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TEACHER ABSENTEEISM IN ELEMENTARY EDUCATION A MICHIGAN STUDY By Thomas Lee Moline A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Educational Administration 1988 ABSTRACT TEACHER ABSENTEEISM IN ELEMENTARY EDUCATION: A MICHIGAN STUDY By Thomas Lee Moline Teacher absenteeism in our nation is a phenomenon which has been reported to be a growing and serious problem in K-12 public education over the past ten years (Collingwood, 1984; Educational Research Service, 1980). It has not been uncommon to find mean staff absence rates for teachers exceeding double the national work force standard of 3.5% (Klein, 1986). In this study, teacher absenteeism in nine Michigan elementary schools was reviewed in fourteen research question areas related to personal, organizational and time/place factors. Measures used in this study of elemen tary educator absence behavior were based on those devised by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (Klein, 1986; Taylor, 1978) for assessment of total time lost. Given the variations in worker benefits afforded to professional groups such as elementary educators, it is justifiable to assert that groups having access to benefits Thomas Lee Moline such as paid personal/family sick leave and paid personal days will have higher rates of absence from work than those who do not have such benefits. It is evident that when provisions for paid leave are available to workers, their utilization heightens specific group mean rates of total time lost above national norms. Such is the case for worker groups like elementary educators who in this study were found to attain a total sample mean rate for total lost time of 4.76% (N - 176 subjects within nine separate school staffs in nine separate districts during the 1985-86 school year). The implications for school administrators as presented by the more significant findings of this study can be joined with previous education research in underlining the need for direct immediate supervisor involvement in the absence reporting process. The findings of this study also suggest that school managers need to be more directly involved in the construction of absence reduction or attendance goals in order for educators to be aware of what is expected in their profession. Wishing you were here . . . . To Ed iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF T A B L E S ....................................... vii LIST OF F I G U R E S ....................................... viii INTRODUCTION ......................................... The Importance of Absenteeism Research In E d u c a t i o n ................................. Is Elementary Teacher Absenteeism A Problem ............................. In Our Schools? Defining Absenteeism ............................. Objectives and Hypotheses ......................... Contributing Factors Relative to Absenteeism In E d u c a t i o n ................................. THE EVOLUTION OF ABSENTEEISM THEORY ................ Previous and Current Definitions of Absenteeism . . Measurement of Absenteeism ....................... Short-Term Indices of Absence Measurement ........ The Relationship Between Absenteeism ......................... and Personal Factors The Relationship Between Absenteeism and Organizational Factors .................. The Relationship Between Absenteeism ....................... and Time/Place Factors Descriptive Models of Absenteeism ................ Social Psychology Theory Concerning Absenteeism . . The Occupation of Teacher as Related to A b s e n t e e i s m ................................. M E T H O D O L O G Y ......................................... Description of Sample ............................. Research Procedures ............................... Steps In Data C o l l e c t i o n ......................... Absence Data Collection Parameters .............. Definition of Teacher Absence ..................... M e a s u r e s ......................................... v 1 4 6 9 13 18 20 22 29 34 38 62 83; 92 113 119 124 124 129 136 140 143 146 Page REPORT OF FINDINGS ................................. 153 ................................. to Personal Factors ............ to Organizational Factors . . . . to Time/Place Factors .......... 153 158 180 195 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .............................. 208 Synopsis of Findings .............................. Implications ..................................... Limitations of the S t u d y ......................... Recommendations for Absence Control in Elementary Schools in Michigan ......................... Suggestions for Further Research ................ Recommendations for School Managers .............. 214 228 242 Reporting Format Findings Relative Findings Relative Findings Relative APPENDIX ........................................... LIST OF REFERENCES ................................. vi 247 263 268 274 276 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Description of S a m p l e ......................... 125 2. Rate of Lost Time by Absence G r a d i e n t ........ 156 3. Rate of Lost Time by Age R a n g e ................ 159 4. Rate of Lost Time by Marital Status and Presence or Absence of Dependent Children ........ 167 5. Rate of Lost Time by Employees with Children Under Age F i v e ........................... 168 Rate of Lost Time by Employees with Children Age Five to E i g h t e e n ..................... 168 7. Rate 175 8. Highest 10% and 20% of Lost Time Rates Contributing to Total Staff Absence 6. 9. 10. of Lost Time by Years E x p e r i e n c e ........ . . . 179 Absence Control Policies/Reporting Procedure Considerations by District .............. 185 Total Days Lost for Sample by Month of Y e a r ................................. 200 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Page Steers & Rhodes - A Process Model of A t t e n d a n c e ........................... 95 2. Brooke - A Causal Model of Absenteeism......... 106 3. Rate of Lost Time by Absence G r a d i e n t ........ 156 4. Rate of Lost Time by Age R a n g e ................ 159 5. Rate of Lost Time by S e x ...................... 163 6. Rate of Lost Time by Degree L e v e l ............ 173 7. Rate of Lost Time by Years E x p e r i e n c e ........ 175 8. Highest 10% & 20% of Lost Time RatesContributing to Total Staff Absence .................. 179 9. Mean Rate of Lost Time by Staff S i z e .......... 183 10. Mean Rate of Lost Time by Grade L e v e l ........ 191 11. Total Days Lost and Percent of TotalTime Lost by Day of the W e e k ....................... 197 Total Days Lost for Sample by Month of Y e a r ................................. 200 Mean Rate of Lost Time by District Demography ............................... 204 12. 13. viii INTRODUCTION Making inferences about a profession having absentee ism seems synonymous with telling someone they have bad breath. No matter how diplomatically or eloquently one tries to avoid direct accusation, the end result is usually a received insult. Absenteeism equates in the minds of most workers to the notion that someone is not doing his or her job. It rings of lack of commitment to one's work. Teachers remain cognizant of charges made by the 1983 Commission on Excellence Report entitled "A Nation At Risk." Consequently, the issue of absenteeism in education is, at present, a particularly touchy issue. The teaching estab lishment of the middle 1980's has little regard for those who would dare unearth more topics about poor teacher performance. So much so, that the author of this descrip tive study found data collection of teacher attendance records to be an almost clandestine endeavor. What has materialized since the Commission report has been a plethora of reasons, issued in large part by repre sentative teacher agencies, as to why schools may be lacking in producing quality education. The results of which seems to be producing more finger-pointing than constructive attempts for communities and their local school systems to 2 define and progress towards their own connotation of "excellence in education." Counteracting any current widespread acceptance of a nationwide investigation of problematic educator absence phenomena are the still timely topics of teacher stress, burnout and turnover in the education profession. Their effects on the performance and length of careers of educators cannot be denied in light of a recent national survey of former teacher in the United States. In a 1985 poll conducted by Lou Harris & Associates and funded by the Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. a survey of 500 former teachers found that: The more teachers work under stress, the more likely they are to leave the profession. This finding has implications for all teachers, since teachers experience greater stress than most Americans. Former teachers report job stress has dropped dramatically since their teaching days have ended. Fiftyseven percent of former teachers recall that, as teachers, they felt great stress on the job several days a week or more.1 Attempts at increasing teacher attendance and in some fashion making for higher expectations of educators still finds little acceptance from organizations that have established exclusive representation in the work place for the teaching community. Those agencies that teachers turn to most often for professional direction offer little 1 Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. "Former Teachers In America," American Educator. (Summer, 1986), p. 35. current hope of establishing true investigation from within the ranks of educators. The National Education Association (NBA) continues to uphold its constituency while admitting that teacher absenteeism is a matter for investigation. The position the NBA takes in addressing the issue is one which utilizes current beliefs about stress in the work place while giving little attention to a much wider array of factors relative to absence phenomena of individuals and work groups. In a 1979 report on the issue of teacher absenteeism the NBA concluded that: When local associations can document exceptionally low use of sick leave by teachers, they should tout it in newsletter stories and news releases to the public. Conversely, if teacher-leaders note a rise in the incidence of teachers using sick leave for reasons other than illness, they should point to working conditions as the probable cause.2 It is quite apparent to this researcher that although teacher union management points to working conditions as the probable cause of problematic absenteeism, there are far more factors associated with employee non-attendance. Personal factors such as age, dependent children, marital status; time/place factors such as the day of the week or month of the year; and organizational factors such as group size, reporting procedure, evidence of absence control It," 2 "Absenteeism: An Issue No Matter How You Look At NBA Now. (March 26, 1979), p. 4. policies, etc., all have influence on absenteeism phenomena experienced in both the private and public sector. Adequate investigation of absenteeism in a work setting must account for all these influence areas. Those agencies whose position it is to fervently uphold educators continue to emphasize topics which must be truly investigated in order to understand problematic absenteeism in educational settings. However, an emphasis on the debilitating effects that may be experienced by educators only at the work site bars thorough research on the phenomena. If educator absenteeism is to be genuinely research ed, then all of the factors relative to its occurrence must be reviewed. The literature on absenteeism in business and industry is immense and reflects the private sector's concern in controlling this problem. Therefore, it would do well to review such factors found to be of importance to Human Resource Management (HRM) researchers in the private sector to ascertain their existence and potential importance in the educational setting. The Importance of Absenteeism Research In Elementary Education The primary goal of this proposed study is to ascertain the impact of an already identified set of influences related to the private and public work place and to assess their impact in elementary schools in the State of Michigan. The procedure in which most findings are reported will be descriptive in nature with data extracted from the attendance records of nine elementary school staffs in Michigan local school districts. Understanding absenteeism phenomena of elementary educators (or factors related to educator absence at any educational level) does well to provide for potential changes in administrative procedures or practices that might increase educator performance and student learning. It is without question that elementary education touches upon nearly all members of our society. It is the foundation level for development of basic skills within those in our society who will be deemed functionally literate and advance to higher levels of our educational system. Understanding elementary educator absenteeism and moving in the direction of improving teacher attendance at this very influential level would seem an appropriate starting place if research is to be of most benefit to the majority of our nation's future students. It is unfortunate that a steadily increasing number of children, adolescents and teenagers are seen dropping out of the educational system as grade levels increase. It is vitally important that our elementary schools function as highly consistent and effective programs dedicated to instilling maximum functional skills in students; some of whom may opt to exit formal schooling shortly after their elementary years. 6 It is also interesting to note that research con ducted in the states of New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois and Florida pinpoint elementary school teachers as having the highest rates of absence from work than of other K-12 educators in those state's schools (Educational Research Service, 1980). From a priority basis, emphasis upon research of educator absenteeism at theelementary level would seem appropriate. Is Elementary Teacher Absenteeism A Problem In Our Schools? Is there judicial system any solid basis, or in terms of our nation's "a preponderance of theevidence," to conclude that absenteeism is definitely a problem in our nation's elementary school systems? The answer is a definitive "yes” when one examines a comprehensive 1980 survey of 1,423 school districts from across the United States conducted by the Educational Research Service (Arlington, VA). The findings are of particular concern to those affiliated with the operation of our nation's elemen tary schools: (The) mean of teacher absence rates due to all paid absences in all reporting school systems; 4.3% for unified systems,4.8% for elementary systems, and 4.2% for high schools.3 As will be discussed in the following subtopic area, our nation's educators on the whole do not stand up as particularly good models for attendance behavior when 3 Educational Research Service. Teacher Absenteeism: Experiences and Practices of School Systems. ERS, Arling ton, VA, (1981), p. 4. national average absence rate ranges of 2.9%-3.6% (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1985) are taken into consideration. Given the importance of the products our elementary school systems deliver, the problem of elementary teacher absentee ism and its effects has to be viewed as an extremely serious problem affecting the maximal development of our nation's youth. Recent investigations associated with teacher interest in their jobs and antecedent effects such as absenteeism shed some light upon a growing teacher absentee ism problem in our nation. In a 1986 study of elementary school teacher burnout conducted by the University of Michigan, researchers Jackson, Schwab & Shuler found that: Of our 228 respondents, only 39% indicated that their most preferred job status was being in their current teaching jobs. A full 30% indicated they would most prefer jobs unrelated to education. These figures, in combination with other evidence that teacher turnover rates are declining, suggests that a large percentage of teachers are in their current jobs involuntarily.4 Research findings such as the above and survey results such as those obtained by the Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. (1986) emphasize the importance of pinpointing where absenteeism exists so that remedies can be directed. Unlike absenteeism research in business and industry, absenteeism among educational personnel did not engender the 4 Jackson, S.E.; Schwab, R.L.; Schuler, R.S. "Towards An Understanding of the Burnout Phenomenon," Journal of Applied Psychology. Vol 71 No. 4, (1986), p. 639. 8 amount o£ intensive investigation over the past 50 years that was noticed in the private sector until recently (Educational Research Service, 1980). However, a noticeably escalating number of studies have been conducted relative to teacher absenteeism in the 1980's and their findings point out that the problem of absenteeism is greater in educa tional institutions than is commonly found in business and industry (Educational Research Service, 1980). The increasing amount of research conducted on absenteeism in education in the past and current decade shows that the problem is most definitely on the rise (Skidmore, 1984; Pennsylvania School Boards, 1978; State of New York, 1974; Illinois Office of Education, 1977). Illinois, in particular, identified the problem of educator absenteeism to be of such importance that it directed the following statement from its State Department of Education to all of its local school districts: Teacher absenteeism as a phenomenon has the potential to be a serious problem for the State of Illinois. The State Board of Education is well advised, as are local districts, to acknowledge the strong possibility that teacher absenteeism as a problem will be aggravated rather than alleviated in the years ahead.0 Additional research conducted at the turn of the current decade concludes that teacher absenteeism in the 0 Report on Teacher Absenteeism in the Public Schools of Illinois to State Board of Education, Illinois Office of Education. Indianapolis, Indiana: The Academy for Educa tional Development, Public Policy Division, July 1977. p. 5. U.S. as a whole as in specific states and districts, indicates that the problem is serious and growing: Although little published data are available on staff absenteeism in education, the information that does exist, from studies conducted in New York City, Newark, New Jersey, suburban Philadelphia, and the states of Pennsylvania, Illinois and Florida suggests that employee absenteeism in education is a definite problem, perhaps as big a problem as it is outside education.* It is readily noticed in a review of the literature that most of the studies conducted relative to teacher absenteeism have a heavy reliance on previous findings developed outside of the teaching profession. The vast majority of these studies utilize descriptive models of employee absenteeism, measures of absence, and definitions based on research in industrial settings. Current investigators of educator absence phenomena could greatly assist in the continued research of an area that is not only appreciably lacking in basic research but also in an understanding of what generally known factors are truly germane to absenteeism in public education. Defining Absenteeism As defined in industrial relations literature, absenteeism is defined as "the nonattendance of employees for scheduled work” (Brook, 1984; Johns, 1978; Jones, 1971; * Educational Research Service, Inc. Employee Absen teeism: A Summary of The Research. Arlington, VA, (1980), p. 1. 10 Gibson, 1966;). From the economic/monetary standpoint of most businesses and agencies, absenteeism is seen as: The disruption of scheduled work processes, and the loss or under utilization of productive work capacity.7 Webster's New Twentieth Century Dictionary of the English Language, 9th Edition (1983) defines absenteeism as "absence from duty, work or station; especially, such absence when deliberate or habitual." Researchers in the field of Human Resource Management (HRM) have at times expressed a desire to invent new terminology that lessens the impact of the term "absentee ism" (Yolles, Carone & Krinsky, 1975). Their intent would be to devise a word that separates legitimate absence from work apart from what could be viewed as deviant problematic absence. However, such a term has yet to be produced by HRM researchers especially in light of the problems faced in separating legitimate from abusive absence behavior (Markham & Scott,1982). A major obstacle to the study of absenteeism in both the public and private sector has been the establishment of a common definition of what constitutes absence (Muchinsky, 1977) . Records on the absence behavior of industrial, business, and governmental employees in the United States during the 1950’s and early 1960's was reviewed by Frederick 7 Allen, S. G. "An Empirical Model of Work Attendance, "Review of Economics and Statistics. No. 63 (1981), p. 78. 11 J.Gaudet in 1963. Gaudet utilized this information to conclude not only a national average absence rate for the period in review but also an expectation of what could be determined to be "an attainable minimum" rate for an employee or work group. According to Gaudet: A reasonable level of absence would be about three percent (3%) of available work time . . but the attainable minimum level may approach two percent (2%) or less.8 In 1975 researchers Johnson and Peterson added to the research conducted more than a decade earlier by Gaudet by exhibiting data from their study that they indicated created cut-off levels of absence in distinguishing acceptable from problematic absence rates. Johnson and Peterson concluded that: Monthly absence greater than five or six percent should be a matter of serious concern to organizational management.9 Validating the research of the aforementioned authors is information collected by the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) on annual average absences for business, industry and government occupation work groups (excluding full-time farm workers). BLS continues to affirm an annual average absence rate of from 2.9% to 3.6% from sample 8 Gaudet, Frederick J. Solving the Problems of Employee Absence. A.M.A. Research Study 57. New York, N.Y.: American Management Association (1963), p. 46-47. 9 Johnson, R. D. & T. 0. Petersen. "Absenteeism or Attendance: Which Is Industry's Problem?" Personnel Journal, 54 (1975), p. 572. 12 selection sites £rom 1973 to 1985 (the most recent year o£ reporting at the time o£ this study's literature review). However, BLS continues to note to those utilizing their data that variations do exist in the exact definition of absence and recording procedure from site to site. Therefore, minor differences in average absence rates for specific worker groups would be expected though extreme variations would be suspect either in the case of definition used or actual employee non-attendance reporting procedures. In reviewing the literature relative to educator absence rates, the parameters for determining levels of absence within an organization or occupation group correlate closely with those developed by the aforementioned authors. Both public education studies and those found in labor and industrial relations research distinguish absenteeism from other forms of nonattendance such as vacations or temporary duty which are normally arranged in advance (ERS, 1980). The more limited amount of studies in education and the larger amount of research conducted in the private sector both maintain absenteeism in terms of "nonattendance of employees for regularly scheduled work." It should also be noted that within most absenteeism studies in education, variations for assessing exemplary, average and problematic absence rates of educational employees alter little more than one percentage point from those determined by Gaudet and Johnson & Peterson (Elliott, 1982). 