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UMI FISSION, MAINTENANCE AND INTERACTION IN AN ANISHINABE COMMUNITY ON KEWEENAW BAY, MICHIGAN, 1832-1881 By W alter Randolph Adams A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan S ta te U n iv ersity in p a r t i a l f u lf illm e n t of the requirem ents fo r the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Anthropology 1988 ABSTRACT FISSION, MAINTENANCE AND INTERACTION IN AN ANISHINABE COMMUNITY ON KEWEENAW BAY, MICHIGAN, 1832-1881 By W alter Randolph Adams The Anishinabe (Ojlbway) Community on the Keweenaw Bay fis s io n e d in 1832 when a M ethodist m issionary en tered the community to ev an g elize them. The sch ism atic fa c tio n e s ta b lis h e d th e ir own community th re e m iles west of the M ethodist m ission on the opposite sid e of the bay. The a r r i v a l of a C ath o lic m issionary to the w estern community cemented the e x isten c e of the two communities on the Keweenaw Bay in s p ite of e x te rn a l p ressu res to r e u n ite them. economic and s o c ia l p a tte r n s . The two have developed d is ti n c ti v e Today, one hundred f o rty four years l a t e r , the two communities remain as v i r t u a l l y autonomous communities even though they share a s in g le t r i b a l c o u n c il. This work examines the s o c ia l h is to ry of the two communities from 1832 to 1881. I t attem p ts to understand why the community fis s io n e d in the manner i t did and how the two daughter communities have remained d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s when e x te rn a l p ressu res were ex erted to in te g r a te them. Four of the prim ary th e o r e tic a l frameworks used by a n th ro p o lo g is ts to understand community dynamics—e th n ic ity , fa c tio n a lis m , macro-micro a n a ly s is , and s ta t e p e n e tra tio n —alone and in any com bination— were unable to adequately reso lv e the qu estio n s posed. I argue th a t th ese models focus e ith e r on in te r n a l dynamics V a lte r Randolph Adams ( e th n ic ity and fa c tio n a lis m ) or e x te rn a l p re ssu re s ex erted upon a community (macro-micro a n a ly s is and s ta t e p e n e tr a tio n ). To f u lly understand the f is s io n and subsequent e v o lu tio n of the Keweenaw Bay In d ian Community, I argue i t is necessary to co n sid e r both in te r n a l fo rc e s and e x te rn a l p re ssu re s and how they in te r a c te d . E q u a lly , i t is n ecessary to understand th a t groups of in d iv id u a ls , com prising d i s t i n c t segments of the p o p u la tio n , responded to th ese fo rc e s and p re ssu re s d iffe re n tly . T heir responses to these co n d itio n s re s u lte d in the f is s io n of a s in g le community and the subsequent dual-community s tr u c tu r e . Copyright by WALTER RANDOLPH ADAMS 1988 DEDICATED TO: Richard N. and B etty H. Adams Joseph L. C hartkoff and my Guidance Committee W alter and Marley H annstein, Randolph and Helen Adams Tani M arilena and Gina Constance Adams M arilyn Baade w ithout whom th is could n o t have happened v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many in d iv id u a ls and i n s t itu tio n s f a c i l i t a t e d the research fo r th is p r o je c t. They a r e , however, in no manner resp o n sib le fo r the f in a l p ro d u ct. I a ccep t com pletely the r e s p o n s ib ility fo r whatever e r r o r s are contained h e re in . My p a re n ts , Richard N. and B etty H. Adams, and my w ife, M arilyn Baade, provided much encouragement and o th e r support throughout the ex p e rien c e. Dr. Joseph C h artk o ff, the c h a ir of my d o c to ra l committee gave many hours of h is time to d iscu ss v ario u s dimensions of the re se a rc h p r o je c t w ith me. Dr. George L. C o rn ell, a committee member, deserves s p e c ia l re c o g n itio n fo r in tro d u cin g me to the Keweenaw Bay Community. The o th er members of my d o c to ra l committee, Dr. David Dwyer, Dr. Joseph S p ielb erg B en itez, and Dr. S co tt W hiteford a lso made in v a lu a b le c o n trib u tio n s to th is d i s s e r ta tio n . I a lso extend my a p p re c ia tio n to Dr. W illiam N. Fenton who sparked my i n t e r e s t in the e th n o h isto ry of Native Americans. Dr. G arrick B a ile y , Dr. Edmund J . D anziger, Dr. P h ilip Handrick, Dr. Joseph L opreato, Dr. David R indos, and Dr. J e rry Voss a l l provided numerous In s ig h ts th a t helped mold the f in a l p ro d u ct, even though many of th e ir c o n trib u tio n s are n o t ex p ressed. I also extend my g r a titu d e to the many o th ers who were h e lp fu l a t v arious sta g e s of the p ro je c t and only r e g r e t th a t they are too numerous to name. The re se arch was c a r rie d out in a number of arch iv es and vi lib ra rie s . Chief among them are the Michigan Public L ib rary ; the Michigan H is to ric a l Commission; the Michigan S ta te U n iv ersity L ibrary— e s p e c ia lly the Microforms and S pecial C o llectio n s d iv is io n s — ; the Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n a t C entral Michigan U n iv ersity ; the Archives of the D e tro it Annual Conference of the United M ethodist Church a t Adrian; the Bureau of Indian A ffa irs a t S au lt S te . M arie; the C atholic Diocese of D e tro it and the Burton C o llectio n of the D e tro it P ublic L ib rary . These I n s titu tio n s and th e ir s ta f f extended th e ir resources and answered my numerous q u e stio n s. I a lso express my a p p re c ia tio n to the foundations who co n trib u ted funds fo r th is research p r o je c t. (1985, 1986). Sigma Xi provided two g ra n ts -in -a id The W.B. and Candace Thoman Foundation a t Michigan S ta te U n iv ersity co n trib u ted funds as w ell as the i n i t i a l impetus to study the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community. F in a lly , deep g ra titu d e is extended to the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community and to i t s T rib a l Council fo r in v itin g me to study th e ir community. S p ec ific re c o g n itio n is given to Mr. Ted Holappa, Mr. Frank S helafoe, and Ms. Myrtle Tolonen, members of th a t community. in d iv id u a ls I say Migwetch. v ii To these TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES - LIST OF FIGURES I 1.5 II 1 In tro d u cto ry Remarks The Problem and I t s S ig n ifican ce The Concept of Community Ways of Studying Communities 1.4 .1 E th n ic ity 1 .4 .2 F actio n alism 1 .4 .2 .1 Networks A nalysis 1 .4 .2 .2 T ransaction Analysis 1 .4 .2 .3 Class S tru c tu re 1 .4 .2 .4 Relevance of F actionalism to the Keweenaw Bay 1 .4 .3 Macro-Micro A nalysis and S ta te P en etratio n 1 .4 .4 L im itatio n s to These Approaches Approach Taken In This Study I 7 10 12 12 15 18 18 19 21 22 24 27 EXTERNAL FACTORS INFLUENCING THE KEWEENAW BAY COMMUNITY 35 2.1 2.2 2.3 35 36 41 46 51 57 60 62 64 65 71 71 74 79 82 84 2.4 2.5 2.6 III ix INTRODUCTION 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 v iii In tro d u c to ry Remarks T ra d itio n a l Anishinabe C ulture The French Era 2 .3 .1 Impact on the Anishinabe The B r itis h Era 2 .4 .1 Impact on the Anishinabe The United S ta te s Era 2 .5 .1 Unifying the Two Economies 2 .5 .2 R eligious Unity 2 .5 .3 M itig atin g Conditions The Northwest T e rrito ry 2 .6 .1 Fear of B rita in 2 .6 .2 The Factory System 2 .6 .3 M issio naries and M lssio n izatio n 2 .6 .3 .1 Trader-M issionary R elations 2 .6 .3 .2 Impact on the Anishinabe THE KEWEENAW BAY TO 1849 86 3.1 3.2 86 87 In tro d u cto ry Remarks’ H istory of the Keweenaw Bay vili 3 .2 .1 3 .2 .2 The 'B e r th k e tt A ffair" G itshee Iaubance 94 97 3 .2 .3 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 E ffe c t of Euro-American In te rfe re n c e a t Keweenaw Bay 101 3 .2 .3 .1 C onservatives and P rogressives 103 3 .2 .3 .2 Mixed-Bloods 107 3 .2 .3 .2 .1 Routes by Which Mixed-bloods P a rtic ip a te d in White S ociety 108 3 .2 .3 .2 .2 The D eclining Role of Mixed-Bloods 110 3 .2 .3 .2 .3 Mixed-Bloods andWhites 115 3 .2 .3 .2 .4 D isIncorporation of Mixed-bloods andIndians 118 The M ethodist Mission 120 The C ath o lic Mission 138 3 .4 .1 F acto rs Influencing B araga's M inistry 139 3 .4 .2 B araga's M issionary A c tiv itie s Amongthe In d ian s 145 3 .4 .2 .1 Arbre Croche 145 3 .4 .2 .2 Grand River 148 3 .4 .2 .3 La P olnte 152 3 .4 .2 .4 R eprise 160 Baraga a t the Keweenaw Bay 162 3 .5 .1 The P ro te s ta n t Reaction and B araga's Response 167 The Comparative Growthof the Missions 184 IV THE KEWEENAW BAY, 1843-1881 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 In tro d u c to ry Remarks Economic Development Around the Keweenaw Bay 4 .2 .1 Copper 4 .2 .2 Iro n 4 .2 .3 'Lumber Conditions on the Keweenaw Bay 4 .3 .1 The Development of WhiteCommunities 4 .3 .1 .1 L'Anse 4 .3 .1 .2 Baraga 4 .3 .1 .3 Skanee 4 .3 .2 The I n d ia n s ' Role in the Economic Development of the Upper Peninsula 4 .3 .3 A nalysis Events Occurring Within the Indian Community 4 .4 .1 The L'Anse Township E lectio n s of 1865 4 .4 .2 The A llotm ent of Land 4 .4 .2 .1 In tro d u cto ry Remarks 4 .4 .2 .2 Antecedents of Land Allotm ent and the Treaty of 1854 4 .4 .2 .3 The Allotm ent of Land Indian M igrations and Inter-Community R e la tio n s, 1843-1881 4 .5 .1 M igrations ix 190 190 191 192 196 197 199 201 201 203 204 204 206 208 218 224 224 225 230 239 239 4 .6 V 240 246 ANALYSIS 249 5.1 5.2 5.3 249 250 259 260 263 267 269 271 5.4 VI 4 .5 .2 Inter-Community R elations Conclusions In tro d u c to ry Remarks R e c a p itu la tio n E valuation of A nthropological Models 5 .3 .1 E th n ic ity 5 .3 .2 F actio n alism 5 .3 .3 Macro-Micro A nalysis 5 .3 .4 S ta te -P e n e tra tio n A S y n th etic Model CONCLUSIONS 281 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 281 281 238 293 In tro d u c to ry Remarks C o n trib u tio n s Answers to Questions Posed D irectio n s fo r Future Research APPENDIX A: BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY 299 APPENDIX B: LETTER FROM SUB-AGENT BRUNSON TO GOVERNOR J.D . DOTY, JULY 18, 1843 308 BIBLIOGRAPHY: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS CITED A bbreviations Used Chapter I Chapter I I Chapter I I I Chapter IV Chapter V Chapter VI BIBLIOGRAPHY: 313 313 313 313 316 326 333 333 SECONDARY SOURCES ANDPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS x 334 LIST OF TABLES 1 Memorandum of O utstanding Debts of L'Anse Indians fo r the Years 1832-1843 With Jean B a p tiste Dubay 104 2 C ategories of Indebtedness of L'Anse Indians 105 3 Foreign-Born R esidents in Michigan, 1860-1890, by N a tio n a lity 195 Copper Country P o p u lation, 1850-1884 196 4 xi LIST OF FIGURES 1 P rin c ip a l Area Under Study: 2 A g ricu ltu re in the Upper P eninsula 3 D is trib u tio n of the Anishinabe 4 Growth of the M ethodist Indian Mission on the Keweenaw Bay, 1840-1881 189 S ections Described in the La Pointe Treaty of 1854 233 5 x ii The Keweenaw Bay 2 4 37 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 In tro d u cto ry Remarks This d is s e r ta tio n focuses on a case of community f is s io n and the r e s u ltin g form ation and maintenance of sep arate communities. The case occurred a t Keweenaw Bay of M ichigan's Upper P eninsula, where an Anishinabe (Ojibway or Chippewa) community,1 which had m aintained i t s e l f fo r about th ree c e n tu rie s underwent f is s io n . Two daughter communities emerged, each of which has now ex isted fo r more than one and a h a lf c e n tu rie s . A b e tte r understanding of the dynamics of th is s itu a tio n should shed new lig h t on fo rces which govern intra-com munity dynamics and the form ation and d iss o lu tio n of communities. The Indian community a t Keweenaw Bay (Figure 1) was much lik e any o th er Anishinabe community in the area in the e a rly n in eteen th cen tu ry . In h a b ita n ts su b siste d on a mixed economy of game hunting, f is h in g , and g ath erin g a wide v a r ie ty of wild products—among them wild r ic e , maple su g a r, and b e rrie s (K eller 1981: 1; Hickerson 1970: 10). Some bands a lso p ra c tic e d some h o r tic u ltu r e ; b u t th is was a minor p a r t of the 1 Vizenor (1972: x i l i ) and o th er Anishlnabeg (p lu ra l form of Anishinabe) s ta t e the term "Chippewa" and "Ojibway" are "invented" names. In keeping with the trend in an th ro p o lo g ical l i t e r a t u r e which uses the term indigenous groups use fo r them selves, r a th e r than those used by o th ers towards them ( e .g ., I n u it in stead of Eskimo), the term "Anishinabe" w ill be used in th is monograph. For co n sisten cy , the p lu ra l marker /g / ( a lte r n a tiv e ly /k /) w ill be om itted. 1 Bay ASSININS ZEBA BARAGA X L'ANSE Figure 1. Principal area under study: The Keweenaw Bay economy, due to the s h o rt growing season ( F ittin g 1970: 24) and poor s o il co n d itio n s In much of the area (Veatch 1941: 63) (Figure 2 ). In 1832, the American Fur Company tra d e r liv in g a t the Keweenaw Bay introduced a M ethodist m issionary. occur w ith in the community. M ethodist m issionary. This prompted a d iv is io n to Some members chose to a f f i l i a t e w ith the By 1834, th ere was a m ission v illa g e to accommodate these In d ia n s. Other members of the band, however, did not wish to become a p a r t of th is community. They em igrated and e s ta b lis h e d a new se ttle m e n t on the west sid e of the Bay (P rin d le 1842: 57). These two communities, now known as Zeba and A ssinlns, re s p e c tiv e ly , are s itu a te d n ear the present-day White communities of L'Anse and B araga.2 In 1843, a C atholic m issionary appeared among the schism atic segment, re p o rte d ly in v ite d th ere by the headman (Baraga September 12, 1843). He e s ta b lis h e d h is m ission across the bay from the M ethodist M ission. Most of those in d iv id u a ls who had separated from the M ethodist s e ttle m e n t became members of the C atholic community. Some in d iv id u a ls 'c r o s s e d - o v e r ' from the M ethodist m ission to the C atholic m ission and v ic e -v e rs a , although these cases were r a r e . Also of s ig n ific a n c e , th e re was l i t t l e apparent h o s t i l i t y re la te d to the development o f th ese communities. Both groups, although o r ig in a lly from a s in g le band, e s ta b lis h e d p a r tic u la r s o c ia l and c u ltu r a l p a tte r n s . These d iffe re n c e s and d is tin c tio n s p e r s is t to the p re se n t (1985). In essen ce, the two communities have become adapted to d if f e r e n t 2 Because these White communities came in to ex iste n c e l a t e in the sequence presented h ere, u n less otherw ise noted, the re feren ces to L'Anse and Baraga w ill r e f e r to the Anishinabe communities r a th e r than the White. S0 P * B , 0 B c higan Pf i n c i p a l A g r i c u l t u r a l Ar a a a -6 0 m i. wra 1967 Figure 2- Agriculture in the Upper Peninsula. Source: Heimonen 1957: 47. e c o lo g ic a l n ic h e s. o b se rv a tio n . There a re seven major f a c ts su p porting th is F i r s t , the two communities are sep arated by the Keweenaw Bay and by two non-Indian s e ttle m e n ts . Second, members of the communities today regard themselves as being members of two d if f e r e n t communities. I n d ia n '. An in d iv id u a l is known as a 'L 'A n se- ' or a 'B araga T h ird , both communities are v i r t u a l l y endogamous and Independent. I found very few cases of in te rm a rria g e and th e re is s u rp r is in g ly l i t t l e exchange of personnel between them. F o u rth , each community has i t s own p o l i t i c a l h ie ra rc h y , which to g e th e r, c o n s titu te the T rib a l Council (Planning Support Group 1977: 135). F i f t h , both communities have d i s t i n c t h e a lth p a tte r n s , suggesting d i f f e r e n t i a l a d a p ta tio n to the environm ent. For example, the g en eral p a tte rn of a lc o h o l consumption has remained r e la t iv e ly co n sta n t fo r the p a s t 130 y e a rs . A ll in d iv id u a ls rep o rted with problems asso c ia te d w ith high alco h o l consumption have come from the M ethodist m issio n . S ix th , the two se ttle m e n ts e s ta b lis h e d d is tin c tiv e economic o r ie n ta tio n s during the n in e te e n th century and continue to do so today. For example, the documents sug g est th a t the M ethodist Indians p a r tic ip a te d in the lab o r m arket w hile the C a th o lics ap p aren tly did n o t. communities observe d if f e r e n t cerem onies. F in a lly , the two The Baraga Indians h o st an annual pow-wow w hile the L'Anse Indians h o st an annual camp meeting (Louis and Gladys Church, p ersonal communication 1985, E ast L ansing). The development and endurance of th ese two communities has p e rs is te d in s p ite of p ressu res to re u n ite them in to a s in g le e n t ity . In 1842, the F ed eral government created a s in g le r e s e r v a tio n . Although the Treaty of La P o in te of 1842 s tip u la te d th a t the Indians were to re c e iv e in s tr u c tio n in black sm ithing, c a rp e n try , a g r ic u ltu r e , and form al e d u c a tio n , the Federal government rescinded a l l aid from the 6 C ath o lic community in an e f f o r t to e f f e c t i t s d is s o lu tio n (see S tu a rt A pril 20, 1844). The Treaty of 1854 e s ta b lis h e d the boundaries of a re se rv a tio n which contained both communities. A s in g le T rib al Council served as the p o l i t i c a l voice lin k in g i ts members with the Federal government. The F ed eral government sought and encouraged both communities to accept the economic system i t o ffe re d . In s p ite of t h is , however, only one community, the M ethodist, p a rtic ip a te d in th a t economy. The o th er community p e rs is te d in many of the tr a d itio n a l economic p u r s u its . These p o in ts are discussed in Chapters I I I and IV. In s p ite of e x te rn a l p ressu res fo r r e in te g ra tio n (described in Chapter I I I ) , the two communities p e r s is t to the p resen t day. R e in teg ra tio n has not occurred even though n e ith e r community is well o ff econom ically; in f a c t , both are a t the bottom of the s o c ia l and economic ladder of the United S ta te s (see Planning Support Group 1977: 2 7 -2 8 ).3 Evidence suggests many in d iv id u als have chosen to leave the re s e rv a tio n . The C atholic community, fo r example, had an estim ated p o p u lation of 1,000 in 1857, d eclin in g to 350 by 1860 (Jacker 1922). The M ethodist m ission did n o t w itness a concom itant in cre a se in p o p u latio n . By 1865 the e n tir e re se rv a tio n numbered about "one thousand souls" (M. Smith October 1865). There are no data in d ic a tin g what happened to those in d iv id u a ls who l e f t the C atholic community. The su g g estio n , however, is they em igrated from the a re a . E ith e r of the communities could have disappeared in the p a st as a r e s u l t o f these 3 In d ia n s, in g e n e ra l, are among the po o rest of e th n ic m in o ritie s in the United S ta te s (Manson 1985; Manson e t a l 1987: 166). p re ssu re s, y e t both remain v ia b le u n its . 1.2 The Problem and I ts S ig n ifican ce The c e n tra l problems of th is study are 1) to understand what occurred In the once u n ifie d Anishinabe community th a t caused I t s d iv is io n in 1832 and 2) the reasons fo r the rapid development of two d i s t i n c t e n t i t l e s with d if f e r e n t ad ap tatio n s and c u ltu r a l tr a d itio n s . How did both communities become v ia b le u n its in s p ite of e x te rn a l p re ssu re s fo r the p a st one and a q u a rte r c e n tu rie s to unify them? I a lso seek to understand the r e la tio n s h ip between the two communities th a t allowed them to in te r a c t as a sin g le group as perceived by the Federal government, while re ta in in g th e ir autonomy as s o c ia l and c u ltu r a l u n its . These themes pose e ig h t q u e stio n s. 1) Uhat caused the f is s io n to occur in 1832 ( ra th e r than any o th er tim e)? 2) Although k in sh ip played a ro le Influenced some in d iv id u a ls" d ecisio n with regard to th e ir community of re sid e n c e , how can we account fo r in d iv id u a ls whose kin liv e d on e ith e r sid e of the bay, and fo r in d iv id u a ls who may not have had kin in e ith e r community? 3) Uhat was the mechanism th a t perm itted the rap id development of two d i s t i n c t communities, even though the members shared a common c u ltu r a l h e rita g e and faced s im ila r environm ental p ressu res? 4) I found th a t those in d iv id u a ls who were more tr a d itio n a l in th e ir views were the ones who em igrated. C uriously, the same p a tte rn is observed in o th er Anishinabe cases and c r o s s - c u ltu r a lly as w e ll. What accounts fo r th is p a tte rn ? 5) How has the dual-community s tr u c tu r e a t the Keweenaw Bay endured fo r over a century when the communities are n e ith e r in com petition w ith one another nor sy m b io tically interdependent? 6) What accounts fo r the p ra c tic e of " c ro ssin g -o v e r” between the two communities? 7) What accounts fo r the d i s t i n c t p a tte r n of em igration to the o u tsid e th a t occurred in the two communities— the M ethodists em igrating as in d iv id u a ls, the C ath o lics as a group. Equally c u rio u s, what accounts fo r the in d iv id u a l em igration of C atholics to the M ethodist m ission b u t em igration in groups to the o u tsid e? 8) F in a lly , the m ission records of both communities in d ic a te th a t they had d i s t i n c t growth p a tte rn s which were ap p aren tly n ot linked to s h if ts occurring a t the o th er m issio n . How can th is be explained? This study is s ig n if ic a n t fo r a t l e a s t four reaso n s. F i r s t , i t is a long-term h i s t o r i c a l study of a community involving twin c o n sid e ratio n s of both s t a b i l i t y and change. A nthropologists have employed the community approach sin ce the 1930s (Beals and H oljer 1967: 731). They have stu d ie d c u ltu r a l c o n tin u ity and c u ltu re change a t l e a s t sin ce the 1950s, when they focused on the impact of tech n o lo g ical Innovations in p r e l i t e r a t e s o c ie tie s (Beals and H oljer 1967: 705-709). Most community s tu d ie s , however, have been synchronic in th e ir o r ie n ta tio n . Consequently, th ere has been com paratively l i t t l e exam ination of the issu e of s t a b i l i t y and change over a long period of tim e. This study sheds l i g h t on the processes and dynamics involved in community s t a b i l i t y and change over many g e n e ra tio n s. Second, a n th ro p o lo g ists have introduced many th e o rie s based on issu es r e la tin g to community s t a b i l i t y and change. Those proposed are la rg e ly synchronic because the community stu d ie s have been synchronic in scope. Studies of intra-com m unity dynamics have tr a d itio n a lly been conducted when the sch o la r can ask the in d iv id u a l or Immediate descendants to provide in fo rm ation about a p a r tic u la r ev en t. The c u rre n t case, because the f is s io n occurred a century and a h a lf ago, e n ta ile d the c o n s tra in t th a t n e ith e r the ethnographer nor immediate descendants were a liv e a t the time the f is s io n occurred. T h ird , th is case involves a co n sid e ra tio n of the in te ra c tio n s of a North American Indian group and m iss io n a rie s . Although many works c o n sid e r the impact of a m issionary on a tr a d itio n a l c u ltu r e , most co n cen trate on the impact of the m issionary upon the community (see Smalley ed. 1978), n ot on the in te r n a l processes th a t accompany the m issio n lz a tio n p ro cess. This study considers the d if f e r e n t i a l impacts the m issionary had on d is c r e te s o c ia l segments w ithin the community.4 Fourth, th is study is s ig n if ic a n t because th ere are few stu d ie s of North American Indians where two competing m issionary groups have been r e l a t iv e ly su c c e ssfu l in a sin g le band.5 This is the r e s u lt of an u n w ritten agreement between the P re sb y te ria n / C o n g re g a tlo n a list m issionary s o c ie ty and the F ederal government lim itin g a band's m issio n lz a tio n to the e f f o r ts of a sin g le m issionary s o c ie ty (see Chapter I I I ) . Although th e re are cases in which two m issions were e s ta b lis h e d w ith in a s in g le band, in most cases th is re s u lte d in one of two p a tte r n s . E ith e r one m issionary s o c ie ty proved in v ia b le and was forced to abandon the v e n tu re , or the band fis s io n e d w ith one segment m igrating to a d ista n c e from the o r ig in a l s e ttle m e n t. For example, a t Lac Vieux D esert, both a C ath o lic and a P ro te s ta n t church were s ta r te d , but only the C atholic m ission endured (James 1954: 41-42). An example 4 Kietzman and Smalley (1978: 524) a s s e r t th a t the m issio n ary 's ro le in c u ltu re change has been "very m inor." This study dem onstrates th e ir impact is not as minimal as they su g g est. 5 Rohrl (1981: 20) s ta te s th ere is P ro te s ta n ts and C atholics have e s ta b lis h e d m issions a t M ille Lacs R eserv atio n , but she does not s ta t e how long e ith e r have been o p e ra tin g . 10 of the second p a tte rn Is the band th a t Is now represented by the Red C lif f (C ath o lic) and Bad River (P ro te s ta n t) bands (S h iffo rd nd: 6) of A nishinabe. At the Keweenaw Bay the two groups liv e three m iles a p a r t. they share the Bame g e n eral eco lo g ical c o n d itio n s. Thus, Their proxim ity and common h e rita g e allow s a study comparing and c o n tra stin g th e ir long-term ad ap tatio n s to U hite c o n ta c t. This fe a tu re perm its the understanding th a t in te r n a l processes are as in stru m en tal in a community's ev o lu tio n as are the e x te rn a l forces th a t a c t upon i t . 1.3 The Concept of Community This study r e l ie s h e av ily on the concept of community. Ethnographies—e s p e c ia lly those w ritte n in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s—have used th is concept. The community centered approach f e l l in to d isfav o r during the 1960s and remains so a t the p re se n t tim e. Today, th is approach is c r i ti c iz e d because i t d isreg ard s the linkages between lo c a l le v e l events and the fo rces operating in the la r g e r s o c ie ty (DeWalt and P elto 1985: 5; B ennett 1985: 27; Canclan 1985: 69; C.A. Smith 1985: 83). In the 1960s, the concept of community faced c r itic is m because of the d i f f i c u l t y in d e fin in g what a community i s . 6 Some s o c io lo g is ts s ta t e a community "provides the s e ttin g fo r dealing w ith most of the needs and problems of d a ily liv in g " (McGee 1980: 139). This provides members a means by which common problems may be addressed and solved. 6 R.N. Adams (1962: 415) s ta te s R edfield found four a tt r i b u te s of a community: d is tin c tiv e n e s s , sm allness of s iz e , homogeneity, and s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y . He then shows th a t communities may n o t have any of these q u a l i t i e s . 11 This d e f in itio n Im plies th a t in d iv id u a ls liv in g w ith in a community are u n ited by a sin g le common p o l i t i c a l and economic s tru c tu re (H iebert 1976: 263-273). R.N. Adams (1965: 162) s ta te s , a community includes a network of s o c ia l r e la tio n s and the development of an id e n tity . These fe a tu re s , in p a r t, are a r e s u l t of the proxim ity of in d iv id u a ls liv in g w ith in a c e r ta in bounded a re a . However, there may be more than one p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e w ith in th a t a re a . The term "community,” has two d i s t i n c t meanings which are not n e c e s sa rily com patible. For example, we may regard the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community as a 'community' using the c r ite r io n of a t e r r i t o r y o p eratin g under the d ic ta te s of a sin g le p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e , the T rib a l Council. On the o th er hand, Zeba and A ssinins (th e M ethodist and C ath o lic Indian s e ttle m e n ts , re sp e c tiv e ly ) are connunities by the second d e f in itio n . For c u rre n t purposes, i t is p o ssib le to lin k these two d e fin itio n s to a rriv e a t a sin g le o p eratin g d e f in itio n of community. Cole and Wolf (1974: 21) define a community as "the outcome of two s e ts of fo rc e s , e c o lo g ica l on the one hand, economic, p o l i t i c a l , and id e o lo g ic a l on the o th e r ." This com bination, owing to the proxim ity of in d iv id u a ls , "produces a network of s o c ia l r e la tio n s , and an id e n tity i s formed among those who share in these experiences" (R.N. Adams 1965: 164). Members of th is s o c ia l network share g o a ls, in te r e s ts and v a lu e s. They employ s p e c ific "elem ents of th e ir perceived c u ltu r a l h e rita g e as symbols" to s e t themselves a p a rt from o th er sim ila r groups (Kennedy 1982: ix ) . This d e f in itio n allows us to consider both the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community and the two se ttle m e n ts th a t comprise i t (A ssinins and Zeba) as communities. This d e f in itio n considers the community to be la rg e ly s o c ia lly and 12 econom ically s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t (H ieb ert 1976: 263). While I t may acq u ire products from o th er such u n its , th e ir use is based upon the networks of lo c a l a c to r s . the norm. S im ila rly , th is c o n c e p tu a liz a tio n co nsiders endogamy as In d iv id u a ls from o th e r communities may marry in to the community, b u t they are n o t e s s e n tia l to the I n te g r ity of the la r g e r group. 1.4 Ways of Studying Communities A n th ro p o lo g ists and s o c io lo g is ts have developed a number of approaches to study community dynamics. Four of th ese are 1) e th n ic ity , 2) fa c tio n a lis m , 3) macro-micro in te r a c tio n a l a n a ly s is , and 4) s ta te - p e n e tr a tio n . Each of these approaches have th e ir own s tre n g th s and depend on a p a r tic u la r body of d a ta . In th is s e c tio n , I d iscu ss the approaches and the c o n trib u tio n s they make as they are re le v a n t to the understan d ing of the case of Keweenaw Bay. The next s e c tio n d esc rib e s the approach used to understand the e v o lu tio n of the Keweenaw Bay community. 1 .4 .1 E th n ic ity Cohen (1978: 387) has defined e th n ic ity as "a s e t of descent-based c u ltu r a l i d e n t i f i e r s used to a ssig n persons to groupings th a t expand and c o n tra c t in in v erse r e la tio n to the sc a le of ln c lu slv e n e ss and ex clu siv e n ess of the m embership." M ethodologically, eth n ic s tu d ie s provide a t l e a s t two Im portant frameworks im portant fo r the c u rre n t stu d y . F irs t, 13 C ulture c o n s is ts of the assumptions w ith which people in a p a r tic u la r group approach th e ir w orld, assumptions th a t are learned by each new g en eratio n w hile p a r tic ip a tin g in organized tra n s a c tio n s . Because they have s im ila r o r ie n ta tio n s toward th e ir environment, men who share a common c u ltu re develop s im ila r behavior p a tte r n s . Each s o c ia l group develops a unique c u ltu re , a s e t of p resu p p o sitio n s th a t evolve in a succession of c o lle c tiv e adjustm ents to the h is to r ic a l s itu a tio n s in which people fin d them selves. . . . To the e x ten t th a t an In d iv id u al a c ts as he is supposed to a c t, h is conform ity re in fo rc e s the e x is tin g norms. C u ltu ral p a tte r n s , then, are b u i l t up and perpetuated in Boclal in te r a c tio n (S hlbutani and Kwan 1965: 58). Second, and as a consequence of th is is th a t Our su b jec t m atter c o n s is ts of the re c u rre n t p a tte rn s of In te ra c tio n among men who b eliev e they are fundam entally d if f e r e n t by v ir tu e of h e re d ity . These b e lie f s have been rep eated ly demonstrated by s c ie n ti s t s to be f a ls e , but men a c t on the b asis of th e ir own in te r p r e ta tio n s of r e a l i t y . One im portant im p lic a tio n of approaching the s u b je c t m atter in th is manner is th a t community as a whole, ra th e r than an eth n ic group, becomes the b asic u n it of a n a ly s is ....F u rth e rm o re , the boundaries of a community must be defined h i s to r ic a ll y as w ell as g eo g rap h ically (S hlbutani and Kwan 1965: 54-55). These two premises l i e a t the base of e th n ic s tu d ie s . Many of these s tu d ie s focus on the in te ra c tio n of groups th a t are d is ti n c tly d if f e r e n t, perhaps because the phenomena th a t sep a ra te the two groups can be more e a s ily s tu d ie d . Examples of works where sch o la rs have analyzed the behaviors of d i s t i n c t groups are Kennedy's (1982) work among the In u it and S e ttle r s in n o rth ern Labrador, D.6. S m ith's (1975) study of N atives and O utsiders in the Mackenzie R iver D elta and R ubel's (1966) study of Chlcanos and Anglos in southern Texas. One case in which the groups under study are not so ap p aren tly d if f e r e n t is the study of two ad jacen t communities described by Cole and Wolf (1974). Another approach found in some monographs focusing on e th n ic ity is the premise th a t the groups share the e c o lo g ical c o n s tra in ts and 14 o p erate in conjunction w ith the economic system around them. This approach uses concepts derived from ecology and focus on the in te ra c tio n s of e th n ic groups. This is c le a r in B a rth 's (1956) c la s s ic study in n o rth ern P ak istan in which he d escrib es how d i s t i n c t e th n ic groups liv e in a sym biotic re la tio n s h ip w ith one another (see a lso Barth 1969). The above mentioned works, although d if f e r e n t in th e ir o rie n ta tio n s and argum ents, provided a s e r ie s of Im portant in s ig h ts th a t X considered of importance to the understanding of the Keweenaw Bay c ase . F i r s t , as monographs s im ila r in o rie n ta tio n to th a t of B arth , i t was im portant to understand the re la tio n s h ip of the two Indian conm unities to one an o th er. R u b el's (1966) work, provided the b a sis from which to determ ine th a t th e ir in te ra c tio n was not the same as would be the in te r a c tio n of two b a r rio s . [B arrio s] are n o t subcommunities, because the in h a b ita n ts are u su ally not known by the b a rrio name. B arrio s are Im portant because they form the b a sis fo r fa c tio n a lism . O ccasionally, b a rrio s are endogamous, b u t i t is ra re today th a t they s ig n if ic a n tly a f f e c t the m arriage system . R ather, they tend to serve as a b asis fo r p o l i t i c a l , r e lig io u s , e th n ic , or o th er s o c ia l d if f e r e n tia tio n (R.N. Adams 1965: 164). Although the two communities were d if f e r e n t in th e ir r e lig io u s and p o ssib ly p o l i t i c a l o r ie n ta tio n s , they regard themselves as d if f e r e n t and evidence suggests the two communities are highly endogamous. S hlbutani and Kwan (1965: 58) c a lle d fo r the understanding of c u ltu r a l d iffe re n c e s th a t c re a te boundaries between the two e th n ic groups. Other authors (see Kennedy 1982; D.G. Smith 1975) s ta t e these d iffe re n c e s take on symbolic meaning th a t i n h ib it members of one group from behaving in s p e c ific ways. These o b serv atio n s req u ired me to 15 determ ine b eh av io ral d iffe re n c e s which might have acquired symbolic meaning th a t have kept the two Indian communities d i s t i n c t . Shibutani and Kwan (1965: 58) have argued th a t Each s o c ia l group develops a unique c u ltu r e , a s e t of p resu p p o sitio n s th a t evolve in a succession of c o lle c tiv e adjustm ents to the h is t o r i c a l s itu a tio n s in which people fin d them selves. This statem en t, and the example of the two a lp in e v illa g e s provided by Cole and Wolf (1974), dem onstrated the Importance of a d iachronic approach to the understanding of the Keweenaw Bay. This was e s p e c ia lly im portant because a synchronic o r ie n ta tio n would n o t consider the o rig in s of the dual-community s tr u c tu r e , nor understand f u lly th a t both communities were products of a s in g le e n tit y . 1 .4 .2 F actionalism The prem ises underlying stu d ie s of e th n ic ity have spawned a s e rie s of d i s t i n c t but I n te r r e la te d frameworks fo r understanding community dynamics. One of these s u b fie ld s is fa c tio n a lism . The follow ing statem ent dem onstrates the clo se re la tio n s h ip between these two areas of study: " H is to r ic a lly , i t is n o t always p o ssib le to know whether the b a rrio s were e s ta b lis h e d on the b a sis of fa c tio n s or whether the fa c tio n s formed in terms of b a rrio membership" (R.N. Adams 1965: 164). Like some e th n ic ity s tu d ie s , fa c tio n a lism focuses on the in te r a c tio n between groups. Unlike e th n ic ity , i t focuses on com petition r a th e r than sym biosis. For com petition between two groups to occur, the two groups must share a common c u ltu ra l understanding of 16 the value of a p a r tic u la r reso u rce (see R.N. Adams 1970: 117-118). An Im portant d iffe re n c e between e th n ic ity and fa c tio n a lism , th en , Is th a t fa c tio n a lism focuses on the in te ra c tio n of groups sharing a common c u ltu r a l o rie n ta tio n toward a p a r tic u la r environm ental phenomenon, w hile e th n ic s tu d ie s re v e a l th a t members of a group do not share the same o rie n ta tio n to th a t phenomenon. Factionalism has a long h is to ry in s tu d ie s of North American Indians (see M etcalf 1974: 653). A number of sch o lars have shown th a t Native American communities fis s io n e d due to the in tro d u c tio n of a new ideology (Berkhofer 1965a; Schmalz 1977). F actionalism is re le v a n t to the case of the Keweenaw Bay because i t preceded the d iv is io n of the Keweenaw Bay community (S c h o o lc ra ft 1962: 137), and continued to plague the T rib al Council as la t e as 1941 (Danziger 1978: 136).? Consequently, although i t is conceivable th a t factio n alism played a minor ro le in inter-com m unity dynamics a t the Keweenaw Bay a f te r the development of the dual-community s tr u c tu r e , i t was im portant a t some p o in t in tim e. Studies of fa c tio n a lis m provide a number of im portant in sig h ts th a t were p o te n tia lly re le v a n t to the understanding of the Keweenaw Bay c a se . One of these is based upon concepts of le v e ls of a r tic u la tio n and power domains developed by R.N. Adams (1970; 1975). These two terms are d istin g u ish e d from one another c le a r ly in the follow ing statem ent: ? The T rib al Council was a c o n stru c tio n of the Federal government as a p o l i t i c a l e n tity w ith which i t could conduct business (Planning Support Group 1977: 134-136). T herefore, I consider fac tio n a lism in th is s e ttin g undem onstrative of inter-com m unity r e la tio n s . As w ill be seen , these occurrences of inter-com m unity fac tio n a lism have l i t t l e d ir e c t bearing on e ith e r community. 17 The o p eratin g u n its of a complex s o c ie ty c arry out c e r ta in a c t i v i t i e s . In the course of t h i s , I t Is in e v ita b le th a t p a r t of th e ir environment, e ith e r in a h e lp fu l or In an o b s tru c tiv e way, is made up of o th er u n its of human s o c ie ty . When the u n its meet in c o n fro n ta tio n s , they fin d themselves e ith e r standing in su p e ro rd in a te-su b o rd in ate p o s itio n s w ith re sp e c t to each o th e r, or recognizing each o th er as co o rd in a te s. When the l a t t e r i s the case, the two u n its o p erate a t the same le v e l of a r t i c u l a t i o n . When one e x e rc ise s c o n tro ls over the o th e r, the two operate in a power domain (R.N. Adams 1970: 53-54, emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . To understand the r e la tio n s h ip between the two communities a t the Keweenaw Bay— and th e ir r e la tio n to the la r g e r system of which they were a p a r t— i t was im portant to determ ine the r e la tiv e p o sitio n s of the groups in q u e stio n . Equally, i t was im portant to understand the nature of the re la tio n s h ip of in d iv id u a ls w ith in the communities v is - a - v is one another and how the fa c tio n s o rig in a te d . F actionalism s tu d ie s provide th ree avenues by which to approach these is s u e s . S alisb u ry and Silverman (1977) consider fa c tio n a lis m to be a product of a d ia le c tic p ro cess. They (1977: 1) focus on the co n d itio n s in which i t occurs; the way in which m u ltip le groups emerge w ithin a la rg e r group; how they oppose one another; and how the in te ra c tio n s of the opposing groups produce d e c isio n s, s o c ia l r e s tr u c tu r in g , or s o c ia l r i g i d i f i c a t i o n . They propose a model of fa c tio n a lism in which s o c ie tie s [are] c o n tin u a lly adapting themselves to an environment of o th er s o c ie tie s and of changing resources and technology; the ad ap tatio n s accumulate h i s t o r i c a l l y , each one being a product of the previous ad ap tatio n and the new r e a l i t y ; the mechanisms of ad ap tatio n involve in d iv id u al choices and d e c isio n s, b u t a lso are co n strain ed by major s o c ia l fo rc e s , such as r e la tio n s of production, to follow long-term ev o lu tio n ary d ire c tio n s (S alisb u ry and Silverman 1977: 6). Their work develops approaches fa c tio n a lis m from three 18 a n th ro p o lo g ica l frameworks: network a n a ly s is , tra n s a c tio n s , and a n a ly s is of c la s s s tr u c tu r e ( I b i d . ) . 1 .4 .2 .1 Networks A nalysis Networks a n a ly s is dem onstrates th a t fa c tio n a lism has a growth c y c le . I t ty p ic a lly begins w ith in te rp e rs o n a l lin k s of equal s tre n g th which then become more c e n tr a liz e d around ( fo r ease of d isc u ssio n ) two in d iv id u a ls . Through tim e, the community becomes p o lariz ed in to ''e sta b lish m e n t'' and 'o p p o s itio n ' f a c tio n s . The development of an ideology by e ith e r or both fa c tio n s r e s u lts in the esta b lish m en t of a p o l i t i c a l p a rty . This has f u rth e r ra m ific a tio n s on the s o c ie ty (S a lisb u ry and Silverm an 1977: 7 -8 ). 1 .4 .2 .2 T ran sactio n A nalysis T ran sa ctio n a l a n a ly s is is u s e fu l to fa c tio n a lism s tu d ie s because i t focuses on the n e g o tia tio n s w ith in the groups. I t presumes th a t each le ad e r attem pts to maximize h is /h e r p r o f its from the in te r a c tio n w ith the fo llo w ers (S a lisb u ry and Silverman 1977: 10). I t f u r th e r focuses on the r e la tio n s h ip w ith in a group of the le a d e r and h is /h e r fo llo w e rs, r a th e r than on the in te r a c tio n between the two le a d e rs ( Ib id .). These s tu d ie s have y ield ed th re e d i s t i n c t p a tte rn s of le a d e r-fo llo w e r in te r a c tio n . The most commonly observed p a tte r n is p atro n a g e, in which the le a d e r o ffe rs resources to the follow ers in exchange fo r th e ir su p p o rt. A second p a tte r n , group m o b iliz a tio n , analyzes the mechanisms by which groups become m obilized around 19 p a r tic u la r Issu es and by. which groups are formed. A th ird p a tte r n , opportunism , Is based on sh o rt-te rm In te ra c tio n s (S alisb u ry and Silverman 1977: 13). Each of these is r e la te d to d if f e r e n t p a tte rn s of resource a v a i l a b i l i t y ( I b i d . ) . Because these re la tio n s h ip s a f f e c t the a v a i l a b i l i t y of resources and th e ir d is tr ib u tio n , fa c tio n a l s tr a te g ie s a f f e c t the a v a i l a b i l i t y of re so u rc e s. 1 .4 .2 .3 Class S tru c tu re A f in a l approach to fa c tio n a lism a r is e s from the p ersp ectiv e of c la s s s tr u c tu r e . I t has observed th a t follow ers from the le s s p riv ile g e d c la s se s a tta c h themselves to lead ers belonging to the e l i t e s e c to r, and th a t fa c tio n s "are a device of the e l i t e to prevent the masses from a c q u irin g c la ss-c o n sc io u sn e ss” (S alisb u ry and Silverman 1977: 14). The estab lish m en t fa c tio n g en erally has a form al s tr u c tu r e but lacks an ideology and r e l ie s h eav ily on s e l f - i n t e r e s t and personalism to a t t r a c t fo llo w e rs. The opp o sitio n f a c tio n , by c o n tr a s t, appeals to an ideology and attem pts to develop a formal s tr u c tu r e , which i t in h e re n tly lacks (S alisb u ry and Silverman 1977: 14-15). Berkhofer (1965a) has made the same o b serv atio n among the Seneca. C losely r e la te d to th is approach is th a t which addresses the cases of fac tio n a lism which occur in " c la s s - le s s " s o c ie tie s . M etcalf (1974: 665) argues th a t the processes involved are 'v e ry analogous" to the c la s s c o n f lic ts th a t occur in a s o c ie ty w ith c la s s d is tin c tio n s . However, u n lik e c la s s d i s t in c tio n s , one does not know a p r io r i to which fa c tio n an in d iv id u a l w ill become a tta c h e d . There are many cases to draw upon, however, I w ill mention only two h ere. 20 Chagnon (1977: 360-361) d escrib es a case of v illa g e fis s io n in g among the Yanomamo as a r e s u l t of an e x tra m a rita l r e la tio n s h ip . A death among the ranks of one of the groups req u ired th a t h is kinsmen leav e the community ( I b i d . ) . Although they l e f t the community, the antagonism between groups co ntinued. This case in d ic a te s th a t membership in fa c tio n s r e s t s , a t le a s t in p a r t, on k in sh ip , and th a t r e la tio n s extend beyond v illa g e boundaries. In another case of v illa g e f is s io n in g , one which did n o t involve c o n f lic t, lin eag es fragmented " a t the weakest p o in t" (Chagnon 1968: 70) and formed another v illa g e with the same com position of the o r ig in a l community (Chagnon 1968: 70-71). Again, the im portance of k in sh ip i s evident in community form ation. A second case of fa c tio n a lis m w ithin a c la s s - le s s so c ie ty is the Hopi community O raibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972), in th is case, however, a response to the a c tio n s of an e x te rn a l o p eratin g u n it, the United S ta te s Federal government (Sekaquaptewa 1972: 247). The community became fragmented when some members argued th a t the headman had not performed h is duty c o r re c tly and had deceived them. The community was fis s io n e d along "P ro g ressiv e" and "C onservative" l i n e s . The C onservatives, although c o n s titu tin g the m ajo rity of the p o p u latio n , l e f t the community and e s ta b lis h e d th e ir own s e ttle m e n t, c a lle d New O raib i, fiv e m iles away (Sekaquaptewa 1972: 248-249). There is no evidence th a t k in sh ip was im portant in th is example of community f is s io n in g , and, u n lik e the Yanomamo case, antagonism between the two groups abated a f t e r the f is s io n had taken p la c e . 21 1 .4 .2 .4 Relevance of F actio n alism to the Keweenaw Bay Each of these approaches provided Im portant c o n trib u tio n s to the method employed In th is stu d y . F i r s t , I t required the co n c e p tu a liz a tio n of community dynamics as a d ia le c tic p ro cess, and req u ired an understanding o f the co n d itio n s under which fa c tio n a lism occurs and how the In te ra c tio n s of the opposing groups produce d ecisio n s and s o c ia l r e s tr u c tu rin g (S alisb u ry and Silverman 1977: 1). I t was n ecessary , then, to try to tease out of the documents points r e l a t iv e to In d iv id u al networks and the tra n sa c tio n s th a t occurred between in d iv id u a ls . I t was Im portant to determ ine, to the b e s t e x te n t p o s s ib le , why the community fis s io n e d In the way I t d id , and what held the members of the two daughter communities a p a rt from one an o th e r. Second, lik e some of the works concerned with eth n ic r e la tio n s , S alisb u ry and Silverman s tr e s s th a t Id eo lo g ic al fa c to rs play Im portant ro le s In the estab lish m en t of fa c tio n s . This is the case in both networks a n a ly sis and c la s s s tr u c tu r e . T ra n sac tio n a l a n a ly sis was Im portant to the Keweenaw Bay case because i t places a tte n tio n on the communities le a d e rs . U nfortunately, given the p au city of documents focusing on the In te ra c tio n s of the le a d e r w ith h is fo llo w e rs, the p a tte r n of in te ra c tio n cannot be determ ined. However, the le ad ers of the two communities a t Keweenaw Bay provided th e ir follow ers w ith some b e n e fits and, can be regarded as exemplars of the community. A nalysis of th e ir a c t i v i t i e s and the re a c tio n s of community members to them provide suggestions of the s o rt of a c t i v i t i e s th a t were considered "normal" or "good" by members of th a t community. These p ercep tions of a p p ro p riate or "good" behavior 22 can then be compared to those a c t i v i t i e s perceived as good by the o th er community, thereby providing a d d itio n a l clues of the kind of r e la tio n s th a t may have e x iste d between the two Indian communities. 1 .4 .3 Macro-Micro A nalysis and S tate P en etratio n While e th n ic and fa c tio n a lism s tu d ie s focus p rim arily uponin t r a ­ community dynamics, macro-micro an aly sis focuses i t s a tte n tio n on the in te ra c tio n s of the lo c a l community w ith the la rg e r system of which i t is a p a r t. Unlike dependency theory, which assumed th a t lo c a l communities are p assive r e c ip ie n ts of p o lic ie s (C.A. Smith 1985: 83), macro-micro analyses views the I n te ra c tio n as a d ia le c ti c —as a dynamic and in te r a c tiv e r e la tio n s h ip (see DeWalt and P elto e d s ., 1985). And, u n lik e many s tu d ie s of e th n ic ity , macro-micro a n a ly sis is diachronic (DeWalt and P elto 1985: 4, 5). One of the tren d s w ith in s tu d ie s of th is approach has been to co n sid er a region as the framework upon which to base the a n a ly sis (see C.A. Smith 1985). This allows the observation of a wider range of g en eral trends and d i s t i n c t p a tte rn s v arious communities take as they i n t e r a c t with the n a tio n a l system of which they are a p a r t. This perm its the ob serv atio n th a t no two communities, although responding to s im ila r p re ssu re s, respond in id e n tic a l manners (see W.R. Smith 1977). D if fe r e n tia l responses maybe due, in p a r t, to a d if f e r e n t i a l e x te n t to which lo c a l communities d e sire to p a r tic ip a te f u lly in the n a tio n a l system or are d i f f e r e n t i a l l y capable of p a r tic ip a tin g in i t (Gmelch 1986; Baureiss 1982: 69). Although p a r tic ip a tio n in th a t system may be unavoidable, the le v e l a t which p a r tic ip a tio n occurs is v a r ia b le . Consequently, i t is im portant to determine whether th ere are 23 d iffe re n c e s between the two communities r e la tiv e to d i f f e r e n t i a l p a r tic ip a tio n In the n a tio n a l system . C.A. Smith (1985: 84) Is one of the few au th o rs who ad d resses th is problem and c r i t i c i z e s the lack of a tte n tio n to I t : [A ]nthropologlst8 are u s u a lly p riv ile g e d to s e e , and o fte n record how people make th e i r own h is to r y — how people form lo c a l- le v e l I n s t itu t io n s th a t a re o fte n opposed to the I n te r e s ts of c a p ita lis m , how these i n s t i t u t i o n s a re sometimes the means by which peasants or o th e r groups r e s i s t c a p i t a l i s t in c o rp o ra tio n , and thus how they a re resp o n sib le fo r the p a r tic u la r kind of c a p ita lism e x ta n t in p e rip h e ra l s o c ia l fo rm atio n s. Yet a n th ro p o lo g is ts remain q u ite o n e-sid ed , a ssig n in g potency and c a u s a lity only to the e x te rn a l fo rc e s (emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . S ta te p e n e tra tio n is a th e o r e tic a l framework th a t is somewhat alig n ed w ith macro-micro a n a ly s is in th a t i t , too, co nsiders the place o f the lo c a l community in i t s in te ra c tio n s w ith a la r g e r system . I t is d i s t i n c t , however, in th a t i t observes th a t j u s t as any two communities w ith in a region mayr e a c t d i s t i n c t l y to common p re s s u re s , so too may two in d iv id u a ls w ith in a s in g le community d i f f e r in th e ir responses to s im ila r p re ss u re s . This is c le a r in B lok's (1974) study of Genuardo and the r i s e of the m afio si w ith in th a t v ill a g e . B lo k 's a n a ly s is of Genuardo is re le v a n t to the Keweenaw Bay because the Indian community a t the Keweenaw Bay a ls o co n siste d of th re e groups of in d iv id u a ls : b lo o d s.8 the In d ia n s, the W hites, and the Mixed- Like the m a fio si, the Mixed-bloods acted as in te rm e d ia rie s 8 The term 'M ix ed -b lo od' is used to d esig n ate those in d iv id u a ls w ith a mixed White and Indian h e r ita g e . This term is le s s p e jo r a tiv e than the commonly used h a lf-b re e d and is the term used in government documents. The term is c a p ita liz e d to s ig n ify i t s use as a p ro p e r noun. The term Metis is used fo r th is segment of the population in Canada, b u t is not employed in the United S ta te s by e ith e r Indians or government o f f i c i a l s (George C ornell p erso n al communication, East Lansing May 7, 1987). 