIES An obvious impact of population growth on the schools in Osceola, is the strain placed upon classroom space and other educational facilities. Chronic overcrowding surfaced as enrollments exceeded building capacities. superintendent of the Reed City Schools, According to the in the period 1970 to 1976, enrollments increased 48% with 20.7% accounted for 90 by "the influx of people from the cities" (McNally, 1976) . Six portable classrooms were used to alleviate overcrowded conditions, and the situation grew extremely acute in the middle schools in 1973, a result of several defeated millage requests for expanded facilities. A serious lack of communications between educational personnel and the county's populace is, in part, responsible for the situation which plagued Reed City's school district. A review of the Osceola County Herald, from 1970 to 1980, failed to detect any sign of a vigorous campaign aimed at informing the county residents as to the schools particular predicament. Frustrated by the preceived ignorance, apathy, or indignation of district voters, Reed City's superintendent was quoted as saying, "We'll wake up one day and parents will wonder why their children are on split shifts...If we don't start now it'll be that much more critical" (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 3 a ) . Schools in the Pine River district were similarily inundated by students. Enrollment increases that averaged 50 students per school year cramped newly constructed classrooms. LeRoy's bus garage was renovated to provide elementary schoolrooms. In Tustin, additional classroom space was provided for elementary students by subdividing existing rooms. At the High School, teachers conducted courses in lounges, hallways, cafeterias, and band rooms (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 4 b ) . The situation at Evart and Marion schools, somewhat less 91 severe (see Table 17), was also alleviated in part by portable classrooms. Elementary pupils in particular, overcrowded their facilities in the early 1970's. Ironically, declining enrollments after 1977 became the major issue for Osceola's schools (see Table 17). students translated into diminished revenues. in state funds, higher fuel costs, Fewer Moreover, cuts and a severely depressed economy produced additional financial problems for education. Faculty and staff layoffs became necessary. educational programs developed, Alterations in several of which are commented upon. PROGRAMS Deleterious consequences on instructional programs are latent impacts of population growth. Overcrowded school conditions in Osceola during the early part of the 7 0 's undercut several educational appendages. headstart program, The county's for example, was evicted from its location in Reed City to provide more classroom space for other students (Osceola County Herald, 1974f) . A chronic shortage of teachers in the Reed City area generated disturbing effects. Pupil/teacher ratios catapulted to 28, significantly above other school districts (see Table 18). An insufficient number of teachers and facilities severely curtailed special classes such as art, music, shop, and gym. Furthermore, inadequate course offerings in career and special education threatened Reed Table IB. Selected Characteristics of Osceola’s School Districts, 1970 to 1979. N U A X RATE YEAR 1970-1971 1972-1973 1974-1975 1976-1977 1978-1979 SCHOOL DISTRICT TOTAL GfNERAL FUN) EXPOISE RJPII/IEACHETt RATIO ALLOC. VOTED TOTAL PER PUPIL RAMUNG* OSCEOLA SIATf^ EVART MARION P B E RIVER REED CITY 8.2 8.2 8.2 8.2 12.0 10.0 15.8 8.8 20.2 18.2 24.0 17.0 744.92 748.55 791.71 667.97 372 314 217 491 23 23 24 28 EVART MARION PINE RIVHt REED CITY 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 13.0 10.0 14.0 9.0 21.0 18.0 22.0 17.0 885.95 908.21 916.51 764.08 313 261 240 514 23 22 22 27 EVART MARION P D C RIVER REED CITY 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 15.0 12.0 14.0 12.0 23.0 20.0 22.0 20.0 1101.27 1052.14 1110.56 935.47 349 424 338 520 22 22 23 26 EVART MARION PINE RIVHt REH) CITY 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 15.0 14.8 16.0 15.0 23.0 22.8 24.0 23.0 1151.58 1121.09 1215.24 1070.06 438 476 357 506 22 24 22 25 EVART MARION PINE RIVER RETD CITY 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 15.0 14.0 16.0 15.0 23.0 22.0 24.0 23.0 1445.35 1423.64 1518.42 1360.36 448 468 363 505 25 21 23 24 (25) (24) (24) DROP-OUT RATE 06CB0LA STATE 4.99 5.51 5.51 6.02 (3.91) 8.05 2.69 5.93 5.19 (5.04) (4.17) (5.04) (5.03) 7.83 2.07 2.93 5.92 (4.03) (3.97) (4.03) (4.61) (23) (22) * Ranking based upon 529 total school districts in Michigan. | State ocnfsriBons made by size of school district: Evart & Pine River 1,000-1,499; Reed City 1,SOO-1,999; Marion 500-999. Data for 1970-71 drop-out levels were not available by size of school district, thus the conparison is made with all counties north of and including Oceana, Newaygo, Mecosta, Isabella, Midland, Gladwin, Ogemaw, and Iosco. Sources: Michigan Department of Public Education, Stannary of Expenditure Data for Michigan Public Schools, Bulletin No. 1013, 1971-72 throu^i 1979-79. Michigan Department of Public Education, Ranking of Michigan Public High School Districts by Selected Finincial Data, Bulletin No. 1012, 1971-72 through 1978-79. Michigan Department of Education, Public High School Drop-outs in Michigan: 1969-70 through 1974-75. Michigan Department of Education, Michigan Educational Statistics 1970-1971 through 1979-1980. 93 City's accredation (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 8 4 h ) . An additional factor creating this situation is that funds per pupil in Reed City schools are among the lowest in the state (see Table 18). The influx of many disadvantaged youth diverted funds to expand activities and benefits for needy individuals in accordance with state and federal guidelines. Remedial reading classes were initiated along with various special education opportunities. school lunch programs, Title I funds were tapped to aid student employment, and other compensatory efforts. Community education activities in the county also significantly increased during the decade. Although few educators associate expanded programming with migration, the parallel between a reported influx of elderly by informants and an increase in events catering to senior citizens is striking. Free enrichment classes, lectures, demonstrations, and workshops offered during government sponsored hot lunches, recreational trips (eg.. Lowell Showboat, Tulip F es t i v a l ) , and various other activities are a few examples of the programs directed specifically at the county's elderly population. An informant noted, however, that 40% to 50% of the elderly involved in community education, estimated by monthly newsletter circulations at around 400, are seasonal participants — migrating to the south or perferring to stay at home during winter months. Various summer recreational activities for youth 94 increased near the end of the 1970's. softball diamonds, renovated, in part, Parks, tennis courts, and numerous other facilities were due to an outcry by residents against slack local governments section on g o v e r n m e n t ) . (an issue addressed more fully in a Appropriations for county parks rose from $6,000 in 1970 to $32,750 in 1980; an increase of 446 percent. BOND ISSUES A AND MILLAGE REQUESTS significant shift in sentiment toward bond issues and millage requests paralleled Osceola's population growth. Until March 1972, voters in the Reed City School District had not rejected a school bond issue for at least a quarter of a century. However, in a ten day span, voters successfully defeated three school bond proposals by large margins (see Osceola County Herald, 1972a; Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 2 b ) . A second attempt one year later, seeking to fund a new middle school, also met with strong opposition Herald, 1 9 7 3 e ) . (Osceola County Similar situations occurring in rapid growth areas of rural Oregon are reported by Hennigh (1978) . Pine River voters also joined the sweeping school tax rebellion. During the mid 1970's, school enrollments, in the height of elevated voters in the district twice rejected bond issues designed to alleviate the chronic overcrowding (Osceola County Herald, 1973g; Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 4 b ) • Mixed opinions are offered by school the cause of the unfavorable voting trend. informants as to Nearly all 95 suggest that no single label accurately categorizes those responsible for school bond defeats. Rather, "every group seems to be against higher taxes" as one offical commented. However, several administrators who analysized the county's election returns offered these generalizations: wi th low income tend not to register, of millage or school bond campaigns; 1) voters regardless of the vigor 2) senior citizens and those on fixed incomes are prone to oppose tax increases; and 3) households without school aged children are apt to vote against school issues. Additonal factors which cross socio-demographic lines also affect voting behavior. A mistrust of school officials, for example, may have contributed to millage defeats in the Pine River School District. Residents of the district were informed that successful passage of a bond issue to construct Pine River High School (which occurred in 1969) their last building request. span of time, would be However, within only a short a new school bond issue was placed on the ballot. Disagreements with planners also spurred residents to oppose school requests. Elderly in the Reed City School district are a key case in point. A bond issue to support the construction of a middle school in Reed City has been consistently turned down by voters who fear becoming overburdened with taxes. citizen group stated, A spokesperson for one senior "we are not against the new school, but we are definitely against the size and the kind that is 96 proposed (Osceola County Herald, 1972g) . High construction costs and interest rates threaten to plunge the district into debt if the school building request is granted, according to the elderly. Senior citizens in the area view their present taxes, and those of people on fixed incomes as prohibitive, thus an additional tax hike would be overburdening. Other impacts of population growth affect students more directly. Several detrimental impacts are commented upon. DROP-OUTS Elevated high school drop-out rates in Osceola parallel the population influx, and suggest possible student adaptation problems. Michigan's Department of Education reports Osceola's drop-out level for the 1970-71 school year was the twelfth highest in the state Education, 1971). (Michigan Department of Moreover, a comparison of Osceola's school districts with those of similar size in Michigan, relatively high county drop out rates reveal (see Table 18). The only exception is Marion schools which sustained only modest growth. Unfortunately, published statistics on Michigan's student drop-outs ceased after 1975 making interpretation of Osceola's situation hazardous. However, available data indicate that Marion High School, the least affected by population growth and also the smallest of the county's four high schools, curbed its drop-out problem most effectively (see Table 18). Interestingly, Pine River also had remarkable success in reducing their drop-out level in 1974- 97 75. In contrast, students in Evart and Reed City high schools quit at alarmingly high rates. Administrators point to transient newcomers as a major factor exacerbating this problem. TRANSIENTS Several school administrators refered to Osceola's high pupil "turn-over" rate as a major problem due to rapid population growth. A substantial contingent of highly mobile newcomers to Osceola created a very fluid student body particularily at the high school level. principal commented, One high school "there is a hell of a turnover.. .about 30% are mobile, very m ob ile.” The consequences of transitory households, most often associated with families headed by welfare recipients or road construction workers, on educational institutions are difficult to assess. Studies indicate transient students decrease the continuity of classrooms Research, 1975; Trigg, 1976:5), drop-outs (Mountain West increase the incidence of (Gilmore, 1976; Mountain West Research, 1975), and detract considerably from the learning process 197:;) • (Cortese, School informants from Osceola substantially corrobrate these findings, citing significant disruptions created by the constant infusion of students who were socialized in a different environment, notably in large cities. In the perception of local officials parents from mobile 98 households, especially those in lower economic strata, also disrupt educational processes by their lack of participation in millage or school bond campaigns. Frequently they fail to register to vote in such issues thus in most instances, contribute to their defeat. This situation, in part, itself disrupts educational from Osceola, suggest the migrat io n process institutions. School informants point out that migra ti ng youth often are plagued by adjustment problems. Moreover, local youngsters occasionally clash with newcomers intensifying the situation and increasing delinquency. DELINQUENCY Discipline problems in Osceola's schools increased mar ke dl y during the 1970's. According to informants, increased staff time was spent on counseling, and mental health referrals. probate court, One superintendent noted that elementary schools are especially problematic since teachers and personnel at this level often search for causes and cures of troubled children, an exercise infrequently seen at the secondary level. Unfortunately no data w e r e available to determine the extent to which migrants or the rapid influx of newcomers, general, directly contribute to delinquency. in However, symptoms occuring in Osceola County similar to those reported by Freudenburg, (1979), (1978), Cortese (1979) , and Cortese and Jones in their studies of rapid population growth in rural 99 areas, persuasively indicate rapid population growth may induce deleterious impacts on students. Overt disfunctions among students within the county appeared in several forms. Student shoplifting during lunch hours became particularily acute in Reed City, forcing several businesses to bar students from their stores during those hours (Swem, 1977) . Vanda li sm and malicious distruction of property threatened the closing of numerous recreational facilities during summer months. Reed City's manager, "hardly a night goes by that someone doesn't break or steal something. broken and stolen, paper, According to Light bulbs have been toilets have been broken and stuffed with towel racks have been ripped off the walls, doors have been kicked in, things have been yanked off the ceilings in restrooms, picnic tables have been stolen...its unbelievable" (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 9 c ) . Overall, Osceola for all crimes other than curfew, juvenile arrests in loitering, and run­ away rose from 60 in 1970 to 102 in 1976, an increase of 70% (see Department of State Police, 1971; rates for rural Michigan 2,500 people) The comparable (areas with populations less than and Michigan in general, that same period, 1977) . are much lower for 25% and 19%, respectively. Although young newcomers may disrupt traditional social control mechanisms (Freudenburg, 1978), among school student bodies increase dissention (Johnson, 1975) , and subject classmates to different values, migrants are not necessarily the "troublemakers" within the community. Interviews with 100 numerous residents in the county reinforce this supposition. As a student from Pine River High School aptly explained, "Pine River has been swept by a wave of 'city kids.' This has led to some dissention among the student body, yet a vast majority causing the problems (vandalism) are not 'city kids' but those who were born and raised in the area" (Johnson, 197s) . Drug abuse among Osceola's students also accelerated during the 1 9 7 0 's. Much of the blame is placed upon the heavy influx of youngsters from Detroit. Since drug trafficking increased significantly in most areas of Michigan during the 1970's (Osceola County Herald, 1970a), it is difficult to determine the validity of such a contention. 1973, local governments in Osceola viewed the abuse of In controlled substances sufficiently high enough to state that a drug prevention program was "urgently needed in this area" (Osceola County Herald, 19 73 c ) . Funds for the program were provided by the county shortly thereafter, and its success necessitated the hiring of additional personnel (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 3 f ) . SUMMARY Rapid change in population presents significant consequences for educational institutions. Impacts in Osceola County included severe overcrowding of school facilities, curtailed educational programming, growing opposition to millage and school bond requests, elevated high 101 school drop-out levels, increased heterogeneity of students, and an array of delinquency. Dissatisfaction with public education, due to many of these factors, households to seek private education. is causing numerous In Osceola County, Trinity Lutheran School nearly doubled its enrollment during the last five years of 1970 (N=102). Moreover, the number of non-Lutherans attending the school increased by a factor of 7 over the same period. Since enrollment in Michigan's nonpublic schools declined by 3.5% that same time period, (see Verway, 1980) this may indicate, during in part, Osceola residents' dissatisfaction with the county's public educational system. Ironically, much of the disruption is due to poor planning and a lack of open communications between school personnel and area residents. An aggressive campaign by school administrators to inform residents of changing student enrollments, intertwined with community input in planned development may increase the successful passage of millage and bond requests. Moreover, policies by school personnel aimed at integrating new students and parents into their new environment, may effectively reduce the severety of growth impacts. 