13 Given the parameters upon which to judge an indi vidual's or system's absence rate, a researcher can begin in attempts to answer wether or not an institution such as public elementary school education suffers from teacher absenteeism. As was previously noted, national absence rates for elementary educators approach the level which researchers Johnson and Peterson (1975) contend is a level approaching "serious concern for management." Objectives and Research Questions As previously mentioned, the ultimate goal of this study is to ascertain the impact of an already identified set of influences related to absenteeism in the private and public work place and to assess their impact in elementary schools in the State of Michigan. Understanding all currently identified factors and then utilizing them as standards for investigation in elementary education is the primary direction taken by this investigative endeavor into the area of elementary educator absenteeism in the State of Michigan. The intended result of this descriptive study of nine elementary school staffs is to provide school managers (administrators, school board members) solid information and insight in order to pinpoint absence problems and develop remedial programs and/or supervisory practices. A myriad of influences have been identified that relate to absenteeism in the work place. A compilation of 14 these factors was refined into a process model developed by HRM researchers Steers and Rhodes (1978). This model met with further development by Brooke (1985) in after several attempts to operationalize the Steers and Rhodes model in the work site necessitated more precise delineation of absenteeism attributes. The contributions of these researchers will be expanded upon in the forthcoming chapter concerning the literature review. The contributions of the three investi gators have been joined with education research concerning teacher absenteeism to construct a three set group of possible factors for absenteeism in educational settings. A random sample site selection was conducted in the winter of 1987 in which nine separate local district elementary schools were reviewed relative to individual teacher attendance data, contractual provisions for atten dance and absence, supervisory controls and incentive/reward practices; all evidenced in the 1985-86 school year. Findings from the review of these areas was then conducted to exact the extent of elementary educator absenteeism in an analysis of the following three major influence areas: Personal Factors Age Sex Marital Status Dependent Children Education Level Years employment/ experience Individual absence as a percentage of total staff rate Organizational Factors Staff Size Absence Control Policies/ Reporting Procedure Grade Level Taught School Commitment After Work Day Time/Place Factors Day of Week 15 Month of Year District Demography It should be noted that the independent variable utilized to assess the above listed factors is predominately a mean group percent of total time lost applied to the fourteen research questions addressed in this study. Personal Factors Age Percent of time lost for elementary educators will show a positive relationship with increasing age in an analysis of the age groups; 25 26 31 36 41 and under - 30 - 35 - 40 - 45 46 - 50 51 - 55 56 - 60 61 - 65 66 and older (Collingwood, 1984; U.S. Dept, of Health, Education & Welfare, 1975) Sex Female elementary educators will have higher percen tage of time lost from work on the average than males (Klein, 1985; Hedges, 1975). Marital Status Married men will have lower percentages of time lost than single men. Married women will have higher percentages of time lost than single women 1985; Taylor, 1979). (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 16 Dependent Children Elementary educators with children under the age of .18 will have higher percentages of time lost from work than the average obtained from the entire sample (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1985; Nicholson & Goodge, 1976). Educational Level Employees with advanced degrees will have lower percentages of time lost than those educational employees with bachelors degrees (Taylor, 1979; Douglas, 1976). Years Employment/Experience As elementary educators increase in years employ ment/experience, the amount of time lost from work will correspondingly increase (Blankinship, 1986; Manganiello, 1972). Individual % of Time Lost as % of Total Staff Absenteeism A review of each of the nine building's total staff rates of total time lost will illustrate that approximately 10% of each building's employees will be responsible for 45% or more of the total staff absences (Yolles et. al; 1975; Plummer, 1960). Organizational Factors Staff Size As elementary staff size increases, the mean staff rate of total time lost will correspondingly increase (Giullian, 1986; Coffman, 1985). 17 Absence Control Policies Elementary educators required to report absence directly to the building administrator will have lesser percent of time lost than for employees utilizing an alternative reporting procedure (Elliott, 1982; Educational Research Service, 1980). Grade Level Taught Percent of time lost for elementary school employees will decrease as the grade level taught increases (Bouknight, 1985; Smith, 1984). School System Commitment After Work Day Elementary educators who elect to consistently sponsor, coach, chaperon, etc., activities after or before the contracted work day, will have lower percentages of time lost from work than the average percent of time lost for the entire building staff (Sheldon, 1985; Slick, 1974). Time/Place Factors Dav of The Week An analysis of attendance registrars for the total sample will illustrate that the highest amounts of employee absence will be experienced on Fridays with Mondays being the second highest day of the week for elementary educator absence (Educational Research Service, 1980; Capitan & Morris, 1978). 18 Month of The Year An analysis of all school employees percent of time lost for all nine elementary staff reviewed will show that average percent of time lost for the 9 month school year will progress from highest to lowest in the following order: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. May April March February January 6. 7. 8. 9. December November October September (Coffman, 1983; Marlin, 1976) District Demography An analysis of average total percent of time lost for each elementary school staff reviewed will show that average percent of time lost will be highest for urban schools and lowest for rural schools (Jackson, Schwab & Schuler, 1986; ERS, 1980). Contributing Factors Relative To Absenteeism In Education Even before weighing the evidence from individual school districts or states that report absence data, the field of public education allows for paid sick leave accumulation programs that consistently shows in the literature as being a basis for abuse. Public school districts in the State of Michigan (and most others in the United States) allow for paid leave for illness experienced by school staff. Those who do not report for work and instead report prior to the workday that they will be using sick leave suffer no loss in monetary compensation. HRM researchers make the valid point that in 19 the absence o£ a strong worker commitment in these employ ment situations, there is as much monetary incentive to stay away from work as there is to attend (Smardon, 1974). A secondary feature contributing to potential sick leave abuse of tenured educators is the debilitating effects of an accumulative sick leave program that eventually caps the number of available days after several years of employ ment. An incentive system maintains for teachers while they progress towards the accumulative maximum (90 days, 110, etc.) but the incentive is lost when they reach that goal. When no annual buy-out of excess time is provided, the feeling generated by many at the point of maximum accumulated leave days is that they are losing or giving away leave days. In turn, such affected educators begin to utilize higher than usual amounts of leave time.10 Taken together, the aforementioned situations of paid sick leave and capped accumulation programs give potential for abuse by employees who are privileged to such benefits. Just how influential these factors are in elementary education has yet to be strongly identified by educational research. However, research in areas outside of education clearly show that when such provisions exist, it is not uncommon for absenteeism to be negatively beyond national averages (DuFour, 1983; Porter and Steers, 1978; Garrison and Muchinsky, 1977; Morgan and Herman, 1976). 10 Winborne, C. R. & Stainback, G. H. "Our Salary Supplement Program Gives Teachers an Incentive They Can Bank On, "American School Board Journal. Vol. 171, (Feb. 1984), p. 29. THE EVOLUTION OF ABSENTEEISM THEORY Concern over employee absenteeism is probably as ancient as the human process of servitude and employment. Ancient Egyptian history refers to the process of dis patching daily census takers to slave enclaves to search for those who failed to report to work (James, 1984). Roman history makes reference to the practice of flogging workers who failed to provide sound excuse for not executing regular duties and the exercise of putting to death of servants who were deemed consistently too ill to be of regular service to the ruling aristocracy (Windrow, 1984). The actual beginnings of absenteeism concern and concurrent research in American society varies with the interpretation attributed to our country’s early politicians and industrialists. United States historians note the concerns of General George Washington over the excessive amount of desertion at various points during the Revolution ary War and his continual efforts to maintain the morale of his army (Meltzer, 1986). The written recordings of American historians of the early 19th Century note treatment of errant slaves by plantation supervisors to be similar to that metered to 20 21 slaves of the Roman Empire (Davis, 1975). Graphic depic tions in novels and biographies clearly illustrate the cruel treatment of tardy workers in the sweat shops of the early American Industrial Revolution (Heilbronner, 1966). A wide variety of other written illustrations about concern and punitive action upon an imperfect work force show clearly that regularity of worker performance has been a major employer priority in our country's short life time. A good portion of our modern day absenteeism research and fashioning of potential controls has much of its origin in studies conducted upon assembly line operations of the 1930's and 1940's both in the U.S. and Canada. The emphasis upon increasing employee attendance and productivity came to national concern as our country entered the 2nd World War: During World War II considerable attention was given to the absentee ism of employees in war plants. Several studies appeared comparing the personal characteristics of low versus high absence employees. Although these studies did not present extensive statistical analyses, they did suggest that there were identifiable personal characteristics associated with absenteeism.11 As noted earlier, much of what has been utilized as the basis for absenteeism research in the public work place has been fashioned from far more extensive findings in the far outweigh those produced in government and education. 11 Muchinsky, P. M. "Employee Absenteeism: A Review of The Literature," Journal of Vocational Behavior. No. 10, (1977), p. 320. 22 It is speculated that private employers, working within the arena of the profit motive, have invested far more than public employers because of theapparent personal financial 1982). gains of increased productivity (Markham & Scott, Those researchers who have delved into the area of teacher absenteeism have reached common agreement that: Absenteeism among educational personnel, especially among teach ers, who comprise more than half of all school staff and whose presence in the classroom is essential for normal school operations, has not engendered nearly the amount of scholarly and popular inquiry as that found in business and indus try.12 However, it would be safe to reason that greater societal gains of a long-term nature could be realized by the increased productivity of those who educate our nation's students. Previous and Current Definitions of Absenteeism It was earlier stated in this paper that one of the most perplexing problems circumventing research of absentee ism in work settings is the varied definitions of absence developed by employers. Several researchers of this phenomenon have simply concluded that a true definition of absenteeism must be as varied and descriptive as human nature itself (Nicholson, et. al, 1982). 12 Educational Research Service, Inc. Employee Absenteeism: A Summary of Research. ERS, Inc., Arlington Va., (1980), p. 1. 23 The word absenteeism itself rings of deviant or aberrant behavior. Like the "isms" of our time (alcoholism, sexism, racism, etc.) absenteeism is viewed as a human behavioral problem. Being a human act affecting the quality and quantity of worker performance, employers are most often confronted by absenteeism not so much in general terms but more specifically in terms of the validity of reasons why employees are off from work. Most definitions of absentee ism, therefore, focus more on the prevention of voluntary worker absence. It is in this sense that demarcations can be made in the types of absence that in many employment situations are not preventable and created by the collusion of the employer and employee. Such employer benefits (contractual conces sions) as paid vacation days, paid holidays (beyond legal mandate), personal days, inservice days, and many other paid leave situations found in a variety of employment sites all lend to the absence of workers from "regularly scheduled work" (BNA, 1985). These kinds of absences from work are non-preventable in as much as, given the characteristics of its work force, there is nothing an employer can do to control or limit the amount of time that is taken off. . . In a strict sense, such absences could be preventable - the employer need only say "no." But if an employer does choose to grant them, it seems hardly appropriate to 24 regard them as preventable absen ces.13 The absences that remain (after sifting out those which are employer permitted) are those which truly comprise the realm of employee voluntary absence. Absences occurring primarily from illness, accidents, personal problems, family responsibilities, medical checks, etc., are those that are usually addressed by employers in that they are viewed as preventable to varied degrees. It is these types of absences that are scrutinized by employers and deemed "unauthorized." Such absences are viewed by the U.S. Department of Labor as countable and in accord with the department's definition of "unauthorized time away from the job (U.S. Dept, of Labor, 1972)." Aside from the general view of absenteeism discussed above, some Human Resource Management (HRM) researchers have developed classification schemes along the lines of "un avoidable/ involuntary" and "voluntary" considerations. 0 Such a scheme was introduced by HRM researchers ChadwickJones, Brown & Nicholson (1982, 1973). In their representa tion, the three researchers classified absences as either "A-Type" (unavoidable) or "B-Type" (voluntary/avoidable). A-Type behaviors under this definition are viewed as legitimate from the standpoint that they are condoned by the employer by set procedure or actual contract provision. 13 Kelly, L. Absenteeism: Policies and Programs for the 80’s . IRS Research Services, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. Brown & Martin, Ltd., (1981), p. 2. 25 B-Type absences are viewed as those which lack employer provision for non-attendance and remain in the realm of employee individual choice and decision. The problem with classification schemes such as those proposed by Chadwick-Jones, et al., is seen in the develop ment of a shared agreement among employers that allows for consistent reporting of absence statistics by employer groups. The authors themselves admit that: Where the dividing line between A and B is drawn and what criteria are involved will depend on individual, group, or situational factors and will produce some differences in attitudes, beliefs, and actions toward individual instances of absence. Ways in which absence is classified will touch on the rights, duties, and behaviors of individuals as they relate to the customs, expectations and practices which prevail in the organization. B-Type absences are those seen to lack imperative personal or situa tional justification and which allow for the exercise of individual choice or decision. Extreme examples are usually condemned as irresponsible, but such absences too are evaluated by variable standards. Even when criteria for distinguish ing A-Type from B-Type absences are agreed upon, acceptable reasons for B-Type absences will range widely.14 Cutting through classification schemes such as the above are theoretical considerations for modern day absen teeism proposed by HRM researchers Dilts, Deitsch & Paul 14 Chadwick-Jones, J.R.; Brown, C.A.; Nicholson, N. "A-Type and B-Type Absence: Empirical Trends for Women Employees," Occupational Psychology. (1973), #47, p. 75-76. 26 (1985). These researchers o£fer a basis upon which to judge "absence from scheduled work" in consideration of modern day employee benefits. Their definition has as its underpinn ings the understanding that there are a wide variety of aberrant behaviors emitted by workers that truly constitute voluntary absence. In addition, the authors note there are increasing opportunities in our modern day work world for employees to abuse employer provided work benefits that allow for absence from work. In most instances, employers place provisions on the use of such paid leave provisions as sick leave, personal days, etc.. However, when actual employee certification for use of such days is absent (as is the case in many public employment situations) the tendency for abuse of such work benefits is not uncommon. In fact, employers now view the increasing tendency of employees to misuse such benefits as a type of employee crime referred to as "time theft." A recent study conducted by Robert Half Inter national, a New York based recruiting firm and Goodrich & Sherwood, currently our nation's largest HRM consulting firm, utilized Bureau of Labor Statistics employment and earning data to calculate that: U.S. employees stole $170 billion worth of their employers' time last year (1986). The average time thief steals six work weeks per year. The major forms of time theft are late arrival or early departure, feigning 27 illness and claiming unwarranted "sick” days.10 The timely point that researchers Dilts, Deitsch & Paul (D,D&P) make is that the myriad o£ benefits given to employees should be scrutinized for their contributions to actual "time lost." This is especially relevant when considering the impact of paid leave benefits. The basic argument these researchers offer in support of their point is that classifications schemes such as involuntary/ voluntary or A-Type/B-Type are useless in light of their inability to truly delineate legitimate absence from abuse situations especially when a variety of employer sanctioned avenues exists for employee time away from the job. Simply stated, all time away from regularly scheduled work is counted as within the definition of absence and reduced to reporting as a "time lost” measure. The absence definition proposed by D,D&P and its concomitant measure fits well in researching absenteeism in a field such as public elementary education. Employer paid provisions for sick leave, bereavement days, maternity leave, self-improvement days, personal days, etc., abound in elementary school contractual arrangements especially in the State of Michigan. Such provisions are created for teachers by employing school boards in the event a definite need arises. If misuse occurs, the deciphering of acceptable 10 Bacas, H. "Stealing Time: The Subtlest Theft," Nation's Business. Vol. 75, No. 6, (June, 1987), p. 23. 28 versus non-acceptable use of such leaves in many cases becomes a fruitless task for employers. Studies of educator absence conducted in the current decade make particular use of a simplistic "time lost" definition and measure based on employee use of provisions for paid time away from the job. Several educational investigators make the valid point that employees have as much incentive to stay away from work as to report when paid leave provisions exist (Wright, 1986; Pelicer, 1984; Lewis, 1982).These investigators mination of and many others avoid a deter absences on the basis of acceptable versus unacceptable and instead define all time away from the job as absence. Furthermore, the majority of educational investigators assert that all time away from the job for currently employed educational personnel be counted as absence. Otherwise, highly erroneous reporting can result. Such has been the case with several national surveys of the past: A company that submitted to the Bureau of National Affairs (BNA) two sets of figures reported that its monthly average job absence rate was 3.15% when only the first four days were counted in long-term absences and 6.31% when the full length of the absences was included.16 In summary, definitions of absence have varied with the intent to delineate voluntary from involuntary absence 16 Miner, M. 6. "Job Absence and Turnover: A New Source of Data," Monthly Labor Review. No. 100 (Oct. 1977) p. 26. 29 and the time intervals utilized to designate the extent of absences. Given the variability of employer definitions and the increasing presence of leave benefits, current day investigators are calling for the simplification of an absence definition and analysis of absence primarily on a "total time lost” basis. Measurement of Absenteeism In an extensive review of the literature conducted in the mid-1970's, researcher Paul M. Muchinsky began his premier journal article concerning absenteeism by stating that: The single, most vexing problem associated with absenteeism as a meaningful concept involves the metric or measure of absenteeism.17 As noted earlier, the evolution of methodology to accurately assess absence of workers across occupations is hampered by the complexity of employer reporting procedures coupled with the wide variations in definition. Absence research has gained considerable momentum in the past twenty years particularly in the private industrialized sector. However, absence research still must be considered in its early development. In a more current review of the subject, HRM resear chers Chadwick-Jones, et al., delivered their updated findings of a review of the literature circa 1982: 17 Muchinsky, P. M. "Employee Absenteeism: A Review of The Literature," Journal of Vocational Behavior. No. 10 (Oct. 1977), p. 317. 30 Studies o£ absence from work have little to offer in the form of an explanatory framework. In a review of over 100 articles, we found a variety of methods and approaches. In these studies "absence" had no uniform operational definition. The term referred to sickness absence, to absences for causes unknown, to "certified" or "uncertified" absences. No standard approach was found; no normative information was available about attendance (or absence), wether considered as an act of choice or as habitual, routine, or rule-following beha vior .18 Given the myriad of definitions and reporting procedures, one could postulate that no national normative data of any value would be produced, especially in light of current researcher assessments. Yet, our federal govern ment has made consistent attempts for nearly thirteen years to conduct national surveys and derive sample estimates of absence in a variety of job occupations. The federal Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) began the process of estimating absences in 1973 by conducting a national sample for a one-week work period in the month of Hay. Though the department's compilation of data are criticized primarily on the basis of employer reported data variations, BLS's annual absence reports are deemed to be fair indicators of "employee absence from scheduled work" for a variety of job occupation groups. BLS absence data are compiled via measured rates which identify (1) the 18 Chadwick-Jones, J.K.; Nicholson, N . ; Brown, C. Social-Psycholoqy of Absenteeism. Praeger Publishers, New York, N.Y., (1982), p. 1. 31 proportion of workers with an absence; (2) the proportion of hours lost relative to all scheduled hours; and (3) the proportion of hours lost relative to the hours usually worked by those with an absence. Specifically, the incidence rate is the number of workers absent divided by the total employed times 100 or; Number of workers absent Total employed X 100. The inactivity rate is the number of hours absent divided by the total number of hours usually worked times 100 or; Number of hours absent Number of hours usually worked X 100. A third measure, the severity rate, indicates the proportion of hours lost by workers with an absence relative to the hours they usually work, also expressed in percentage terms or; Number of hours lost bv absent workers Number of hours usually worked by absent workers X 100. It should be noted that in all of the above computa tions, BLS data reflect absences of full-time wage and salary workers employed at least 35 hours per week. It is of concern to find that in many public elementary education school systems in the State of Michigan, certified full-time teachers have contractual work weeks of from 35 to 38 hours. Should the amount of time be reduced in future contracts, Michigan elementary educators could conceivably fall short of the BLS definition for sampling and comparison purposes. 