24 between the Indians and the W hites, and thus were c u ltu r a l brokers (Douard 1987: 159). Macro-micro analyses and s ta te p e n e tra tio n provided a t l e a s t two im portant m ethodological c o n s id e ra tio n s . F i r s t , although members of the lo c a l communities were n ot n e c e s s a rily Involved in the a c t i v i t i e s th a t influenced th e ir liv e s th a t occurred in la rg e r s o c ia l and economic s e ttin g s , those a c t i v i t i e s could not be Ignored because s ta t e p e n e tra tio n influenced the responses communities took. Second, these s tu d ie s in d icated th a t in d iv id u a ls w ithin a sin g le community could have d if f e r e n t responses to common p re ss u re s . I t became im portant, then, to tr y to determ ine how members w ithin the community responded to these e x te rn a l p ressu res and how d i s t i n c t groups emerged from th a t community. This was thought to illu m in a te issu e s re sp e c tin g the rapid development of two r e l a t iv e ly autonomous communities. As S hlbutani and Kwan (1965: 58) s ta te d above, "to the e x te n t th a t an In d iv id u al acts as he is supposed to a c t, h is conform ity re in fo rc e s the e x is tin g norms." Because the two communities operated r e la tiv e ly independently, the norms expressed w ithin each community could develop in to d i s t i n c t c u ltu r a l e x p ressio n s. 1 .4 .4 L im ita tio n s to These Approaches Each of the above mentioned th e o r e tic a l frameworks provide th o u g h tfu l in s ig h ts to the study of community dynamics. Each, however, also faces c e r ta in lim ita tio n s which impeded th e ir f u l l c o n sid e ratio n in lending to an understanding of the case presented by the Keweenaw Bay. In th is s e c tio n , I d esc rib e what these lim ita tio n s were and the approach taken in th is study. As w ill be seen, the approach taken 25 combines the b e n e fits of each of the v ario u s approaches described above and has am eliorated th e ir lim ita tio n s by using elements of a d if f e r e n t model. Studies of e th n ic ity were lim ite d by two im portant c o n s id e ra tio n s . F i r s t , the s tu d ie s are la rg e ly synchronic in n a tu re . That i s , they focus upon intra-com m unity dynamics from a sin g le p o in t in tim e. Although Cole and Wolf (1974) Incorporated a diach ro n ic dimension to th e ir study w ith th e ir understanding of the h is to r ic a l processes r e s u ltin g in the development of ra d ic a lly d i s t i n c t communities, th e ir study was e s s e n tia lly synchronic. A second lim ita tio n to s tu d ie s using e th n ic ity is th e ir focus upon intra-com m unity processes to the ex clu sio n of any system atic understanding of the e x te rn a l events th a t caused members of the community to behave as they did. F actio n alism , lik e e th n ic ity , places g re a t emphasis on i n t r a community dynamics. While the case of O raib i, above, mentions the ro le of e x te rn a l a c to rs ( i . e . , the Federal government), the primary emphasis was on how groups of in d iv id u a ls acted in such a manner as to produce a schism . F actio n alism s tu d ie s , by th e ir very n a tu re , are d iac h ro n ic . The approach to fa c tio n a lism advocated by Silverman and S alisb u ry (1977), fo r example, regards fa c tio n a lism to be a d ia le c tic p ro cess, where the a c tio n s of one p arty r e s u l t in re a c tio n s on the p a rt of a second group, to which the f i r s t group, in tu rn , r e a c t. To understand intra-com m unity dynamics, i t is im portant to understand the o rig in s of ten sio n s between p a r t ie s . community fis s io n e d . Some of these s tu d ie s in d ic a te th a t the These s tu d ie s are f u rth e r lim ite d because the sc h o la r focuses on what occurred w ithin a s in g le community, while v i r t u a l l y Ignoring the o th e r. Thus, one understands what occurred in one group, but not what happened in the o th e r. 26 Macro-micro a n a ly se s, u n lik e e th n ic ity and fa c tio n a lism , d ir e c t th e ir focus on the in te ra c tio n s of lo c a l communities to s u p ra -lo c a l p re ss u re s . Thus, th e ir focus is placed on e x te rn a l processes and n o t in te r n a l dynamics. Impeding the co n sid e ra tio n of in te r n a l dynamics is th e ir advocation th a t a reg io n , not a sin g le community, become the u n it of fo cu s. As a r e s u l t , the a c t i v i t i e s occurring w ith in a p a r tic u la r community are regarded as homogeneous and intra-com m unity v a r ia tio n i s overlooked. This approach is also lim ite d because the communities th a t form p a rt of the reg io n under study are already in e x iste n c e . These s tu d ie s , then, although p o te n tia lly d iac h ro n ic , do not consider the o rig in s of communities. The s ta te p e n e tra tio n approach, lik e macro-micro a n aly ses, takes in to co n sid e ra tio n the e x tr a -lo c a l a c t i v i t i e s th a t in flu en ce community members. V hile th is approach a lso recognizes th a t intra-community v a r ia tio n occurs in response to e x te rn a l p re ssu re s, i t im plies th a t a l l members of the community acquiesce to the pressu res exerted upon them. Evidence from the Keweenaw Bay suggests th a t not a l l members of th a t community were e q u ally m otivated to accept the co n d itio n s imposed upon them by the United S ta te s . One group th a t most c lo se ly performs along the lin e s of what seems to be s im ila r to the C atholic Indians a t the Keweenaw Bay are the gyp sies (Gmelch 1986). However, members of th is group, by v irtu e of th e ir m igratory p a tte r n s , f a l l to conform to the concept of community as defined above. One f in a l lim ita tio n imposed upon the c o n sid e ra tio n of these models to the Keweenaw Bay case is th a t each of them is based on ethnographic cases in which the sch o la r has ready access to key in d iv id u a ls and to the im portant d ata bases upon which those models depend. The Keweenaw Bay c a se , by c o n tr a s t, is a h is to r ic event in 27 which the re se a rc h e r and the key In d iv id u als were not a liv e a t the same tim e. This meant th a t I was lim ite d to understand what occurred a t the Keweenaw Bay using documents generated by o th er In d iv id u a ls , none of whom was a tra in e d ethnographer. 1.5 Approach Taken in This Study The approach developed here drew s e le c tiv e ly from each of the four approaches described above; y e t, due to the sp e c ia l circum stances posed by th is case and the lim ita tio n s in h eren t in those approaches, none of them could be used e x c lu siv e ly . Here I d escrib e the approach developed lending to the in te r p r e ta tio n of the case of v illa g e f is s io n I discu ss in these pages. Ethnic stu d ie s co n trib u ted the concept th a t groups behave in c u ltu r a lly p rescrib ed ways and th a t one can document the d iffe re n c e s beh av io ral p a tte rn s to defin e the lim its of two groups. Although the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community was composed of one eth n ic group, the A nishinabe, documents revealed th a t the two daughter communities developed d i s t i n c t b eh av io ral p a tte rn s in response to White encroachm ent. E qually im p o rtan t, the concept th a t these b ehavioral p a tte rn s are products of h i s t o r i c a l events req u ired me to extend the period of study to understand how the Anishinabe in te ra c te d w ith o th er indigenous groups. These b eh av io ral p a tte r n s , i t was assumed, would u n d e rlie th e ir in te ra c tio n s with W hites. S tu d ies of fa c tio n a lism presented the concept th a t schisms in c la s s - le s s s o c ie tie s can occur as a r e s u l t of exogenous as w ell as endogenous p ressu res to which groups of in d iv id u a ls responded d i f f e r e n t l y , and th a t schisms could occur along lin e s of kin sh ip or as 28 a r e s u l t of d if f e r e n t o r ie n ta tio n s to e x te rn a l p re s s u re s . I sought to determ ine whether the documents revealed whether e ith e r or both of these p a tte rn s occurred a t the Keweenaw Bay. S tu d ies of fa c tio n a lis m a lso revealed th a t le a d e rs became such because they o ffe re d p a r tic u la r goods and se rv ic e s considered b e n e f ic ia l to th e ir fo llo w e rs . The a c t i v i t i e s of these le a d e rs are most fre q u e n tly d escrib ed in the e th n o h ls to ric documents, th u s, p e rm ittin g su ggestions of some of the b e n e fits they o ffe re d . Moreover, th e ir s tr u c tu r a l p o s itio n in s o c ie ty o fte n r e f l e c t s c o n sid e ra tio n s of what types of behaviors were regarded as exemplary fo r members of th a t community. D ifferen ces in the l e a d e r s ' behaviors r e fle c te d community d iffe re n c e s in ideas of a p p ro p ria te b eh av io r, thus th e ir a c t i v i t i e s , follow ing the lin e s d escrib ed in e th n ic s tu d ie s , became symbolic of group membership. Macro-micro in te r a c tio n a l analyses and s ta te p e n e tra tio n models revealed the fundam ental concept th a t I must look beyond the confines of the community to understand the case a t hand. Macro-micro in te r a c tio n a l an aly ses p resen ted the n o tio n th a t one must take a re g io n a l p e rs p e c tiv e . dim ensions. I employed a re g io n a l p e rsp e c tiv e in two F i r s t , I undertook a study of the economic development in th e Upper P eninsula as a whole. This enabled me to b e tt e r understand the c o n tex t of the economic development occurring around the Keweenaw Bay. Second, I considered the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community as a reg io n composed of two v i l l a g e s . Other s tu d ie s using the macro-micro in te r a c tio n a l a n a ly s is approach rev ealed th a t no two communities respond id e n tic a lly to s im ila r p re ssu re s ex erted by e x te rn a l fo rc e s . The proxim ity of the two Indian comm unities, as w ell as th e ir common o r ig in , encouraged th is c o n s id e ra tio n fo r the Keweenaw Bay. I sought 29 to understand how each community responded to U hlte encroachment. Both macro-micro in te r a c tio n a l a n a ly sis and s ta t e p e n e tra tio n revealed th a t i t was Im portant to understand what the Europeans and Indians o ffered one another and how the lo c a l community became a p a rt of the la rg e r world economy. S ta te p e n e tra tio n models revealed th a t In d iv id u a ls liv in g w ith in a sin g le community are a ffe c te d d if f e r e n tly by the p e n e tra tio n of a cash economy. Jarvenpa and Brumbach (1985) have re c e n tly employed tra d e r account books to study the Metis in a Canadian Cree community. One such document, co-dating w ith the estab lish m en t of the M ethodist m ission (1832-1834), prompted me to consider whether th is might re v eal d iffe re n c e s in In d iv id u a ls ' o r ie n ta tio n toward s ta te p e n e tra tio n and whether p a tte rn s of behavior might be e l i c i t e d . C ro s s-c u ltu ra l a n a ly s is , a hallm ark of an th ro p o lo g ica l re search , revealed th a t the d if f e r e n t o rie n ta tio n s toward s ta te p e n e tra tio n are m irrored in ideology. In L atin America, fo r example, upwardly mobile in d iv id u a ls with l i t t l e vested in t e r e s t in the tr a d itio n a l system are a ttr a c te d to the cash economy and to P ro te sta n tism . The e l i t e and those a t the very bottom of the socioeconomic h ierarch y freq u en tly opt fo r C atholicism (Nida 1978a; 1978b; S aler 1978: 588). I sought to determ ine whether a s im ila r p a tte rn held fo r the Keweenaw Bay. T y re ll (1979a; 1979b) has made a s im ila r argument fo r d iffe re n c e s in P ro te s ta n t s e c ts . Because m issio n iz a tio n a t the Keweenaw Bay e n ta ile d m issionary a c t i v i t i e s of M ethodists and C a th o lic s, i t was im portant to understand what messages and o p p o rtu n itie s these m issionary s o c ie tie s provided to the In d ia n s. Equally im portant, however, is th a t P re sb y te ria n m issio n aries were in f lu e n tia l in d ire c tin g United S ta te s Indian p o licy . I t was th e re fo re necessary to 30 understand th e ir ro le in the e n tir e process of White encroachment a t the Keweenaw Bay. For reasons described above, I approached th is study d ia c h ro n ic a lly , beginning w ith pre-W hite co n tact and traced the ev o lu tio n of Anishinabe - White in te ra c tio n s through to the n in eteen th cen tu ry . This approach revealed a number of phenomena th a t have n o t been brought to g eth er in any system atic fash io n . While i t is w e ll- known th a t the Europeans tre a te d the Indians d if f e r e n tly and th a t these d iffe re n c e s had impacts on indigenous s o c ie tie s , i t is not fre q u e n tly acknowledged th a t these d iffe re n c e s had d if f e r e n t i a l impacts w ith in Indian communities. Thus, I used a combination of the e sta b lish e d a n th ro p o lo g ica l approaches to determ ine what e f fe c ts these a lte r a tio n s may have had. There were two im portant fe a tu re s th a t re a d ily emerged when I posed th is query to the documents. The f i r s t was th a t White encroachment e n ta ile d the a c t i v i t i e s of d i s t i n c t groups of Whites: tra d e rs , m issio n a rie s, government o f f i c i a l s , and, e s p e c ia lly during the mid n in e tee n th cen tu ry , land and m ineral sp e c u la to rs . Each of these groups had d if f e r e n t r e la tio n s w ith the In d ian s, and w ith one an o th er. Thus, employing concepts derived from in te r a c tio n a l a n a ly s is and s ta te p e n e tra tio n , i t was im portant to understand the n atu re of th e ir in te r a c tio n s , and the e f f e c ts these in te ra c tio n s had upon the Indian communities. The second fe a tu re th a t emerged was th a t the Mixed-bloods emerged as a product of these r e la tio n s h ip s . Their ro le in Indian - White r e la tio n s has been the su b je c t of many monographs (B ieder 1980; Brown 1983; Peterson and Brown 1987) s tr u c tu r a lly occupied the same niche as the m afiosi in B lok's (1974) study of Genuardo. However, a diachronic 31 p e rsp ectiv e revealed th a t a t any given time th ere might be more than one avenue by which an Indian could Interm arry with a White and produce o ffsp rin g th a t became M ixed-bloods. Equally im portant was the o b serv atio n th a t during the period under study (1832-1881) a l l of th ese avenues became closed v i r t u a l l y o v e rn ig h t. To w it, in 1825 th is segment of the population was in te g ra l to United S ta te s - Indian p o licy and economic in te ra c tio n s (S ch o o lc raft June 22, 1825; June 25, 1825; Stone and Chaput 1978: 608).9 By 1840 they were considered impediments to Indian a s s im ila tio n is t p o lic ie s (S ch o o lc raft Ju ly 15, 1840). This had to have an impact on Anishinabe s o c ie ty ; and, i t was supposed, had d i f f e r e n t i a l impact w ith in any Indian community as a r e s u l t of d if f e r e n t i a l Impact of s ta te p e n e tra tio n . To b e tte r understand the impact th a t th is had on Indian s o c ie ty , I r e lie d h ea v ily on statem ents and monographs made by In d ian s. Although th ere are many fin e monographs focusing on the ro le of the m issio n aries in United S ta te s - Indian p o lic y , i t is not o ften revealed th a t these m issio n a rie s themselves were re a c tin g to s o c ia l and economic p ressu res ex erted by the world economic system upon White communities. Equally im p o rtant, as s ta te d above, they, due to th e ir own place in the w hite s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e , had d if f e r e n t views of r e a li ty (Hadden 1971: 3; T y re ll 1979a; 1979b). Because these in d iv id u a ls were a prim ary lin k between Whites and Indians i t became im portant to understand the p ressu res to which the m issio n a rie s were responding, and determ ine whether these p ressu res were m anifested in th e ir Indian m issionary e f f o r t s . Consequently, in a d d itio n to using the government 9 While i t may be argued the government used tra d e rs as the in te rm e d ia rie s , i t is n o n eth eless the case th a t many of these tra d e rs were Mixed-bloods or m arried to In d ia n s. 32 re co rd s, I turned to documents generated by the m issio n aries themselves and the o rg an izatio n s of which they were members.10 One f in a l innovation used in th is study, b u t derived from s tu d ie s of e th n ic ity was the documentation of what c o n s titu te d "ap p ro p riate behavior" in a community. By focusing on the behaviors of lead ers w ith in the community, re a c tio n s of community members to these b eh av io rs, and the e x te n t to which these behaviors were rep e a te d , and by whom, perm itted the understanding of what c o n s titu te d a p p ro p riate behavior. Each of these b eh av io ral p a tte r n s , derived from common c u ltu r a l ex p erien ces, became Imbued with d i f f e r e n t i a l meaning. end of the By the period under stu d y, the M ethodist community very c le a r ly had adopted White beh av io ral p ra c tic e s p e rta in in g to the C a th o lic s . not revealed in the documents Thus, the M ethodist community also adapted to ex te rn a l p ressu res in manners considered a p p ro p ria te by W hites. In b r ie f , the approach developed here analyzed the various p ressu res exerted upon members of the Indian community and th e d if f e r e n t responses th ese e l i c i t e d . This revealed the emergence of th ree d is c re te groups of In d iv id u a ls —T r a d itio n a lis ts , P ro g ressiv es, and M ixed-bloods. Each of these groups, in accordance with o b serv atio n s derived from e th n ic s tu d ie s , m anifested d if f e r e n t b e h av io rs. Before co n tin u in g , a cav eat is in o rd e r. I use the terms " T r a d itio n a lis ts " and "P ro g ressiv es" as h e u r is tic devices to segment the indigenous community on the b a sis of documented beh av io ral p a tte r n s . The T r a d itio n a lis ts are those whose l i f e s t y l e most c lo se ly 10 Appendix A is a b ib lio g ra p h ic essay th a t provides fu rth e r inform ation about these re so u rc e s. 33 approximated the tr a d itio n a l values in cu lcated by Anishinabe s o c ie ty p rio r to White c o n ta ct a t any p a r tic u la r p o in t in tim e. Those in d iv id u a ls who deviated from t h i s , i . e . , accepted more f u lly the values in cu lcated by W hites, I regard as P ro g ressiv es. There is no in d ic a tio n th a t these groups regarded themselves in these term s. I used the approach described above in r e la tio n to those groups of in d iv id u a ls w ith whom the Indians had d ir e c t c o n ta c t: tra d e rs and o th er en tre p re n e u rs, m issio n a rie s, and government o f f i c i a l s . The e th n o h isto ric documents—w ritte n by in d iv id u a ls w ith a m u ltitu d e of p e rsp e c tiv e s—perm itted me to understand the e x te rn a l and In te rn a l dynamics th a t a ffe c te d Indian - White in te ra c tio n s and a lte r a tio n s in those In te ra c tio n s through tim e. Because the two communities e x iste d sid e by s id e , i t was p o ssib le to document the d if f e r e n tia l responses to White encroachment and behaviors considered "ap p ro p riate" w ithin each community. One f in a l c av e at. h o lis tic . A nthropologists p rid e themselves on being By using th is approach, I , too, attem pted to be h o l i s t i c . I do, however, recognize th a t the approach taken here is la rg e ly economic and s o c ia l, and not p sy ch o lo g ical. I have re fra in e d from using a p sychological approach because I view two p o te n tia l problems in understanding the a f f e c ts of m issio n izatio n on indigenous communities: in te r n a liz a tio n and m o tiv atio n . Stone and Cbaput (1978: 604) have s ta te d th a t "C atholicism (and by ex tension P ro testan tism ) was o fte n only a veneer over Indian r e lig io n " (parentheses m ine). Thus, i t is im possible to determ ine, e s p e c ia lly in an e th n o h isto ric case, to what e x te n t the Divine Messages had any meaning to any p a r tic u la r in d iv id u a l. The second p o te n tia l problem, m o tiv atio n , is b e s t revealed in the 34 follow ing statem en t: [R ]elig io u s conversion may sometimes c o n s titu te a th e ra p e u tic a c t of self-aggrandizem ent. Where an in d iv id u a l with a strong d riv e to affirm him self e x is te n tia lly cannot achieve adequate g r a tif ic a t io n of th a t d riv e by u t i l i z i n g tr a d itio n a l s o c io c u ltu ra l means, conversion to a new r e lig io n in the face of strong s o c ia l d isapproval may be instrum ental in achieving the g r e a te s t g r a t if i c a t i o n (S a le r 1978: 583). T rigger (1965: 44) has s ta te d th a t economic fa c to rs may also in flu en ce an in d iv id u al to convert to a new r e lig io n . Again, using e th n o h isto ric documents a lo n e , i t is n o t p o ssib le to understand what caused an in d iv id u a l to co n v ert. By avoiding psychological issu es a lto g e th e r, i t was p o ssib le to avoid these two problems. CHAPTER I I EXTERNAL FACTORS INFLUENCING THE KEWEENAW BAY COMMUNITY 2.1 In tro d u cto ry Remarks People have liv ed a t the Keweenaw Bay since the Late Woodland P erio d . Many groups have liv e d in the area throughout p re h isto ry , overlapping in time and m igrating in and o u t of the reg io n . This makes th e ir id e n tif ic a tio n of those resp o n sib le fo r these s it e s unclear ( F ittin g 1978a: 15) and " sp e c u la tiv e " (Brose 1978: 582). This chapter focuses begins with the h i s t o r ic period about which more is known. This ch ap ter examines the circum stances leading up to the Community's d iv is io n . I contend th a t although a l l in d iv id u a ls were affe c te d by environm ental p re ss u re s , groups of in d iv id u a ls were a ffe c te d d if f e r e n tly . These d iffe re n c e s re su lte d in d if f e r e n t behavioral p a tte r n s . The ch apter c o n s is ts of four p rin c ip a l s e c tio n s . The f i r s t p resen ts a c u ltu r a l h is to ry of the area to the beginning of the h is to r ic p erio d . The n ext two se c tio n s p resen t a h is to r y of French and B r itis h a c t i v i t i e s in the Northwest T e rrito ry and th e ir r e la tio n s with the Indians u n t i l about 1816. The fo u rth s h if ts to the c o lo n ia l and e a rly re p u b lic period of the United S ta te s and d iscu sses some underlying themes th a t influenced the behaviors of United S ta te s c itiz e n s when they entered the Northwest T e rrito ry . The Keweenaw Bay Indian Community is located on the southern shore of Lake Superior on e ith e r side of the Keweenaw Bay. 35 The fo re s ts 36 surrounding the Community c o n s is t of mixed hardwoods and c o n ife rs ( F ittin g 1970: 23). The area is c h aracterize d by cold w inters with average tem peratures below 27 degrees F ahrenheit ( I b i d . ) . The summers are c o o l, tem peratures averaging le s s than 72 degrees F ahrenheit ( I b id .) and average about 60 consecutive f r o s t- f r e e days per year ( F ittin g 1970: 24). These co nditions hampered h o r tic u ltu r a l or a g r ic u ltu r a l a c t i v i t i e s throughout h is to r y . 2.2 T ra d itio n a l Anishlnabe C ulture The h isto rica lly -k n o w n Native Americans of Keweenaw Bay were the A nishlnabe. They ap p aren tly o r ig in a lly liv ed in a region near the A tla n tic co a st (Warren 1957: 78) and m igrated westward with the Potawatomies and Ottawas (Danziger 1978: 7; Peckham 1947: 1). Once in the Great Lakes reg io n , the Ottawa, Potawatoml, and Anishlnabe se p a ra te d , in h a b itin g d i s t i n c t regions of Michigan and the surrounding area (Schmalz 1977: 2) (F igure 3 ). The Anishlnabe in h ab ited what is now the Upper P eninsula of Michigan, the e a s te rn p o rtio n of the Lower P eninsula, and ad jac en t regions of Canada (C ornell 1986: 85). They e s ta b lis h e d some of th e ir v illa g e s in the w estern region of Lake S u p erio r, p lacin g th e ir p rin c ip a l cen te r a t Chequamegon (Madeline) Islan d (G ilb e rt December 10, 1853; Hlckerson 1962: 67). Some, but not a l l , Anishlnabe b eliev e "Madeline Islan d is our t r i b a l home, the p lace where the e a rth began" (Vizenor 1984: 47). Authors vary as to when the Anishlnabe m igration occurred. Blackbird (1887: 19) s ta te s only th a t the Ottawa (and Anishlnabe) discovered M ichilim ackinac "some time before America was known as an e x is tin g country by the white man." Warren (1957: 95) s ta te s i t 37 MINNESOTA Sault Sta.. Maria m ackinacu O WI SCONSI N Grand Rivar F igure 3. D is trib u tio n of th e A nishlnabe. Source: C o rn ell 1986: 85 38 occurred around 1525. Danzlger (1978: 7) has more re c e n tly opined th a t the m igration occurred in the l a t e six te e n th or e a rly seventeenth century (see a lso B la ir 1911 I: 159). It auth o rs is u n c e rta in why the Anishlnabe m igrated westward. Some have opined i t was a r e s u l t of the presence of the French and/or Iroquoisan p o p u lation 1978: 26). pressu res (K in ietz 1965: 318; Danzlger I f th is is the case, the Anishlnabe may have acq u ired , a t l e a s t I n d ir e c tly , some of the tech n o lo g ical innovations o ffered by the French before a rriv in g on the shores of Lake S u p erio r. Hoffman (1891: 150) seems to support th is in te r p r e ta tio n when he c ite s William Warren, who s ta te d th a t the A nishlnabe had knowledge of Whites as e a rly as 1612. R egardless of when the m igration occurred or the circum stances surrounding i t , authors agree the Anishlnabe had only liv e d in the Lake Superior b asin fo r a maximum of about 120 years— and perhaps no more than a g en eratio n or two— before the Europeans a rriv e d . I f they had received items of European manufacture before m igrating westward, they may have been predisposed to accept them when the French entered the Lake Superior b a s in . Even i f they had no previous co n tact with Europeans, as r e la tiv e ly new in h a b ita n ts of the Great Lakes Region, they may have been more prone to accept European manufactured goods to help them adapt to the new region and/or defend themselves a g a in s t the tr a d itio n a l in h a b ita n ts of the a re a . The Anishlnabe p ra c tic e d a g en eralized su b sisten ce p a tte rn of h u n tin g , fo ra g in g , f is h in g , c o lle c tio n of wild r ic e and maple sugar. Some bands a ls o p ra c tic e d lim ite d a g r ic u ltu r e . Women performed the m ajo rity of the a g r ic u ltu r a l lab o r (K eller 1981: 1), a s itu a tio n about which P ro te s ta n t m issio n a rie s expressed alarm in th e ir w ritin g s 39 (P lte z e l 1857: 405). However, the Indian women thought th e ir work equal to the work performed by the men ( I b i d . ) . During the sp rin g to autumn months, when th e re was an abundance of re so u rc e s, neighboring bands aggregated in to v illa g e s w ith up to 300 in h a b ita n ts to c o lle c t v ario us p ro d u cts. These included maple syrup and greens in the sp rin g , b e r rie s and w ild r ic e in the summer, and nuts and tubers in the f a l l (Vecsey 1983: 10). F ishing was im portant during the sp rin g , summer and f a l l months (Hlckerson 1962: 2 ). During the w in te r, faced w ith dim inished c o n cen tratio n s of re so u rc e s, the Anishlnabe v illa g e s broke down in to band-sized aggregates composed of extended fam ily grouping (Vecsey 1983: 8) of about t h ir ty in d iv id u a ls (Vecsey 1983: 10). I f a p a r tic u la r extended community was b eset by economic hardships fo r p e rio d s, i t could disband (K in ietz 1947: 16). Each fam ily would move to another band, where they were adopted by members of th e ir c la n , which were spread throughout the region ( I b i d . ) . S im ila rly , a community could f is s io n as a r e s u l t of s o c ia l tensions (Hlckerson 1962: 4 0 ). The d iss e n tin g f a c to r u su ally moved (K in ietz 1947: 16) and e s ta b lis h e d a new community. Thus, the com position of a band could be d if f e r e n t from one time to the n e x t. In d iv id u a ls could m igrate to and from o th e r communities w ith e a se , e s p e c ia lly i f the new band contained a member of the I n d iv id u a l's clan (C o rn ell 1986: 78). This was due, in p a r t, to an ethos which held th a t " ...e a c h in d iv id u a l [had] a r e s p o n s ib ility to take charge of h is own l i f e and needs in s o fa r as p o ssib le " (Black 1977: 146). The Anishlnabe fa m ilie s were grouped in to exogamous (K in ie tz 1947: 40 130), p a t r il i n e a l clan s (Eggan 1966: 83; Vecsey 1983: 8 ).* Each community was p o l i t i c a l l y and economically autonomous (Hlckerson 1962: 49; 3ishop 1974: 66-67), although i t was in c o n tact w ith o th er communities because of t i e s of kinship and m arriage (Eggan 1966: 83). Most m arriages w ithin a v illa g e took place during the summer when bands coalesced In to v illa g e s (Danzlger 1978: 14). The la rg e d istan ce s between any two v illa g e s (Eggan 1966: 88) m ilita te d a g a in s t m arriage between v i lla g e s . Thus, fo r a l l in te n ts , the lo c a l group, whether c o n s is tin g of 30 or 300, was the la r g e s t p e r s is tin g co rp o rate e n tity (Farb 1978: 62; Bishop 1974: 66-67). In d iv id u a ls gained p re s tig e by follow ing the p rescrib ed behaviors fo r h is /h e r sex and age. The same was tru e fo r an in d iv id u a l's p a r tic ip a tio n in economic v en tu re s. A ll men could eq u ally hunt, tra p , ^ or f i s h . 2 i S im ila rly , a l l women could e q u ally engage in h o r tic u ltu r a l a c t i v i t i e s and c o lle c t n u ts , b e r r ie s , and ro o ts . Although some in d iv id u a ls may have been more s k ille d in these and o th er prized endeavors— such as o ra to ry — Anishlnabe so c ie ty was e g a lita r ia n and u n s tr a t i f i e d . P o l i t i c a l lea d ersh ip was based on o n e's e x p e rtise and a b i l i t y to convince o th ers to follow him (Vecsey 1983: 10). There were no c le a r cases of h e re d ita ry r u le r s before White c o n tact (F rie d l 1950: 40). In d iv id u als could d is s e n t from the le a d e r 's p la n s. I f an in d iv id u a l 1 Hlckerson (1970: 49) is u n certain whether the Anishlnabe had p a t r i l i n e a l or m a trilin e a l c la n s . I t is im portant to n o te , however, th a t Bishop (1974: 350) in d ic a te s Anishlnabe s o c ia l o rg an izatio n changed r a d ic a lly through tim e. 2 S k ills in the a r t s of war became im portant determ inants of an in d iv id u a l's s ta tu s with the a r r iv a l of Europeans because these s k i l l s were h ig h ly p raised in w estern Europe (F rie d l 1950: 25-26). 41 d issen te d too fre q u e n tly , s /h e could m igrate to another band (Landes 1937: 2 ). The same held fo r re lig io u s lead ersh ip (Vecsey 1983: 170). I f a r e lig io u s lea d er or m edicine man l o s t re s p e c t, In d iv id u als would seek a person b e tte r q u a lifie d to r e lie v e th e ir m isery. Given these g eneral p a tte rn s , I t Is sa fe to c h a ra c te riz e tr a d itio n a l Anishlnabe s o c ia l o rg a n iza tio n as band le v e l so c ie ty as defined by F ried (1967) and S ervice (1971). 2.3 The French Era I t is convenient to segment the French era in to two phases. The f i r s t la ste d from the beginning of French - Anishlnabe co n tact u n t il about 1698. The second phase ended w ith the French d e fe a t in the French and Indian Wars. The f i r s t phase Involved temporary v i s i t s when the French tra d e rs and accompanying m issio n aries made c o n ta c t w ith the Indians only during the tra d in g season (see Verwyst 1886: 260; Hamilton 1939: 167). As a r e s u l t , the Indians were p ro tected from the negative impacts of White c o n ta c t. Anishlnabe s o c ie ty , w hile a ffe c te d to some e x te n t, remained much as i t had p rio r to French In te rv e n tio n . The second phase of French c o n ta c t began with the c o n stru c tio n of a permanent tra d in g p o st a t Chequamegon in 1698 (Danzlger 1978: 29). This was in response to the c o n stru c tio n of a B r itis h p o st a t M ichilim ackinac (Kellogg 1925: 230-231; Stone and Chaput 1978: 603604), and was p a rt of the French e f f o r t to p ro te c t th e ir I n te r e s ts . The esta b lish m en t of permanent tra d in g p o sts had fundamental Impacts on Anishlnabe so c ie ty because i t provided the co n tex t in which to develop permanent r e la tio n s h ip s . Traders e s ta b lis h e d clo se personal t ie s by m arrying Indian women (Warren 1957: 133; Trask 1983: 8) and the 42 m issio n arie s e s ta b lis h e d permanent m issions. The Indians re ac ted in one of th ree ways: openly and warmly, openly b ut guardedly, and so guardedly th a t i t bordered on r e j e c t i o n .3 A ll of these re a c tio n s were m anifested w ith in a sin g le community. Moreover, an in d iv id u a l's acceptance of the tra d e rs or the m issio n aries does n ot n e c e s sa rily mean the acceptance of the o th er group. Both groups, in d iv id u a lly and to gether undermined the in flu en c e of tr a d itio n a l re lig io u s p r a c titio n e r s and those who had gained p o l i t i c a l or s o c ia l p re s tig e follow ing tr a d itio n a l p a tte rn s (Kohl 1865: 270-271). The m is s io n a rie s ' e a rly e f f o r ts to 'c o n v e rt the h e a th e n s' were accep tab le to some. lite ra tu re . Two reasons fo r conversion stand out in the F i r s t , some saw conversion as a means by which they could acq u ire European goods and w ealth because the Anishlnabe expected to receiv e m a te ria l rewards follow ing conversion (Vecsey 1983: 53). I t is im portant to n o te, however, th a t conversion does not imply wholesale acceptance of a d o c trin e , a p o in t discussed in g re a te r d e ta i l below .4 Second, some converted because the p r ie s ts dem onstrated some success in tr e a tin g those i l l with European d iseases when the tr a d itio n a l h ealers were unable to do so (Jaenen 1976: 65; Brenner 1980: 138; Vecsey 1983: 170). Consequently, in keeping with tr a d itio n a l p a tte r n s , the t r a d itio n a l h e a le rs l o s t p re s tig e and the m issio n aries gained fo llo w e rs . The m issio n a rie s, however, only enjoyed lim ited su ccess. There 3 Evidence suggests th a t the m ajo rity of Indians learned to to le r a te the m issio n a rie s (Nammack 1969: 86) because the 'B lack ro b e s ' posed no th re a t to the m ajo rity of them (Vecsey 1983: 46), and because p r ie s ts had access to the goods the Indians wanted. 4 The comments made here also apply to reasons why in d iv id u a ls converted to Methodism or C atholicism in the n in eteen th century (s e e P ite z e l 1857: 189-190, 214-215). 43 are a number of reasons why th is was the c a se . F i r s t , from the I n d ia n s ' p e rsp ec tiv e the p r ie s ts were u n s k ille d , unproductive and poor (Vecsey 1983: 45). In terms of Indian values a p r ie s t was " n e ith e r a comrade nor a co u n se lo r, and c e r ta in ly not a f a t h e r . . . " (Danzlger 1978: 3 0 ). Second, th e ir temporary v i s i t s did n o t provide o p portunity to develop the c lo se and prolonged in te ra c tio n s necessary fo r the thorough in d o c trin a tio n of the A nishlnabe. The B r itis h en tered the fu r tra d e in the la te seventeenth cen tu ry . By the 1670s the two European n atio n s were competing fo r Indian fu rs in the Lake Superior re g io n , and the Anishlnabe played one n atio n a g a in s t the o th er to g e t the b e s t bargain (Farb 1978: 62). They would do th is again in the n in e te e n th century (James 1956: 179) when the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company competed fo r the Indian tra d e . The French responded to B r itis h encroachment by e s ta b lis h in g permanent tra d in g p o sts and m issio n s. By e s ta b lis h in g such i n s t i t u t i o n s , the French a lso e s ta b lis h e d permanent resid en ce among the Indian and m arried Indian women, thus re s u ltin g in the emergence of the Mixed-bloods. Indians m arried Whites fo r a t le a s t two reaso n s. F i r s t , d isease and alco h o l (Kay 1984: 265), and wars had k ille d many of the e lig ib le Indian males (Armstrong 1892: 100). Second, doing so provided those whose daughters m arried tra d e rs f u rth e r access to European goods because they could re c e iv e them a t a lower p ric e (Armstrong 1892: 101). In te rm arriag e a lso b e n e fitte d the tra d e r by ensuring th a t some Indians would be lo y a l to him. Moreover, Armstrong (1892: 101) re p o rts th a t an Indian community would n o t trad e i f a tra d e r did not marry an Indian woman. Thus, a mutual dependency emerged: the tra d e r, d e s irin g to o b tain fu rs and have and have an edge over com petitors had to accept an 44 Anishlnabe woman as a w ife; the A nishlnabe, wanting European products provided him with fu rs and p e lts . The French J e s u it m issio n aries e s ta b lis h e d permanent m issions among the Indians when the tra d e rs e s ta b lis h e d permanent tra d in g p o sts. The period of J e s u it expansion, however, was s h o rt- liv e d . Soon a f te r the J e s u its became a c tiv e in New France, they faced a shortage of p r ie s ts (Danzlger 1978: 30). French m issionary zeal declined and th e ir expansion ended (Vecsey 1983: 30). U ltim ately , the J e s u its were ordered by the King to leave New France (T rigger 1965). In s p ite of these c o n d itio n s, the J e s u its played an im portant ro le in French Indian r e la tio n s . J e s u its oversaw the in te ra c tio n s between the fu r tra d e rs and the In d ia n s, thereby o ffe rin g the Indians some p ro te c tio n from unscrupulous a c t i v i t i e s (Jaenen 1978). Franco - Indian p o lic y . They were a lso in stru m en tal in developing The French government, p a rtly due to p ressu re ex erted by the J e s u i t s , developed two programs to re g u la te and preserve the Indian tra d e . The f i r s t c a lle d fo r the co n stru c tio n of f o r ts to p ro te c t and safeguard Indian lo y a lty to France. The second, promulgated by Louis XIV in 1698, required th a t fu r tra d e rs be licen sed and a l l trad e to occur a t licen sed cen ters (Danzlger 1978: 31).5 As a r e s u l t of the v a rio u s fa c to rs involved in French and Anishlnabe r e la tio n s — th e giving of p re s e n ts , the In term arriag e with French tra d e rs , the m ediation of J e s u it p r ie s t s , and o th e rs —the French enjoyed r e la tiv e ly good r e la tio n s with the A nishlnabe. I t is in s tr u c tiv e to understand why the French tre a te d the Indians r e la tiv e ly 5 While the Indians a lso traded with unlicensed tr a d e r s , both England and the United S ta te s passed s im ila r laws to re g u la te the fu r tr a d e . 45 b e tte r than did o th er V hlte powers, a s sim ila te d more e a s ily w ith them, and became a p a rt of Indian s o c ie ty . Chief among them was the r e l a t iv e ly sm all number of French in the a r e a . The dominance of the fu r trad e in F rench-Indian c o n tacts e s p e c ia lly in th e absence of ex te n siv e w hite s e ttle m e n t in a b o rig in a l t e r r i t o r i e s , was a behavioural p a tte r n which had fa r-re a c h in g r e s u lts fo r both French and In d ian a t t i t u d e s . The r e la tio n s h ip between behaviour and a t t i t u d e was so marked in th is case th a t e th n ic s te re o ty p in g r e s u lte d . This in some manner ex p lain s the p re v a le n t In d ian view of the Frenchman as a tr a d e r / s o ld ie r , d isp en ser of merchandize and brandy, and n o t as a farm er in te r e s te d in land a c q u is itio n (Jaenen 1978: 62). A d d itio n a lly , the ethos of French s o c ie ty and, by e x te n sio n , th a t of the tra d e rs and the m issio n a rie s also c o n trib u ted to good r e la tio n s (Trask 1983: 10). These id e a s, b r ie f ly s ta te d , are as follow s: 1. The Myth of the T e r r e s tr ia l P ara d ise . 2. B e lie f in a re c e n tly created and emerged 'i n f a n t w o rld ." 3. Concept of a utopian dream—"th e humanist v isio n of a b e tte r world fo r the downtrodden and oppressed of the world" (Jaenen 1978: 64). 4. The b e lie f of the four ages of mankind, with emphasis on the s o -c a lle d 'G olden Age." 5. The myth of the m ille n n ia l kingdom and imminent end of the w orld. 6. The concept of a chain of bein g , in which a l l of c re a tio n was ranked h ie r a r c h ic a lly w ith 'h eav en ly h o st" a t the to p , humans n e x t, followed by anim als, v e g e ta b le s, and m in era ls. 7. The b e lie f th a t p a rt of the world was s t i l l under Satan"s hegemony (Jaenen 1978: 64-67). Most of these are c o n s is te n t with a Roman C atholic e th o s, the dominant d o c trin e in F ra n c e .6 Both the m issio n a rie s and the tra d e rs were imbued 6 The Huguenot movement, the French c o u n te rp a rt to P ro te sta n tism in England, never gained the prominence th a t P ro te sta n tism acquired elsew here. 46 w ith th is e th o s. Although th ere were d iffe re n c e s in th e ir b eh av io rs, tra d e rs and m issio n arie s shared th ese ideas and a ttitu d e s (Stevens 1916: 17) and liv e d a t the same s e ttle m e n ts . Thus, the French m anifested a c o n s is te n t behavior toward the In d ia n s, a p a tte rn n o t shared e ith e r by the B r itis h nor the United S ta te s . E qually im portant, the French fu r tra d e provided an environment in which Indians could in te r a c t w ith the French as more or le s s eq u als. The French tre a te d the Indians as people—benighted perhaps, b u t people n o n eth eless. 2 .3 .1 Impact on the Anishlnabe C urrent in te r p r e ta tio n s suggest the Anishlnabe m igrated in band­ sized groups in to the i n t e r i o r of the Upper Peninsula (Danzlger 1978: 27), in to Wisconsin and Minnesota (C ornell 1986: 78), and in to Manitoba (Vecsey 1983: 15) in search fo r new sources of fu rs (Hlckerson 1973: 25). By moving in to Canada, they displaced the Cree (Vecsey 1983: 13); by moving westward in to W isconsin and M innesota, they displaced the Fox from the 'r i c e lak es" in Wisconsin by 1748 (M itte lh o ltz 1957: 10), and learned how to use th is resource (Spencer e t a l 1965: 398). They a lso d isp laced the Sioux from M ille Lacs in Minnesota (M itte lh o ltz 1957: 9) by 1750, i n i t i a t i n g a lo n g -stan d in g h o s t i l i t y w ith them (Hlckerson 1970: 66). The Anishlnabe had f i r s t received French goods through Huron (Danzlger 1978: 26) and/or Ottawa (Warren 1957: 130) in te rm e d ia rie s. The French made c o n ta ct with the Anishlnabe in 1641 a t S ault S te. Marie (Danzlger 1978: 26). By 1650 (Warren 1957: 122) or 1659 (Danzlger 1978: 28) the French had reached Chequamegon. The Anishlnabe accepted 47 the French products eag erly (S h iffo rd nd: 3; James 1954: 19; Copway 1851: 172), although s e le c tiv e ly (Bishop 1974: 1) and became the In te rm ed iaries between the French and Sioux (Danzlger 1978: 36). They m arried in to Sioux bands to o b tain tra d in g a llia n c e s (K in ietz 1965: 325-326). The increased production of fu rs and th e ir p o s itio n as in te rm ed iaries allowed them to acquire a la r g e r v a rie ty of European p ro d u cts. The French req u ired very l i t t l e a lte r a tio n of tr a d itio n a l Anishlnabe so c ie ty and c u ltu re (Danzlger 1978: 29). Although the French introduced many m a te ria l a r t i f a c t s in to Anishlnabe c u ltu re , i t m aintained a la rg e degree of i t s tr a d itio n a l p a tte r n s . By the end of the French e ra , the Anishlnabe: had adapted th e ir hunting and trapping s k i l l s to European m a te ria l goods, m aintained tr a d itio n a l s u b siste n c e , s e ttle m e n t, and seasonal p a tte rn s to a larg e d e g r e e .... Leadership e x iste d on the v illa g e le v e l, even fo r w arfare which was taking on a more Im portant ro le in Ojibwa so cie ty as a means of gaining p r e s tig e . I t appears th a t population was in creasin g rap id ly and new totems were forming. The Ojibwas were changing, but n o t ra p id ly enough to c re a te discom fort (Vecsey 1983: 14). In the meantime, Indian p o p u latio n , a f te r reaching i t s n a d ir in the seventeenth cen tu ry , had increased d ram a tic a lly (Kay 1984: 280). Kay (1984: 277) a tt r i b u t e s much of th is growth to imm igration and adoption, and c r e d its the abundant resources a v a ila b le in s p ite of the d e p le tio n of beaver and o th er anim als ( I b i d .) . Population growth undoubtedly co n trib u ted to the in te rn a l dynamics occurring in Indian communities. The opening of permanent tra d in g posts among the Anishlnabe had many immediate e f f e c t s . F i r s t , i t in te n s if ie d the h o s t i l i t y between the Sioux and the Anishlnabe (Danzlger 1978: 36). Their estab lish m en t 48 la the w estern p a rt of Lake S uperior gave the French d ir e c t access to the Sioux. The two Indian groups were now competing fo r the same hunting grounds (Henry 1966: 197-198, Copway 1851: 30). In te rm itte n t w arfare broke o u t, a re c u rre n t theme in European - Indian r e la tio n s fo r the n ex t century and more (Danzlger 1978: 36-37).? Second, the e re c tio n of permanent po sts caused Indians to move from the inland areas to lake shores where the tra d in g posts were lo cated (James 1954: 1 9). The seasonal aggregation and d is p e rs a l of bands in to la r g e r e n t i t i e s continued fo r a tim e, but the v illa g e became a permanent h a b ita tio n zone (Vecsey 1983: 19), whose lo c a tio n was determ ined by the tra d in g post (Eggan 1966: 83). The French v i r tu a lly d ic ta te d many of the In d ian a c t i v i t i e s by 1670 (Stone and Chaput 1978: 603). This has le n t to the suggestion th a t the Anishinabe was a ' “n a tio n ' produced by the French tra d e (James 1954: 19; Dunning 1959: 4; Vecsey 1983: 12).8 The v illa g e s l o s t th e ir kin-based s tr u c tu r e and 7 The h o s t i l i t y between the Sioux and the Anishinabe la s te d u n t i l the m id-n in eteen th c en tu ry . I t was resp o n sib le fo r the c lo sin g down of many P ro te s ta n t m issions in the w estern Anishinabe t e r r i t o r y in the l a t e 1330s (Vecsey 1983: 34), and may have u n d erlain the governm ent's d ecisio n n o t to move the Anishinabe west of the M ississip p i during the 1840s: The general p o lic y of our Government in removing the Indians west of the M ississip p i can never be c a rrie d in to e f f e c t , in r e la tio n to th is p o rtio n of the Chippewas; th is p o rtio n would by such removal have to change th e ir h a b its e n ti r e ly , besides being exposed to th e ir n a tu ra l enemies, the S io u x .- o b jectio n s never to be obviated so long as they are able to fin d an asylum among th e ir own tr ib e in the ex ten siv e region n o rth and west of Lake S u p erio r. I conceive i t h ig h ly Improper and Inhumane to hold o u t any inducement to them to go in to the country occupied by or contiguous to the Sioux. (Bushnell February 10, 1839). 8 Greenberg and Morrison (1982: 91) have suggested the term 'O jib w a' was ap p lied to a l l types of Algonquian-speakers in h a b itin g the re g io n . 49 became re g u la r towns (Vecsey 1983: 168). T h ird , the e x p lo ita tio n of fu r-b e a rin g mammals Increased co n sid e rab ly . "So la rg e was the volume of Lake S uperior fu rs th a t French p ric e s plummeted by 1698, and fo r the next twenty years o f f i c i a l o p eratio n s about the S a u lt were suspended" (Danzlger 1978: 29). This reduced. In d ia n s ' s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y to the e x te n t th a t when the Chequamegon p o st was reopened in 1718 the French found Indians who had fo rg o tte n th e ir tr a d it i o n a l s k i l l s (Danzlger 1978: 31). F ourth, the m arriage of Indians to French was a source of f r i c t i o n among community members (Barnouw 1950: 73) fo r a number of reaso n s. 1) I t helped reduce the t r a d itio n a l a u th o rity of the c h ie fs because the French placed th e ir fa v o rite s in p o sitio n s of a u th o rity (Kohl 1865: 270-271; Danzlger 1978: 31). 2) The p ra c tic e may have enhanced the p o s itio n of women in Anishinabe s o c ie ty (Brown 1983). 3) The progeny of these unions gave r i s e to a new s o c ia l element in Anishlnabe communities. And 4) the h e re d ita ry c h ie fta in s h ip s may have emerged under these c o n d itio n s. For example, the h e re d ita ry c h ie fta in s h ip a t the Keweenaw Bay (S c h o o lc ra ft 1962: 134) began s h o rtly a f te r a permanent p o st was e s ta b lis h e d th e re in 1710 (Vecsey 1983: 12). I t is not c le a r from the documents a v a ila b le how those opposed to French-Indian In te rm arriag e reacted to those who m arried Frenchmen. They may have m igrated to o th er bands, j u s t as they had done in e a r l i e r days. However, th e ir r e lia n c e upon French goods may have caused them to remain in the g en eral v ic in ity , i f not in the v illa g e p roper. Changes in Anishinabe r e lig io n a lso seem to have occurred, 50 e s p e c ia lly with re sp e c t to the Mldewiwln S o c ie ty .9 Hlckerson (1963: 77) has s ta te d "That the Midewiwin was c e le b ra te d in i t s p u re st form a t Chequamegon means nothing more than th a t a t th a t place the old shamanic r i t e s of magic and medicine f i r s t became the property of an organized p rie sth o o d ." With a l l due r e s p e c t, the c o rre la tio n between the p u rity of form and i t s lo c a tio n is highly s ig n if ic a n t. I argue th a t the placement of a permanent tra d in g post and m ission a t Chequamegon placed a d d itio n a l s tr e s s e s on Anishinabe so c ie ty in the immediate a re a , thus causing the Mide to perform the r i t e s more s t r i c t l y according to t r a d i t i o n . 10 The p re ssu re becomes le s s acute as one moves away from the p o in t of maximal fo rc e . In summary, the French presence in the Great Lakes region re su lte d in a g re a t d eal of s o c ia l d isru p tio n in Anishinabe s o c ie ty . Burgeoning p o p u latio n , d ep le tio n of fu r-b e a rin g anim als, the consequent m igration and d isp e rsio n of p o p u latio n s, the in term arriag e w ith the French, and fa c tio n a lis m as a r e s u l t of th is In term arriag e a l l c o n trib u ted to weakening s o c ia l cohesion (Vecsey 1983: 20). A lte ra tio n s in the re lig io u s system also c o n trib u ted to the erosion of s o c ia l r e la tio n s 9 This was a medicine so c ie ty composed of both men and women, whose members were in v ite d (Johnston 1976: 84). I t contained asp ects of the tr a d itio n a l re lig io u s b e lie f s , such as the in d iv id u a l r e la tio n s w ith the s p i r i t s (manidog) (Danzlger 1978: 19) and had an e ig h t-le v e l h ie r a rc h ic a l priesthood (Levi 1956: 193; Landes 1968: 52). I t was a primary mechanism In te g ra tin g the d isp a ra te bands in to a s in g le u n it through annual ceremonies (Hlckerson 1962: 5-6; Bishop 1974: 9 ). With the advent of the French i t also became a r e v ita liz a ti o n movement organized as a vo lu n tary a s so c ia tio n or s o d a lity . Johnston (1976: 82) lends support to th is in te r p r e ta tio n when he s ta te s th a t the "Medicine men had not only to appear to be u p rig h t; they had to be u p rig h t." With Whites lo cated nearby the tem ptation to s tra y from the " s tr a ig h t and narrow" would in crease and stren g th en the re so lv e of those opposed to the Whites to keep the tr a d itio n s pure. MacLeod (1973: 109) has used th is lo g ic in another c o n te x t. 51 among the A nishlnabe, I f only because tr a d itio n a l r e lig io u s a u t h o r it i e s , unable to provide treatm ent fo r those a f f l ic t e d with European d ise a se s, l o s t follow ers to the C ath o lics. However, by the beginning of the eig h teen th century the B r itis h had entered the reg io n . While the B r itis h i n i t i a l l y had l i t t l e in flu en c e on the In d ia n s, whose prim ary a lle g ia n c e remained w ith France (Vecsey 1983: 14), they may have co n trib u ted to s o c ia l decay. They o ffered b e tte r q u a lity a r t i c l e s , a wider range of p ro d u cts, and a t b e tte r p ric e s , thus competing w ith the French fo r Indian a lle g ia n c e . S p lit a lle g ia n c e s may have re s u lte d in c re a tin g fa c tio n s w ithin Anishlnabe communities. 