102 GOVERNMENT Governmental institutions and politics in rural America are commonly viewed as highly personal, uncomplicated informal, and (see Nelson, 1960; Sanders, 1966; Gallaher, 1961; Bernard, 1973; Vidich and Bensman, 1959). officials, Elected in most cases, vacillate indistinguishably between public and private roles, a demeanor often prescribed by local mores* These individuals typically make judgments on issues based upon subjective community norms. Policies, therefore, adjust to the unique conditions of the territory or actors (Wood, 1958:27 8). In general, an informal support mechanism is the skeletal structure of rural governmental institutions. Fragile rural polities may be threatened by rapid population growth. Newcomers socialized in more cosmopolitan environments may enter rural political mainstreams, disrupting former informal standards arrival (Sokolow, 1981) . Their in large numbers, moreover, may effectively overburden existing infra-structures and delivery systems creating severe strains on often frail institutions. Additionally, rural political officeholders inundated with growth may be required to perform tasks for which they are unfamiliar or ill-trained including zoning, intergovernmental relations, grant writing, and tax scheme development. Insight into these issues is offered through an analysis of political systems within Osceola County and population 103 growth related problems which confronted these polities during the 1 9 7 0 's. the county levels Interviews with government officials at (NS13)20 , township (N=14)21 , and municipality (N=16) 22 detail various disparities among different strata of government# including recognition of growth and its impacts. Minutes of the meetings of Osceola's County Commission from 1970 to 1980 document policies adapted by county functionaries for coping with growth issues. A review of the Osceola County Herald during that same time period, offers further evidence of the events which occurred during the decade. It is difficult, however, to determine the amount or direction of bias among reporters for the paper, thus caution is assumed in the analysis and where possible interviews or documented data are used to corrobrate articles. A description of these situations follows a brief overview of Osceola's political system. OSCEOLA COUNTY'S GOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM Osceola County operates with a 15 member commission. Since the representation on this commission is based on population, and Evart — the two largest towns in the county — hold a commanding voice in the affairs of the county via one-third of the commission votes However, Reed City (see Figure 15). this dominance is to some extent muted by a lingering rivalry between the two cities that started from a 104 OSCEOLA COUNTY MICHIGAN Burdell LeRoy Shermai Highland Marion Roselake Hartwick Middle Branch Osceola Sylvan 4 Cedar Lincoln 9 Evart Cltv Lchmond Hersey a Orient 13 t _ _ I_ Figure 15. Osceola County Commission Districts, 1979. 105 dispute over the location of the county seat at the turn of the century. The rural character of the county still fashions political life. More than half (17) of the thirty-three different commissioners serving the county during the 1970's are or have been farmers. The remaining members, and former members are store owners, business personnel employed by various manufacturing firms in the county, representatives, medical professionals, insurance and homemakers. Only two women have served in this capacity, the first elected in 1972. Long time residency appears to be a prerequisite for county office, for 26 of the 33 commissioners during the 70's are natives of the area; only one has lived fewer than ten years in the county. This norm is apparent even at the level of local government. All but three key officials presidents, clerks, treasurers, and city managers) (mayors or from the six municipalities in the county have lived in the area longer than 15 years. Although Ploch (197 8) newcomers have been successful indicates in obtaining public offices in rural polities, migrants to Osceola have not been as fortunate. A lack of vigor or desire among newcomers in seeking political positions in several of Osceola's smaller villages is cited by some area officials as one explanation. One village administrator explained, interested, however, department." "they are just not some help out with our voluntay fire 106 Nonetheless, Osceola's newcomers are not bashful about voicing growth related concerns; a trait observed in other rural areas (see Cockerham and Blevine, 1977; Hennigh, 1978; Graber, 1974) . Complaints about road maintenance, crime, and taxes were frequently heard from migrants, a topic discussed later in this section. The governing structure of the towns and villages in the county runs the gamut of complexity from the bureaucratic system of Reed City (population 2,221) town meeting of LeRoy (population 293). to the old fashioned Only Reed City and Evart employ professionally trained city managers, while the remaining four rely upon their town council to perform planning and administrative functions. An intermediate strata of government is the township. Comprised of a supervisor, clerk, subcommittees treasurer, and various (eg. road commis s io n) , a township board is primarily responsible for the infra-structural affairs of a six square mile domain. Although substantially reliant upon county support, both legislatively and monetarily, officials retain zoning privileges, township a limited ability to levy taxes, and property assessment responsibilities. Not surprisingly, the diversity of governmental units and nature of jurisdictions have resulted in an equally diverse impact of population growth on government. lakes, woods, forests and streams — that seem to attract in-migrants — throughout the county, Since the natural amenities are not evenly dispersed the consequences of growth are not 107 equally felt in all areas of the county. Moreover, recognition of population expansion varies distinctly among different sectors of government. GROWTH AWARENESS County government seems nonchalant about population growth occurring in Osceola, an attitude implicit in interviews with county commissioners. Impressions of population influx were frequently viewed by them as "not significant." For example, one commissioner commented, a great deal of growth is occurring in the county population is around 18,000." error by nearly 1,000 persons "not ... the Even though his estimate is in (18,928), the decennial gain which he suggested is still two and a half times greater than any previous decennial growth period in Osceola's history since the turn of the century. Selectively confined population growth may be, in part, responsible for this somewhat distorted perspective. Much of Osceola's population expansion, as noted in Chapter 3, is found in wooded areas, alongside lakes and the Muskegon River, in general hidden from the casual onlooker. Commissioners for the most part are aware of these common growth areas, however, most note that they infrequently visit them, as illustrated in the response: "Rose Lake is getting quite a few newcomers and their share of problems, however. I've never been there so I don't know." In marked contrast, township supervisors are in a 108 favorable positon to witness population growth. for a six-mile square piece of geography, they are keenly aware of changes occurring in their territory, in interviews. as evidenced Population growth varied widely among townships in Osceola, ranging from, Responsible hence, an array of responses were given "growth has been pretty s u b s t a n t i a l ” to "our township has only gradually increased due to a lack of lakes.” Differential population growth in Osceola's m un ic ipalities similarily prompted divergent responses from local public servants. president, clerk, Key government officials treasurer, (village c o u n c i l m e m b e r ) in Tustin, LeRoy, and Hersey uniformly described their village's influx as gradual, gain. and pointed to peripheral territory as areas of Informants from the larger towns of Reed City, Evart, and Marion assessed their area's growth situation as limited, commenting that surrounding lakes and streams are forces attracting migrants. Varied preceptions of population growth among county, township, and municipal governments are found to be disruptive. In Osceola County, incongruity between legislative bodies fostered an array of clashes among public servants. Their disjointed views of growth attenuated successful planning, financing, the following sections. and cooperation as noted in 109 GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS REACTION TO GROWTH Osceola's county government appears somewhat disassociated from the growth problems in its townships and small towns, a condition implicit in the county commission minutes. A review of these minutes for the period from January 1970 to June 1979 revealed that an overwhelming portion of time and energy was devoted to budgetary concerns, sundry individual recognitions, grounds, and maintenance of county buildings, material and personnel. Conversations with county officials suggest that the impact of population growth is viewed as a local concern for areas around lakes and rivers where expansion is occurring. Township leaders, disgruntled over the lack of assistance given them by the county, have taken semi-isolationist attitudes. As one township supervisor noted, "the county doesn't seem to be doing much about growth ... (thus) the county is not really needed in this particular township, (township) it is doing well enough on its own." Financial assistance, waste disposal sites, and improved services (i.e., emergency health care, elderly transportation) informants. were frequently mentioned needs by township As one municipal official said, money but they won't spend it." "they have the A review of county appropriations over the decade reveals a contingency fund which commissioners state they are hesitant to tap. Ironically, this "nest egg" has not dropped below $60,000 110 sin ce 1975 (see T ab le 19) . Discontent between township and county government, however, is not new in Osceola. In 196 9 supervisors were banned from the county commission in an apparent power play. Prior to that time, townships had representation in county decision making via one vote. A subsequent attempt at unifying the two political bodies several years later met with a similar fate. In this instance, a township association was formed to facilitate information flows between supervisors and commissioners. supervisor explained, a couple of meetings However, as one "many supervisors quit attending after ... commissioners would not attend e i th er ." Local public servants also expressed dissatisfaction with county government. roads, landfills) Infra-structural problems were most often cited as major concerns. Satirically, one informant commented, helped us much, (i.e., "the county hasn't they think we are in the next county up." GROWTH ISSUES CONFRONTING OSCEOLA'S GOVERNMENTS The consequences of growth are viewed by most government officials in Osceola as a "mixed bag" — respects, worse in others. are the most positive, better in some County and local administrators citing few negative impacts and emphasizing that population expansion has bolstered area business climates. However, township supervisors frequently responded that the conditions in their localities had Table 1 9 . O sceola County Budget A ppropriations, 1970-1980. YEAR APPROPRIATIONS Health Care1 Institutions Parks Retirement/Relief Funds Social Welfare Service County Fairs Ambulance Service Other Services3 Planning Commission Miscellaneous'* General Fund/ Capital Outlay Contingency Fund TOTAL 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 PERCENT CHANGE 1970-1980 44,850 12,000 6,000 25,500 35,000 15,000 32,000 10,000 53,600 28,000 13,000 35,500 70,000 15,000 39,140 9,800 32,586 280 49,891 10,000 25,000 57,860 68,429 25,000 51,051 12,300 6,100 2,000 66,133 15,000 31,246 133,860 73,795 25,000 72,000 6,300 6,195 4,300 142,666 30,000 30,000 139,800 83,687 25,000 98.465 6,300 6,000 2,100 181,721 50,000 32,750 215,000 87,366 25.000 137,091 4.400 6,000 13,646 305 25 446 743 150 67 328 - 56 NA NA 276,976 32,587 335,414 27,145 479,388 69,879 667,843 67,139 927,686 60,000 NA NA 608,989 730,190 983.0% 1.299,000 1,470,660 293 - 700 262,222 — 443,272 1 Health Care includes appropriations for Child Care, Health Unit, Public Health, Child Guidance Clinic 2 Retironent/Relief Funds includes appropriations for Soldier/Sailer Belief, Social Security, Retirement Fund, Hospital Life Insurance, Unemployment Compensation. 3 Other Services includes appropriations for Extension Agent, Library, Water Patrol, Civil Defense, Riot Control, Youth Camp. ^ Miscellaneous includes appropriations for Osceola Historical Society, Western Michigan Tourist Association, Soil Conservation, Monunent Markers, Six Cap, Probation Agent, Department of Public Works, western Michigan Health Plan, Beacon House, Law Office Training School, Show Mobile Patrol. Source: Osceola County Commission Minutes, 1970 through 1980, Osceola County Michigan. 112 worssened as a result of in-migrants. Negative consequences of recent growth highlighted by interviews with public servants are: crime, 1) road maintenance, 2) waste disposal, 3) and 4) taxes. 1) Road Maintenance Several factors have increased the clamor over road quality in Osceola County namely, increased traffic, diminished highway finances, and vociferous newcomers. use of Osceola's throughfares, vacationers, Heavy especially by weekend has accelerated their deterioration. populations more than double on (summer/fall) "Township w e e k e n d s ” noted one supervisor. Limited budgets were mentioned as intensifying the situation2 3 . Townships were requested to sustain heavier road maintenance cost near the end of the 7 0 's due to diminished revenues funneled through the county from the state (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 8 d ) . A review of the county road commission's budget reveals deficit spending during the early years of the 7 0 * s. However, near the later part of the decade revenues exceeded expenditures (see Table 20). Most likely these figures are an indication of the extent of support townships provided. Between 1970 and 1978, funds spent on snow removal and road maintenance — complained about most by newcomers — services more than doubled. It is difficult to determine the extent to which this gain reflects a response to a heightened demand from metropolitan liab le 2 0 . O sceola Road Commission B udgets, 1970 t o 1978. TEAR ITEM 1970 1972 1974 Revenues 635,616 791,321 1,362,915 Expenditures Construction Maintenance Equipment Administration Snow Removal 729,075 258,375 404,977 21,825 43,898 834,268 222,036 534,653 35,852 41,727 962,422 198,490 580,954 12,415 64,855 105,708 ♦Percent change was calculated from 1974 to 1978. Source: Osceola County Commission Minutes, 1970-1979. 1978 PERCENT CHANGE 1970-1978 1,497,185 1,656,225 160 1,273,215 233,161 683,739 84,415 80,565 191,335 1,356,158 147,030 862,023 17,842 101,966 227,297 1976 - 86 43 ID - D2 115* 114 newcomers for better roads and road maintenance. Nonetheless, informants uniformily stated that urban migrants frequently complain of poor up-keep and tardy snow removal; sentiments seldom voiced by local residents. 2) Waste Disposal Osceola's rapid population growth and increased manufacturing activity during the 1970's placed a severe strain on the county's waste disposal facilities. Interestingly, funds were secured by the county for a comprehensive area-wide study of Osceola's water and sewer systems in 1970 {Osceola County Herald, 1970f); a final report appeared in 1971 1971). (see Osceola Planning Commission, Although the study predicted development areas with precision and alluded to growth, county officials avoided waste disposal planning and rejected an Osceola Planning Board's recommendation for a county landfill, suggesting the need did not exist and the cost was too high (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 3 h ) . Rather, the commissioners opted to remain reliant upon facilities in neighboring counties and interim licenses granted to Reed City, Evart, and Marion. However, in 1978 the Department of Natural Resources, which regulates disposal sites, closed the local sites in Osceola, thus elevating the county's solid waste disposal problems to a crisis level (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 8 e ) . One explanation for the commissions' possible distrust of expertise. Solokow attitude is their (197 8) noted that 115 rural governments often view professional representing foreign values, institutions. assistance as potential disruptors of informal This also may explain why commissioners did not seek technical assistance in producing a county building code (see Osceola County Herald, 1974j) . Ironically, informants state that inadequate control and restriction on land development has intensified waste disposal problems in the county. Numerous illustrations revolving around septic tank systems we re offered. general, In respondents reported that portions of Osceola's scenic countryside are not suitable for septic tank systems; a frequent discovery made by newcomers after they purchased land. In the case of Lake Miramici, a large scale lake development scheme, many of the 1,121 lots are situated in a clay basin for which county health officials will not approve for septic tank installation. Since the area was platted before the state's Subdivision Control Act in 1968, which forced tracted land to be approved before development, the county's lack of restrictions left newcomers with few safeguards. Additionally, informants stressed that lenient guidelines have allowed excessive development along lakeshores which threatened ground water quality. 3) Crime Some supervisors felt that crime had increased, p articularly crimes of property such as vandalism, and theft. Evidence substantiates this claim. trespass In 1977 the 116 incidence of burglary was in Osceola was 60% higher than that reported in 1971, a difference much greater than that recorded for Michigan's rural areas 2,500 population) (18%) (places with less than or Michigan in general Michigan Department of State Police, 1971; (-.7%) 1977) . (see Moreover, the number of total offenses for all crimes reported in Osceola was 86% higher in 1977 than in 1971. This represents an increase larger than that for Michigan's rural areas or the state as a whole State Police, 1971; (11%) (27%) (see Michigan Department of 1977). According to one law enforcement officer at the Osceola County Sheriff's Department, "breaking and entering and larceny have the largest increase disputes, especially over land, (along) with civil the most predominate crime." Seasonal dwellers are viewed as one catalyst producing the rising crime rate; unemployment is an additional factor. noted by the informant, As "vacant cottages and summer homes are favorite targets." Contrary to the impressions of many local residents, most of the offenses committed in Osceola are not attributed to newcomers. Rather, native youngsters and residents from neighboring counties are considered to be mainly at fault. As one commissioner explained, is our local kids. "Crime is up, but much of that Some thought it was due to 'rif-raf,' but the sheriff will tell you that's not the case." In an attempt to curb the county's crime rate, several townships implemented a "neighborhood watch" program, an 117 illustration of rural areas' mechanisms informal social control (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 5 b ) . This self help scheme utilizes local residents as overseers of residential areas. 