32 The database utilized by BLS to extract samples is termed the Current Population Survey (CPS). The CPS represents a conglomerate of sample reporting sites from around the United States. As of 1985, the BLS listing has grown to include the following worker occupation groups: 1. Goods Producing Industries - including mining, construction and manufacturing 2. Service Producing Industries 3. Transportation & Public Utilities 4. Wholesale and Retail Trade 5. Finance, Insurance and Real Estate 6. Services - Including Health and Education Systems 7. Public Administration - Including Government Opera* tions As indicated, samples from the CPS have been ongoing since 1973 and give economists a basis upon which to judge the efficacy of local, state and national policy upon the work force as well as to detect current work force reaction relative to current assumed national economic factors (i.e. labor supply and demand, inflationary cycles, overseas competition, etc.). BLS indicators of our national average absence rate fluctuated between 2.9%-3.5% in the first decade that BLS reported absence data. Interestingly enough, our national rates reflected what Gaudet (1963) earlier termed to be "acceptable" rates of employee "absence from regularly scheduled work." Most industrialized nations also compute national absence rates for their occupational work groups. Once again, controversy arises as to actual definitions of absence utilized by other countries and the true validity of the data reported. Nonetheless, both BLS and BNA make a bold attempt to compare national rates throughout the industrialized world. For the record, 1985 BLS national tabulations rank the U.S. as having less worker absences per year than England, Canada, Denmark, France and The Nether lands. Belgium, Greece, Germany, Sweden, Italy and Japan were reported to have lesser absence rates than the U.S. in the BLS assessment (Monthly Labor Review, 1986). Given a degree of good faith in the BLS results of the past fourteen years, it is interesting to note that overall job absence for our nation's workers shows a significant increase in worker absence between 1973 and 1980 and as significant a decline in our nation's average absence rate between 1980 and 1985: According to data collected in May, 1985, from the Current Population Survey (CPS), about 4.7 percent of the full-time non-farm workers had an absence in a typical week caused by illness, injury, civic duties, or personal reasons. The proportion of hours lost was 2.6% of the potential that would have been worked during the survey's reference week. These figures were substantially lower than those obtained in a 1980 survey. In fact, they showed the 34 first decline since BLS began estimating absences in 1973.19 Cross-validation of these findings were conducted by the Bureau of National Affairs from entirely different data. BNA noted a similar decline in time lost on a national basis between 1980 and 1985 (BNA, 1985). Short-Term Indices of Absence Measurement Several research studies of absence from work have given high priority to the review of short-term indices of absence behavior rather than accounting for time lost or absence frequencies over the course of an entire work year. Justification for such short-term measures comes in light of consideration for long-term illness. Early researchers of absence phenomena such as Fox & Scott (1943) and Walker (1947) have argued validly that total hours or days lost over extended periods of data collection are in some cases heavily weighted by long-term sicknesses or personal accidents. Proponents of short-term indices favor an alteration of data that eliminates long-term continuous absences (normally accepted as verifiable and unpreventable) and instead direct analysis of short-term illness of one or two days maximum (normally not associated with actual illness situations and seldom requiring verification). 19 Klein, B. W. "Missed Work and Lost Hours, May 1985," Monthly Labor Review, U.S. Dept, of Labor Bureau of Labor Statistics, (Nov. 1986), p. 26. 35 Researchers Hammer & Landau contend that such short term indices give clearer evidence of the probability for absence control in occupation groups where one and two-day absences comprise a significant proportion of total absences over a given period of time. In research terminology, the measure of absence by only one or two days absence has been termed both the Attitudinal Index (AI) or Short-Term Index (STI). Be it either AI or STI, current research is scant in relation to the reliability of such measures and their potential for diagnosing actual habitual voluntary absences. One of the largest criticisms of the AI and STI is that when utilized on small populations over short periods of time, the results in many cases are instable and highly variable in later comparisons. Conducting national sampling such as the type produced by BLS for a single work week each year via short-term indices, would undoubtedly produce highly unreliable data from which to speculate about the entire work year. Other short-term indices are based on weekly cyclical patterns. The usual format for this type of index is revealed by a count of the difference in total absence rates between Mondays and Fridays for full (five day) work weeks. The primary justification for utilization of such an index is based on the contention that true sickness should be spread equitably across work days. Work groups with high Mondays (sometimes referred to as "Blue Mondays”) and/or 36 high Friday absences are held suspect in terms of voluntary absences and thereby prime for absence controls. Deviations of cyclical patterns for a given day in a work week have been aptly coined by researchers Argyle, Gardner and Cioffi (1958) as the "worst day index (WDI)." Once again, the main argument against such a measure is the instability and variability found in results after several samples. Consequently, formation of appropriate controls is also hampered. Rather than place a reliance on one single short-term index, HRM researchers have promoted the use of combined short term indices to more accurately assess an organiza tions possible voluntary absence problem: It seems quite unlikely that any one measure (of short term variety) will be adequate for the analysis of absences . . . Each measure has methodological or theoretical deficiencies, but it seems probable that a converging approach using measures such as FI, STI, and WDI is most constructive.20 In summary, the controversy over the reliability of absence measures and consequent validity of absenteeism reports continues to plague research in this area. Nonethe less, U.S. government tabulations and reports on absence phenomena have been ongoing for a decade and one-half. Such national sampling have become increasingly accepted as they continue to correlate primarily with private industry 20 Chadwick-Jones, Brown & Nicholson. (1982), p. 60. Op. Cit., 37 reaction to such factors as worker supply and demand, quality control and national economic status. BLS and BNA absence data seems to have less of an effect on the actions of public employers. National measures of absence data collected on public institutions (in particular, education) show that the public sector consistently lags behind private sector rates. In addition, institutions such as public education seem to lack the responsiveness to national concerns as compared to that generated by industry over the past five years: Public administrations have the highest percentage of workers with absences, which may be the result of liberal leave policies towards Federal, State and local government employees. Within the professional services sector, educational and medical service providers have the highest absence rates. This may reflect the fact that teachers, who make up a large component of this group, usually have an allotment of personal days off which are filled by substitute teachers.81 Given some good faith in current established meas ures, the area of elementary education is ripe for investi gation into possible causes of educator absence and the introduction of preventative measures to combat education's current poor status in our national work force. 81 Klein. (1986), p. 27. 38 The Relationship Between Absenteeism and Personal Factors National interest in employee productivity was understandably intensive during World War II. With the actual future existence of our democracy at stake, our society as a whole was deeply committed to gleaning the utmost from our nation's work force. An associated topic which fell into this area of concern was worker absenteeism and the intent to develop controls and reinforcement systems that would reduce employee absence to a minimum. The commonly held notion of the times (which is still very prevalent to date) was the view that employee absenteeism was primarily an individual and personal phenomenon. Consequently, extensive investi gation into personal factors was undertaken in the 1940's with the intent of discovering common traits or factors of individual employees in the work force that could be potentially manipulated to increase group production. Much of the information obtained from this era remains as reference data for later studies conducted in the 1950's to the present. Absenteeism and Age Studies on the relationship of age and absenteeism seem to suffer the same problems as those of studies utilizing short-term indices. That is, that sampling over time seem to have highly variable results. As of 1986, the purported relationship between age and worker absence represents a national current curvilinear 39 relationship (Klein, 1986). Information accessed from BNA from their one-week survey in May 1985, indicates that: Teenagers have the highest rate of any age group. . . Teenagers have a higher absence rate because they attach more importance to non-work activities than do older workers. As workers get into their early twenties, their absence rates decline and approach that of workers age 25 to 54. Past age 55, the absence rate rises again for both men and women.82 Overall, the preponderance of studies conducted on age and absenteeism since the 1940's verifies a significant relationship of a curvilinear nature. However, variations do exist for particular occupation work groups and even wider variation exists when age and absence are reviewed by sex demarcations of male vs. female. In absence studies conducted upon BLS data by HRM re searchers Janice Hedges (1977) and Daniel Taylor (1979), both concluded that women ages 25-34 had higher incidence and inactivity rates than either older or younger women. The fact that this age period was also the national average for childbearing was offered as rationale for this exception to national norms. Additional exceptions to the curvilinear norm are found in an analysis of workers with extended absences. When full-week absences were considered, a positive rela tionship was found between age and absence: 22 Klein. (1986), p. 28. 40 Part-week absences in 1972 decreased continuously with each age group, i.e., 7.9% of 16-19 year-old workers were absent in an average week, while 3.3% of workers 55-64 years old were absent. The reverse was true for full-week absences, with older workers absent more often than younger workers. Workers 55-64 years old had an absence rate of 3.7%, compared to a rate of 1.4% for 16-19 year-olds.23 Absenteeism research on public employees shows noticeable variations from the curvilinear pattern exhibited by national sampling. Two studies of teacher absenteeism conducted in the Mid-West and Southwestern United States in 1984 presented a more positive relationship between absen teeism and increasing age of teachers. Both studies indicated that average teacher absence remained relatively low for both male and female educators who were in their early to middle twenties. Increases for females was higher than for males at near thirty years of age but both groups displayed increases in absence from work as they approached the thirty year mark. Small but pro gressive increases were reported for all age groups both male and female until approximately age 55 where attendance rates dropped slightly between 55 and age 65 (Pellicer, 1984; Collingwood, 1984). Studies of educator absence in the 1970's show highly variable results. Coller (1975) found that absenteeism was 23 Hedges, J. N. "Absence from Work: A Look At Some National Data," Monthly Labor Review. No. 96 (July 1973), pgs. 28-29. 41 not significantly related to age in a study of school teachers in Livonia, Michigan. This finding was verified by Bundren (1974) in a similar review of educators in Las Vegas, Nevada. On the other hand, Marchant (1976) found a significant positive relationship between absence rate and age in a fairly comprehensive study of 286 teachers in Redmond, Virginia. On a national average, age has been shown to posi tively influence the rate of employee absence, although the results have been mixed. While some studies indicate a gradual increase of absence as workers get older, others contend the existence of a curvilinear relationship. A smaller number of studies report a negative relationship or no relationship at all between age and absence. Studies of age and absence make it fairly clear to researchers that it is of more importance to conduct such studies from the viewpoint of obtaining results valid only to the sample or at most, to the job occupation reviewed. This is particularly evident when studying teacher absentee ism if the ultimate intent is to fashion controls or policies based on research findings. Absenteeism and Sex Nearly fifty years of research on absenteeism in both the private and public sector single out sexual status as one of the best predictors of absence. A large number of broad-based studies have shown continuously that women lag behind men in regularity of attendance. Bureau of Labor 42 Statistics (BLS) May sampling and Bureau of National Affairs (BNA) data compilations have demonstrated over the past two decades that female absences are not only in excess of males but in some sample years, are nearly double the number of absences of men. The following 1985 selected data illustrate the discrepancy between female and male rates: % of workers with an absence in reference week. Mav 1985 All ages . 16-19 . . 20-24 . . 25-54 . . 55 & older . . . . . . . . . . Total Men Women 4.8 7.0 4.8 4.6 5.7 3.7 6.7 3.9 3.4 5.0 6.3 7.4 5.9 6.3 6.8 As can be ascertained from the above rates, women in the most recent period of data collection by BLS show minor variation from the attendance of males in the early years and much wider separation in weekly absences in early adulthood and mid-life. Taylor (1978) concluded that such variation was due primarily to the child-rearing expec tations placed on women at these ages. (1986) Additionally, Klein offers speculation that men delve more into their careers at these ages thereby producing less absence because of increased job involvement. Both theories seem plausible given research that validates age ranges for child-rearing by women and high levels of job involvement especially for middle-aged men. However, results pinpointing continued variation of absences for men and women at ages sixteen to nineteen and beyond 55 43 lends some skepticism to popularly held explanations of variations for absence by sex. Studies of the relationship of absenteeism and sex in educational settings are mixed in their findings though the preponderance of this research confirms the better atten dance of males, especially at the elementary school level (which incidentally is staffed predominately by females). Variations in male and female rates are not as wide as those found in industrial or private employment settings. Such discrepancies between occupation groups have caused federal government data collection agencies to preface their findings: The U.S. Department of Labor, which has published major studies on employee attendance, warns that other factors may influence the sex/absenteeism relationship such as age, marital status and occupation. Occupation is especially critical to this relationship.84 Alternative explanations for male/female absence rate variations branching from the "child-care" causal explana tion are based on the Department of Labor's cautions illustrated above. In an analysis of Bureau of Labor statistics conducted in 1973, Hedges made similar conclu sions about the generalizing of male/female absence phenom ena across occupational groups: Sex differences in absence rates narrow when comparisons are made 84 Robinson, G. Employee Absenteeism: A Summary of The Research. Educational Research Service, Inc., Arling ton, Va., (1980), p. 30. 44 within a particular occupation group even though within the group men tend to occupy the better paying jobs.*8 The point Hedges makes in the above quotation is relevant today concerning £emale work positions in the work force. One of the current criticisms voiced by women's organizations is the contention that although women comprise 50% of the U.S. work force, their representation in "upper level" management positions is minimal compared to that of males. Higher level management or "white collar" positions show lower absence rates than "blue collar" or lesser paying jobs in an organization. Upper level positions are noted to bring with them greater responsibility, more individual job involvement and subsequent job satisfaction (Markham & Scott, 1982). More importantly (as regards absenteeism studies), such positions commonly provide flexibility in the work day to accomplish personal and family tasks while not actually being considered absent from scheduled work (Porter & Steers, 1978). If an organization has a preponderance of females in its work force at lower level positions, the absence data that will be accumulated will in large part reinforce not only variations between management and lower skilled positions but also the absence variations purported to exist simply on the basis of sex. 88 Hedges, J. N. "Absence From Work - A Look At Some National Data," Monthly Labor Review. No. 96 (July 1973), p. 28. 45 Returning to the £ield of education, the results of female/male absence comparisons point to greater leave use by females though conflicting data does not illustrate the consistent findings of Labor & Industry. The findings of educational researchers throughout the last twenty years usually show variations of no more than two percent between male and female educator absence rates in a variety of select age ranges. At ages above 50, several studies of educator absenteeism present findings of equality in absence use of males or of females attending better than males. Educational studies conducted in the state of Florida by Manganiello (1972) encompassing the records review of over 400 elementary educators and in Virginia by Marchant (1976) found no correlation between absenteeism and sexual status. The same finding (no correlation) was true for educa tional absenteeism studies conducted by Bridges and Hallinan (1978) and more recently by Pellicer (1984). In addition, these researchers also concluded (via records reviews) that although female teachers lost more time from work due to short-term illness, male educators were more likely to be away from work for longer periods of time during a partic ular single illness. These studies lend to the skepticism concerning the higher commission of single day absences of women as signs of absence abuse. It is apparent from the deeper investiga tions of Bridges & Hallinan (1978) and Pellicer (1984) that 46 male teachers do in fact utilize sizeable portions of sick leave for long-term illness recognized to be signs of legitimate absence leave use. However, the measurement indices utilized in these educational studies also comple ment the greater amount of industrial relations research that pinpoints women as being primarily responsible for a variety of familial "care-giving" duties normally involving short-term use of absence leave. It would assist Human Resource Management (HRM) researchers greatly if particular use of employee absence leave would be designated as either "personal" or "family responsibility" in nature. Such designations would lend a great deal to determining just how much "family care" situations lend to female absenteeism and what proportion of such situations are being covered by male workers. In summary, a simplistic view of absence phenomena in the work place lends one to believe that males more regu larly attend work than do females. However, a deeper look into the reasons for absence underscores a continuing disparate set of family care duties being placed on female workers thus contributing to higher absence incidence rates for women. Suggestions by governmental research services and independent investigators alike emphasize the need to conduct absence research relative to personal factors within particular work occupation groups. Heeding such suggestions does well in occupations such as education where it has been 47 found that variable correlations between male and female absence rates are not uncommon. The Relationship Between Absenteeism. Marital Status and Dependent Children Even prior to BLS record keeping on national absence data (1973), a variety of studies have pinpointed that a marked relationship exists between marital status and absence from work. Married individuals seem particularly affected by the responsibilities of a formal legalized relationship and especially by the inclusion of children into the marriage equation. The previous discussion on sexual status parallels much the same findings relative to absenteeism and marital standing. For the most part, married women who have children in the home seemingly find it necessary to act as primary care giver when children require such care during mother's work hours. Consequently, mothers in a wide variety of studies dating as far back as 1944 are generally shown to have poorer absence rates than married men, single males and single females. with two children or more. This is especially true for women BLS data from 1985 and 1978 indicate that the inclusion of only one child into a woman's marriage makes little effect on absence from work in that their absence rates have been better than single females in those two report years. On the other hand, married men have shown quite consistently during the past 14 years BLS have maintained 48 correlates positively with better attendance at work thus giving married men the most respectable of absence rates: Marital responsibilities seem to induce men toward a firmer commit ment to their jobs, so that they spend less time away from work. For most women, the proportion of time lost increased with the presence of children, especially young ones. Women maintaining families alone who have three children or more have the highest absence rate.86 1985 BLS compiled absence rates for full-time wage and salary workers by marital status, sex and number of dependent children (under age 18) presents the consistent patterns of the past with a small number of variations. Following are select data that have been taken from the 1985 Bureau of National Affairs (BNA) second quarterly report (previously cited) on job absence and turnover relative to single and married worker inactivity rates (percent of time lost) Marital Status & Sex Inactivity Rate Single/Female/No Children Single/Female/1 Child Single/Female/2 Children Single/Female/3 or more Children 3.3% 2.8 3.1 4.5 Married/Female/No Children Married/Female/1 Child Married/Female/2 Children Married/Female/3 or more Children 3.1 3.8 7.0 4.0 Married/Male/No Children Married/Male/1 Child Married/Male/2 Children Married/Male/3 or more Children 2.5 2.5 1.4 2.0 26 Klein, (Op. Cit.), p. 28. 49 Missing from the BNA report was specific information on single men with children. Though the actual number of full-time working males who are sole supporting parents may be minimal in BLS data collections and BNA reports, it would be helpful if such categories would become regular assess ment areas. Inclusion of such categories would more accur ately assess the effects of children on single working fathers. It is interesting to note from the above 1985 figures that single women with one or two children seem minimally affected by these added responsibilities. In the case of married males, it is apparent from 1985 data that increases in the number of children are in some manner related to better attendance by working fathers. As previously indicated, it has been speculated that working fathers commit more to jobs because of increased responsibilities to act as provider. In a more speculative vein (and somewhat more humorous), it has been theorized that working fathers may also desire to attend work more frequently to escape the increased activity in the home (Johns, 1978). Specific studies of marital status, dependent children and their relationship to absenteeism have been ongoing for over forty years. Jackson (1944) concluded in his World War II vintage national data reviews of U.S. industrial facilities that married men with several depen dents had steadier attendance records than either single men or those who were married but had no children. 50 A 1958 study by Shepherd & Walker pointed out that single males were absent far more often than married British iron and steel workers. Taylor (1979) reported similar findings concerning U.S. male workers. In addition, Taylor reported that U.S. married women had a higher percentage of time lost than did our country's single women. Studies of marital status and dependent children relative to absenteeism in education are by no means congruent with findings in labor and industry. For the most part, findings in education are mixed and by no means consistent in establishing a relationship concerning these personal factors. One of the most comprehensive current decade studies of teacher absenteeism in the U.S. conducted by Elliott (1982) found that both the high absence male and high absence female categories contained a higher percentage of married employees than the low absence groups for males and females. Educational research conducted by Skidmore (1984) concluded that the institution of on-site day care programs for employees with very young children made for significant reductions for both female and male parents who utilized such programs. Skidmore postulated that the need to use paid leave provisions for sick dependent children was not localized to either male or female teachers. It is interesting to note that HRM researchers Garrison and Muchinsky (1977) found results similar to that 51 of Skidmore (1984) in a study based on the review of attendance registrars of accounting workers. Garrison and Muchinsky wrote that: Marital status was found to be a significant negative predictor of absence without pay, but not with pay.87 It is apparent once again that the investigation of personal factors relative to absenteeism should be relegated to specific occupational groups rather than viewed across occupations. BLS data collections and BNA interpretive reports fail to make any solid distinction between worker groups who are not paid for use of absence leave and those who are. Returning to specific studies of teacher absenteeism, Marlin (1976) reported that the mean absence rate for married teachers was higher than for single educators. One year earlier, Coller (1975) reported exactly the opposite finding in a study of teachers in Livonia, Michigan, public schools in summarizing that married teachers had lower absence rates than single educators. As for family size, the provision of paid leave for family illness versus unpaid benefits also flavors variable findings in education. BLS data supports acceptance of industrial relations findings that increases in the number 87 Garrison, K. R. and Muchinsky, P. M. "Attitudinal and Biographical Predictors of Incidental Absenteeism," Journal of Vocational Behavior, No. 10 (April 1977), p. 229. 