2.4 The B r itis h Era While the B r itis h did not gain formal c o n tro l of the Northwest T e rrito ry u n t i l a f t e r the French and Indian Wars, French c o n tro l began to d ec lin e as e a rly as 1713 with the T reaty of U trecht (In n is 1933: 323). This tre a ty forced the French out of the region of Hudson's Bay and req u ired them to c o n cen trate th e ir a tte n tio n around the G reat Lakes. B rita in won co n tro l over the area because she could o ffe r goods of b e tte r q u a lity and a t b e tte r p r ic e s . She could do so because she in te g ra te d the Indian tra d e with o th er aspects of B ritis h economy (In n is 1933: 324). over tr a d e r s . E qually im portant was the lack of c e n tra l c o n tro l Traders were allowed to compete w ith one another in the same area r e s u ltin g in low ering the p ric e s of goods. Although the B r itis h were able to win co n tro l over the a re a , they did not e a s ily win the Indians a lle g ia n c e . Indeed, Indians were 52 r e lu c ta n t to open n e g o tia tio n s w ith them (Vecsey 1983: 14). There were both endogenous and exogenous fa c to rs Impeding good r e la tio n s w ith the In d ia n s. The B r itis h held an ethos of c u ltu r a l s u p e rio r ity (Bowden 1981: 113; A x tell 1985: 133). There are many m a n ife sta tio n s of t h i s . The Hudson's Bay Company tra d e rs did n o t leave th e i r po sts b u t w aited fo r the Indians to b rin g the fu rs to them (T ilb y 1912: 215). B r itis h tra d e rs did n o t give them a lc o h o l, p re se n ts and ammunition (Danzlger 1978: 53; Stevens 1916: 22), and held more s tr in g e n t tra d in g p o lic ie s than those to which In d ian s were accustomed under the French (see R o sse n tie l 1983: 90). N either were the B r itis h in te r e s te d in extending m issions to the Indians (Bowden 1981: 135). These p a tte rn s le n t an im pression of a lack of f rie n d lin e s s (Trask 1983: 13). Exogenous f a c to rs a ls o Impeded fav o rab le r e la tio n s w ith the In d ia n s. The French who had In te rm arried w ith the Indians may have undermined E nglish - In d ian r e la tio n s (Stevens 1916: 22). They may n o t have openly aided and advised the Indians to prevent B r itis h occupation, b u t they may have helped sow the seeds of d isc o n te n t (Warren 1865: 195-196) by spreading rumors th a t the B r itis h planned to s e t t l e on Indian lands (Stevens 1916: 22). Although the Crown issued a Proclam ation p ro h ib itin g B r itis h se ttle m e n t on Indian lands in 1763, i t was too la t e to o f f s e t an Indian u p risin g (Stevens 1916: 22). These f a c to rs may have played a r o le in the Conspiracy of Pontiac (1763) which took p lace alm ost im m ediately a f t e r the French and Indian U ars. With the excep tio n of the massacre of B r itis h s u b je c ts a t M ichilim ackinac in 1765 (Henry 1966: 77-78), in g e n e ra l, Lake S uperior Anishinabe did not p a r tic ip a te in the u p ris in g (Danzlger 1978: 55). They d id , however, b e n e f it. P o n tia c 's Conspiracy caused B rita in to change her Indian p o lic ie s . 53 B r ita in adopted many of th e French tra d in g p o lic ie s (Stevens 1916: 15; Danzlger 1978: 57). She used French f o r t s ; required th a t tra d e rs be lic e n s e d ; granted e x c lu siv e tra d in g r ig h ts to sin g le in d iv id u a ls , and e s ta b lis h e d o f f i c i a l tra d in g c e n te rs a t c e n tra l lo c a tio n s (Henry 1966: 191-192; Stevens 1916: 2 7 ). Many of th ese p o lic ie s , however, were a lso in flu en ced by oth er f a c to r s . The B r itis h order removing French tra d e rs from the area created a vacuum (Stevens 1916: 24) quickly f i l l e d by B r itis h m igrants (T ilby 1912: 209; Vecsey 1983: 14). T heir e n try caused the Crown to i n s t i t u t e c e n tra l tra d in g po sts and lic e n s u re of tra d e rs (Stevens 1916: 24). N eith er of these p o lic ie s , however, followed B r itis h tr a d itio n , and the in flu x of la rg e numbers of tra d e rs hampered th e ir im plem entation. The new tra d e rs employed French tra d e rs who had m arried in to Indian trib e s as th e ir agents in the i n t e r i o r (Stevens 1916: 25; Warren 1865: 195-196). Several c o n d itio n s encouraged these p a rtn e rs h ip s . They were not fa m ilia r w ith the a re a , the Indian language, or the ru le s of the Indian tra d e . A lso, because the Indians had been a g a in s t them in the French and Indian Wars and during P o n tia c 's Conspiracy, many B r itis h were unw illin g to e n te r Indian T e rrito ry (Warren 1865: 219). The French liv in g among the In d ia n s, saw a place fo r themselves in the new tra d e and provided th e ir se rv ic e s to the B r itis h . The B r itis h in s t i t u t e d programs to stim u la te the fu r tra d e . To begin the Indian tra d e a t Chequamegon Bay, fo r example, Alexander Henry and Jean B a p tiste C adotte advanced the Indians c r e d it to provide the h u n te r s ' fam ilie s with enough p ro v isio n s and goods to allow them to s u b s is t w hile the h u n ters were away (Henry 1966; Danzlger 1978: 58). Meanwhile, the high q u a lity of p e lts produced around Lake Superior made th is region the focus of the B r itis h tra d e . This increased the 54 com petition between the fu r tra d e rs (Bryce 1968: 97; Danziger 1978: 5 9 ) . To ensure good tra d in g r e la tio n s , some of the new tr a d e r s , lik e John Johnston (Mason 1958: x i ) , m arried Indian o r, more fre q u e n tly , Mixed-blood, women. However, th is was not as common a p ra c tic e as i t had been w ith the French (B ieder 1980: 21). B arely had B rita in q uelled the Indian R ebellion when the Lower Colonies re v o lte d . The B r itis h Crown was unable to devote any a tte n tio n to In d ia n -B rltis h r e la t io n s , but kept her tra d e ro u te s open. She enjoyed a monopoly over the Indian tra d e during the American R evolution (Danziger 1978: 49) because the United S ta te s was ill-p r e p a r e d to conduct th e Indian trade (Prucha 1973: 76). B r ita in did n ot wish to lo se th is advantage a f t e r the War (Stevens 1916: 66-67). I t appears however, th a t B rita in was concerned about the Northwest T e rrito ry not only as a r e s u l t of her advantageous p o s itio n in the fu r tra d e , b u t a lso because she feared th a t the United S ta te s would continue to force her out of the New World (T ilby 1912: 344-345). In support of th is p erc e p tio n , i t can be noted th a t At the peace ta b le in 1783, [Benjamin] F ran k lin a ctin g fo r the new n a tio n , tr ie d to secure Canada although the American m ilita ry had f a ile d to conquer i t during the war (Cowing 1971: 140; a lso see Parks 1986) Cowing (1971) suggests F ra n k lin 's goal was to secure Canada from the C ath o lic French (see also A Bishop fo r 1917: 79). His a c tio n s , however, were in te rp re te d as expansionism a t B r itis h expense. This in te r p r e ta tio n was re in fo rc e d in the War of 1812 (Zinn 1980: 125-126) 11 Danziger (1978: 59) s ta te s John Johnston a rriv e d a t th is tim e, but Bryce (1968: 179) s ta te s he did not a r riv e u n ti l 1792. The discrepancy may be due to the question when Johnston became a p a r t of the North West Company. 55 by the United S ta te s in v asio n of Canada in 1813 (T ilby 1912: 349). Even a f t e r the War, the United S tates taunted Canada's c o lo n ia l s ta tu s , causing Canadians to co n sid er her southern neighbor a th re a t to th e ir n a tio n a l s e c u rity (T ilby 1912: 354), a p erception which p e rs is te d up to the C iv il War (P. Smith 1982: 1 8 9 ).12 To secure her hold in the Northwest T e rr ito ry , B r ita in in s tit u te d two p o lic ie s : T e rr ito ry . g iving p re sen ts to Indians and s e t t l e in Indian P re sen t-g iv in g had been a p a r t of B r itis h p o licy since the end of P o n tia c 's Conspiracy, but the p ra c tic e now served "to gain and m aintain [th e In d ia n s '] good w i ll, and e n lis tin g [them] in wartime to fig h t" as her a l l i e s (Prucha 1973: 11). Although the government o ften gave the same g i f t s sold by merchants (Stevens 1916: 158), merchants found the p o licy p r o f ita b le fo r th ree reaso n s. F i r s t , they were re sp o n sib le fo r g iving the g i f t s from the government (Stevens 1916: 159), encouraging Indians to trade with them. Second, the expanding fu r tra d e re su lte d in in c rea sin g the demand fo r th e ir products ( I b i d . ) . And, th ir d , The p o l i t i c a l attachm ent of the Indians was a b so lu te ly e s s e n tia l to the w elfare of the fu r tra d e , and the merchants were f u lly aware of the e ffic a c y of the custom as a means of re ta in in g th e ir frie n d s h ip ” (Stevens 1916: 160). The second p a rt of B r ita in 's p o licy with regard to the Northwest T e rrito ry began in 1800, on the Red R iv er. when the Hudson's Bay Company began a colony U n til then few B r itis h c itiz e n s had s e ttl e d in the I 2 P. Smith (1982: 189) s ta te s th a t B rita in regarded the United S ta te s as "th e seedbed, in th e ir view, of the subversive dem ocratic id eo lo g ies spreading a l l over Europe and keeping the masses in a co n stan t ferm ent," and fo r th is reason supported the South in the C iv il War. 56 Indian Country (Danzlger 1978: 53). Traders feared th a t settlem en t would d estro y the fu r tra d e (Johnson 1919: 148). No doubt the Proclam ation of 1763 and the Indian m assacre of B r itis h su b je c ts a t M ichilim ackinac also kept the B r itis h from s e ttli n g In the a re a . The estab lish m en t of the Red River colony in te n s if ie d the r iv a lr y between the two lead in g fu r e n te r p r is e s , the North West Company and the Hudson's Bay Company. The former believed th a t settlem en t would d estro y the fu r trad e (Bryce 1968: 214). By 1815, the two companies were skirm ishing with one another and used Indians to plunder the o th e r 's posts (Kohl 1865: 68). The c o n f lic t ended with the murder of the co lo n y 's governor, Rupert Semple, and other c o lo n is ts (T ilby 1912: 253; Bryce 1968: 206, 214),13 but se ttle m e n t of the region continued. These se ttlem en ts included m iss io n a rie s . Up u n t il now, Indians had n o t been a primary goal fo r B r itis h m issio n aries (Stone and Chaput 1978: 606; a lso Bryce 1968: 417). Now, however, fo r the f i r s t time sin ce B rita in entered the Northwest T e rrito ry , Indians began to receiv e some r e lig io u s I n s tru c tio n through " n ativ e m iss io n a rie s ." Some authors b e lie v e the new i n t e r e s t in saving In d ia n s ' souls in the n in eteen th century was a hum anitarian concern, and a r e s u lt of the Great Awakening (Cowing 1971: 85; Sweet 1963: 239). However, I argue the prim ary m otivating fa c to rs were p o l i t i c a l and economic, not id e o lo g ic a l. The la t e years of the eig h teen th and the e a rly years of the n in ete en th century were marked by a lte r a tio n s in in te rn a tio n a l r e la tio n s due to the United S ta te s war fo r independence. Due to the a lte r a tio n s in the power s tru c tu re r e s u ltin g from th is war, extending 13 This c o n f lic t would continue throughout the B r itis h period and in to th a t in which the fu r trad e was dominated by the United S ta te s . 57 m issions to the Indians was a means by which both powers sought to win the In d ia n s ' a lle g ia n c e . R eligious p rin c ip le s were supposed to pervade a l l fa c e ts of n a tio n a l experience, including the In d ia n s. N ineteenth century m issio n aries were c itiz e n s of a new n atio n who hoped to persuade the Indians to accept c iv iliz e d h a b its along w ith baptism as In te g ra l p a rts of the American s u b c u ltu re . Anything th a t threatened n a tio n a l homogeneity had e ith e r to be converted or removed (Bowden 1981: 165). Bowden r e fe rs s p e c if ic a lly to the United S ta te s ; however, B r ita in 's attem pts to r e ta in the Northwest T e rrito ry suggests the same was tru e fo r Canada. Although conversions of Indians to P ro te sta n tism occurred during th is e ra , i t is u n ce rtain to what e x te n t conversion r e a lly occurred, or whether the "change of h e a rt" as in te rp re te d by the m issio n a rie s, were pragm atic (Vecsey 1983: 51-56; Jaenen 1976: 66). 2 .4 .1 Impact on the Anishinabe The d isp e rsio n of Anishinabe th a t had begun under the French continued under the B r itis h . The Anishinabe stopped th e ir northward m igration and pushed westward in to Manitoba (Vecsey 1983: 15). H o s tilitie s continued between them and the Sioux fo r c o n tro l over lu c r a tiv e tra d in g areas (D anziger 1978: 61). The d is s o lu tio n of k in sh ip tie s th a t had begun under the French also continued. By developing r e la tio n s w ith French and French-Indian former tra d e rs , E nglish did not have d ir e c t c o n tact with the Indians making the Indians more p e rip h e ra l to the B r itis h s o c ia l and economic s tr u c tu r e than they had been with the French. The B r itis h paid l i t t l e heed to the Anishinabe s o c ia l s tru c tu re 58 and placed In d iv id u als w ith whom they could work In power. Permanent se ttle m e n t In the re g io n , combined with the Increasing e x te n t to which the Anishlnabe had become dependent on the Europeans undermined the a u th o rity of tr a d itio n a l lead ers to a la rg e r ex ten t than had been the case b efo re. The p ro sely tlsm of Indians by English m issio n aries a lso undermined the a u th o rity of the Mlde p r ie s t s , causing them to be h o s tile to C h r is tia n ity because I t rep resen ted a th re a t to th e ir power and p re s tig e (Hoffman 1891: 151; Vecsey 1983: 170). The com petition between French and B r itis h tra d e rs had re s u lte d In an o v e r-e x p lo lta tio n of animals and increased the In d ia n s ' dependence on European goods. By 1797, beaver had become depleted in the in te rn a tio n a l border areas between Canada and the United S ta te s ; deer and o th er game anim als were also becoming scarce (Vecsey 1983: 170). The French and Indian Wars and the Conspiracy of Pontiac took t o l l s on Indian liv e s and p roperty (Trask 1983: 4) and had l e f t the Indians w ithout European goods fo r about a decade, on which they had become dependent (Warren 1865: 219; Henry 1966: 195). The two B ritis h p o lic ie s — giving p resen ts and se ttle m e n t— also had impacts on the Indians liv in g In the Northwest T e rr ito ry . F irs t, they e f f e c tiv e ly decreased the resources upon which the Indians depended fo r food and th e e x ten t to which they could engage in the fu r tra d e . Second, because of the la rg e r number of tra d e rs in the a re a , th ere was increased com petition. Indians could o b tain b e tte r p ric e s fo r the fu rs they traded and b e tte r bargains fo r the goods they purchased. Increased com petition had two secondary e ffe c ts on Indian s o c ie ty . F i r s t , to r e ta in th e ir tra d in g advantages, some tra d e rs m arried among the Indian bands. 59 There is ample ev id en ce, both in [the tra d e rs ] jo u rn a ls and d ia r ie s , and in the hybrid population which survived him, th a t he mingled h is blood with th a t of the savages. On the o th er hand, the w hite man did ex erc ise a c e r ta in degree of s e lf - c o n tr o l; and occasio n al co n tacts with the c i v i l i z a t i o n of the o u tsid e world presented h is complete a s s im ila tio n to the s o c ie ty of the w ilderness (Stevens 1916: 146). U hile th ere are se v e ra l in sta n ce s of both p a tte r n s , the Indians were unable to a s s im ila te w ith the B r itis h as e a s ily as they had among the French. Second, the m u ltip le tra d e rs and tra d in g companies caused fa c tio n a lism to emerge w ith in an Indian community as each tra d e r sought to secure tra d in g a llia n c e s . A q u e stio n , in which the In d ia n s, in r e a l i t y , had no o th er i n t e r e s t , b u t what which a s e r f might be supposed to fe e l on an exchange of m asters, in which he has n e ith e r the r ig h t to choose nor the power to r e j e c t . Whichever p arty p re v a ile d , they were sure to lo se or gain n o thing, i f they kept alo o f from the c o n te s t, or i f they had any hopes from i t s e f fe c ts upon th e ir co n d itio n , they arose more from a p ro lo n g atio n , than a term in atio n of the r iv a lr y , as they were sure to fa re b e tte r , both " in s c r i p t and s to r e " , so long as they possessed the op tio n of r iv a l markets (S ch o o lc raft 1958: 65-66). This f u rth e r undermined the a u th o rity of tr a d itio n a l le a d e rs . The in tro d u c tio n of permanent White se ttle m e n ts a lso had e f fe c ts on Anishinabe s o c ie ty . By c u ttin g down fo re s ts to p la n t th e ir f ie ld s , the s e t t l e r s reduced the area in which fu r-b e a rin g animals could l iv e . Indians liv in g in these areas had two options (excluding c o n f l ic t) : to leave and r e t a i n .t h e i r ad a p ta tio n (Vecsey 1983: 15) or to remain and change th e ir a d a p ta tio n . The s tra te g y of leaving would have taken them away from areas where Whites had s e tt l e d . This would have allowed them to r e ta in th e ir t r a d it i o n a l ad ap tatio n away from White In flu en ce. 60 However, so dependent had the Anishinabe become on Whites th a t Chief H ole-in-the-D ay remarked th a t the Anishinabe could not "g et along w ithout [th e Whiteman]" (6. Johnston n . d .a ) . A lte rn a tiv e ly , they could remain where they were and change th e ir economic s tr a t e g i e s . The environm ental a lte r a tio n s brought about by the White s e t t l e r s req u ired the Indians to hunt fo r sm aller game and f is h (Bishop 1974: 189-190). Because th e re was n o t enough game and f is h to support them (Vecsey 1983: 21), they turned f i r s t to wild r i c e , and l a t e r , to a g ric u ltu re ( I b id .; also 6. Johnston February 28, 1828). The m is s io n a rie s ' ideology re ste d upon sedentism and a g r ic u ltu r e . m issio n a rie s provided Indians w ith a g r ic u ltu r a l tra in in g . The They also provided a means by which some Indians could p a r tic ip a te in B r itis h s o c ie ty by becoming Native m iss io n a rie s . Thus, during the f in a l years of the B r itis h era th ere were two narrow ways by which Indians could pass in to White s o c ie ty — through the tra d e rs or the m issio n a rie s. 2.5 The United S ta te s Era To adequately understand the b asis of United S ta te s - Indian in te r a c tio n , i t is im perative to focus f i r s t on the overwhelming concern of the United S ta te s th a t B rita in would attem pt to reg ain her former c o lo n ie s. This fe a r formed the foundation of the United S tates economic and p o l i t i c a l p o lic ie s u n ti l the eve of the C iv il War. This s e c tio n d escrib es how th is fe a r was m anifested in general United S tates p o lic y ; the next d escrib es how i t was played out in the Northwest T e rrito ry . When B rita in e s ta b lis h e d the th ir te e n colonies in North America, she was in te re s te d in e x p lo itin g the n a tu ra l resources a v a ila b le , not 61 In the development of a n a tio n . This e x p lo ita tio n led the th ir te e n co lo n ies to develop two d i s t i n c t economies, based la r g e ly on environm ental f a c to r s . The n o rth ern co lo n ies developed an economy la r g e ly based on m ercantilism and shipping w hile the middle and southern co lonies were a g r ic u ltu r a l (S ch lesin g er 1957: 22-23; R o ssite r 1971: 150-152). P rio r to the war, and fo r some time afterw ard the co lo n ies were dependent upon B r itis h markets fo r the s a le of raw m a te r ia ls , upon B r itis h f a c to rie s fo r to o ls , and upon B r itis h c a p ita l fo r the export market and tra n s p o rta tio n (R o ssite r 1971: 105). So commanding was the p o s itio n of B rita in in the e a rly y e a rs, so e s s e n tia l was the ex iste n c e of B r ita in fo r the h e a lth of the American economy, th a t we are forced to wonder j u s t how much r e a l independence the Republic had won in the War fo r Independence (R o ssiter 1971: 105). The former co lo n ies had won th e ir p o l i t i c a l independence but not th e ir economic independence. They re a liz e d th e ir continued p o l i t i c a l independence was th reaten ed by the ex isten c e of d i s t i n c t economies, the lack of economic and s o c ia l in te g ra tio n among them, and the presence of a la rg e B ritis h fo rce in Canada. They also re a liz e d th a t to m aintain th e ir p o l i t i c a l independence they must u n ite , become a p a rt of the world economy (R o ssite r 1971: 138, 105), and become an in d u s tr ia l n atio n (Goodykoontz 1939: 116). S ecretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton s tre s s e d the im portance of th is goal when he remarked th a t " 't h e extreme embarrassments of the United S ta te s during the l a t e war, from an in c ap a city of supplying them selves' were s t i l l keen r e c o lle c tio n '" (Cole 1928: 'a m atter of 231). The United S ta te s had to solve o th er problems to become an in d u s tr ia l n a tio n . Her v ic to ry in the War fo r Independence caused her to lo se many of her previous markets ( P h illip s 1961 I I : 48). T herefore 62 she must re g a in these or c u lt iv a te o th er m arkets. Second, many of her products were su b je c t to high d u tie s abroad. The r e a liz a tio n of th e problems underlying the development of a new economy prompted the House of R ep resen tativ es to re q u e st S ecretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton to provide "d ata upon the m anufacture > of the co untry and the means of promoting such as w ill tend to render the United S ta te s independent of fo re ig n n atio n s fo r m ilita r y and o th er e s s e n tia l su p p lie s " (Cole 1928: x v -x v i) in 1790. In resp o n se, Hamilton issu ed h is famous Report on M anufactures (1791), co n tain in g a p r e s c r ip tio n fo r a p o lic y lead in g toward a "United S ta te s :" Mutual wants c o n s titu te one of the s tro n g e s t lin k s of p o l i t i c a l co n n ex io n .. .Suggestions of an o p p o site complexion are ever to be deplored as u n frie n d ly to the steady p u r s u it of one g re a t Common Cause and to the p e r fe c t harmony of a l l the p a rts (Cole 1928: x v i). In b r ie f , economic independence and a u n ited f ro n t could be achieved by stim u la tin g i n d u s tr ia l production (Cowing 1971: 118). This idea was voiced u n t i l the eve of the C iv il War (R o s site r 1971: 137, 161; Scheiber 1980: 105). 2 .5 .1 U nifying the Two Economies The f i r s t elem ent in H am ilton's plan fo r n a tio n a l u n ity was the u n if ic a tio n of the d i f f e r e n t re g io n a l economies through in d u s tria liz a tio n . To m anufacture in d u s tr ia l p ro d u cts, the United S ta te s had to e x p lo it her own raw m a te r ia ls . m a te ria ls had gone to England. As c o lo n ie s, her raw As an independent n a tio n , they had to be d iv e rte d to the E ast Coast f a c to r ie s which were being developed follow ing H am ilton's p o lic ie s . The d riv e to rep lace o ld e r East Coast 63 raw m a te ria l sources w ith newer w estern sources prompted the westward expansion of W hites. The Louisiana Purchase provided raw m a te ria ls and dom estic markets mainly in terms of Indian communities liv in g th e re . The Importance of fin d in g new sources of raw m a te ria ls to feed the e a ste rn in d u s trie s increased by the n in e te e n th century when the push fo r economic Independence had r is e n to g re a te r h e ig h ts . By th en , "a widespread notion th a t somehow im ports were u n d esirab le and even d is tin c tly harm ful" (Cole 1928: xx-xxi) promoted in creasin g numbers of domestic in d u s trie s ( I b i d . ) . A dditional ex p ed itio n s were c a rrie d out to fin d new mineral d ep o sits (McLaughlin 1972: 117). The United S ta te s d ra fte d many Indian t r e a t i e s co n tain in g p ro v isio n s fo r m ineral e x p lo ita tio n . In the Northwest T e rrito ry alone the United S ta te s signed the Treaty of P r a ir ie du Chein [1825] (S ch o o lc raft 1851: 245-256), the Treaty of Fond du Lac [1826] (Drinnon 1980: 169; Magnaghi 1984: 91), the T reaty of La Croix [1837] (Armstrong 1892: 10-12). The Treaty of La P ointe [1842], ceded land around the Keweenaw Bay (Vecsey 1983: 17). F in a lly , the T reaty of 1854, a l l o t t i n g land fo r th a t Community, ceded the suspected m ineral land on the w estern sid e of Lake S u p erio r. The development of In d u s trie s on the East Coast req u ired the e x p lo ita tio n of raw m a te ria ls located in the f r o n tie r s where few United S ta te s c itiz e n s liv e d . Western expansion created vacancies in the in d u s tr ia l lab o r pool (McLaughlin 1972: 158; R o s site r 1971: 117) and few in d iv id u a ls possessed the new s k i l l s (Cole 1928: x x ii; Cohen 1985: 613, 624). These d e fic ie n c ie s were eased by conditions in Europe. Immigrants, many p o ssessing the necessary s k i l l s , l e f t Europe due to 64 famine, c i v i l and re lig io u s d is s e n tlo n , and absentee landownership during the eig h teen th (Goodykoontz 1939: 49) and n in eteen th c e n tu rie s (op. c i t . : 222-223). The United S ta te s o ffered them h igher wages (Cohen 1985: 611), and freedom from the problems a t home. Immigration had been steady sin ce the Uar fo r Independence. By the year 1800, th ere were to be found In the Allegheny and Ohio v a lle y regions n early one m illio n in h a b ita n ts re p re se n tin g a l l c la s se s of so c ie ty and a g re a t v a rie ty of n a t i o n a l i t i e s . Nearly every n atio n in Europe had fu rn ish ed i t s quota, each bringing i t s own p e c u l i a r i ti e s , y e t each actu ated by the common d e s ire to b e tte r temporal and s p ir i t u a l conditions in the New World (Cleveland 1916: 1 ). Immigrants continued to a r r iv e throughout the e a rly and middle p a rt of the n in e te en th century (Schlarman 1939: 2 ). 2 .5 .2 R eligious Unity The second tack by which n a tio n a l u n ity was attem pted was through r e lig io n . To begin th is d isc u s s io n , i t is im portant to consider th a t j u s t as pre-R evolutionary “United S ta te s ” co n sisted of two economies, i t also co n sisted of d i s t i n c t id e o lo g ie s: Congregationalism in the N orthern S ta te s , P resbyterianlsm in the Middle S ta te s , and E piscopalians in the Southern S ta te s (Cleveland 1916: 13). Each of which had th e ir own p ercep tio ns of r e a l i t y . The C o n g re g a tlo n alists and P resb y terian s l a t e r merged to form a sin g le group. Although the process by which th is occurred and the ev en tu al schisms th a t l a t e r to re them a p a rt are not of importance h e re , the p o in t is th a t they merged and e sta b lish e d the American Board o f Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions. To place th is in co n tex t however, 65 re q u ire s an exam ination of m issionary s o c ie tie s . A r e lig io u s awakening occurred e a r ly in the eig h teen th century (Goodykoontz 1939: 4 1 ). Among i t s te n e ts was the percep tio n n th a t the United S ta te s was the chosen n a tio n , d estin ed to inaugurate the m ille n n ia l Kingdom of ChriBt on e a rth " (Coleman 1984: 11). Another re v iv a l occurred during the middle of the eig h teen th cen tu ry . This was accompanied by the G reat Awakening and the M ethodist R evival (Goodykoontz 1939). A th ird r e v iv a l, the "Second G reat Awakening," began around 1800 and la s te d fo r "two g e n e ra tio n s” (Coleman 1985: 10). A fter the War fo r Independence, m issionary s o c ie tie s sought to c re a te a "new s o c ie ty ” (Bushman 1970: x i i i ) by e s ta b lis h in g n a tio n a l u n ity . The v ic to ry over B r ita in , the c a l l fo r economic independence, and the development of a new economic base, along w ith the n o tio n of the new n atio n as the "Promised Land” le n t to the m ille n n ia l ferv o r in the United S ta te s of the e ig h te e n th and n in eteen th c e n tu rie s (Goodykoontz 1939: 87; Pearce 1965: 41). The economic and id e o lo g ic a l movements were s y n e rg is tic and stim u lated p a tr io t ic and re lig io u s zealo u sn ess. In ev idence, p ro te c tiv e t a r i f f s were imposed on imported products (Cole 1928: 233-234). 2 .5 .3 M itig atin g Conditions These moves toward u n if ic a tio n proved to be hampered by some unforeseen consequences of H am ilton's programs. hindered national* u n ity in a t l e a s t two ways. I n d u s tr ia liz a tio n Western m igration brought the issu e of S ta te s Rights to a head and immigrants came to provide lab o r in f a c to r ie s and m ines. Both of these "made a mockery of most programs of n a tio n a l a c tio n in the n a tio n a l in te r e s t" (R o ssite r 66 1971: 276). Western expansion ex erted p ressu res upon those fa m ilie s liv in g in the r u r a l areas of New England to m igrate westward in search of a g r ic u ltu r a l land (Cleveland 1916: 15-16). the governm ent's emphasis on in d u stry . They were n o t pleased by As the d ista n c e between them and Washington, D.C. in c rea sed , so too did the chasm between th e ir needs and W ashington's d ic ta te s (see Appendix B). S ectio n al d iff e r e n c e s , in p a rt over which the War fo r Independence was fought, in c re a se d . The cry fo r S t a t e s ' Rights grew lo u d er, culm inating in the C iv il War (R o ssite r 1971: 298). The problems a sso c ia te d w ith the attem pts to achieve id e o lo g ic a l homogeneity are c le a r when we r e c a ll th a t the development of in d u s trie s on the e a ste rn seaboard forced farm ers to move in to the f r o n tie r zones. F ro n tie r towns contained c u ltu r a lly and id e o lo g ic a lly heterogeneous populations (Goodykoontz 1939: 29). l i t t l e l e i s u r e , and is o la tio n . L ife was c h a ra c te riz e d by poverty, I s o la tio n encouraged s o c ia l gath erin g s such as spinning-bees and corn-huskings (Cleveland 1916: 11), camp m eetings and re v iv a ls (Goodykoontz 1939: 32)—complete w ith tran ces (P ierso n 1938: 249)— turned these in to em otional e v e n t s . *4 By c o n tr a s t, "The c o a st to w n s... thanks to the accum ulation of a l i t t l e c a p ita l and the emergence of a sm all c la s s th a t had some le is u r e tim e, were developing a p o lite s o c ie ty ; the townsmen were becoming 14 For example, C handler, a m issionary a t Keweenaw Bay wrote in his jo u rn a l th a t I began to sing p ra ise s to God; and as I sung I began to be happy, and could not stop sin g in g . I t was happy more and more u n t i l I could not see the tre e s th a t were a l l around me, and then a l l my stre n g th was gone, and I f e l l w ith my load of wood in to the snow (P rin d le 1842: 36, emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . 67 urbane" (Goodykoontz 1939: 64-65). The se ttlem en ts were dominated by r e l a t iv e ly a f flu e n t people with s im ila r backgrounds. The presence of a s in g le church is In d ic a tiv e of th e ir id e o lo g ic a l homogeneity (Goodykoontz 1939: 30). The e a s t co ast r e lig io u s groups frowned upon the e c s ta tic n atu re and 'b o d ily e x e r c is e s ' (C leveland 1916: 134) of r e lig io u s expression in the west (Goodykoontz 1939: 32). They regarded the w estern m issio n a rie s as ig n o ran t and i l l i t e r a t e because they had l i t t l e formal education (Goodykoontz 1939: 33) and condemned w estern preachers who engaged in sec u la r a c t i v i t i e s (Hamilton 1939: 171; see also Crooks May 11, 1835; Greene December 12, 1835; H all February 3, 1835). Western denom inations, such as the M ethodists, denied the a lle g a tio n th a t the m issio n aries were i l l i t e r a t e (Education 1841; Mathews 1949; Cleveland 1916: 27). Thus, w estern s e t t l e r s had an equally unfavorable view of e a s te rn e r s . This increased denom inational r iv a lr y and se ctio n a lism . The second impediment to n a tio n a l homogeneity was the in creasin g presence of non-E nglish, n o n -P ro testa n t im migrants, lured to the new n a tio n by the idea of the Promised Land. Although the East Coast i n d u s t r i a l i s t s needed them to provide labor and s e rv ic e s , the m ajority of the c itiz e n s of the United S ta te s were h o s tile to them—e s p e c ia lly i f they were C atholics (Goodykoontz 1939: 232; R o ssite r 1971: 118). There seems to be an economic b asis fo r th is sentim ent. The m igrants were a ttr a c te d to lo w er-lev el in d u s tr ia l p o sitio n s in the e a s t c o ast and in the mining o p eratio n s in the Northwest T e rrito ry (Cohen 1985). P re sb y te ria n s, predom inating on the East Coast, were p rim a rily in d u s tria lis ts . The lo w -P ro te sta n t denominations ( e .g . M ethodists and B a p tis ts ) , were composed la rg e ly of b lu e -c o lla r la b o re rs (Demerath 1965: 2-3, Cleveland 1916: 13), and provided lab o r fo r the new 68 e n te r p ris e s . The h ig h -P ro te s ta n t se c ts may have been more to le r a n t of C atholics on the e a s t c o ast because they provided "much-needed u n sk ille d lab o r" (Goodykoontz 1939: 222). Members of the lo w e r-P ro te sta n t churches, on the o th er hand, saw the C atholic new-comers as com petitors fo r th e ir jo b s. to be a n ta g o n istic to the C a th o lic s. Consequently, they were ap t Documents in the N ational Archives m irro r th is p a tte r n (se e , fo r example Brunson Ju ly 18, 1843; Brunson August 29, 1843; and S tu a rt October 13, 1 8 4 3 ). A ll P ro te s ta n t denom inations, however, reacted to the im m igration of C atholics by charging m issionary s o c ie tie s to combat C atholicism in the f r o n tie r a re a , fe a rin g th a t "fragm ents of w estern P ro te sta n tism were about to be absorbed in to the Church of Rome" (Hamilton 1939: 1 7 2 ).16 xhe h o s t i l i t y toward C atholics was also m anifested by a n a t i v l s t i c movement, defined as an "in te n se opp o sitio n to an In te rn a l m inority on the grounds of i t s fo reig n ( i . e . , "un-'A m erican'’") This d is tr ib u tio n was p resen t in the United S ta te s as la te as 1950. Although lower and middle c la s se s had become members of the high P ro te s ta n t denom inations, B a p tis ts , M ethodists and Roman C atholics obtained a high p ro p o rtio n of th e ir congregations from the lower and middle c la s s e s : S o cial P r o file of American R eligious Groups Denomination Upper Class Middle Class Lower Class E piscopalian C ongregational P resb y terian M ethodist B a p tist Roman C ath o lic 2 4 .1Z 23.9 21.9 12.7 8.0 8.7 33.7% 42.6 40.0 35.6 24.0 24.7 42.2% 33.5 38.1 51.7 68.0 66.6 Source: Demerath 1965: 2, Table 1-1. The C atholics feared the P r o te s ta n ts , too. They feared the progress made by P ro te s ta n t denom inations. Richard Badin wrote in 1828, ' I f C atholics do not make and [s ic ] e f f o r t the Indians w ill become C h ristia n but P r o te s ta n t'lJ e z e r n ik 196S: 43). 69 connections" (Barry 1958: 138-139), and as a "defensive type of natio n alism " (Higham 1958: 1 5 0 ).17 I t continued to the mid- n in eteen th century as in d ica te d by the Know-Nothing P arty (McLaughlin 1972: 309-310), whose primary platform was a n ti-C a th o lic ism (Anderson 1970: 101 ). Thus, to be C atholic was to be fo re ig n ; and fo re ig n e rs , in th is era aroused fe a r fo r the s a fe ty of in s titu tio n s United S ta te s c itiz e n s held d ear. This fe e lin g was held before the R evolution (Bosworth 1975; Blackey 1975; Goodykoontz 1939: 41), and in to the n in eteen th century. As C atholic Immigration increased a f te r 1825 (R o ssite r 1971: 118), the fe e lin g heightened. The number of C atholics in the United S ta te s in creased g re a tly as the r e s u l t of im m igration. I t has been estim ated th a t the average number of a lie n s e n te rin g the United S ta te s a t the beginning of the 19th century was only 5-6,000 a y e a r. Between 1820 and 1826 the fig u re s ranged from 6,000 to 10,000 an n u ally . Then they began to mount ra p id ly : 23,000 in 1830, 65,000 in 1834, 84.000 in 1840, more than 100,000 in 1842, more than 300.000 in 1850, and over 400,000 in 1854 (Goodykoontz 1939: 221). The in te n s ity w ith which a n ti-C a th o lic ism was f e l t v aried throughout the p erio d , b ut the h o s t i l i t y toward them was never f a r below the s u rfa c e . The r is in g tid e of C a th o lic s, coupled with the In ten se fe e lin g s of n atio n alism brought about fe a rs of "enem ies." 17 N ativism and became C a th o lic . The m issio n s, a re c u rre n t 1865, Buros March 16, a n ti-C a th o lic ism had an impact on Indians who government w ithheld money from the C atholic phenomena in Michigan (see Bourassa November 1, 1860). 18 Although anim osity toward C atholics would ebb and flow over the n ex t 300 y e a rs, i t has never e n tir e ly disappeared, as dem onstrated by the controversy over whether John F. Kennedy should be e le c te d P resid en t and G eraldine F e r ra r o 's bid fo r the V ice-P residency. 70 Few young n atio n s have been more la v is h ly b le s s e d ...b y the ex iste n c e of an enemy than the United S ta te s In the e a rly years of in d e p e n d e n c e .... Whether th is enemy was Europe as a w h o le ...o r th a t s p e c ia l corner of Europe c a lle d B rita in or England, as i t was l i t e r a l l y in 1812 and p ro sp e c tiv e ly in 1845, i t s mere presence in the world helped speed up the course of s e lf - i d e n t if ic a tio n (R o ssite r 1971: 127). P re sb y te rian s b elieved C atholic in flu en ce in the west would in crease the loose moral co n d itio n s and re lig io u s degeneration in the west (Goodykoontz 1939: 25-34). Concerned by re p o rts re ify in g th e ir fe a rs — "loose m o ra ls' " i l l i t e r a t e ' p reach ers, tran ces and in creasin g numbers of C atholics — they increased m issionary a c tiv it y . N ationalism and xenophobism, e s p e c ia lly prominent a f t e r the War of 1812 (D angerfleld 1965: 32), c o n trib u ted to the home m issionary movement (Sweet 1963: 262). The Federal government, h eav ily dominated by P re sb y te ria n s, tr ie d to stre n g th e n the n a tio n 's economy and promote n a tio n a l u n ity by encouraging in d u s tr ia l p ro d u ction. and im m igration. This encouraged westward expansion Westward expansion and im m igration of fo re ig n e rs , in tu rn , stim u lated the a c t i v i t i e s of m issionary s o c ie tie s who were charged w ith the task of making the west homogeneous w ith the e a s t. M issionaries and East Coast businessmen sought to in te g ra te the w estern ers w ith the e a s te rn economy by encouraging dom estic consumption. The government s tre s s e d n a tio n a l u n ity and attem pted to accomplish th is by s tr e s s in g economic and id e o lo g ic a l u n ity . values were n o t shared by Whites in the Northwest T e rrito ry . These 71 2.6 The Northwest T e rrito ry With her focus on m ercantilism and commerce before the War and In d u stry afterw ards (Zinn 1980: 65), the United S ta te s had l i t t l e regard fo r the fu r tra d e (Stevens 1916: 42). Her merchants did not have access to goods w ith which to conduct the fu r tra d e (Stevens 1916: 66-67; S chlesinger 1957: 16) and the B r itis h p o st a t Oswego blocked the en try of United S ta te s tra d e rs (Stevens 1916: 101). Consequently, the United S ta tes did n ot have the t r a d it io n , the s u p e rs tru c tu re , nor deep i n t e r e s t in the Indian tra d e a f t e r the R evolution. A fter the War the fu r trad e was laden with fo re ig n com petition (Bryce 1968: 208; Stevens 1916: 190; G ilp in 1970: 46). The fu r tra d e rs complained to Alexander Hamilton: The S ca rcity of Beaver and some o th er Furrs produced in the Back Country is a g re a t impediment which a r is e s not from the Nature of the Country, b u t from o th er Nations being p r in c ip a lly possessed of the ex ten siv e Furr Trade of th is v a s t C o n tin e n t.. . . I f th is Trade was commanded by the United S ta te s , i t might prove a g re a t Source of W ealth, ex clu siv e of the m anufacture of F urrs among o urselves (Cole 1928: 81). The government sought to e lim in a te com petition but o th er o b sta c le s emerged. The fu r tra d e was expanding (Bryce 1962: 120) and B rita in had no in te n tio n s of leav in g the Northwest T e rrito ry (Danziger 1978: 60). 2 .6 .1 Fear of B rita in The B r itis h presence in the Northwest T e rrito ry r e if ie d the United S ta te s 1' fe a r th a t B rita in would attem pt to reclaim her l o s t c o lo n ie s. 72 This was 's u b s t a n t i a t e d ' by o th er a c tio n s . A r tic le E ight of the T reaty of P aris gave England perm ission to n av ig ate f re e ly upon the Great Lakes and the M ississip p i River (Stevens 1916: 71). Uhen B rita in re a liz e d the two waterways were not connected she made numerous re q u ests th a t the Grand Portage d i s t r i c t ( in Minnesota) re tu rn to B r itis h hands (Stevens 1916: 176). This had become a very Im portant c e n te r in the Indian tra d e (Stevens 1916: 106). Her req u est would have Increased B r itis h c o n tro l in the a re a . Equally im portant, the Indians re c a lle d th e ir r e l a tiv e ly favorable experiences w ith the French and B r itis h (N ic o lle t 1972: 117; Jones 1861: 217-218). Thus the Indians were not p a r t of the United S ta te s and posed a p o te n tia l th r e a t, i f only because of a p re d isp o s itio n to a l l y with fo re ig n e rs. Between 1826 and 1844 the Federal government c a rrie d out many ex p ed itio n s to the Northwest T e rr ito ry . While one purpose of these ex p ed itio n s had been to scout fo r m ineral d e p o s its , another was to determ ine how to keep B r ita in o u t of the area (S ch o o lc raft 1958: x x i i ) . Thomas McKenney (1972: 257), the Commissioner of Indian A ffairs while a t Fond du Lac in 1826, w rote, "one of the c h ie f d i f f i c u l t i e s w ith which the government has to contend in th is q u a rte r, is th a t which r e la te s to the e x e rc ise of B r itis h in flu en c e over these p eo p le." The B r itis h had a tra d in g p o st on Drummond Islan d in 1827 (George Johnston January 25, 1827); the g a rris o n was removed two years l a t e r (Johnston March 21, 1829). The B r itis h s t i l l gave p resen ts to the In d ia n s, a p ra c tic e about which Henry S ch o o lcraft expressed concern. The amount of goods, arms, and ammunition, Issued a t these convocations [in Canada to Indians re sid in g in the 73 United S ta te s ] , Is unknown to me, b u t whatever i t may be, i t is q u ite u n im portant, so f a r as r e la te s to fu tu re p o l i t i c a l consequences, compared to the employment of c a p ita l of the Hudson's Bay Company, who n o t only lin e the f r o n t i e r from la Cloche to Red R iver, as they have a le g a l and proper r ig h t to , but spreading west of the Rocky M ountains, have extended th e ir o p eratio n s through a l l the len g th and b red th of the Columbia V alley and wage a w arfare of commercial o p p o sitio n to the American tra d e rs p e n e tra tin g in to th a t re g io n , which is r a th e r open than a s s i d u o u s ...I t has been found, th a t the lo c a l f a c t o r s , on th is f r o n t i e r , adopt a l l p r a c tic a l means of drawing the In d ian p o p u latio n to these s ta tio n s , and have, in a number of in sta n c e s over leaped the t e r r i t o r i a l boundary,in the p u rs u it of tra d e (October A, 1838, emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . I t is c le a r th a t h is concern was on the p o l i t i c a l and economic consequences. Evidence suggests the Indians a c tiv e ly traded with B r itis h tra d e rs as l a t e as 1843 (Schmalz 1977: 12; Ord September 1, 1838; Brunson A pril 22, 1843), thus the f e a r of a B r itis h - Indian a llia n c e continued. This fe a r continued w ell in to the middle p a r t of the n in e te e n th ce n tu ry . George Johnston ( n .d .b .) learned of an Indian plan to a tta c k F o rt Brady in 1838 during the Canadian war fo r u n if ic a tio n , m istakenly th in k in g i t was a war between Canada and the United S ta te s. *9 The fe a r underlay the claim of United S ta te s c o n tro l up to 5 4 ' 40° in 1848 (Dunbar 1970: 56) and was p re se n t on the eve of the C iv il War: In 1861, United S ta te s I n te r p r e te r Edward Ashneur (October 17, 1861) wrote to the Commissioner of Indian A f fa ir s : I accompanied Hon. D.C. Leach, U.S. Indian M ichigan, to L'Anse th is f a l l when he made to the Indians of th a t re g io n . I acted as I n te r p r e te r . Mr Leach in h is co u n cil w ith agent fo r h is payment h is the Indians 19 Two years e a r l i e r S ch o o lcraft (August 3, 1836) discounted a s im ila r rumor, "which are in my opinion w ithout fo u n d atio n ." T ilby (1912: 354) notes th e United S ta te s held th is fe a r Canada became fe d erated in 1862. 74 explained the p o licy of the Govt in the pending war and the r e la tio n s of the Govt to the Indians [toward?] the sam e...They were e n tir e ly s a tis f ie d w ith h is explanation and gave strong proofs of th e ir lo y a lty . I have no h e sitan c y in saying th a t they are lo y a l, and the Department need have no apprehension of any tro u b le from th a t q u a rte r. N otw ithstanding, s ix companies of s o ld ie rs were dispatched to the Upper Peninsula the follow ing y ear because rumor held the Indians were to stag e a r e v o lt (Armstrong 1892: 66). Some auth o rs have s ta te d the fe a r was more imaginary than re a l (fo r example, McClurken 1986: 18-20; Calloway 1986: 12). Vhether re a l or im aginary the rh e to ric helped shape United S ta te s fo reig n policy and la s te d u n til the e a rly 1860s (see Helms 1975: 232, LaFeber 1983: 24). By then, the United S ta te s had a tta in e d an economic base so strong i t vied with B rita in fo r f i r s t place in the world (R o ssite r 1971: 148) and the fe a r of fo reig n in te rv e n tio n could no longer be j u s t i f i e d . P re c ise ly how the United S ta te s acquired th is is la rg e ly ta n g e n tia l to our p re sen t I n te r e s t s . Extending United S ta te s m anufactures to the Indians through the F actory System, however, was one way th is was accom plished. 2 .6 .2 The Factory System P re sid e n t Washington viewed the increased B r itis h presence in the Northwest T e rrito ry w ith concern. He assu red ly in te rn a liz e d H am ilton's Report on M anufactures and saw the place of Indians in a la rg e r scheme. In 1792 he s ta te d th a t B rita in would r e ta in i t s in flu en ce on the Indians u n t i l the United S ta te s could supply them w ith goods a t r a te s com petitive with the B r itis h (Stevens 1916: 104). He requested 75 Congress to Implement the Factory System to address th is problem. The Factory System was a t i t s base a government-run and government-sponsored program designed to stim u la te in d u s tr ia l production and In te g ra te the Native Americans in to the n a tio n a l economy. As conceived, th is f u l f i l l the n a tio n 's primary o b je c tiv e s in a number of ways. F i r s t i t would stim u late in d u s tr ia l production because most of the products sold a t fa c to ry po sts were manufactured in the United S ta te s (Peake 1954: 45). Second, i t would provide the United S ta te s w ith a market in which to market her products sin ce she had l o s t most of her previous o u tle ts ( P h illip s 1961 I I : 48). T hird, i t sought to win the In d ia n s ' a lle g ia n c e by "lin k [in g the In d ia n s '] in te r e s ts and fe e lin g with those of the people of the United S ta te s" (Irv in g 1865: 26-27).20 T h is, would in crease the United S ta te s ' a b i l i t y to re p e l fo re ig n in v asion by undermining the B r itis h - Indian a llia n c e . F in a lly , the Indian t e r r i t o r y would become b u ffe r zone between the United S ta te s and Canada Congress enacted the program in (K eller 1978: 4 ). 1795 (Stevens 1916: 103-104). The L e g is la tu re 's re lu ctan c e was due to p ressu res exerted by e a s t co ast m erchants, who argued i t would be a source of com petition (V iola 1974: 47). In 1794 J a y 's T reaty req u ired B r ita in to remove her g a rriso n s from the Northwest T e rrito ry (Stevens 1916: 179). Congress agreed to en act the program. The follow ing y e a r, In essence, Congress agreed to the plan only a f t e r merchants were assured economic and m ilita ry p ro te c tio n . 20 Drinnon (1980: 86-87) opines th a t the fa c to ry system "entrapped [th e Indian t r i b e s '] leading men in to running up debts a t government tra d in g po sts so th a t they would have to s e l l th e ir lands to p ay .” I do n ot argue w ith h is view. However, the Keweenaw Bay Indians were not removed from th e ir a n c e s tra l la n d s. Thus h is argument is not re le v a n t h ere. 76 Although the government I n s titu te d the Factory System to b e n e fit United S ta te s m anufactories, businessmen were s k e p tic a l of i t from the s t a r t and sought to have i t abolished by 1818. Ramsay Crooks argued before the Senate Committee on Indian A ffa irs th a t p riv a te c itiz e n s served the Indians b e tte r than could the government because p riv a te tra d e rs could go in to the w ilderness w hile the fa c to rs were confined to th e ir p o st (Lavender 1964: 319). He also questioned th e ir a b i l i t y to c h r is tia n iz e the Indians (Lavender 1964: 319), which had become a major plank in Commissioner of Indian A ffairs Thomas L. McKenney's goal lead in g toward a s s im ila tio n (Peake 1954: 177).21 The American Fur Company courted Governor of Michigan T e rr ito ry , Lewis Cass, Senator Thomas Hart Benton (T e r re ll 1963: 314), and o th er government o f f i c i a l s to help them achieve th e ir g o a l.22 Traders a lso a lle g e d the goods sold a t the f a c to r ie s were in f e r io r to th e ir s ( I b i d . ) . There was tru th to th is claim . There are freq u en t re p o rts th a t su p p lies provided a t fa c to ry posts were of poor q u a lity (Dunbar 1965: 266), In ap p ro p riate (Danziger 1978: 63; Peake 1954: 69), or both (Peake 1954: 62-80). Some merchants sen t a r t ic le s of poor q u a lity thinking " th a t any q u a lity of goods would answer fo r Indians" (Peake 1954: 6 9 ).2 3 ,2 4 21 R ecall the Hudson's Bay Company had been sending m issio n aries w ith the s e t t l e r s sin c e 1808. McKenney's c a ll fo r m isslo n izln g the In d ia n s, th en , was p a rt of a la rg e r tre n d . 22 Benton and Cass received payments from the American Fur Company (P o rte r 1931 I I : 713-714; T e r r e ll 1963: 251 n o te ). 23. Hagan (1976: 160) re p o rts the Sioux received shoddily manufactured b la n k e ts, shoes, p an ts, and s u i t s . Indian agents made s im ila r statem ents l a t e r in the n in e te e n th century fo r the A nishlnabe. [The Indians responded in kind by s e llin g poor q u a lity fu rs to the f a c to rie s and the b e tte r ones to p riv a te tra d in g p o sts] (Peake 1954: 132). R ecallin g the problems hampering production of g ood-quality 77 The United S ta te s produced goods of in f e r io r q u a lity (Dunbar 1965: 266; P o rte r 1931 I I : 834-835). The poor q u a lity was a r e s u l t of lack of proper machinery, u n a v a ila b ility of m a te ria ls , and lack of knowledge (Cole 1928: x x -x x il). Furtherm ore, change fo r the sake of change had taken hold of the emotions of m illio n s of Americans; and f a r too many of them had f a lle n in to the easy h a b it of equating change w ith progress (R o s site r 1971: 280). This c u ltu r a l p a tte rn was a p a r t of the n a tio n a lis t ic ferv o r c h a r a c te r is tic of the tim e. Businessmen c r i ti c i z e d the fa c to ry system from the s t a r t and sought to d estro y i t . R ather than providing the Indians w ith a p p ro p ria te goods and of s u ita b le q u a lity , the fa c to rs sold goods n o t m arketable to W hites.25 This accomplished the m erchants' goal: fo rce Indians to purchase goods a t p riv a te tra d in g p o s ts . to The program did not accom plish the governm ent's o b je c tiv e s ; Indeed, i t was ab olished because i t had n ot k ep t the Indians away from B r itis h (Peake 1954: 184). Is i t any wonder th a t the Indians did so? Due to these p re ssu re s the F actory System was abolished in 1822 (G ilp in 1970: 125). Buley (1951 I: 402) claim s i t s f a ilu r e was due to: m a te ria l to begin w ith , one can imagine how poorly these products served the governm ent's purposes. 