4) Taxes Government officials, especially township supervisors stressed the "flack" they must take over repeated assessment increases. In about three of four townships, property valuations more than quadrupled over the 1970 decade (see Table 21), rates much higher than the state's increase (see Lukomski 1970; Verway, 1980). (135%) The total assessed valuation of townships on the average increased from one and a half million in 1970 to over seven million in 1980. Property near lakes elevated to ten times the value of agricultural land; timberland areas rose five times that of agricultural property. The comparatively smaller assessed property valuations in Evart and Reed City only doubled during that time span, which suggests rapid population growth may have contributed significantly to assessment rate increases (see Table 21). Residents enraged over skyrocketing property taxes, organized meetings with county and township officials to air their views (see Osceola County Herald, 1972c) . Claims of unjust assessments were directed occasionaly at township supervisors. For example one resident reported, "one township supervisor owns 3,000 acres including lakefront Table 21. Equalized Property and Total Valuations for Cities and Townships in Osceola County, 1970-1980. 1975 1970 PERCENT CHANGE 1980 PROPERTY TOTAL PROPERTY TOTH, PROPERTY TOTAL PROP. TOWNSHIPS Burdell Cedar Evart Hartwick Hersey Highland LeRoy Lincoln Marion Middle Branch Orient Osceola Richmond Rose Lake Sherman Sylvan 1,721,640 608,400 3,095,350 1,480,500 2,441,500 1,411,300 1,180,700 2,068,353 2,853,700 1,274,100 1,328,700 1,368,900 3,116,600 1,736,300 1,315,685 1,545,340 1,877,307 747,600 3,365,600 1,575,400 2,859,300 1,639,700 1,352,800 13,879,853 4,514,820 1,402,000 2,648,795 1,467,050 7,963,600 1,882,200 1,714,578 1,729,060 2,973,643 1,925,800 4,540,150 2,567,700 5,038,200 2,579,000 2,072,000 3,960,300 4,401,200 2,402,600 2,517,600 2,642,400 4,775,700 3,356,000 2,447.830 3,221,850 3,209,032 2,687,400 4,984,550 2,729,376 6,122,200 3,136,350 2,309,600 20,183,700 6,372,800 2,578,200 5,117,565 2,794,200 10,655,700 4,180,900 3,266,749 3,477,851 8,634,250 5,565,900 11,066,300 7,395,898 12,064,400 8,541,375 6,807,100 9,615,900 10,652,559 7,210,493 7,347,900 7,775,468 14,509,914 11,793,510 7,107,750 8,718,050 8,858,952 6,521,170 11,595,500 7,583,567 13,266,700 9,065,715 7,039,900 25,561,300 12,271,784 7,473,193 10,812,304 7,992,661 18.046,714 12,655,775 8.037,286 8.950,248 402% 815 258 401 394 505 477 365 273 466 453 468 366 579 440 464 372% 772 245 381 364 453 420 84 172 433 308 445 127 572 369 418 CITIES Evart Reed City 3,479,779 4,691,600 6,528,604 6,668,900 5,057,300 6,032,800 11,761,500 9,663,700 9,137,623 10,939,500 14,112,323 13,848,117 163 133 116 108 63,718,447 63,817,107 62,457,573 105,231,373 164.883,890 203.693,214 159 219 PLACE TOTAL Source: Osceola County Omission Minutes, 1970-1980. TOTAL 119 property which was not assessed as high as other parcels in the township." The County Equalizaton Director commented that such matters are "local concerns" (Osceola County Heraldr 1972c). Intensifying local residents' hostility toward taxation were the factor increases the state tacked onto Osceola's assessments. For three consecutive years starting in 1976, the State Equalization Board increased the county's valuation above what the county assessed. Michigan counties (Mecosta, Muskegon, Oceana, Clinton) which factor increases occurred 1979b). Osceola was only one of five in (Osceola County Herald, Complaints by county officials concerning unfair practices by a state tax commission representative resulted in the transfer of Osceola to the jurisdiction of another representative (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 8 0 b ) . GROWTH MANAGEMENT As noted previously, county government seemed to be somewhat disassociated from growth problems. The key population impact issues dealt with by the commission were highway construction, health care, and recreation. Several more specific actions related to growth included the creation and implementation of a junk ordinance, county building code, and a centralized ambulance network. Collectively, commissioners have taken a "wait and see" stance toward growth. Few preventive measures aimed at curbing growth related impacts have been set in motion by the 120 commission. County zoning, for example, has met with limited support from commissioners. Plans for county zoning were first discussed in 1970 (see Osceola County Herald, 1970g) . Residents' fervor for protecting Osceola's scenic areas prompted the passage of a "Green Belt Zoning Ordinance" in 1971 which restricted building construction within 50 feet of a watershed, to stabilize terrain. except That same year the Osceola Planning Commission expressed an "urgent need to control residential development" in the county. Negative consequences of growth in neighboring counties were utilized as an illustration of the effect of planning negligence. Nevertheless, action toward county zoning in Osceola was delayed until a land use study was suggested in 1975 that time span, (Ide, 1975). Ironically, during land developers were selling lots in Osceola without proper authorization (Detroit Free Press, 1971), utilizing and selling county property (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 2 f ) , and over-developing river front areas (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 1 b ) . Township officials were keenly aware of the situation, and began proposing regulations. Hersey Township in late 1970 restricted the number of mobile homes allowed into the area, especially in Hersey Village 197Oh). Middle Branch Township, (Osceola County Herald, inundated with development, requested a moratorium on new plats along the Middle Branch River. As one spokesperson said, "we'll soon become a drainage ditch if development continues" (Osceola County 121 Herald, 1971) . Additionally, Rose Lake, Sherman, Sylvan, and Richmond Townships implemented zoning ordinances while Highland, Osceola, and Cedar Townships were in the process of instituting land use codes. The issue of zoning once again surfaced at the county level in 1977. County planners urged commissioners to formulate a plan to protect unrestricted areas of the county. However, in general commissioners remained oppossed to such county statutes. communist plot As one commented, "people think its a ... it takes away their freedom." Threats from vociferous zoning opponents perhaps contributed to commissioners negative attitude. A real estate broker at one land use meeting met with applause wh en he said, "I will actively campaign against every commissioner who votes for this ordinance and I urge everyone here to do the s a m e . ” A n otable comment by one commissioner during the same meeting sums up the commissioners' development impacts, meant for houses, 1977b) . apparent insensitivity to "If ever there was a place that God it was here" Not surprisingly, (Osceola County Herald, the commission voted down county zoning 11 to 4 late in 1979. SUMMARY Evidence from Osceola County suggests that population growth confined to selected localized areas may significantly distort policy makers' its ramifications. awareness of population expansion and Other factors including economic prorit 122 motives, pressure from constituents, and lack of vigor or interest may also account for public servants* misconceptions of growth or their unwillingness to promote planned development. Regardless of causation, varied perceptions in different strata of government minimizes effective coordination among polities. In Osceola, disjointed views attenuated successful planning, financing, and cooperation between political sectors. Obvious impacts of population growth were manifest in strains on various infra-structural components. Road maintenance costs increased dramatically due to heavy use, especially by weekend vacationers. facilities became severely taxed. Solid waste disposal Over-development and improper soil quality fostered disputes over septic tank utilization. Additionally, public servants were subjected to grumbling migrants. Officials stressed the "flack" they must take from vociferous newcomers over tardy snow removal, inadequate road maintenance, property assessments. increased crime, Moreover, and excessive some governmental functionaries reported conflicts of interest between newcomers and oldtimers due to lifestyle clashes. Aggressive growth management, to a large extent, was absent in Osceola, particularly at the county level. Distorted views of the magnitude of population expansion and a reluctance to seek technical assistance in planning may have been contributing factors. Improved communications 123 between governmental strata may have effectively minimized growth impacts and facilitated strategies for future change. 124 ECONOMY Until the 1950*s, the economy of Osceola County was based almost exclusively upon its indigenous resources — forests and agricultural land. from major markets, Notwithstanding its distance small scale manufacturing firms began entering the county in the 1950's in part a reflection of a much larger trend sweeping the U.S. Recreational amenities of Osceola, (see Clemente, 1975). initially considered less desirable than those at other locations in Michigan, were extensively developed during the 1970's, paralleling the county's rapid population expansion. Hence, small scale manufacturing and recreation constitute major additions to the traditional economy based on forestry and agriculture. Shifts in Osceola's economic activity and subsequent institutional of census, impacts are scrutinized by utilizing an array social security, Commission data. plant supervisors, and Michigan Employment Security Interviews with key informants and personnel officers) largest industries and various bankers, business owners provide additional (managers, in Osceola's ten realtors, and small insight. EXPANSION IN MANUFACTURING Since 1950, Osceola has become relatively dependent upon manufacturing employment. In 1970 slightly more than 43% of Osceola's gainfully employed population worked in manufacturing (see Table 7)• This proportion is 125 significantly higher than the state in general and accounts for nearly 42% of Osceola's total labor and proprietors' earnings in 1971. This figure ranks sixteenth highest among all counties in the state (see Table 22). Manufacturing's contribution to Osceola's economy expanded during the 1 9 7 0 's. Social security data reported in County Business Patterns indicate that throughout the decade more than 60% of nonfarm employment held by nongovernment employees of Osceola was in manufacturing These figures are only estimates, however, based on total annual employment. (see Table 23). since they are not Rather, the data are the number of employees for the week including March 12, for the indicated year. Interviews with leading employers in the county reveal slightly higher manufacturing employment figures. Based upon respondents' estimates, the ten major manufacturers in the county employed 1,458 persons in 1970 and 2,016 in 1979, an increase of about 38%. CONALCO, Only one firm, had fewer employees in 1979 than in 1970. However, personnel officers note that a number of workers in these plants reside outside the county, particularly in neighboring towns less than 40 miles away. Nonetheless, by 197 8 Osceola ranked forteenth highest in the state in the proportion of labor and proprietor's earning from manufacturing (see Table 22 ). Most of the manufacturing firms in Osceola are directly or indirectly dependent upon national markets rather than 126 Table 22. Labor and Proprietors' Earnings in Selected Economic Sectors in Osceola County and Ranking among Michigan Counties, 1971 and 1978. LABOR AND PROPRIETORS' EARNINGS IN SELECTED INDUSTRY 1971 INDUSRTY AS A % PERCENT OP TOTAL EARNINGS 1978 TOTAL ($000) RANK IN STATE AS A % PERCENT OP TOTAL TOTAL EARNINGS ($000) RANK IN STATE Agricultural 6.44 2,310 17 7.01 21 4,212 Government 1.73 496 34 1.85 41 1,115 41.88 13,004 16 45.97 14 27,642 3.39 1,025 49 3.24 33 1,951 10.43 3,345 52 8.48 34 66,840 7.38 2,122 68 7.07 68 4,252 Manufacturing Wholesale Trade Retail Trade Services SOURCES: Michigan Income Monograph:1971-1976. Bureau of Economic Analysis, U.S. Department of Comerce. Michigan Statistical Abstract:1980. Division of Research, Graduate School of Business Adninistration, Michigan State University. Thble 23. Ehftloyment by Industry, Osceola Ctxxity 1970 to 1978. NUKER OP EMPLOYEES FOR WEEK INCUCOG MARCH 12* 1970 iwusmr QSCECLA NO. % 1975 MICHIGAN NO. % OBCBCLA % NO. 1978 MICHIGAN NO. % OSCEOLA NO. % MICHIGAN % NO. Construction Manufacturing Transportation Wholesale Trade Retail Trade Finance, Insurance, Real Estate Services Other 160 1.942 82 107 462 5.2 63.5 2.7 3.5 15.1 107.504 1.103,816 128.470 149,939 462,305 4.3 44.2 5.1 6.0 18.5 114 2,126 33 131 517 3.4 62.8 1.0 3.9 15.3 94.184 951,213 126,185 146,219 482,465 3.8 38.5 5.1 5.9 19.5 142 1.938 30 117 567 4.4 60.3 .9 3.6 17.6 119.832 1,164.433 140,518 160,741 579,918 4.1 39.9 4.8 5.5 19.8 48 235 24 1.6 7.7 .7 119,198 393,866 31,505 4.8 15.8 1.3 62 324 80 1.8 9.6 2.2 161,524 473,362 33,203 6.5 19.2 1.5 91 264 67 2.8 8.2 2.2 151,786 575,149 29,262 5.2 19.7 1.0 TOTAL 3,060 100.0% 2,496,603 100.0% 3,387 100.0% 2,468,355 100.0% 3,216 100.0% 2,921,639 100.0% ♦All wage and salary coployment of private nonfann anplcyees and of nonprofit menbership organizations aider compulsory coverage (Social Security). Source: County Business Patterns. U.S. Department of Connerce, Bureau of Census, (BP-78-24. 128 xocal ones. This diminishes the county's economic benefits from local sales of its products However, (see Summers, 1976) . two companies directlly linked to the auto industry employ nearly half of all manufacturing workers in the county (see Osceola County, 1976) • This dependence has proven to be a serious limitation to the county's economic stability. example, For the slow-down of the auto industry in the early 7 0 's forced the closing of two Osceola firms and displaced 160 workers. Moreover, disputes in contract negotiations with the United Auto W or kers Union in 1974 caused 750 employees to be laid off (Osceola County Herald, 1974i) . Other processed and manufactured products from Osceola plants include electronic parts, logging tools, leather goods (including shoes and gloves), and dairy products. A notable development in the dairy business is the recent conversion of cottage cheese production to Yoplait yogurt. The dominance of manufacturing may have detracted from the county's ability or desire to economically diversify. 1971, In retail and service sectors of Osceola's economy accounted for less than 18% of total labor and proprietors earnings, substantially lower than most counties in the state (see Table 22). In 197 8, the proportion dropped nearly two precentage points. However, other counties also occurred significant retail losses in (see Verway, 1980). Many respondents note that numerous trade and service functions for Osceola residents are provided in neighboring cities 129 (Big Rapids and Cadillac) perhaps exacerbating the situation (see also Osceola County, 1976) . D ECLINING FARMS AND FARM LAND Agriculture in Osceola has remained an important economic contributor to the county's economy However, various aspects are changing. (see Table 22). Osceola's farms are generally becoming less numerous but are growing in average size. From 1969 to 1978 the number of farms in the county diminished 10.0% — 663 to 597, census definition of f a r m s 24) — than that of the state Agriculture, 1980). (9.5%) respectively (using the 1969 a loss only slightly greater (see U.S. Census of Osceola's total farm acreage declined from 135,652 acres to 127,995 acres, a 5.6% drop compared to the state's the average size of an .8% gain. Concurrently, Osceola farm rose 11.7% to 229 acres, higher than that of Michigan (10.5%). an increase slightly On the average, a farm in Osceola is 60 acres larger than the average Michigan farm. Dairy, livestock, and related products have gained in economic importance in Osceola during the '70s. The value of products sold in this sector increased five times that of cash crops from 1974 to 197 8, and accounted for 86% of Osceola's total agricultural sales in 1978 of Agriculture, 1980). The dominance of dairy farming in the county has helped support, in the county, namely, (see U.S. Census in part, two large manufacturers Liberty Dairy with 81 employees in 1979 and Yoplait with 90 employees in 1979. 130 SHIFTS IN RETAIL TRADE Conversations with postmasters and business owners in Osceola suggest that a substantial number of retail and service operations have begun in the county since 1970. Informants suggest at least 20% of the businesses listed in the 1979 telephone directories for Osceola County, were established after 1970. Perhaps a more notable observation is the shifts in types of businesses appearing in Osceola. In 1979, a cross-country ski shop and the county's only shoe outlet, for example, opened in LeRoy — persons with fewer than 25 businesses. (pop. 264) a village of 295 Similarily in Tustin a crafts shop began operation in 1976. Although the viability of these stores is questionable, they suggest that newcomers are adding diversity to Osecola's economy. One respondent who recently opened a gift shop in the county stated, "I didn't do a need analysis before setting up business." Rather, he explained a "slower pace and more relaxed atmosphere" than that of an urban environment prompted the decision. ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF POPULATION GROWTH The growth in population between 1970 and 1979, had several major economic effects on Osceola. The influx of retirees and welfare clients has increased the county's ratio of dependent persons to workers, while concurrently 131 heightening demand for various services. Migrants' movement into selected natural amenity locations have shifted land use patterns and in some instances created environmental problems. Property asessements have skyrocketed. The promotion of tourism and recreation has resulted in an increased strain on the county infra-structure, prompting negative reactions from residents. In general, an array of economic impacts have surfaced as a consequence of growth, several of which are discussed. Inflated Dependency Ratios Osceola's post 1970 population influx enlarged the ratio of dependent persons to workers. youth, Gains in elderly retirees, and welfare recipients are most notable. Estimates indicate that in 1976, 11.9% of the county's population was 65 years old or over — average a proportion more than 2% above state (National Clearing House on Aging, 1978). Youth in Osceola have also expanded, presumably from the in-movement of numerous young families. Public and private school enrollment, an estimate of the number of children, has increased in proportion to Osceola's total population. 