52 o£ children are positively correlated with increases in absence for women and decreases in absence for men. However, such is not the case in education. Capitan, et al., (1980) concluded that high use of leave for illness in the family for Ohio teachers was not relegated to either sex. Redmond (1978) also reported that no relationship existed between family size and absenteeism over a four-year review of Iowa school teachers. A Florida study conducted by Manganiello (1972) also reported that there was: . . . no significant difference in the absence frequencies of female teachers who had children and female teachers without children, as indicated by their payroll rec ords .28 In summary, the relationships between absenteeism, marital status and dependent children seems fairly consis tent in broad-based national sampling but inconclusive in looking at particular occupation groups such as educators. It is apparent that one could be comparing "apples to oranges" when groups with little or no paid leave benefits are mingled with those who enjoy such provisions. In such a situation, a researcher is left wondering just how influen tial the provision of paid leave benefits are in assessing the impact of voluntary absenteeism in the work place. Previous discussion illustrated that public employees who 88 Manganiello, L. P. "A Study to Determine the Rela tionship of Teacher Self-Acceptance and Other Selected Variables to Teacher Absence Behavior." Ed.D. dissertation, University of Miami, (1972), 101 pgs. (Abstract located in Dissertation Abstracts International. (Vol. 34/01-A) p. 95. 53 have paid leave benefits are shown to have consistently higher rates of absence from work than workers in the private industrialized sector. Educators in particular have been found to have consistently higher rates of absence than national averages. Also discussed earlier was the notion that employees who have paid leave provisions have as much financial impetus (or more) to stay away from work as to attend. It would seem more appropriate to conduct studies of the impact of marital status and familial responsibilities upon absenteeism from the viewpoint of paid vs. non-paid leave provisions. Such reviews would require attitudinal surveys of workers as well as records reviews. This approach would definitely make investigation more laborious but the results could more appropriately assess the impact of voluntary absenteeism in areas such as elementary schools. Absenteeism & Educational Level The majority of absenteeism studies that find a relationship between educational level and absenteeism are from private industry and reflect the wide range of educa tional achievement indicative of our total society. For the most part, occupations that employ workers ranging in educational level of non-high school graduate to advanced college degree persons find negative correlations between education level and absenteeism. However, occupations such as education have college undergraduates as the baseline 54 education level and differences between these workers and employees with masters degrees and higher is negligible. Taylor (1979) utilized BLS data from the Current Population Survey (CPS) to report a negative relationship existed between education level and absenteeism in the U.S. work force. Taylor's results were as follows: Education Level Non-H.S. Graduate H.S. Graduate College Graduate Inactivity Rate 4.9% 3.5% 2.1% Given the above results, one would speculate that a definite correlation exists between education and absentee ism. However, higher levels of education open higher level positions to those with such degrees and employees in these positions operate within a different universe of benefits and job considerations. In remembering the discussion on sexual status and absenteeism, variations exist between "blue collar" and "white collar” working conditions. Far less leniency is said to exist for workers at lower level positions to accomplish personal tasks during work hours. "White collar” workers on the other hand, find it easier to break away from job duties either at the work site or for short periods of time away from the job while not actually being regarded as absent. The end result is that lower level workers must take time away from the job and be more frequently counted as absent (Porter & Steers, 1978). 55 In addition, higher level positions in a work setting many times allow for greater worker control and consequent personal involvement (Nicholson, Wall & Lischeron, 1977). Therefore, there is more impetus for upper level, higher educated workers to enjoy their jobs more and desire to escape their positions less (in the case of voluntary absences). As for educational studies of absenteeism, very few comprehensive reviews of personal factors and absenteeism account for educational level. Educational researchers seem to regard education level as a moot point for investigation in that profession. Redmond's study (1978) of Iowa teachers found no correlation between degree level and absenteeism. However, Douglas (1976) found that the variable of "academic degree" did show a small negative correlation when added in a step wise regression. A 1960 study of Chicago, Illinois, teachers conducted by Lee reported that: Teacher's with a bachelor's degree on the average took 0.78 days of sick leave; teachers with a master's degree, 0.73 days; teachers with a master's degree plus 30 hours, 0.67 days; and teachers with a doctor's degree, 0.12 days.29 The above quotation's findings, in presenting the basis for a negative relationship between educator advancing degree status and absenteeism, are phenomenal in the 29 Lee, B . C . Teacher Absences and Cost of Substitute Services. Research Memo 1960-35. Wash. D.C.: National Education Association, Research Division, (Nov. 1960). p. 8. 56 reported rates of absence for all degree levels. By today's standards, the attendance rates of Chicago's teachers in 1960 all ranged above exceptional standards of 2% or less (Gaudet). Roughly fifteen years later, assessment of Chicago teachers absence rates were reported to be averaging an inactivity rate of 7.1% (Academy for Educational Develop ment, 1977). In summary, correlations between educational level and absenteeism are found to exist in a negative relation ship when wide diversity of educational levels exist in a work organization or occupation group. The relationship established by broad national sampling such as that conduc ted by BLS masks the variations in working conditions known to exist between upper level and lower level work positions. Studies of educator absence and their relationship to obtained degrees are few but those that do investigate the relationship report minor correlations or conclude that no relationship exists. Absenteeism & Experience/Tenure Studies in the private sector concerning absenteeism and experience or tenure in a position illustrate conflic ting results over the past three decades. The majority of studies in private labor and industrial situations show a tendency for absence of workers to stabilize over several years of continuous employment. On the other hand, reviews of absenteeism in education circles show a variable pattern of absence use by educators in the first one to five years 57 of continuous employment and then a gradual increase in absence use until retirement age. A closer look at experience/absenteeism correlation studies show a particular association with the availability of paid sick leave benefits. Private industry studies such as those conducted by Garrison & Muchinsky (1977) illustrate the variability of results that can be found concerning absence and experience when the effects of paid vs. non-paid absence are accounted for. In their study of 195 accounting workers the two researchers found a significant positive relationship between tenure and paid absences. However, a significant negative relationship was found between tenure and unpaid absences within the same sample. Garrison and Muchinsky concluded that: Employees with more tenure usually were eligible for more paid absences and employees with less tenure normally took more unpaid absences. Thus the organizational policy regarding paid absences accounts, in part, for the significant correla tions between tenure and the two absenteeism measures.30 Current investigations into teacher absenteeism and tenure illustrate, in the majority of studies, that the availability of paid sick leave is a factor seemingly contributing to the formulation of positive correlations. A 1986 study conducted by Blankinship (Kansas State University) found a curvilinear relationship between absence 30 Garrison, K. M. and Muchinsky P. M. (1977), p. 226. Op. Cit., 58 and tenure in a review of 1,092 Kansas City area public school teachers. Teachers with 1-3 and 30 or more years of experience were found to have the lowest rates of absence from work. Between those age groups, absence leave use was found to increase gradually with experience until a point where retirement was possible. Blankinship concluded that the effects of increasing age and concomitant health problems coupled with the ability to take time from the job without loss of monetary compensation contributed to the internal sample's positive correlation between teacher experience and absence. Eight years earlier, in a 1978 study of Michigan educators in the Livonia, MI school system, Coller found much the same results as those discussed above. Nearly the same curvilinear correlation was found with minor variations in years experience in low rates being at 2-4 and 23-25 years of experience. In contrast to the findings in education, a small number of private industry reviews of blue-collar employees having little or no leave benefits actually show decreases in absence with increasing experience. Researchers Mowday, Steers & Porter (1979) contend that employees in private industry who maintain long-term continuous employment typify the type of "job satisfied" employee who grows in commitment to the position as time advances: People tend to justify any given act by viewing it as right, good, and useful and hence justified. And the process reiterates itself over time, 59 which increases the probability that people will commit themselves to a given course of action (i.e. regularity of attendance).31 To summarize, absenteeism and years of experience or tenure follows, to a large degree, the same course of occurrence as that found with age and employment. However, variations exist when the ability to be absent brings with it little or no monetary loss. Individual Absence Rates As A % of Total Staff Absence One of the more interesting areas of absence research in private and public employment is the review of individual contributions of absence to the total of work force absen ces. The investigation into actual absenteeism problems concerning this factor brings some surprising findings. In a study conducted by Yolles, Karone & Krinsky (1975) it was found that approximately ten percent of workers caused ninety percent of all absenteeism in the quarter reviewed. A large automobile manufacturing corporation, for example, tracked the absenteeism of more than 600 employees for 6 years. It found that while some employees had perfect attendance, several were absent more than 600 days.32 31 Mowday, R. T. , Steers, R. M. & Porter, L. W. Measurement of Organizational Commitment, Journal of Vocational Behavior. (1979), #14, p. 245. "The 32 Henneman, H. G. Ill, et. al., Personnel/Human Resource Management. Richard D. Irwin, Inc., Homewood, 111. (1983), p. 160. 60 Such lopsided commissions o£ individual absence contributing to total absence are rare in the literature. However, such findings point out the need for surveillance and monitoring by employers as regards absenteeism and the potential for reducing total absenteeism by emphasizing sanctions upon those few in work groups that are found to be truly abusive of absence leave. Earlier studies conducted by Plummer (1960) and Steinmetz and Schroeder (1967) in industrial settings set a general expectation for employers concerning individual absence ratios accounting for the majority of total staff absence. These researchers concluded that approximately 10% of employees in a given work force are generally responsible for 45% of all absences, and that one-third of workers normally account for four-fifths of employee group absences. Two education studies of the current decade investi gate the question of what percentage of teachers contribute to the total amount of absence in the sample reviewed. In a study conducted by Harper (1984) of 872 teachers in an urban Mississippi school system the author reported that approxi mately 20% of all teachers were responsible for 50% of the total paid absence reported. A second study conducted by Bouknight (1985) of South Carolina elementary and secondary teachers reported that 25% of the educators involved in the study were responsible for 60% of the total time lost due to use of paid sick or personal leave. 61 Both of these studies do not come close to the more dramatic findings of Yolles, Karone & Krinsky (1975). However, the findings illustrate to school managers that problematic absenteeism may very well involve dealing with a relatively small number of employees. School managers do need to be aware of the particular controversy concerning absence data analysis. In general, evaluating employee absence rates on the basis of total time lost (hours or days) may lead to inappropriate assumptions about individual employee absenteeism if compared to national findings released by such agencies as the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). BLS data pertaining to absenteeism are premised on the idea that absence frequency, rather than total time lost, is a more appropriate methodological approach in estimating voluntary absenteeism: Absence frequency is a more stable measure of absenteeism over time than is the total number of days absent (total time lost). Absence frequency, because it is less sensitive to one long period of absenteeism, is more reflective of voluntary absenteeism than is the total number of days an employee was absent.33 However, the vast majority of absenteeism studies in education present findings in "time lost" measures and com parisons of results are, therefore, currently more appropri ate using similar measures. Time lost measures attempt to 33 Breaugh, J. A. "Predicting Absenteeism From Prior Absenteeism and Work Attitudes," Journal of Applied Psychol ogy, Vol. 66 No. 5, (1981), pgs. 556 & 557. 62 determine the total amount of time lost due to all absences in a particular time frame in an organization while side stepping the issue of the existence of a voluntary/involunt ary continuum. Such is the direction of this study. The Relationship Between Absenteeism and Organizational Factors Staff Size A variety of industrial relations studies coursing the past forty years give fairly solid and consistent evidence of a positive relationship between absenteeism and an organization's size. Validation of these studies is found in the nearly consistent findings of the Bureau of National Affairs from 1973 to 1985. Even though national absence rates dropped over the period 1980-1985, correla tions between absence rates and worker group size remained consistent as a positive corelational finding (Klein, 1986). Speculation as to the consistency of findings relative to staff size compliment similar findings relative to studies of worker "group cohesiveness," "job involve ment," and "job satisfaction." Muchinsky, in his 1978 review of four decades of absenteeism literature summarized a variety of findings of studies that found increases in work group size brought concomitant higher rates of employee absence: Greater absenteeism is associated with larger work groups. . . Increases in size could result in lower group cohesiveness, higher task specialization and poorer communications. Such results could 63 make it more difficult to fulfill one's expectations, resulting in increased dissatisfaction that would lead to increased tendencies to withdraw.3 4 Muchinsky does note at the time of his review (1978) that the vast majority of studies relative to work group size encompass "blue collar" work groups. He further noted that similar studies of "white collar" and professional groups were inconsistent in their findings. It is interest ing, therefore, to note the current findings of studies of absenteeism and work group size of such professionals as public educators. A 1986 study of Colorado public schools conducted by Giullian reported that of the 151 public schools reviewed, there were a higher number of absentee days in districts of large size (greater than 250 employees). A 1983 study of Pennsylvania public schools found similar results in concluding that larger districts experienced higher rates of absence than smaller ones (Coffman, 1985). School absenteeism studies of the 1970's showed mixed results as concerns correlations of staff size and teacher absence rates. A 1978 Pennsylvania study found that small staff operations had virtually the same absence rates as large systems (Pennsylvania School Boards Association, 1978). Conversely, data on Illinois public schools found a direct positive correlation between the size of teacher staff and group average absence rates based on total time 34 Muchinsky, P. M. Op. Cit., p. 329. 64 lost (Illinois Office of Education, 1978). This study illustrated that district teacher work forces serving less than 300 students had the lowest rates of total average time lost (2.9%). Eight staff gradations of average daily attendance (ADA) of students served showed increasing average teacher rates culminating to an average staff absence rate of 6.5% (ADA = 25,000 pupils or more). One study conducted by Gibson (1968) reported a curvilinear relationship as concerns staff size and teacher absence. Gibson's study was unique in that it was exten sively longitudinal, encompassing school years 1948-1959. Results of his records review indicated that staff sizes were lowest for very small teacher groups (13 employees or less). Absence rates increased with larger staff but then decreased with teacher groups of over 100 employees. A concluding theory on the subject of absence and work unit size is offered by researcher Laurence Kelly of the Canadian based IR Research Service. "Absenteeism: In his book Policies and Programs for The 80's" (1982) Kelly states: Size of firm and size of work group are two organizational characteris tics which have an effect on absence rates. Time lost is lowest in firms with few employees and highest in the largest companies. . . Suffice to say that the most basic reason why some organizations have higher 65 rates of absence than others is quite simply, poor management.30 What the above quote underscores is, in part, the point previously raised by Muchinsky. That being, that larger organizations or worker groups allow for not only less identification of employees with management but also for less ability of management to affect individual workers. It would seem appropriate from the research conducted in this area that absence control programs in large organiza tions need to operate in sub-units of workers. Such is already the movement of organizations in programs stressing "employee participation" and "quality of work life" (Crosby, 1985). Absence Control Policies Most studies of absenteeism focus investigation into voluntary absenteeism. The rationale being that an organiz ation can only hope to effectuate those absences that are within the control of the employee. Much controversy has evolved over where the true domains of actual involuntary and voluntary absence exists: The factors responsible for absen teeism have proven illusive, inscrutable and difficult to analyze. A number of factors account for this; the sheer number and diverse nature of the variables influencing absenteeism, the myriad of ways in which these variables interact with one another to encourage or discourage absenteeism, 30 Kelly, Laurence. Absenteeism - Policies and Programs for The 80's. (IR Research Service, Inc.), Brown & Martin, Ltd., Kingston, Ontario, (1982) p. 21. 66 and the sensitivity of these variables to a wide variety of different environmental, organiza* tional and personal character istics.3® However, organizations that step aside of the controversy about what types of absence can be counteracted and establish sound policies based on the accumulated research and experiences of others usually find positive results. A common denominator of many organizations whose aggregate work force has a low absence rate (2% or less) is the presence of an absenteeism policy, consistent enforce ment of that policy and termination due to excessive unwarranted absence (Scott & Markham, 1982). To a lesser degree, organizations with low absence rates also have a reinforcement system for those employees who attain absence rate goals (Schmitz & Henneman, 1980). It is quite evident that employers who make absence an issue and continually follow through with expectations of employees, normally get what they ask for. Why then, do so many organizations (especially public institutions such as schools) operate without control policies? One of the primary reasons for the lack of absentee ism policies in organizations is the amount of time, effort and emotional energy needed to implement them (Henneman, Schwab, Fossum & Dyer, 1983). Enforcement of absence policy is usually confrontational in nature, pitting immediate 36 Dilts, D. A.; Deitsch, C. R.; & Robert, P. J.; Getting Absent Workers Back on the Job. Greenwood Press, Westport, Conn., (1985), p. 143. 67 supervisors against employees in the process of verification for employee lost time. Additionally, enforcement of absence policy by immediate supervisors often leads to variations of enforcement within work organizations and concomitant loss of policy intent and effectiveness. A 1982 study by researchers Scott & Markham found peculiar problems encountered by direct supervisors: Contrary to common expectations, the maintenance of daily records by supervisors had a reverse effect (of absence reduction plans). Those organizations whose supervisors were responsible for maintaining daily attendance records had a signifi cantly higher rate (4.6%) than those organizations who did not use this method (3.8%).37 Scott and Markham's study of 34 absence control methods concluded that one of the primary considerations for absence control policies is not simply whether they exist but that they are structured in a centralized manner. Such a structure is intended to intentionally eliminate the burden of enforcement and verification by immediate super visors. Secondarily, the process is centralized to elimi nate the costs of maintenance of records at the immediate supervisor level. Scott and Markham found repeated instan ces of duplication of efforts in organizations that had absence policies. The researchers explain that: There is no advantage in having duplicate systems of daily absence 37 Scott, D. & Markham, S. "Absenteeism Control Methods: A Survey of Practices and Results,” Personnel Administrator. (June 1982), p. 81 68 records. In fact, it would seem almost desirable to eliminate the supervisory system. While this might seem like a radical sugges tion, it corresponds to a number of our experiences in large organiza tions who suffered from absenteeism problems. Quite simply, they (supervisors) had come to realize that without a strong control system guided by the personnel department, there would never be consistency and equity in the absence program. More impor tantly, hourly employees usually did not believe that the supervisors kept accurate records and so frequently challenged the record's veracity. They would believe, however, that the personnel depart ment kept reliable data.30 The presence and effectiveness of absenteeism control policies in education received extensive review by the Educational Research Service, Inc. in 1981. In that year, ERS received information from across the U.S. on teacher absence control programs in 470 K-12 public school systems. Mean averages were accumulated in a variety of data areas including; 1.) average days absent, 2.) average days absent by use of personal days and 3.) average costs to districts by demographic characteristic. The vast majority of information collected was based on total time lost (ERS, 1981). The gist of the Educational Research Service report was dedicated to simple presentation of data relative to 39 topical areas of inquiry. 