24 The p ra c tic e of giving a r t i c l e s u n salab le elsew here (Abbott Ju ly 3, 1843), and o f poor q u a lity continued throughout the n in e te e n th cen tu ry (Jamison 1946: 91; Danziger 1978: 81; Richmond October 26, 1845; S tu a rt Ju ly 9, 1843). I t continues in the ethnographic p re se n t (Senate S e le c t Committee on H ealth and Human Needs 1977). 25 in 1843, big business was even more firm ly in c o n tro l of the Indian tra d e . Indians continued to receiv e shoddily manufactured goods and s t i l l p re fe rre d B r itis h tra d e rs (Schmalz 1977: 12). 78 P riv a te c a p ita l and p o l i t i c a l in flu e n c e , combined w ith su p e rio r goods, u n d e rse llin g , use of liq u o r, and the power of tra d e rs fre q u e n tly in term arried w ith In d ia n s, proved too much fo r the government system. I concur and o f fe r the program f a ile d because i t did n o t have the support of businessmen. Faced w ith com petition from B rita in who o ffered products of su p e rio r q u a lity , the United S ta te s fu r tra d e rs had to do lik ew ise (Lavender 1964: 259; Hlckerson 1970: 101 n o te ; Cole 1928: 81). However, p ro te c tiv e t a r i f f s made these products expensive (Zinn 1980: 90), and the B r itis h o ffe red the same products (Lavender 1964: 259) " a t about 65%" le s s (S tu a rt Hay 16, 1831; P h illip s 1961 I I : 69). The fu r tra d e rs and United S tates government a lso operated a t cross-purposes over xenophobism. Fur tra d e rs liv in g or working in the Northwest T e rrito ry needed fo re ig n e rs to conduct th e ir b u sin e ss. In 1816, the F ederal government passed a law p ro h ib itin g the employment of fo re ig n e rs . Ramsay Crooks argued: [Canadians] are in d isp e n s ib le to the su ccessfu l p ro secu tio n of the tra d e , th e ir places cannot be supplied by Americans who are fo r the most p a rt too independent to submit to a proper co n tro u l and who can gain any where a su b sisten ce much su p erio r to a man of the i n t e r i o r . . . .Although the body of a Yankee can r e s i s t as much hardship as any Man, t i s only in the Canadian we fin d the temper of mind to render him p a tie n t, d o c ile , and p e rs e v e rin g [.] In s h o rt they are a people harm less in themselves whose h a b its of submission f i t them p e c u lia rly fo r our b usiness and i f guided as is my wish they should b e, w ill never give j u s t cause of alarm to the government o f the United S ta te s (Lavender 1964: 257; P o rter 1931 I I : 703). Thus, fu r tra d e rs argued a g a in s t the sentim ents voiced by o th er sec to rs of the United S ta te s by h irin g fo re ig n e rs and buying fo reig n products. The in f e r io r q u a lity of United S ta te s manufactured products put them a t 79 a com petitive disadvantage w ith B r itis h tra d e rs . They a lso saw the d e s tru c tio n of fo re s ts as in ju rio u s to th e ir b u sin e ss. In v i r t u a ll y a l l re s p e c ts , fu r tra d e rs perceived the governm ent's a c tio n s as in te rv e n tio n and com petition: The Indian tra d e rs w ill always endeavor to le sse n the v alue of the goods furnished the Indians by the Government, as they consider the government as in tru d in g on th e ir r ig h ts when goods are paid to the Indians in place of specie (Dodge Ju ly 6, 1838). The payment of Indian a n n u itie s l a t e r in the n in e te e n th century also co n trib u te d to f r i c t i o n between the government and the business community. By th en , however, another dynamic process had become ev id e n t. Following B r itis h p reced en t, businessmen c o n tro lle d access to the In d ia n s. S ta te s Rights and the emergence of l a i s s e z - f a ir e c a p ita lism caused the government to tu rn over her previous o b lig a tio n s "to s t a t e s , m u n ic ip a litie s , co rp o ra tio n s, or p riv a te c itiz e n s —or even, as i t were, to no one a t a l l ” (R o ssite r 1971: 226-227). By 1840, people sym pathetic to business had been placed in s tr a te g ic p laces—including the Indian S erv ice— thus d ic ta tin g F ederal - Indian p o lic y . 2 .6 .3 M issionaries and M isslonization J u s t as Indians were Included in the governm ent's attem pts to woo them away from the B r itis h and a s s im ila te them, m issionary a c t i v i t i e s in the n in e te e n th century were a lso extended to include In d ia n s. Three m issionary s o c ie tie s were e s p e c ia lly a c tiv e in the region of Michigan which forms the focus of th is monograph: the P re sb y te ria n / C o n g re g a tlo n a llsts, M ethodists, and C a th o lic s. I tr e a t each of these 80 groups s e p a ra te ly because they had d i s t i n c t h i s t o r i e s . 26 In 1819 Congress enacted le g is la tio n req u estin g th a t m issionary s o c ie tie s introduce " c iv iliz in g a r t s ” (education and a g ric u ltu r e ) to the Indians (Schoenfus 1963: 48), ap p ro p riatin g $10,000 annually fo r the purpose (Prucha 1973: 222). In 1824, Congress provided a d d itio n a l funds fo r th is purpose (Shoenfus 1963: 48-49). In the beginning, m issio n aries learned the language of th e ir Indian c o n v e rts. By 1819, however, in s tr u c tio n began to be conducted in E nglish (V iola 1974: 1 8 7 ).27 The C o n g re g a tio n a list/P re sb y te rla n m issionary s o c ie ty , the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions, e sta b lish e d i t s f i r s t m ission among the Indians in 1816 (V iola 1976: 47). In 1822 i t received Federal a s s is ta n c e to e s ta b lis h m issions among the Anishinabe (Prucha 1973: 220; Viola 1976: 49). They e sta b lish e d a m ission a t S au lt S te. Marie the follow ing year with the support of the American Fur Company (Vecsey 1983: 32). Indian Agent Henry R. S ch o o lcraft helped them e s ta b lis h o th e r m issions in the Northwest T e rrito ry (S ch o o lc raft 1958: xxv), in cluding one a t Chequamegon (Vecsey 1983: 34). Although they did n ot e s ta b lis h a m ission a t Keweenaw Bay, th e ir clo se r e la tio n s h ip with the Federal government and the American Fur 26 M issionaries played a c ru c ia l ro le in United S ta te s - Indian p o licy throughout the r e s t of the n in eteen th cen tu ry . T heir importance in creased when the Peace P o licy was promulgated in 1869 (Vecsey 1983: 42, Coleman 1984: 4 0 ). Although the Peace Policy form ally ended in 1882 (K eller 1983), m issio n aries s t i l l received ap p ro p ria tio n s from the government in support of In d ian m issions u n t il the e a rly tw en tieth cen tu ry (Vecsey 1983: 43, Ketcham 1908: 12). 27 The c a l l fo r in s tr u c tio n in English began as e a rly as 1868 (A tkins 1973: 198). By 1880, the Indian Bureau issued re g u la tio n s s ta tin g " a l l in s tr u c tio n must be in E n g lis h ...” (Atkins 1973: 199). In s tr u c tio n in E nglish began as e a rly as 1865 a t the Keweenaw Bay (Vecsey 1983: 42; Nelson 1965: 58). 81 Company influenced United S ta te s - Indian p o licy and thus had in d ir e c t impact on the Keweenaw Bay In d ian s. The Canadian Conference of the M ethodist Episcopal Church began i t s m issionary a c t i v i t i e s among the Indians in the Northwest T e rrito ry in 1823. This e f f o r t seems to have been a re a c tio n to th e ir fe a r of United S ta te s conquest. T heir m issions were tra n s fe rre d to the Wesleyan M ethodists, who, in tu rn , were replaced by the Michigan Conference in 1837, very l ik e ly a p a rt of the g eneral e f f o r t to r id the Northwest T e rrito ry of B r itis h in flu e n c e . These m iss io n a rie s , however, did n o t focus a tte n tio n on the In d ia n s, b u t ra th e r on the Whites who were a rriv in g d a ily in the Upper P eninsula (see Lambert 1967a). Chapter I I I p rese n ts a d e ta ile d study of the a c t i v i t i e s of the Michigan Conference a t Keweenaw Bay. The C atholic Church of the United S tates was expanding ra p id ly w ith the in flu x of European immigrants during the e a rly n in eteen th cen tu ry . This occurred again a f t e r 1848 due to re v o lu tio n s in various European c o u n trie s (Schlarman 1939: 2 ). There were few United S ta te s-b o rn p r ie s ts to a tte n d to the needs of th is expanding p o p u latio n , so p r ie s ts a rriv e d from Europe (P ierson 1938: 299). The Diocese of D e tro it provides an example of the co n d itio n s i t faced, and by ex ten sio n the co n d itio n s of many C ath o lic diocese in the United S ta te s . In 1830, the D e tro it Diocese— c o n sistin g of the s ta t e of Ohio and Michigan and W isconsin T e r r i t o r i e s — had 988,799 in h a b ita n ts , of who i 17,000 were C a th o lic s. th e ir needs ( I b id ) . There were tw enty-five p r ie s ts to m in iste r to To meet the demand, the bishop se n t h is v ic a r g e n e ra l, F ather F red eric Rese, to Europe to r e c r u it p r ie s ts (Jezern ik 1968: 27). Rese went f i r s t to France, where a m issionary s o c ie ty had 82 answered a s im ila r appeal made by the Bishop of New Orleans (Ib id .)* This s o c ie ty was unable to provide su p p o rt, but i t published R ese's t r e a t i s e d escrib in g the h is to r y of the diocese and expressing concern about the s p i r i t u a l needs of the In d ia n s, who were w ithout p r ie s t s . This p u b lic a tio n was w idely dissem inated throughout the C ontinent ( Ib id .). F ather Rese then went to A u stria where Emperor F rancis I responded to h is p e titio n w ith funds and e s ta b lis h e d the C ath o lic m issionary s o c ie ty , Leopoldinen S tiftu n g (Jezern lk 1968: 28; Payne 1915: 51; P o licy 1845: 7 4 ).2 8 One of th is m issionary s o c ie ty 's p r ie s ts is discussed in Chapter I I I . 2 .6 .3 .1 T rader-M issionary R elations Traders both championed and hindered the m is s io n a rie s ' cause. Some were su p p o rtiv e of the m issio n a ry 's e f f o r t s , w hile o th e rs were adverse to them. Whether a p a r tic u la r tra d e r had p o s itiv e or negative fe e lin g s towards the presence of a m issionary did n o t seem to be p red icated on h is r e lig io u s a f f i l i a t i o n . For example, F ath er Andrew Viszoczky s ta te d th a t a p a r tic u la r C atholic tra d e r was h is w orst enemy, b u t was frie n d ly w ith the P ro te s ta n t m issionary (Viszoczky October 20, 1835). Many tra d e rs believ ed th a t the m issio n iz a tio n of the Indians would r e s u l t in decreased p r o f its (Hickey 1883: 29). This p ercep tio n may have been v a lid : 28 The M ethodist Church viewed th is C atholic m issionary so c ie ty w ith alarm . Coggeshall (1837: 180-181) wrote i t was p a r t of a " re g u la r and w e ll-la id conspiracy a g a in s t the l i b e r t i e s of these United S ta te s ." O thers shared h is views ( E l l i o t t 1841; L ite ra ry 1844; P o licy 1845). 83 I always heard sa id about the Indians In th a t region th a t most of them are outspoken enemies of the C h ristia n r e lig io n . They a re kept In th is h o s tile a ttitu d e towards the r e lig io n by godless tra d e rs who o fte n v i s i t them to bring them rum fo r th e ir fu rs because these godless men know th a t the In d ia n s, when they accept C h r is tia n ity , renounce drunkenness e n tir e ly , to which the pagan Indians are very much a d d ic te d . In order to always have good tra d e w ith them, they seek to keep them in paganism by a l l p o ssib le means (Baraga June 29, 1832). I t is common knowledge th a t the tra d e rs reaped la rg e p r o f its from the Indians by making them in to x ic a te d . th is p r a c tic e . Baraga expressed a concern about "The fu r tra d e rs here so sham efully defraud the poor In d ia n s, they n e v e rth e le ss always receiv e l i t t l e fo r th e ir many p e lts " (Baraga March 7, 1834). I f Baraga and o th er m issio n aries were observing th ese a c t i v i t i e s , i t could not help b u t sour th e ir re la tio n s h ip s w ith tr a d e r s . The s tra in e d r e la tio n s between m issio n aries and tra d e rs in the f r o n tie r were not found in the c e n tra l o ffic e s of the fu r companies. Ramsay Crooks, fo r example, w rote, "You w ill however understand th a t I have no s p e c ia l o b jec tio n to anyone attach ed to the M issions, e ith e r P ro te s ta n t or C atholic who have the perm ission of the Government to come in to the Indian Country” (August 22, 1835, emphasis in the o r ig i n a l ) . Crooks helped Baraga b u ild a church a t La Polnte (Baraga February 25, 1836).29 Many documents in the Papers of the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions in d ic a te the clo se r e la tio n s h ip th is o rg a n iz a tio n had with the American Fur Company. One l e t t e r , w r itte n when the American Fur Company planned to s h i f t i t s base 29 He a lso helped Baraga receiv e funds from a French merchant by s e llin g wine (Loisson October 24, 1838, Crooks Ju ly 27, 1843, Crooks. August 2, 1843, Crooks March 3, 1840, Crooks March 14, 1840) and giving suggesting how to s tim u la te s a le s (Crooks Ju ly 8, 1839; November 10, 1840) 84 from Mackinac to S a u lt S te . Marie c le a r ly expresses th is re la tio n s h ip : "...H ow f a r the re c e n t changes in the arrangements of the American Fur Company are going to e f f e c t [th e Mackinac m iss io n 's ] importance in th is re s p e c t o th e r s , I cannot s a y . . . ” (Greene February 19, 1835). The m ission was abandoned a few years l a t e r , a r e s u l t , a t l e a s t in p a r t, of the removal of the tra d in g p o s t. 2 .6 .3 .2 Impact on the Anlshlnabe As fa r as can be determ ined th ere was no fa c to ry p o st lo cated near the Keweenaw Bay. However, th is system influenced United S tates Indian p o lic y , and thus had im pact on th a t Indian community in th re e ways. F i r s t , i t dem onstrates th a t the Federal government a t f i r s t was actin g in a manner th a t i t perceived to be benevolent toward the N ative Americans and p ro p itio u s to United S tates b u sin e sse s. I ro n ic a lly , the business community undermined th is p o lic y . Second, i t dem onstrates how in d u stry m anipulated government po licy to s u i t i t s ends. By 1S43, i n d u s t r i a l i s t s placed in d iv id u a ls sym pathetic to th e ir goals in key p o s itio n s — including the Indian O ffic e . Consequently the Indians were c u t out from d ir e c t in flu en ce on United S ta tes - Indian r e l a t io n s . themselves from the In d ia n s. In so doing, U hites In su lated T h ird , the Factory System dem onstrates the degree to which xenophobism a ffe c te d United S ta te s - Indian p o licy . The ra tio n a le fo r i t s c re a tio n was a fe a r of B r ita in , i t s demise was because the Indians continued to tra d e with B r ita in . B r itis h presence in the Northwest r e if ie d the concern th a t B rita in would attem pt to recover her l o s t c o lo n ie s. Thus, the In d ia n s ' a lle g ia n c e to B rita in a ffe c te d United S ta te s - In d ian policy in th a t the F ederal Government 85 sought to woo Indians away from B r ita in through I ts la rg e s s e . Uhether the United S ta te s" fe a r of the B r itis h was r e a l or Im aginary, documents in the N ational Archives in d ic a te i t influenced United S tates - Indian p o lic y . Henry S ch o o lcraft (February 26, 1839) wrote " I t should a lso be borne in mind th a t these tr ib e s are adverse to em igrating South; th a t they have been long subsidized from the C a n a d a s..." . By th is he in d icated the idea of removing Indians from Michigan would subvert the governm ent's attem pts to win the Indians" a lle g ia n c e and use them as a b u ffe r between the United S ta te s and B r ita in . The fe a r of B rita in extended w ell in to the n in eteen th century. A shneur's commission and the governm ent's sending of troops to squash a suspected Indian u p risin g suggests th is f e a r had evolved in a curious d ire c tio n . By 1860 the United S ta te s had achieved i t s economic independence and become a member of the A tla n tic community. Canada's in te rn a l problems could n ot have been a c r u c ia l f a c to r . However, the fe a r rem ained. With B rita in no longer a reason fo r f e a r, the fe a r was d ire c te d to the Indians (see Utley 1976). This s h i f t was p a r t of the process by which Indians became excluded from p a r tic ip a tin g in the n a tio n a l fa b ric by m id-century. Before they were, and even while th is was ev o lv ing, attem pts were made to in te g ra te the Indians using m issionary s o c ie tie s . Before turning to th a t is s u e , however, i t is in s tr u c tiv e to sketch Indian - White r e la tio n s a t the Keweenaw Bay. CHAPTER I I I THE KEWEENAW BAY TO 1849 3.1 In tro d u cto ry Remarks The prim ary purpose of th is chapter Is to show th a t the community a t Keweenaw Bay fis s io n e d in 1832 and th a t, w ith in a s h o rt period o : tim e, two daughter communities had developed from I t In to d i s t i n c t e n title s . There are fiv e p rin c ip a l s e c tio n s . The f i r s t p resen ts a g eneral h is to r y of White -In d ia n r e la tio n s a t the Keweenaw Bay and how the themes presented In the l a s t ch ap ter a ffe c te d the community. The second d escrib es the In tro d u c tio n of the M ethodist m issionary to the Bay in 1832. The la t e n t fa c tio n a lism th a t c h a ra c te riz e d the community in 1827 (S ch o o lcraft 1962: 137) became v is ib le with h is a r r i v a l . The s e c tio n d escrib es the formal estab lish m en t of the M ethodist m ission, I t s subsequent development and the Indian response to 1843. This year marks the a r r iv a l of the C ath o lic m issionary, F red eric Baraga, who e s ta b lis h e d h is m ission on the west sid e of the Keweenaw Bay. The th ird s e c tio n d escrib es B araga's a c t i v i t i e s a t o th er m ission s it e s from h is a r r iv a l in the United S ta te s in 1832 u n t il he a rriv e d a t the Keweenaw Bay. This d isc u ssio n Is Im portant fo r two reaso n s. F i r s t , because the environm ental p ressu res ex erted upon Baraga—a r e s u l t of h is "un-American" h e rita g e —were d if f e r e n t from those described in the l a s t ch ap ter th a t a ffe c te d "Americans," i f only because he was a C ath o lic. Second, the documents r e la t iv e to h is 86 87 tenure a t the Keweenaw Bay are hazy r e l a tiv e to h is m issionary a c tiv itie s . His a c tio n s a t previous Indian m ission s it e s provide clu es of what h is goals fo r the Indians a t Keweenaw Bay were. These, when placed alo n g sid e of the e f fe c ts of h is presence th ere enable an understanding of the fa c to rs th a t Influenced the behavior of Indians liv in g In h is m ission. The fo u rth s e c tio n d escrib es the M ethodist m is s io n a rie s ' re a c tio n to B araga's a r r iv a l a t th e Keweenaw Bay and B araga's re a c tio n to the environm ental co n d itio n s under which he operated u n til 1849. By th is d ate i t is c le a r the community f is s io n th a t o s te n s ib ly re s u lte d w ith B araga's a r r i v a l was cemented. The com pletion of community schism was due, in p a rt to in te rn a l community dynamics. the in te rn a l p ro ce sse s. E xternal p ressu res aided These p re ssu re s, although exerted to re u n ite the two Indian communities, only m agnified the d iffe re n c e s between them. The f i f t h s e c tio n d ep arts somewhat from the general framework of th is chap ter by d escrib in g the growth p a tte rn fo r the two m issions u n t i l 1881. This w ill dem onstrate th a t the two m issions were v ia b le . 3.2 H istory of the Keweenaw Bay The Keweenaw Bay provides some evidence of the q u a lity of r e la tio n s between the Indians and French p r ie s ts described above. F ath er Mesnard went to the bay in 1660 to e s ta b lis h a m ission (Verwyst 1886: 17-18). The c h ie f "refused him and h is companions any h o s p ita lity , and even bade them to liv e away from h is settlem en t" (Rezek 1907: 237). Undaunted, Mesnard e s ta b lis h e d a m ission about seven m iles n o rth of where the M ethodist m ission was e s ta b lis h e d l a t e r (Verwyst 1886: 17, Jacker 1922: 316). He remained th ere fo r e ig h t 88 months, b ap tiz in g about one hundred in d iv id u a ls (Verwyst 1886: 177), b efo re s e ttin g o ff toward Chequamegon (N e lli 1850-56: 107).1 Vecsey (1983: 53), c itin g R adin's a n a ly sis of these In d iv id u als suggests the "co n v erts" re p resen ted : the m iserab le, the m aladjusted, the aged, the in f a n t i l e , and the diseased in the Indian p o p u latio n , and th a t such baptism s p re d ic ta b ly had no la s tin g e f f e c t on the whole o f the Indian communities. C le a rly , they were not those who wielded Influence w ithin the Indian p o p u latio n . This may have hampered the p r i e s t s ' attem pts to convert the 'h e a th e n s ' (see Nida 1978b fo r an analogous c a s e ). There is no evidence a p r ie s t returned to Keweenaw Bay u n t il F ather Allouez made a b r ie f v i s i t in 1665. He rep o rted fin d in g only two women who professed b e lie f in C atholicism (Verwyst 1886: 43), su g gesting a s u p e r f ic ia l in te r n a liz a tio n of th a t d o c trin e .? From then u n t i l the n in e tee n th cen tu ry the w estern h a lf of Lake Superior did n o t re c e iv e much a tte n tio n from the m issio n aries (Verwyst 1886: 144). There is no in d ic a tio n C ath o lic m issio n aries were th e re fo r any su stain ed period u n til Baraga a rriv e d in the m id-nineteenth cen tu ry . C ath o lic m iss io n a rie s , however, did make p e rio d ic v i s i t s to Indian se ttle m e n ts in the eig h te en th century (Vecsey 1983: 27). One document suggests these v i s i t s may have become a p a r t of lo c a l f o lk lo r e : "[The 1. F ath er Mesnard disappeared while going to Chequamegon (N e ill 1850-56: 107). ?. This was undoubtedly due to the temporary n a tu re of F rench-Indian c o n ta ct a t th is tim e. In a d d itio n , however, i t was also a com plaint a ire d by P ro te s ta n ts a g a in s t C atholics in the n in e te e n th century (see American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions 1834: 12 ). 89 v illa g e r s a t Beaver Isla n d ] have heard much about p r ie s ts through t r a d itio n from th e ir a n c e s to rs , but they have never seen one, never has one come to th e ir isla n d " (Baraga March 4, 1833). There is no inform ation about the Keweenaw Bay fo r the n ex t 140 y e a rs . c e n te r. This may be because the Keweenaw Bay area was not a primary In evidence, when the American Fur Company dominated the fu r tra d e , m a te ria l d estin ed fo r the Keweenaw Bay went to La P o in te, even though the ships had to go p a st to g et to La P o in te . Brown (1875), in h is h is to r y of the Northwest T e rrito ry , made no mention of the Keweenaw Bay, although h is work o s te n s ib ly provides a sketch of the m issions, f o r t s , and tra d in g p o sts in the a re a . A f in a l in d ic a tio n is th a t the Commissioner of Indian A f fa ir s , Thomas L. McKenney. in h is journey to the T reaty of Fond du Lac in 1826, took pains to d escrib e a l l the major bands. He stopped a t the Keweenaw Bay, but did not give a bio g rap h ical sketch of the c h ie f th e re , although he did give sketches of o th ers (McKenney and H all 1933-34). While th e re is no evidence of events occurring a t Keweenaw Bay s p e c if ic a lly r e la tin g to European-Indian r e la tio n s u n til the e a rly n in e te e n th c en tu ry , d ata fo r Chequamegon, 250 m iles west of Keweenaw Bay, suggest g en eral p a tte r n s . Most of the French l e f t the Northwest T e rrito ry a f t e r th e ir d e fe a t in the French and Indian Wars. The B r itis h Crown gave Alexander Henry ex clu siv e r ig h ts to tra d e w ith the Indians a t Chequamegon (Henry 1966: 191-192). p a rtn e rsh ip w ith Jean B a p tis te C adotte. Henry formed a H enry's jo u rn a l (1966) and the memoirs of o th ers (Warren 1865, Armstrong 1892) suggest Henry turned h is a tte n tio n to m ineral e x p lo ita tio n and e x tra c tio n of fu rs f u rth e r w est, leav in g Cadotte to o p erate the post a t Chequamegon. C adotte, l ik e o th e r French tra d e rs , m arried an Anishlnabe woman 90 (Warren 1865: 213). One of th e ir c h ild re n , M ichel, succeeded h is f a th e r as the p rin c ip a l tra d e r ( I b i d .) . He became a p a rtn e r In the North West Company and receiv ed trad in g p riv ile g e s fo r the region encompassing the headwaters of the M ississip p i, S t. Croix, and Chippewa R ivers (Warren 1865: 292). He m arried an Anlshlnabe woman a t Chequamegon (Warren 1865: 321), fo r whom Madeline Islan d (Chequamegon) was named (V izenor 1984: 41). She was the daughter of h e re d ita ry c h ie f , White Crane (Warren 1865: 292). The couple had two daughters (Warren 1865: 324-325). Two B r itis h tr a d e r s , Truman A. and Lyman M. Warren, began tra d in g w ith the Chippewa bands a t Lac Court O r e llle s , Lac du Flambeau, and S t. Croix s h o rtly a f t e r Alexander Henry e sta b lish e d h is p o st a t Chequamegon. They m arried Michel C ad o tte's two daughters (Warren 1865: 326) and worked with the North West C om pany. 3 Another B r itis h tra d e r, John Johnston, also began working around the Chequamegon region a t about th is tim e. He ap p aren tly began as an independent tra d e r (D anzlger 1978: 59), b u t a f f i l i a t e d w ith the North West Company in 1792 (Bryce 1968: 179). This Company placed B ritis h su b je c ts in high p o s itio n s , fo rc in g the French to accept lo w er-lev el p o s itio n s in the Company or be re le a se d . sure consequence of the l a t t e r o p tio n . Economic d e s tru c tio n was a At the La P ointe (Chequamegon) p o s t, John Johnson was made the t i t u l a r head tra d e r , and Michel Cadotte became h is c h ie f employee (Warren 1865: 292). 3 Note the Warrens m arried M ixed-bloods, n o t F u ll-b lo o d s. Lyman Warren became the head of the La P ointe p o st in 1821. When the American Fur Company began commercial fis h in g , Governor Henry Dodge appointed him in sp e c to r of the f is h . Warren was dism issed in 1839 when G abriel Franchere discovered evidence of mismanagement and c a re le s s n e s s . A Danish p h y sician , C harles W. Borup, replaced him (Nute 1926). 91 A tra d in g p o st was e s ta b lis h e d a t Keweenaw Bay by 1710 (Vecsey 1983: 12). I have found no f u rth e r Inform ation about the p o st fo r the period between 1710 and the beginning of the n in e te e n th cen tu ry . The North Vest Company e s ta b lis h e d a permanent tra d in g post on the west s id e of the Keweenaw Bay. F rancois Roi (Roy) operated the Keweenaw Bay p o st beginning in 1801-1802 (Coues 1965: 187). When the War of 1812 began, he and o th er North West tra d e rs went to D e tr o it, leav in g the L'Anse p o st in a c tiv e fo r the n e x t four years (Chaput 1970b: 20). Johnston a f f i l i a t e d w ith the American Fur Company sometime between 1808 and 1812. By 1812, h is tra d in g d i s t r i c t encompassed most of the Lake S uperior basin (Johnson 1919: 142). He was dism issed from the Company in 1818, o s te n s ib ly a v ic tim of the 1816 law p ro h ib itin g fo re ig n e rs from engaging in the fu r tra d e (Lavender 1964: 283). His tra d in g area was divided in to fo u r p a r ts , Ance Qulwinan (Keweenaw Bay), Lac Court O r e ille s , Lac du Flambeau, and F o llesv o ln e ( S t. C ro ix ). In Ju ly of 1818, John Dyde became head (on paper) of the Ance Quiwinan d i s t r i c t (Chaput 1970b: 20). In a c t u a li ty , John H olliday, h is B r itis h i n t e r p r e t e r (Warren 1865: 382) who had a rriv e d a t the Keweenaw Bay around 1808 (Johnson 1933: 9 ), operated the p o s t. H olliday a s s is te d th e F ederal government in 1824-1826 by apprehending Indians suspected of murdering four Whites on Lake Pepin (S c h o o lc ra ft 1851: 198-213). He a lso encouraged two c h ie fs to atte n d the T reaty of P r a ir ie du Chein in 1826 (S c h o o lc ra ft June 15, 1825). During th is period (1825-1826) the Indians a t the Keweenaw Bay, forced from th e ir hunting grounds by s ta r v a tio n , were liv in g around him (H olliday February 9, 1826). In 1832, John H olliday in v ite d John Sunday, a Wesleyan M ethodist n a tiv e m issio n ary , to preach the Gospel to the Indians a t Keweenaw Bay, 92 and o ffered h is house as a temporary headquarters fo r the m issionary (Schoenfus 1963: 70). About two months a f t e r he a rriv e d , Sunday w rote: ...now I want to t e l l you about Hr. H oliday, -he is very good to me and a l l h is fam ily I c a l l them good fam ily. He b u i l t my l i t t l e church where we worshiping God. Hr. Holiday he ta lk s g re a t deal to the Indians about jesu s c h r i s t [s ic ] and also tfillia m H o llid a y ...[J o h n H o llid a y 's son] (February 14, 1833). Although H olliday m arried an Anishinabe woman (Chaput 1970b: 21), he did n ot have good r e la tio n s with the In d ia n s, perhaps due to in ten se com petition from o th er tra d e rs ( I b i d . ) . Danziger (1978: 71), commenting on L t. A lle n 's memoirs of h is tr ip to Lake Ita s c a with Henry S ch o o lcraft in 1832, s ta t e s : V is its with the south shore bands convinced [L t. A llen] th a t they had become dangerously dependent on American Fur Company tr a d e r s . Indians in the Keweenaw reg io n , fo r example, survived the summer months by e a tin g the p l e n t i f u l w h ite fis h , h e rrin g and tro u t taken from the bay w ith g i l l n e ts and s p e a rs; b u t th ere was l i t t l e food fo r th e ir fa m ilie s in the w inter because of the d ep le tio n of b ear, d eer, and o th er la rg e game. P rovisions were procured from th e ir tr a d e r , John H olliday. The m issio n ary 's presence did n o t a l t e r H o llid a y 's treatm ent of the In d ia n s. A l e t t e r from the c h ie fs of th a t band s ta te s : Ve are a t p re se n t in g re a t d is tr e s s take th is op p o rtu n ity to l e t you hear from us to inform you how r e a l l y we have been tre a te d are tre a te d everyday. Ue make th is a com plaint a g a in s t Holiday our tra d e r. He wish to know from you, from what source he gets h is a u th o rity , we mean your man H oliday-to use the bad langauge he does bad a c ts whether l t is from y o u rse lf or from the P re sid e n t or of h is own accord.-H e plucks us of a l l our fu rs and p e l t r i e s , he th re a te n s to take p a rt of our Skins next sp rin g . This is why we ask you from what source he g ets th is a u th o r ity . We ask you fo r r e l i e f we wish you to check him because we know you would be m o rtified i f we were to take the power in our own hands and revenge o u rselv es upon him. 93 To give you some idea of h is conduct we s ta te the follow ing f a c t . He in the public road caught and s trip p e d one of our most re sp e c ta b le young men, e n tir e ly naked, except h is Breech c lo th , during the c o ld e st w eather. We w ill fo rb ear doing anything u n t i l we hear from you. But F ather we t e l l you in the mean time i f he r a is e s arms a g a in s t u s- we would n o t bear w ith him. We ask your a d v ice . We do n o t lik e being plucked of a l l we have. F ath er we a re a f ra id i f he continues h is bad conduct towards us th ere w ill be bad doings here before s p r i n g ... We had a sm all co u n cil a t my lodge we requested the Englishm an's son to a tte n d , to ask him why they behaved so to the young man b efore mentioned to know why they ta lk the way they do. The answer he made was I do i t I w ill always do i t so w hile I l i v e . This is the answer F a th e r, he made u s. This is the reason why we say th e re w ill be bad work before the sp rin g . Two days a f t e r the council he in v ite d us to h is house, we would no go- we were a fra id (Chiefs a t Ance December 29, 1832). Sometime in 1834, H olliday l o s t h is ey e sig h t making him of l i t t l e value to the Company (Crooks October 20, 1834). He was replaced by a French-Canadian, Eustache Roussaln the follow ing autumn (Franchere October 11, 1835). In the in te rim , co n d itio n s a t the post d e te r io ra te d . employees squabbled among themselves fo r le a d e rsh ip . H o llid a y 's The d lss e n tlo n was so In ten se th a t Charles W. Borup, a p rin c ip a l f a c to r a t La P o in te, went to oversee the p o st (Chaput 1970b: 21). However, h is prim ary r e s p o n s ib ility la y a t La P o in te , to which he retu rn ed l a t e in the sp rin g of 1835. C oncurrently, H o llid a y 's employee, Charles C haboillez, was accused of s e llin g alco h o l to the Indians in 1834 ( I b i d . ) ; George B e rth k e tt and Edward C adotte were discharged fo r 'b a d co nduct' (Crooks August 22, 1835)— y e a r. s e llin g alco hol (Chaput 1970b: 21)— the follow ing B e rth k e tt presented a problem to the p o st in 1838-1839, too. 94 3.2.1 The 'B e r th k e tt A f f a i r ' George B e rth k e tt, a Mixed-blood, whose uncle was c h ie f Penashe (Ord June 27, 1839), was dism issed in 1838 because he sold alcohol to the Indians (Franchere November 13, 1838). The law s tip u la te d the removal from Indian T e rrito ry of anyone found g u ilty of s e llin g alcohol to the In d ia n s. This is what Crooks had a n tic ip a te d . B e rth k e tt, however, continued to liv e in the Indian country. Subagent James Ord s ta te d (June 27, 1839) th a t B erth k ett was g u ilty only of in tro d u cin g alco h o l in to the Indian country— which was p e r fe c tly le g a l (P o rte r 1931 I I : 801, Lavender 1964: 324-326). There was no evidence th a t he had sold i t to anyone; th u s, th ere was no v io la tio n of the law. Consequently, Ord perm itted B e rth k e tt to re tu rn to L'Anse (L ivingston A p ril 3, 1838). B elieving B e rth k e tt had broken the law, the Company a rre s te d him (L ivingston February 25, 1839). B e rth k e tt went to S au lt S te. Marie and had b a ll s e t a t $600 and a t r i a l date s e t in Ju ly (L ivingston March 21, 1839b). Ord, however, " fo r some unaccountable reason allowed [him] to go back in to the Indian co untry” , a f te r revoking h is lic e n s e ( I b i d .) . A few weeks l a t e r , L iv ingston (A p ril 3, 1839) w rote: Mr. Ord has throughout the whole tra n s a c tio n behaved ra th e r s tra n g e ly , whether from a f e a r of offending S c h o o lc ra ft, the Ind. Agent, or H ulbert [an employee of the American Fur Company], h is b ro th e r-in -la w , or from the n a tu ra l v a c illa tio n of h is c h a ra c te r, I am a t lo ss to determ ine. Crooks then e ith e r wrote or v is ite d J . H artley Crawford, the Commissioner of Indian A f fa ir s , to find o u t why B e rth k e tt was allowed 95 to re tu rn to the Keweenaw Bay. fo r an ex p lan a tio n . Crawford ap p aren tly asked S ch o o lcraft I suggest th is sequence of events because S ch o o lcraft (A p ril 10, 1840) j u s t i f i e d O rd's a c tio n s . George B e r th k e tt's lic e n se to tra d e with [the] Indians [was ] revoked according to the laws and your l e t t e r of May 16, 1839. His lic e n se has n o t been renewed and he waB remanded from the country. The c h ie fs did not allow [th e ] renewal of [th e] lic e n s e . B e rth k e tt, a h a lf breed In d ia n , was allowed by the Indians to re tu rn to h is fam ily a t Ance to s u b s is t by a g ric u ltu re and h u nting. This was allowed by the In d ian s, n o t by th is o f f ic e . In applying the laws and in s tru c tio n s in th is and o th er in sta n c e s, l t has been my o b je c t while securing the observance of the in te rc o u rse a c t, to avoid both the im putation of oppressing an in d ig en t man and not awarding due re sp e c t to the c h a ra c te r of the inform ants. The s tip u la tio n th a t a tra d e r leave the Indian country a f te r h is co n v ictio n fo r s e llin g liq u o r to the Indians was based on the assum ption th a t only Whites would conduct tra d e with the In d ia n s. There was no p ro v isio n fo r Mixed-bloods or o th er re sid e n ts of the Indian country. The understanding th a t v io la to rs re tu rn to th e ir homes upon being convicted meant th a t Whites had to leave the Indian country. This a re a , however, was home fo r M ixed-bloods. I f the Indians allowed him to re tu rn , the F ed eral government could not do much about i t . Crooks (August 25: 1840) scoffed a t th is reasoning: That a bad Half Breed or any o th er bad man had adopted the h a b its of c iv iliz e d l i f e , cannot be kept out of the Indian country adm its a weakness in the power of the Government which has q u ite su rp rise d me, and though I th in k the argument by no means conducive, s t i l l I conceive l t i s u sele ss to a g ita te the question any longer when the Indian Agents are determined to p ro te c t Mr. B e rth k e t.- You w ill however note th a t he is only perm itted to remain in the Indian t e r r i t o r y fo r the support of h is fam ily but not to tr a d e , (emphasis in the o rig in a l). 96 B e rth k e tt was l a t e r accused of s e ttin g f i r e to a hay stac k belonging to the American Fur Company a t Keweenaw Bay w hile aw aiting h is t r i a l . Another tr a d e r , P ie rr e C rebassa, t e s t i f i e d a g a in s t him and B e rth k e tt was convicted of a rso n . The l e t t e r Informing Crooks about th is event s ta te d "[Ord] as u su a l, Is too frig h te n e d of the h ig h e r powers to take any a u th o rity or r e s p o n s ib ility on h im self" (L ivingston March 5, 1839). The American Fur Company's aggravation w ith the governm ent's f a i lu r e to c o n tro l o th e r tra d e rs in te n s if ie d In 1842. The Company accused an independent tr a d e r , a Mr. W illiam s, of v io la tin g the law by s e llin g liq u o r to the In d ia n s. C harles Borup (Ju ly 10, 1842), complained th a t "by having liq u o rs he got so much the advantage over our T raders a t Grand Is la n d , th a t the l a t t e r l o s t n e a rly h a lf h is o u tfit." Borup a lso argued W illiam s' a c t i v i t i e s would co u n te ra c t the United S ta te s governm ent's attem pts to c i v i l i z e the In d ia n s .4 J . H artley Crawford receiv ed a copy of th is l e t t e r (Borup J u ly 10, 1842). Crawford (August 7, 1842) wrote Robert S tu a r t, who had replaced S c h o o lc ra ft as S u p erin ten d ent of Indian A f f a ir s , in s tr u c tin g him to in v e s tig a te the is s u e . In the meantime, Ramsay Crooks wrote again to C harles Borup (Ju ly 21, 1842). The tenor of th is l e t t e r suggests the Company had a n tic ip a te d the government would in v e s tig a te the m atter im m ediately and was u p se t because l t did. n o t do so . The B e rth k e tt and W illiams in c id e n ts are im portant fo r th re e reaso n s. F i r s t , they a ffe c te d the o p era tio n of the p o st and, by 4 Crooks and A stor presented a p u b lic image th a t they upheld the F ed eral laws p ro h ib itin g the s a le of liq u o r to In d ia n s. They did n o t re q u ire th e ir employees to do the same (Lavender 1964: 318; see Abbott October 17, 1843, Abbott August 26, 1836). 97 e x te n sio n , the Indians who depended upon l t . Second, they provide evidence of s tra in e d r e la tio n s between the American Fur Company and the F ed eral government. T h ird , they dem onstrates the d e c lin in g ro le of the Mixed-blood in the Northwest T e rr ito ry , a su b je c t I address below. The p ic tu re th a t emerges is th a t the F ederal government, the tr a d e r s , and the m issio n a rie s were o p eratin g a t cro ss-p u rp o ses w ith one an o th e r; y e t, in some ways, supported each o th e r. The Indians were the common grounds upon which these p a r tie s o p erated . The Indians received c o n tra d ic to ry messages as a consequence, and these a ffe c te d th e ir re a c tio n s to the W hites. To observe what b eh av io ral p a tte rn s they used, i t is im portant to focus on the what is known about the Indian community a t the Keweenaw Bay in 1827. This is the l a s t d ate before 1832 fo r which inform ation is a v a ila b le . I t s c o n te n ts a lso provides clu es to th e ir re a c tio n s to Whites as e a r ly as 1710. The comments provided here focus on G itshee Iaubance, then c h ie f of th a t band.5 3 .2 .2 G itshee Iaubance This c h ie f re sid e s a t Keweenaw bay, or as i t is c a lle d by the French, L'Ance, in lake S u p erio r; where h is f a th e r , and g ra n d fa th e r liv e d before him. He tra c e s h is claim s to the c h ie f ta in s h ip of h is band to no f a r th e r back than to h is g re a t g ra n d fa th e r, who received a f la g from the French government (S c h o o lc ra ft 1962: 134). His f a t h e r 's name was Augussawa. He was k i lle d by the Sioux, a t th e age of about 50, leav in g s ix sons, of whom G itshee Iaubance, was next to the youngest ( I b i d . ) . G itshee Iaubance has been in th re e war p a r tie s a t subsequent p e rio d s , by none of which, however, was much e ffe c te d a g a in s t the enemy. He has always the re p u ta tio n 5 G itshee Iaubance receiv ed a medal fo r h is ro le in cap tu rin g the in d iv id u a ls re p o rte d ly re sp o n sib le fo r k i l l i n g four Whites a t Lake Pepin in 1825 (S c h o o lc ra ft 1851: 213). 98 of being an e x p e rt h u n te r, and, what next to courage is most applauded by the In d ia n s, of possessing g re a t personal s tre n g th . There can be no doubt from the con cu rren t testim ony of tra d e rs and In d ia n s, but he has been fo r many y e a rs, and i s s t i l l decidedly the s tro n g e s t man in the Chippewa N ation. I t is in f a c t , upon h is s tre n g th and prowess, th a t h is fame and a u th o rity as a c h ie f , is p r in c ip a lly founded (S c h o o lc ra ft 1962: 135). G itshee Iaubance has s ix sons, a l l men grown, n e ith e r of whom however, promises to equal the f a th e r in a c t i v i t y , s tr e n g th , or in flu en ce in h is band. The aggregate hunt of these s ix sons, does not u su ally exceed th a t of the f a th e r alo n e. The s ix th and l a s t son, i s h is f a v o r ite , and gives promise of making the most a c tiv e h u n ter and the b e s t man. His name is Neezakapenas, or the s in g le b ird . This son, who i s fre q u e n tly s t i l l addressed by h is in fa n t name of Penasee [P enashe],^ is designed to in h e r it h is f a t h e r 's honors ( I b i d .) . Born during the l a t t e r years of B r itis h supremacy in the American c o lo n ie s, and continuing in h a b its of in te rc o u rs e with the Agents of th a t government in the Canada, u n t i l a re c e n t p erio d , h is p o l i t i c a l p a r t i a l i t i e s were n a tu r a lly moulded th a t way. Since the American government has advanced a p o st to the fo o t of lak e S u p erio r, and thereby insured p ro te c tio n to the Indians liv in g south and west of the n a tio n a l boundary, he had ceased v i s i t i n g fo reig n Agents, and both by h is p ro fessio n s and conduct, has evinced a uniform re lia n c e upon, and attachm ent to , our government. . . . . I n the summer of 1823 he surrendered a f la g , form erly received from the Agents of the Indian departm ent in the Canadas, as an evidence th a t h is v i s i t to them, were term inated: and on re tu rn in g to h is v illa g e a t Keweenaw bay, h o iste d the American ensign in i t s s te a d . This ste p was unpopular with the m ajo rity of his band, and caused co n sid erab le excitem ent. His determ in atio n once taken, was n o t s u f f ic ie n t to be moved, and as no Indian of th a t band possessed s u f f i c i e n t In flu en ce openly to oppose him, a t a c i t acquiesence to h is course, had taken p la c e ; and h is In flu en ce a t th is moment [1827], is as g re a t as a t any former period (S c h o o lc ra ft 1962: 136-137). These statem ents provide the b a sis from which I base the follow ing 6 This in d iv id u a l wrote h is name as Penashe, hence w ill be the s p e llin g used throughout th is monograph. 99 comments. F i r s t , the band had liv e d a t Keweenaw Bay fo r approxim ately four g e n e ra tio n s, s h o rtly a f t e r the French e s ta b lis h e d "a commercial beachhead a t Keweenaw by 1710" (Vecsey 1983: 1 2 ).7 Second, G itshee Iaubance was a h e re d ita ry c h ie f who in h e rite d h is p o s itio n from h is f a th e r , g ran d fath er and g re a t g ra n d fa th e r. Since h e re d ita ry c h ie fta in s h ip s were n o t indigenous to Anishinabe so c ie ty (Vecsey 1983: 10), h is predecessors were probably placed in these p o s itio n s by the French. N otw ithstanding, G itshee Iaubance a lso earned re sp e c t through h is own t a l e n t s . T h ird , one of h is sons, Penashe; w ill fig u re prom inently below. F in a lly , the band was a s in g le community. I t e x iste d w ithin a t e r r i t o r i a l l y defined space and co n sisted of a network of in te ra c tin g in d iv id u a ls . Although G itshee Iaubance became unpopular with many of the v illa g e r s when he a ll i e d w ith the United S ta te s , no one could oppose him enough to break h is power. Thus, as l a t e as 1827, his a u th o rity remained i n t a c t ; and the band, a t l e a s t from appearances, was u n ifie d . Although th ere is evidence of fa c tio n a lis m , th ere is no inform ation about who le a d e rs of o p p o sitio n fa c tio n s may have been. Nor i s th e re any in d ic a tio n of how la rg e a group were opposed to h is a c tio n s . R egardless o f the s iz e of the o p p o sitio n p a rty , or p a r tie s , as S ch o o lcraft s t a t e s , whoever th a t r iv a l may have been, he did not command enough power to overthrow G itshee Iaubance. This suggests the o p p o sitio n p a rty was unable to co u n te ra c t G itshee Iau b an ce's a c tio n s . The d ecisio n to remain a t the Keweenaw Bay in ste a d of m igrating 7 F o rty people liv e d th ere in 1737 (N e ill 1957: 427). 100 elsew here, as they might have done p r e h is to r lc a lly , suggests the e x te n t to which they had become dependent upon European p ro d u cts. This also p o in ts to an im portant d iffe re n c e in the c h ie fta in s h ip a t the Keweenaw Bay. The f in a l inform ation we have about the band a t the Keweenaw Bay come from statem ents made by S ch o o lcraft and Douglass Houghton on th e ir ex p ed itio n of 1832. S c h o o lc ra ft's census shows th ere were 140 people, of whom tw en ty -eig h t were Hixed-bloods (S ch o o lc raft 1958: 158). Houghton rep o rted v acc in a tin g 108 perso n s, 51 males and 57 fem ales, a t the Keweenaw Bay (S c h o o lc ra ft 1958: 157). This number includes M ixed-bloods, i f they appeared more l ik e Indians than Whites (S ch o o lc raft 1958: 299). In summary, the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community was a semi-permanent se ttle m e n t lo cated near a trad in g p o s t. They had become dependent upon the tra d in g po st and su ffe red s ta r v a tio n during the w inter of 1825-26. This dependency perm itted a higher co n cen tratio n of people than had been the norm when they p ra c tic e d a s t r i c t l y foraging economy and also increased th e ir dependence upon the tra d e r . These co n d itio n s helped c re a te a heterogeneous p opulation c o n s is tin g of F u ll- and M ixed-bloods, and the estab lish m en t of a h e re d ita ry c h ie f . C oncurrently, and perhaps c ro s s -c u ttin g the heterogeneous s o c ie ty was a d iv isio n of lo y a lty , where some in d iv id u a ls favored the B r itis h , w hile o th ers chose in stead to become a l l i e s of the United S ta te s . U nlike e a r l i e r tim es, when the community might f is s io n as a r e s u l t of in te r n a l d is s e n tio n , the fa c tio n s ap p aren tly to le ra te d one a n o th e r, perhaps because they could n o t su rv iv e w ithout the tra d in g p o st, and th ere was none o th e r in the immediate v ic in ity . T heir dependency on the tra d in g p o st caused community members to acquiesce to John Sunday and H o llid a y 's m istreatm ent of them. I t is 101 c le a r , however, th e ir p atien ce was so re ly tr ie d by 1834 by In d ic a tin g to S ch o o lcraft they might have to take m atters In to th e ir own hands. Knowing th is could have se rio u s consequences, they requested S c h o o lc ra ft's a s s is ta n c e . 3 .2 .3 E ffe c t of Euro-Amerlcan In te rfe re n c e a t Keweenaw Bay T ra d itio n a l r e la tio n s h ip s between In d iv id u al and In d iv id u al w ith in a community and between an In d iv id u al and the n a tu ra l environment continued a f t e r Whites a rriv e d . But In d iv id u al Anishinabe could now e n te r a new r e la tio n s h ip — th a t between the Anishinabe and the la rg e r world in which they liv e d . The Anishinabe world had expanded to co n tain the Whites and th e ir w orld. There were now th re e kinds of p o ssib le re la tio n s h ip s : In d ia n -In d ian , In d ia n -lo c a l environment, and Indian-W hite. The French a lte r e d the environment In four ways. F i r s t , the o v e r-e x p lo ita tio n of fu r-b e a rin g animals a lte re d the n a tu ra l environm ent. Second, they caused s h if ts in the s o c ia l environm ent. The Europeans provided an a lte r n a tiv e s o c ia l system in d iv id u a ls could gain p re s tig e and s o c ia l standing (Gearing 1962). T h ird , the Anishinabe a lte re d th e ir re lig io u s systems to adapt to the new environm ental c o n d itio n s. And, fo u rth , they developed new s o c ia l o rg an izatio n s to in te g ra te and le g itim a tiz e the emerging v illa g e p o l i t i c a l u n its (see S h iffo rd nd: 3, Vecsey 1983: 177).® 8 S h iffo rd (nd: 3) and Vecsey (1983: 177) opine the Midewlwln may have been one such i n s t i t u t i o n . Even i f the Midewiwin was a t r a d itio n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , a resurgence in i t s p ra c tic e could provide th is s o r t of fu n c tio n , as occurred in the e a rly 1980s w ith the r is e of the Moral M ajority. 102 The Europeans Introduced firearm s and o th er tech n o lo g ical advancements which allowed even a mediocre hunter to bring home meat fo r h is fam ily and fu rs to tra d e . This undermined the tr a d itio n a l system by which in d iv id u a ls gained re sp e c t and became le a d e rs through ex cep tio n al s k i l l a t tr a d itio n a l a c t i v i t i e s (see T rigger 1965: 42). Consequently, i t dim inished the r e la tiv e importance of o th er members of the community (see James 1954: 36), i f only because the Whites provided a d if f e r e n t s o c ia l network. Thus, th ere were now two means by which in d iv id u a ls could earn the re sp e c t of the community members around them. The f i r s t was through the means th a t c lo s e ly approximated tr a d itio n a l p a tte r n s , and the second was through e n tre p re n e u ria l a c t i v i t i e s with the Europeans, c a llin g fo r increased dependence upon the W hites. The f u l l tr a d itio n a l l i f e s t y l e was no longer p o ssib le by the n in e te e n th cen tu ry . W hites. Every in d iv id u a l had acquired something from the For p resen t purposes, however, we w ill re'fer to the s tra te g y which re ta in e d a high degree of tr a d itio n a l v a lu e s, in which re la tio n s h ip s with Whites were unavoidable, but n o t d e s ire d , and in which in d iv id u a ls m aintained a m ajo rity of th e ir r e la tio n s w ith Indians as C onservative. W ithin the option of accepting the n o n - tra d itio n a l p ath , th ere were two p o ssib le ro u te s . F i r s t , one could merely accept the pathway advocated by Whites more f u lly than did the C onservatives— a s tra te g y we w ill r e f e r to as P ro g re ssiv e . Second, one could become alm ost com pletely a p a r t of th is new l i f e s t y l e by marrying a White (v iz . Chapter I I ) , or otherw ise attem pting to a s s im ila te with them, a s tr a te g y we w ill c a l l Mlxed-blood. V irtu a lly every Anishinabe v illa g e included members using each of these th ree s tr a t e g i e s . The community a t Keweenaw Bay was no 103 d if f e r e n t. I w ill f i r s t d escrib e the d iffe re n c e s between the Conservatives and P ro g re ssiv e s. I w ill then focus on a s p e c ific subgroup of "P ro g re ssiv e s," the M ixed-bloods. 