1970, children enrolled in school (K-12) accounted for 28.0% of the county's total population while they were 31.3% 197 9 — 1972; a proportion second highest in the state 1980). In in (Verway, A relatively large number of welfare recipients also have relocated in the county. Michigan's Department of Social Services estimate 6.8% of Osceola's total population 132 received public assistance in 1978, placing it among the 20 highest counties in the state (Verway, 1978}. The fact that transfer payment recipients had increased was often reported by local residents and officials. These suppositions are confirmed by data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis. Their figures reveals that in 1978 earnings from transfer payments in Osceola equaled 23.2% that of personal income, more than twice the state average (Verway, 1980) . Benefits from social security (old age, survivors, and disability insurance) of that amount programs (11.6%) (11.6%). (welfare) account for nearly half Various other public assistance contributed considerably less to the county's total transfer payments than that of social security, yet their proportion to total personal 1978 still ranked thirteenth highest in the state 1980). income for (Verway, A sign of growth in welfare services is a new building located in Reed City to house the Department of Social Services which previously was located in the old county office building. Income from transfer payments may be economically beneficial to the recipient area (Clawson, 1976) . example, For those receiving public assistance may buy local goods and services which in turn supports local business and provides employment for community residents. However, informants note that many of Osceola's elderly are seasonal. As a result much of the income received from transfer payments is spent outside the county. _This leakage effect 133 pertains not only to elderly but also to many transient welfare recipients. Additionally, demands for selected services care, retirement facilities, social services) dependent populations expand. (i.e. health increase as Osceola's budget appropriations from 1970 to 1980 reveals funds for health care rose 305% over the decade a 195% increase for the state (see Table 19), as compared to (see Verway, 1972; 1980). The county's contribution to social welfare services increased 150% during the same time span (see Table 19). Other increased expenses included ambulance service and transportation for elderly. More discussion of these impacts is given in a section on Health Care and Social Services. Changing Land Use Patterns A major effect of population growth in Osceola is seen in its changing patterns of land use. As noted earlier, 7,657 acres of farm land in Osceola were converted to other uses between 196 9 and 197 8. An analysis of plat changes25 during that time span reveals much of the land conversion was to small tracts and subdivisions. A comparison of Osceola Plat Books for 197 0, 1972, 1975, and 197 8 show 566 new parcels (22,578 acres sectioned off from previously larger land holdings) (see Table 24). of land were platted between 197 0 and 197 8 Slightly more than 16% (3,697 acres) of this acreage is designated small tracts or subdivisions. A review of Table 24 indicates consistently large parcels of land, on 134 Table 24. Land Use of Parcels Sectioned Off in Osceola County, 1970-1978. LAND USE NO. OF PLATS ACHES IEMJ STANDARD DEVIATION 1970 to 1972 Staall Tracts/Subdivisions Business Private Other 19 2 122 — 1,195 20 6,392 TOTAL 143 7,607 — 62.9 10.0 31.2 — 60.0 0 27.8 — 1973 to 1975 Small Tracts/Subdivisions Business Private Other 23 1 122 4 1,284 77 4,565 360 TOTAL 150 6,286 55.8 — 22.3 90.0 64.7 — 35.3 100.0 1975 to 1978 Sknall Tracts/Subdivisions Business Private Other 22 2 244 5 1,218 200 7,037 230 TOTAL 273 8,685 55.4 100.0 21.4 46.0 55.1 84.8 37.2 32.4 1970 to 1978 LAND USE NO. OF PLATS Small Tracts/Si±>division Business Private Other 64 5 488 9 7.8 .6 90.5 1.1 3,697 297 17,994 590 16.4 1.3 79.7 2.6 TOTAL 566 100.0% 22,578 100.0% Source: % ACRES % Compiled from Osceola County Plat Maps for the years 1970, 1972, 1975 and 1978 (see endiote No. 25). 135 the av e r a g e , were tracted or converted into subdivisions throughout the decade. River front property was particularily favored for subdivisions and small tracts, however, their availabilty diminished rapidly as indicated by the small number of lots tracted or subdivided along rivers after 1975 (see Table 25). Interestingly, subdivisions and small tracts increased in number along interstates after 1975. In general, slightly more than 20% of the parcels sectioned off by Osceola land holders between 1970 and 197 8 were in natural amenity locations — (see Table 26). along rivers and lakes Open country and agricultural land, however, still accounts for the majority of plats parceled (see Table 26) . Several ramifications stem from the proliferation of subdivisions and resort development. One is the necessity of land use planning, viewed as a negative consequence by county officials (see also Garkovich, 1979) • Zoning in Osceola was rejected by county commissioners and left to individual townships to implement. As they explained, as an infringement upon their rights. residents view it Much of the controversy centers on the "minimum acreage" required for dwelling in open space zones 1977b). (see Osceola County Herald, Although the proposed minimum access lot size in O sceola*8 open space districts was cut from 40 acres to 20 acres, residents still vehemently opposed zoning at the county level (see Swem, 197 8 a ) . As a result, limited control over land development abuse. the county has 136 Table 25. Location of Parcels of Land Sectioned Off Between 1970 and 1978 in Osceola County and Designated as Small Tracts/Subdivisions. SMALL TRACTS/SUBDIVISIONS 1970 - 1972 1973 - 1975 1976 - 1978 LOCATION NO. % NO. NO. % Along an Interstate 1 3 15.9 1 4.3 6 27.3 Adjacent to a River 2 6 31.6 5 21.7 3 13.6 Adjacent to a Lake 3 2 10.5 - - 1 4.5 Adjacent to a Town 1 5.3 2 2 9.1 Adjacent to a State Forest 1 5.3 - 2 9.1 Other 6 31.4 15 65.3 8 36.4 TOTAL 19 100.0 23 100.0 22 100.0 % 8.7 - 1 Interstates include U.S. 131, U.S. 10, M 115, M 66, M 61. 2 Rivers include the Muskegon, Chippewa, Middle Branch, Hersey, and Pine. 3 Lakes include all those at least 20 acres in size. Source: Compiled from Osceola County Plat Maps for the years 1970, 1972, 1975, and 1978 (see en&iote No. 25). Table 26. Location of Parcels of Land Sectioned off Between 1970 and 1978 in Osceola County. PARCELS SECTIONED OFF 1970 - 1972 1973 - 1975 1976 - 1978 1970 - 1978 NO. % NO. % NO. % NO. % Along an Interstate1 5 3.0 2 1.3 10 4.2 17 3.0 Adjacent to a River2 25 15.0 30 19.0 36 15.0 91 16.1 Adjacent to a Lake3 9 5.4 6 3.8 10 4.2 25 4.4 Adjacent to a Town 3 1.8 6 3.8 7 2.9 16 2.8 Adjacent to a State Forest 3 1.8 1 .6 8 3.3 12 2.1 Other 122 73.0 113 71.5 169 70.4 405 71.6 TOTAL 167 100.0% 158 100.0% 240 100.0% 566 100.0% LOCATION 1Interstates include U.S. 131, U.S. 10, H 115, N 66, M 61. 2 Rivers include the Muskegon, Chippewa, Middle Branch, Hersey, and Pine. 3Lakes include all those at least 20 acres in size. SOURCE: COMPILED FROM OSCEOLA FLAT MAPS FOR HIE YEARS 1970, 1972, 1975 AND 1978 (SEE ENDNOTE NO. 25). 138 "Strip development," a situation guarded against by Osceola policy makers for sometime, growth. Until 1978, Reed City had a long standing policy of not extending services limits. is another consequence of However, (i.e., water, sewer) outside city in August of that year the policy was rescinded allowing "strip businesses" to be established along throughfares leading into the city. Reed City's planner said, healthy." Supporting the move, "competition from strip business is Recent studies and the popular media, however, question that claim (see Press, 1979; Stabler and Patton, 1977). Population growth near Reed City but outside its political boundaries created an additional land use impact. Larger subdivisions near Reed City receive many benefits from the town including police and fire protection. However, residents in these areas do not contribute to city taxes. In 1977 Reed City began proceedings to annex nine and a half square miles of neighboring territory, much of which is prime agricultural land, to be rezoned for residential and commercial use (see Osceola County Herald, 1 9 7 7 a ) . The volatile controversy resulting from this issue, still unresolved, has created bitter animosity between residents of the two areas and has prompted the resignation of several leading public servants. Various environmental consequences also arise from changing land use. The rapid expansion of development areas has strained solid waste facilities, threatened underground 139 water supplies, and detracted from the county*s scenic landscape. Moreover, residential development and enlarged infra-structural development potential (i.e., roads) pose additional impacts including increased soil erosion, intensified noise, air, and water pollution, and an encroachment on wildlife. One oldtimer summed up environmental consequences quite succinctly saying, "If you go down some of these back roads, you'll see alot of trailers where there was countryside not too long ago. Its getting where there is no room left, you can't go mushroom hunting anywhere." Inflated Property Assessment The explosion of resort and retirement homes also poses major economic consequences. The price of land has risen rapidly as a result of subdividing. example, From 1970 to 1980, for the state equalized real property value for the county rose 219% in general (135%) (see Table 21), much higher than the state (see Verway, 1980). More dramatically, eleven of the sixteen townships had decennial increases greater than 400%; Cedar township in particular had property values in 1980 eight times that equalized in 1970. For those wishing to sell land, this inflation may be enthusiastically welcomed, but for those who want to remain in farming or to otherwise hold on to their land, meant an exorbitant propety tax burden. it has Many informants reported instances in which farmers were forced to sell off 140 parcels of their land in order to pay their enlarged tax bill. Recreation and Tourism Increased utilization of Osceola's natural amenity locations produced an array of negative impacts. expected, subdivisons and small land tracts have increased dramatically. broker, As might be By 1979 there was one licensed real estate salesperson, Osceola County or office for every 13 0 persons in (Verway, 1980) • Many of the most desirable locations on lakes and river banks have become dotted with mobile home parks, cottages, and retirement homes. Overcrowded parks and recreational areas are common complaints by residents. Promotion of tourism has intensified the situation. Ironically, county planners view recreation and tourism as having a limited economic impact (see Osceola Counity, 1976) . However, view conditions differently. One spokesperson, against tourism stated, vociferous localites speaking out "speaking of trash, how many dollars does this county spend on picking up litter each year — of cuts down on the profits doesn't it?" kind (Osceola County Herald, 1970) . Excessive abuse of local terrain by recreational vehicles (eg., snowmobiles) has also paralleled population growth. The onslaught of snowmobilers brought "booming business" to the county and prompted planners to investigate a county recreational plan (Osceola County Herald, 1970) . 141 Ironically, one year later snowmobile ordinances were implemented to designate use areas, hazzards in towns, since congestion, and abuse of terrain were commonplace. Ill designed land development schemes in recreation areas also produced detrimental effects. New regulations concerning Osceola's parks and recreational areas had to be adapted and enforced to curb health hazzards. Problems with improper kitchen sewage disposal and septic tank seepage into ground waters were cited (see Osceola County Herald, 1970 ). SUMMARY The economy of Osceola County has substantial dependency on manufacturing employment, especially that linked directly or indirectly to national markets. Population growth during the 1970's expanded the range of retailers in the county, but, diversification of Osceola's economy has been limited. As a result, the county is extremely vulnerable to fluxuations in external markets ana accompanying detrimental consequences, as seen in the displacement of 16 0 workers due to the closing of two Osceola firms during the slow-down of the auto industry. The influx of population since 1970 has had several major effects on Osceola's economic institutions. Expenditures for health and social services have increased due to expanding numbers of elderly and migrants on public assistance. An explosion of resort ana retirement homes have 142 intensified environmental problems, altered county land use patterns, and inflated property values. Abuse of local terrain has resulted from excessive recreational use. Ironically, land use planning and policies aimed at restricting development are unfavorably viewed by county officials, although some ordinances have been implemented by local and township governments. A general laissez-faire approach to economic growth issues has been taken by county administrators. Accumulating negative impacts, however, may demand more aggressive planning in the near future. 143 RELIGION The religious institutions in Osceola County represent an extremely diverse array. In total, 30 churches ranging in size from only eight to over 700 members hold services in the county. While three churches — Methodist, and a Lutheran — a Roman Catholic, a have more than 300 parisnioners each, membership in most churches is well below 100. largest denominations in the county are Methodists, Catholics, The Baptists, Lutherans, and numerous Pentecostal groups. All but a few of the clergy in the county were interviewed or responded to a mailed check-list of questions (N=21, some ministers have mulitpie parishes). of the ministers reported "newcomers" 1970) among their membership. Virtually all (those arriving after On the average, migrants account for 17% of Osceola's church bodies, but, the range in individual church memberships is rather large. In one instance nearly half of the congregation is new (post 1970; to the community. Two clergy mentioned no "newcomer" members. Elderly residents represent a large contingent of church members or attenders (more than one in t h r e e ) . In four parishes, more than half of the congregation is 65 years of age or over. Furthermore, clergy reported that 34% of the newcomers who attend religious services in Osceola are elderly. This is somewhat less than what we would expect based on our estimate of elderly in the turnaround migrant 144 stream. Several ministers alluded to a stagnation of ideas and activity occurring in their churches; a situation which they felt newcomers may help to re m ed y, at least in part. Optimism by clergy is reflected in responses to a query on change agents within their congregations. timers" (residents prior to 1970) In comparing "old- with "newcomers," 43.7% of the clergy agreed that long tenured residents initiated less innovations than migrants explained, (see Table 27). One minister "Those recently moved bring a variety of backgrounds and ideas which are helpful in the church and community. Most experience." 'old-timers' Other clergy, are very narrow in outlook and in reporting similar sentiments, stated that population growth has brought "positive changes" to the church. However, most prefaced their comments with the observation that, in some cases, 'city people' carry with them an array of problems; welfare burdens were cited as an example. Tenure appears to be an important prerequisite for office in many of the churches in Osceola. Nearly 44% of the clergy reported that "old-timers" hold more church offices than residents entering the community after 1970 27). As one minister explained, "These people (see Table (newcomers) are not office holders because they are outside the power structure." Nonetheless, a few pastors alluded to migrants* success in "breaking up old power groups.” A n additional observation is that many clergy perceive Table 27. A Comparison of Clergy RESPONSES* about Church Related Activity Among "Old-Timers" and Newcomers in Osceola County. ACTIVITY CLD-TDERS MORE % NO. ABOUT THE SATE % NO. CLD-TIIERS LESS NO. % TOTAL NO. % 16 100.0% 43.7 16 100.0% 1 6.3 16 100.0% 0 0 16 100.0% Office Holding 7 43.8 9 56.2 0 Initiation of Changes 1 6.3 8 50.0 7 Service/Helping Activity 6 37.5 9 56.2 Monetary Giving 7 43.8 9 56.2 0 ♦The responses are to the question, "How would you compare "old-timers" (residents before 1970) with "newcomers" (moved in after 1970) as to the following church-related activities:" 146 newcomers as less supportive of the church in service activities and monetarily as compared to pre-1970 residents (see Table 27). The seasonal nature of many elderly newcomers was cited as one explanation. Others suggest a desire to retain ties with former churches influence participation and monetary giving. In general clergy had mixed feelings about population expansion, although most welcomed it. They saw growth as enhancing the economic well being of their area; however, no aggressive schemes to recruit migrants were encountered. One minister in the Marion vicinity who reported no membership or attendence gains, stated, "growth..we would love it." On the other hand, a pastor in a high growth area of Osceola expressed fear that the population influx may destroy the "quaintness" of its communities. While a marked impact of population growth on religious institutions has not yet occurred, could be significant. the potential consequences An infiltration of active newcomers into religious power bases, for example, may result in more energetic programming tailored to the interests and needs of Osceola's changing population. Alternatively, the influx of recent movers to the county may produce conflict inhibiting the vitality of the institution. 147 HEALTH AND SOCIAL SERVICES An outgrowth in health care services occurred in Osceola County simultaneously with the post 1970 population influx. It is difficult to determine what part of this augmentation is a direct consequence of in-migration. Some of the expansion of health services represents agency growth which were bound to have taken place. New federal programs designed to ameliorate rural health care pr ob le ms 26 may have further enhanced Osceola's medical facilities and enlarged their staff regardless of internal population fluxuation. Health administrators in the county, however, believe many of the alterations which have occurred in Osceola's health and social services are directly linked to increased demand due to population growth and to a community effort to expand the number of medical personnel. Various data sources including health statistics and hospital records confirm the magnitude and variety of changes which have taken place in the county's health care systems during the 1970's. Interviews with key health and social service professionals (N-9)27 supplement this documentation and provide insight into the reunifications of growth. Additionally, a review of the Osceola County Herald from 1970 to 1980 places events and circumstances into proper perspective. 