30 Ibid. p. 81 & 83. Very little narrative or analysis 69 of data were provided. However, two important findings became evident in an analysis of reporting school system data concerning control programs. The first was that the majority of reporting systems had absence control programs operating two years of less in their districts. These districts reported noticeable reductions of total time lost with a small number of districts reporting absence rates being cut more than 50% since the institution of control programs. Secondly, those few districts with programs operating three years or more had a majority of absence rates reported above the entire sample mean assessed by ERS (4.3% time lost). It became apparent from the ERS presentation of data that significant gains were being produced in districts where absence control programs were quite new. District's employing control programs for several work years had staff absence rates closer to national norms (3-4%). There was no indication given about the initial effects of long-term programs (3 yrs. or older) nor was historical data provided to illustrate improvements in the districts. However, the mean group absence rate variations between "newly introduc ed" and "long-term" programs underscores the findings of researchers concerning the novelty of newly introduced plans: Intervention programs are frequently subject to attenuation effects; that is, over time, the initial effects 70 of the program lessen and drift back toward baseline measure.39 Researchers Schmitz and Henneman point out that many experiments on absence controls that are of short duration are subject to the "Hawthorn Effect." The fact that some absence control programs have produced results even before they are fully instituted gives backing to their conten tions. Schmitz and Henneman indicate that many absence control programs elicit management's concern that there is a problem. The normal response by employees to the creation of new systems is to over-react with high rates of atten dance especially in the initial phases of the program. The onset of radically positive results at the formation and/or institution of absence controls is by no means a poor situation for management. To the contrary, it is in many instances a very welcome but short-lived facet of an absence control program. However, the potential "sett- ling-in" of absence rates to average but acceptable levels is noted in the literature to be a long-term feature of absence controls which should be viewed as verification of success if mean rates were unacceptably high prior to institution of a plan. Unfortunately, many control programs have been abandoned when the dramatic results of a program's introduction lessen (Olson & Bangs, 1984). 39 Schmitz, E. M. & Henneman, H. G. "Do Positive Reinforcement Programs Reduce Employee Absenteeism?," Personnel Administrator, (Sept. 1980), p. 92. 71 Several successful long-term education absence control programs are highlighted in the literature and warrant discussion of their components. "The Second Mile Plan" developed by the Houston (TX) Independent School District utilizes financial incentives, personal and public recognition for educators achieving district attendance goals. Seven total goal areas are addressed in the total program stressing such areas as student achievement and contributions to curriculum development. The average teacher absence rate (total lost time) has wavered between 4.5% and 4.8% over the past three years. Though this rate is above national norms, the Houston Independent School District feels itself fortunate to have stabilized lost time from levels as high as 12% experienced at the turn of the present decade (Say & Miller, 1982). The absence control program of the Des Moines Independent Community School District (Iowa) stresses specific review of the entering behavior of an employee. The plan emphasizes review of: . . . an employee's predisposition toward work in general, toward its purpose, and toward a specific job. Certain specific actions can be taken to ensure that only people with strong work records are employed.4 0 Unlike some programs that are intended to fix an existing problem, the Des Moines plan stress a goodly 40 Ebmeier, H. H. Staff Absence: Where Do We Stand? Dept, of Evaluation, Des Moines Independent Community School District, (April 6, 1979), p. 26 72 measure of prevention. Managers of the plan attest to the creation of a work force whose personal commitment to the job limits the potential for absence leave abuse. The Des Moines and Houston plans follow the basic components of solid control programs outlined by Scott & Markham (1982). Absence goals are clearly outlined. The policies of the program are continuously enforced throughout the school year. Employees are appraised at least monthly as to the status of their attendance behavior by written report. Employees bordering upon or found to be at unaccep table levels are quickly alerted. Repeated absentees are ushered into an assertive discipline system. On the opposite end of enforcement practices, employees who attain an absence level deemed exemplary are appraised continuously of their standing throughout the school year. In the case of these two plans, employees with exemplary levels at the end of the school year are recog nized publicly and given monetary rewards. In summary, the existence of an absence policy with specific goals is prerequisite to combating absenteeism in educational systems experiencing such problems. However, the simple existence of absence policies is not the only criterion to reducing teacher absenteeism. Following the experience of private labor organizations, policies must be continually enforced, is some cases, to the point of dismissal of employees with habitual and excessive uncerti fied leave use. In such instances, educational 73 organizations in particular must show clear evidence of evenly applied policy, application of substantial due process and documentation of efforts to help errant employ ees attain attendance goals (Buford & McAndrew, 1983). In addition to enforcement of policy, reinforcement for teachers who attain attendance goals is a recurrent feature of successful long-term plans. In many cases, such reinforcement is monetary in nature though simple recogni tion of performance is a feature of several control programs (ERS, 1981). Grade Level Taught Studies of educator absenteeism give ample evidence of variations of absence by system level but not by individ ual grade. Elementary teachers are regularly reported as having the highest amounts of group absence as compared to middle school, junior high or senior high school levels (ERS, 1980). Several studies conducted during the 1960's, 7 0 's and in the current decade attest to higher group rates of absence in elementary schools than in any other education level in K-12 systems. One of the more recent studies integrating compari sons of elementary educator absence rates to those of higher education levels was conducted by Bouknight (1985). This researcher found average rates for elementary levels in the state of South Carolina to be approximately 5.4% while secondary schools (7-12) averaged 3.8% time lost in the school year 1982-83. Earlier studies conducted by Sylwester 74 (1979), Redmond (1978) and Capitan & Morris (1978) also attest to similar findings regarding high absence levels for elementary systems. The rationale provided for such regularity of occurrence in elementary schools is based on the predomi nance of female educators at that level (Bouknight, 1985). As has been discussed earlier, female workers in education and the national work force in general show higher rates of absence than for male workers for a number of fairly well researched reasons. Researchers Capitan & Morris (1978) add to the considerations for female workers in elementary education in noting that a large number of female teachers in elementary schools in their study were found to be married with minor children. These researchers speculated that the family demands placed on female teachers negatively influenced their attendance. Researcher Sylwester (1979) lends an additional rationale for higher rates of absence of elementary educa tors in offering speculation that teachers at this level are subjected to younger children whose under-developed immune systems increase potential for transmission of illness in elementary schools. However, Sylwester offered no formal data on teacher personal sick leave or incidence rates of illness of children to substantiate his assumption. As regards specific "grade level taught," there is very little research data that provide group absence rates for elementary teachers by exact grade level. Only one 75 study was £ound in the research literature that provided a source of information relative to absence rates for elemen tary grade levels. In a study of the relationship between teacher absenteeism and the achievement of elementary pupils in reading and mathematics, Smith (1984) provided data compar ing actual average rates of absence for teachers in grades 1-6 in the State of Michigan. school years (1980-82). Data was collected for two Smith reported that absence rates for teachers in the various levels fluctuated between 3.8% and 5.2%. Teachers in grades 1, 5 and 6 had the lowest levels of absence in the total sample. Teachers in grade 2 had levels approximating the median rate of 4.5% with teachers in grades 3 and 4 having the highest levels of absence from work in the total sample. It should be noted that Smith concluded that the results supported the hypothesis that teacher absence negatively affects pupil achievement in reading and mathema tics at grade levels 2, 3 and 4. The author further noted that the ability to generalize findings of his study to the majority of elementary educators in Michigan is limited in that only one district was utilized for the sample. Reporting Procedures Fairly conclusive evidence exists about the type of reporting procedure employed by school districts having a direct effect on the attendance of teachers. In particular, a strong correlation is found to exist between low absence 76 rates of teachers and the procedure of reporting illness to immediate supervisors (Elliott, 1982). A variety of absence studies in both private industry and public services stress the importance of involving immediate supervisors in the reporting process. This is not to be confused with the process of absence recording and verification. As was presented earlier in this review, there is in some cases a detrimental effect caused by immediate supervisors being required to maintain and verify absences after the act. (Scott & Markham, 1982). A study of twenty-five New Mexico public school systems by Blanco (1986) presented findings concerning personnel policies in which reporting procedures comprised a portion of the investigation. Blanco reported that school systems that employed the practice of reporting absences directly to school principals had an average staff absence rate of 2.37%. Districts utilizing school secretaries, central office staff or answering machines had higher rates ranging from 3.0% to 6.24% (total lost time per year). A 1984 study of Georgia public schools sampling the responses of seventy-two (72) principals supervising 1,925 general education teachers and 347 special education teachers revealed similar but not as mutable findings relative to reporting procedure. Summary data indicated that teachers that reported absences directly to immediate supervisors took an average of 6.06 absence days as 77 contrasted to 7.22 absence days for those teachers who reported absences by other methods (Reale, 1984). A comprehensive study of Pennsylvania school report ing procedures and mean work absencerates in total time lost was conducted by the Pennsylvania School Boards Association in 1978. The results are as follows: Contact Building Principal Central Office Admin. Building Secretary Central Office Sec. Answering Service (District Operated) Answering Service (Contracted) Other Dept. Supervisor Abs. Rate 4.508% 4.648% 4.778% 4.985% 5.209% 5.629% 6.486% [41 ] It should be noted that a small number of education studies incorporating reporting procedures found no rela tionship to exist between reporting procedure and mean absence rates of school staffs. A 1983 study of 501 Pennsylvania public school districts conducted by Fusco (University of Pittsburgh) and a 1985 teacher absenteeism study conducted by Bouknight (University of South Carolina) reported no significant difference in school absence rates between schools that require teachers to report impending absences directly to the principal and those that do not. School System Commitment After Work Day Organizational commitment is a relatively new area of interest for organizational behaviorists. Heightened 41 Pennsylvania School Boards Assoc. Teacher Absentee ism: Professional Staff Absence Study. Penn. School Boards Assoc., Harrisburg, Penn., (October 1978), p. 29. 78 interest concerning organizational commitment has been noticed in our country during the past decade. This interest is spurned by a loss of international markets due to overseas competition and a significant loss of internal markets to newly industrialized nations such as Japan. Organizational commitment now represents itself to be a growing and specialized industrial science with everexpanding theoretical frameworks. The variety of defini tions now found in the research literature have created an overflow of branches from the mainstream theories that numbered four fundamental theories prior to 1978 (Morrow, 1983). This rapid and somewhat unchecked growth has stimulated justifiable concern: The growth in commitment related concepts has not been accompanied by a careful segmentation of commit ment 1s theoretical domain in terms of intended meaning of each concept or the concept's relationships among each other. The result has been the formation of over 25 commitment related concepts and measures.42 For the purpose of this literature review and the hypothesis related to this topic area, no exhaustive discussion of the many varieties of organizational commit ment will be presented. Instead, emphasis will be placed on two concepts which have enjoyed some longevity and have solid research histories to back them. 42 Morrow, P. C. "Concept Redundancy In Organizational Research: The Case of Work Commitment," Academy of Management Review. Vol. 8 No. 3, (1983), p. 486. 79 Central life interest (CLI), coined by Dubin in 1956 focuses upon the occupational vocation as the primary locale in which a worker wishes to carry out the majority of their live's activities. CLI in organizational commitment precludes being committed to one's church, civic organiza tion, or family. However, the 32-item scale devised by Dubin to measure a worker's potential for organizational commitment is found to overlap with high levels of devotion to work values which may be an associated function of a civic, church, or union group (Dubin, Champoux, & Porter, 1975). It is assumed by Dubin, et. al., that an individual whose organizational job commitment registers as a strong central life interest would tend to be on the job more regularly and possibly work beyond the minimal daily or weekly requirements. Job involvement, as described by Lodahl and Kejner (1965), involves two similar definitions each of which now has its own research base. One definition describes job involvement in terms of a job-involvement/self-esteem relationship and the other as a component of one's selfimage or personal identification with work. The former definition is of most interest to this study and the particular hypothesis concerning additional work beyond the minimal requirements. The job-involvement/self-esteem form of worker commitment particularly involves how an individual equates one's worth in terms of how well one performs one's job 80 (Lawler & Hall, 1970) . It could be hypothesized that educators with high job involvement would not only commit to the system beyond the minimal requirements but attend very regularly to insure high performance. It should be noted that both of the two concepts described in this topic area have specific measures for determination of gradations of central life interest and job involvement. However, utilization of such measures is not to be a feature of this dissertation. The attendant hypothesis related to this topic area is to be researched primarily by immediate supervisor report of those indivi duals who regularly provide system service after the work day and relating those designated individuals to their total time lost (absence rate) in the school year studied. Studies of educator absenteeism commonly intertwine the concepts of "job commitment” with "job satisfaction." Due to this situation, results of such studies have to be regarded as fairly inconclusive of their findings: The variable "commitment" is similar to and often inclusive of satisfac tion but is really much more. It is so because it incorporates a normative concept which implies actions and because it is possible to inculcate a sense of organiza tional commitment without necess arily providing the usual terms of satisfaction.4 3 43 Klein, S. M. "Organizational Behavior and Adminis tration," in Carroll, S. J. & Schuler, R. S. Human Resource Management in the 1980's, Bureau of National Affairs, Inc., Wash. D.C., (1983), p. 3-17. 81 One very clear analysis of work commitment in an educational system was conducted by Sheldon (1985). researcher utilized three scales: Professional Commitment, This (a) the Measure of (b) Miller's measure of work alienation, and (c) the Job Involvement Scale in a compara tive analysis of scores and individual teacher absence rates as one of the hypotheses areas. This study sampled 440 secondary level teachers in Summit County, Ohio. Results of the study gave indication of a significant correlation (
l C h in c f r l i t ic i
/"education
l Tenure
{%
VFamily
2.
1.
s ite
\
J
Employee Value* A
Job E x p ectatio n s
Job Situation
job ecope
Job level
Role etreea
Work group alse
Leader style
Cn-uorker relatione
Opportunity for
advancement
AhIIIty to Attend
Illness A accident*
Family rranonathlIltl«*s
TranaportatIon problem*
Sat iafactlon
with Job
Situation
Attendance
Motivation
S.
Employee
At tendance
P r e aaure to Attend
Economic/market condition*
Incentive/reward system
Work group norms
personal work ethic
Organisational commitment
1
Figure 1.--Steers & Rhodes - A Process Model of Attendance.
(Source: Richard M. Steers and Susan R. Rhodes.
"Major Influences on Employee Attendance: A
Process Model, " Journal of Applied Psychology,
63 (Aug., 1978), p .' 393. Copyright 1978 by
the American Psychological Association.)
96
promotion o£ the recent influx of employee participation and
quality of work life programs.
S&R rely on the work of
industrial relations researchers such as Glaser (1976) and
Hackman, Lawler & Kaufman (1973) in exhibiting findings that
enriched jobs and addition of more challenging job
responsibilities enhance job satisfaction thereby reducing
employee absenteeism.
The inclusion of job level under the job situation
area is intended to illustrate the effects of the challeng
ing nature of jobs upon attendance behavior.
S&R relied
upon the work of Garrison & Muchinsky (1977) in reporting
that the more challenging nature of high level jobs lends to
higher job satisfaction and better work attendance.
However, S&R fail to include discussion on the more lenient
aspects of upper level jobs that allow for managers/supervi
sors to leave work for short periods of time to attend to
personal affairs while not actually being counted as absent
from work (Henneman, et. al., 1983).
Role stress is reported to have a positive relation
ship with absence behavior (Bernardin, 1977).
This factor
is of particular importance to the field of K-12 education
where stress on the job is reportedly a major work environ
ment malady (Jackson, Shuler & Schwab, 1986).
Previous discussion has been given to the organiza
tional factors of work group size.
In general, increases in
work group size are reported to be concomitant with lower
group cohesiveness, higher task specialization and poorer
97
communication, all of which reportedly lend to higher rates
of work absenteeism (Ingham, 1970).
S&R also include the
organizational factors of leader style, co-worker relations
and opportunities for advancement in the "job situation"
area.
However, the authors give little real conclusive
evidence to support these later three factor's influence on
absence behavior.
S&R summarize their efforts as being
moderately related to job satisfaction which in turn has
been found to be related to attendance.
In summarizing the effects of factors related to the
job situation, S&R indicate that variables that relate
primarily to job content have a seemingly stronger influence
on absenteeism than those found to relate to job context:
Job content variables were generally
found to be consistently related to
both satisfaction and absenteeism.
In contrast, context variables,
while they were consistently related
to satisfaction, were seldom related
to absenteeism. Hence, they would
be expected to influence absenteeism
only to the extent that they altered
one's satisfaction with the job
situation.01
The "role of employee values and job expectations,"
as represented in sector two, illustrates S&R's contention
that such values and expectations influence job satisfaction
and indirectly weights upon attendance motivation (Sector
6).
S&R report that workers enter most job situations with
a pre-conceived notion of what the work will be like.
extent to which the perception matches the actual work
01 Steers & Rhodes.
Op. Cit., p. 396.
The
98
environment later experienced by the employee, influences
one's job satisfaction and attendance behavior.
The greater
expectations are met or exceeded, the better the conditions
for good attendance, according to the authors.
Research
foundations for this area are those provided by Nicholson,
Brown & Chadwick-Jones (1977 & 1982).
"Pressures to attend" are encompassed in five areas
(as illustrated in Sector 5).
and market conditions,
work group norms,
S&R report that (a) economic
(b) incentive/reward systems,
(c)
(d) one's personal work ethic, and (e)
one's organizational commitment represent external and
internal personal motivations upon employees and their
attendance behavior.
Economic and market conditions are found to be
related to attendance motivation.
Klein (1986) reported
that economic downturns and the potential for employee
layoff in industry are associated with lower than average
national absence rates.
Incentives and reward systems are
of primary interest to S&R as considerable attention is
given by the researchers to its potential effects on
attendance behavior.
S&R make a strong point of indicating
that paid leave situations invariably give workers incen
tives not to report to work.
Consequently, such incentives
not to work need to be counteracted by incentives to report
to work more regularly.
S&R make it clear that:
There must be an expectancy on the
part of the employee that attendance
(and not absenteeism) will lead to
desirable rewards. Moreover, the
99
employees must value the rewards
available.0 2
A variety of incentive systems are illustrated by
S&R, many of which were short-lived experiments that
produced quick effects.
The longevity of these programs is
questioned by S&R yet their potential for reducing worker
absenteeism is given strong support despite conflicting
results of the studies cited.
The authors rely upon the work of Glaser (1976) in
reporting that reward/incentive systems are more likely to
maintain their longevity if development of such systems
incorporates employee participation at all levels.
Creating
a sense of "ownership” in such situations is imperative
according to S&R.
Work group norms and on an individual but like basis,
personal work ethic, exert influence on employee attendance
via a value system that worker groups and individuals
ascribe to.
Lawler (1971) is utilized to exhibit research
that shows that cohesive groups who share a belief in the
importance of good attendance for the benefit of all
workers, have average mean absence rates below national
norms.
In the same vein, individuals who view work as an
important aspect of life and have a deep internal pressure
to attend are generally more responsible in their regularity
of work attendance.
The research into group and individual
worker commitment exemplified by such notions as "Protestant
02 Steers & Rhodes,
p. 398.
100
Work Ethic" (Ilgen & Hollenback, 1977) are attempts to
categorize and develop measurement tools for work group
norms and personal work ethic.
To date, such developments
look to be inconclusive in truly identifying such factors on
either a group or individual basis (Chadwick-Jones, et. al.,
1982) .
The factor of organizational commitment is somewhat
related to the factors of work group norms and personal work
ethic though organizational commitment may very well be a
manufactured and external influence created by the employer,
not the employee.
The actual goals and objectives may be
developed by the organization but reliance is still placed
on the individual to adopt and work towards organizational
ends.