3 .2 .3 .1 C onservatives and P rogressives Evidence fo r the d if f e r e n tia tio n of F u ll-bloods in to C onservatives and P ro g ressiv es comes from a document p resen tin g a l i s t of debtors from the Keweenaw Bay band and th e ir debts incurred between 1832 and 1834 (Table 1). The d ata from Table 1 is reorganized in Table 2 to p re se n t th ree p a tte rn s of in debtedness. The data in these ta b le s suggests the new l i f e s t y l e a ffe c te d v i r t u a l l y every In d ian . More im portant, many in d iv id u a ls had incurred d eb ts, not a l l were eq u ally in d eb ted . This suggests th a t not a l l Indians were eq u ally a ttr a c te d to the a lte r n a tiv e l i f e s t y l e presented by the W hites. These data are r e l a t iv e ly r e lia b le and are believed to r e f l e c t the indebtedness of in d iv id u a ls because ” [ I ] t is n o t considered r ig h t to c o n tra c t a second, th ird or fou rth d eb t, to as many d if f e r e n t tra d e rs " ( G i l f i l l i a n 1898: 73). Equally im p o rtan t, the e x te n t to which a tra d e r allowed an Indian to become indebted was dependent upon the fo rm er's conception of the l a t t e r ' s a b i l i t y to repay ( I b i d . ) . This conception, however, was based, a t l e a s t in p a r t, on the amount of fu rs an in d iv id u a l provided the tra d e r. The absence of debts between $30.00 and $40.00 suggests a d is tin c tio n between the C onservatives the P rogressives ( l t is a lso p o ssib le th e ir absence is a r e s u lt of sampling e r r o r ) . On the o th er hand, th ere is no c le a r se p a ra tio n between the P ro g ressiv es and M ixed-bloods, although the l a t t e r ( te n ta tiv e ly id e n tifie d by surname) 104 TABLE 1 MEMORANDUM OF OUTSTANDING DEBTS OF L'ANSE INDIANS FOR THE YEARS 1832-1843 WITH JEAN BAPTISTE DUBAY Acinance Benjamim C lu tie r Abretau Hagewas Champaigne Waubekaaklcke Q u lv lsen sh lsl Tagamance Meegeesee Young M acGlllvray Wa ba noo Waga-cootoonis k o ls Joseph Laundron Antoine Lendron Naose key tea yea Homme des Pere Q u ln lsah lsh lsh Ojlbway Young Wolf Manog sld Pay-can-nouch e Wah poose Matt way ance In a quols Mlau wash Me gee sin ce Le Lou cheux Q uivisance Tay ache Puck go na ga shlck Dee been dee Caug waw L i t t l e Frenchman The B ell Qulway no q u e tte Pin ny sh lsh Pee waw b lca kay Nay gan ash Cay Kaik Match e gee shlck 0 saw gee Ocupe wan Pansleek squaw Lhomme des Been D elshl Lhomme du S a u lt A ttaya Source: NAM M 1, Reel 54, Frame 37 16.50 22.00 4.50 71.00 13.50 6.00 3.00 5.10 164.40 182.60 8.00 29.00 26.00 50.00 162.20 72.90 80.70 64.20 19.40 27.30 10.00 212.10 21.50 1.00 114.00 51.90 66.60 8.50 15.28 82.90 19.00 13.00 24.30 40.50 40.40 29.10 28.00 21.40 115.10 4.00 131.60 6.00 4.80 105 TABLE 2 CATEGORIES OF INDEBTEDNESS OF L'ANSE INDIANS I Le lou cheux Tagamance Kay che In mln ney Pansleek sqaw Abcetau wagewas A ttaya Negeesee Q ulnlsenshlsh Lhomme du S a u lt Uaga-cootoonis k o is Dee ben dee Matt way na q u e tte Sagataugan Waubekaakicke Caug waw Aclnance The B e ll Pay can nouch e 0 saw gee Me gee sin ce Benjamin C lu tle r Pin ny sh ish Antoine Lendron Wah poose Match e gee sh lch Joseph Laundron Cay Kaik $1.00 3.00 3.00 4.00 4.50 4.80 5.10 6.00 6.00 8.00 8.50 13.00 13.00 13.50 15.20 16.50 19.00 19.40 21.40 21.50 22.00 24.30 26.00 27.30 28.00 29.00 29.10 106 TABLE 2 (continued) II Pee uaw b lc a kay Nay gan ash Naose ke tea yea Tayache Hanog sld Puck go an go sh lck Champalgne Q uinlshashls Ojibway Young Wolf L i t t l e Frenchman 40.50 44.00 51.90 51.90 64.20 66.60 71.00 72.90 80.70 82.90 III Q uivlsance Champalgne Ocupe wan Lhomme des been D elshl Homme des Pere Young M acGlllvray Ua ba noo Mlau wash 114.00 115.10 131.60 162.20 164.40 182.60 212.10 107 appear to have Incurred among the h ig h e st d e b ts. V hile in d iv id u a ls w ith non-Indian surnames a lso appear among the ranks of those w ith the low est d e b ts, a l l b u t one were in the upper p a rt of the range. There w ere, of c o u rse , exceptions to the g en eral trend d esc rib e d . For example, documents in d ic a te th a t Wabanoo was a fu ll-b lo o d Indian (Walker December 25, 1829); y e t he incurred the second h ig h e st debt in the community. This su g g ests the d iffe re n c e between the P ro g ressiv es and Mixed-bloods was m inim al. Indeed, because th e re were fewer Whites than In d ia n s, Whites fre q u e n tly had a la r g e r number of p o te n tia l spouses from whom to choose (Armstrong 1892: 101-102). Consequently, the d i s tin c tio n between the two subgroups was a r e s u l t of chance, not the choice of an In d iv id u a l In d ia n . The overlapping p a tte rn of indebtedness bears th is o u t. 3 .2 .3 .2 Mixed-bloods The beginning of permanent White se ttle m e n ts in the Northwest T e rrito ry re s u lte d in the emergence of a new s o c ia l group, the Mixedb lo o d s. To secure b e tte r tra d in g r e la tio n s , some Anishinabe men o ffe re d th e i r daughters as wives to tra d e rs (Armstrong 1892: 100-101). The o ffs p rin g of these m arriages served as " c u ltu r a l brokers" between White and In d ian s o c ie ti e s . These in d iv id u a ls were the prim ary means by which members of an Indian community gained access to goods and s e rv ic e s provided by Whites and ty p ic a lly held a h ig h er s o c ia l p o s itio n than F u ll-b lo o d s '(Conway 1975: 51). Unlike t r a d it i o n a l s o c ie ty , in which s o c ia l r e la tio n s were e g a l i t a r ia n , r e la tio n s between Anishinabe and Whites were r e s t r i c t e d and h ie r a r c h ic a l. These q u a litie s were the r e s u lt of two f a c to r s : the 108 few number of Europeans In r e la tio n to the number of Indians in an area and a g en eral ethos of c u ltu r a l s u p e rio rity th a t Europeans h e ld . This ethos was most c le a r ly m anifested by the B r itis h and c itiz e n s of the United S ta tes who m arried Indians le s s fre q u e n tly than did the French. These two fa c to rs combined w ith the In creasin g Indian population during the eig h teen th and n in e te e n th c e n tu rie s to r e s t r i c t the number of in d iv id u a ls who could p a r tic ip a te d ir e c tly in White s o c ie ty . This se c tio n is divided in to four su b se c tio n s. The f i r s t d iscu sses the ways in which Anishinabe could p a r tic ip a te in White s o c ie ty through the m ediation of the M ixed-bloods. Beginning around 1826, however, a l l of the avenues became v ir tu a lly closed to Indians and p a r tic ip a tio n in White s o c ie ty became even more r e s t r i c t e d than b e fo re . The second su b sectio n d iscu sses how th is occurred. The th ird su b sectio n d iscu sses a necessary r e s u lt of th is tre n d , the u ltim ate c o n sid e ra tio n of Mixed-bloods as Indians r a th e r than as W hites. This f in a l su b sectio n d iscu sses the d if f e r e n t impact these trends had on the P ro g ressiv e and C onservative elem ents of Anishinabe s o c ie ty . 3 .2 .3 .2 .1 Routes by Which Mixed-bloods P a rtic ip a te d in White Society Previous se c tio n s of th is chapter brought forward the Im portant p o s itio n of the Mixed-blood in Anishinabe s o c ie ty from the l a s t h a lf of the seventeenth cen tu ry . The only way Indians could marry in to White so c ie ty during the second p a r t of the French era was by p a r tic ip a tin g in the fu r tra d e and marrying a tra d e r . Indians could n o t marry government o f f i c i a l s or C ath o lic p r ie s ts because the former did not e n te r the Indian t e r r i t o r y and the l a t t e r had taken vows of c e lib acy . Thus, the number of In d ian s who could p a r tic ip a te f u lly In the White 109 s o c ie ty through in te rm a rria g e was lim ite d by the number of tra d e rs in the re g io n . The B r itis h did not marry in to Indian fam ilie s as fre q u e n tly as did the French (Stone and Chaput 1978: 608). Consequently, fewer Indians could p a r tic ip a te in White so c ie ty in th is way. Adding to th is more c o n s tric te d avenue of access was the s te a d ily in c re a sin g Indian p opulation and a stro n g er i n t e r e s t on the p a rt of the B r itis h in m ineral e x p lo ra tio n than in the fu r tra d e . In d ia n s, having had l i t t l e use fo r copper and not s k ille d in i t s m ining, were not in te g ra l p a rts of those teams th a t entered Indian t e r r i t o r y to e x tr a c t the m in eral. N either were Mixed-bloods in te g ra l to these economic e n te r p ris e s , perhaps because as former French n a tio n a ls they were s t i l l a th re a t to B r itis h hegemony.9 Alexander H enry's (1966: 205-223) jo u rn a l, fo r example, suggests th a t h is p a r tn e r, Jean B a p tiste C adotte, was p rim a rily charged with conducting the fu r trad e while Alexander Henry and o th er B r itis h c itiz e n s focused th e ir a tte n tio n on mining. Mixed-bloods were not mentioned as having any connection w ith th is v e n tu re . The exclusion of Mixed-bloods from m ineral e x p lo ita tio n reduced the In d ia n s ' access to White goods and se rv ic e s because a v a ila b ilit y of these products depended in la rg e measure upon the m ediation of M ixed-bloods. The B r itis h began to lo se th e ir hold on the Northwest T e rrito ry a f t e r the American R evolution. As in d icated in the l a s t c h a p te r, B r ita in sought to r e ta in th e ir hegemony over the region by encouraging 9 Alexander H enry's p a rtn e rs in h is mining e n te rp ris e were "His Royal Highness the Duke of G lo u cester, Mr. S ecretary Townshend, S ir Samuel T u tch et, B aronet; Mr. B ax ter, consul of the empress of R ussia; and Mr. Crulkshank: in America, S ir William Johnson, B aronet, Mr. Bostwlck, Mr. Baxter and m yself" (Henry 1966: 235). 110 s e t t l e r s to move in to the re g io n . Due to the re lig io u s re v iv a l occu rrin g in White s e ttle m e n ts , B r itis h settlem en ts also included m issio n a rie s (Vecsey 1983: 41). As p a rt of th e ir m issionary e f f o r t s , the Wesleyan M ethodists employed Anishinabe Mixed-bloods as " n ativ e m is s io n a rie s ." This preserved the a llia n c e s between the B r itis h and Indians by allow ing some Mixed-bloods to p a r tic ip a te in White so c ie ty who were unable to do so by through m arriage w ith a tra d e r. The United S tates provided another avenue of access to White so c ie ty by using Mixed-bloods ( e .g . George Johnston) and Whites who had m arried Mixed-bloods ( e .g . Henry R. S ch o o lcraft) as government a g en ts. For a b r ie f p erio d , Mixed-bloods had th re e paths through which they could p a r tic ip a te in White s o c ie ty : through p a r tic ip a tio n in the fu r tra d e , by becoming n a tiv e m iss io n a rie s , or by becoming a government ag e n t. I f an in d iv id u a l was denied one p a th , s/h e could try e ith e r or both of the o th e rs . I t is im portant to note th a t n a tio n a lity was n o t of im portance, but access to goods was. 3 .2 .3 .2 .2 The D eclining Role of Mixed-bloods The Canadian Wesleyan M ethodists were pushed back in to Canada as the United S ta te s gained hegemony over the Northwest T e rr ito ry . Wesleyans were replaced by United S ta te s M ethodist m iss io n a rie s . The The United S ta te s M ethodists, e n te rin g the area p r io r to la rg e -s c a le White m ig ra tio n , i n i t i a l l y continued the p ra c tic e of employing n a tiv e m iss io n a rie s . However, as soon as Whites began to m igrate in to the I ll a re a , the Canadian n a tiv e m issio n aries were removed from the a r e a .10 They were replaced by White m iss io n a rie s , whose primary focus was on White s e t t l e r s ra th e r than on the Indians (Lambert 1967a). Thus, p a r tic ip a tio n In White s o c ie ty by becoming a n a tiv e m issionary v i r t u a l l y d isa p p e a re d .il C oncurrently, the ro u te of p a r tic ip a tin g by becoming a government agent a lso closed down. The La Pointe Subagency closed due to adverse economic co n d itio n s In 1832. was appointed subagent. from o f f ic e . When the p o st reopened in 1836, a White In 1842, Henry S c h o o lc ra ft, too, was removed His o u ste r appears to have been a p o l i t i c a l move by e x te rn a l ag en ts, p o ssib ly the American Fur Company.1? Henry S ch o o lcraft (Ju ly 22, 1839) wrote to United S ta te s Senator John Nowell and R ep resen tativ e J.C . Crary about an odious monopoly of the Lakes, [th e ] s o -c a lle d the American Fur Company, a t Mackinac and as such, holds a p o s itio n adverse to the departm ent to the laws forbid d in g the t r a f f i c in ard en t s p i r i t s w ith the In d ia n s, and to me, as the o f f i c i a l organ fo r enforcing those laws. Less than a year l a t e r , Robert S tu a rt had replaced S ch o o lcraft as S uperintendent of Indians in M ichigan. S tu a rt, a P re sb y te ria n , had no A p eru sal of th e ir b iographies (Copway 1847, 1851, Jones 1861, and o th e rs) re v ea ls th a t most of them retu rn ed to Canada and continued t h e ir a c t i v i t i e s th e re . The dominant sentim ent during the 1830s and l a t e r held th a t In d ian - White m arriages were 'n o t only u n n a tu ra l, b u t r e v o l ti n g ...t o every fe e lin g of d e lic a c y in man or woman" (B leder 1980: 21). 1^ The o u ster of Major William Putnam, Indian Agent a t Mackinac, in 1818 e sta b lish e d th is precedent (Lavender 1964: 244-277). His su c c e sso r, Boyd George, found " th a t the [American Fur Company's] dominant p o s itio n hampered h is freedom of a c tio n and helped c re a te h is la c k lu s te r record in executing fe d e ra l policy" (Humans 1975: A b stra c t, P. 2 ). 112 In d ian experience o th er than through the American Fur Company. Nor did h is s u p e rio r , Indian Commissioner William M edill (1845-1849), have p r io r experience with Indians (F aust 1975: 129-130). From th is date onward few Mlxed-bloods would hold the p o sitio n s of a u th o rity w ithin the Indian S e rv ic e .13 The Mlxed-bloods were a lso becoming a lie n a te d from p a r tic ip a tin g In the dominant economy. By the e a rly 1830s i t was c le a r th ere was l i t t l e fu tu re in the fu r tra d e . Crooks, rep lacin g Astor as P resid en t of the American Fur Company, in s t itu te d a massive reo rg a n iz a tio n and began commercial e x p lo ita tio n of the (Nute 1926). f is h in the Upper Great Lakes Heh ired many of the former White employees (both Anglos and French Canadians) as fisherm en and coopers, placin g French Canadian Mlxed-bloods in lower le v e l p o sitio n s and White P ro te s ta n ts in h ig h er p o s itio n s . A number of documents p o in t to the concom itantly declin in g im portance of the In d ian . Charles Borup (May 8, 1839) w rote, "Thank you fo r the four men se n t and w ill be glad i f you can g et me four more good fisherm en fo r Ance." This suggests the American Fur Company was more w illin g to import White lab o r fo r the fis h in g in d u stry than to employ the indigenous p o p u lation (see also Warren January 10, 1837). Another l e t t e r p o in ts to a s im ila r in te r p r e ta tio n (Franchere February 2, 1836). Roussain s ta te s th a t sickness has prevented the Indians a t Ance to pursue the h u n ts. The sudden appearance of w inter a t such an e a r ly period than usual in these clim es a ffe c te d us a l l m a te ria lly in the fis h in g concerns. The only obvious exception to th is trend was the appointment of E li P ark er, a Seneca, as Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs under the Grant A dm in istratio n . 113 This suggests Indians were occupied in the hunt w hile Whites were employed a t f is h in g . Hickerson (1965: 13) a lso d iscu sses th is p a tte rn fo r the P illa g e r Indians in 1833. S ider (1987: 16) has observed th a t Europeans allowed Indians "to become commercial producers from dim inishing resources —resources th a t d eclin ed —u su ally ra p id ly , from the o nset of commercial production in any s p e c ific area" (emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . This p a tte rn is observed in a t the Keweenaw Bay. The Indians were confined to hunting and trapping when the fu r market had a l l but disappeared, the y early h a rv e sts of fu rs were d e c lin in g , and the American Fur Company placed more emphasis on commercial fis h in g . A few Indians engaged in commercial f is h in g , but Whites f i l l e d the more p re s tig io u s positions*. With the advent of a d d itio n a l immigrants in the m id-nineteenth cen tu ry , Indians were in c re a sin g ly m arginalized in commercial fis h in g v entures (Cleland and Bishop 1984: 4 -5 ). The commercial fis h e r y venture was s h o rt-liv e d (Nute 1926). A new economic i n t e r e s t , copper, became prominent and the area f i l l e d w ith copper companies. The employees of these companies were immigrant W hites, not Indians or M ixed-bloods. Thus, between 1832 and 1842, the Indians had moved from being in te g r a lly Involved in the economy (th e e x p lo ita tio n of fu r-b e a rin g anim als) to being excluded from i t . We w ill re tu rn to th is to p ic in Chapter IV. By the 1840s, th ere was no coherent Indian p o licy w ith regard to the In d ia n . R ather, th ere were a s e rie s of c o n tra d ic to ry p o lic ie s urged by d if f e r e n t i n t e r e s t groups w ith d if f e r e n t g o a ls. My reading of government documents suggests th a t some high le v e l government o f f i c i a l s 114 attem pted to Include the Indians In the n a tio n a l f a b ric . For example, although the Treaty of 1842 s ta te d th a t Indians liv in g where Whites moved would be ordered to move to a new lo c a tio n , S tu a rt did n o t order the removal of the Keweenaw Bay In d ia n s. Not doing so would be c o n s is te n t w ith the d e s ire fo r homogenization of the po p u lation and securing Indian a lle g ia n c e a g a in st the B r itis h . Why S tu a rt did n ot order the Indian removal is n o t known and th ere i s no documentary evidence. Perhaps he wanted to have Indians serve as inexpensive la b o re rs in the m ines. This would be c o n s is te n t w ith the P resb y terian s tra te g y encouraging a s s im ila tio n and not preventing the Whites and Indians from m ingling (Coleman 1985: 156). I f th is was h is m otive, however, a number of fo rces Impeded h is e f f o r t s . Among them were the governm ent's in a b ilit y to enforce i t s Indian p o licy (Washburn 1971: 6 5 ), the in creasin g in d u s tr ia liz a tio n of the United S ta te s ; the flow of m igrants from Europe to the United S tates who became la b o re rs s k ille d in the new in d u s tr ie s ; the ethos of White s u p e rio r ity , and the concom itant negation fo r any group th a t was not White; and the forced m igration of the White r u ra l economic s e c to r (them selves becoming In c re a sin g ly m arginal to the n a tio n a l economy) from the w estern areas of New York and Pennsylvania towards the w estern regions of the co u n try . Economic p ressu res forced them to seek lands fu rth e r w est, but poor a g r ic u ltu r a l co n d itio n s o ften req u ired them to p a r tic ip a te as low- to m id -lev el employees in the new companies. These in d iv id u a ls were the most a n ta g o n is tic to fo re ig n e rs , C a th o lic s, and In d ia n s. Consequently, in d iv id u a ls from th is s e c to r of the population sought the removal of Indians from those areas to which Whites were beginning to m igrate (see Appendix B). Thus, between 1836 and 1842 v i r t u a l l y a l l avenues of access to 115 White so c ie ty and I t s economy—the fu r tra d e r, the m issionary, and the government agent— were h ig h ly c o n s tric te d . A few in d iv id u a ls were ab le to p a r tic ip a te in White so c ie ty in these manners, b u t the p ro p o rtio n who could do so was sm a lle r. Even th en , the Mixed-blood was the primary means by which i t occurred, and th e ir p o s itio n as " c u ltu ra l broker" had waned. 3 .2 .3 .3 Mlxed-bloods and Whites The d iscu ssio n of changes in the s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e w ith the advent of Whites is not complete w ithout mentioning a f in a l trend which d i r e c t ly a ffe c te d the M ixed-bloods. The p a tte rn which emerges in the follow ing d iscu ssio n dem onstrates th a t by 1843 M ixed-bloods, form erly enjoying clo se r e la tio n s w ith the Whites and considered W hites, were considered I n d i a n s . *4 Mixed-bloods had been c u ltu r a l brokers between the Indians and the W hite. By the 1830s and 1840s they l o s t th e ir power and p r e s tig e . The case of John Tanner, a White captured by the Shawnees and then returned to White c i v i l i z a t i o n t h i r t y years l a t e r , provides an example of White percep tio n of the Mixed-bloods (James 1956). Because he had le s s b io lo g ic a l t i e to the Indians than did M ixed-bloods, the treatm ent he receiv ed may be perceived as b e tte r than ( i f not eq u iv alen t) to in d iv id u a ls who had c lo s e r tie s to the In d ia n s. Although Tanner was 14 Bleder (1980: 22) opines th is trend had emerged by the 1830s and c o r re la te s the d e c lin in g ro le of the Mixed-bloods with the r is in g i n t e r e s t in cranlology in the United S ta te s , when one c ra n lo lo g is t argued M ixed-bloods, as a " ...H y b rid , is a degenerate, u n n atu ral o ffs p rin g , doomed by n a tu re to work out i t s own d e s tru c tio n " (Bleder 1980: 24). Samuel G. Morton, a leading c r a n lo lo g is t, s ta te d the c r a n ia l cap a city of N ative Americans was fiv e cubic inches le s s than Caucasians (Gould 1981: 51, 56). 116 n o t an In d ian , he was perceived as such by o th er W hites. Jam es' (1956: xv -x v i) study In d ic a te s th a t Tanner was shunned and o s tra c iz e d by Whites and th a t he was accused of a l l crimes committed in the a re a . "Anything connected with Indians was looked on with deep su sp icio n by Whites on the f r o n tie r " (James 1956: x v i). Although Whites had p rev io u sly regarded Mlxed-bloods as W hite,15 th is p ercep tio n had faded, and by 1848, i t had disappeared (Richmond December 8, 1848). In d ia n s. The Whites now regarded the Mixed-bloods as I t made no d iffe re n c e whether they had "adopted the h a b its of c iv iliz e d l i f e " (Crooks August 25, 1840). Beginning in the l a t t e r 1830s, Mixed-bloods were the In d ia n s ' problems. There would be no s p e c ia l p ro v isio n made fo r them in the t r e a tie s unless the Indians demanded them. Even then, the pro v isio n s made fo r them were p a ltry in comparison to those made fo r the Indians (see T reaty of La P o in te , 1842). The M ixed-blood's ro le as p o l i t i c a l interm ediary a lso d eclin ed . This comes o ut c le a r ly when one c o n tra s ts the power th a t the Mixed-blood had in the 1820s with a l e t t e r from David King ( l a te r the c h ie f of the M ethodist band a t Keweenaw Bay) to Robert S tu a rt (August 23, 1842).16 King req u ested S tu a rt appoint William H olliday, John H o llid a y 's son, c h ie f of the band. S tu a rt did not g ra n t the re q u e st. 16 George Johnston (March 12, 1828) asked Henry S ch o o lcraft whether Mixed-bloods were Indian or c i t iz e n s . Johnston (February 24, 1829) l a t e r to ld M. C adotte th a t Mixed-bloods were c itiz e n s . 16 A l i t t l e l a t e r , S tu a rt (March 15, 1843) wrote to J . H artley Crawford, s ta tin g Brunson was "no doubt honest but h is reasoning and views appear to me both crude and v isio n a ry — the rig h ts he claim s fo r h a lf breeds as w ell as th e ir v irtu e s and in flu en ce he a ttr ib u te s to them are s u p e rla tiv e ly magnified (emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . 117 S ch o o lc ra ft, h im self, although m arried to a Mixed-blood, s ta te d (Ju ly 15, 1840): The tra d e rs a re stren u o u sly a c tin g a g a in s t government In te rc o u rse p o lic y , but the p a r t ia ll y educated h alfb re ed s have been h ith e rto found the most e f fe c tiv e and unscrupulous advocates among the bands. Too In d o len t and Improvident to succeed In business among the shrewder w h ite s, and having l o s t th e ir r e l is h fo r the h u n ter s t a t e , th is tu rb u le n t c la s s , g e n e ra lly f i l l the p laces of p e tty c le rk s and in te r p r e te r s a t t r a d e r s ' houses, or wander to and from the Indian v illa g e s , liv in g on th e ir bounty, preying on th e ir p re ju d ic e s, and f i l l i n g th e ir minds with discord and d is s a tis f a c tio n . In s h o rt, even S ch o o lcraft regarded the Mixed-bloods as impediments to the governm ent's attem pts to a s s im ila te the Indians in to White s o c ie ty . The lowered p o s itio n of the Mixed-blood had consequences fo r on the In d ia n s. As the Mixed-bloods were no longer considered im portant as in te rm e d ia rie s between Whites and In d ia n s, the In d ia n s, too, l o s t whatever ro u te s to a s s im ila tio n they may have had. David Greene, the S ecretary of the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions, expressed his view of n a tiv e m iss io n a rie s . He did not b e lie v e th ere were enough good In d ian e v a n g e lis ts and teachers to j u s t i f y providing a school fo r them: There is nothing we more d e s ire and lab o r f o r , a t a l l our m issio n s, than good n a tiv e h e lp e rs . They are an in v alu ab le a c q u is itio n , but our experience teaches us th a t they are exceedingly r a r e . Not one educated heathen youth in te n , even i f pious when he commences h is s tu d ie s , has been found f i t fo r an o ffic e re q u irin g judgment, good common sen se, and energy of c h a ra c te r (S ch o o lc ra ft 1851: 508). By 1837, when the Canadian Wesleyan M ethodists were expelled from the co u n try , the i n s t i t u t i o n of n a tiv e m issionary a l l but disappeared. 118 3 .2 .3 .2 .4 D isin co rp o ratio n of Mlxed-bloods and Indians The primary p o in t being made In the previous se c tio n s is th a t up to about 1826 Indians had in creasin g access to White s o c ie ty and i t s economy. The United S ta te s government p o licy sought to include the Indians and did so by extending products manufactured in the United S ta te s to them and by co n sid ering Mixed-bloods as W hites. This p o licy was followed as p a rt of the goal of achieving to ta l independence from B r ita in . The Indians were in stru m en tal in th is goal in th re e ways. F i r s t , they would be United S ta te s a l l i e s in case of B r itis h in vasion. Second, the United S ta te s wanted Indians to purchase th e ir goods to stim u la te the n a tio n 's economy using the Factory posts and l a t e r , the annuity system. These p o lic ie s had a number of impacts on the In d ia n s. F i r s t , the promotion of in d u stry req u ired the e a s te rn f a c to rie s to acq u ire raw m a te ria ls lo cated in the w est. This req u ired the development of tra n s p o rta tio n networks and westward expansion of people to e x p lo it the n a tu ra l resources found in the west (Scheiber 1980: 105). This had environm ental and economic impacts on the Indians because i t re s u lte d in the westward expansion of Whites and d e fo re s ta tio n . Second, westward expansion and the rapid im m igration of fo re ig n e rs , re s u lte d in an id e o lo g ic a lly heterogeneous w est. These f e a tu re s , combined with the goal to achieve Id e o lo g ic a l homogeneity, re s u lte d in the d riv e to p ro s e ly tiz e Indians along w ith the fo re ig n e rs in the w est. This combined w ith the goal to include them in the n a tio n a l economy because the P ro te s ta n t m issionary s o c ie tie s encouraged the development of a sedentary l i f e s t y l e , a l i f e s t y l e th a t, i f adopted, would lay the foundations fo r the consumption of in d u s tr ia l products by In d ia n s. 119 Although the tra d e rs , m issio n a rie s, and government had s im ila r o b je c tiv e s during the French e ra , by the n in eteen th century th e ir goals competed w ith one another and did not r e s u l t in a c o n s is te n t Indian p o lic y . Beginning with the B r itis h era Indians were in c re a sin g ly excluded from the n a tio n a l f a b r ic . The B r itis h m arried Mixed-bloods r a th e r than F u ll-b lo o d s, in s u la tin g the V hites from the In d ia n s. The B r itis h focus on m ineral e x p lo ita tio n f u rth e r reduced the Mixed-bloods and Indians a b i l i t y to p a r tic ip a te in the dominant economy. This process quickened a f t e r 1826 when Mixed-bloods l o s t th e ir interm ediary p o s itio n . The process was completed by 1843, i f not e a r l i e r (Bieder 1980). This was a product of xenophobism which was applied to B rita in in the Northwest T e rrito ry . This fe a r was tra n s fe rre d to the Indians due to the B ritis h -In d ia n a llia n c e . The p ro cess, however, was not in s tig a te d , nor fomented, by the Federal government. R ather, the exclusion of Indians was p a rt of an inform al p o licy implemented by s e t t l e r s and businessmen in the w est in re a c tio n to the flow of im m igrants. The immigrants were a ttr a c te d to the United S ta te s and took advantage of the in d u s tr ia l expansion and the demand fo r lab o r in the e a s te rn in d u s trie s and w estern mines. These im m igrants, la rg e ly C ath o lic , competed w ith the P ro te s ta n ts f o r jo b s, as ( p o te n tia lly ) did the In d ia n s. Members of lo w -P ro testan t denominations resen ted th is com petition and a c tiv e ly sought to exclude them. Indians (a term which now included M lxed-bloods), were glossed as fo re ig n e rs and a p o te n tia l source of com petition f o r scarce jo b s. I n i t i a l l y , the Indians reacted to Whites in two ways: an acceptance of White c u ltu re and an alm ost to t a l r e je c tio n of i t . When 120 the B r itis h began to e x e rt th e ir In flu en ce, the French began to marry the In d ia n s. This re s u lte d In th re e d i s t i n c t p a tte r n s : a wholesale acceptance of European l i f e (by marrying the F rench), a reserved acceptance of th a t way of l i f e , and a p a tte rn suggesting r e je c tio n of It. These th re e p a tte rn s continued as Uhlte presence In the area In creased . Although the C onservative way of l i f e was In creasin g ly le s s v ia b le , I t continued as a c u ltu r a l ex p ressio n . The adm ission of Indians Into the n a tio n a l f a b r ic — through economics, r e lig io n , or p o l i t i c s — encouraged the ev o lu tio n of Mlxed-bloods from the P ro g ressiv e s e c to r. m aladaptive. I t did not make the C onservative way of l i f e Indeed, the low number of Whites in the area allowed I t to co n tin u e. These d if f e r e n t o rie n ta tio n s were r e fle c te d a t the keweenaw Bay econom ically in the p a tte rn of indebtedness described e a r l i e r in th is c h a p te r. In terms of world-view, these o rie n ta tio n s were r e fle c te d by the p a tte rn of p a r tic ip a tio n in the two m issions th a t were e sta b lish e d a t the Keweenaw Bay in 1832 (M ethodist) and 1843 (C a th o lic ). The P ro g ressiv es opted fo r Methodism; the C onservatives, fo r C atholicism . The M ixed-bloods, d i f f e r e n t i a l l y a ffe c te d by th e ir exclusion from the n a tio n a l fa b ric during th is p erio d , opted fo r both. Ve now tu rn to the study of the development of the two m issions a t the Keweenaw Bay. 3.3 The M ethodist Mission The M ethodist Church a t Keweenaw Bay was founded in 1832 and provided the I n i t i a l impetus fo r the subsequent f is s io n in g of the community. This is not to say th a t the church caused the schism, but 121 people who shared p a r tic u la r s o c ia l and economic c h a r a c te r is tic s were a ttr a c te d to th is I n s t i t u t i o n . the schism . T heir acceptance of Methodism prompted Two asp ects o f th is P ro te s ta n t denomination seem to have a ttr a c te d ad h eren ts. One was the use of Mlxed-bloods as m issio n aries ( re f e r re d to as n a tiv e m is s io n a rie s ), some of whom were c h a rism a tic . The second was due to the " e c s ta tic " n atu re of Methodism (James McClurken personal communication, Lansing 1985)— the same q u a lity th a t a ttr a c te d White fro n tie rsp e o p le and was a source of alarm fo r e a s te rn e rs (Chapter 11). The M ethodist Church a t Keweenaw Bay was the j o i n t e f f o r t of th ree i n s t i t u t i o n s : the Wesleyan M ethodist Church of Canada, the American Fur Company, and the New York Annual Conference. In 1823 the Reverend W illiam Case, a Wesleyan M ethodist m in iste r conducted a re v iv a l in the reg io n of the Rice Lake band of Anlshinabe near the present-day lo c a tio n of B e lle v ille , O ntario (Johnson 1933). A s ix te e n -y e a r-o ld Mixed-blood boy, Kahkewaquonaby— l a t e r known as P eter Jones— was th ere and converted. Kahkewaquonaby's f a th e r was a Welsh surveyor, Augustus Jones, and h is mother was the daughter of M lssissaga c h ie f, Wabanosay (Copway 1847: 210, Jones 1860: 2 ). Jones was re sp o n sib le fo r the conversion of many o th er Indians in both Canada and the United S ta te s (see Jones 1860). Between 1823 and 1827, the Wesleyan M ethodist Church in Canada took Methodism to many Canadian Anashinabe In d ia n s. Among those who converted were O-Shah-Wun-Dah, (John Sunday), a c h ie f of the A lnick b an d ;17 Kah-ge-ga-gah-bowh (George Copway), a c h ie f of the Rice Lake 17 The d esig n a tio n c h ie f , here and elsewhere in th is work should be understood to be in q u o tatio n marks, i . e . , " c h ie f" , as i t is o fte n not w ell determ ined whether the in d iv id u a l in q u estio n was a c h ie f as considered by the In d ia n s, or a " c h ie f” as considered by the 122 band; John Taunchey, Copway's uncle; Copway's cousin John Caubage (K ah-beeje), and Thomas F razer (Copway 1847, Jackson 1908). John Johnson (Enmegabowh)— a Canadian Ottawa (Science Museum of Minnesota 1980: 12)—a ls o converted to Methodism. A ll these in d iv id u a ls went to the m ission a t Keweenaw Bay during the e a rly 1830s. Although Jackson (1908: 5) s ta te s John Sunday was a t Keweenaw In 1831 and co n sid ers th is the beginning of Methodism th e re , o th er sources s ta t e th a t Methodism came to the Keweenaw in 1832 (Church and Church personal communication Lansing 1985). Marie and met John Sunday th e re . John H olliday was a t S a u lt S te . H olliday in v ite d him to the Keweenaw area (A lgic Society 1833: 21) because the In d ia n s ' "degraded, drunken, and quarrelsom e co n d itio n " concerned him (MacMillan 1967: 104). Sunday d escrib es th is meeting as fo llow s. When I am a t S t. Mary a tra d e r come th ere a f te r skoot-a-wa-boo ( f ir e - w a te r ) . By and by he come to me and say Ke-wa-we-non and speak to my In d ia n s. I fe e l very bad; something in my h e a rt d o n 't want me to go. I c a n 't sleep th in k in g about preaching th e re . This was November, very c o ld . By and by I think I not go home: I ' l l go to Mr. S c h o o lc ra ft, Indian Agent, on American s id e . He was very pleased to have me go, and give me p ro v isio n s. Mr. H olliday, the tr a d e r , took to me to K e-w a-w e-non.... We tra v e l two weeks. When we g et th ere we g e t a l l the Indians to g eth er and the tra d e r say, 'T h is time I got no f ir e - w a te r , I change my mind down t h e r e . ' The Indians very angry because he d o n 't take skoot-a-wa-boo (H all 1856: 102-103). The M issionary Society documents re p o rt about 250 Indians re sid in g a t the Keweenaw Bay in 1832 (H all 1856: 122). This fig u re is somewhat h ig h er than S c h o o lc ra ft's census fig u re s (June 15, 1832), thus probably in clu d in g the in h a b ita n ts a t Ontonagon, about 50 m iles away. In February of 1833, Sunday wrote of events a t Keweenaw February W hites. 123 14, 1833): I received your kind l e t t e r . I understand you you want here the Indians from th is p la c e . I w ill t e l l you what the Indians doing, they worshiped Idol God. they make God th e ir same. I understand Mr Dubay [one of H o llid a y 's tr a d e r s ] . He to ld a l l In d ia n s, not going to hear the word of God. so th e Indians he believed him. he t e l l the Indians do worship your own a way you w ill get heaven quick is u s. so the Indians they do n o t come to hear the word of God. Many of the Indians resen ted the m issio n ary 's presence. Copway (1847), Jones (1861), H all (1856), and Johnson (1933) s ta t e the two most prominent members of the o p p o sitio n were the medicine man, John Southwind, and Kah-be-wah-be-ko-kay (Spear Maker). Shah-Wan-Ne-Noo-Nin, and h is fam ily converted to Methodism (Johnson 1933). John Southwind converted in October of 1833 because h is daughter had died a f t e r an i lln e s s and h is own medicine had proven pow erless (Jones 1861: 270-271).18 S h o rtly a f t e r his conversion, Spear Maker also converted (Copway 1847: 99). Other members of the band converted a f t e r the medicine man had done so . There were nine members of the Keweenaw community who "gave evidence of a change of h e a rt" (H all 1856: 124) a f te r the f i r s t w in te r. I do n ot know whether th is means th ere were nine converts or merely nine people who expressed an in t e r e s t in Methodism. O pposition to the M ethodist m ission co n tin u ed , holding th e ir "pah-wahs" on the o th er sid e of the bay while the M ethodists held th e ir evening meetings (Copway 1847: 101). Sunday l e f t the Keweenaw area a f t e r the w inter of 1833. Thomas M'Gee (Thomas Magee, according to Jones [I860]) and Thomas F r a s ie r *8 He may have been a Mide p r ie s t . 124 ( a l t . F ra z ie r) succeeded him (C lark Ju ly 7, 1834). These n a tiv e m issio n aries spent the w inter of 1834 a t the Keweenaw Bay. The annual re p o rt fo r 1833 s ta te s b ro th e r F r a z i e r ... has formed a c la s s of t h i r t y one members, and a lso e sta b lish e d a school fo r the in s tr u c tio n o f the c h ild re n , and those of the a d u lts who are w illin g to a tte n d to h is in s tr u c tio n (M ethodist Episcopal Church 1834: 11). Both Magee and F ra z ie r l e f t the m ission during the autumn of 1834 (H all 1856: 124). "But on the re tu rn of F ra z ie r in O ctober, he re a d ily discovered th a t in h is absence the devouring wolf had been prowling around the l i t t l e fo ld " (Clark Ju ly 7, 1834). I assume Sunday's co­ workers a rriv e d l a t e r because he does not mention them on h is i n i t i a l v is it. 6, 1834, the Reverend John C lark, the S uperintendent of On Ju ly M ethodist M issions, s ta tio n e d a t S au lt S te. M arie, v is ite d the Bay and baptized f if t e e n In d ia n s, and " to about 40, I broke bread in the name of the Lord J e s u s ..." ( I b i d .) . The referen ce to the Reverend John Clark introduces a th ird fa c to r th a t was resp o n sib le fo r the estab lish m en t of the m ission a t Keweenaw. In 1832 the Mew York Conference of the M ethodist Episcopal Church had determined th a t i t should e s ta b lis h m issions in the Northwest T e rr ito ry , e s p e c ia lly a t S au lt S te . Marie (H all 1856, D e tro it Annual Conference 1955: 5).19 C lark, a former tanner (H all 1856: 24), was a t the 1832 Conference and answered the c a l l . He went to S a u lt S te. Marie in the f a l l of 1832, where he assumed r e s p o n s ib ility fo r the m issions a t Green Bay, Keweenaw, and S au lt S te. Marie (H all 1856, Johnson 1933). Encouraged by the work done by n a tiv e m iss io n a rie s , Clark wrote to 19 Michigan had become a p rin c ip a l m issio n arie s from New England by the 1830s ta r g e t fo r the tra in e d (Thomas 1967: 25-26). 125 the Reverend William Case In Canada in 1832, req u estin g two n a tiv e preachers and two n a tiv e teachers to a s s i s t him. This req u est was conveyed to the Reverend Daniel McMullen, a Wesleyan M ethodist m issionary s ta tio n e d in Canada, who sen t John Taunchey, John Johnson, George Copway, and John Caubage to the Lake Superior region (Copwa : 1847: 88). John Taunchey and John Caubage went as n a tiv e preachers and George Copway and John Johnson as the teachers (Jackson 1908: 5 ). Documents give c o n flic tin g re p o rts about who was s ta tio n e d a t the Keweenaw Bay in 1833-1834. Both Johnson (1933) and Clark (Ju ly 21, 1835) s ta te Taunchey and Caubage were a t Keweenaw during these y ea rs; and Jane S ch o o lcraft s ta t e s (September 23, 1833) th a t Thomas Magee had been a t the Keweenaw m ission during the summer of 1833. Clark (March 9, 1834) however, says th a t Thomas F ra s ie r was a t the m ission. F r a s ie r , he s a id , has in te r e s tin g seasons a t th a t p la c e , the whole number who has joined him in the se rv ic e of the Lord a t th a t place is 30—10 sin ce he went up Oct l a s t . F ra s ie r has done what he could by way of teaching school a ls o ....( I b id .) . In the summer of 1834, Clark se n t the Reverend Daniel Meeker Chandler (a W hite), George Copway, John Taunchey, and an in te r p r e te r to the m ission a t Keweenaw (H all 1856: 137). John Sunday was the in te r p r e te r (P rin d ie 1842: 51). Chandler l e f t S au lt S te . Marie fo r Keweenaw on September 3, 1834, w ith in s tru c tio n s to b u ild a house fo r him self and a schoolhouse b efo re w in ter s e t in (P rin d le 1842: 19). This s tr u c tu r e was " b u ilt of lo g s, fla tte n e d on two sid es by hewing, the roof of f la tte n e d tim bers, covered with clay m o rtar, and secured from storms by a stro n g coating of cedar bark" (H all 1856: 158). Reuter (1985: 21) and P ite z e l (1857, 126 1882) s ta te th a t the schoolhouse was the f i r s t M ethodist church a t Keweenaw. C handler's f i r s t day of teaching was on December 1, 1834, with th ir te e n c h ild re n p re s e n t. His jo u rn a l e n try fo r th a t day says most of the c h ild re n were ab le to read a l i t t l e a lread y because the n a tiv e m issionary who had been th e re the year before had taught them (P rin d le 1842: 33). But th in g s were not w ell a t the m ission. This day my soul has been with the Lamb, b u t my body In a c i r c l e of lio n s . I looked out my window and saw two Indian canoes approaching the shore near my dw elling, and w aited to re c e iv e the new comers. At length my house was f i l l e d w ith Chlppeways, among whom was the c h ie f [P in-ne-she] who p resid es over th is s e c tio n , painted b lack . Yet h is face would have appeared lik e pure snow i f compared with h is h e a r t. A ll were seated , and s ile n c e fo r the space of h a lf an hour, brought f o rth i t s convincing argument to prove th a t th e ir c a l l was not th a t of f rie n d s h ip . The pain ted c h ie f broke the s ile n c e in a tone which I s h a ll long remember. Said he— 'Where did you come from? Who gave you a r ig h t to b u ild a house on my land? I have come now fo r my p a y .' 'You were from home, s a id I , on a hunting to u r, so th a t I could not c o n su lt you; and as w inter was a t hand, 1 was obliged to b u ild before you came back, or not a t a l l . ' 'W e ll, now pay me fo r the land your house c o v e r s .' What do you ask, said I ' . 'A g re a t d e a l, ' was the re p ly . 'How much? Name i t i f you wish me to pay you?. ' I w ill not s e l l i t , but every y e a r, I must have a b a rre l of f lo u r , one bag of corn, and some tobacco, fo r the land your house co v ers, and the wood you b u r n .' I was in Indian co u n try , and must th e re fo re , to preserve peace among them, y ie ld to th is demand, a t le a s t fo r one y e ar. I went d ir e c tly to the tra d e r and engaged the f lo u r , corn and tobacco and h is p arty went a f t e r them. But before the wicked crew broke up, my ex h o rter gave them an e x h o rta tio n to f le e from the wrath to come. To th i s , they a l l re p lie d —'t h a t they never would embrace the C h ristia n r e lig io n while they l i v e d . ' Their God is th e ir b e lly , and a l l th e ir happiness c o n s is ts in the w orship, of th is God. Lord have mercy upon them (P rin d le 1842: 38-39; emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . On Christmas Day, a French tra d e r asked Chandler to preach a t h is house to the o th er tra d e rs , a l l of whom were Roman C a th o lic s. Chandler did 127 so, preaching a t a house " f u l l of Chippeways and Frenchmen" (P rin d le 1842: 39). Throughout the w inter and follow ing sp rin g , Chandler worked a t h is tra d e . His jo u rn a l fre q u e n tly says th a t he preached to the b re th re n , but he does not say how many Indian b reth ren he had. John Clark made h is m issionary v i s i t to Keweenaw in June of 1835 to e s ta b lis h a m ission v illa g e a t Keweenaw a t Henry S c h o o lc ra ft's re q u e st. I have not seen a document in d ic a tin g such, b u t C lark (Ju ly 15, 1835) lead s to the understanding th a t the United S ta te s government had given Clark perm ission to b u ild a m ission th e re . Clark s ta te s Penashe " c h e e rfu lly gave me the use of what land I wanted to b u ild on and to t i l l fo r the use of the m ission fam ily" ( I b i d . ) . Four e n tr ie s in C handler's jo u rn a l in d ic a te j u s t how c h e e rfu lly : June 24th. I have spent th is day very p le a s a n tly in the company of b ro th e r C lark. We have been tra v e lin g most of the day to fin d a convenient lo c a tio n fo r b u ild in g a sm all Indian v il l a g e . We do not know as y e t, th a t the c h ie f w ill perm it us to b u ild a s in g le house; but to-morrow w ill determ ine th a t, as we have appointed a gen eral c o u n c il, a t the house of Mr. H oliday, fo r th is purpose. 25t*n. At the hour appointed, and even b e fo re , the c h ie f and a l l his men were on the ground, the most of them p a in te d , men, women, and c h ild re n . The council soon began, and b ro th e r Clark requested perm ission to b u ild a l i t t l e v illa g e , and a school-house, fo r them, th a t they might a l l be com fortable, and th e ir c h ild re n ev en tu ally become w ise. But the c h ie f s a id , 'n o houses should be b u i l t on th is bay, so f a r as he could prevent i t , ' and he remained u n y ielding in h is purpose. 