148 GAINS IN MEDICAL PERSONNEL AND FACILITIES Growth in the number of doctors and dentists is easily established. In 1970 there were three physicians, Reed City, and three dentists, Evart. two in Reed City and one in By 1980 their numbers rose impressively; eight physicians, one optometrist, dentists all in three chiropractors, (see Michigan Health Council, 1970; other medical personnel28 and five 1980). All (exclusive of doctors and dentists) numbered 215 in 1980, as compared to 110 ten years ago. Although the medical staff in the county nearly doubled during the 1970's, exists. a shortage of health professionals still Ironically, the county does not have an active recruitment program, efforts. staffing is reliant upon administrators' In 1974 a severe shortage of nurses in Reed City was eased by hiring Phillipine graduates (Osceola County Herald, 1 9 8 0 a ) . A lack of anonymity and privacy are cited as contributing factors to Osceola's staffing problems County Herald, 1971a). Moreover, (Osceola the county's small population base restricts the amount and variety of facilities and equipment available to medical personnel, attractive features found in more urban environments. An additional shortcoming is the scarcity of certain social and recreational activities in Osceola which are found in more cosmopolitan settings. As one nurse from Lansing stated, don't like this area, there is nothing to do...no cultural "I 149 activity." Nonetheless, the hospital in Reed City has undergone several expansions since it was refurbished in 1970. last renovation, beginning in 1978, served to upgrade their various units including emergency, out-patient, pharmacy, and respiratory therapy services. Care Facility, surgical, The Extended located in a wing of the Reed City Hospital, is filled to capacity and has a long waiting list. easily double in size if space were available, one hospital spokesperson. however, The are newcomers. It could according to Surprisingly few patients, Almost all are elderly long-time residents of local communities. This may reflect the seasonal character of elderly migrants who have recently moved to Osceola. EXPANDED MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES A survey conducted by Osceola county commissioners in 1970 of educators, professonals, and community agencies found an increased need for mental health services. Their findings reported that 18% of Osceola's school population were in need of special assistance, a situation viewed by the commission as "of marked and grave concern" 19701). (Osceola County Herald, The national average for that period was only 10%. Within several months of the survey, opened in Osceola. a mental health clinic Prior to that time the county was serviced by an out-county regional office. staff consists of a director, Presently the five clinical workers, 150 a part-time psychiatrist and two secretaries. The director felt that there is a huge backlog of needed services, and that the growth of the clinic is not necessarily related to the recent population influx. However, Freudenburg (197 8) who found a marked increase in mental health proDlems and controlled substance abuse in several Colorado boomtowns, suggests rapid population growth may be a prime catalyst. According to Osceola's Mental Health Clinic records, 48 cases were treated in 1970 as compared with 180 in 1978. Informants at the clinic felt that Osceola's case load might be inflated from "transients"— families usually headed by an unemployed member, moving into the county to occupy low rent housing. Economic strains their ropes") (e.g., farmers "at the end of were also mentioned as a major causative factor increasing the incidence of mental health problems. County assistance and funding for mental health is generally supported by county officials despite a broad lack of understanding by Osceola residents. member at the clinic, According to a staff community placement after mental h ospitalization is nearly impossible in Osceola since stigmas tend to persist. Moreover, client anonymity is difficult to maintain even at the referral level, intensifing the situation, especially since nearly 40% of the mental health referrals in the county between 1970 and 197 8 were children less than 18 years of age. 151 SHIFTS IN HEALTH DELIVERY Until 1975, only private firms provided emergency health delivery care for residents of Osceola. Rapidly increased demand and growing disappointment with services prompted county commissioners to subsidize a county ambulance system (see Osceola County Heral, 197 5 a ) . Bitter controversy erupted with the decision to publicly support emergency care. Costs for the system skyrocketed (see Table 18). installation of new technologies (e.g., advanced life support systems) The were questioned with regards to cost effectiveness. Township officials complained about inadequate service. one supervisor stated, As "we have been paying out quite a bit of money over the last few years for an ambulance service, but we're not really getting our fair share in return" (Osceola County Herald, 19 7 8 f ) . The debate over ambulance service still rages on in the county. Presently, three emergency vehicles based in Reed City, Evart, and Marion are responsible for the entire county. INCREASED SOCIAL SERVICE NEEDS Osceola's increased elderly, youth, and welfare populations have presented several problems for county administrators due to increased demands for various services. In general county and local officials have been receptive to heightened requests for additional assistance, however, varied preceptions as to the needs of residents surfaced in 152 interviews with health professionals, policy makers, and recipients. Elderly Nearly 12% of Osceola's population is over 65 years or age, 2% above state average. Housing and extended care facilities for the county's elderly have exceeded their m ax im um capacity and long wa iting lists have existed throughout the 1970's (Osceola County Herald, 1976a). During the decade three subsidized housing complexes for Osceola's retirees were opened. A requirement of two years residence in the county is one stipulation for occupancy, however, coordinators of the projects note that most senior citizens living in the units m o v ed to the county prior to 1970. The large number of mobile homes used by migrants to Osceola may offer one explanation for the disparity. Alternatively, elderly newcomers may be more financially secure than the resident senior citizen population. Nonetheless, health officials stressed the need for additional care facilities for "single" elderly. Moreover transportation for seniors is a substantial problem in Osceola. In 197 5 the county investigated a ride program designed specifically for its retirees. four county transit project was dedicated Herald, 1 9 7 6 b ) . One year later a (see Os ceola County The success of the system, however, was short lived and within ten months after it was initiated, county commission withdrew funds for the program (see the 153 Willard, 1977) . Ironically, lack of use and rising fuel costs were cited as reasons for its termination. It is difficult to determine what part population growth played in causing or facilitating the initiation or expansion of programs for the elderly. needs of senior citizens, An increased awareness of the implicit in expanded services, surfaced in many parts of Michigan. Nonetheless, activities and programs catering specifically to elderly increased substantially in Osceola during the 1970's. A volunteer program designed to offer senior citizens more participation in community affairs began in 1974 Herald, 1974g) . A coordinator for the program commented, "many don't really need the meal, see friends." (see Osceola County Interestingly, rather, it allows them to this perspective is often overlooked by businesspersons and county officials. Denouncing the program as unwanted by elderly, one banker noted, "they county. (retirees) do not wish to be entertained by the They don't want someone to cook their meals, why they came here — to get away from bureaucracy." that's "Hot meals," the federally sponsored nutrition program alluded to by informants was initiated in 1976 (Cornelisse, 1976) . Estimates from an official at the Service for the Aging indicated nearly 1,000 Osceola elderly participate in the program. Other programs oriented toward assisting Osceola's older residents include an outreach program, screening, cancer home care service, and a homemakers group. commission on Aging furthermore, The instituted a project for 154 indigent/debilitated elderly which services 1,500 clients. Bands and choral groups from local high schools increased the number of recitals given at senior citizen facilities. "Golden Years Honorary Passes" allowing seniors free admission to high school athletic and cultural events were also initiated. Youth Activity for youth also expanded in Osceola during the 1970's. In 1974 the county rejuvenated its Teen Club through efforts of parents and teenagers 1974d). (see Osceola County Herald, Unfortunately solicited support for financial aid and leadership were not well received. CETA funds have allowed the club to reman in operation but recent cutbacks by the rveagan administration threaten its viability. Youth membership has increased in the county's 4-H program also (see Osceola County Herald, 1975). The county's parks and outdoor recreational facilities have been substantially remodeled during the 1 9 7 0 's. Osceola's appropriations for parks increased 446% during the decade, much more than other funded areas New ball diamonds, (see Table 18). tennis courts, and park equipment were provided in the renovation process. In 197 9, an estimated 1,000 youth participated in Osceola's softball summer leagues (Osceola County Herald, 1979) • 155 WELFARE During the 1970's, a relatively large number of persons receiving public assistance relocated in the county. In 1972 monthly welfare benefits were distributed to 869 residents of Osceola (Osceola County Herald, 1972e) . had increased 155% to 2,216 Services, 1980). By 1980 that number (Michigan Department of Social Estimates by Michigan's Department of Social Services place Osceola's 1978 recipient level to total population among the 20 highest in the state; 6.8% of the county's total population were on welfare (Verway, 1978). Several impacts of expanded demand for social services are notable. For example, county's social services, a new building to house the formerly located in the old county office building in Reed City, was constructed in 1973 Osceola County Herald, 197 3b) . (see Additionally, a new branch office of the Michigan Security Exchange Commission was constructed in Reed City in 1978. The director explained unemployment claims precipitated the relocation, even though the county's jobless rate infrequently exceeded state average. Alterations in existing social service programs and the initiation of new benefits are viewed by county officials as consequences of population growth. For example, prior to 1973, Osceola provided surplus food commodities to needy families. Pressure from social service agencies shifted the program to the more well known "food stamps" plan since it 156 allowed individuals to purchase staples for a balanced diet, an aspect absent in the food commodities scheme County Herald, 1 9 7 4 c ) . Moreover, (see Osceola an emergency health fund was begun in 1972 to further reach the county's low income families and to establish a day care center Herald, 1 9 7 2 d ) . Unfortunately, (Osceola County lack of community support forced the closing of the day care center within a year after it had opened (see Osceola County Herald, 1974) . Additionally, the schools implemented a meal price program to accommodate children from low income families. Limited acceptance of welfare clients by county residents was frequently mentioned in interviews. An informant from Osceola's Department of Social Services stated, "we must convince the locals that we are not just bleeding hearts when it comes to welfare." Animosity between residents and those associated with welfare was alluded to in a later comment, "we probably couldn't run for public office because we are the people who give money to the unworthy.” The stigma of public assistance was expressed in several interviews with welfare clients. Kalamazoo explained, One recipient from "the county stinks, people are unfriendly event the welfare people discriminate against us. I would have been better off staying where I w a s . ” other hand, On the some publicly subsidized residents stated the county draws welfare clients into the area because it is an "easy mark." According to one recipient from Detroit, easy to get on (the welfare rolls) and no one checks." "its 157 Most county and local officeholders did not perceive welfare as a major problem in the county. Interestingly, several mentioned that pride frequently overshadows the desire of many low income residents to seek public assistance. This perception may have even filtered into policy decisions. One county commissioner who placed a low priority on subsidized housing in Osceola stating, be poor but they are proud... subsidize a housing program" "they may I don't think we have to (Swem, 1 9 7 8 b ) . SUMMARY Expanding numbers of elderly, youth, and welfare clients have placed strains on Osceola's medical and social services. Medical personnel have increased in number during the 1970's, however, a shortage of traned staff still exists. Patient anonymity and successful community placement after mental hopsitalization are viewed by medical staff as significant problems in Osceola. Health care administrators see inflated health delivery costs as negative consequences of population growth. Osceola's expenditure for public health, for example, rose 305% from 1970 to 1980 (see Table 18) compared to a 246% increase for the state 1970; 1980). (State of Michigan, The expense for the county's subsidized ambulance service, consisting of three vehicles, ten years. as Demand for housing for the elderly, rose 328% in recreational facilities for youth, and public assistance for the county's needy have taxed Osceola's budget. 158 In general, officeholders in the county have been receptive to the growing demands for increased medical and social services. with suspicion. Welfare programs, however, are still viewed Individuals supported by public assistance are occassionally ill received, although few county officials perceive the situation as problematic. A notable observation is that some policy makers may have been biased by the supposition that the county's poverty-stricken are often too proud to seek assistance. attitude of, An "poor but proud" may disguise the growing need for medical and social services in the county and desensitize public servants' awareness of the impacts changing demographic circumstances may have on the county's health and social service institutions. 159 Summary Despite the often low level of recognition of population growth in O s c e o l a r all sectors in the county have felt the impact. School populations increased during the first part of the decade creating severely overcrowded conditions. Children socialized in urban environments were said by school administrators to have intensified a gamut of problems including elevated drop-out levels and delinquency. Millage and school bond requests became difficult to pass. An explosion of resort and retirment homes exacerbated environmental problems, altered county land use patterns, ana inflated property values. The influx has further diversified the county's popultion. In some instances cosmopolitan migrants have helped revitalize religious institutions. Concurrently vociferous newcomers have overburdened county infra­ structures by demanding new or improved services. Elderly, both returnees and those new to the area have served to increase the already large proportion of senior citizens in the population. Extended health care facilities subsequently have exceeded their maximum capacity creating shortages in suitable retirement housing. Inflated welfare rolls have strained county budgets and stirred up bitter feelings and animosity among county residents. Interestingly, the level of conflict between oldtimers and newcomers has not surfaced to any appreciable level. 160 Although distinct institutional impacts are apparent, hostility has not been directed at any specific group. time, it would seem likely that special In interests of newcomers and oldtimers will become more clearly differentiated, organized, and perhaps catalysts for con fl ic t. An additional notable observation is that population growth confined to selected localized areas may significantly distort policy makers' its reunifications. township, awareness of population expansion and Varied perceptions of growth from county, and local public servants hampered cooperation between political sectors elevating growth consequences. CHAPTER V SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND IMPLICATIONS This research sought to expand our knowledge of the institutional alterations in rural areas induced by rapid population growth. At one level the analysis addresses the emergent effects of demographic change on social institutions and their ability to cope with the shifting demands of an enlarged population. growth? Are fragile rural polities disrupted by What consequences do inflated school enrollments present for rural educational systems? How do rural health care systems adjust to increased demands? enhance a rural areas's economic viability? Does growth Are religious institutions altered by an expanding population? Answers to these types of issues are difficult to assess at an aggregate level; hence the detailed study of the rural county of Osceola. Concurrently, this study explores various problematic features of the current urban-to-rural migration trend and their possible ramifications for host communities. Settlement patterns of migrants to Osceola, for example, are scrutinized to gain insight into ecological and sociological consequences. An analysis of their origins offers insight into possible social mechanisms utilized in the migration decision process. Furthermore, 161 the consequences of the 162 infusion into a rural county of those socialized in a more cosmopolitan environment is addressed. Additionally, this research seeks to stimulate queries into the implications of the turnaround migration phenomenon. Is there a need, for example, for a more rigorous agricultural land protection policy? How can our knowledge of the impacts of population growth assist fragile rural social institutions in coping with change? importantly, Perhaps more should growth policies be implemented to preserve these institutions. Obviously these questions necessitate a fuller understanding of the rural revival, and our delay in seeking answers to these concerns may prove to be detrimental. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS Osceola County, selected for observation because of its relatively small and manageable population, scenic northern Michigan. is located in The county has numerous natural amenity locations including the Manistee National Forest, the Muskegon and four smaller rivers, and various lakes. Recreation, retirement, and small scale manufacturing are among the major precipitating factors in the county's recent population upsurge. Historically, Osceola has had few periods of population gain. 1800's. Pioneers first settled the territory in the mid However, it was not until 1870 that the county's population swelled to an appreciable size (i.e., 2,093). 163 From 1870 to the turn of the century Osceola experienced a population boom period. Lumber or "green gold" as it was referred to, caused the county to be inundated with migrants. Pockets of various ethnic groups dotted the territory and produced rivalries which still surface today. Depressed by an exhausted lumber industry, the county's economy fostered the rapid out-migration of its younger adults around 1910. This exodus depleted the pool of young men and women workers in Osceola. of children dwindled, population. Simultaneously, the cohort inflating the county's elderly The economic base that supported many of the towns shifted during this period and as a result numerous flourishing villages vanished with little trace today. Manufacturing firms slowly increased their contribution to Osceola's economic base. By 1970, 43.4% of Osceola's workforce were employed in manufacturing. Trade and service industries also rapidly outpaced agriculture in their number of workers. Gains in retail trade and professional services gradually expanded Osceola's population, but not to the zenith established in the lumber boom days. POPULATION RENAISSANCE Osceola County experienced a population resurgence beginning in the late 1960's. The rural renaissance, indicative of a general trend sweeping many parts of the U.S., increased Osceola's population 27.6% during the 1970's. Interestingly, migrants to the county relocated outside 164 existing population centers, a reversal of prior trends. All of Osceola's sixteen townships grew in 1970, 12 by more than 25%, while only two of the county's six municipalities expanded in size. Septic tank permits containing the applicant's present address, the exact location of the land holding, and the type of dwelling were utilized to assess migrants' proposed destination. origin and Since 89% of the new construction in the county and 94% of Osceola's growth occurred outside existing population centers are available) newcomers. (and locations where sewer lines these data encompass a vast majority of the Several limitations, however, are inherent in the data as detailed in Chapter 3. An analysis of the septic tank permits reveals more than 80% of the applicants are from metropolitan or city backgrounds. Moreover, from central cities. Voss and Fuguitt the majority of the urbanities are These data conform to that found by (1979) and Sofranko and Williams (1980). A peculiar aspect of Osceola's renaissance is that motivations prompting in-migration appear to differ significantly from those affecting past decades of migration. Data gathered from interviews with a variety of newcomers during the summer of 1979, suggest a combination of factors are drawing movers to Osceola: (e.g., retirement, 1) precipitating events loss of employment), 2) factors "pushing" migrants away from their area of origin (e.g., crime, p o l lu ti on ), and 3) elements enticing movers to Osceola 165 {e.g., slower pace of life, simplier lifestyle). Evidence from surveys of migrants to nonmetropolitan counties in the North Central Region are similar to these findings (see Voss and Fuguitt, 1979; Sofranko and Williams, 1980). Movers to Osceola were quite selective in their choice of residential location sites. More than 70% of the new dwelling sites cited on the septic tank permits were located in sections containing either the Muskegon River, a lake of at least twenty acres, or one of four smaller rivers. Rapidly diminishing natural amenity locations may curtail future growth in Osceola; however, data supporting this supposition have not yet surfaced. Evidence from Osceola County indicates interpersonal and informational network ties may be contributing factors to the destination choice of some turnaround migrants. In addition to migrants seeking proximate ties to significant others {especially in times of c r i s i s ) , social linkages which function as channels of communication are strongly suggested by the data. In Osceola County there was a large incidence of applicants from the same place of origin who sought residence in the same one square mile section of Osceola. Moreover, the incidence tended to increases with distance from place of origin, suggesting, in theory, that the role of informational networks increases with distance. 166 INSTITUTIONAL IMPACTS Five social reseach: institutions ace focussed upon in this education, government, health and social services. economy, religion, and Information and data on the consequences of growth are derived from over 100 interviews with local residents and key informants in the five institutional sectors. Abstracted material from relevant documents provide supportive evidence. work, Prior to the field a content analysis of the main weekly newspaper in Osceola was carried out for growth related articles from 1970 through 1980. A total of 710 "stories" wer e reviewed. Problems related to the construction of U.S. 131, an interstate highway traversing the county's west er n edge, were most widely covered during the decade. Debate centered on economic advantages versus land use alterations. Institutional impacts were also mentioned frequently in commentaries. Education Each of Osceola's four public school districts felt the impact of rapid growth, however, Marion was least effected. Expanding numbers of children placed strains upon classroom space and other educational of the 70's. facilities during the first half A serious lack of communications between educational personnel and the county's populace was in part responsible for chronic overcrowding. Ironically, declining 167 enrollments after 1977 became a major issue. Deleterious consequences of growth included program cut­ backs , a chronic shortage of teachers, offerings. and curtaled course A significant shift in sentiment toward bond issues and millage requests paralleled Osceola's population growth. Voters consistently turned down requests until mid decade. Available data reveal rates of drop-outs elevated during the first half of the 70's. Unfortunately, published statistics of Michigan's student drop-outs ceased after 1975. Highly mobile newcomers to the schools wer e viewed by administrators as catalysts for distruption. problems increased markedly. In general, Discipline a rapid change in population resulted in significant consequences for Osceola's educational institutions. Government Osceola's rural polity exhibited few changes as a result of the post 1970 population influx. commission, Evart, Its 15 member dominated by representatives from Reed City and is still fashioned by the county's rural flavor. Throughout the decade, the majority of persons serving as commissioners were farmers. Moreover, long time residency appears to be a prerequisite for county office, for 26 of the 33 commissioners during the 7 0 's wer e natives of the county. This norm is apparent even at the township and local level. A lack of vigor or desire among newcomers to seek political office in several of Osceola's smaller villages is cited by 168 some officials as one explanation. The diversity of governmental units and nature of jurisdictions in Osceola have resulted in an equally diverse impact of population growth that public servants must contend with. County government seems nonchalant about growth while township supervisors and municipal l e ad er s , closer to the "action," view the influx as of key concern. The varied perceptions of population growth among the different strata of government has attenuated successful planning, financing, and cooperation among political leaders in the county. Growth issues confronted by Osceola's governments mainly revolved around strained infra-structures. Officials stressed the "flack" they must take from vociferous newcomers over tardy snow removal, inadequate road maintenance, increased crime, and excessive property assessments. Moreover, some governmental functionaries report conflict of interest between newcomers and oldtimers due to lifestyle clashes. Collectively, county officials have taken a "wait and see" stance toward growth. County zoning, for example, met with limited support from commissioners. has As a result, nearly half of the township supervisors have implemented township zoning policies to curb excessive growth. Economy The economy of Osceola County has substantial dependency on manufacturing employment, especially that linked directly 169 or indirectly to national markets. Population growth has had limited impact in diversifing the county's economy. The potential consequences of this situation are etched in Osceola's history. Ironically, few aggressive efforts have been taken to shifts its course. Concurrent with the post 1970 population influx are various alterations in Osceola's economic institutions. Agriculture, for example, still an important economic contributor to the county's economy, has changed. Osceola farms are generally becoming less numerous but are growing in average size. Also dairy, livestock, have gained in economic importance. and related products A variety of new retail businesses have also appeared in the county. Population growth has presented major economic problems. An influx of elderly, welfare, and youth have inflated the county's dependency ratio and strained social services. The explosion of resort and retirement homes have shifted county land use patterns. Moreover, the proliferation of subdivisions and resort developments have inflated property taxes and exacerbated environmental problems. One resident summed up the situation quite succintly when he said, "If you go down some of these back roads, you'll see a lot of trailers where there was countryside not too long ago. Its getting where there is no room left, you can't go mushroom hunting anywhere." 17 0 Religion A marked impact of population growth on religious institutions has not yet occurred, however, consequences could be significant. the potential Several ministers optimistically viewed growth as a mechanism by which old power blocs in congregations may be dissolved. Newcomers bring a variety of backgrounds and ideas which are helpful in the church and community. Nonetheless, clergy report they also carry with them an array of problems, welfare being the example most often cited. Health and Social Services Strains on health and social services in Osceola have resulted from expanded numbers of elderly and welfare clients. Although the number of medical personnel in the county has substantially increased, a shortage of health professionals still exists. Notable consequences of growth include increased mental health care needs, greater demand for expanded health delivery systems, heightened requests for additional extended care facilities, and inflated welfare rolls. In general, county officials have been receptive to the growing demands for increased medical and social services. Although welfare systems are viewed with suspicion, few public servants perceive this situation as problematic. 171 Overall, the anticipated conflict between oldtimers and newcomers has not surfaced to any appreciable level. Although distinct institutional impacts are apparent, hostility has not been directed at any time, specific group. In it would seem likely that special interests of newcomers and oldtimers will become more clearly differentiated, conflict. organized, and perhaps catalysts for Thus a return to the county at some future date should provide invaluable insight into the long-term impacts of population growth. CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS The existence of a new and more complicated pattern of population redistribution in the U.S. presents a host of concerns. Although the population turnaround has gained prominence among researchers, implicit in the expanding efforts to monitor this trend, issues involving the potential longevity of the phenomenon and its long term consequences need to be more fully addressed. Several of these topics are discussed. Future of Natural Amenity Locations Evidence in this volume and in numerous other studies document migrants' selective choice of destination sites. Natural amenity locations — areas around lakes and rivers — are favorite spots in the North Central Region of the U.S., and their demand has reached substantial proportions. An 172 immediate consequence is inflated land values and heightened property taxes. Given the finite nature of prime scenic acreage, what happens after these sites have been fully saturated with subdivisions? Will the tide of turnaround migration recede? In Osceola, subdivisions around larger lakes extended into adjacent sections, which suggests that expansion may continue regardless of waterfront availability. Alternatively, destination sites near major throughfares gained prominence in Osceola toward the end of the decade, presumably after most of the waterfront lots were taken, suggesting migrants may turn to secondary preferences easy travel a c c e s s ) . (e.g., A fuller understanding of the current migration trend and its future direction may assist policy makers in developing appropriate growth strategies. A second major issue concerns the effects of inflated property taxes due to increased development in natural amenity locations. In Osceola, cases were reported in which residents had to sell off parcels of their land to pay increased property taxes. This implies the turnaround may disproportionately affect those on fixed incomes or the more disadvantaged in rural areas. Moreover, rising land costs may deter future investments in agriculture. Income from agricultural production can not keep pace with prices offered by land developers. Furthermore, various policies such as the 1967 Plat Act encourage splitting land into small parcels. A potential snowballing effect may drastically 173 diminish prime agricultural land. The long term economic ramifications therefore are of key concern. Retirement and Rural America Elderly are found to represent a major component of the turnaround stream. In many parts of rural America an influx of retirees is exacerbating an already difficult situation. The number of senior citizens in O s c e o l a r for example, more than 2% higher than state average. is The eroding economic conditions in Michigan and the tighter constraints on social services recommended by the Reagan administration may present significant problems for rural areas such as Osceola, Many urban retirees who migrate to rural areas may have amassed sufficiently large pensions to weather inflated costs of living. However, what of the resident elderly population? Farmers and low wage earners in certain rural growth areas, who retire after spending a substantial portion of time in rural America, may find public assistance insufficient to meet the rising cost induced by the turnaround. This may force "oldtime" elderly to seek a different environment, perhaps the urban centers — migrants. a counterstream to elderly urban Obviously evidence is needed to more fully understand these possibilities and their ramifications. There is also a need to investigate the effects of an expanding elderly population on rural communities. reduction in a rural area's workforce, The for example, may hamper its ability to attract new businesses. Participation 174 by residents in various social insitutions and voluntary organizations may decline and lead to stagnation of these services. These issues are addressed to some extent by Wang (1977) . Furthermore, are uncertain. the economic impacts of seasonal retirees Much of the income rural areas could receive from transfer payments may be spent outside the county. This may compound the financial difficulties many rapid growth communities face. Rural Transportation Systems Mobility in rural America is becoming an increasingly alarming situation. Over 57% of the rural poor and 45% of the elderly in rural America have no private means of transportation (see Governor Milliken, 1981) hampering their employment opportunities and contact with vital social services. The prohibitive costs of public transit systems exacerbate these conditions. In Osceola, attempts by county administrators to operate a tri-county public transit system met with failure due in part to exorbitant costs. Increasing numbers of elderly entering rural areas magnify this critical situation. The need for investigations into strategies which may alleviate rural transportation problems is apparent. Effects on Informal Rural Institutions Informal rural institutions and volunteer organizations are vital components of rural America. However, an influx of 175 people socialized in more cosmopolitan environments may disrupt rural lifestyles. Preudenburg (1978), for example, found that rapid growth eroded many of the informal rural institutions formerly prevalent in several Colorado boomtowns. Deviance, once informally controlled by community residents through discipline and peer pressure, became a burearcratic responsibility as the community's population skyrocketed. Similarily, the "people caring" mechanisms common in rural communities, lost vitality and soon transferred to the auspices of government agencies. former civic duties of caring for the aged, Thus the tending the ill, and contributing to the needy lost their informal flavor ana were replaced by formal institutional guidelines. The demise of such informal institutions translates into increased costs for rural areas. Moreover, the social consequences are equally detrimental. Research, therefore, into the ramifications of growth on informal institutions is also needed. Numerous other concerns require investigation including: the effect of urbanization on rural communities, the consequences of changing land use, and the impacts of the turnaround on places of origin. of detrimental consequences, promptly addressed. In order to avoid a plethora these matters need to be 176 METHODOLOGICAL NOTE It is important to acknowledge that the methodological and conceptual approach utilized in this study is just one of many possibilities. endeavor is found, Much of the value of this ethnographic ironically, in the flaws and limitations encountered in the research design. A brief discussion of these weaknesses is offered in an attempt to facilitate future inquires into the effects of rapid population growth on rural areas. First, a county is perhaps not the most appropriate unit of analysis for investigating the institutional consequences of rapid population growth. Communities and social institutions are often amorphous in nature and overlap political boundries. A more ecological approach to isolating a target area is recommended. However, since much of turnaround migration is occurring in hinterland areas, task is not easily accomplished. The "service center" concept may offer one possible solution. rural residents work, this Surveys of where recreate, and gain needed services should provide social interactional boundaries which may be used as the unit of analysis. approach is its cost. One obvious drawback to this Moreover, it is extremely difficult to gather published data which align with such boundaries. A second major weakness in the present study is its inability to tap informal institutional consequences. focussed observation of one institution A more (eg., education. 