The research of Morgan and Herman (1976) is utilized
to show that where employee's primary commitments lie
elsewhere (family, friends, church, etc.), more pressure may
be exerted on the employee to be absent.
On the other hand,
where the importance of one's work and the organization's
contribution to society can be exemplified (i.e. hospital
work, school teaching, etc.), the competing interests of the
individual may not influence absenteeism in a negative
manner.
The "ability of an employee to actually attend work,”
devoid of the discretion given to a voluntary choice, is
viewed by S&R to be influenced by three main personal
employee factors.
addresses:
Sector seven of the Process Model
(a) illness and accidents,
(b) family
101
responsibilities and,
attendance roadblocks.
(c) transportation problems as
It is these particular areas in
which the researchers make their most fervent plea for
understanding of attendance phenomena not under the control
of the employee.
S&R contend that a major weakness of much absenteeism
research is in the failure to account for the influence of
involuntary absenteeism in studies primarily dedicated to
voluntary absenteeism factors.
Illness and accidents
represent a primary cause of absenteeism according to
researchers Paringer (1983) and Miner & Brewer (1976).
However, the extent to which true illness and accidents are
out of the control of employees is yet to be actually
verified.
That is to say, that although illness and
accidents are deemed to be a major cause of worker absence,
there is considerable question and controversy existing
about the amount of certifiable illness and personal injury
that is under the control of the employee.
Researchers such
as those just cited side with the argument posed by Brooke
(1986) in questioning just how much absence termed involun
tary is actually under the voluntary control of the worker:
Illness is widely recognized as the
most important cause of absenteeism,
accounting for from one-half to twothirds of all employee absence.
Within the broad category of
illness, available research indi
cates that the primary causes of
absenteeism are social-psychological, and involves such factors
as personal maladjustment, emotional
102
disorders, alcoholism and drug
abuse.03
According to S&R, family responsibilities and their
influence on employee attendance show direct relationship
not only to family size but to gender as well.
Those
relationships have already been extensively reviewed in this
literature review.
S&R add to the earlier discussion by
citing the work Ilgen & Hollenbeck (1977) and that of
Nicholson & Goodge (1976).
These researchers support later
research in the 1980's attesting to higher rates of absence
for women with dependent children.
Ilgen & Hollenback
(1977) added to these findings noting that absenteeism rates
for women declined later in work careers while rates for men
increased with age.
These researchers postulated that
declining health for older men contributed to these find
ings .
Transportation problems gain mention by S&R yet get
no real backing by previous research for inclusion in their
model.
A small amount of research by Stockford (1944) and
Isambert-Jamati (1962) provided S&R with the information
needed to make a small case for problems encountered by
workers who traveled long distances to work.
However,
research conducted by Nicholson & Goodge (1976) found no
such relationship.
03 Brooke, P. P. "Beyond The Steers & Rhodes Model of
Employee Attendance," Academy of Management Review. Vol. 11
No. 2, (April 1986), p. 354.
103
In summary, the Process Model devised by Steers &
Rhodes does a good job of compartmentalizing the then
current findings relative to absence phenomena and attempt
ing to bring order into a research field that until 1978
seemed to escape any disciplinary approach.
However,
shortly after its inception, additional researchers in the
field began to delimit its utility.
Of particular concern
was the inability to actually test the model in any reallife work situation.
Criticism of specific elements of the
model by researchers such as Chadwick-Jones, et. al. (1982)
and Mowday, et. al. (1982) centers on the diverse nature of
the concepts of the Process Model.
Such purported concepts
as "pressures" and "ability to attend" are viewed by
critical researchers as being more in the realm of labels
for categories rather than actual constructs.
Other
purported concepts such as "attendance motivation" were seen
to be clearly ambiguous in nature.
More general criticism of the work of Steers & Rhodes
come from those researchers offering competing theories
relative to group interaction and concomitant effects upon
absence behavior of individual workers:
Any model based on the abstract
notion of an "individual employee,"
irrespective of the industrial and
occupational context, is entirely
defective. To refer to the employ
ee's "motivation to come to work" as
"the primary influence on actual
attendance” is at best a banality,
and at worst is destructive of a
social psychological theory of
104
absence that, as a social phenomen
on, it must have.04
Nonetheless, the developing criticism of the first
attempt at absence phenomenon classification by Steers &
Rhodes has produced additions and alterations of their work
that increases the respect of their pioneering efforts.
Steers & Rhodes themselves encouraged continued analysis and
modification of their model to represent future findings in
absence and attendance research.
Rather than assert their
work as uncontestable, they expressed the hope that their
work would be considered "a series of propositions suitable
for testing" (1978, p. 392.).
Such has been the case as
will be evidenced by the analysis of the forthcoming Causal
Model of Absenteeism developed by Paul P. Brooke.
Brooke:
A Causal Model of Absenteeism
Paul P. Brooke, a Lieutenant Colonel in the U.S. Army
Medical Service Corps at the time of his model's develop
ment, was one of many researchers who experienced great
difficulty in attempting to test the Steers & Rhodes model.
After his own extensive review of absenteeism literature,
Brooke pieced together those empirical relationships
relative to absence behavior and placed them in a more
orderly path diagram that depicted direct and indirect
effects.
04 Chadwick-Jones, J.K., Nicholson, N. & Brown, C.
Social Psychology of Absenteeisms Praeger Publishers, New
York, N.Y., (1982), p. 13.
105
Brooke's Causal Model, as illustrated on the follow
ing page, is based on the understanding that his definition
of absenteeism avoids a judgement of legitimacy.
This
stance is a departure from the classification schemes of
voluntary and involuntary absenteeism that permeates the
literature.
As Brooke puts it:
The definitional emphasis is
intended to focus on the key
organizational consequences of
unscheduled non-attendance - the
disruption of scheduled work
processes, and the loss of or under
utilization of productive capacity.
These consequences will be the same,
regardless of the reasons for the
absence, or their organizational
classifications.B0
Brooke focuses upon worker absence rather than
attendance as noticed in the Steers & Rhodes model.
He
points out that measures of employee attendance show far
less interpretable information than measures of absence
(Ilgen, 1977).
Additionally, the point is made by Brooke's
review of previous research that the variation between
measures of frequency and duration actually refer to
different forms of absence behavior (Sroulders, 1980) .
The measurement situation proposed in the Causal
Model is reliance on counting total absences regardless of
the length of time (duration) for each occurrence.
Ulti
mately, Brooke's model is focused upon the idea that all
absence should be accounted for because true distinctions of
os Brooke, P. P.
Op. Cit., p. 349.
106
Routinization
C entralization
Satisfaction
lob
Involvem ent
Distributive
C om m itm ont
Role A m biguity
A bsenteeism
Rote Conflict
Rote O v erlo ad
H ealth
S tatus
Wail
Involvem ent
Alcohol
Involvem ent
I
O rg an izatio n al
P erm issiveness
Kinship
R esponsibility
Figure 2.— Brooke - A Causal Model of Absenteeism. (Source: Paul
P. Brooke Jr. "Beyond the Steers & Rhodes Model of
Employee Attendance," Academy of Management Review,
Vol. 11 No. 2, (April, 1986), p. 350.)
107
"voluntary" and "involuntary" absence "encounter an inevita
ble criterion contamination" (Brooke, p. 351).
In the first sector of the Causal Model, "routinization" is illustrated as a work environment feature that
increases absenteeism when its evidence is high.
The more
monotonous and repetitive a job, the more the tendency
exists for low job satisfaction and increased worker absence
to evolve (Katz & Kahn, 1978).
"Centralization” is viewed as the degree to which
employees are involved in exercises of organizational power
(Hall, 1982).
If only management exercises the majority of
decision-making power in an organization or only a very
small number of employees exercise this power, then central
ization is deemed to be high.
However, if employee partici
pation over immediate, work related decisions is widespread
in an organization, then centralization is deemed to be low.
Low centralization is viewed by Brooke to enhance job
satisfaction which in turn would be expected to decrease
worker absenteeism.
In its simplest sense, "pay" is shown to be related
to job satisfaction when the wage or salary earned is viewed
by the worker to be fair or better than that of other
workers in the same job situation (Lawler, 1973).
Pay
indirectly influences absenteeism, according to Brooke, when
wages earned are viewed to be low and worker job dissatis
faction produces poor worker commitment and lessened job
involvement.
Pay is also viewed to encompass fringe
108
benefits and job perquisites.
Effective incentive/reward
systems that incorporate additional pay in an effort to
reduce absenteeism may affect absenteeism directly (Scott &
Markham, 1982).
The elements of "pay" and "distributive justice" are
related in that the latter concept encompasses the degree to
which rewards and punishments are related to performance.
However, "distributive justice" also incorporates such
processes as job evaluation and work assessment and their
determinants upon pay rates and promotion (Johns & Nichol
son, 1982).
As with "pay," fair distribution of "distribu
tive justice" within an organization enhances job satisfac
tion and worker commitment; both of which decrease the
potential for worker absenteeism, according to Brooke.
The factors of "role ambiguity," "role conflict," and
"role overload" are all viewed to be an influence upon
worker health status and potential involvement with alcohol.
Though "alcohol involvement" is illustrated as the area for
escape behavior typically classified as substance abuse,
utilization of a variety of drugs by employees is shown to
be a potential reaction to "role ambiguity," "conflict," and
"overload."
In the same vein, the three factors are also
negative work place influences due to the production of
emotional stress in some workers producing health problems
that have potential to increase worker absence from sched
uled work.
109
It would be expected that the large accumulation of
research concerning smoking would have entered into Brooke's
model at or near the point of "alcohol involvement."
Smoking in response to work place stress has recently been
found to be linked to increased absence behavior especially
when employees are denied the ability to smoke during
working hours:
In organizations that do not permit
smoking at work, higher levels of
unauthorized absence occur among
those who normally tend to smoke as
a means of regulating negative
affect (affective distress). It can
be predicted that smoking, and more
specifically negative-affect
smoking, will act as a moderator of
the relationship between affective
state and absence in work settings
in which smoking is restricted.96
"Role ambiguity" is described as the degree to which
roles are unclear (Locke, 1976).
"Role conflict," on the
other hand, is a stress situation developed by workers when
one's job expectations are unclear.
This situation, in
particular, was noted by the Metropolitan Life Insurance
(1985) study to be a primary reason for teachers leaving
education within the first five years of teaching.
"Role overload" is noted by Brooke to be "the extent
to which work role demands exceed the amount of time and
other resources available for their accomplishments"
(Brooke, p. 352).
"Role overload" is in many cases
96 Parkes, K. R. "Smoking as a Moderator of the
Relationship Between Affective State and Absence From Work,"
Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 68 No. 4, (1983), p. 700.
110
precipitant to the burnout phenomenon in education described
by Jackson, Shuler & Schwab (1986) and to worker absentee
ism.
When under-manning is consistent in large organiz
ations , "role overload" has been shown to create a snowball
effect of increased absenteeism across several workers at
the same time (Harvey, Schultze & Rogers, 1983).
The area of "work involvement" focuses on the
importance or, in Brooke's terminology, the "centrality" of
work in one's life.
Steers & Rhodes (1978) gave particular
attention to this factor in their model's construction.
Investigation into such areas as a worker's value system,
personal work ethic and an American socio-religious theory
termed "Protestant Work Ethic," (Rokeach, 1973) have been
found to be difficult areas to measure by any current
standard.
Researchers note that investigation into such
subjective personal areas can become as complex as human
nature itself (Steers & Rhodes, 1978).
Yet, questions about
the wide variations in work attitude and absence rates of
workers in single organizations lead researchers to studying
individuals in work groups in an effort to assess the impact
of personal work values upon attendance and absence beha
vior.
"Organizational permissiveness" is viewed by Brooke
as "the degree to which absenteeism is accepted by an
organization" (Brooke, p. 353).
Lack of any formal control
policies, attendance goals or allowance for frequent absence
without consequence, are signs of high organizational
Ill
permissiveness towards employee absenteeism (Oberman &
Ranier, 1983).
Brooke notes that the concept is akin to
concepts such as "work group norms” supported by Steers &
Rhodes (1978) and "absence culture" postulated by Johns &
Nicholson (1982).
High "organizational permissiveness" has
been found to exist especially in public institutions where
organizational ownership has no specific locus point for
either management or workers (Rhodes & Steers, 1981).
Such
findings should be of particular concern for education.
"Kinship responsibility" as presented by Brooke is
fairly parallel to the concept of "family responsibility”
presented by Steers & Rhodes (1978).
Both concepts address
the primary influence of demands placed upon workers by
immediate family members and their effects on absence
behavior.
However, Brooke presents the work of Krauz &
Friebach (1983) to exemplify the change in the immediate
family in our society and the revamping of kinship responsi
bility.
The higher rates of divorce and alternative living
arrangements being produced in our society signals the
development of new kinship networks that may seem estranged
from the previous understanding of the concept of family.
Personal affinity to non-relatives in a supportive living
arrangement may still impact a worker's feelings of respon
sibility and absence behavior much in the way of traditional
family relationships.
However, this form of kinship
responsibility and its effects on absence behavior may now
112
be a process of association with extended family or wrought
from social interaction.
Brooke's Causal Model is unquestionably an advance
ment over initial attempts by Steers & Rhodes to summarize
the current state of the art concerning worker absence.
Since Steers & Rhodes' Process Model was actually geared
towards attendance behavior, Brooke could claim the first
representation committed to absence behavior.
In actuality,
however, each model shows considerable cross-over in the
research base especially when some of the particular
concepts are nearly parallel in their effect on either
attendance or absence behavior.
Brooke's model exhibits further changes in societal
developments in the passage of the eight years between his
replication and that of Steers & Rhodes.
Changes in areas
such as increased worker involvement constituting substance
abuse and in kinship responsibilities illustrates the
diverse nature of work place influences on absence behavior.
The Causal Model's steps beyond the Process Model serves
notice to absenteeism researchers that absence phenomena,
being a human response, will change as human behavior also
changes.
Brooke's ultimate goal was to build a replication of
absence factors that could be operationalized and tested by
further research.
As noted earlier, this was the downfall
of the Steers & Rhodes Process Model.
This is not to say
that Brooke's efforts have been unquestionably verified by
113
other investigators.
Like Steers & Rhodes' offerings, the
Causal Model must now withstand its own trial by fire.
Undoubtedly, other redevelopments and new findings in our
understanding of absence behavior will be added to new
replications.
Just as the work place and employee reactions
in the work environment change; so shall collective theor
etical models of absenteeism.
Social Psychology Theory Concerning Absenteeism
Researchers Chadwick-Jones, Nicholson & Brown (1982)
bring to light a variety of interesting and fairly wellresearched findings concerning group behavior and its effect
on individual worker absenteeism in the work place.
Their
work, exemplified in an analytical study of British and
Canadian private and public service organizations, focuses
on group interaction in organizations and its effect upon
absence behavior.
Chadwick-Jones, et. al. quite openly
contest individual theories of absence behavior in support
ing their social-psychology theory while agreeing in part to
the existence of individual work ethics.
School managers would agree that group interaction in
teacher strikes is undoubtedly precipitant to the formal
act.
However, such activity is viewed by Chadwick-Jones,
et. al. to be in excess of the type of group interaction
that sets the tone for organizational collusion between
workers and their managers in the construction of a control
ling "absence culture:"
114
By use of the word "culture" we mean
the beliefs and practices influ
encing the totality of absences their frequency and duration - as
they currently occur within an
employee group or organization. The
nature of this culture is known by
employees, though partially and
imperfectly, but to the extent are
regulated by the norm. Thus, the
norm is what they collectively
recognize (usually with management
collusion) as suitable and appro
priate for people in their job,
their unit, their organization,
given the particular conditions,
both physical and social, of tasks,
pay, status and discipline.07
Chadwick-Jones, et. al. (C-J, et. al.) rely heavily
on the previous research of Hill & Trist (1962) in develop
ing a three-phase absence culture induction process for
workers.
The initial phase for newly hired employees is
based on a lack of knowledge of any existing absence
parameters operating within the organization.
New employees
may utilize the process of elected termination of employment
in this phase rather than absence if a need for escape
behavior is realized.
The second stage described by C-J, et. al., is termed
"differential transit."
This is a period in which workers
learn (over several months) the absence culture and begin to
operate within it with a degree of assuredness that no
consequences will evolve.
07 Chadwick-Jones, J.K.; Nicholson, N. & Brown, C.
Social Psychology of Absenteeism. Praeger Publishers, New
York, N.Y., (1982), p. 7.
115
The third phase, termed "settled connection," is a
point reached by workers (often after years of employment)
where they attain a level of absence commensurate with their
own personal preference and in conjunction with the latitude
provided by the established work group norms.
C-J, et. al.
note that this third phase typically shows reduced individ
ual rates of absence as workers attempt promotion or develop
a higher degree of organizational commitment.
These researchers further suggest that just as groups
sanction a degree of absence, so do they also provide
retribution for those workers who go beyond acceptable
levels.
In these instances, management action may supercede
any group action.
Management, being characterized as in
collusion with workers about acceptable norms, typically
emerges in response to group concern (be it open or clandes
tine) .
In a smaller amount of cases, norm offenders may be
subjected to group ostracization.
Such situations, in many
cases coupled with management action, often times produces
an environment in which offenders terminate their own
employment and sever group association permanently.
According to C-J, et. al., employees operate within a
determined level of acceptable absence constructed by way of
a group process.
This process could be limited to operation
in a single organizational complex or could be of regional
industry propensity.
Social exchange is the process by
which the absence culture is manifested; the results being
termed "agreed" behavior by C-J, et. al.:
116
This implies that employees under
stand that their absences should
£all within certain limits and,
therefore, that their decisions to
be absent or to attend conform to a
normative frequency level. Employ
ees can be expected to have a
definite notion of the appropriate
frequency and duration of their
absences. The question for them is
not only wether to be absent today,
but how often they have already been
absent this month or this year.08
C-J, et. al. do not fully reject all absence research
based on an individualistic approach.
There is apparent
agreement as to the existence of individual work ethics and
their influence on absence behavior.
However, the research
ers purport that such individual motivations (or lack
thereof) are amenable to the group processes they argue
exist in the work place.
Additionally, C-J, et. al. do not argue heavily
against the differentiation of absence behavior into
voluntary and involuntary continuums.
They agree that much
absence is aligned with choice (voluntary) but that such
choice is in interaction with the absence culture.
C-J, et.
al. agree that involuntary absence surely exists but side
with many researchers in advancing the idea that creation of
a true or pure definition of involuntary absence is a
virtual impossibility given the variability of human
reactions to the work place.
Social Psychology Theory of Absenteeism, as postula
ted by C-J, et. al., strikes a harmonic chord with those in
88 Chadwick-Jones et. al.
(1982), p. 11.
117
managerial positions.
School officials such as building
principals, central office managers and school superinten
dents confess to interacting (or being in direct collusion )
with those they supervise in constructing organizationally
acceptable levels of absence (Jackson, Shuler & Schwab,
1986).Therefore, acceptance of
may be
the work of C-J, et. al.
taken on face value alone by some managers in such
positions even without supportive data.
However,
in reviewing the actual sample used by C-J,
et. al. and the results of their studies, one has to be
apprehensive about fully accepting these researchers
findings.
Only twenty-two sample sites composed the
research base for the work of C-J, et. al. that were
selected from the near parallel economies of Canada and
Great Britain.
Given the small sample base alone, one finds
it difficult to generalize social psychology of absenteeism
findings.