26th. The b re th re n are resolved to stand r ig h t s , and hold on fo r land to b u ild on. talk e d w ith th e ir c h ie f again to -d ay , but say a v aile d n o th in g . They to ld them they they pleased as came away, leav in g him to th e ir re s o lu tio n . up fo r th e ir They have a l l they could would do as r e f l e c t on 29th. This day the c h ie f and a l l h is men, came to o ffe r us the p riv ile g e of b u ild in g on th is sid e of the bay [th e e a s t s id e ] , where we p le a se ; but as fo r him self and p a rty , they wished to remain in peace, on the o th er 128 s id e , as they Intended to have nothing to do w ith our r e l ig i o n . While the w ritin g s , giving us perm ission to b u ild , were being drawn, the c h ie f requested us to make him a house in our v i lla g e , where he might hold h is c o u n c ils; fo rg e ttin g th a t he would be m ingling w ith h is praying neig h b o rs. B rother Clark smiled a t th is re q u e st, and to ld him to choose the sp o t where he wished to have i t stand (P rin d le 1842: 52-57, emphasis in o r ig in a l) . C la rk 's l e t t e r to S c h o o lc ra ft, d escrib in g i t s e sta b lish m en t, s ta te s the M ethodist M ission was "one m ile down the Bay from the Trading House of Mr John Holladay, whom I have a lso made a c o n tra c t with to have 10 houses b u i l t fo r the b e n e fit of the Indians under our c a re ” (C lark July 15, 1835). Chandler began preparing the tim ber fo r b u ild in g the new v illa g e on August 18, 1835 (P rin d le 1842: 67). His replacem ent, R olla H. Chubb— form erly a fu r tra d e r (Johnson 1933: 7 ), w rote: The m ission is s itu a te d on the so u th e a st sid e of th is bay, which a t th a t p la c e , is 3 1/2 m iles wide, and n e a rly 4 m iles from i t s head. One m ile f u rth e r toward the head of the bay on the same s id e , is a trad in g post of the American Fur Company, c o n s is tin g of two dw elling houses, occupied by the tra d e r and h is men, s to re and cooper shop (P rin d le 1842: 77). He a lso s ta te s th a t the m ission v illa g e co n sisted of ten "houses b u i lt ex a ctly a l i k e , ” spaced a t re g u la r in te r v a ls , in which the C h ris tia n Indians would l i v e . The Bchool house stood in the m idst of these houses ( I b id ) . On June 30, 1834, C lark l e f t Keweenaw and took George Copway and John Taunchey w ith him. Two o th er n a tiv e m issio n a rie s, W illiam Herkimer (a Canadian Indian who a rriv e d with h is w ife) and John Johnson (Clark Ju ly 21, 1835; M ethodist Episcopal Church 1837: 8 -9 ). The l a t t e r served as H erkim er's in te r p r e te r and a s s is ta n t (Jackson 1908: 5 ). Chandler wanted to leav e, too, but C lark to ld him to remain a t 129 l e a s t one more year and promised him he could then re tu rn to the e a s t I f he d esired (P rin d le 1842: 57). Copway (1847: 104-105) mentions an In cid en t th a t occurred on h is way back to S a u lt S te. Marie w ith C lark, which in d ic a te s th ere was a good deal of an ti-M eth o d ist sentim ent on the p a rt of some of the In d ia n s. ...w e saw th a t one of the Points of Grand Islan d had sunk. I t was formed of quicksand. I t was to ld to the tra d e r Charles Holiday [John Holiday?] th a t the Great S p i r i t had removed from under th a t p o in t to some o th er p la c e , because the M ethodist M issionaries had encamped th e re the previous f a l l , and had, by th e ir p ra y e rs, driven the G reat S p i r i t from under the p o in t. They did n o t wish the m issio n aries to encamp any where on th e ir is la n d , fe a rin g th a t the Islan d would sink (emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . Thus, the d i s t r u s t of the m issio n aries expressed as e a rly as 1832 had n o t abated by 1835, nor would i t abate fo r some time to come. Only a few noteworthy events occurred during the r e s t of C h an d ler's tenure a t Keweenaw. Chandler wrote to h is parents th a t th e re had been much sick n ess among the Indians who had converted "and some of our good s i s t e r s have gone re jo ic in g to th a t heavenly l a n d ..." (P rin d le 1842: 70). He a lso w rote, " I t is tru e some of our b reth ren have d ied ; b u t the Lord has f i l l e d up our ranks w ith new co n v erts, and the p ro sp ects of th is m ission are much b e tte r now than when [John C lark] was w ith us" (P rin d le 1842: 71-72). Chandler l e f t the M ethodist m ission in June of 1836 and went back to New York to v i s i t h is fam ily and f rie n d s . He m arried w hile he was th e re and retu rn e d w ith h is w ife to the Upper P eninsula in October of 1836. He was then re sp o n sib le fo r the m in iste rin g to both the S au lt S te . Marie and Keweenaw m issions (P rin d le 1842: 81). Since he had 130 r e s p o n s ib ility fo r both m issio n s, he probably became the D i s tr ic t Superintendent of M issions fo r the a re a ; th is was the t i t l e held by h is su ccesso r, the Reverend W illiam H. Brockway. Since few f u rth e r statem ents were made in h is jo u rn a l about the m ission a t Keweenaw, i t can be in fe rre d Chandler spent l i t t l e , i f any, time a t th a t m ission. This may have been due to poor h e a lth ; Chandler died in 1838 (M ethodist Episcopal Church 1837: 8 -9 ). During C handler's absence from Keweenaw, Reverend R olla H. Chubb and W illiam Herkimer were the m issionary and n a tiv e m issionary, re s p e c tiv e ly . Johnson (1933: 7) s ta te s two of the members had died , and one had been " la id a s id e ," but th re e new members were added, making a t o ta l of 33 members. The annual re p o rt of the M issionary S ociety fo r th a t year s ta te s th ere were 60 members, but th is to ta l included the S au lt S te . Marie m ission (M ethodist Episcopal Church 1837: 8 -9 ). In 1837 the annual re p o rt of the M issionary Society had nothing to re p o rt on the Keweenaw m ission (M ethodist Episcopal Church 1838). I have seen no documents fo r th a t year from o th er sou rces, e ith e r . This may be because between 1805 and 1836, Keweenaw Bay was p a rt of Wisconsin T e rrito ry (Johnson 1933: 9 ). In 1837, the Keweenaw Bay was tra n s fe rre d to the Michigan Conference as a sin g le charge w ith S ault S te. M arie. This Conference was resp o n sib le fo r the m ission u n til 1856 (MacMillan 1967: 202-203). Since 1856, the m ission has been in the j u r is d ic tio n of the D e tro it Conference ( I b i d . ) . The absence of inform ation fo r 1837 was probably due to temporary confusion as the j u r is d ic tio n of the m ission changed hands. The period from 1837 to 1843 is not w ell rep resen ted in the documents from the M ethodist Church, b u t some Inform ation is a v a ila b le from oth er so u rces. A l e t t e r from Chandler in the Advocate (th e 131 M ethodist C hurch's new spaper), Chubb, dated March 5, 1838, s ta te s R olla 9. the ex h o rter and te a c h e r, had sen t him some Inform ation about the m ission a t the Keweenaw Bay. Chandler wrote th a t on December 3 1 st, the M ethodist Indians had in v ite d "the c h ie f and h is c o u n c illo rs , a l l of whom are h eath en s," to jo in them fo r a supper a t the m ission house. The c h ie f and h is co lleag u es a rriv e d , and Mr. Kah-beeje and John Southwind gave speeches. When they were fin is h e d , Me-squa-keenee (Yellow Head), a p rin c ip a l c h ie f of a band in Upper Canada who had re c e n tly converted to Methodism, presented the Keweenaw c h ie f with wampum. The next day, the Keweenaw ch ief responded favorably toward Methodism b u t did not embrace i t (P rin d le 1842: 84-88). Chandler re p o rts in h is jo u rn a l th a t w ithin th re e days of th is ev en t, two of the su b c h ie fs, two women, and th e ir r e la tiv e s joined the M ethodist group (P rin d le 1842: 88). One of these subchiefs would l a t e r become known as David King, a prominent fo rce in the subsequent h is to ry of the Keweenaw band. At Keweenaw the n a tiv e m issionary has labored with success and during the p a st y ear nine or ten of the n a tiv e s have renounced th e ir heathenism and joined the C h ristia n Church, so th a t th ere are now about f o rty members a l l of whom are very steady and a tte n tiv e to th e ir d u tie s . The school was discontinued through the w in te r, though a g re a t d e s ire is expressed fo r i t s estab lish m en t (M ethodist Church 1838: 8 ). Henry S ch o o lcraft (October 30, 1837) also rep o rted on the c o n d itio n of the school th is y ea r, s ta tin g "Mr. Bangs, the S ecretary of th is Board a t New York, w rite s to me th a t th e ir e f f o r ts w ill be prosecuted among these In d ia n s, w ithout abatem ent.” A l e t t e r from C handler, w ritte n on March 12, 1838, re p o rts "The two subchiefs mentioned in my l a s t [ l e t t e r ] appear lik e tru ly converted 132 men, as do the o th ers th e re mentioned, a l l of whom are r e la tiv e s of one of the c h ie fs (P rin d le 1842: 91). a v a ila b le fo r the m issio n . Otherwise th ere is no inform ation A document from the James Ord (September 1, 1838) provides a p o ssib le reason. No re p o rt i s receiv ed from the M ethodist M ission Mr. Chandler having l e f t i t l a s t June in consequence of poor h e a l t h .. .. A t the Ance Mr Chubb of the M ethodist Mission had 14 sch o la rs who were taught to read and w rite . He l e f t i t l a s t sp rin g . The school is under the care of Mr. Cau b lsh , a n a tiv e . In 1839, Keweenaw and S a u lt S te. Marie became a Mission D is tr i c t in i t s own r ig h t . m ission, "and l e f t to be Keweenaw became a sep arate sup p lied w ith the ex p e c ta tio n of engaging an Indian preacher" (P ilc h e r 1873: 178). The Conference appointed the Reverend William H. Brockway, the m issionary a t S au lt S te . Marie in 1838 (H isto ry 1883: 194), S uperintendent of the m ission d i s t r i c t ; George King was h is a s s is ta n t. W illiam H. Brockway was a blacksm ith before becoming a m issionary (D ickie 1917: 44, 194; Brunger 1966: 20). He ap parently continued h is v o catio n while he served as m issionary because the Indians gave him the name Pewablc, "Iron Man" (P ite z e l 1873: 14, H istory 1883: 194). There is only a s in g le sentence about the m ission in the annual re p o rt subm itted to the Michigan Conference fo r Episcopal Church 1841: 24). "Keweenaw 1839 (M ethodist has been but p a r t i a l l y supplied during the p a s t y ea r; nor has anything occurred worthy of p a r tic u la r re c o rd ." Brockway a lso rep o rted a to t a l of s ix ty fiv e members fo r the S au lt S te . Marie D i s t r i c t . MacMillan (1967: 133) s ta te s the Conference appointed Henry C o lclazer to the m issions a t S a u lt S te. Marie and Keweenaw, "but th ere is no evidence th a t C olclazer ever saw the work a t the Soo and 133 Keweenaw...." Also th a t y e a r, Brockway (October 21, 1839) informed S c h o o lc raft: I take the l i b e r t y of saying to you th a t I have concluded to comply w ith your suggestions in re feren ce to an immediate commencement a t the Bay. We have had a number of men choping [s ic ] the l a s t week + s h a ll proceed as f a r and as f a s t as our means w ill allow . I have no doubt you w ill use your endeavors in our b eh alf th a t we may g e t the money from government as soon as p o s s ib le . As 1 made my re p o rt to Mr. Ord before our conference I could say but l i t t l e - though i t may be b u t to l a t e now fo r you to make any o f f i c i a l use of i t , y e t I w ill say our a p p ro p ria tio n th is year is more than two thousand d o lla r s , we have 4 men now connected w ith the m ission th re e of which are preachers the o th er an I n te r p r e te r . In 1840, the Keweenaw m ission rep o rted having f o rty - th re e Indian members (M ethodist Church 1841: 24, Michigan Annual Conference 1840: 2 6 ). John Cahbeeje and P eter Marksman were sta tio n e d a t Keweenaw th a t year (MacMillan 1967: 139). The next y e a r, 1841, th ere were only t h i r t y - f i v e members re p o rted from th is m ission (M ethodist Church 1842: 30). V illiam Brockway (May 20, 1841) wrote in h is re p o rt th ere was one dw elling house one school house, and ten Indian dw ellings a lso belonging to the M ission one yoke of oxon [ s i c ] , one cow, + one c a lf a yoke, ch ain , and harrow. The Indians ra is e d the p a s t season some 2 or 3 thousand bushels of p o tato es + have enough of them and such o th er th in g s as can be ra ise d in the c o u n try .20 In 1842, P eter Marksman became the Ju n io r preacher a t Keweenaw (Brunger 1966: 20).21 He a s s is te d the Reverend George V. Jones. That same 20 This suggests the M ethodist Church had a p o licy of c o lle c tiv e ownership of p ro p erty (see also William H. Brockway January 15, 1842). The m ission l a t e r adopted a p o licy of p riv a te ownership of p ro p erty (Kohl 1985: 227). 21 I have found no re p o rt from e ith e r the Michigan Annual Conference or the M issionary S ociety fo r 1842. 134 y e a r, the Reverend W illiam H. Brockway (January 15, 1842) provided a clu e to the Inner workings of h is m ission a t Keweenaw: Our m ission i s a kind of community among the Indians fo r th e ir b e n e f it, in which we have many th in g s, and indeed most th ings about the place in common, fo r the b e n e fit of a l l . fo r In sta n c e , the oxen, c a r t , yokes, ch ain s, plough, harrow and a ch est of jo in e rs to o ls +c, are used in common by the m ission and the Indians and I think a m ajo rity of the whole belong to the In d ia n s. The follow ing sequence o f events suggests Brockway's l e t t e r alarmed Indian Agent Robert S tu a r t. The next y e a r, as provided by the Treaty of La P ointe of 1842, governm ent-appointed farm ers, blacksm iths, and c arp en ters were se n t to fo u r Indian communities around Lake S u p erio r. of the fo u r lo c a tio n s . The Keweenaw Bay was one S tu a rt, a P re sb y te ria n , assured the Reverend E.R. Ames, head of the M ethodist Episcopal M issionary s o c ie ty , th a t I have endeavored to o b tain good men of the M ethodist persuasion fo r th is p o s ts ....M y opinion i s , th a t such mechanics and fanners should always be s e le c te d fo r the d if f e r e n t s ta tio n s as w ill agree in re lig io u s sentim ents w ith the M issio n aries a t such p o i n ts .- th is w ill preserve harmony a t l e a s t (June 30, 1843). However, he placed a C o n g re g a tio n a list farmer and ca rp e n te r th ere in ste a d (S tu a rt March 16, 1843; C a rrie r March 13, 1843; Howe May 27, 1843). Whether th is concern was due to the M ethodists" e f f o r ts a t the Keweenaw Bay or to th e i r p o lic y of communal ownership is u n c e rta in . In 1843, f if t y - e i g h t were "Colored" members retu rn ed to Conference—th e re was no d e sig n a tio n fo r Indians— (Michigan Annual Conference 1843: 3 0 ). This re p re se n ts an Increase of tw en ty -th ree members over the previous y ear. The surge in membership may have r e s u lte d from Marksman's charisma (Brunger 1966). 135 The year 1843 was, however, the beginning of a period of " c r is is " fo r the M ethodist m ission a t the Keweenaw Bay. The problems began w ith the death of c h ie f Penashe on or about February 28, 1843. His death was c r i t i c a l to the subsequent events a t the Keweenaw M ission. Reverend George Brown (March 9, 1843) wrote the follow ing account. Nez-he-ka Benashl [Penashe], head of the band of In d ia n s, died the l a s t day of February. His son James, whom he had designed as h is successor died l a s t f a l l . The c h ie f l e f t h is m edals, together with a l l h is o f f ic e s , w ith h is youngest son, Estum -e-he-zhek, a lad of about 10 years o ld . The Indians thought i t necessary to appoint guardians to h is fam ily: acco rd in g ly , one o a the b ro th e rs of the deceased, L i t t l e Stone (a pious man) was chosen to take care the fam ily; and War Club, another b ro th e r, to a c t the p a rt of head c h ie f. The manner in which the l a t t e r was chosen, has given a g re a t offense to the m ajo rity of the band. I t was brought about p r in c ip a lly by 2 or 3 h a lf breeds, and a few men c a lle d "B enashl's Band." These met a t the house of one of the h a lf breeds, and arranged the m atter among them selves. They then c a lle d a council of about 25 men, b u t among them only 3 or 4 belonging to the m ission. One Indian and one h a lf breed made speeches, and then the two above named b ro th e rs signed a w ritin g s ig n ify in g in th a t they would f a i th f u l l y discharge the d u tie s imposed upon them. The thing was so unexpected and done so p re c lp ita b ly th a t no one concerned had time to think and speak before they signed. As second c h ie f David King was c a lle d on the sign the paper, but he u tte r l y refused and to ld them they had done very wrong in not c a llin g a g en eral council fo r a work of th a t kind. They then broke up and concluded to meet in g eneral council a f te r sugar making. War Club is a very intem perate man and a heathen in every r e s p e c t. The C h ristia n s are determined not to have him, and th is is the fe e lin g of as many as two th ird s of the band. They o fte n ask me i f the Govt w ill recognize such a man as head c h ie f . I t e l l them they must a l l meet in c o u n c il, and th ere inform the Govt of a l l the circum stances. The g eneral fe e lin g is toward David King. W ithout doubt he is the most proper man in the band fo r th a t o ffic e I think he w ill y et be chosen. Probably i f the Govt were to appoint him, i t would c le a r away some d i f f i c u l t i e s and give g re a t might to his in flu e n c e . We have but f a i n t hope th a t Benashl has gone to a b e tte r w orld. L ast season he was twice in to x ic a te d — once a f t e r he had a rriv e d a t our m ission. A fter he was taken s ic k , he turned f u lly to the heathens and the 136 conjurors worked around him u n til he d ied . They to ld him th a t someone caused h is sic k n e ss . This they learned in the s p i r i t wigwam. He f u lly believed them and wished th a t the same sickness might be put upon the one who had caused i t . This was said to War Club, and he said i t should be done, in tim a tin g th a t the l i f e of th a t man must be taken. Three were charged w ith [accused of] i t , and one of them was John Southwind, a second c h ie f , and fo r a long time a C h ris tia n . These things gave us some an x ie ty . We endeavored to look to God to tu rn asid e such wicked co u n sels. I spoke to them p u b lic ly and endeavored to break i t down. A few comments about th is document are in o rd er. Although Penashe and h is follow ers had moved some d istan ce from the M ethodist community the g eneral in 1834, i t appears th a t they l a t e r returned to v ic in ity of the m ission v illa g e . which lend to th is view. There are th re e documents F i r s t , the Reverend George W. Jones, in h is l e t t e r d esc rib in g the c h i e f 's d eath , s ta te s "he had arriv e d a t our m iss io n .” Second, a l e t t e r w ritte n about four years l a t e r by J o n e s' su cc esso r, the Reverend John H. P ite z e l, s ta te s (February 20, 1847) th a t the Indians again had separated "from the r e s t of the Band go to another p la c e ." F in a lly , a l e t t e r w ritte n by Penashe and Renewals (David King) (Ju ly 20, 1842) s ta te s "we saw th a t you were pleased with our law s." This suggests not only th a t Penashe's group had returned to the e a s t Bide of the bay, but also th a t he s t i l l had some c o n tro l over both f a c tio n s . The s p lin te r group may have returned to the M ethodist m ission fo r a t l e a s t two reaso n s. F i r s t , the M ethodist M ission o ffered some b e n e fit to the In d ia n s, but so did the American Fur Company's trad in g p o st, also lo cated on the e a s t sid e of the bay. Thus, the presence of the fu r tra d e r may have been a fa c to r in the re tu rn m ig ratio n . would be c o n s is te n t w ith a p o in t presented in Chapter I I : This th a t Indians moved to areas near the tra d in g post when they were f i r s t e s ta b lis h e d . 137 The document suggests th a t the Keweenaw band was beginning to f is s io n s h o rtly a f t e r Penashe's death. The statem ent a llu d in g to the presence of only th ree or four M ethodist Indians a t the council meeting follow ing Penashe's death suggests th a t the community had begun to f is s io n . The a lle g a tio n th a t John Southwind, o r ig in a lly a 'c o n ju r o r ' and now a M ethodist, caused Penashe's death completed the f is s io n . This accu satio n drove a wedge between the two communities. In October, 1843, the S uperintendent of Michigan In d ia n s, Robert S tu a rt, informed h is su p e rio r (October 13, 1843). ...m o re than h a lf the Band have embraced C h r is tia n ity , liv e under an e x c e lle n t code of laws of th e ir own d ev isin g ; have a very su ccessfu l M ethodist Mission + sch o o l, and with the aid and moral in flu en ce of the mechanics and farmer la te ly sen t th ere by the Government, we may expect a ra p id ly in creasin g improvement not only amongst them, but also in the Bands around them. E a rlie r th a t month, the governm ent-appointed farm er, Chauncey T. C a rrie r (October 5, 1843), reported there were th ir te e n head of c a t t l e a t the m ission; Mrs. Marksman, P eter Marksman's w ife, taught fo rty p u p ils; and there were f i f t y - s i x members in the church. The M ethodist m ission seems to have been making headway among the In d ia n s. calam ity stru ck the m ission. But then, To place the subsequent s e rie s of events in th e ir proper p e rsp e c tiv e , i t is necessary to d e ta il the h is to ry of the p ro ta g o n ist fo rc e , the C atholic m issionary who a rriv e d a t the Bay in October of 1843. 138 3.4 The C atholic Mission The C atholic m ission was founded by Father F rederic Baraga In 1843. 17). Baraga was born in 1797 a t Ljublyana, Yugoslavia (Jezernek 1968: He stu d ied c i v i l law a t the U n iv ersity of Vienna before en terin g the seminary a t Laibach in 1821 (Jezernek 1968: 20) and was ordained in 1823 (Jezernek 1968: 21). He was ard en t in h is co n v ictio n s and zealo u s, a q u a lity th a t was in stru m en tal in forcing him to move to another p arish on a t l e a s t one occasion (Jezernek 1963: 22). A fter reading R eze's pamphlet c a llin g fo r m issio n aries to work among the Indians (Jezernek 1968: 31), he requested to be tra n s fe rre d to the Diocese of C in cin n ati through the re c e n tly founded Leopoldinen S tiftu n g (Jezernek 1968: 32). He a rriv e d a t C in cin n ati in January of 1831, stu d ied Ottawa under William M accatebinessi,22 and sen t to Arbre Croche in May of th a t y ear. Between then and 1843, Baraga served a t two o th er Indian m issions. There is a g re a t deal of inform ation about F ather B araga's a c t i v i t i e s a t the o th er m issions before h is a r r iv a l a t the Keweenaw Bay, but th ere are few d ata about his work a t the Keweenaw Bay i t s e l f . As a r e s u l t , i t is necessary to d iscu ss e x te rn a l fa c to rs th a t influ en ced him and h is a c t i v i t i e s a t o th er m ission s it e s before a rriv in g a t the Keweenaw Bay. 22 Andrew J . B la c k b ird 's fa th e r (B lackbird 1387: 34). He was l a t e r se n t to Rome to study fo r the priesthood (B lackbird 1887: 35), but was murdered on the eve of h is o rd in a tio n (Blackbird 1887: 41-42). 139 3 .4 .1 F acto rs Influ en cin g B araga's M inistry B araga's m in istry among the Indians was a ffe c te d by a wide range of f a c to r s . Some of these were products of B araga's personal q u a l i t i e s ; some, s p e c ific to C atholicism ; and o th ers th a t can b e st be described as products of the tim es. These combined to r e s u l t In two prim ary themes th a t underlay h is m issionary a c t i v i t i e s among the In d ian s: h is s e n s i t i v i t y to , and to lera n ce o f, tr a d itio n a l p ra c tic e s and customs and h is co n v ictio n th a t the key to the In d ia n s ' s a lv a tio n lay in th e ir becoming as s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t as p o s s ib le . These dynamics so a ffe c te d B araga's m in istry i t is im portant to discuss them. I mentioned above th a t Baraga was zealo u s. There is no b e tte r in d ic a tio n of th is than the words of h is p ro ta g o n ist a t Keweenaw Bay: The P r ie s t labours fo r the promotion of Roman C atholicism w ith a zeal worthy of a b e tte r cause and should put the blush on P ro te s ta n ts . While I abhor in my very h e a rt the ty ra n n ic a l power, the f a ls e and id o la tro u s worship & erroneous d o ctrin e s of th a t Church I admire the s p i r i t of th is p r i e s t . He does not sleep more than four or fiv e hours in twentyfour [ s i c ] , and as long as he can have f is h and p o ta to e s, he is w illin g to liv e and labour among these In d ia n s. And s h a ll he w ith a f a ls e and d e lu siv e r e lig io n outdo us who pro fess to b e lie v e in a r e lig io n which is the power of God to the sa lv a tio n of s o u ls . I f so to our shame be i t [ u n in te llig ib le word]. 0 th a t our Church was only a liv e as i t should be to the e f f o r ts Roman C atholics are making throughout our whole country (P ite z e l Ju ly 11, 1845). His zealousness is a lso m anifested by h is p u b lic a tio n of a number of works. He wrote and published a prayer book in Ottawa, claimed to be the f i r s t book published e n tir e ly in th a t language (Lambert 1967b: 74). Baraga, however, s ta te d th a t F ath er Dejean, whom Baraga had rep laced , 140 wrote I t (Baraga February 11, 1 8 3 4 ).23 Whether or not Baraga wrote th is book, he did w rite A Catechism and The L ife of Our Lord Jesus C h r is t, in both Ottawa and Anlshlnabe (Jezern ik 1968: 70). All to ld , he published th irty -tw o works in these languages (Jezern ik 1968: 52), in clu d in g volumes on Anlshlnabe grammar and a d ic tio n a ry (G regorlch 1950: 2). He a lso published works in German and Slovenian (Jezern ik 1968: 70). These and h is freq u e n t communications w ith the Leopoldinen S tiftu n g , published in the fo u n d atio n 's n e w s le tte r, perm itted Baraga acq u ire funds to continue h is work among the Indians (Lambert 1967b, Verwyst 1900). He was so su ccessfu l a t receiv in g funds th a t Bishop Rese ap p aren tly w ithheld a f a i r ly larg e q u a n tity (Lambert 1967b: 149, see a lso Gregorlch 1949: 4 ). Baraga (March 4, 1841) demanded th a t he re ce iv e a t l e a s t $400 of th is money. The v ic a r g en eral, F ather Richard Badin, stepping in to R ese's place while the l a t t e r was c a lle d to Rome to answer charges a g a in s t him, a g reed .24 B araga's to leran ce of tr a d itio n a l p ra c tic e s is apparent in h is le tte rs . Among the p ra c tic e s th a t impeded a l l m issionary e f f o r t s , and of which P ro te s ta n t and C ath o lic m issio n aries a lik e complained, was the m igratory l i f e s ty le of the In d ia n s. Baraga did not ap p re c ia te th is p a tte rn e ith e r (Baraga Ju ly 26, 1833), b u t whiled h is time doing o th e r th in g s while w aiting fo r the Indians to re tu rn to the m ission v illa g e . 23 Cujes (1968: 12) s ta te s th a t Father de Jean wrote the f i r s t Ottawa prayerbook, but Baraga had to re w rite i t due to 'd e f i c i e n c i e s . ' 24 Between 1835 and 1840, Bishop Rese had been under s c ru tin y by Rome fo r a s e rie s of o ffe n se s, including accusations of him being an a lc o h o lic (Jezern ik 1968: 63-65). He was re c a lle d to Rome in 1840 and replaced by P eter Paul L efevre, who did not share the concern fo r ev an g elizin g the Indians th a t e ith e r Fenwick or Rese had (Jezern ik 1968: 44). 141 On one occasion he went to Chicago to v i s i t C ath o lics (Baraga February 11, 1831). On o th er occasions he waited fo r the Indians to r e tu rn In the sp rin g (Baraga January 4y 1832). Undoubtedly, he wrote h is books during th ese p e rio d s. B araga's biographers s ta t e th a t he "had the tru e pioneer s p i r i t which f i r s t overcomes o b s ta c le s , goes on to dig and lay deep foundations to the new e d if ic e s , then leaves o th ers to develop and d i r e c t what he has c reated out of the w ilderness" (Je z e rn ik 1968: 46). E c o lo g ists n o te , however, p ioneering species are n o t those resp o n sib le fo r e s ta b lis h in g deep r o o ts . In f a c t, pioneer sp ecies fre q u e n tly have l i t t l e , i f any, ro o t systems ( e .g . lic h e n s) (Pianka 1974: 54). N e v e rth e le ss, the n o tio n of Baraga as a pioneer is a p p ro p ria te . Less than a year a f t e r he had a rriv e d a t Arbre Croche, F ather Baraga was looking fo r new f i e l d s . The savages of my s ta t i o n , w ill soon, I hope, a l l be C h ris tia n s , except fo r some bad ones who boldly r e s i s t the C h ristia n t r u t h . A fter they are a l l converted, I s h a ll , w ith perm ission of the R t. Rev. Bishop, betake m yself to an o th er p la c e , where th e re a r e , as I c e r ta in ly know, many savages, who are longing a f t e r the Bread o i L if e , and th e re is no one to break i t to them, because, as I hear they have no m issionary (Rezek 1906: 33, Je z e rn ik 1968: 46). This suggests Baraga was p rim a rily in te re s te d in converting ' ’h e a th e n s' and not in those who had alread y become C a th o lic s . The l a t t e r , by a l l ap pearances, had a lte r e d th e ir tr a d itio n a l p ra c tic e s co n sid erab ly (see Baraga March 10, 1832). The h is to r y of h is movements from m ission to m ission c le a r ly p o rtra y s h is 'p io n e e r in g ' s p i r i t . F ath er Baraga was a t Arbre Croche fo r two years (1831-1833), Grand River fo r two years (1833-1835), La P ointe fo r e ig h t years (1835-1843) and Keweenaw Bay fo r a decade (1843-1853). 142 The 'p i o n e e r ' fe a tu re of B araga's m in istry is n o t s p e c ific to Baraga, but one th a t was p r in c ip a lly a C atholic q u a lity . P ro te s ta n ts of the time (American Board of Commissioners fo r F oreign M issions 1834), and contemporary sch o la rs (Stone and Chaput 1978: 604), fre q u e n tly a lleg e d th a t C atholicism was only a veneer. This is a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y due to the concern th a t Indians become baptized and not in th e ir I n d o c trin a tio n . Evidence fo r th is a s s e rtio n is the freq u en t mention in the documents of how many in d iv id u a ls were b ap tiz e d . Nowhere did I fin d mention of the e x te n t to which th e ir conversion was t e s t e d . 25 In a d d itio n to B araga's personal q u a litie s and fe a tu re s th a t may be a ttr ib u te d to C ath o licism , are number of fa c to rs th a t can b e s t be asc rib e d to the products of the tim es. Among them is the high r a te of In d ian s who p ro fessed conversion to C atholicism (Verwyst 1900: 189, Rezek 1906: 69). A l i t t l e over two months of h is a r r i v a l a t Arbre Croche, he b ap tized "a lre a d y 70 In d ia n s, p a r tly c h ild re n , p a r tly a d u lts " (Baraga August 10, 1831). F ather Dejean had baptized 600 in d iv id u a ls in a l i t t l e over one y ear (Baraga February 11,1834). La P o ln te , h is success may have been a ttr ib u te d to At the low r a te of death among those who had subm itted to baptism . This seem ingly unim portant event may have aided him g re a tly in h is m issionary la b o rs. I f many persons had died soon a f t e r Baptism, the p eo p le...w o u ld have a ttr ib u te d i t to the Sacrament (Levi 1956: 45) Yet o th e r c o n sid e ra tio n s may have been resp o n sib le fo r mass 25 This c o n tra s ts markedly with P ro te s ta n t o r ie n ta tio n which focused on in d iv id u a l co n v ersio n . The M ethodists, fo r example, m aintained a two-year t r i a l period (Brunger personal communication May 23, 1985) and are known to have removed from th e ir r o l l s in d iv id u a l t who stray ed from 'c o r r e c t b e h a v io r' (see below). 143 conversions. L a to u re tte (1937: 156) remarks th a t mass conversion was c h a r a c te r is tic of Indian conversion p a tte rn s In the n in eteen th century. I t was c h a r a c te r is tic among Indians who converted to C ath o licism .26 This p a tte rn may be a product of the rap id changes in the Anlshlnabe economy occurring during the n in eteen th century. Many authors have remarked on the clo se a s so c ia tio n of s o c ia l (Rutledge 1985) and economic upheavals (Kietzman and Smalley 1978: 526, T y r r e ll 1979a: 7) w ith a resurgence of r e l i g i o s i t y among peoples a ffe c te d by the upheavals. Rose (1984: 35) s ta te s conversion is a response to the u n c e rta in ty th a t is p re se n t in times of rapid economic and s o c ia l change.27 M ass-conversion may have been a re a c tio n a g a in st P ro testan tism . Vherever he went, P ro te s ta n ts had preceded him and had gained few converts (see Baraga Ju ly 26, 1833). Some documents suggest Indians were not tre a te d w ell by some P ro te s ta n ts (see Gray 1934: 154), and o th ers may have become C atholics a f te r being withdrawn from the P ro te s ta n t r o ll s (see below ). Thus, i t is not su rp risin g th a t many Indians were a ttr a c te d to C atholicism . I t is a lso p o ssib le th a t Indians were a ttr a c te d to C atholicism for o th er reasons: 26 The high r a te of r e lig io u s conversion to C atholicism in the n in ete en th century is in te r e s tin g when we r e c a ll th a t the Anlshlnabe had been p rev io u sly r e lu c ta n t to embrace C atholicism . Perhaps by the m id-nineteenth century the Indians d esired to acq u ire the b e n e fits accruing to those who had become members of P ro te s ta n t f a ith s ( e .g ., the a c q u is itio n of m a te ria l goods) w ithout e n tir e ly lo sin g the Indigenous way of l i f e (Dunning 1959: 15-16). 22 That r e lig io u s movements coincide with economic upheavals is c le a r from the l a s t few years in the United S ta te s w ith the in tro d u c tio n of a new economy (computers e t c .) and a r e v ita liz a tio n movement. M an ifestatio n s of th is movement include the appearance and widespread success of te le v is io n e v a n g e lists and the Moral M ajority. 144 They [th e Indians around Arbre Croche] refu se to l i s t e n to any m issionary except the Black gowns, who, they Inform u s, e ffe c te d so much good among th e ir f o r e f a th e r s . One of th e ir reasons fo r th is Is somewhat o r ig in a l, b u t Is marked w ith n a tiv e good sense, sin ce they, having th e ir wives & c h ild re n , are men lik e o u rse lv e s; but the Black gowns, disengaged from these m a te ria l encumbrances, are l e f t p e rfe c tly fre e to devote th e ir whole time & a tte n tio n to s p ir i t u a l m a tte rs , and In th is regard are much b e tte r q u a lifie d to discharge the d u tie s of the m in istry before th e ir Almighty M aster, who Is a S p i r i t him self (Baraga July 26, 1833 emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . Whatever the reason—or reasons—mass conversion was a fe a tu re p resen t in C ath o lic m issionary a c t i v i t i e s and a reason fo r the P ro te s ta n ts " h o s tile re a c tio n s toward C atholic in tru s io n s . These re a c tio n s could only have been m agnified when one r e c a lls the g en eral p o licy of n a tio n a l u n ity th a t c h a ra c te riz e d the p erio d . C a th o lic ism 's s u p e r f ic ia l concern fo r conversion perm itted Indians to r e ta in much of th e ir sense of t r i b a l a f f i l i a t i o n and tr a d itio n a l c u ltu r a l p ra c tic e s when P re sb y terian s were concerned about the behaviors of M ethodists and o th er lo w -P ro testa n t denom inations. One can imagine th e ir concern over the C a th o lic 's encouragement of nonP ro te s ta n t values and tr a d itio n a l Indian customs. Baraga, being a C ath o lic when the United S ta te s had a very strong a n ti-C a th o llc b ia s , and promoting programs fo s te rin g Indian id e n tity , only helped stren g th en the P r o te s ta n t's h o s t i l i t y toward C a th o lic s . w ill be noted in the subsequent s e c tio n , P ro te s ta n ts attem pted to squash B araga's a c t i v i t i e s , which only strengthened B araga's co n v ictio n s fo s te rin g Indian s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y . As 145 3 .4 .2 3 .4 .2 .1 B araga's M issionary A c tiv itie s Among the Indians Arbre Croche Baraga a rriv e d a t Arbre Croche on May 28, 1831 (Baraga June 2, 1831), rep lacin g F ath er P eter John Dejean (Bedford-Jones 1920: 602). A few months l a t e r , he (August 10, 1831) w rote: ...M y wish is now f u l f i l l e d . I liv e among the poor In d ia n s, most of whom are s t i l l pagans, and have a boundless f ie ld open to c u ltiv a te , because, (through God's m ercy), I am the only m issionary of the diocese of C in cin n ati who liv e s among the In d ia n s. True, th ere are some m issio n aries in our v a s t diocese who have Indians in th e ir m ission d i s t r i c t s , b u t the g re a te r p a rt of th e i r population i s , n e v e rth e le s s , composed always of w h ites. However, my m ission d i s t r i c t c o n s is ts of pure In d ia n s; f a r and wide I am the only white m an... I cannot t e l l y o u ... what c h lld - llk e attachm ent and subm issive obedience these good people of n atu re have towards th e ir p r i e s t . . . He wrote in another l e t t e r : I t is s u rp ris in g to fin d so much v ir tu e among these savages, towards whom I now fe e l a g re a t love in my h e a r t. Although they are s t i l l so crude & ig n o ra n t, n e v e rth e le ss , some among them lead a more v irtu o u s l i f e than many w ell in s tru c te d C h ristia n s (February 11, 1831). These statem ents I l l u s t r a t e th a t Baraga, although having the condescending view of Indians common among Whites of the tim e, seems to have enjoyed being with the In d ia n s. This d istin g u ish e d him from the White M ethodist m iss io n a rie s , such as the Reverend John H. P lte z e l (October 28, 1843, P ite z e l 1873: 16), who wrote: I would much p re fe r to lab o r among my own people should 146 I co n su lt my own I n c lin a tio n . s p i r i t of s e l f - s a c r i f i c e . I labour here In the B araga's regard fo r the Indians remained w ith him throughout h is l i f e . 28 The anim osity toward C atholics described in the l a s t ch ap ter was p re se n t a t Arbre Croche. Before Baraga arriv e d the C atholic Indians had p e titio n e d fo r money from the C iv iliz a tio n Fund. No money was a llo c a te d to them because “n early a l l the money had been a llo tte d to the P ro te s ta n t m issions" (Lambert 1967b: 65). Bishop Edward Fenwick (November 30, 1831) a lso p e titio n e d fo r funds: Perm it me to c a l l your a tte n tio n to the P e titio n of the Ottawa tr ib e of Indians dated M ichilim acklnac on the 14 June of 1829, which is inclosed in th is communication; and as the Bishop, alluded to in th a t p e t i t i o n , under whose d ire c tio n the schools h erein named are e s ta b lis h e d , to ask not only the r e l i e f they have prayed fo r but a l l and every a s s is ta n c e you can give aid one under the Act of Congress in such cases made and provided. You w ill perceive by the endorsement upon the Copy of the Act of Congress on th a t su b je c t which i s also enclosed, th a t r e l e i f [s ic ] has not been sooner extended to those u n fo rtu n ate people because i t was represented th a t a t the time the a p p lic a tio n was made for them, 'T here were no funds a t the d isp o sal of the Indian D epartm ent'. I have anx io u sly waited u n t i l l [s ic ] now, and am pleased to know from the personal Interview I had w ith you in your o f fic e on the 21 in s t th a t such is not the case th is tim e; and as no one knows b e tte r than y o u rse lf the r e a l s itu a tio n of those people & the g re a t advantages they alread y received and w ill h e re a fte r 28 The regard fo r those with whom he worked was not n e c e s sa rily c h a r a c te r is tic of a l l C atholic m iss io n a rie s . Verwyst (1900: 175, 202) s ta te s th a t Indian m issions fre q u e n tly took second p lace to the estab lish m en t and maintenance of White m issio n s. This was c h a r a c te r is tic of P ro te s ta n t denom inations, too (Lambert 1967a). S ch o o lcraft (1851: 491) says th a t the S ecretary of the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions wrote him th a t P resb y terian s m issio n a rie s were more a ttr a c te d to fo reig n f ie ld s than to Indian s e ttle m e n ts . L e tte rs from th is m issionary s o c ie ty in d ic a te China was a primary focus (see Greene June 14, 1834; Greene September 2, 1834 and Greene February 19, 1835). 147 receiv e from the establishm ents I had made to Improve th e ir c o n d itio n , and to in s tr u c t them in the mode of a g ric u ltu re su ite d to th e ir s itu a tio n , and fo r teaching th e ir c h ild re n in reading w ritin g & a rith m e tic and for performing such d u tie s as may be e n jo in e d .... The school e sta b lish e d a t Arbre Croche in June 1829 contains j>0 p u p ils who are fed clothed & in s tru c te d by two females h a lf Indian and superintended by the p r ie s t . Four c h ild re n of th a t tr ib e are a c tu a lly under my care & in my schools a t C in cin n ati—tho two of them are m etlfs-an d th re e o th ers [ s i c ] , pure In d ia n s, a re , by my d ire c tio n , placed under Tradesmen a t Mackinac to le a rn the Blacksmith and Carpenters tra d es (emphasis in the o r ig in a l) . Cass sen t $1,000 in January of 1832 to support the th ree C atholic Indian Schools (Fenwick January 20, 1832). The $1,000 was n o t, however, enough to support h is three schools adequately ( I b i d . ) . The re lu ctan c e of the United S ta te s government to support the C ath o lic Indian schools would plague Baraga when he e s ta b lis h e d o th er m issions. While Baraga was a t Arbre Croche, the C atholic Indians requested a blacksm ith in s tr u c t them in th is a r t . Fenwick attem pted to lo c a te Whites who were w illin g to teach the Indians (Lambert 1967b: 75) b u t was u n su ccessfu l. Baraga bought a l l the to o ls necessary to e s ta b lis h a blacksm ith shop and found someone w illin g to teach the Indians (Baraga n .d .a ) . One l e t t e r In d ic a te s th a t some of the Indians had became very p r o fic ie n t in new s k i l l s (De Bruyn October 30, 1835). . . . t h e Indians are now so f a r advanced, th a t a good many of the houses of Mackinaw are o u t done by se v e ra l of those in th is V illa g e , and of the v illa g e c a lle d La Croix, b i l t [s ic ] or now b ild in g [s ic ] by Indians e x c lu s iv e ly .. . . His e f f o r ts in acq u irin g these serv ices underscores h is concern th a t the Indians le a rn to become s e lf - s u f f i c i e n t and h is commitment to th a t id e a l. 148 3 .4 .2 .2 Grand River Bishop Edward Fenwick died of cholera while Baraga was a t Arbre Croche, (Lambert 1967b: 7 5 ). Because the C atholic Church In the Diocese of C in cin n ati had grown so ra p id ly , Fenwick's su ccesso r, Bishop John B. P u rc e ll, e s ta b lis h e d the Diocese of D e tro it in 1833 (P .6. 1937: 472). F red eric Rese became the f i r s t Bishop of the Diocese of D e tro it, (Lambert 1967b: 84). By the e a rly p a r t of 1833, Baraga had grown tire d of h is in a c tiv ity a t Arbre Croche. He complained th a t a l l those in the area who had any in c lin a tio n to do so were alread y b ap tized . 1833,he wrote th a t he wanted In March of to e s ta b lis h a m ission on Lake S uperior, but had not received perm ission to do so (Baraga March 4, 1833). Rese tra n sfe rre d Baraga to a v illa g e on the Grand R iver, near present-day Grand Rapids (Lambert 1967b: 85-86). Lambert (1967b: 86) provides a reason fo r the B ishop's a c tio n . When the Indians of the Grand R iver had signed a tre a ty w ith the Federal government in 1832, they had requested the serv ices of a C atholic p r i e s t . In ste a d , they received a B a p tis t m issionary, Reverend Isaac McCoy, replaced by the Reverend Leonard S la te r in 1833 ( I b i d . ) . 29 Three things prompted Bishop Rese to e s ta b lis h a m ission a t Grand R iver. Many of the Indians voiced a d e s ire to embrace the C ath o lic f a i t h . Secondly, a growing number of French Canadian C atholics would be doing business w ith the Indians and would be needing s p ir i t u a l h elp . L a stly , Indians n ear Arbre Croche would be re sid in g a t Grand River over the w in te r. The C h ristia n s coming from the n o rth would be cared fo r and the pagans would fre q u en tly be in c o n tact w ith him, thus enhancing th e ir 29 The same re q u est by the Indians fo r a C atholic m issionary, and response by the government re p o rte d ly occurred a t the 1826 T reaty a t La P olnte fo r the La P ointe Indians (G regorlch 1951: 3). 149 chances of conversion ( I b i d .) . These three fa c to rs may have Influenced Re: d ecision to tra n s fe r Baraga to Grand River In stead of to Lake S uperior. The Indians a t th a t lo c a tio n had probably alread y been divided Into two camps before B arag a's a r r i v a l : B a p tis t m issionary. opposing or favoring the O pposition a g a in s t Baraga was quick to r is e (Baraga October 10, 1833). Those la b o re rs you furnished us [th e government farm er, c a rp e n te r, and blacksm ith] have worked where we liv e . I t was so , they made fences also f ie ld s . They a s s is te d us in re a rin g houses. We were very glad when they were with u s. C a ttle a lso you gave, to a s s i s t in ploughing [s ic ] fo r u s. Since we have used the C a ttle we have plen ty of fo o d ...W h ile we tr ie d to know what was good, we thought of o th ers who were poor. Now th is is the reason we t e l l you our d is p o s itio n . Last spring one v illa g e below jo in ed u s. We c a lle d them because th e ir c h ild re n were poor & had nothing to e a t. They came & made a f ie ld & lis te n e d to our words. They promised to be a l l of one m ind...B y & by a Frenchman [p o ssib ly fu r tra d e r Louis Campau] to ld them what to do. We thought only our words they would l i s t e n . Immediately they became of d if f e r e n t d is p o s itio n . They received a French P r i e s t . When he came to our v illa g e i t became divided & our v illa g e is broken, th is i t is li k e . Five fam ilies hear the French P r ie s t. N ineteen fam ilie s of us remain of one mind (P ro te s ta n t Indians October 29, 1833, a lso in Lambert 1967b: 94). Seven months l a t e r , the Indians w rote again: ...T h e S tate of th in g s here are very hard. We are a t the time lonesome. This i s the reason why we are lonesome, when we have endeavored to be in h e a lth & to love one a n o th er, th ere came among us a fo re ig n e r a white man who sep arated near F rien d s, now hatred and varian ce is among u s. Everyone th a t is bad is now in our v i l l a g e . . . .We are a l l of one mind th a t s i t here in council th a t you should t e l l th is white man (th e C atholick [s ic ] P r ie s t) to go away from our v i l l a g e . . . This white man the p r ie s t a l l the time comes to our house & t e l l s us we s h a ll be m iserable i f we are not Sprinkled & th a t we s h a ll go to h e ll & our c h ild re n . This is the reason we are lonesome, we are not pleased 150 to have him liv in g a t our v il la g e . We have fe e lin g lik e you i f the P r ie s t t e l l your c h ild re n th a t would go to h e ll i f they are not Sprinkled you would be lo n eso m e..." (Noonday e t a l May 13, 1834). Accompanying th is p e titio n was a l e t t e r from the Reverend Leonard S la te r to Governor P o rte r (May 13, 1834), ex p lain in g the circum stances th a t brought about the p e t i t i o n . S la te r wrote the Indians had requested Baraga to leave and " i t is a S ta tu te in the US Laws th a t no White person s h a ll lo c a te him self in the Indian T e rrito ry w ithout perm ission from Gov[ernmen]t or the N ativ es." The l e t t e r a lso suggested the circum stances th a t led to B araga's e s ta b lis h in g a m ission th e r e . The o b je c t of th is man's coming to the V illag e is e a s ily p erceiv ed . My neighbor Compow who has long sought revenge on me, by my making a re p o rt of him to you, now employs th is measure by p re v a ilin g on a Romish P r ie s t to oppose ray r e lig io u s in flu en c e among the N atives of th is p a r tic u la r V i l l a g e . . . ( I b i d . ) . In s h o rt, a French Canadian fu r tra d e r was resp o n sib le fo r bringing Baraga to the Indian V illag e a t the Grand R iver. This would recu r a t the Keweenaw Bay, where, again P ro te s ta n ts charged the C atholic tra d e r w ith in tro d u cin g the C ath o lic m issionary (Brown May 29, 1844). During the f i r s t seven months th a t Baraga was a t Grand R iver, th ere was an event th a t had a marked In fluence on him. He wrote of th is to the Leopoldinen S tiftu n g (Baraga February 1, 1834). The Indians a re , as a r u le , very much addicted to drunkenness; however, they have not the o p p ortunity everywhere to indulge in th is v ice because they cannot fin d whisky everywhere. But here a t Grand River there are so many fu r tra d e rs whofollow the Indians everywhere and b rin g them whisky in order to snatch th e ir precious fu rs so th a t the Indians in our environs and even in th is l o c a lity are alm ost c o n sta n tly drunk. I have talk ed about th is w ith s e v e ra l of these u n fo rtu n ate 151 tra d e rs who b a r te r th e ir own and the souls of the poor Indians In to the claws of the h e llis h fo e , but everytlm e I have received In s u lts and th re a ts fo r an answer. They heed my words much lesB than the ru d e st savage; and to revenge themselves upon men, they bring even more whisky among the In d ia n s, and dissuade them very fo rc ib ly from lis te n in g to me and b e lie v in g me; and they speak as slan d ero u sly as p o ssib le about m e .... A few days ago th ere were e s p e c ia lly many drunken Indians In our v illa g e . A fu r tra d e r had brought them such a la rg e q u a n tity of whisky th a t they drank co n tinuously fo r 4 days and n ig h ts . Our C h ristia n s were extrem ely grieved about i t , and were a lso in danger. One of my b e st C h ristia n s alm ost lo s t h is l i f e during these unhappy days. One of th ese drunkards came to h is house, re v ile d t e r r i b l y a g a in s t the r e lig io n and f in a ll y wanted to sta b him w ith h is k n ife . The C h ristia n could only narrowly ward of the dangerous a tta c k . Baraga a lso wrote th a t he was in danger and had been harassed one n ig h t by a number of Indians under the in flu en ce of alco h o l (see a lso Rezek 1906: 57). Lambert (1967b: 100-101) s ta te s th is event caused Baraga to r e f r a in from drinking alco h o l fo r the r e s t of h is l i f e . Baraga wrote to Governor P o rte r req u estin g perm ission to e s ta b lis h h is m ission on the Grand River (November 5, 1833). He s ta te d there were eighty-tw o Indians who wanted to receiv e in s tr u c tio n in the C ath o lic f a i t h . He f u rth e r s ta te d h is school alread y had tw enty-eight Indians and seven Whites a tte n d in g i t (Document No. 118-E). He gave the names and ages of ninety -one in d iv id u a ls (presumably those who wished in s tr u c tio n ) . And, on an accompanying sh eet (Document 771-E), sketched a map showing th a t h is m ission was between the Indian v illa g e and the B a p tis t m ission. Baraga soon hada lo y a l follow ing. [a] c e n tr a l p o in t of He constructed a church " a t many Indian communities” fo r the Indians a t Arbre Croche and o th er v illa g e s (Baraga February 20, 1835). He dedicated h is church on the Third Sunday a f te r E aster (Baraga May 24, 1834). In 152 s p ite of the e f f o r ts of o th ers to the c o n tra ry , Baraga did n o t move from the m ission s i t e . As he w rote, Only our h. r e lig io n i s able to mold them in to C h ristia n s th e re fo re in to very good people. The governmt [s ic ] a lso is very w ell aware of th is is th e re fo re very pleased when C atholic m issio n aries wish to s e t t l e among the Indians (Baraga December 1, 1833). However, an unnamed Indian Agent complained Baraga was " d istu rb in g the p eaceful ex iste n c e of the In d ian s” and wanted him to leave (Lambert 1967b: 108). This occurred s h o rtly a f te r th ere were attem pts to remove the Ottawa Indians from the Grand River a re a . Baraga had championed th e ir cause to allow them to remain in th e ir homeland (Lambert 1967b: 108-109). Verwyst (1900: 169) and Rezek (1906: 63) suggest B araga's support fo r the Indians was resp o n sib le fo r h is removal, not h is " d istu rb in g the peaceful e x isten c e of the In d ia n s." The government ap p lied p ressure on Bishop Rese, who replaced Baraga w ith F ath er Viszoszky. Baraga went to an all-W h lte settlem en t on the S ain t C la ir River and remained th ere u n til the sp rin g of 1835. Verwyst (1900: 166) suggests Baraga was not unhappy with h is tra n s f e r from Grand R iver. Once in the all-W h ite community, however, Baraga wrote he " f e l t lik e a f is h tossed on dry land" (Lambert 1967b: 112-116). 3 .4 .2 .3 Baraga went to La Pointe when the snow m elted. La P ointe Baraga a rriv e d a t La P ointe on J u ly 27, 1835 (Verwyst 1900: 174). Ramsay Crooks rep o rted ly o ffered the p r i e s t passage on the maiden voyage of the J . J . A sto r, the f i r s t p ro p e lle r-d riv e n v essel on Lake S u p erio r, (Jamison 1946: 25) but Baraga declined because i t was not 153 y e t ready to s a i l (Lambert 1967b: 117). Thus, B araga's a r r i v a l a t La P ointe coincided with the In tro d u c tio n of a new mode of tra n s p o rta tio n and the estab lish m en t of commercial f is h e r ie s on Lake S u p erio r. As a t his previous m issio n s, Baraga rep o rted to h is su p erio rs h is successes In converting Indians to C atholicism . By the end of August of 1835, he had baptized e ig h ty -s ix In d iv id u a ls ; by the end of December of th a t y ea r, one hundred eig h ty fiv e (Baraga January 2, 1836). Of th e s e , twenty-one were from Fond du Lac, where Baraga had v is ite d and e sta b lish e d a m ission a t the req u est of the tra d e r P ie rre C o tte. By August of 1836, Baraga had to enlarge h is church (Baraga August 11, 1836). During the e ig h t years he was a t La P o in te, Baraga baptized 981 in d iv id u a ls (Verwyst 1886: 148). Due to the rap id r i s e in church membership and the poor c o n stru c tio n of the second church, Baraga b u i l t a th ird church. He salvaged whatever he could from the second b u ild in g in i t s co n stru c tio n (Lambert 1967b: 149). B araga's e n try to La P ointe and h is successes were met with alarm by the P resb y terian m issionary e s ta b lis h e d a t La P o in te, This m issionary attem pted to have the government remove Baraga from La P ointe (Lambert 1967b: 118). The Reverend W illiam T. Boutw ell, along with two o th er P re sb y te ria n m issio n aries and an American Fur Company tra d e r (August 4, 1835), w rote to S c h o o lc ra ft:30 You may be aware th a t the-Mr F Baraga of the Roman C ath o lic order has v is ite d us & is now a c tiv e ly engaged in b u ild in g w ith a view to a permanent lo c a tio n a t th is p la ce . You are a lso doubtless o f - th a t the A[merican] Board [of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions], have long sin ce adopted and s t r i c t l y adhere to the p r in c ip le , not to send th e ir M issio n aries to lo c a te where the ground has been preoccupied by o th er denom inations. 30 The arrangement re fe rre d to was made with the M ethodist Episcopal Church as e a rly as 1834 (Greene June 9, 1834). 