177 government, economy, religion, may provide these insights. health and social services) Alternatively, utilize a "community'’ based approach, homogenious unit analysis, one may opt to concentrating on one (eg., a service center). At this level of shifts in social interaction, norms, and customs are more readily observed. An additional limitation of this study was the lack of information on recent migrants to the county. A survey of newcomers may have provided more insight into attitudinal disparities among recent movers and Osceola's residents. It may be found that Osceola's rural migrants are less cosmopolitan in ideology than expected (which might account for the lack of "oldtimer-newcomer" conflict in Osceola apparent in most turnaround st ud i e s ) . Furthermore, little is known of those who left Osceola during the 1970's. Outmigration is itself a major impact. These are only some of the weaknesses and limitations of the research design utilized in this study. It is hoped that these deficiencies can be overcome in future research. END NOTES END NOTES 1). In their research. Me Carthy and Morrison (1978) suggest several American lifestyle changes that have promoted rural growth, namely, early retirement and an increased orientation towards leisure and natural amenity-rich environments. Furthermore, numerous state and federal administrative actions have eliminated barriers that often impeded the migration process of the elderly and unemployed. For example, restrictions on transfer payments have been lifted allowing recipients to collect their benefits in different locations. Moreover, policy incentives have been initiated in rural areas that facilitate growth. example, For the Rural Health Clinic Services Act decreased the federal guidelines for Medicare/Medicade reimbursements while availability of trained medical personnel and facilities in rural areas increased. Furthermore, HUD, HEW, and FHA have expanded their grants, loans, and overall housing and development assistance and incentives for rural areas. A detailed outline of the recent policies affecting rural America is given in the Carter Administration's, "Small Community and Rural Development Policy,” effective December 20, 1979. 2). Several comprehensive bibliograhies are available on rural industrialization. See Council of Planning 178 179 Librarians Exchange Bibliographies No. 940, No. 1148, and No. 1365. 3). An excellent literature review of urban sprawl is available from authors Paul Tribble and James Bohland, Council of Planning Librarians Exchange Bibliography No. 368. 4). Although debate still rages over lifestyle differentials among urban and rural sectors 1974; Fischer, 1972), certain characteristics are more common in rural environments, including conservative attitudes and a more Gemeinschaft orientation 1977) . (Lowe and Peek, (Fischer, 1978; Glenn and Hill, However, studies indicate the normative mechanisms which formerly separated rural-urban cultures are rapidly disapearing 5). (Photiadis and Bell, 1976). Enumerators often misspelled the names of countries and places since both they and the residents being questioned often had very little education, forcing many enumerators to spell phonetically. Interestingly, an error in the spelling of Everett, one of the first families in the territory, caused the city and township of Evart to be spelled as it is today. Other errors may be detected in the names of countries listed in Table 1; note especially Selecia which the author thinks was intended to be Silesia. 6). Since the relationship among family members was not recorded in the 1870 Census, one can only speculate as to the relationship among family members by using the age of those having identical last names. We must assume age data recorded in the census during this period is reasonably 180 correct. period Since mortality was relatively high during this (especially of deaths during childbearing), it is often difficult to determine husband-wife relationships. example, For if Electra was Oswald's first wife then she bore Hannah, presumably the Esner's first child, at age 11. However, if Electra was Oswald's first child, then she was conceived when Oswald was only 13, a less likely situation. Thus it appears reasonable to assume that Electra may be Oswald's second wife, 7). write. or perhaps his sister. It appears that Harry Smith could not read or Thus he utilized a ghost writer to draft his work. The book first appeared in 1891 and sold for 15 cents for paperback copies and 50 cents for the hardback version (White, 1975:19). 8). The year 193 0 was chosen for a comparison because it is the first year detailed population characteristics from the U.S. Census Bureau were available for counties occupational and industrial b r e a k d ow ns ). (eg. Since I independently coded the 1870 census, various data manipulations were possible to obtain corresponding detailed characteristics. A third point in time, 1970, is also used in the discussion in Chapter II, for a comparison at the point just prior to the rapid influx which occurred during the decade of the 1970's. 9). Illinois, The states in the North Central Region include Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and 181 Wisconsin. 10). Both studies were systematic random samples o£ telephone exchanges drawn from North Central nonmetropolitan counties experiencing rapid growth. (1979) The Voss and Fuguitt study encompassed Michigan, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. Households sampled were those whose telephone exchange in 1977 differed from that in 1970 (N=992). The 37 counties selected by Voss and Fuguitt for observation exhibited net migration rates which had increased by above 20% from 1970 to 1975. Sofranko and Williams' (1980) study included all states in the North Central Region, and targeting those nonmetropolitan counties having at least a 10% net migration increase between 1970 and 1975 (N-75). similar to that of Voss and Fuguitt Their sampling was (1979), however, their preliminary screening checked names, addresses, and phone numbers for any change from 1970 to 1977. Their study consisted of 709 migrants and 425 nonmigrant residents. 11). An SMSA is a term used to describe an area containing at least one city o f 50,000 inhabitants or more, or a city with at least 25,000 inhabitants, which, together with those contiguous places having population densities of at least 1,000 residents per square mile total 50,000 or more and are economically and socially integrated. The boundaries of the SMSA conform to county lines and are extended to include adjacent counties with certain metropolitan characteristics and work commuting patterns. 182 12)• (1979) The survey technique utilized by Voss and Fuguitt is fairly expensive and outside the resourses of this present study. 13). Thus an alternative approach was selected. The 1970 Census of Housing indicates only 12% (N**480) of the alternative systems were not septic tanks (see Verway, 1979:Table I I - 4 ) . 14). A research team under the direction of Dr. J. Allan Beegle, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University assisted in collecting much of the data utilized in this dissertation. Members of the team included Dr. Thomas Koebernick, Department of Sociology, Wright State University, and Fred Frankena and Richard Rathge, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University. data gathering was a team effort, Since much of the it is referred to as such in the text to give credit to the invaluable effort of my collegues. 15). Since the focus of the dissertation is institutional impacts, no attempt has been made to gain a representative sample of newcomer interviews. Rather, interviews are utilized to provide insight into an array of problems and conflicts that arise as a result of migration, from the migrants' viewpoints. An attempt to obtain a random sample of newcomer interviews would have been costly, time consuming, and outside the scope of this study. 16). Key informants were office holders, workers, or representives in five institutional sectors of the county (Government, Education, Economy, Religion, and Health 183 Se rv i c e s ) . A more detailed description is given in Chapter 4. 17). degrees, This group consists of those who, opt for a simple lifestyle. in varying In general, adherence to some combination of conservation, maintenance of the natural environment, and organic production of food, characterizes this group. 18). Osceola County is organized by a grid system, common among counties in the North Central Region. Geographically, the county is divided into sixteen townships. Each township is further divided into 36 different square mile sections (640 a c r e s ) . Information on the septic tank applications corresponds to section locations, thus prospective destinations can be traced to a one square mile area of land. 19). The baby boom cohort refers to those people born between the mid-1940s and late 1950's. Birth rates in the United States increased dramatically during this post-World War II period. Total fertility rates went from 2.19 in 1940 to 3.58 in 1957; a downward trend in fertility rates beginning in 1958 carried into the late 1 9 7 0 *s. 20). County officials interviewed include 10 of 15 county commissioners, Osceola's county agent, the chair of Osceola's planning commission, Osceola's 4H program director, and an officer in the county sheriff's department. 21). Key township official township supervisors. interviewed were 14 of 16 184 22). Three leading public servants (mayors, village/city presidents - vice presidents - clerks treasurers, councilmembers, and city managers) Osceola's six municipalities Tustin, LeRoy, and Hersey) 23). from each of (Reed City, Evart, Marion, were inteviewed. Michigan's formula for highway tax distribution is based on auto registration, thus a funding disparity exists between actual county population size and volume of road use. 24). A joint agreement between the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the Office of Management and Budget, and the Bureau of the Census, changed the definition of farms for statistical purposes to any place from which $1,000 or more of agricultural products were sold, or normally would have been sold, during the census year. The previous definition (used from 1959 through preliminary 1974 reports) counted as a farm any place with less than 10 acres from which $250 or more agricultural products were sold or any place of 10 acres or more from which $50 or more agricultural products were sold or normally would have been sold during a census year. 25). Osceola Plat Books for the years 1970, 1972, 1975, and 1978 were compared to assess changes in the size of land holdings in Osceola County during the 1 9 7 0 's. square mile section in Osceola (N=576) Each one was scrutinized and plats within these sections which either grew in size or were subdivided were coded. The data includes the location of changing plats with respect to natural amenity sites rivers, (i.e., l a k e s ) , designated land use, and the number of plots 185 and acreage which was altered. Comparisons were made between a) 1970 and 1972; b) 1972 and 1975; and c) 1975 and 1978. 26). The federal government has recognized the rural health situation as unique and designed numerous special programs to aid rural areas including: a)Community Health Centers, 2) National Health Service Corps; 3) Health Underserved Rural Areas; d) Rural Health Initiative; e) Rural Health Clinic Services Act; f) Loan Repayment Plan; and f) Community Facilities Loan Program (see Ahearn, 1979)• 27). Key health and social service personnel interviewed include Osceola's director of mental health, Reed City's hospital director, Osceola's director of social services, the regional director of services for the aging, Osceola's director for the commission on aging, the head nurse in the Reed City Hospital Extended Care Unit, administrator of Meadowview — the a retirement facility, the coordinator of Osceola's hot meals program, and a public health nurse in charge of Osceola's family planning center. 28). Other medical personnel includes 25 RNs, 20 LPNs, 6 Medical Technicians, 4 X-ray Technicians, 3 Respiratory Therapists, 1 Physical Therapists, 1 Physical Therapist Assistant, 3 Pharmacists, 1 Dietician, 2 Consultants worker and speech therapist). Source: Reed City Hospital, Reed City, Michigan. (social Hospital Director, REFERENCES REFERENCES Anderson, A.H. 1961 THE EXPANDING RURAL COMMUNITY. Nebraska Experiment Station, bulletin No. 464, Lincoln: UNIVERSITY OF Nebraska. Atlas of Osceola County 187 8 ATLAS OF OSCEOLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN. C.O. Titus. Philadelphia: Beale, Calvin L. 197 4 "Rural Development: Population and Settlement Prospects," JOURNAL OF SOIL AND WATER CONSERVATION. 9 (1): 23-27. 1975 THE REVIVAL OF POPULATION GROWTH IN NONMETROPOLITAN AMERICA. Washington D.C.: Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. 1976 "A Further Look at Nonmetropolitan Population Growth Since 1970," AMERICAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS. 58 (5): 953-958. Beale, Calvin L. and Glenn F. Fuguitt 1978 "The New Pattern of Nonmetropolitan Population Change," pp.157-177 in K.E. Taeuber, L.L. Bumpass, and J .A. Sweet (eds.), SOCIAL DEMOGRAPHY. New York: Academic Press. Bernard, Jessie 1973 THE SOCIOLOGY OF COMMUNITY. Glenview, Scott, Foresman and Company. Illinois: Bowles, Gladys K. and Calvin L. Beale 1980 "Commuting and Migration Status in Nonmetropolitan Areas," AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS RESEARCH. 32 (3): 8-20 . Bowles, Samuel 1970 "Migration as Investment: Empirical Tests of the Human Investment Approach to Geographic Mo bi l i t y , ” REVIEW OF ECONOMIC AND STATISTICS. 52 (November): 356-362. 186 187 Brown, James S., Harry K. Schwarzweller, and Joseph Mangalam 1963 "Kentucky Mountain Migration and the Stem-Family: An American Variation on a Theme by LePlay," RURAL SOCIOLOGY. 28 (1): 48-69. Campbell, Rex A. 1975 "Beyond the Suburbs: The Changing Rural Scene," pp. 93-123 in A.H. Hawley and V.P. Rock (eds), METROPOLITAN AMERICAN CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVE. Beverly Hills: Russell Sage Foundation. Carlson, John E., Marie L. Lassey and William R. Lassey 1980 RURAL SOCIETY AND ENVIRONMENT IN AMERICA. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. Carter Administration 197 9 SMALL COMMUNITY AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY. Report for the President, Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Clawson, M. 1976 "Economic Implications of the Recent Population Shift Toward Rural Areas," AMERICAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMIC. 58 (5): 963-966. Clemente, Frank 1975 "What Industry Really Means to a Small Town," FARM ECONOMICS. (April): 1-4. Colfer, Carol and Michael Colfer 197 8 "Inside Bushier Bay: Lifeways in Counterpoint," RURAL SOCIOLOGY. 43 (2): 204-220. Cornelisse, Jan 1976 "Senior Citizens Given Free Meals," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 106 (Februray 1 2 ) :1. Cortese, Charles 1979 "Rapid Growth and Social Change in Western Communities," SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT. 40/41 (April-May): 7-11. Cortese, Charles and Bernie Jones 197 9 "Energy Boomtowns: A Social Impact Model and Annotated Bibliography," in C.T. Unseld, et.at., (eds), SOCIOPOLITICAL NUCLEAR AND ALTERNATIVE ENERGY SYSTEMS. (CONAES), Washington, D . C . : National Academy of Sciences, pp. 101-163. Crane, Wilder W. 1956 "Reflections of a County Board Member," THE COUNTY OFFICER. (Sept.): 202-204. 188 DeJong, Gordon F. and Craig R. Humphrey 1976 "Selected Characteristics of Metropolitan to - Nonmetropolitan Area Migrants," RURAL SOCIOLOGY. 41 (Winter): 526-538. Detroit Free Press 1971 "Lot Buyers Warned by State Officials," FREE PRESS. 141 (June 12): 7A. DETROIT Fischer, Claude S. 1972 "Urbanism as a Way of Life: A Review and an Agenda," SOCIOLOGICAL METHODS AND RESEARCH. 1 (Nov.): 187-242. 197 8 "Urban - to - Rural Diffusion of Opinions in Contemporary America," AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY. 84 (1): 151-159. Frankena, Frederick 197 8 "Regional Socioeconomic Impacts of Declining Net Energy," URBAN ECOLOGY. 3 (2):101-110. 1980 COMMUNITY IMPACTS OF RAPID GROWTH IN NON­ METROPOLITAN AREAS: A LITERATURE SURVEY. Rural Sociology Series No. 9 AES, Michigan State University. Freudenburg, William R. 197 8 "A Social Social Impact Analysis of a Rocky Mountain Energy Boomtown," Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco. Fuguitt, Glenn V. and James J. Zuiches 1975 "Residential Preferences and Population Distribution," DEMOGRAPHY. 12 (August): Gallaher, Art. Jr. 1961 PLAINVILLE FIFTEEN YEARS LATER. Columbia University Press. Garkovich, 1979 491-504. New York: Lorraine "Rapid Population Growth and Rural Community Change: A Focus on Land Use Issues," Paper Presented at the Annual Meetings of the Rural Sociological Society, Burlington, August. Glenn, Norval D. and Lester Hill 1975 "Towards a Subcultural Theory of Urbanism," AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY. 80 (May): 1319-1341. 189 Glenn, Nocval D. and Lester Hill 1977 "Rural-Urban Differences in Attitudes and Behaviors in the United States," THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. 492 (Jan.): 36-50. Gilmore, John 1976 "Boomtowns May Hinder Energy Resource Development," SCIENCE. 191: 535-540. Governor Milliken 1981 FINAL REPORT: GOVERNOR MILLIKEN'S TASK FORCE ON SMALL AND RURAL COMMUNITIES. East Lansing: Michigan State Government. Graber, Edith E. 1974 "Newcomers and Oldtimers: Growth and Change in a Mountain Town," RURAL SOCIOLOGY. 39 (Winter): 504-513. Greenwood, Michael J. 1975 "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC LITERATURE. 