The researchers themselves admit to the deficien
cies of their sample, the manner of their research approach
and the poor results:
The correlational analysis that we
undertook - between three absence
measures and scores on a job
satisfaction questionnaire resulted in the disappointing
coefficients that are usual in this
kind of study.89
More acceptable conclusions about group behavior and
absenteeism comes near the conclusion of the C-J, et. al.
text when construction of absence control programs is
59 Chadwick-Jones, et. al.,
(1982), p. 130.
118
discussed.
Sound advice concerning group participation in
construction of absence controls is based on conclusive
research concerning the effects of participative decision
making (Baum & Youngblood, 1975).
C-J, et. al., in discuss
ing negotiation of absence norms state that:
In the case of a renegotiated norm,
the legal sanctions for "new" rules
would be secured in management-union
agreements, which could bring into
operation the pressures of group
commitment in which the force of an
additional form of control - social
controls - is added to the legal and
instrumental ones.60
It is still not soundly shown by Chadwick-Jones,
Nicholson and Brown that group interaction is an over-riding
element in employee absenteeism.
Nonetheless, the power of
the work group to adhere to control policies that are
mutually constructed between management and employees shows
real promise for highly organized professions such as
education.
At present, this seems to be the most acceptable
and plausible finding of social psychologists studying work
place absenteeism.
In summary, though the past five decades have shown
considerable investigation by industrial relations research
ers into causes for worker absence, the public schools have
seen an intensive review occurring primarily over the past
ten years.
The directions taken by educational researchers
investigating teacher absenteeism have been in a manner that
avoids the establishment of voluntary versus involuntary
60 Chadwick-Jones, et.al.
(1982), p. 127.
119
continuums for worker absence.
Education researchers note
that teacher access to paid leave provisions gives teachers
as much monetary inventive to stay away from work as to
report consistently.
Consequently, there remains questions
about the complete acceptance of research procedures in
absence data collection for teachers that do not account for
all lost time.
Given the most recent descriptive models of employee
absence and attendance behavior, this study of Michigan
elementary educator absence phenomena developed fourteen
hypotheses in
three areas for personal, organizational and
time/place factors.
The descriptive models of attendance behavior
previously presented by Steers & Rhodes (1978) and the
redevelopment of that model for the specific analysis of
absence factors presented by Brooke (1984) provide the
underpinnings for this study of elementary educator absence
behavior in Michigan.
The Occupation of Teacher as Related to Absenteeism
Specific consideration should be given to the
profession of teaching, especially in its known relationship
to stress and avoidance behavior to deter stress.
Prior
references were made to the fact that many educators who
have ceased employment as teachers found teaching to be a
tension-ridden experience (Metropolitan Life Ins. Co.,
1985).
These previous educators later found that many types
120
of other employment had equitable or better earning poten
tial but produced less anxiety.
One need not research the profession of regular
elementary education too deeply to find practical answers
as to why elementary education (or all levels of public
education) produce inordinate amounts of tension and stress
on teachers.
The fact that educators are daily responsible
for large numbers of individuals over much of the normal
working day is in itself a recognized contributor to
heightened anxiety in the education profession.
Couple this
supervisory responsibility of twenty to thirty or more
students with the expectation that daily success will be
produced with each child, and you have the basic ingredients
for a high anxiety producing situation.
This is not to say that the anxiety produced in
workers in schools is not always unwelcome.
Teachers who
are especially in their early careers, many times find the
responsibility exhilarating (Kahn, 1984).
However, contin
ued challenge over extended periods of time is in many cases
precipitant to stress overload.
Such continued stress is
noted to produce what is commonly termed "teacher burnout
(Hunsaker, 1986)."
Unlike the worker who is responsible for a manu
facturing task or a white collar worker geared to an office
location, the teacher must submit to an arena where personal
performance is imperative.
The industrial worker or
management official may very well be able to gear his or her
121
work day to accommodate minor illness.
However, the public
educator must have the continued ability to perform in front
of either a singular or shifting number of classes during
the day.
Given such demands, educators who are minimally ill
at the beginning of a work day must make the choice of
fending in a high responsibility work environment (with
potential decreased capacity to perform) or stay away from
work.
That is to say, that teachers who decide to risk
minimal illness also risk having to accommodate the high
degree of hourly responsibility if illness persists or gets
worse.
Unlike many workers, the ability to escape the work
environment is especially difficult for teachers.
In most
cases, teachers normally have the ability to report illness
in the early portions of the pre-teaching day.
This
situation could be likened to an escape window that is only
open for a short period of time.
The teacher who hesitates
beyond the open period in the a.m. normally finds escape
from work difficult.
Such a situation is especially true in
small districts where availability of teacher substitutes is
poor.
Administrators in this study admitted that on some
days they were required to cover for educators due to lack
of substitute services.
They reported that some of the most
vexing situations were the instances when during the day
they were required to cover for an ill teacher after the
work day had begun.
122
Given the above considerations, it may be plausible
to conclude that the occupation group known as public school
educators in many cases are susceptible to perceived
psychological dilemmas as well as physical illness when at a
point of indecision to report they are sick.
Even minor
illness, when truly not debilitating enough to warrant
absence from work, may cause the decision not to chance the
school environment so as not to be "caught" by the system in
the event the illness escalates.
Research conducted by Hunsaker (1986) and Jackson,
Schwab and Shuler (1986) give indication that the high
commission of single-day absences in an occupation may
signal the existence of high stress and parallel avoidance
behavior.
As an occupation, education may very well be
weighted negatively by the simple decision of its employees
not to take an occasional risk.
A variety of educational studies amassed by the
Educational Research Service (1980) during the 1960's and
1970's give solid indication that the profession of teaching
is plagued by single day absence use.
Such findings, though
purported to be signals of absence leave misuse, may very
well be indicators of the stress environment faced daily by
teachers.
This study does not go as far as to develop
research questions to ascertain the impact of stress within
the sample reviewed.
However, the particular work environ
ment faced by educators is indeed an area for future
123
investigation by those who would research teacher absentee
ism behavior.
METHODOLOGY
Description of Sample
The majority of Michigan elementary schools selected
for this study were chosen primarily on the basis of availa
bility to the investigator within a one-hundred mile
traveling distance in the Central Michigan area (Lower
Peninsula).
One school district in the Southeastern region
of the state was contacted via the intervention of the
Michigan Association of School Boards while another district
in the South-Central area was made available by way of
referral from a dissertation committee member.
A total of nine individual elementary school building
operations in nine separate Michigan local school districts
comprised the research sample.
Illustrated on the following
page in table format are the primary factors reviwed in this
study that were the basis for construction of research
questions.
Variations in grade structure for the nine sample
sites is as follows:
Grade Level
No. Within Sample
K-3
K-4
K-6
3
4
2
124
125
T A B L E 1 . - - D e s c r i p t i o n of S a m p l e
District
Demography
Grade
Range
Number
of
Staff
BEL
RURAL
K-3
14
28-58
11/3
14/0
CEL
RURAL
K-4
21
23-63
19/2
19/2
FEL
SUBURBAN
K-6
24
27-65
18/6
21/3
GEL
SUBURBAN
K-3
27
26-59
25/2
23/4
HAB
RURAL
K-4
22
28-56
20/2
20/2
HHS
RURAL
K-3
13
26-68
13/0
11/2
HLS
RURAL
K-4
13
31-58
10/3
12/1
MEL
URBAN
K-4
24
28-63
19/5
19/5
MEL
URBAN
K-6
17
22-56
12/5
14/3
Age
Range
Female/
Male
Married/
Single
126
Additional intent in sample selection was to deliber
ately choose a portion of the sample from the demographic
areas of rural, suburban and urban school districts.
To a
varied degree, this task was accomplished although an equal
distribution by demographic area was not intended.
Instead,
sample selection by demographic area was conducted in
relation to the proportional existence of school districts
in Michigan by the three demographic areas as listed below:
District Demography
No. Within Sample
Rural
Suburban
Urban
5
2
2
In actuality, rural school districts in Michigan
comprise approximately 60% of the states K-12 operations,
while suburban and urban districts (though serving consider
ably larger student populations per square mile) comprise
40% of Michigan's local K-12 school districts (Michigan
Dept, of Education, 1986).
Precise delineation of suburban
and urban districts is questionable in that the Mich. Dept,
of Education (MDE) is imprecise in actual designation of
these two demographic categories.
Verification as to actual
classification by district demography was cross-referenced
in this study by questioning school principals directly on
their knowledge of their local school district's demographic
gradation.
Nearly 5,200 public elementary designated schools
operated in the State of Michigan in 1985 with an approxi
mate total of 26,000 public school teachers serving grades
127
K-6 in that year (MDE, 1986).
Given this total population,
the sample selected for this study accounts for approxi
mately .004% of all K-6 operations and .006% of all K-6
educators in the State of Michigan in the 1985-86 school
year.
The actual number of females to males in Michigan
elementary schools in 1985 was not known at the time of this
study was conducted and reported.
Actual percentage of men
to women in elementary education was not available from MDE
statistics.
However, the research sample studied in this
investigation was comprised of 84% women and 16% males.
Given this significant overweighing by females in the
research sample, the findings of this study are primarily
female educator oriented.
However, if the sample is
representative of the actual existence of men in elementary
education in Michigan, then the findings are truly represen
tative of males in the total population of Michigan elemen
tary eduators.
As noted, the majority of school districts in this
study's sample are rural in nature and to be found in
Central Michigan's lower peninsula.
Many of these rural
districts operate in an agricultural and small industry
setting.
Two rural districts, representing the northern
most area sites in this study, serve students from an area
where an abundance of lake resort homes and cottages exist.
There is a predominance of retirees in these district areas
128
living year-round though a lesser number of lake site houses
are summer vacation homes.
Suburban and urban districts,found in this sample are
primarily supported by both small and large industrial oper
ations.
The outer fringe service areas of the two suburban
districts touch upon or include agricultural communities.
Socio-economic conditions of the nine sites represent
a potpourri of social and economic conditions.
School
administrators in rural districts generally describe their
teaching staff and student populations as being predomi
nately White Caucasian while suburban district administra
tors noted approximately 80% of students and staff to be of
White Caucasian (W-C) ethnic origin and the remaining 20% of
staff and students classified as Black, Hispanic and AsianAmerican.
One urban district followed the same general
description as for suburban districts.
However, the
remaining urban district (and the most heavily industrial
ized site) indicated that about one-half of the students in
the district were of W-C ethnic origin, 25-30% were deemed
to be of Black race and the remaining student population
encompassed the origins of Hispanic, Asian-American and MidEastern nationalities.
80% of the teaching staff in this
more diverse cultural district were deemed W-C and the
remainder Black.
No Hispanic, Asian-American or Mid-Eastern
ethnic origin elementary educators were reported in the
elementary school sample sites in this study.
129
Economic conditions of students, as described by
school principals, ranged widely in all school districts.
The mean average classification of students was depicted as
lower-middle class children whose parents were typically
viewed as median wage earners for total household income
($20,000 - $40,000 per year estimates).
However, exceptions
were also described as common. Districts reported serving a
minority of children in households at or below poverty
levels as assessed by knowledge of school lunch applica
tions.
At the opposite end, a small number of students were
reported to come from homes where parents were highly
skilled and highly compensated for their occupations.
Administrator descriptions of economic conditions of
teachers equated educators as being in lower-middle or
upper-middle class economic ranges.
Rural districts
principals were more inclined to equate teachers at uppermiddle class levels.
Experienced rural district teachers
were further equated to be some of the district's top wage
earners; a situation described by school administrators as
problematic at times when public approval was needed for
financial support.
Research Procedures
The emphasis of this study is descriptive in nature
while relying upon the absence data of full-time certified
teachers in elementary schools as the main source of
information to test the various research questions.
Utilization of a questionnaire during on-site interviews
130
with building principals assisted in conducting routine
surveys.
(The questionnaire used in interviewing district
school principals is contained in the Appendix at the end of
this dissertation.)
Additional collection of written
policies concerning use of teacher sick leave, personal
days, etc., was obtained from all nine districts.
cases, this information was in contractual form.
In all
No
separate written policies relative to absenteeism or
attendance were found in evidence in the districts reviewed
outside of formal contractual language.
All districts
studied had formal organized teacher associations represent
ing educators.
All teacher associations were represented by
the Michigan Education Association (MEA/NEA).
Interviews with elementary school principals were
conducted on-site and averaged two hours in duration.
This
amount of time was double the period requested of school
principals but interviews were generally found to be
enjoyable by the administrators and consequently were more
extended in time by desire of those interviewed.
One
interview session lasted approximately three and one-half
hours.
Help with the collection of data from teacher
registrars varied from location to location as concerns the
assistance provided.
In the majority of cases, data was
provided by school principals within a two week period after
interview.
This information was either mailed or the
131
investigator returned to the district to personally collect
the data.
In two instances, information was collected on-site
on the same day that interviews took place.
In both of
these situations, the school principal and secretary
assisted in either copying attendance registrars or placing
information on data collections summaries.
It is interesting to note that most school principals
initially were especially concerned about confidentiality of
information in attendance registrars and desire to keep this
information personally unidentifiable.
However, five of the
district principals forwarded actual teacher attendance
registrars with names identifying teachers after assurance
was given that names would be eliminated and information
either returned .or destroyed.
It was apparent to this
investigator that once personal contact was established and
time was spent in elongated interviews, school principals
trusted the intent of this researcher to follow through on
confidentiality of records.
The ultimate and final concern of many of the
administrators was that their school staffs not learn of the
principal’s collusion with this study and willingness to
provide information centered on personal factors of teach
ers.
Information such as a teacher's age, marital status,
number of dependent children, etc., became more of a concern
than the documented record of absence for the school year
studied.
Personal factor information was also provided in a
132
varied manner.
Most principals provided this information
with attendance registrars within a two week period.
Only
in two instances was this additional information collected
on the same day as formal interviews.
(A sample summary
sheet for collection of this information is also included in
the Appendix.)
As a descriptive study, this investigation utilized
portions of three basic research procedures in what might be
deemed an eclectic educational review.
Elements of "survey"
research were utilized by including a questionnaire when
interviewing school principals.
The intent here was to
explore possible relationships between professed administra
tor controls or courses of action and teacher percentages of
time lost.
The use of pre-arranged questions allowed for
relative consistency and standardization of questions for
discussion.
A facet of "observational" research was employed in
using audiotapeing during interview sessions.
This was
permitted in seven of the nine initial interview sessions.
Use of a tape recorder allowed for continual review of
sessions long after data collections were completed.
In
three instances, highly variable data were obtained from
teacher attendance registrars and responses written on
interview questionnaires was easily cross-referenced by
replaying interview sessions on audio-tape.
This method of
research triangulation assisted in more clearly defining
intended responses by school principals.
133
Finally, "education evaluation" research was employed
in investigating the possible presence of teacher absence
controls, attendance goals and any related policies in the
nine districts researched.
One of the primary goals of this
study was to obtain results concerning controls (or lack
thereof) and information relative to the various research
questions.
This information, in turn, would allow school
administrators to make better judgments and decisions
concerning teacher absenteeism in their building operations
and possible need for construction of absence controls
and/or incentive/reward systems.
Given the above outlined research procedures for this
study, the following research questions were investigated in
the three previously mentioned absence factor group areas:
Personal Factors
Age
Percent of time lost for elementary educators will
show a positive relationship with increasing age in an
analysis of the age groups;
25
26
31
36
41
and under
- 30
- 35
- 40
- 45
46
51
56
61
66
- 50
- 55
- 60
- 65
and older
(Collingwood, 1984; U.S. Dept,
of Health, Education &
Welfare, 1975)
134
Sex
>
Female elementary educators will have higher percen
tage of time lost from work on the average than males
(Klein, 1985; Hedges, 1975).
Marital Status
Married men will have lower percentages of time lost
than single men.
Married women will have higher percentages
of time lost than single women (Bureau of Labor Statistics,
1985; Taylor, 1979).
Dependent Children
Elementary educators with children under the age of
18 will have higher percentages of time lost from work than
the average obtained from the entire sample (Bureau of Labor
Statistics, 1985; Nicholson & Goodge, 1976).
Educational Level
Employees with advanced degrees will have lower
percentages of time lost than those educational employees
with bachelors degrees (Taylor, 1979; Douglas, 1976).
Years Employment/Experience
As elementary educators increase in years employ
ment/experience, the amount of time lost from work will
correspondingly increase (Blankinship, 1986; Manganiello,
1972).
Individual % of Time Lost as % of Total Staff Absenteeism
A review of each of the nine building's total staff
rates of total lost time will illustrate that approximately
10% of each building's employees will be responsible for 45%
135
or more of the total staff absences (Yolles et. al; 1975;
Plummer, 1960).
Organizational Factors
Staff Size
As elementary staff size increases, the mean staff
rate of total time lost from work will correspondingly
increase (Giullian, 1986).
Absence Control Policies
Elementary educators required to report absence
directly to the building administrator will have lesser
percent of time lost than for employees utilizing an
alternative reporting procedure (Elliott, 1982; Educational
Research Service, 1980).
Grade Level Taught
Percent of time lost for elementary school employees
will decrease as the grade level taught increases (Bouknight, 1985; Smith, 1984).
School System Commitment After Work Day
Elementary educators who elect to consistently
sponsor, coach, chaperon, etc., activities after or before
the contracted work day, will have lower percentages of time
lost than the average percent of time lost for the entire
building staff (Sheldon, 1985; Slick, 1974).
136
Time/Place Factors
Day of The Week
An analysis of attendance registrars for the total
sample will illustrate that the highest amounts of employee
absence will be experienced on Fridays with Mondays being
the second highest day of the week for elementary educator
absence (Educational Research Service, 1980; Capitan &
Morris, 1978).
Month of The Year
An analysis of all school employee percent of time
lost for all nine elementary staff reviewed will show that
average percent of time lost for the 9 month school year
will progress from highest to lowest in the following order:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
May
April
March
February
January
December
November
October
September
(Coffman, 1983; Marlin, 1976)
District Demography
An analysis of average total percent of time lost for
each elementary school staff reviewed will show that average
percent of time lost will be highest for urban schools and
lowest for rural schools (Jackson, Schwab & Schuler, 1986;
ERS, 1980).
Steps In Data Collection
Prior to development of the research proposal for
this study, important questions concerning access to
individual teacher absence registrars needed to be answered.
137
In particular, the concern by administrators over confiden
tiality of teacher records posed serious roadblocks to
conducting this investigation.
These concerns were reviewed by the Michigan Associa
tion of School Boards (MASB) legal counsel in April of 1986.
MASB is viewed by local and intermediate school districts as
a supportive legal network of professionals who provide
legal counsel, negotiation representation and various other
forms of assistance to boards of education and school
administrators.
Response from MASB was couched with concern about the
intent of obtaining work histories of educators that were
personally identifiable.
MASB pointed out one specific law
relative to the process of collecting and disseminating
records that would clearly show health histories (either
favorable or unfavorable). The Family Educational Rights and
Privacy Act (FERPA) of 1974 otherwise known as the "Buckley
Amendment" was cited as a potential stumbling block for this
study if proper consideration for confidentiality was not
taken.
FERPA was noted as generally being related to
students.
However, records of teaching personnel were noted
to be under employer control and subject to confidentiality
safeguards.
Access to such materials as attendance records
with personally identifiable information would require
individual teacher approval, as advised by MASB.