154 This Is a m utual understanding between o u rselv es & the M ethodist E p ls. denom ination. We think the above p rin c ip le a j u s t one & founded upon the S aviors golden r u le of doing to o th ers as we would they should do to u s. Now, you are f u ll y apprised of the d is p o s itio n on the p a r t of our Govt, to aid the In d [la n ]s in c i v i l i z a t i o n & a g r ic u ltu r e , & fo r which purpose a p p ro p ria tio n s have been made fo r the b e n e f it of th is band & th a t a t Yellow Lake. From our o b serv atio n & knowledge of Ind c h a r a c te r , & the in flu en ce which d if f e r e n t s e c ts are wont to e x e r t, when they come In to clo se c o n ta c t, & d iff e r in g so w idely In d o c trin e & p ra c tic e as P resb y te ria n s & Roman C a th o lic s , we are led to the r e s u lt th a t i f Roman C a th o lic s or o th e r s e c ts are lic e n se d to v io la te the aforem entioned1p r in c ip le upon which we a c t , th a t the o b je c t of our Govt must in a g re a t measure be subverted. The in flu e n c e of c o llis io n upon Ind. c h a ra c te r is p ern icio u s in every p o in t of view & we f e e l i t g re a tly to be dep recated . We wish th e re fo re i f p o ssib le to avoid i t , & fo r th is sim ple reason i f th e re wer [s ic ] no o th e r, th a t th ere sh' o ttld -is much ground a lre a d y unoccupied where they may la b o u r, w ithout in te r f e r in g w ith our o p eratio n s or we w ith t h e i r s . We have co n su lted some of the gentlemen in conducting the tra d e in th is s e c tio n of your agency who f u lly concur in the opinion of expediency, th a t i t might be fo r the fu rth e ra n c e of the o b je c t of our Govt & the b e n e f it of the I n d [la n ] s . th a t the Rev. Gent, when he c a l l s fo r lic e n s e of resid en ce in the country be advised to lo c a te & confine h is labours to some of the f ie ld s not p re o c c u p ie d ... Thus the h o s t i l i t y toward C atholics was a lso p resen t a t La P o in te . Also c le a r is the fe a r th a t C ath o lics were attem pting to su b v ert F ederal Indian p o lic y . F in a lly , we observe the c lo se a s s o c ia tio n of tra d e rs w ith the m issio n a rie s P r o te s ta n t. L ater th a t month the Rev. Sherman H all (August 31, 1835) wrote th a t the "C atholic p r ie s t as y e t, has made no d ir e c t and open o p p o sitio n to [the] P ro t. m iss io n .” The C ath o lic m ission remained on the is la n d . Baraga had fo rg o tte n to procure a lic e n s e allow ing him to e s ta b lis h h is m ission a t La P o in te . He l a t e r receiv ed th is lic e n s e through the in te rv e n tio n of an American Fur Company employee, James 155 Abbott of Mackinac (Baraga August 21, 1835). How Abbott obtained th is lic e n s e is curious because S ch o o lcraft was opposed to the establishm ent of C ath o lic m issions among the Indians (Jamison 1967b: 131). This was c le a r in a l e t t e r from Bishop Rese, again complaining th a t the C atholic m issions had been denied Federal funds: . . . A t Grand River an Indian M ission has been kept and d ire c te d by the P r ie s ts of my Diocese and has caused me heavy expenses, w ithout ever having been refunded one cen t of government money in b eh alf of i t . $1000 were given sin ce se v e ra l years fo r the Arbre Croche, S t. Jo sep h 's and Green Bay M issions. Only l a s t year some p ro v isio n has been made fo r a Menomlney m ission. For the many m issions among the Chippeway, Vinebagoes, Ottawas of Grand R iv er, as also a t the Cross [S t. Croix] nothing has been allow ed. I mention th is f i r s t to y o u rse lf because what belongs to the Chippeway and Ottaway m issions is under your c o n tro l. I t would appear u n ju st th a t by the l a s t T reaty la rg e allowances should be made by you fo r one m ission a t Grand River because of i t s being P r o te s ta n t, and none fo r the o th er because i t is a C atholic M ission, p a r tic u la r ly when i t is w ell known th a t the P ro te s ta n t m ission th ere has been supported by government monies from i t s very commencement... (Rese August 24, 1836). Thus, economic woes continued to plague B araga's e f f o r t s . These problems were engendered, in p a r t, by P ro te s ta n t antagonism toward C a th o lic s, as w ell as the Panic of 1837. In February of 1836, Baraga wrote th a t he was w ithout funds and was unable to ad m in ister to the needs of h is m ission. He had no sch o o l, no te a c h e r, and was unable to f in is h the i n t e r i o r of the church. He complained the Bishop would n o t support him, and he had no o th er source of income. Consequently, he decided to go to Europe to make a re q u e st fo r funds in Rome (Baraga February 24, 1836). He l e f t 156 fo r Europe around November 1 of th a t year (Baraga October 31, 1 8 3 6 ). In Europe, Baraga p e titio n e d fo r support and published some of h is works (Jez ern ik 1968: 70). He secured a t l e a s t $1,600, which he deposited w ith the American Fur Company (Crooks August 8, 1837). While he was In France, Baraga met Hons. L olsson, a wine m erchant, who o ffered to ship wine to the United S ta te s fre e of charge. The proceeds of these s a le s would go to b e n e fit B araga's m ission (Lambert 1967b: 134). B araga's in te n tio n was to secure steady funding r a th e r than d o n atio n s. Baraga retu rn ed to La Pointe In October of 1837 (Rezek 1906: 72). The s a le of the "Baraga Wines" did not go as w ell as Baraga a n tic ip a te d . Baraga complained b i t t e r l y and accused Crooks of not s e llin g i t : ...T h e Company did with my wine as they did with th e ir f is h . They kept th e ir f is h u n t i l i t sp o ile d , e tc . I t would have been more p r o fita b le to have sen t the wine to o th er p la c e s, as I d e s ire d , se v e ra l tim es, because In New York th e re is too g re a t an abundance of a l l a r t i c l e s (October 1, 1841). This accu satio n was u n fa ir because the Panic of 1837 had a ffe c te d s a le s . E a r lie r Ramsay Crooks (December 31, 1839) informed Baraga th a t he hoped to s e l l the most re c e n t shipment in course of the summer, " i f the times improve a t a l l ; fo r r e a lly a t the p re se n t moment people can h ard ly o b tain the means of procuring food, consequently lu x u rie s cannot be thought o f ." Crooks (December 6, 1841), u pset by B araga's remark, to ld Baraga would have to have confidence in him or take h is business elsew here. Baraga apologized (August 18, 1842). 31 At about the same time Rese appointed Baraga to be h is se c re ta ry and diocesan v ic a r (P ierz November 15, 1836). This prepared the way fo r B araga's e le v a tio n to Bishop in 1857. 157 In the In terim , La P ointe had become the la r g e s t s e ttle m e n t on Lake Superior (Lambert 1967b: 119). This was in p a rt because the American Fur Company had s h ifte d i t s headquarters from S a u lt S te . Marie to La P o in te . Sim ultaneously, the Federal government began making the annuity payments to the Indians a t th is lo c a tio n , in s p ite of negative re a c tio n s on the grounds th a t the American Fur Company held a monopoly on the fu r tra d e (Dodge February 8, 1839); and, l a t e r , the com plicity of government employees w ith the agents of the American Fur Company (Johnston August 21, 1855, C ockhill November 1, 1865). We noted in Chapter I I there were s tra in e d r e la tio n s between the F ederal government and the American Fur Company. A f u rth e r s tr a in was caused by Company d isap p ro v al of the governm ent's handling of the payments. Ramsay Crooks (August 19, 1839) c r iti c iz e d the government s ta tin g th a t the government tre a te d the Indians sham efully; whatever b e n e fit the Indians received from the annuity payments was o f f s e t by th e ir la te n e s s and u n c e rta in ty . Another com plaint was th a t the Indians did not rec eiv e the e n tir e amount of money to which they were e n title d (Abbott September 27, 1847).32 Baraga was p resen t a t these occasions and probably co n trib u ted to h is conviction th a t the Indians had to become s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t to the f u l l e s t e x te n t p o s s ib le . B araga's re la tio n s h ip w ith the P resb y terian m issionary seems to have developed in to one of mutual to le r a tio n . B araga's p a r tic ip a tio n a t a fu n e ra l fo r one of the P ro te s ta n t c h ild re n a t t e s t s to Improving re la tio n s (Sproat June 23 1839). Another in d ic a tio n of improving re la tio n s is seen by h is s o lu tio n to lack of funding fo r h is school. He had many stu d en ts but was sh o rt of funds, while the P resb y te ria n 32 The Rev. John H. P ite z e l (August 20, 1843) made a s im ila r comment. 158 m ission had generous funding from the C iv iliz a tio n Fund b u t feu s tu d e n ts . There are two re g u la r schools here uhich the P re sb y te ria n s have e s ta b lis h e d , one fo r the boys, the o th e r fo r the g i r l s . Almost a l l of th e ir p u p ils are C ath o lic c h ild re n . They teach them to read and to w rite in E nglish and in In d ian , but they do not speak a word to them about the r e lig io n , fo r I have warned them w ell th a t i f they meddled w ith r e lig io n , I would order a l l the C ath o lic c h ild re n to leave t h e ir sch o o ls, and I am watching s t r i c t l y th is observance (Baraga J u ly 1, 1842). Baraga e s ta b lis h e d a school fo r the C atholic Indian c h ild re n in the summer of 1843 (Baraga September 12, 1843), follow ing a con v ersatio n w ith Robert S tu a rt during the T reaty of La Pointe (Baraga October 5, 1842). S tu a rt in d ic a te d th a t the C ath o lic schools would receiv e s u p p o rt. Baraga thanked S tu a rt fo r allow ing him to have $250 in sup p o rt of th is school in September of 1843 (September 27, 1843), but th e re is no evidence he ever received i t . The a n ti-C a th o lic sentim ents th a t had plagued Baraga e a r l i e r were s t i l l p re s e n t. The In d ian subagent a t La P o in te , A lfred Brunson, wrote to Governor of W isconsin T e rr ito ry , James Doty, c r i t i c i z i n g Indian S u p erinten d en t Robert S tu a rt fo r o verstepping h is bounds (Ju ly 18, 1843, Appendix B). subagency. He in d ic a te d the s ta t e of the Indian schools in h is The relev an ce of th a t l e t t e r here is n o t only h is com plaint th a t the P re sb y te ria n s were o b tain in g more money than were the M ethodists fo r th e ir Indian sch o o ls, but a lso Ignored the e x iste n c e of the C ath o lic school a t the community from which he wrote h is l e t t e r . Brunson may n o t have been aware th a t the P re sb y te ria n m ission school contained predom inantly C ath o lic c h ild re n . I t rem ains, however, tru e th a t the C ath o lics were not a llo c a te d funds fo r th e ir own sch o o l. 159 C atholic Indians were v ictim s of White sec ta ria n ism . E v entually, B araga's 'p io n e e rin g ' s p i r i t made him r e s tl e s s to seek new f ie ld s . By 1839, most of the Indians who had any In te n tio n of becoming C atholic had done so . A d d itio n ally , N[t]h e ever dim inishing fu r tra d e and the f a i lu r e of the American Fur Company's fis h in g e n te r p r is e , brought on much unemployment and cu t o ff even the lo c a l p e tty revenue fo r the m issionary" (G regorlch 1954: 9 ). As the number of conversions d e clin e d , Baraga s ta r te d looking fo r new environs. A l e t t e r from P ie rre C rebassa, the French-Canadlan tra d e r a t L'Anse in v ite d him to go th e re . In a l e t t e r published in the L'Anse S e n tin e l, Crebassa s a id : An old c h ie f named Penashi came to see me every Sunday. I had an old B ib le, p rin te d In the French language in the y ear 1815, and the old c h ie f used to re q u est me to read to him from the book and ex p lain i t , which I did to the b e st of my a b i l i t y . He d esired to know i f I could g e t a p r ie s t to come h e re , and I re p lie d th a t I would w rite to F ather Baraga, who was then a t La P o in te , W isconsin, and was the only p r ie s t in th is p a rt of the Country. Accordingly, I wrote to F ather Baraga, explaining m a tte rs , and in v ite d him to come. That was In 1840. He re p lie d th a t he could not leave La P o in te, as he had a church and a la rg e congregation th e re . Each year I wrote to him, and a t l a s t , in 1 8 4 3 ...he consented (Rezek 1906: 77). By now, the Indian community a t Keweenaw Bay had fissio n e d and there was f r i c t i o n between the C onservative and the M ethodist In d ia n s. It w a s'in th is environment th a t Baraga made h is f i r s t journey to the Keweenaw Bay. Baraga v is ite d the Keweenaw Bay in May of 1843 to explore the p o s s ib ility of e s ta b lis h in g a m ission and stayed twenty days. Baraga used C rebassa's home as a temporary chapel and place in which to I n s tr u c t the Indians (Verwyst 1900: 207). During th is p erio d , Baraga 160 bap tized 22 in d iv id u a ls (Rezek 1907: 239). The community had the id e a l co n d itio n s to help him develop h is u topian s o c ie ty . I t had many 'p a g a n ' Indians and s itu a te d in what promised to be a c e n te r of White a c t i v i t y . In a d d itio n , the Indians were being p ro se ly tiz e d by " f a ls e prophets" (G regorlch 1954: 13), and some of them were w illin g to accept In d o c trin a tio n in to C atholicism . Whether th is was a re a c tio n to the P ro te s ta n ts is a moot is s u e . Convinced th a t L'Anse was a good lo c a tio n fo r a m ission, he retu rn ed in October of th a t year (Rezek 1906: 78-80, Verwyst 1900: 209). Baraga did n ot handle th is m ission alo n e, however. P ie rre C o tte, the tra d e r who had in v ite d Baraga to e s ta b lis h a m ission a t Fond du Lac in 1836 and h is wife a s s is te d him .33 P ie rre Cotte was ap p aren tly a victim of the purging of the French Canadians by the American Fur Company and was, consequently unemployed. He was thus ab le to help Baraga a t h is new m ission (Lambert 1967b: 155, Verwyst 1900: 209). Baraga (September 22, 1835) wrote Cotte was "a ra re exception because most of [th e tra d e rs ] are godless men." 3 .4 .2 .4 R eprise We have noted the prim ary fa c to rs th a t caused Baraga to a c t as he did in h is m issionary s e ttin g s . The rampant a n tl-C a th o lic sentim ent in the country plagued him a t many p la c e s . The lack of funds exacerbated B araga's problems, but he liv ed simply and f ru g a lly . He once w rote, " I come out com fortably w ith 150 d o lla rs annually" (January 15, 1840). He 33 a document a t the S au lt S te. Marie Bureau of Indian A ffairs O ffice in d ic a te s th a t Baraga also in v ite d Edward S t. Arneaud to be the Indian Farmer ( H is to r ie s ) . 161 was zealous In h is c o n v ic tio n s. His lack of funds from the Federal government spurred him to work h arder to help the Indians become s e lf-s u ffic ie n t. His successes among the Indians may have been the r e s u l t of h is zealousness and because he liv e d as poorly as they d id . fa c to rs a lso c o n trib u te d , however. E xternal These included the p o s s ib ility th a t C atholicism was a re a c tio n a g a in s t the prev io u sly e s ta b lis h e d P ro te s ta n t m issions and the in tro d u c tio n of a new economic system. Whatever the reaso n s, th e re was a rap id r is e In the numbers of Indian C atholics a t h is m iss io n s.34 B araga's re la tio n s h ip s with tra d e rs also influenced him to some e x te n t. Members of both the upper and lower le v e ls of the American Fur Company aided him. Ramsay Crooks helped Baraga in a number of ways, as did a t l e a s t th re e French Canadian tra d e rs —Campau, C otte, and C rebassa. Baraga, however, ap p aren tly did not receiv e the same rap p o rt w ith the middle le v e l tr a d e r s , such as those sta tio n e d a t La P o in te .3 5 Although Baraga ap p reciated the help he received from the tra d e rs , h is experiences a t Grand R iver. He was a t Grand River and a t La P ointe when the F ederal government began making annuity payments to the In d ia n s. He observed th a t the payments were not made on time and sometimes were n ot made a t a l l . He a lso observed th a t the Indians receiv ed l i t t l e money a t these payments, and the goods they received were of poor q u a lity . He a lso w itnessed the clo se re la tio n s h ip between 34 Adverse w eather may have a lso influenced h is su ccesses. One m issionary sta tio n e d a t S a u lt S te. Marie in 1836, fo r example, wrote th a t n e a rly a l l of the Indians had s c a tte re d in to the f o re s ts to hunt because a severe f r o s t in August had destroyed th e ir corn crop (P ie rz November 15, 1836). 33 This p a tte rn is rem in iscen t of what Nlda (1978b) has observed in L a tin America. 162 the American Fur Company and the Federal government. His observ atio n s seem to have caused him to e s ta b lis h his m ission away from the "unscrupulous'* W hites. By the time Baraga a rriv e d a t the Keweenaw Bay, the tra d in g post was on the e a s t sid e of the Bay (Rezek 1907: 238). Baraga e s ta b lis h e d h is m ission on the opposite shore. These o b se rv a tio n s, and the to lera n ce of many tr a d itio n a l Indian p ra c tic e s underlay B arag a's Idea th a t the Indians of h is m ission should become as s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t as p o s s ib le . 3.5 Baraga a t the Keweenaw Bay Baraga retu rn ed to La P ointe and remained th ere u n til September of 1843. He wrote to Robert S tu a rt, reminding him of h is promise to provide money fo r a school (Baraga September 12, 1843). He also s ta te d h is plan to e s ta b lis h e d a m ission a t Keweenaw Bay th a t w in ter: according to the wish of some pagan Indians th a t d e s ire to jo in the Rom[an] Cath. Church. I promise to keep school th e re a l l the tim e; not indeed m yself, b u t a competent te a c h e r, which is Mrs C o tte, who has a p a r tic u la r g i f t fo r teaching an Indian school. The branches to be taught in th is school w ill be, fo r the f i r s t y e a r, read in g , w ritin g and ciphering in the n a tiv e language and re lig io u s in s tru c tio n s ( I b i d .) . He requested a d d itio n a l money from the education fund to s t a r t th is new school ( I b i d .) . Baraga retu rn ed to the Keweenaw Bay in October and e s ta b lis h e d h is m ission on the w estern sid e of the bay, about th ree m iles from the M ethodist m ission. He dism antled and hauled the old tra d in g post acro ss the ice-covered w ater (H istory 1883: 195). This s tr u c tu r e , w ith some a d d itio n a l tim b er, became B araga's f i r s t th ere (Rezek 1907: 163 239). He dedicated the Church of the Holy Name of Jesus C h rist In September of 1844 (Rezek 1906: 81). There were th re e reasons Influ en cin g Baraga to place h is se ttle m e n t on the o p p o site sid e of the bay from the M ethodist m ission. F i r s t , he wanted to e s ta b lis h a v illa g e "w ell removed" from the in flu e n c es of the W hites. gardens. Second, he wanted f e r t i l e land to c u ltiv a te Franchere (1839) s ta te s the w estern shore of the bay was f e r t i l e , a statem ent confirmed by Veatch (1941: map). T h ird , he wanted a s i t e accep tab le to the Indians (Jamison 1946: 127), and Indians were alre a d y liv in g in the v i c in ity . The r e s u l t was a m ission s i t e which Baraga s ta te s was "in every way an im ita tio n of the R eductions, which the good a n c ie n t J e s u its , these m asters in m issionary a f f a i r s , made in Paraguay" (Verwyst 1900: 228-229, quoting a l e t t e r from B araga). The J e s u its used th is system in o th e r p la c e s , too— in clu d in g New France (Ronda 1979). According to the b asic p rin c ip le s of th is i n s t i t u t i o n , Europeans would g ath er Indians from ad jacen t areas a t a c e n tra l lo c a tio n , where the p r ie s ts had co n stru cted a church (Verwyst 1900: 2 1 0 ).36 To e n tic e Indians to re s id e a t h is m ission, Baraga v is ite d Indian bands liv in g in the a d ja c e n t region and in v ite d them to liv e a t h is m issio n . He achieved h is goal by allow ing the m ission Indians wide l a t i t u d e to accept or r e j e c t various asp ects of " c iv il iz a tio n ." For example, the Indians did n o t have to liv e in houses nor p la n t crops (Jamison 1946: 129-130, 139). Thus, B araga's m ission c a lle d fo r r e l a t iv e ly l i t t l e d istu rb an c e to the th e n -c u rre n t Indian l i f e - s t y l e 3^ The reducclones in L atin America had two g o als: to convert the Indians to C atholicism ; and to provide the Spaniards with a ready source of lab o r (MacLeod 1973: 121-123). There is no evidence Baraga, wished to include the second o b je c tiv e in h is program a t Keweenaw Bay. 164 (Jam ison 1946: 133, Andary 1969: 4 8 ). F ath er Eduard J a c k e r, a C ath o lic m issionary a t the Keueenau Bay from 1855 to 1861, s t a t e s , In the e a rly y ears of the m issio n , They liv e d alm ost e x c lu siv e ly on f is h and v ario u s game, keeping n e ith e r cows nor h o rses—dogs and chickens being t h e ir only company. The fu rs of the game which they k i l l e d and the b e r rie s they picked when the season came round and what sugar they made out of the maple sap, a l l helped to make ends m eet, a lth o [ s ic ] a l l or most o f th ese a r t i c l e s , were p l e n t i f u l , e s p e c ia lly the tr o u t and w hite f is h , th e re was no market fo r i t . They had to dry th e i r b e r r ie s , and smoke th e ir f is h and venison fo r th e i r own u s e . . . (1922: 325). The absence of a market fo r these products encouraged s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y . Baraga (August 26, 1846) d escrib es another component of h is m ission: They liv e now a l l in homes and c u ltiv a te the ground. They have a farm er w ith them, which I h ire d fo r th re e y e a rs , and two yoke of oxen to plough a la rg e piece of new ground which they c le a re d in the middle of a w ild e rn e ss; and which they enclosed w ith in a common fen ce; and in th is common f ie ld each fam ily has a l o t which they c u ltiv a te according to th e ir w ants. The "common f ie ld " to which Baraga r e fe r s was a t r a c t of 496.70 acres which he purchased from the United S ta te s government e a r l i e r th a t year (Rezek 1906: 8 3 ). The C ath o lic Indians received a l l b u t fo u rte e n a c r e s , upon which was s itu a te d the C atholic Church, on Ju ly 2, 1863 (Rezek 1907: 243). The p ro p e rty , l a t e r known as A ssin ln s, was the c e n te r of the C atholic Indian m ission (Pulvermacker 1969: 50, Lambert 1967b: 22). L efev re, w ritin g in the C atholic Almanac, s ta te d each fam ily owned about t h i r t y acres of la n d , "which he c l e a r s . .. p l a n t s i t and surrounds i t with a fence in common and in th is common property every head of 165 £amily has a l o t..." ( N o te s 1957: 47). No documents are a v a ila b le which a c tu a lly re p o rt th is degree of s e l f - s u ffic ie n c y remalhed as a fe a tu re of A ssin ln s, b ut some allow th is I n te r p r e ta tio n . For example, F ather Edward Jacker wrote (Ju ly 3, 1876): In L'Anse, or as i t Is now c a lle d , Baraga - th i t h e r I went when I wrote you l a s t - I was re jo ic e d by the s ig h t of h a lf a dozen new Indian farm s, or a t l e a s t the beginnings of such 1/4 or 1/2 m ile back from the v illa g e and the lake shores the eldorado of id len ess and hotbed of v ic e . Encouraged and a s s is te d by th e ir p a s to r, him self a p ra c tic e d farm er, so many fam ilies a t l e a s t — o th ers are expected to follow —have c le a re d , broken up, fenced in , and put under c u ltiv a tio n from one to two acres and b u i l t l i t t l e log or farm houses. Had th is been done 34 years ago, when the m ission was e s ta b lis h e d , how much b e tte r would the poor people have fared tem porally and s p i r i t u a l l y ! . But u n fo rtu n a te ly , the founder knew too l i t t l e of a g r ic u ltu r e , and the a f f a i r s of th is w orld, and was too much engaged in l i t e r a r y p u rs u its —grammar and d ic tio n a ry & c e t .- t o be a lead er fo r them on the royal road of farm ing. His successor (your frie n d ) was of the same c a lib r e , and even Mr T e rh o rst [th e c u rre n t m issionary] had with a lto g e th e r in s u f f ic ie n t means to work hard u n t il he was able to dem onstrate the p o s s ib ility of c u ltiv a tin g the somewhat u n g ra te fu l s o il by an extensive farm of h is own the proceeds of which alm ost support a community of s i s t e r s and a l i t t l e flo c k of orphans. B araga's community continued to be r e la tiv e ly s e lf - s u f f i c i e n t a t l e a s t u n t i l 1876: The produce of [th e C atholic M ission] farm (30 acres) forms the c h ie f support of the sisterh o o d and th e ir Indian orphans, as a lso of four boys adopted by the m issionary and being tra in e d , under h is d ire c tio n , to a g r ic u ltu r a l p u rs u its — the nucleus of a farming school fo r the t r i b e . . . .F a th er T erhorst has succeeded in making these improvements with l i t t l e o u tsid e h elp , by the economical management of the lo c a l resources (Jacker Ju ly 3, 1876; H isto ry 1883: 195). However, the C atholic community was even more s e lf - s u f f i c i e n t than th is su g g ests. In 1875 Edward A ssin ln s, the c h ie f , wrote to Commissioner of 166 Indian A ffa irs E.P. Smith (October 28, 1875): I wish to make a few In q u irie s of you. I was a p a rty to the tre a ty of 1854 made between the United S ta te s and the Chippewa of Lake S uperior which expired l a s t y e a r. During the p re se n t month Ind Agent B etts has v is it e d us w ith a few goods which he t e l l s us w ill be sen t him to d is tr ib u te to g e th e r w ith P aten ts fo r Lands. A few of my Band and m yself would n o t receiv e the goods as I am ig n o ra n t of the source from whence they came. I f you se n t us money as I n te r e s t on our B allance [s ic ] s t i l l due us from the S ale of Lands E ast of Huron Bay. He wish to know where th ese goods come from and a lso i f we should rec eiv e a money payment w ith them. P lease answer me in regard to th is m atter as I do not wish my young men to re ce iv e these goods i f they are s to le n or do n o t belong to u s. In s h o rt, the C atholic Indians were s e lf - s u f f i c i e n t enough th a t they could r e j e c t governm ent-proffered goods and money. This could have been p o ssib le only i f the Indians had some a lte r n a tiv e means by which to acq u ire the goods they needed. There is no evidence th a t they received goods from o th e r sources—in clu d in g wage la b o r. Consequently, they appear to have acquired these goods by o th er means. S e lf-s u ffic ie n c y in economic terms was not the end of B araga's p la n s. He a lso c a lle d fo r p o l i t i c a l autonomy. A few months before Indian Agent H illiam A. Richmond (Robert S t u a r t's replacem ent) l e f t o f f ic e , the C ath o lic In d ian s to ld him of the re g u la tio n s which they had dev ised. 1. 2. 3. During the m inority of Charles B ineshi [Penashe], h is uncle Edward A ssinlns w ill be h is guardian and a c tin g c h ie f fo r band of Indians liv in g on the w estern s id e . Edward A ssinlns is considered c h ie f during the m inority of C harles B ineshi. John Metakosige w ill be judge and 1 st A s sis ta n t to Edward A ssin ln s; a l l d isp u tes and q u a rre ls w ill be decided by A ssinlns and Metakosige (Baraga March 22, 1849). 167 Richmond accepted th is arrangem ent. He w rote, " I am much pleased In th is m atter of the young c h ie f and hope they w ill be u n ited and succeed In c a rry in g o ut the p re se n t arrangement" (Richmond A p ril 15, 1849). Baraga was ab le to e s ta b lis h h is model Indian v il la g e . He purchased a t r a c t of land In h is name, then deeded i t over to the Indians as a community (Rezek 1907: 243). v illa g e had i t s own p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e . chosen by members of the m ission. Equally im portant, th is The community's lead ers were Thus, the r e te n tio n of tr a d itio n a l elem ents was p rese n t in th is component of h is plan as w e ll.3? Other fa c to rs th a t helped Baraga e s ta b lis h a s e lf - s u f f i c i e n t community of Indians were not of h is own d esig n , but were forced upon him by the P ro te s ta n t antagonism toward the C a th o lic s. This anim osity was perhaps f u rth e r fueled by the a r t i c l e s w ritte n by Brutus ( a .k .a . Samuel F.B. Morse) on the in sid io u s designs of the Leopoldinen S tiftu n g to undermine United S tates p o l i t i c a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s . These a r t i c l e s appeared in the New York O bserver, a P resb y teria n magazine, in 1843 (Buley 1951 I I : 4 7 2 ).3 8 A M ethodist magazine rep eated these a lle g a tio n s (L ite ra ry 1845: 74). 3 .5 .1 The P ro te s ta n t Reaction and B araga's Response The M ethodist m issio n a ries did n o t welcome B araga's a r r i v a l . Even before he a rriv e d th e re was a sense of dread. Lucena Brockway, 37 in c o n tr a s t, the M ethodist m ission held the land they had bought fo r the Indians " in tr u s t" and did not deed i t over, "as i t might be got away from them i f deeded to each of them s e p a ra te ly ” ( P ite z e l June 19, 1850). 38 Goodykoontz (1939: 224-227) s ta te s th a t th is s e r ie s of a r t i c l e s appeared in the New York Observer in 1834; I have been unable to a s c e rta in which au th o r, i f e i th e r , was in e r r o r . 168 the w ife of Daniel D. Brockway (th e government appointed blacksm ith a t the M ethodist m ission) w rote: th ere is a roman c a th o lic m in iste r & a woman teacher coming here to spend the w in te r, from La P o in te, 200 m iles above h e re . This idea the people are not much pleased w ith . They w ill probably be a m ile from here up to the tra d e rs who is a h a lf breed Indian (Gray 1936: 157). In a n tic ip a tio n of B araga's a r r i v a l , Indians had begun to move back to the w est sid e of the Keweenaw Bay (Brown December 29, 1843). th is occurred a t P ie rre C reb assa's urging is u n c le a r. Whether This may have been the source of d isp le a s u re noted by Mrs. Brockway. This m igration Increased once the C atholic m issionary a c tu a lly e s ta b lis h e d him self a t the bay and took Indians away from the M ethodist m issio n . By December of 1843, the M ethodist m issionary, the Reverend George H. Brown, and the o th er m issio n aries were alarm ed. number of reasons fo r th is alarm . There were a Most of them s ta te d c le a r ly in h is l e t t e r to Robert S tu a rt. ...A s to th is band of Indians when our m issio n aries f i r s t came among them, they were a drunken, degraded, s u p e r s titio u s , and roving people. These m issio n aries labored long; and under the b le ssin g of God q u ite a number have embraced r e lig io n ; and they and th e ir ch ild re n are s e tt l e d around u s. R eligious tru th s and c o rre c t p r in c ip le s , had a lso been v iv id ly d iffu s e d , and we were e a rn e s tly aw aiting the time when these sons of the f o r e s t should be gathered in to the fo ld of C h ris t. But we have now to some e x te n t to give up th is p leasin g a n tic ip a tio n . They had j u s t come to th a t p o in t wherein they saw the v a n ity of th e ir own s u p e r s titio n s , and loved th e ir sin s too w ell to bow to C h rist in an unreserved g iv in g up of h e a rt and l i f e to him. At th is ju n c tu re the P r ie s t came among them. Through him they were persuaded th a t a l l th a t was necessary was to take upon them th is form of r e lig io n . Thus they have come to b eliev e th a t they can be C h ristia n s [s ic ] and y e t r e ta in th e ir s in s . The conversion of many has consequently been an easy ta s k . J u s t before the Indians s ta r te d fo r the payment l a s t 169 f a l l [ a t la P o in te ], P eter Marksman c a lle d a council In referen c e to th is band of In d ia n s. At th a t time they unanimously agreed to s e t t l e around the m ission on th is sid e of the bay; and use th e ir Influence fo r the education of th e ir ch ild re n and young people. Uhen they came be back, however a l l was d is s a tis f a c tio n and they commenced s e tt l i n g on the opposite sid e of the bay. They are s tr iv in g to throw David king out of h is o f f ic e , and the P r ie s t and h a lf-b re e d population are making every e x e rtio n to g e t the Garden Lake and Ontonagon Indians [s ic ] to s e t t l e on the opposite s id e of the bay. From these causes the C h ristia n Indians are l e f t q u ite alo n e. From a l l th a t I learned from you l a s t summer th is movement is c o n tra ry to the views of the Govt. The Indians a t th is m ission a re , by comparison, w ith them, c iv iliz e d and they have a g re a t d e s ire fox^ improvement. The Govt men can be very u sefu l to them; and could they be s e ttle d in one place then a l l would be a fin e f ie ld fo r o p e ra tio n . As i t i s , th e re are many d iv isio n s and many th ings th a t are d is a g r e e a b le .... He have had some a d d itio n s to the church, and b u t some of the 'u n s t a b l e ' have gone to the C a th o lic s .. . (Brown December 29, 1843). The C o n g re g a tio n a list/P re sb y te ria n farmer informed him of the co n d itio n s a t the Keweenaw Bay and the e x te n t to which Baraga thwarted h is work (C a rrie r December 29, 1843): When the Indians came back from La P oint they to ld us th a t the Roman P r ie s t would soon be here to e s ta b lis h h is m ission. He soon came-and both a man and h is wife [P ie rre and Mrs. C otte] as a s s i s ta n t s . He has two men who lab o r fo r him, two months sawing lumber, one of whom is now busy c u ttin g logs fo r the houses-When the v essel came l a s t here I expected f i l e s fo r our P ltt-s a w [ s ic ] but none came. I went to the [American Fur] Comp's c le rk [P ie rre Crebassa] and he had promised a l l h is f i l e s to Mr. Baraga ( P r ie s t) , I however obtained two f i l e s —which took a l l h is own supply. So you see we have enough to do to fin d a supply of lu m b e r... I was to ld a few days sin ce th a t he has said he intends to g e t a l l the f lo a tin g Indians to jo in h is Church. [C a rrie r then s ta te s he was asked to lend them the oxen, but he said he could not under p resen t i n s t r u c t i o n s ] ....F o r me to go over [to help Baraga b u ild houses] is to help him carry out h is own design. . . . I am not ab le to say what the d iffe re n c e i s , but should think conslderable-T he land ly in g upon the Bay a t th is Mission is very u n ev en ....A poor lo c a tio n I th in k fo r th is country; b ut i f the m ission is to remain h e re -I fe a r the r e s u l t , unless the C atholics are removed. 170 Many of these com plaints were repeated two months l a t e r (C a rrie r February 5, 1844), when he s ta te d the Indians began to move to the new m ission s i t e on New Y ear's Day. He reported th a t the C atholic Indians had requested oxen, but denied them because Baraga said he would help Indians b u ild houses i f they moved to h is m ission. S tu a rt became concerned and Informed the Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs of the denom inational r iv a l r i e s a t Lake S u p erio r. S tu a rt sa id th a t he was a proponent of the lo n g -e sta b lish e d P resb y terian r u le , "one band-one m ission" and requested Crawford e ith e r to w rite a c ir c u la r or o rd er Doty or S tu a rt to do so, enforcing th is p o licy (S tu a rt February 12, 1344). It is not c le a r whether Crawford so ordered S tu a rt, or whether S tu a rt acted on h is own i n i t i a t i v e , but the document was signed by S t u a r t .39 S tu a rt sen t a copy of the c ir c u la r to Sub-Agent James Ord (A pril 4, 1844). Two days l a t e r (A pril 6, 1844), he se n t another to the farm er a t L'Anse, with the hope " I t w ill r e lie v e you from what you seem to fe a r as c o n flic tin g d u t i e s . ” Nine days l a t e r (A p ril 15, 1844), S tu a rt wrote Baraga (w ithout sending the c i r c u la r ) , saying th a t he " re g re t[ te d ] extrem ely th a t as you l e f t La P o in te, you did n o t s e le c t a s ta tio n or Band where th e re is no o th er m ission or sch o o l." He f u rth e r s ta te d th a t the War Department had issued a c ir c u la r , of which Ord would give him a copy. He to ld the p r ie s t th a t he would g e t money from the ed u catio n al fund i f he were to go elsew here. Baraga did n o t re ceiv e the c ir c u la r u n t i l May 18 (Ord A pril 25, 1844). 39 a copy of th is document was se n t to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre. Papers of Bishop P e te r Paul L efevre, Box 1, fo ld e r 1-21. Diocese of D e tro it. 171 S tu a rt again w rote James 0rd:40 I t has been rep resen ted to me th a t some of the h alfb reed s &c a t th e Ance have influenced a p o rtio n of the Band to remove to a d ista n c e (acro ss the Bay) from the lo c a tio n you pointed o u t l a s t sp rin g , fo r the sch o o l, farm er, mechanics, &c. Such in te rfe re n c e is highly in ju rio u s and c rim in a l, c a lc u la te d to d i s t r a c t and cause d iv isio n s and je a lo u s ie s among the Indians which w ill g re a tly r e ta rd th e ir p ro sp e rity and c i v l l l z a t i o n - I fe a r th a t the enemy of a l l good— s e c ta ria n b ig o try and p ro sely tism , has induced th is movement; but be i t what i t may, we must endeavor to co u n te ra ct it-s h o u ld you v i s i t the Ance th is sp rin g (which I have been informed by Mr Baraga is expected) p lease to use your in flu en ce to harmonize these m a tte rs . I hope you w ill be ab le to persuade Mr Baraga to withdraw h is m ission and school as the M ethodists had th e ir organized a t th a t place fo r years and have done much good-There are se v eral much more numerous Bands [than] th a t of the Ance in the Lake Superior region who are e n tir e ly d e s ti t u t e of m ission or sch o o ls, and where he might be h ig h ly u s e fu l in advancing the w elfare of the In d [la n ]s . Without m ilita tin g a g a in s t the views and wishes of the Department, as expressed in the l a t e c ir c u la r you have rec eiv ed . In the event of your not going up the Lake, p lease to w rite the M issio n aries, a t la rg e on the s u b je c t, and in s tr u c t the farmer and mechanic in conform ity with the c ir c u la r above alluded to , not to render aid to any school or Indian s e ttle m e n t, e s ta b lis h in g i t s e l f c o n trary to the ru le la id down.-You w ill probably be to ld th a t the Indians in v ite d the C ath o lic school and m ission, th is was perhaps the case, b u t you & I know how e a s ily a few e v il disposed person can a t any time brin g about such ev en ts-b u t be th a t as i t may, th ere can be no r a tio n a l doubt but conform ity w ith the ru le the Department has p re sc rib e d , w ill r e s u l t in much good (A p ril 20, 1844a). S tu a rt sen t a copy of th is l e t t e r to the Reverend George U. Brown, in s tr u c tin g him to show i t to the farmer and blacksm ith i f Ord did not v i s i t the area (A p ril 20, 1844b). He added, 40 Note in th is l e t t e r th a t Mlxed-bloods" were the source of tro u b le . There is no documented evidence of th is as f a c t o th er than the statem ent th a t P ie rre Crebassa had in v ite d Baraga to the Keweenaw Bay. 172 I think the a c tio n of the Indian Department in the premises should meet the approbation of m issio n aries and school te a c h e rs, & indeed a l l w ell disposed persons, who have more a t h e a rt the w elfare of the Indians than sectarian ism ( I b i d . ) . I f the c ir c u la r did not anger the p r i e s t , the next event d id . Baraga went to the M ethodist m ission to g et sashes C a rrie r had been making fo r the C atholic Indians (Brown May 20, 1844). Mr. C a rrie r has taken a very decided stand as to the course which he thought he ought to pursue. They endeavored l a s t w in ter to g et him and the Govt oxen to go across the bay and h a ll [s ic ] the logs fo r th e ir h o u se s,41 but he c o n sta n tly affirm ed th a t th is was co n trary to h is I n s tru c tio n s and he could not do i t . They tr ie d very stren u o u sly again th is sp ring b u t he s t i l l r e s is te d . The co u rse, I th in k has been a commendable one ( I b i d .) . The l e t t e r also s ta te s th a t the Ontonagon Indians who had s e ttle d a t the Keweenaw Bay had f is s io n e d . About h a lf went to the C ath o lic m ission; the o th ers remained w ith the M ethodists (Baraga May 18, 1844). But whether these Indians [s ic ] come here or not i t cannot help being seen th a t the e s ta b lis h in g of the C atholic m ission a t th is p lace, has tended g re a tly to u n s e ttle the minds of the Indians [s ic ] and s e t them a g a in s t each o th e r. I do not know b u t I may s a fe ly say th a t the c i v i l i z a t i o n of these Indians [s ic ] has been retard ed fo r y ears by th is movement ( I b i d .) . Baraga was fa r from a p assiv e r e c ip ie n t of these a c t i v i t i e s . A pparently w ith the B ishop's b le s s in g ,42 he decided to remain a t the Keweenaw Bay. 41 This was a common use of oxen in White se ttle m e n ts a t S au lt S te. Marie (Ord A p ril 27, 1844) and a t L'AnBe (C a rrie r February 5, 1844). 42 While no document has been found e x p l ic it ly s ta tin g th a t the Bishop gave Baraga h is consent to remain a t the Keweenaw Bay, Baraga (May 18, 1844) w rote, "But now your l e t t e r has given me p e rfe c t assurance th a t I am follow ing the adorable w ill of God by e s ta b lis h in g 173 He w rote to Robert S tu a rt (May 20, 1844): . . . I take l i b e r t y , Mr. S tu a rt, to make some remarks which you w ill fin d reasonable y o u rs e lf. The said C irc u la r, being a law, can have no force fo r any time b efo re the day of i t s p u b lic a tio n . This is a gen eral ru le throughout the c iv iliz e d world as a m atter of law. Now the day of p u b lic a tio n of th is law fo r us was the 18th of May 1844, and I t could not be b e fo re , because the m all did n o t a r riv e before th a t day. From th a t day, according to j u s t i c e , I am bound by th is law and intend to keep i t f a i t h f u l l y . But before th a t day my dear s i r , th is could n ot be ap p lied to my m ission and school, because no law can have fo rce before i t s p u b lic a tio n . By the time of the p u b lic a tio n of th is law in th is place my M ission and school had already been in o p eratio n fo r n e a rly 7 months. I t is s ta te d in the said C irc u la r, th a t wherever a M ission or school has been e s ta b lis h e d , the in te rfe re n c e of another cannot be p e rm itte d .-T h is, s i r , is indeed a new law in the United S ta te s , which glory in the freedom of R eligion and freedom of conscience. But be th a t as i t i s ; I am ready to keep th is law f a ith f u ll y as i t is now g i v e n ...I e s ta b lis h e d the school when r e lig io u s l i b e r t y was y e t in i t s f u l l v ig o r. [He then s ta te s th a t Indians had requested him to c o m e ].... Now t h i s , my dear s i r , cannot be considered an in te rfe re n c e w ith the M ethodist M ission, as I picked up those only th a t remained pagans a f t e r a l l p o ssib le e f f o r ts of the M ethodists to convert them. This is r e a lly no In te rfe re n c e w ith the M ethodist esta b lish m en t, when tru ly r e p re s e n te d ... Some Indians and Half breeds th a t belonged once to the M ethodist M ission, are now indeed C a th o lic s; but even t h i s , i f w ell co n sid ered , was no in te rfe re n c e with th a t M ission. These people belong alm ost a l l to the fam ily of the deceased c h ie f B in esh i; who recommended them before he d ied , to jo in the french R elig io n , as soon as a P r ie s t s h a ll come to the Anse. The l a s t words of th e ir dying r e la tio n s are sacred to the In d ia n s; fo r th is reaso n , and because they had no mind, even before I a r r iv e d , to continue in the M ethodist Congregation, they jo in ed the C atholic m ission as soon as I came to th is p la c e . Mr. Johnson, the C arpenter fo r the In d ia n s, made some sashes th is sp rin g fo r the C ath o lic Indians who wish to liv e in houses and c i v i l i z e them selves. They were made b u t not d e liv e re d , before the C ircu lar reached us; but when the C irc u la r a rriv e d he refu sed to give the Indians th e ir sash es. This can c e r ta in ly not be j u s t and r ig h t . Even i f he not be obliged to work now fo r the C atholic In d ia n s, he was before and the work th a t was done fo r th is m issio n ." 174 them before the p u b lic a tio n of the c ir c u la r , belongs to them by a l l r i g h t . The same i s to be said of the works of th e ir blacksm ith [D.D. Brockway]. Consider now, my dear s i r , how can the b e n e fit of the Mechanics, which they enjoyed t i l l now be a t once withdrawn from them? fo r what reason? I can see no o th er reason, but because they d o n 't jo in the M ethodist esta b lish m en t. I can r e a lly see no o th er reaso n , Mr. S tu a rt; because i f they would jo in th is esta b lish m en t, they would have a l l the b e n e fits of the m echanics. T h is, s i r , can c e r ta in ly not be the meaning of the American government in our p a r tic u la r c a s e , because f i r s t , the whole band of these Indians had been promised in solemn Treaty between two n atio n s under p u b lic f a i t h , th a t they s h a ll have fo r 25 years the b e n e fit of a blacksm ith, e tc , and no d is tin c tio n was made whether they be M ethodists or C ath o lics or pagans. How could they now a t once be deprived fo r so many years of th is b e n e fit which they enjoyed t i l l now, only on account of th e ir not jo in in g the M ethodist m issionary estab lish m en t of which th ere was no mention in the Treaty.-And secondly the said C irc u la r, as a new law, can have no force fo r a time when i t was not y e t w r itte n . These Indians joined the C atholic M ission l a s t f a l l , when th ere was no such law y e t. I came to th is place when R eligion was y et f r e e . Had I known th a t such r e s tr ic t io n s should be caused by you a g a in s t R e lig io n , I would perhaps n o t have consented to come to th is p la c e . But now my estab lish m en t is alm ost fin is h e d , my expenses amount to about $800; I cannot give i t up and go to some o th er p lace as you d e s ire me Mr. S tu a rt. Even i f I go, the C atholic Indians w ill never give up th e ir R eligion and never jo in the M ethodist e sta b lish m en t. They did n o t want to jo in i t b efo re, and much le s s now, as they joined alread y the R eligion they wished f o r . . . . T herefore, Mr. S tu a rt, I think i t would be b e s t to a c t according to j u s t ic e a lso in th is p a r tic u la r c a se , and not to extend the fo rce and o b lig a tio n of th is law backwards to a time when i t did not e x is t . Let our C ath o lic Indians enjoy the b le ssin g s of th e ir R eligion u n d istu rb ed ; l e t them enjoy th a t freedom of conscience and th a t g lo rio u s lib e r t y of R elig io n th a t p re v a ils throughout these happy S ta te s - I endeavor as much as I can to keep them q u ie t. I lik e peace, as you know y o u rse lf from La P o in te , and always try to make peace amongst them. D on't b e lie v e , s i r , every re p o rt th a t is made by those who do n o t lik e my R elig io n . I hope a time w ill come when you s h a ll c le a r ly see the tr u th , and be s a t i s f i e d . I t is tru e , th a t in the beginning of my e s ta b lis h in g th is m ission, th ere was some discord and je alo u sy among these In d ia n s, but a l l th is g rad u ally died away and now we liv e in peace. This C ircu lar indeed caused some new tro u b le among u s, but now th is a lso is over and we retook our q u ie t p o s i t i o n . . . . P .S . Mr. S tu a rt, I cannot help saying th a t I am under 175 the Im pression th a t nothing b u t my coming to L Anse, which you d o n 't l i k e , occasioned you to suggest to the War Department the said C irc u la r, which Is r a th e r s u rp ris in g in th ese l i b e r a l , f r e e , and th e re fo re happy S ta te s . I may be wrong in my opin io n , S ir . I f I am, you w ill k in d ly excuse me (emphasis in the o r i g i n a l ) . 43 Thus, I t was n o t merely the Issuance of the c ir c u la r which angered Baraga but the f a c t th a t the government workers refu sed to provide the Indians w ith the products re q u ested . A l i t t l e over a week l a t e r , the Reverend George W. Brown wrote th a t Baraga had accused the government of p erse c u tio n by iss u in g the c ir c u la r (May 29, 1844). Baraga to the Keweenaw Bay. He s ta te d th a t P ie rre Crebassa had In v ite d He a s se rte d the Indians "unanimously denied l a s t f a l l th a t they c a lle d him, and I have not learn ed th a t they have y e t c o n tra d ic te d th a t statem ent" ( I b i d . ) . The l e t t e r co n tin u es: Mr. B says some of the Indians [ s ic ] liv e d across the bay and they did not lik e the M ethodist R e lig io n . There did some l iv e acro ss the bay; but then they had agreed to be in one se ttle m e n t on th is s id e of the bay, around the m issio n . As to some not lik in g the M ethodists, th is may have been the case; b u t th is would have been but a very l i t t l e th in g had th ere not been some one to s t i r i t and magnify i t . We urged upon him th a t he had caused d iv is io n s , je a lo u s ie s , and h e a rt burnings, but he would as o fte n re p e a t h is c a ll and the a ffirm a tio n th a t c e r ta in Indians [ s ic ] did n o t lik e u s. There were a few d isco n ten ted Indians [ s i c ] . They were p r in c ip a lly r e la tiv e s of the deceased c h ie f . A s h o rt time before the c h ie f died he s e t a bad example to the Indians [ s ic ] by g e ttin g in to x ic a te d and v i s i t i n g the c o n ju ro rs. Some of the C h ris tia n [ s ic ] Indians [ s i c ] , in consequence, said they could n o t have him fo r th e ir c h ie f . This offended the old man and h is f r ie n d s , and a t h is death he advised them to liv e se p a ra te from u s. But th is breach would a l l have been closed up, b u t fo r v ic io u s in flu e n c e s to keep i t open [one sentence is u n i n t e l l i g ib l e ] . The h a lf breeds are n o t s i l e n t . By hard [words?] and 43 At the La P ointe annuity payments the follow ing y e a r, S tu a rt to ld Baraga the c ir c u la r did not apply to the Keweenaw Bay m ission (Baraga August 27, 1844). However, Baraga continued to be denied F ed eral a s s is ta n c e . 176 v ic io u s ta lk our Trader spares no pains to p reju d ic e the minds of the Indians a g a in s t y o u rse lf and the Govt. The P r i e s t 's Indians [s ic ] are made to f e e l c o n tin u a lly th a t they are persecuted by the M ethodists. How the m atter w ill tu rn out w ith us we cannot, of course, t e l l . Mr B says he w ill not leave h e re , and th a t i f the Govt w ill not a s s i s t the Indians [ s ic j he w ill. He m aintains th a t he was e sta b lish e d here before the 18th May the day th a t the re g u la tio n s were received a t th is p la c e , and th a t th e re fo re they cannot apply to him a t a l l , and should not be brought to bear a g a in s t him. From p re tty good a u th o rity we have i t th a t when he came here he determ ined, i f p o s s ib le , to g et every Indian [s ic ] from th is m ission, and break the m ission down. We charged him with i t . He endeavored to evade, but th e re was l i t t l e doubt but th a t he came here with th a t in te n tio n , and has been endeavoring to accomplish h is purpose. Mr. Johnson may have to ld you something about the sash th a t he made fo r the Indians [s ic ] on the o th er s id e , when Mr B was here the o th er day, he to ld Mr C a rrie r th a t he would take the sash . Mr C said they were l e f t with him with s t r i c t order not to l e t them go u n t i l he heard from Mr Johnson or the Agents, but Mr B sa id he should take them. I t was re p lie d th a t he had said he had given the lumber to the Indians [ s ic ] , and th a t i t was th e irs to dispose of and use in any way they thought p ro p er. On th is ground Mr J made the sash But again he affirm ed th a t i t was h is lumber, and th a t he should take the sash . Mr C a rrie r addressed him as they were l e f t in h is charge, he could n o t have them. He has not y e t attem pted to take them ( I b i d .) . I have seen no fu rth e r documents in d ic a tin g how th is issu e was reso lv ed . Baraga a lso had problems in g e ttin g aid from the government farm er. In August of 1844, he wrote to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, saying: My c h ild re n a t L'Anse are very poor, Monslgneur, as regards a g r ic u ltu r e . They have the good w ill to make a common f i e l d , as I suggested to them, but they do not have any seed. Because of the famine th a t have v is i te d them, they have l o s t th e ir seed potatoes e n tir e ly . I t is tru e th a t th ere is a government farmer a t L'Anse for the In d ia n s, who receiv es many potatoes fo r them, but he does not give a s in g le one to a C ath o lic; and now he w ill be le s s in c lin e d to do so a f t e r the p ersecu tio n by Robert S tu a rt (G regorlch 1954: 13). 