13: 397-433. Hansen, N.M. 1973 THE FUTURE OF NON-METROPOLITAN AMERICA: STUDIES IN THE REVERSAL OF RURAL AND SMALL TOWN POPULATION DECLINE. Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath. Hennigh, Lawrence 1978 "The Good Life and the Taxpayers' Revolt," SOCIOLOGY. 43 (Summer): 128-190. RURAL Holmes, Howard 1971 "Osceola County Was At First A German Community, Not Swedish," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 101 (May 13): 7. Ide, Kamy 1975 "Land Use Program for County Under Study," COUNTY HERALD. 105 (January 23): 1. OSCEOLA Johnson, Teresa 1975 "Opinion: Vandalism Spreading," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 105 (December 18): 3. Koebernick, Tom and J. Allan Beelge 197 8 "Migration of the Elderly to Rural Areas: A Case Study in Michigan," in J. Allan Beegle and Robert McNamara (eds.), PATTERN OF MIGRATION AND POPULATION CHANGE IN AMERICAN'S HEARTLAND. NC Report No. 238, AES, E. Lansing: Michigan State U. 190 Lansing, John and Eva Mueller 1967 THE GEOGRAPHIC MOBILITY OF LABOR. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan, Survey Research Center• LePlay, Frederic 1872 THE ORGANIZATION OF LABOR. Translated by G. Emerson, Philadelphia: Claxton, Remsen and H a f fe lf in ge r. Lowe, George D. and Charles W. Peek 1974 "Location and Lifestyle: The Comparative Explanatory Ability of Urbanism and Rurality," RURAL SOCIOLOGY. 39 (3): 392-420. Lukomski, Michael F. 1970 MICHIGAN STATISTICAL ABSTRACT. 5th Edition, Division of Research, Graduate School of Business Administtcition, E. Lansing: Michigan State University. Lurie, Melvin and Elton Rayack 1966 "Racial Differences in Migration and Job Search: A case Study," SOUTHERN ECONOMIC JOURNAL. (July): 90-92. McCarthy, Kevin F. and Peter A. Morrison 197 8 THE CHANGING DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC STURCTURE OF NONMETROPOLITAN AREAS IN THE 1970'S. Rand Paper Series (P-6062), Santa Monica, CA: The Rand Corporation. MacDonald, 1964 John and Leatrice D. MacDonald "Chain Migration, Ethnic Neighborhood Formation and Social Networks," MILBANK MEMORIAL FUND QUARTERLY. 42 (1): 82-97. McNally, Jay 1976 "Reed City Schools Plagued by 'Growing Pains' District," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 106 (March 18): 3. in Marans, Robert W. and John D. Wellman 1978 THE QUALITY OF NONMETROPOLITAN LIVING: EVALUATIONS, BEHAVIOR, AND EXPECTATIONS OF NORTHERN MICHIGAN RESIDENTS. Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, Institution of Social Research, University of Michigan. 191 Masnick, George 196 8 "Employment Status and Retrospective and Prospective Migration in the United States," DEMOGRAPHY. 5: 79-85. Michigan Department of Education 1971 PUBLIC HIGH SCHOOL DROPOUTS IN MICHIGAN: 1969-70. Lansing: Michigan Department of Education. Michigan Department of Social Services 1980 ASSISTANCE PAYMENTS STATISTICS. Lansing: Michigan Department of Social Services. Michigan Department of State Police 1971 UNIFORM CRIME REPORT. E. Lansing: Michigan Department of State Police. 1977 UNIFORM CRIME REPORT. E. Lansing: Michigan Department of State Police. Michigan Health Council 1970 HEALTH MANPOWER FOR MICHIGAN. E. Lansing: Michigan Department of Licensing and Regulations. 1980 HEALTH MANPOWER FOR MICHIGAN. E. Lansing: Michigan Department of Licensing and Regulations. Miernyk, W. H., F. Giarratani and C. Socher 1977 REGIONAL IMPACTS OF RISING ENERGY PRICES. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Ballinger. Mitchell, Glenn H. 1975 "Voluntary Movers: A Study of Voluntary Movement to a Small Southwest Community," JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS. 4 (Winter): 87-102. Morrison, Peter A. and Judith P. Wheeler 1976 RURAL RENAISSANCE IN AMERICA? Population Bulletin No. 31, Population Reference Bureau. Mountain West Research 1975 CONSTRUCTION WORKER PROFILE. Research. Denver: Mountan West National Clearing House on Aging 1978 THE ELDERLY POPULATION: ESTIMATES BY COUNTY 1976. Washington D.C.: National Clearing House on Aging. 192 Nelson, Lowery 1960 THE MINNESOTA COMMUNITY: COUNTRY AND TOWN IN TRANSITION. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press. Nurnberger, James 1971a "Ghost Town of Orono Located Three Miles North of Reed City," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 101 (March 11): 1. 1971b "Lumber Industry was Vital for the Existence of Orono Settlement," OSCELOA COUNTY HERALD. 101 (March 25): 8. 1971c "Potatoe Growing was Prevalent Around Orono," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 101 (April 8): 7. 1971d "Orono had Popular Dance Hall on Land of Former Negro," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 101 (April 29): 10. Osceola County 1976 OSCEOLA COUNTY OVERALL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM. Report from the Sub-Committee of Osceola County Planning Commission, Reed City: Osceola County Board of Commissioners. Osceola County Herald 1970a "Drug Abuse Growing Problem Everywhere," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (January 15): 1. 1970b "Time for Action in the Reed City Area," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (February 5): 1. 1970c "Study County Recreation Plan," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (March 26): 1. 1970d "Drastic Changes Are Sought for Two Osceola County Parks," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (March 19): 1. 1970e "Letter to Editor," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. (April 2): 3. 1970f "Water and Sewer Plan for Osceola S t udied,” OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (June 18): 4. 1970g "Zoning and Building County Code Sought," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (September 17): 1. 1970h "Hits Hersey Trailer Plan," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (Septmeber 17): 14. 100 193 Osceola County Herald 1970i "Mental Health Clinic for County Scheduled,” OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 100 (November 19): 1. 1971a "The Doctor Shortage in R.C. Just What is the Big Problem,” OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 101 (September 23): 1. 1971b "Moratorium Sougth on New Plats in Osceola County," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 101 (October 14): 1• 1972a "Voters Reject School, 745-573; Pool is Beaten by 741-383 Count," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 102 (March 2): 1. 1972b "Voters Turn Down Career Center," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 102 (March 16): 1. 1972c "Cedar Township Tax Revolt Brewing," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD 102 (March 30): 1. 1972d "Low Income Families Are Helped By Community Aide," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 102 (July 6): 1. 1972e "Welfare - How Much is There in Osceola County?" OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 102 (July 27): 8. 1972f "County Road Used as JYivate in New Lake Development," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 102 (September 7): 4. 1972g "Letter to the Editor," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 102 (September 28): 11. 1973a "Middle School Remains Problem in Reed City," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 103 (January 18): 1. 1973b "County Social Services Moves into New Building," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 103 (January 18): 6. 1973c "Drug Education/Prevention Program Brought to County by Police," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 103 (February 1): 1. 1973d "Solid Waste Plan Outlined for County," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 103 (February 1 5 ) :4. 1973e "New Middle School Rejected by 37 Votes," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 103 (June 14): 1. 194 Osceola County Herald 1973f "County Board Okays Funds for Smart-Set Program," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. (June 28): 1. 1973g "New Building Program Rejected by 81 Votes at Pine River Schools," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 103 (August 30): 1. 1973h "County Landfill Plan Opposed by Board: Location: Cost Cited," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 103 (November 15): 3. 1974a "Teen Club Now Open Five Nights a Week," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 105 (February 7): 4. 1974b "Popultion Growth Brings Crowding at Pine River," O SCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (March 7): 1. 1974c "Food Stamp Program Working in County," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (April 11): 14. 1974d "Treehouse Care Center Closed for Lack of Money," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (April 25): 1. 1974e "History's Impact Visable," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (May 23): 16. 1974f "Student Growth Discussed by Board," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (June 20): 7. 1974g "Retired Senior Volunteer Program Begins in Osceola," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (July 11): 1. 1974i "750 Laid Off in Evart," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (October 3): 1. 1974j "Editorial: County Commission Should Act, Not React," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 104 (November 7): 4. 1975a "Commissioners Meet: Discuss Ambulance," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 105 (February 27): 1. 1975b "Residents to Watch," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 105 (December 4): 4. 1976a "County Express bus system Dedicated," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 106 (December 30): 4. 195 Osceola County Herald 1976b "County Needs Nursing Home," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 106 (December 30): 3. 1977a "City Investigates Expansion," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 107 (February 10): 1. 1977b "Opinions Favor Less Zoning," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 107 (October 27): 4. 197 8a "Logging Big in Osceola, Evart History," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (January 19): A3. 1978b "'Green Gold' Rush Caused Evart Boom," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (January 26): A3. 1978c "Evart, County: Both Grew Rapidly in Late 1800's," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (Februray 9): A 1 . 1978d "Contract Talks with County Road Commission,” OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (April 27): 1. 1978e "Commission Opposes Closing," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (June 22): 1. 1978f "Township May Meet on Ambulance Query," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (July 20): 1. 1979a "County Seat Election Monday," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 109 (March 29): A1. 1979b "Osceola County Facing 5.2% Increase in S.E.V.," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 109 (May 31): 1. 1979c "City Threatens To Close Parks," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 109 (June 21) : 1. 1 979d "Scenic Turnout Site of Dedication," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 109 (August 23): A1. 1980a "More Doctors and Nurses Needed in Osceola County," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 110 (March 13): 1. 1980b "Osceola Transferred," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 110 (August 21): 1. Osceola Planning Commission 1971 OSCEOLA COUNTY COMPREHENSIVE AREA WIDE PLAN FOR W AT ER AND SEWER SERVICE. Osceola County, Mi.: Osceola County Planning Commission. 196 Photiadis, John and Richard Bell 1976 "Patterns of Change in Rural Normative Structures," RURAL SOCIOLOGY. 41 (1): 60-75. Ploch, Louis 197 8 "The Reversal in Migration Patterns - Some Rural Development Consequences," RURAL SOCIOLOGY. 43 (2): 293-303. Press, Robert M. 1979 "Will Success Spoil Rural SCIENCE MONITOR. Vol. 71 America," THE CHRISTIAN No. 137 (June 12): 1. Price, Daniel O. and MeLanie M. Sikes 1975 RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION RESEACH IN THE U.S.: ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SYNTHESIS. Washington, D.C.: DHEW Publication No. (NIH) 75-565. Price, Daniel O. and Others 1969 A STUDY OF THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF RURAL TO URBAN MIGRATION. Final Report Submitted to the Office of Economic Opportunity, OEO Contract B 89-4594, Austin, Texas: Tracor, Inc. Rainey, K. D. 1976 "Forces Influencing Rural Community Growth," AMERICAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS. 58 (5): 959-962. Rose, Margret 1972 EVART 100 YEARS. Evart:Centennial Committee. Rubin, Marion 1960 "Migration Patterns of Negroes from a Rural Northeastern Mississippi Community,” SOCIAL FORCES. 39 (October): 59-. Sanders, Irwin 1966 THE COMMUNITY: AN INTRODUCTION TO A SOCIAL SYSTEM. New York: The Ronald Press Co. Shaw, R. Paul 1975 MIGRATION THEORY AND FACT: A REVIEW AND BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CURRENT LITERATURE. Bibliography Series No. 5. Philadelphia: Regional Science Research Institute. Smith, Edna E. 1884 PORTRAIT AND BIOGRAPHICAL ALBUM OF OSCEOLA COUNTY. Chicago: Chapman Brothers. 197 Sofranko, Andrew J. and James D. Williams 1980 REBIRTH OF RURAL AMERICA: RURAL MIGRATION IN THE MIDWEST. North Central Regional Center for Rural Development, Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University. Smith, Eldon D. 1953 "Migration and Adjustment Experiences of Rural Migrant Workers," Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Wisconsin. Sokolow, Alvin 196 8 GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSE TO URBANIZATION: THREE TOWNSHIPS ON THE RURAL-URBAN GRADIENT. USDA, Economic Research Service, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. 1977 "California*s New Migration to the Towns of the 'Cow Counties'," CALIFORNIA JOURNAL. (October): 348-350. 197 8 "Small Towns and the Meaning of Informal Government," Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois, April. 1981 "Local Politics and the Turnaround Migration: Newcomer-Oldtimer Relations in Small Communities," in Curtis Roseman, Andrew Sofranko, and James williams POPULATION REDISTRIBUTION IN THE MIDWEST. North Central Regional Center for Rural Development, Ames, Iowa: Iowa State Unviersity. Speare, Alden Jr. 1974 "Residential Satisfaction as an Intervening Variable in Residential Mobility," DEMOGRAPHY. 11* 173-188. Stabler, Kenneth E. and Carl V. Patton 1977 "Residents of Small Towns Speak Out on Growth," PLANNING AND PUBLIC POLICY. 3 (3): 1-4. State of Michigan 1970 EXECUTIVE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 1970. Michigan State Government. 1980 EXECUTIVE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 1980. Michigan State Government. Lansing: Lansing: Stillman, Richard 1977 "The City Manager: Professional Helping Hand or Political Hired Hand," PUBLIC ADMINISTRAION REVIEW. (Nov.-Dec.): 659-670. 198 Summers, Gene 1976 "Small Towns Beware: Industry Can Be Costly," PLANNING. 42 (4): 20-21. Swem, Mike 1977 "Students Won't Be Allowed in Some Stores," O SCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 107 (August 25): 1. 1978a "Zoning Change Cuts Open District in Half," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (March 16): 1. 1978b "617 Families Need Help in Osceola," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 108 (August 17): 3. 1979 "It's Reed City," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 109 (April 5): 1A. Trigg, Mary 1976 "Women Face Boomtown Isolation," HIGH COUNTRY NEWS. (Septmeber 10) Lander, Wyoming. U.S. Congress 1974 "Effects of Uncertain Energy Supplies on Rural Economic Development," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. A Compilation of Papers for the Subcommittee on Rural Development, 93rd Congress, 2nd Session, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Bureau of Census 1972 U.S. CENSUS OF HOUSING: 1970, DETAILED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS, MICHIGAN. Final Report HC (1)-B24, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1979 "Reasons for Interstate Migration: Jobs, Retirement, Climate, and Other Influences," CURRENT POPULATION REPORTS SPECIAL STUDIES. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, Series P - 2 3 , No. 81. 1981 "1980 Census of Population and Housing," ADVANCED REPORTS. PHC80-V-24 Michigan, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Census of Agriculture 1902 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE, 1900. Census Report Vol. 6 II, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1974 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE, 1974. State and County Data, Vol. I Part II, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 199 U.S. Census of Agriculture 1980 CENSUS OF AGRICULTURE, 1978. Preliminary Report, Osceola County AC 78 -P-26-133, July, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Verway, David (ed) 1979 MICHIGAN STATISTICAL ABSTRACT. 14th Edition, Division of Research, Graduate School of Business Administration, E. Lansing: Michigan State University. 1980 MICHIGAN STATISTICAL ABSTRACT. 15th Edition, Division of Research, Graduate School of Business Administration, E. Lansing: Michigan State University. Vidich, Arthur and Joseph Bensman 1960 SMALL TOWN IN MASS SOCIETY. New York: Doubleday. Vining, Daniel R. Jr. and Thomas Kontuly 1978 "Population Dispersal from Major Metropolitan Regions: An International Comparison," INTERNATIONAL REGIONAL SCIENCE REVIEW. 3 (1): 49-73. Voss, Paul R. 1979 "Breaks with the Past: Ties to Former Communities Among Recent Migrants to the Upper Great Lakes Region," pp.33-41 in SMALL CITY AND REGIONAL COMMUNITY: PROCEEDINGS OF THE 197 9 CONFERENCE. Vol. II. J. Miller and Robert P. Wolensky (eds.}, Stevens Point: University of Wisconsin. Voss, Paul R. and Glenn V. Fuguitt 197 9 TURNAROUND MIGRATION IN THE UPPER GREAT LAKES REGION. Population Series 70-12, Applied Population Laboratory, Madison: University of Wisconsin-Extension. Wang, Ching-li 1977 ELDERLY MIGRATION, RETIREMENT FUNCTION, AND COMMUNITY GROWTH IN NONMETROPOLITAN AREAS. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University. Werner, Larry 1981 "Rural Revival: Michigan is a Classic Case," DETROIT FREE PRESS. Vol. 150 No. 3 08 (March 8): 1A. 200 W h i t e r Marjorie Brown 1975 ONE HUNDRED GOING ON TWO HUNDRED: REED CITY CENTENNIAL. Evart, Michigan: Review Publish Co. Willard, Pamela 1977 "County Votes to Withdraw From Transportation System," OSCEOLA COUNTY HERALD. 107 (October 13): 1. Williams, James D. and Andrew J. Sofranko 1979 "Motivations for the Inmigration Component of Population Turnaround in Nonmetropolitan Areas," DEMOGRAPHY. 16 (2): 239-255. Wolpert, J. 1965 "Behavioral Aspects of the Decision to Migrate," PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE REGIONAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION. 15: 159-169. Wood, Robert C. 1958 SUBURBA: ITS PEOPLE AND THEIR POLITICS. Houghton Mifflin Press. Boston: Zelinsky, Wilbur 1977 "Coping with Migration Turnaround: the Theoretical Challenge," INTERNATIONAL REGIONAL SCIENCE REVIEW. 2 (2): 175-178.