138
In order to insure such confidentiality and circum
vent need for individual permission, it was strongly advised
that schools participating in this study submit data that
were devoid of names, social security numbers and any other
coding systems that would allow other individuals to
pinpoint the identification of teachers.
Additionally, MASB
advised that health records of educators that displayed
serious illness of either physical or emotional type be
reported in the dissertation in terms that did not allude to
sexual, racial or ethnic origin of affected individuals.
This advice was forwarded with the understanding that
although individual records were being searched, reported
findings affixed to specific groups may be challenged if
such findings are negative and felt to be erroneous.
Given these procedural considerations, a trial
attempt was made in early June of 1986 to access teacher
registrars of two rural elementary schools in the Central
Michigan area.
In both instances, the school principals
contacted were most agreeable and provided registrars of
their full-time teaching staff for the recently completed
school year (1985-86).
Delays were found when needed
personal information such as age, marital status, dependent
children, etc., was requested.
In one instance, this
investigator was asked to research the needed data from
health insurance forms as secretarial help was not available
during the remaining summer.
Otherwise, all information was
collected by the end of June 1986 for the two trial schools.
139
After approval was given by the dissertation commit
tee to conduct the full-scale study, seven local district
elementary schools were personally contacted by the investi
gator.
Of the seven, five local district elementary
principals consented to provide needed data.
Of the two
district administrators who did not consent, one cited
concerns about confidentiality while the remaining principal
indicated that it was "too much work” on his part.
Of the five new districts consenting, one was lost
when the district Superintendent intervened after a request
was made by the building principal for return to his office
of attendance information on his staff for the 1985-86
school year.
This investigator contacted the Superintendent
and explained the specific need for information and safe
guards to insure confidentiality.
Even after discussion
with MASB, the district's chief executive officer did not
consent to release requested information.
The results of
this initially unfortunate situation proved to finally be a
mild blessing.
Shortly after losing this district, MASB's
Communications Dept. Officer contacted this investigator and
offered an elementary site in the Southeastern portion of
the State.
This site turned out to be an urban setting, one
of the two more difficult locations for this investigator to
contact.
Shortly before Christmas 1986, an intermediate school
district conference set the stage for inclusion of one
additional rural location.
Discussion at lunch not only
140
brought about the interest of a building principal in the
northern part of Michigan but his eventual participation.
In February of 1987, one final district of suburban
demography was contacted after a lead was provided by one of
this investigator's dissertation committee members.
At that
point, nine individual building operations in nine separate
local school districts were included in the demographic
proportion desired for this study to be conducted.
Absence Data Collection Parameters
Specific data relative to testing of personal and
time/place factors were obtained from 1985-86 school year
attendance registrars of full-time certified elementary
teachers.
Educators who severed employment during the
school year (either short-term or permanently) by such acts
as personal termination, elected retirement, granted leave
or sabbatical request were excluded from this study.
Two
such situations were found to occur in the total population
of 178 educators studied.
Therefore, the final total of
teachers representing this investigation's population stood
at 176.
The period of employment under investigation was the
1985-86 nine-month school year for contracted elementary
teachers.
This period encompassed the State of Michigan
mandate of 180 school days for instructional purposes plus
the additional time contracted for teacher inservice days,
record days, etc. that increased the work year for teachers
to as much as 184 work days in some districts.
The work
141
year range for all nine districts varied from 182 to 189
days.
As noted
this
earlier, all nine school systems included in
study have teachers formally represented bythe
Michigan Education Association (MEA).
This situation proved
helpful for this investigation in that contractual benefits
for use of teacher leave benefits (sick leave, personal
days,
etc.) was very similar in all districts.
Specific
instances where variations in leave usewere
found are as follows:
1.)
Accumulation of Sick Leave Days - All districts
allowed for accumulation of sick leave days although
variations in total days accumulated were found.
The
district with the least amount of leave days to be accumu
lated stood at 90 days in one district. One district did not
fix a cap on accumulated leave and allowed sick leave to
accumulate indefinitely.
Most districts capped accumulation
on the average at 110 days.
2.)
Personal Day Restrictions - Seven of the nine
districts allowed for three days of leave for personal
business.
One district allowed only two while one district
allowed for four days of teacher personal time.
Four
districts had no restrictions upon use of personal leave
where no reason needed to be given (called "no question
days” by administrators).
Three districts required teachers
to respond to administrative interrogation of use of
personal time for one day only.
Two districts required
142
teachers to tell why they wanted to use personal leave at
all requests for such leave and to gain immediate supervisor
approval before using such leave.
3.)
Funeral Leave Restrictions - All districts allowed
for bereavement leave of one day for teachers who desired to
attend the funeral of a non-relative.
However, bereavement
leave allowance for death in a teacher's immediate family
ranged from a minimum allowance of three days to a maximum
of ten work days (noted as "two work weeks" in that dis
trict's contract).
Designation of immediate family remained
similar in nearly all respects except that seven districts
included marriage in-laws as immediate family while two
districts did not.
It should be noted that the maximum
continuous funeral leave situation found in this study was
five consecutive days.
All bereavement days in all nine
districts were taken from the teacher's sick leave bank.
4.)
Verification of Sickness - Seven of the nine district
contracts contained language that allowed for administration
to require doctor's verification of illness for consistent
teacher illness of three days or more.
Two districts had no
such language and consequently no such requirement.
5.) Length of Time for Single Illness - Use of sick leave
for personal and family illness was permitted in all
districts.
Leave for a single instance of personal illness
allowed for complete use of the teacher's accumulated sick
leave and possible access to an Association sick bank for
143
additional leave from 10 to 20 days in seven districts and
for unlimited time in two districts (as allowed by district
administration).
Length of time spent on behalf of an ill
immediate family member for a single instance of illness
stood at three days in seven districts, five work days in
one district (noted in contract as "one work week") and
regulated by district administration on a needs basis in one
school district.
Definition of Teacher Absence
A determination of a day of teacher absence held to
the considerations previously discussed in the literature
and exemplified in the work of researchers (a) Brooke
(1986);
(b) Dilts, Deitsch & Paul (1985); and (c) Educa
tional Research Service (1981).
These researchers and/or
organizations support this study's direction in not attempt
ing to enter into a classification of voluntary vs. involun
tary absence.
Instead, this investigation is concerned with all
time lost to a school operation developed by personal choice
of leave benefits by teachers.
Brooke (1986) notes that
accounting for all time lost to an organization actually
constructs a situation in which all absences are deemed to
be voluntary if one were to consider the precepts of a
voluntary/involuntary continuum.
However, this study's
direction intends to avoid current controversy and does not
intend to delve into a delineation between absence situa
tions considered to be under the control of the teacher and
144
those which are speculated not to be under a teacher's
prerogative.
The construction of "time lost” measures
for
this study and their implications in this investigation will
be discussed later in this chapter.
Teacher days of absence for one-half day or more were
deemed as such when the following leave situations were
utilized:
1.
Sick leave days for personal or family illness;
2.
Personal (business)
3.
Funeral/Bereavement days.
days;
In these instances, teachers elect to use these days
for occasions determined by themselves to be valid and
justifiable.
Though such ill-fated situations such as a
death in the family would want to be avoided by educators,
the decision to attend a funeral and take time away from the
job is that of the teacher's.
A secondary consideration for counting the above
situations as absence appears when one views the intrinsic
value of such time away from scheduled work for the employ
ing school district.
In the above situations, no benefit of
a secondary nature is realized by the school district (other
than reducing the possible transmission of disease or
reducing worker tension or grief).
Instances in which time away from the actual job of
teaching is not counted as absence are as follows:
1.
Conference/Records/Inservice Days
2.
Union/Association Leave Days
145
3.
Jury Days (by selection process)
4.
Act of God Days (weather/disaster/power failure,
etc.)
5.
Military Service or Community Emergency Service
(National Guard, Red Cross, Civil Defense, etc.)
In the first situation, teachers may not be actually
engaged in teaching but the district realizes secondary
benefit by the related service or information garnered.
Some school principals questioned the "chronic" attendance
of teachers at conferences and conventions and tended toward
deeming these situations as escape behavior from the actual
job of teaching.
However, all conference and convention
attendance for teachers was under the complete control of
school administrators in all nine districts.
Therefore, if
conference/convention attendance was a problem, it was most
definitely one ultimately created by school administrators.
Union/Association leave days account for a minimum of
teacher time away from work and the allowance is contract
ually determined and not in direct control of district
administration outside of contract negotiations.
Time away
from the job in the latter three situations is also out of
the control of teachers and administrators though in the
last situation teachers may elect to be a part of such
service organizations.
Nonetheless, many absenteeism
studies equate such things as jury duty and National Guard
service as benefit to all work organizations as well as
society in general (Klein 1986; Educational Research
Service, 1980).
During periods of actual emergency, schools
146
may actually be closed and calendar days lost might be more
appropriately viewed as "act of God days."
Measures
Prior to discussion of measures utilized in data
analysis, it is important to once again delineate the intent
of this study in relation to its absence measures.
One of
the main goals of this investigation was to assess the
impact of an already identified set of influences related to
the private and public work place upon teacher absenteeism
in elementary schools in Michigan.
To this end, the actual
amount of absenteeism needs to be ascertained on an indivi
dual, group, and total population basis.
Voluntary/involuntary continuums concerning worker
absenteeism seek to separate factors relative to absenteeism
of the basis of worker control and those out of worker
control (Muchinsky, 1978).
Such attempts, still being
challenged in the present decade, are normally based on
advanced analysis of factors after organizations have
assessed the actual occurrence of absence in their ranks
(Hammer & Landau, 1981).
Once again, this study did not attempt to wander into
unchartered ground in education research.
Elementary
educator absenteeism in Michigan has yet to be given the
type of thorough investigation (as evidenced by the research
literature) that has been ongoing in industry for nearly 50
years.
Therefore, this study will not deal to any extent
147
with frequency indexes (FI) but will instead deal with
durational measures of "time lost."
Time lost measures give a general but total indica
tion of the scope of absenteeism in an organization.
Criticism of such measures is based on the knowledge that
national sampling (such as the ones taken by the Bureau of
Labor Statistics in May of each year) insert cut-off points
in long duration absences (excluding time lost after four
days of a single illness). National occupational norms,
therefore, are geared toward frequency (Chadwick-Jones, et.
al., 1982).
Time lost measurement accounts for all absence time
and is equated as being an overstatement of an organiza
tion's absence rates by those who tout frequency data
(Brooke, 1986).
However, reverse criticism can be as easily
levied at those organizations, both public and private, that
understate the total amount of time lost by workers who do
not report for regularly scheduled work.
The fact is, there are specific drawbacks to both frequency
and time lost measures.
Hammer & Landau (1981) make that
point clearly in stating that:
The obvious problem with a direct
translation of frequency of absence
into voluntary withdrawal and of
time lost into involuntary absentee
ism is, of course, that a frequency
index (even when corrected for
absences of long duration to avoid
obvious contamination by instances
of illness and injury) will contain
a number of involuntary absences,
and a time-lost measure will be
148
contaminated by voluntary with
drawal.6 1
This study is directed towards an initial investiga
tion that will pinpoint possible areas for further review
and possible experimentation within elementary teacher
absenteeism.
It is not directed towards research of
voluntary and involuntary aspects of teacher absence.
The
measures constructed and used in this investigation are
geared towards "total time lost" estimates.
These measures
appear most frequently in the research literature where
elements of choice are not the primary emphasis (ChadwickJones, et. al., 1982).
Given the above considerations, calculations for
individual and group percent of time lost were measured in a
"total time lost" fashion often times referred to as
"inactivity rate" by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS)
but more generally referred to simply as "absence rate" in
educational research (Hedges, 1977; Goodman & Atkin, 1984).
Perent of time lost calculations for individual
computation were developed using the BLS formula while
inserting teacher contracted work days and days of indivi
dual teacher absence in the following manner:
Percent of
Time Lost
=
No. of Contracted Days Absent
Number of Contracted Days
Given the above formula, a hypothetical situation in
which a teacher was absent nine work days during a
61 Hammer, T.H. & Landau, J. "Methodological Issues in
the Use of Absence Data," Journal of Applied Psychology.
Vol. 66, No. 5, (1981), p. 575.
14 9
contracted work year of 183 days would yield a time lost absence (or inactivity) rate of 4.91%.
Many of the research questions analyzed in this study
utilized individual percent of time lost and grouped them
according to the specifications dictated by that particular
question to develop a mean rate for application.
For
example, the research question concerning expected positive
correlation between advancing age and teacher absenteeism
grouped individual percentages of time lost into five-year
gradients for the entire sample of 176 teachers.
This type
of use of individual rates was most common in researching
personal and time/place factors.
Given an investigation into an organizational factor
such as "absence control policies" a true replication in
this study in which a full-time staff of 17 teachers
produced 157 total days of absence from regularly scheduled
work during a 185 contracted word day school year produced a
staff percentage of time lost of 5.0%
In some instances,
staff absence rates for total time lost were grouped across
the entire sample in such time/place research question areas
as "day of week" and "month of year."
The reporting of findings (as presented in the
following chapter) utilized the raw data to construct tables
and graphic illustrations for most of the fourteen research
question areas.
However, a supplemental investigatory
technique related to observational research was also
utilized by tape recording interview sessions with
150
supervising school principals.
The "critical-incident
technique" (Flanagan, 1954) supplied a variety of informa
tion that has proven helpful in many education studies such
as this:
This technique, as usually applied,
involves studying the performance of
one group of individuals (such as
teachers) by asking another group of
individuals (such as principals) to
describe "critical incidents" that
relate to the performance of the
first group. In vocational studies,
the informants are usually super
visors, but the method can be used
whenever a group can be identified
that has information about the
performance of another group.62
As was noted earlier, much investigation about policy
concerning teacher absenteeism in the nine districts was
undertaken in an investigation of written documentation.
It
was also noted that little written absence policy was found.
Yet, the influence of the immediate supervisor (principal)
upon teachers and the impact of this unwritten policy (or
lack thereof) was an important area for review by this
investigator.
In fact, several of the studies previously
discussed in the literature review place strong emphasis
upon the unwritten policy and personal style of supervisors
and their impact on worker absenteeism.
Adding to the need for a critical-incident technique
was the need to further investigate findings with the
62 Borg, W. R. & Gall, M. D. Educational Research.
Longman Inc., New York, N.Y., 1979, p. 358.
151
principals that were previously interviewed once raw data
had been placed in table and graph format:
One of the most common weaknesses
found in the writing of graduate
students is that their reports
present information and interesting
findings but fail to provide a
thoughtful interpretation of these
findings. Often the findings
obtained from the analysis origin
ally planned by the student will
suggest other analytic procedures to
the student that will either provide
additional data concerning his
hypotheses or will yield interesting
information not related to this
initial hypotheses. In either case
the further analysis should be
done.6 3
As this study neared completion, it was possible to
return to four of the district locations and conduct a final
interview with building principals.
The information
garnered from second interviews is couched in the under
standing that these additional insights may not be applic
able to the entire sample.
However, the principal's
interpretation of portions of the findings gave this
researcher the type of insights needed to make a case for
possible support or rejection of the research question under
investigation.
In summary, this research study of 1985-86 elementary
educator absenteeism in Michigan elementary schools incor
porates the extensive findings of the private industrialized
sector with the more limited national research conducted in
K-12 education settings.
63 Ibid. p. 675.
The research questions constructed
152
for this investigation and the methods utilized in this
study are extracted from the nearly five decades of research
conducted in both the private and public work place.
The three group areas of personal, organizational and
time/place factors are representative of a culmination of
the current state of the art concerning absenteeism theory.
In addition, the measures constructed for this investigation
are patterned closely to those utilized by the federal
Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) which are also given annual
interpretation by the federal Bureau of National Affairs to
describe current levels of worker absence for private,
public and governmental work institutions.
The major variation for this study (and many other
education absenteeism reviews) as compared to national
sampling is found in the accounting of all lost time during
the time period reviewed.
Whereas, BLS did not account for
lost time after the fourth consecutive day of a single
absence, this investigation did not install such a cut-off
point.
Consequently, the findings of the following chapter
reflect a complete representation of total absence for the
sample studied and no understatement of the actual time lost
by the Michigan elementary teachers reviewed.
REPORT OF FINDINGS
Reporting Format
Research findings reported in this segment of the
dissertation will follow the format of first presenting the
particular research question under discussion and then
reporting the significant findings relative to it.
Several
of the findings relative to the fourteen research questions
in this study are displayed in table and/or graph format.
Given fourteen research question areas and the
extensive segmentation within particular tables and illus
trations, the reporting of all findings would be far too
cumbersome and monotonous for the reader to digest.
Therefore, particular analysis will center on findings that
significantly support or do not support research upon which
research questions are founded.
Additional commentary will
be offered where major insights garnered from this study and
related to research question are found to be worthy of
noting.
Before entering into analysis of the findings of
particular research question it would do well to present
general findings relative to the entire population.
It is
important to report that the average percentage of time lost
for the entire population was assessed to be 4.76% of all
153
154
contracted time for the school year 1985-86.
This signifi
cant finding continues to underscore the higher than normal
amount of time lost in the field of elementary and all of K12 education in our nation as compared to national mean
rates of absence (ERS, 1980).
However, it has to also be
understood that the measure utilized in this study is not
totally comparable to that used by Bureau of Labor Statis
tics (BLS) in its May sampling of private and public work
organizations.
BLS data do not reflect a pure total time lost
measure since it does not account for time lost after the
fourth day of a reported single illness.
BLS data, there
fore, underestimate total time lost on a national basis.
The vast majority of education studies, however, utilize
total time lost measures.
Comparison of a particular
education sample with national data compiled by BLS tends to
exaggerate the differences between means.
Yet, national
education studies account for this variation in prefacing
most reports that an additional one-half percent should be
allotted for studies of total time lost when these findings
are compared to BLS data.
For instance, the mean rate of absence derived by BLS
since 1973 for work organizations hovers at 3.5% of all
regularly scheduled work hours (Klein, 1985).
Education
studies that would report a mean rate of absence at 4.0% of
total time lost would actually be regarded as being nearly
the same as that of the national average.
155
As noted, the mean rate of total time lost for
elementary teachers in this study stands at 4.76% in the
school year 1985-86.
Klein (1985) provides findings for BLS
data for the period 1980-85 that shows in this five year
period the mean rate
of absence on a national basis has
actually ranged from 2.7%-3.0%.
If that is the case, then subtracting one-half
percent from the mean rates of absence assessed for elemen
tary teachers in this study would still leave a sizeable
variation between national rates of absence and those found
in this investigation.
Clearly, absenteeism of several
elementary educators in this study is not at par with the
national trends thus giving indication that a problematic
situation concerning teacher absence exists in the sites
reviewed.
Table 2 and Figure 3 on the
at the entire sample
gradients.
next page provide a look
in this study by way of absence
The first set of gradients from 0% time lost to
3.5% are broken down into one-half percent ranges to show
the number of elementary teachers that fall into acceptable
and exemplary levels.
In additive fashion, it can be seen that 47% or
nearly half of the teachers in this sample have percentages
of total lost time that fall into an acceptable range of
3.5% lost time or less (Gaudet, 1963).
24% of elementary
teachers in this study actually had percentages of total
lost time of 2.0% or less.
On the other hand, an equal 24%
♦
156
Table 2.— Rate of Lost Time by Absence Gradient.
ABSENCE CRADIENT