177 The re lu c ta n ce of the government-appointed farmer (and o th er workers) to provide the C atholic Indians with the necessary to o ls and seeds continued. The C atholic Indians wrote about fo u rteen years l a t e r (October 1, 1858): A Mr A F itch of D e tro it In th is l a s t payment brought some Flour and we a l l could not e a t I t and he bought some Flour from a tra d e r here and out of th is Flour one band received one B arrel and another band received one B arrel and another two Band [s ic ] received three b a r r e ls . And we have received very l i t t l e Pork and the balance of the Flour was l e f t to one band and i t was the M ethodist Indians and th ere was Two yoke of C a ttle and Three Cows they were a l l given to the same M ethodist Indians and about our money we have received Twenty s h illin g s per head and about our goods, i t is a shame to say anything about I t . And our g re a t fa th e r i t is our d e s ire th is A.M. F itc h you should remove him from th is o ffic e and give us a b e tte r man fo r fa th e r we have know [s ic ] Confidence on [s ic ] him fo r he ly [s ic ] to [s ic ] much to us fo r these Two years he promise [s ic ] to b u ild a school house on our sid e but do [s ic ] not do i t . Thus, the Federal government continued to deny goods and serv ic e s to the C atholic M ission continued long a f te r Baraga a rriv e d a t the Keweenaw Bay. This only re in fo rc e d B araga's p o s itio n th a t the Indians had to become as s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t as p o s sib le . The C ath o lic community had i t s own p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e . This was a source of concern among some members of the band a f f i l i a t e d with the M ethodist M ission. March 9, 1843). In March of 1843 c h ie f Penashe had died (Brown At th a t time George Brown wrote th a t he did not lik e how the Indians chose the new c h ie f . He a lso s ta te d h is own preference fo r a new c h ie f:. The g eneral fe e lin g is toward David King. Without doubt he is the most proper man in the band fo r th a t o f f ic e . I th in k he w ill y e t be chosen. Probably i f the Govt were to appoint him, i t would c le a r away some 178 d i f f i c u l t i e s and give g re a t might to h is in flu en ce (Ib id .). King had been one of the e a r l i e r members of the M ethodist m ission, and Broun hoped th a t S tu a rt would appoint him as c h ie f . Members of the M ethodist M ission may have asked Brown to nominate Penashe's su ccesso r. Since the Europeans had taken i t upon themselves to c re a te and d esig n ate c h ie f s , i t is n o t s u rp ris in g th a t Indians sometimes turned to the government agents to decide on the succession to the c h ie fta in s h ip (F rie d l 1950: 186). King and Southwind suggested i f S tu a rt would not accept King, perhaps he would nominate P eter Marksman (March 20, 1843). Marksman l a t e r s ta te d he was w illin g to accept the c h ie f ta in s h ip , i f th is was in accordance w ith S t u a r t 's wishes (A p ril 5, 1843). S tu a rt declined to e n te r lo c a l p o l i t i c s . He wrote (May 1, 1843), " I do not wish to name any one of them, so th a t they w ill choose a good, wise and p e r fe c tly sober man I w ill be s a t i s f i e d . ” King became the head of the M ethodist M ission In d ia n s, no doubt Reverend Brown's support played a r o le . This Involvement of a White in the in te rn a l p o l i t i c s of the Indian community may have been a f a c to r leading to the m igration of non-M ethodist Indians away from the m ission. As c h ie f, King was concerned whether h is a b i l i t y to command would be taken away from him. S tu a rt In stru c te d Brown (A p ril 20, 1844b) to t e l l King and Marksman th a t he would not c u r t a i l th e ir power providing th a t they were f a i t h f u l ”to th e ir higher and resp o n sib le d u t i e s .” King was upset when Indian Agent Richmond approved of the le a d e rsh ip and re g u la tio n s proposed by the C atholic Indians two years l a t e r . King accused Baraga of causing f r i c t i o n between the two v illa g e s by ap p o in tin g c h ie fs and judges fo r the C atholic In d ia n s. He requested 179 Richmond to support h is e f f o r ts to g et the C atholic Indians to accept h is le a d ersh ip (King January 22, 1849). There is no evidence th a t th is occurred. There a r e , however, two documents, suggesting he had made h is peace w ith the C ath o lic p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e (Ring e t a l June 1, 1849, King and A ssinlns June 4, 1849). Thus, a te n ta tiv e peace developed between the p o l i t i c a l o rg an izatio n s of the two m issio n s. between the two m issions continued u n t i l a f t e r 1881. The tru c e A document of 1880 c le a r ly in d ic a te s th e re were two p a r a lle l co u n c ils—one fo r the M ethodists and one fo r the C atholics (Asher e t a l May 4, 1880). co u n cil c o n siste d of seven co uncil members and two headmen. Each This o rg a n iz a tio n changed s li g h t l y a f t e r the Indian R eorganization Act of 1934. The C o n stitu tio n and By-Laws of the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community e s ta b lis h e d a co u n cil with s ix in d iv id u a ls from each sid e of the bay (U nited S ta te s Department of the I n te r io r 1937). Although th ere was a n ti-C a th o lic sentim ent throughout the period under study, th ere was a b r ie f lap se of about four y e a rs, during the a d m in istra tio n of Indian Agent W illiam A. Richmond (1845-1849), when i t was relaxed s li g h t l y . During th is p erio d , the C atholic Indians were provided w ith some su p p lie s from the a g ric u ltu re fund. In Ju ly of 1848, they requested a s e t of c a r t wheels (Ord Ju ly 15, 1848). The follow ing y e a r, they thanked Richmond fo r the c a r t wheels and a plow. They a lso requested a medium sized Mackinac boat to " fe tc h our hay from Portage R iv er, where we make i t , and fo r many o th er purposes," as well as a yoke of oxen to plow th e ir f ie ld s and haul th e ir firewood (N itaragishig e t a l November 7, 1849). They did n o t receiv e th is b o at, perhaps because C harles P. Babcock had replaced Richmond as Indian Agent. The C atholic Indians r e ite r a te d th e ir req u est to the new Indian 180 Agent (Baraga December*31, 1849). C oncurrently, th ere vere changes a t the M ethodist m ission. In 1844, the Reverend John H. P ite z e l, p reviously a sad d le r (Brunger 1965: 3 ), replaced George Brown (C hilds 1905: 150, P ite z e l 1857, 1881). P eter Marksman v io la te d Mthe seventh commandment” and "was expelled from the connection" (Michigan Annual Conference 1844: 20). " I . S . 's ” w ife was accused of in fa n tic id e ( P ite z e l October 20, 1847). A week l a t e r , John Southwind and h is wife were expelled from the m ission ( P ite z e l October 28, 1847). In s h o rt, the most v is ib le members of the M ethodist m ission were Im plicated in a c tin g in "n o n -C h ristian ” manners, some more serio u s than o th e rs . Marksman was "adm itted in to f u ll connection" in 1850 (M ethodist Episcopal Church 1850: 3 -4 ),4 4 b u t did not re tu rn to the Keweenaw Bay u n t i l some years l a t e r (Brunger 1974: 27). These events could not have but tarn ish ed the image of the M ethodist Church fo r some in d iv id u a ls , on e ith e r sid e of the Bay. During P i t e z e l 's ten u re, a tru ce developed between the two m issio n s. In 1845, Baraga gave the M ethodist m ission the church b e ll th a t had hung in the C ath o lic church because he had received another one (Rezek 1907: 241, P ite z e l 1882: 445). In 1846, when Bishop P eter Paul Lefevre v is ite d the m ission, Baraga and h is su p e rio r had dinner w ith the P ite z e ls (Rezek 1907: 241). This tru c e was tenuous, however: You wish to know how the old P r ie s t and I g et along. Well we have n e ith e r spiked our cannon nor smoked as y et 44 The Reverend Ronald A. Brunger to ld me th a t Marksman's quick re tu rn to the Conference was not a normal procedure. He a ttr ib u te s h is rap id re tu rn to the f a c t th a t the M ethodist Church needed n a tiv e m issio n aries badly. T h is, and the i ti n e r a n t n atu re of M ethodist m issio n aries may explain why Marksman did not re tu rn to the Keweenaw Bay immediately upon h is re in sta te m e n t. 181 the pipes of peace. I t r u s t I have waged an e te rn a l war with Popish s u p e rs titio n & Id o la try (P ite z e l September 23, 1848). Thus, although th ere was a more l i b e r a l a ttitu d e toward the C atholics between 1845 and 1849, the anim osity a g a in s t them continued. The estab lish m en t of two m issions on e ith e r sid e of the Keweenaw Bay re s u lte d In the development of two se p a ra te Anishinabe communities, now known as Zeba and A ssin ln s. In the I n i t i a l years of the development of the Keweenaw Bay, the P ro te s ta n ts were a n ta g o n istic to C ath o lic m ission. The M ethodist m issionary and the P resb y terian Indian Agent attem pted to remove Baraga, and the Indian Agent p ro h ib ited the government employees from helping Baraga. d o c trin e of s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y . This rein fo rced B araga's own He imported a school teacher (Mrs. C otte) and a farmer (Baraga September 12, 1843). He helped c o n stru c t the houses a t his m ission when the se rv ic e s of the carp en ter were denied him. Conditions eased s li g h t l y fo r the C atholic m ission between 1845 and 1849. During th is tim e, Baraga bought a t r a c t of lan d , received acknowledgement fo r the p o l i t i c a l s tru c tu re of h is community, and also received some support from the a g r ic u ltu r e fund. These events occurred during William A. Richmond's a d m in istra tio n because i t is p o ssib le Richmond was a C atholic (Gray 1936: 200). Thus, when Babcock replaced Richmond, the M ethodist m ission was e la te d . Uhat was p leasin g was to see Mr Babcock, Indian Agent of D e tro it & h is c le rk [Br Smith] both bowed down with some of the Indians [ s ic ] a t the ta b le of the Lord. This is new to meet w ith a C h ristia n Indian Agent. May he make a la s tin g b e n e fit to the Indians ( P ite z e l A pril 8, 1848). The C atholic In d ia n s' a b i l i t y to r e s i s t the e f fe c ts of White 182 In tru s io n had a number of b ases. These Included B arag a's philosophy, the In d ia n s ' a b i l i t y to f is s io n and fuse r e la tiv e ly e a s ily , the P ro te s ta n t anim osity toward C a th o lic s , the re c o g n itio n of the p o l i t i c a l o rg a n iz a tio n e s ta b lis h e d by the C atholic In d ia n s, and the C atholic I n d ia n s ' p o ssessio n of the t i t l e to the land upon which they s e tt l e d . Some of th ese events were f o r tu ito u s . I t was during the a d m in istra tio n of W illiam A. Richmond, who, i f not a C a th o lic , was a t l e a s t sym pathetic to the C atholic cause. Under h is a d m in istra tio n the form al boundaries of the In d ian land were e s ta b lis h e d and the p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e of the community was fo rm alized . A d d itio n a lly , when the Indians receiv ed the t i t l e to the land (1863), the country was in the m idst of the C iv il War. The government was in l i t t l e p o s itio n note of events so f a r removed from the war. to take Thus, the Indians received t i t l e to th e i r land h o ldings w ith l i t t l e o p p o sitio n from the government. P r o te s ta n t h o s t i l i t y toward the C ath o lics did not abate e n tir e ly . Between 1843 and 1848, the F ed eral government c o n s is te n tly denied Baraga revenue from the edu cation fund. In December of 1848, Commissioner W illiam M edlll asked Richmond to express h is views on the wisdom of g iv in g ed u catio n fund money to the C atholic m ission. Richmond responded (December 8, 1848): ...A s to the m erits of the C ath o lic M ission, I have no h e s ita tio n in s ta tin g th a t in u s e fu ln e s s, r e a l and m an ifest good, i t is unequaled. The lab o rs of Mr. Baraga among th e Chlppewas of Lac [ s ic ] S uperior and the s a c r if ic e s he had made fo r th e ir improvement have a ttr a c te d the a tte n tio n and e l i c i t e d the p r a is e of a l l who have w itnessed the r e s u lts in the improved co n d itio n s of those fo r whom he has so assiduously la b o re d . I t w ill be seen from h is l e t t e r s herew ith th a t the sc h o la rs in re g u la r attendance a t the two schools is about 100 and th a t o th ers a tte n d tem p o rarily whose names are not given as they follow th e ir p aren ts when they 183 leave the v i c in ity of the schools in the autumn. From personal o b serv ation and from conversations with those acquainted w ith the sev e ra l m issions and th e ir co n d itio n and from the m issio n aries them selves, I le a rn enough to induce and j u s t i f y me in recommending a d is tr ib u tio n of the funds as contemplated in your l e t t e r of 27th March l a s t . In the whole range of my o f f i c i a l d u tie s , I have found no Indians giv ing b e tte r evidence of advancement in c i v i l i z a t i o n or in Education, in a g ric u ltu re and mechanics than those of the Chlppewas under charge of the C atholic M issio n aries and Teachers a t L'Anse and i t is but j u s t i c e th a t th e ir a b i l i t i e s should be increased by rece iv in g the funds apportioned fo r the o b je c t of Education. By the middle of the follow ing y e a r, M edill had not made any formal d ecisio n whether C ath o lic m ission schools should receiv e F ederal su p p o rt. Richmond (A p ril 17, 1849) informed Baraga of t h is , and s ta te d th ere were rumors th a t, due to the e le c tio n s in November, th ere would be a new Indian Agent. He promised Baraga th a t he would place the req u e st fo r funds in a "fav o rab le l i g h t ." Richmond th a t summer. C harles P. Babcock replaced Baraga again requested th a t h is m ission receiv e money from the education funds. Babcock (June 23, 1849) responded the Commissioner made these d e c is io n s . Baraga (August 25, 1849) then wrote the Indian Agent he had not received a sin g le d o lla r fo r h is school in the s ix years he had been a t L'Anse. Six years l a t e r , when Kohl v is ite d both m issions during h is tr i p around Lake S u p erio r, he wrote of the M ethodist m ission: As th is v illa g e was much o ld e r, and was pow erfully supported by the government of the United S ta te s , we found everything here on a b e tte r fo o tin g . The Indians had p r e tty , roomy houses, s le p t in e x c e lle n t beds (such as I should lik e to Introduce among our German p easan ts, were i t p o s s ib le ), and had sm all k itch en gardens round th e ir cabins (Kohl 1985: 227). 184 That Kohl made th is statem en t and did n o t make a s im ila r one fo r the C ath o lic m ission suggests th a t the governm ent's p ra c tic e of w ithholding funds from the C ath o lic m ission continued. Two y ears l a t e r , Baraga w rote to Hons. C h o lse lat of the P a ris Archive fo r the Propagation of the F a ith : Today I am t e l l i n g you, Mr. C h o ls e la t, and I beg you to n o tify the C ouncil, th a t sin ce I have been bishop [1853], I have not received a penny from America, but I depend e n tir e ly on Europe f o r a l l my expenses—personal and o th e rs ’* (Notes 1957: 28, a lso From the L e tte rs 1957: 28, emphasis in o r ig i n a l) . Two years l a t e r , Baraga made the same statem ent (Notes 1957: 29). In 1880, the q u a rte rly re p o rts w r itte n by the Indian Agent s ta te s th a t two te ac h ers receiv ed money a t the L'Anse re s e r v a tio n . That same year th ere were s ix C ath o lic s i s t e r s , b u t they were n o t paid by the government (Lee 1880a). In s h o r t, evidence suggests the C atholic Indians continued to be denied F ederal funding u n t i l the end of the p erio d under study. By 1853, i f n o t e a r l i e r , th e re were two d i s t i n c t Indian groups liv in g a t the Keweenaw Bay. Each had I t s own d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l o rg a n iz a tio n and economic p a tte r n s . The growth p a tte rn s of the m issions give evidence of th e ir v i a b i l i t y . 3.6 The Comparative Growth of the M issions Evidence p o in ts to th e growth and development of the two m issions a t th e Keweenaw Bay. E qually im p o rtan t, th e ir growth p a tte rn s r e f l e c t the slow, in d iv id u a l focus of the M ethodists and the m ass-conversion focus of the C a th o lic s . There are very few documents th a t give 185 evidence of the e x te n t to which the m issions were s u c c e ss fu l. The C ath o lics m aintained reco rd s only of the In d iv id u a ls they b a p tiz e d . These do n ot provide clu es about the to t a l p o p ulation of the m ission. The M ethodists provided y e a rly fig u re s about the number of members they "re tu rn ed to C onference,” b u t, they do n o t note the number of non-M ethodists re sid in g in the community. These problems a re exacerbated by the m igration of In d iv id u a ls from o th er bands to the two m issio n s. We noted fo r example the Reverend George W. Brown (May 20, 1944) w rote to Robert S tu a rt th a t the Ontonagon In d ian s had f is s io n e d , and went to both m issio n s. p a tte rn became marked a f t e r the T reaty of 1854. The This tr e a ty req u ired a l l Indians liv in g in the Upper P eninsula to move to one of the three e s ta b lis h e d r e s e r v a tio n s , one of which was a t the Keweenaw Bay (Kappler 1972: 648-652). A d d itio n a lly , th e re are o ccasio n al re feren ces to in d iv id u a ls from the M ethodist community moving to the C ath o lic m ission, and v ic e -v e rs a . For example, the Reverend George U. Brown (December 29, 1843) s ta te d th a t "We have had some a d d itio n s to the church, and b u t some of the 'u n s t a b l e ' have gone to th e C a th o lic s ..." ( s e e a lso Baraga December 23, 1843). Although th ese were w r itte n s h o rtly a f te r B arag a's m ission s t a r t e d , evidence in d ic a te s the p a tte rn continued fo r many y e a rs. In 1845, P ite z e l (1882: 110) s ta te d th a t two Indians who had been C ath o lics had converted to Methodism. member th a t they p rized h ig h ly ." One of these in d iv id u a ls was "a The next y e a r, ano th er two in d iv id u a ls — a male he c a l l s J .T . ( P ite z e l 1882, see a lso jo u rn a l en try February 21, 1847)—and h is w ife a lso converted ( P ite z e l 1882: 146). J .T . " f e l l ” a few years l a t e r ( P ite z e l 1882: 146). Since th ere is no mention th a t he d ie d , he probably retu rn ed to the C ath o lic 186 m issio n . Data from the Bureau of Indian A ffa irs o f fic e In S au lt S te . Marie reg ard ing In d iv id u a ls liv in g more re c e n tly provides evidence th a t some in d iv id u a ls moved from one m ission to a n o th e r.45 For example, C.M. was o r ig in a lly from the C ath o lic m ission and crossed over to L'Anse. T here, she m arried and liv e d with her husband u n til h is d e a th , when she retu rn ed to Baraga. I s t r e s s , however, th a t the number of in d iv id u a ls who "cro ssed -o v er" were in the m in o rity . By and la r g e , in d iv id u a ls remained in one m ission or the o th e r. In s p ite of the problems of determ ining the success of the m issions by c itin g numbers of co n v e rts, both m issions were s u c c e ss fu l. A ctual p o p u latio n fig u re s are n o t a v a ila b le , but data r e f l e c t the r e l a t iv e growth of the m issio n s. Data from the C ath o lic m ission is extrem ely s c a rc e , but what is a v a ila b le p re se n ts the follow ing s to ry . Baraga had c o n stru c ted twenty two houses fo r the Indians by February 12, 1844 (Verwyst 1900: 8 ). Baraga wanted to a t t r a c t Indians to h is m ission to p r o te c t them from the Whites (Jamison 1946: 130). To make h is community a t t r a c t i v e to them, he allowed them to l iv e more t r a d itio n a l l i f e s ty le s i f they chose. For example, he did n o t re q u ire th a t the In d ian s liv e in the houses he had b u i l t (Jamison 1946: 138-139) and allowed them to liv e in wigwams in s te a d . Thus, although th e re may have been t h i r t y houses c o n stru cted by 1846 (Jack er 1922: 320), th is does not mean th e re were only t h i r t y fa m ilie s liv in g around th e m issio n . P eter W hite, an E p isc o p alian , who v is it e d the Keweenaw Bay in 45 I was requested by the O ffice of Indian A ffa irs to keep inform ation obtained from th e ir f i l e s c o n f id e n tia l 187 1850, s ta te d : The houses F ather Baraga caused to be b u i l t fo r the people of h is m ission were not la r g e , b u t were adequate to th e ir c o n d itio n s and w ants; most of them had been accustomed to l iv e in wigwams. They were m ostly one s to ry or one and a h a lf s to r ie s h ig h , w ith good windows and doors, b u t enclosed w ith p la in boards; each had a b ric k or stone chimney, and probably co st from $500 to $700, while the f u rn itu r e c o st did n o t exceed $200 fo r each. I cannot give you the s iz e of the l o t s , b u t they were from 200 to 300 f e e t square, and the g ran tees or th e ir descendants s t i l l occupy them [in 1882]. The p lace is s t i l l c a lle d the 'Roman C ath o lic M ission", b u t i t s p o p u latio n has dwindled down to about a th ir d of i t s former number (Verwyst 1900: 224-225). Jack er (1922: 320) e stim a te s th e re were about 200 Indians liv in g a t the m ission in 1843. In 1846, Baraga w rote th a t h is m ission had t h i r t y th re e fa m ilie s (C ath o lic Almanac 1846: 94-95). "Yet th ere are freq u en t baptism s of a d u lts and the m ission keeps growing c o n tin u a lly , fo r from tim e to time pagans come from the inland f o r e s ts and s e t t l e down near th e ir r e la tiv e s a t L'Anse and become C h ristia n s " (Verwyst 1900: 229). B arag a's m ission had in creased to fo rty -tw o fa m ilie s by 1849 (Shea 1969: 390). In an undated document but thought to date around 1850, Baraga w rote " th e re i s n ot a s in g le pagan Indian now rem aining on the w estern sid e of the Keweenaw Bay, where the C ath o lic m ission i s e s ta b lis h e d , they a l l became C atholic" (Baraga, n .d .b , emphasis in o r ig i n a l ) . Shea (1969: 390) s ta t e s by 1850 th e re was not a s in g le pagan a t B arag a's s ite . Verwyst (1900: 223), c itin g a l e t t e r from P eter W hite, an E p isco p alian banker of M arquette, who v is it e d the area in 1850, s ta te d th a t in th a t y e a r, "There was a population a t the Roman C atholic m issio n of about 800 Ojibways, 100 or more h a lf-b re e d s , and from 20 to 30 Frenchmen, who had in te rm a rrie d w ith Ojibway women." An anonymous 188 w r ite r c itin g F ath er Edward Jack er, s ta te s th a t by 1853 the population had d eclined to about 350 (H isto ry 1883: 195). The population remained a t about th a t fig u re u n t i l 1882 ( I b id .; Shea 1969: 390; Verwyst 1900: 224-225). I f the population fig u re given above fo r 1850 is c o r r e c t, i t is not c e r ta in what caused the rap id d eclin e In population from 1850 to 1853. The M ethodist m ission documents do n o t suggest an e q u ally la rg e In crease in p o p u latio n . I t is p o ssib le th a t the Indians retu rn ed " to the w o o d s b u t i t is eq u ally p o ssib le th a t the 1850 fig u re may have been an ex ag g eratio n . The reco rd s of the M ethodist m ission p resen t a d if f e r e n t p ic tu re . An anonymous w rite r rep o rted th ere were 175 Indian in h a b ita n ts a t the M ethodist m ission in 1881 (H isto ry 1883: 195). Although fig u re s are not a v a ila b le fo r a l l of the y e a rs, the growth p a tte rn is f a i r l y c o n s is te n t (Figure 4 ). The m igrations of Indians to and from other bands emphasizes th is co n siste n cy . The sudden in creases in membership in some years may be the r e s u l t of the in tro d u c tio n of W hites, who also p a rtic ip a te d in the church u n t il they constructed one in th e ir own community (Hanson 1971). This would r e s u l t in a sudden d eclin e in membership rep o rted the follow ing y e a r. 150 125 100 , 75 . o o n >j oo c o a i o o 3 ' C - - i N n « » i n o * - i « j t n ' O r N o o ,- , N n > j i O N o o O i - i s j - ' ^ i r i i n i r i i o i n i r > > o » O ' O ' O ' O ' O v o ^ i ^ N S N . N ' i ^ 0 t ) W o o o o o c o c o c o o o c o o o o o c o c o c o o o c c o o o o o o o o o _ oo po oo oq oo _ a ... i a .• a a a . . . ai a a a a a I a ■ » - « Growth of the Methodist Indian Mission-on the Keweenaw Bay, 1840-1881. Compiled from Detroit Annual Conference records. -----« 1 _ i CHAPTER IV THE KEWEENAW BAY, 1843-1881 4.1 In tro d u c to ry Remarks This ch ap ter sketches the economic development o ccurring around the Keweenaw Bay between 1843 and 1881 and the d iffe re n c e s between the two communities. I t shows th a t In te rn a l d iff e r e n c e s , along w ith e x te rn a l fa c to rs th a t exacerbated them, continued to d is tin g u is h the two communities. As observed in the previous c h a p te r, the two communities were d i s t i n c t as a r e s u l t of in te r n a l c h a r a c te r is tic s and dynamics. These were m agnified by d i f f e r e n t i a l environm ental p ressu res ex erted on the two communities during the subsequent f o rty y e a rs . While the focus of th is ch ap ter is on th re e in c id e n ts th a t dem onstrate the economic and s o c ia l d iffe re n c e s se p a ra tin g the two communities, i t is im perative to sketch the a c t i v i t i e s occurring imm ediately around the Keweenaw Bay Indian R eserv ation because they in flu en ced what occurred w ith in the Community. The R eserv atio n , although se v e re ly lim itin g em ig ra tio n , was not a "closed" ecosystem . This ch ap ter c o n s is ts of th re e major s e c tio n s . The f i r s t d isc u sse s the economic development o ccurring around the Keweenaw Bay between 1843 and 1881. th is p ro c e ss. I t then addresses the ro le of the Indian in A b r ie f summary then fo llo w s. The second s e c tio n focuses on th re e s ig n if ic a n t events o ccurring in the R eservation i t s e l f 190 191 during the same p e rio d . These th re e events show th a t the two communities were d if f e r e n t and th a t White encroachment a ffe c te d them d iffe re n tly . The f in a l s e c tio n d iscu sses the r e la tio n s h ip between the two communities. 4.2 Economic Development Around the Keweenaw Bay A rap id d eclin e in the fu r tra d e occurred In the 1830s (Chaput 1970b: 21). Ramsay Crooks took c o n tro l of the American Fur Company in 1834 and also expanded o p eratio n s by beginning to e x p lo it f is h com m ercially. The o p e ra tio n was s h o rt-liv e d and commercial fis h in g dwindled in importance during the e a rly 1840s. The demise of the American Fur Company's commercial fis h in g was a r e s u lt of mismanagement (Franchere J u ly 3, 1835, Franchere August 3, 1836, Franchere March 5, 1838, Nute 1926: 494), com petition (Crooks December 11, 1835), lack of a market fo r lake f is h (Franchere September 12, 1835, Crooks Ju ly 2, 1840), bad luck (L iv in g sto n June 10, 1840), and the Panic of 1837 (L iv in g sto n June 4, 1840). The American Fur Company declared bankruptcy in 1842 (Lavender 1964: 419). The only fa c to r c o n trib u tin g to the demise of the American Fur Company th a t w arrants our a tte n tio n is co m p etitio n . As a r e s u l t of C rooks' s h i f t to commercial f is h in g , many employees in the fu r o p e ratio n s were dropped from the employment r o l l s . In g e n e ra l, those who were removed from the p a y ro lls were French Canadians and In d ia n s. Jamison (1946: 37) s ta t e s the Indians were not s u ita b le workers because they would n ot work f u l l days or f u l l weeks. The French Canadians were removed, perhaps as a consequence of the xenophobia th a t c h a ra c te riz e d 192 the e r a .l These former employees became com petitors w ith the American Fur company In the Indian tra d e . Commercial fis h in g resumed on a sm all sc a le In the 1850s (Nute 1944: 183, Tanner e t a l 1980); b u t, did n o t become of g re a t Importance u n t i l the l a t e 1870s and 1880s (Halverson 1955). When I t did become Im p o rtan t, Indians faced com petition from fisherm en of I r i s h , Scandinavian, and French Canadian d e sce n t. As immigrant com petitors entered the m arket, Indian fisherm en were in c re a s in g ly re le g a te d to le s s advantageous p o s itio n s and o fte n ex p lo ite d (C leland and Bishop 1984: 5). In 1837, fis h in g was ra p id ly replaced by m ineral e x p lo ita tio n . Documents of the American Fur Company re v e a l i t reorganized a f t e r d e c la rin g bankruptcy. The new company, however, focused on se rv ic in g the miners and mining companies a t l e a s t u n t i l 1846. 4 .2 .1 Copper The e x p lo ita tio n of the copper d e p o sits found in the Upper P eninsula claimed the a tte n tio n of en trep ren eu rs during the e a rly 1840s. The development of th is in d u stry was the work of the e a s t co ast i n d u s t r i a l i s t s (Bald 1961: 35, Brinks 1960: 103). The Webster - Ashburton T reaty w ith Canada, signed in 1841, and the T reaty of La P o ln te with the Anishinabe signed in 1842, opened the way fo r copper 1 Former employees (Crooks Ju ly 2, 1840), and s e t t l e r s (Crooks May 14, 1835), e s ta b lis h e d tra d in g companies th a t competed e f f e c tiv e ly w ith the American Fur Company (Crooks J u ly 22, 1843, Crooks August 2, 1843, Abbott September 17, 1845) fo r the Indian tra d e a t annuity payments. This a lso c o n trib u te d to the demise of the American Fur Company. 193 e x p lo ita tio n . In 1843 the United S ta te s government e sta b lish e d a Mining Agency on Lake S uperior (Hybels 1950: 113) and the copper rush began (Gates 1951: 3 ). The Treaty of 1854 w ith the Anlshlnabe opened the n o rth shore of Lake S uperior to s e ttle m e n t. This tr e a ty , lik e th a t of 1842, had i t s o rig in in the in te r e s ts of mining groups. These companies b elieved they could re p ea t the copper boom of the 1840s (Nute 1944: 295). Production Increased ra p id ly between 1854 and 1861 from 4,000,000 to 15,000,000 pounds per annum (Gates 1951: 10). The fo re s ts p rev io u sly harboring anim als im portant to the fu r trad e were cu t down and the tre e s used to b u ild houses fo r the workers and o th er b u ild in g s a sso c ia te d with mining a c t i v i t i e s (Chaput 1970b: 21). By the e a rly 1860s, the Upper Peninsula was supplying about 60% of the United S ta te s domestic copper requirem ents (Gates 1951: 9). Between 1850 and 1877 the Upper Peninsula produced 75% of the n a tio n 's copper (Nute 1944: 165). (Gates 1951: 16). The C iv il War increased the demand fo r copper The p ric e jumped from 12 cents to 55 cents per pound (Bald 1961: 276) because Congress imposed a p ro te c tiv e t a r i f f (Robinson 1919) and because production le v e ls f e l l as men were removed from the lab o r pool to f ig h t in the War. The d ep letio n of o ld er mines also c o n trib u ted to d eclin in g production and increased p ric e s (Gates 1951: 16, Robinson 1919). A fter the C iv il War, the domestic p ric e fo r copper dropped from 36.3 cen ts per pound in 1865 to 31.8 in 1866 (Robinson 1919). World p r ic e s , however, were down to 17.6 cen ts per pound, causing the United S ta te s to reduce the p ric e to 21.5 cents ( I b i d .) . The post-w ar depression (1867 - 1871) reduced the p ric e to 16.9 cents per pound, the low est sin ce 1851 (Gates 1951: 39). Technological advances between 1873 and 1884 re s u lte d in a 194 resurgence In mining a c t i v i t i e s , p erm ittin g mining companies to e x p lo it the deeper d ep o sits p r o fita b ly . Among the innovations were a i r d r i l l s , high ex p lo siv e s, and new stamping and washing and sm elting techniques (Gates 1951: 22-30). T ra n sp o rtatio n f a c i l i t i e s alBO developed during th is p erio d , Including the c o n stru c tio n of a r a ilro a d from L'Anse to Chicago. This lin e shipped one th ird of the G reat Lakes copper in 1874 (Gates 1951: 62). The shipping charge fo r copper f e l l from $405.00 to $13.90 per to n . Between 1866 and 1884, copper production in Michigan quintupled and dominated the United S ta te s copper market (Gates 1951: 39). With the discovery of d ep o sits in Montana and Arizona and mining op eratio n s beginning th ere a f t e r 1876, the r e la tiv e importance of the Michigan mines declined (Bald 1961: 277, Nute 1944: 165, Wax 1932: 30). The impact these mines had on the Michigan mining in d u stry is c le a r in the fig u re fo r 1880 and 1890. Although M ichigan's production n e a rly doubled from 1800 to 1890, i t declined from providing 85% of the n a tio n 's copper to providing 38.4%. A f in a l problem fo r mining was inadequate labor (Gates 1951: 9). Jamison (1946: 37) s ta te s Indians did not work on the system atic b a sis expected by the American Fur Company in the production of f is h . Indians may not have been employed in mining companies fo r the same reaso n , but the Increased a v a i l a b i l i t y of White la b o re rs and the ethos of White s u p e rio rity probably meant th a t Indians would n o t have been employed anyway. In ste a d , the la b o re rs fo r these mines came from Maine, Vermont, and o th er e a s te rn s t a t e s . Former fu r tra d e rs and C ornish, I r i s h , and (p rim a rily southern) German (Goodykoontz 1939: 223) immigrants made up the lab o r pool (Gates 1951: 95). The Cornish, having been miners t r a d it i o n a lly , fre q u e n tly became su p erin ten d en ts in 195 charge of the mines and s h i f t bosses (Jo p lln g 1928: 555, Murdoch 1943: 37). We have noted th a t xenophobia was common in the United S tates in the period under d isc u s s io n , no doubt due to the rap id imm igration of fo re ig n e rs and the om nipresent fe a r of B r itis h a t t a c k .3 The Upper Peninsula was no exception to the in creasin g immigrant p o p u latio n . By 1860, tw o -th ird s of Houghton County's population was fo reig n born (Gates 1951: 96). There was a f u rth e r in crease of fo re ig n e rs liv in g in the Upper Peninsula between 1860 and 1890 (Table 3). TABLE 3 FOREIGN-BORN RESIDENTS IN MICHIGAN, 1860-1890, (by n a tio n a lity ) N a tio n a lity Canadian German English Scot I r is h Dutch Source: 1860 1890 36,000 38,000 25,000 5,000 30,000 30,000 181,000 135,000 55,000 12,000 39,000 29,000 Bald 1961: 293 This ta b le does not include a l l of the co u n trie s who supplied immigrants to the copper country a f t e r 1860. In the w inter of 1863-64, the mining companies formed an a s so c ia tio n to Import immigrants from n o rth ern Europe to work the m ines. This e f f o r t brought Swedish and F innish immigrants to the Upper Peninsula (Robinson 1919, Nute 1944: 256). By1870, Canadians and Norwegians also had Immigrated to the a r e a . 3 James Bendry, a leading c itiz e n fo r what would l a t e r become known as Baraga, wrote to a r e la tiv e on A p ril 6, 1865: " S t i l l , I think i f o th er c o u n trie s w ill l e t us alone th a t we w ill come out a l l r ig h t" ( c ite d in Dompler 1969: 31). 196 The White population rose d ram atic ally between 1850 and 1880, but the percentage of la b o re rs who were foreign-born decreased (Table 4 ). This is a ttrib u te d to the increased r a te a t which immigrants from o th er p a rts of the United S ta te s were e n terin g the Upper P eninsula. TABLE 4 COPPER COUNTRY POPULATION, 1850-1884 YEAR 1860 1870 1880 1097 74.9 13824 66.7 18088 55.7 26743 54.7 n .a . n .a . 25.4 23.9 55.7 n .a . 33.1 66.9 27.3 55.4 n .a . 48.5 1850 T otals fo r the D i s tr ic t No. of persons Percentage males Percentage males ages 18-45 Percentage males ages 21-45a Percent fo reig n bom a . fig u re s for 1854, 1864, 1874; none a v a ila b le fo r the decade y e a rs. Source: Gates 1951: 228, Table 14 Copper was not the only m ineral of importance sought by e a st coast in d u s trie s during the 1840s, however. 4 .2 .2 Iron Close on the h eels of the copper in d u stry in the Upper Peninsula was the iro n in d u stry . Iron had long competed with copper (Gates 1951: 7 -8 ), but a number of fa c to rs perm itted i t to gain Importance in the 1850s and 1860s. Technological achievem ents, such as the development of steam power and b e tte r foundry techniques, reduced ir o n 's production co sts and, th u s, i t s p r ic e . A d d itio n ally , by the e a rly 1860s, the copper-sheathing of wooden v e sse ls gave way to iro n ships (Gates 1951: 197 8 ). F in a lly , new techniques allowed scrap Iron to be used. This Increased the supply of Iron and decreased the p ric e s i t commanded. The Menominee Iro n Range opened fo r e x p lo ra tio n In 1846 (Larson 1963: 64-65). Nute (1944: 151) and Bald (1961: 337) s ta t e th a t the I n i t i a l discovery was a t Negaunee in 1844. The d ep o sits in the Gobeglc Range were discovered in 1848. F u rth er ex p lo ra tio n s began in 1860, and major shipment of the ore began in 1884 (Nute 1944: 151). shipments had taken p lace before the 1880s. Some A fter 1870, i t was no longer p o s sib le to quarry iro n , and mining companies sank deeper s h a fts (Bald 1961: 278). New te ch n o lo g ical developm ents, a lread y described fo r copper, made these achievements p o s s ib le . Consequently, iro n p roduction in creased from 11,3847 tons in 1860 to 1,945,000 tons in 1880 ( I b i d .) . 4 .2 .3 Lumber Some lumbering took p lace in the Upper P eninsula before the 1870s, but th is was la rg e ly fo r immediate lo c a l consumption (Cummings 1971). Bald (1961: 228) s ta te s I n te r e s t in commercial lumbering began w ith the demise of the fu r tra d e when some tra d e rs and voyageurs turned to th is e n te r p r is e . Former c le rk s and agents ( i . e . , the P ro te s ta n ts ) became lumber men, while the voyageurs ( i . e . , the C atholic French Canadians) became the c u tte r s ( I b i d . ) . Thus, follow ing the p a tte r n of the fu r tra d e a f t e r 1834, French C ath o lics were re le g a te d to the lower p o s itio n s . Like the copper companies, many lumber companies were owned by B ostonians, New Y orkers, and o th er e a s te rn e rs (Relmann 1952: 12). Larson (1963: 235) s ta te s many of the lumber companies were a lso 198 in te re s te d in mining; however, the rev erse Is also tru e : the companies th a t b u i l t r a ilro a d s and canals also had I n te r e s ts In tim ber. Reimann (1952: 15) observed th a t pine land was inexpensive—be tween s ix ty cents and one d o lla r and f i f t y cen ts per a c re . At tim es, Indian-owned land was bought fo r i t s lumber fo r a p a ltr y sum and the ownership allowed to remain in p o ssession of the Indians in order th a t no taxes could be lev ie d on the purchaser ( I b i d . ) . Indian agents were o fte n im p licated in these land schemes (Rubenstein 1974: a b s tr a c t) . Indians a lso took p a rt in these schemes (see below). The c o n stru c tio n of new c i t i e s in the w estern s ta te s a f t e r the C iv il War (Heiraonen 1957: 45) and the Chicago F ire of 1871 increased the demand fo r lumber. As the f o re s ts in the Lower P eninsula of Michigan became d ep le te d , the lumbering companies moved northward in search of new stan d s. The e x tra c tio n of tim ber from the Upper Peninsula began a f te r the Panic of 1873. By th is tim e, the m ajority of the stands in the Lower P eninsula had been c u t down (Cummings 1971: 31, Larson 1963: 238). Beginning in 1880 th ere was a period of in te n se lumber a c tiv ity on Lake Superior (Nute 1944: 195). Although the Upper P e n in su la 's f o re s ts contained hardwoods, these resources were overlooked in the 1870s. demand was fo r pine (Reimann 1952: 9 ). D epletion of the pine made hardwoods and hemlock commercial products (Jamison 1939: 207). Scandinavians who had m igrated to the region in the 1860s and 1870s used the hardwoods to make f u r n itu r e . The 199 4.3 Conditions on the Keweenaw Bay There is l i t t l e d ir e c t inform ation about the impact of these v ario u s economic ventures on the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay. Franchere (1839) in h is re p o rt on the fis h in g s ta tio n s , s ta te s the L'Anse Indians had n ot g r e a tly exerted themselves in the commercial fis h in g e n te rp ris e of the American Fur Company. Indians liv in g in the i n t e r i o r were, however, engaged in fis h in g ( I b id .) . The e x p lo ita tio n of copper and iro n did not a f f e c t the Anishinabe of the Keweenaw Bay. Although th ere were copper d ep o sits in the immediate v ic in ity of the Keweenaw Bay, government surveys conducted in the 1840s concluded they were not p r o fita b le (Lambert 1971: 8 ). These surveys also determined th a t the region around L'Anse was ric h in s l a t e , q u artz, sandstone, p e a t, pine and hardwood ( I b i d .) . More inform ation is a v a ila b le about the impact of lumbering on the Keweenaw Bay, but even so , the data are scanty. C.T. C a rrie r, the governm ent-appointed c a rp e n te r a t L'Anse reported th a t good timber was not abundant a t the head of the bay, but p resen t "in abundance elsew here" (October 5, 1843). One w rite r s ta te s as e a rly as 1838 Charles Childs operated a sawmill a t L'Anse in a "d esu lto ry manner u n t i l i t was destroyed by f i r e in 1350.” 1883: 198). I t was not r e b u ilt (H istory A document in the N ational Archives Microforms (Beedon October 18, 1845), however, in d ic a te s th a t Childs did not c o n s tru c t h is sawmill u n til 1845. This accounts fo r B araga's 1844 statem ent th a t no sawm ills were o p eratin g in the area (Cummings 1971: 31, Bald 1961: 230; 200 Sawyer 1919: 377).4 W.6. Boswell s ta r te d a sawmill near the mouth of the F a lls River In 1844. A road led eastw ard to the M ethodist M ission. He a lso had a dock, a lumber y ard , and a sh in g le business (Cummings 1971: 31-32). Nelson Barmim, the M ethodist m issionary a t L'Anse, rep o rted to the Lake S uperior Jo u rn al a t S a u lt S te. M arie, in 1852 th a t Boswell had taken out 300,000 f e e t of lumber. Barnum then s ta t e s , " I f the w inter holds long enough they w ill be ab le to have h a lf a m illio n f e e t, most i f not a l l of which w ill be shipped somewhere" (Cummings 1971: 31). Cummings o ffe rs the p o s s ib ility th a t the u ltim a te market fo r th is lumber may have been Copper Harbor, a th riv in g community by 1852 ( I b i d .) . Lumber m ills were in o p e ra tio n a t Skanee in 1871. W ithin a few y e a rs, logs cu t on the Sturgeon River were ra fte d to Baraga and made in to lumber a t James B endry's m ill. An a r t i c l e in the M arquette Mining Jo u rn al in 1875, s ta te d Bendry owned 4-5 m illio n f e e t of pine along the Sturgeon R iver. I t also s ta te s he used the l a t e s t equipment, processed 12 to 15 m illio n fe e t of lumber, and had a cap acity of 25,000 board f e e t per day (Cummings 1971: 32). In 1878, Charles and Edward Hebard and H.C. Thurber began a m ill in Pequaming. as 1880. They held over 100,000 acres of pine land as ea rly Thomas N estor, from Saginaw, b u i l t a modern sawmill a t Baraga in the e a rly 1880s. He processed an annual average of f o rty thousand f e e t of lumber and s ix m illio n sh in g les and became one of the leading producers of lumber in the Upper P eninsula ( I b i d . ) . In 1890 the Hebard and Thurber M ill had a production record of 25,000 f e e t of lumber and 25,000,000 sh in g les an n u ally . 4 I t employed 240 men in the m ill and This lumber was probably used lo c a lly . 201 n early 400 to work In the woods ( I b id ) . In January 1895, the L'Anse S en tin e l rep o rted th a t lumber was s t i l l abundant ( I b i d .) . By 1910 most of the lumber was exhausted and the beginning of the end of lumbering a t Baraga had come (Cummings 1971: 32, 35). 4 .3 .1 4 .3 .1 .1 The Development of White Communities L'Anse The v illa g e of L'Anse came Into ex isten ce In 1871 with the announcement th a t the head of the Keweenaw Bay would be the end p o in t of the Houghton and Ontonagon R ailroad (Lambert 1971: 5, Andary 1969: 48). The Portage Lake Mining G azette, had an a r t i c l e In February of th a t year s ta tin g : A ra ilr o a d from the head of Keweenaw Bay, leading out Into the world is a consummation devoutly to be w is h e d ...I expect to hear w ith in the next eighteen months the w h istle of the locom otive of the reg u lar passenger t r a in a t L'Anse and the shout— 'A ll aboard for the East and S o u th .' New Iron f ie ld s w ill be opened up; the smoke of the b la s t furnace w ill darken the a i r a l l along the shore, from L'Anse to the head of Portage Lake, and the white s a i l s of the iro n f le e t s w ill enliven the blue waves of Keweenaw B a y ...th e re Is no b e tte r harbor on the whole chain of lakes (Lambert 1971: 5 ). Indians were not Involved in any p a rt of the Issu e . Nor were they a fundamental p a rt of the la b o r fo rce fo r the c o n stru c tio n of the lin e : A se rio u s shortage of men worried the o f f i c i a l s of the c o n stru c tio n company and they ad v e rtise d fo r 1,000 la b o re rs and 300 teams of h o rse s. Work was guaranteed fo r one y e a r. Laborers were paid a t the r a te of $2 per day; wages fo r teams was four d o lla rs and f i f t y cents a day. The company charged the men four d o lla rs a week fo r board (Lambert 1971: 8 ). 202 By August of 1871 over 500 men had responded to th is advertisem ent ( Ib id .). Track lay in g began on September 27 and completed in December of 1872 (Lambert 1971: 12). Following the announcement fo r la b o re rs fo r the r a ilr o a d tra c k , lo t s were put on s a le in 70 days. L'Anse, and s ix ty b u ild in g were b u i l t w ith in A fter v i s i t i n g the new town, in 1872, the e d ito r of the M arquette Jo u rn al w rote: The new town is a t the mouth of the F a ll R iv er, on the e a s t sid e of the bay, a t the p o in t where i t begins to curve around to the w est, and the s i t e is one of the p r e t t i e s t p o s sib le to the im agination. There a re s e v e ra l d i s t i n c t and se p a ra te p la te a u s r is in g one above a n o th e r, the lower one being from 25 to 40 f e e t above the w ater of the bay. On the f i r s t of these is s itu a te d the new town, which now c o n s is ts of about 50 b u ild in g s , some of them very s u b s ta n tia l, and a l l erected sin ce the f i r s t day of August. On the o p p o site sid e of the bay th e re is a c o n sid e rab le s e ttle m e n t, in cluding a saw m ill, while a l i t t l e f u r th e r n o rth on the same sid e is the C atholic m issio n , which has been m aintained fo r many y e a rs . On the e a s t s id e , some two or th ree m iles below the new town is the M ethodist M ission, a t which p o in t th ere is a lso a co n sid e rab le s e ttle m e n t, p r in c ip a lly composed of c iv iliz e d Indians (Lambert 1971: 8-12). Thus, the Indians were n o t only econom ically and s o c ia lly is o la te d from the economic a c t i v i t y of the a r e a , they were s p a tia l ly is o la te d as w e ll. Some of the new b u ild in g s were b u i l t in another lo c a tio n and towed to L'Anse (H isto ry 1883: 198, Lambert 1971: 12), which accounts fo r some of the rap id grow th. The b u ild in g c raze a t L'Anse continued the follow ing sp rin g (1872), when "There was so much a c t i v i t y th e re was ' . . . n o t lumber enough a t L'Anse to meet the demand" (Lambert 1971: 12). An ore dock was co n stru cted a f t e r the ic e broke up in 1872 a t a c o s t of about $50,000; i t contained approxim ately 60,000 board f e e t of tim ber 203 and 425,000 board f e e t of pine lumber ( I b i d .) . In 1873, the L'Anse Furnace Company was incorporated and ore boats made freq u en t t r ip s to L'Anse. c e n te r of the Midwest" ( I b i d . ) . The town was h aile d as the "new iro n Other b la s t furnaces were in the planning sta g e , b ut the Panic of 1873 h a lte d th e ir co n stru c tio n (Ib id .). Limited q u a n titie s of ore were unloaded a t L'Anse fo r a few y e a rs, and then the trad e ended because o th er d ep o sits lo cated elsewhere could be ex p lo ited more cheaply. The ore dock and the town of Ontonagon were destroyed by the f i r e of 1896 (Jamison 1939: 207). The C iv il War and the Panic of 1873 followed the Recession of 1857 (Nute 1944: 277). The impact of the 1873 Panic on L'Anse was not sev ere: Many businessmen closed th e ir doors during the Panic and moved-out of the a re a . But o th ers stayed, hoping th a t b e tte r days were j u s t around the c o rn e r. L'Anse was not to be the g re a t iro n m etropolis th a t many a n tic ip a te d , but the logging and lumbering in d u stry was about to brace the economy and promise b e tte r times fo r the f u tu r e . L'Anse could look forward to another boom (Lambert 1971: 12). As l a te as 1883, however, L'Anse had not regained i t s former grandeur (H istory 1883: 198). 4 .3 .1 .2 Baraga L i t t l e Inform ation is a v a ila b le fo r th is v illa g e p e rtin e n t fo r the period under d isc u ssio n . The Township of Baraga was organized in 1869. At th a t time more white people resid ed on the Baraga sid e of the bay. In f a c t, a f te r Baraga township was sep arated from L'Anse township, many doubted i f there were enough w hite men in L'Anse to f i l l the township o ffic e s (Lambert, 1971: 8 ). 204 The town Incorporated in 1891 (Dompier 1969: 31). 4 .3 .1 .3 Skanee Swedish immigrants founded th is community during the 1860s and 1870s. The Portage Lake Mining G azette s ta te d , " i t is th e ir in te n tio n to c u ltiv a te the s o il and engage in o th er lin e s of in d u stry which s h a ll embrace f u rn itu re making and the manufacture of fin e B russels lace" ( c ite d in Hanson 1971: 21). They had intended to s e t t l e on the west sid e of the Keweenaw Bay but chose th is lo c a tio n because i t had abundant pine and hardwood, f e r t i l e s o il fo r a g r ic u ltu r e , and the Huron Bay o ffered a good harbor fo r shipping and commercial fis h in g ( I b i d .) . Arvon Township was organized in 1874 (Hanson 1971: 21-24). Four years l a t e r , a f i r e v i r t u a l l y destroyed the town (Hanson 1971: 24). 4 .3 .2 The I n d ia n s ' Role in the Economic Development of the Upper Peninsula Danziger (1978: 95) a s s e r ts th a t the new In d u strie s provided employment o p p o rtu n itie s o u tsid e of the re se rv a tio n fo r In d ia n s. He also s ta te s the Treaty of 1854 "by not d isp la c in g the n a tiv e in h a b ita n ts along i t s sh o re s, preserved an im portant lab o r supply fo r lumbering firm s, lake sh ip p e rs, m iners, and ra ilro a d c o n stru c tio n companies” (Danziger 1978: 5 ). An a n a ly sis of the h is to r y of these I n d u s tr ie s , p eru sal of the records of the Bureau of Indian A f fa ir s , and the statem ents made by Whites v i s i t i n g the Keweenaw Bay, however, suggest th a t few Indians were involved in these a c t i v i t i e s . 205 In 1842, Robert S tu a r t, tbe S uperintendent of Indian A f fa ir s , wrote to the M ethodist m issionary a t the Keweenaw Bay (May 1, 1843).5 T e ll the c h ie fs , th a t the Indians must keep away from the miners who w ill soon be among them, they are not to in te r f e r e w ith them in any re s p e c t; nor w ith the Govt Agent who is to manage th a t b u sin e ss. I found only one statem ent regarding the In d ia n s ' involvement in copper mining e n te r p ris e s . The c h ie f Katay Ketegan e Winnini of Lake Vieux d e s e rt has come to me a d ista n c e of 750 m iles w ith a dep u tatio n of s ix In d ia n s, to p resen t to me a la rg e mass of copper or m ineral lo c a lly e x is tin g on or nigh the W isconsain, and fo r p o in tin g i t out to me, the c h ie f expects to receiv e $410 (G. Johnston Ju ly 1, 1848). The same p a tte rn occurred w ith re sp e c t to the iro n in d u stry . only one b r ie f passage about an I lo cated In d ia n 's d ir e c t involvem ent. M arji-G esick, an Anishinabe 'c h i e f ' a t L'Anse, served as a guide to Philo M. E v e rett to lo c a te iro n d ep o sits in 1845. receiv ed a share in the Jackson Mining Company. As payment, he A fter h is d eath , h is daughter had to go to the Supreme Court to o b tain the money due (Bald 1961: 238-240). Works about the Upper P e n in su la 's lumber In d u stry r a re ly mention In d ia n s. I saw only a sin g le lin e s ta tin g th a t an Indian f id d le r , C adotte, played a t one of the lumber camps (Reimann 1952: 44).6 Another document mentioned the p o s s ib ility of employing Indians in the b la s t furnaces a n tic ip a te d to be b u i l t a t L'Anse. 5 E v idently, S tu a rt was merely passing on orders he had receiv ed from h is su p e rio r, J . H artley Crawford, informed S tu a rt th a t "In d ian s are n ot to m olest the m iners" (March 30, 1843). 6 C adotte was probably re la te d to the C adottes mentioned in Chapter I I . 206 There is a la rg e Indian and h a lf-b re e d population on the shores of L'Anse Bay, which is e x c e lle n t lab o r fo r g e ttin g out cord-wood—which is the most lab o rio u s and troublesome p a rt of the b u sin e ss. Whoever has had to stock a new furnace lo c a tio n w ith choppers and wood handlers g e n e ra lly , w ill ap p re c ia te th is advantage (Brooks 1872: 6 ) ’. A few Indians did p a r tic ip a te in these economic v e n tu re s, but Whites from Europe and Lower Michigan performed the bulk of the la b o r. "The most numerous are the American, Scotch, I r i s h , German, C ornish, Canadian French, Scandinavian, w ith a sp rin k lin g of I t a l i a n , B elgian, h a lf-b re e d , and Indian" (F o rs te r 1887: 182; see a lso Davis 1962: 127). I w ill show l a t e r th a t only a sm all and s p e c ia l segment of the Indian p o p u latio n received employment. In s p ite of the id e a l conditions th a t Danziger b eliev es re su lte d from the in d u s tr ia l e x p lo ita tio n of n a tu ra l p ro d u cts, documents suggest th a t the few Indians employed in these e n te rp ris e s performed menial ch o res. This is a p a tte rn common on Indian re se rv a tio n s today (W.R. Adams1984: 54). Thus, the In d ia n s ' in s u la r iz a tio n from the United S ta te s economic and s o c ia l l i f e which began in the 1830s was complete with the development of the m ineral in d u s trie s in the 1840s. Although S t u a r t 's d ire c tiv e was only to warn the Indians not to meddle w ith the W hites, h i s t o r i c a l processes considered h is words an o rd e r. 4 .3 .3 A nalysis The fiv e in d u s trie s th a t came in to the area between 1832 and 1881 were not attended by any la rg e -s c a le s e ttle m e n t. in , took what they wanted, and l e f t . The in d u s tr ie s came The Whites who came in to the area l e f t as soon as the resource fo r which they had come had been depleted 207 (see Reimann 1952, Larson 1963). Given these p a tte r n s , the Upper P eninsula f i t s the c r i t e r i a d escrib ed by S te ffe n (1980) fo r an " e x tra c tiv e f r o n t i e r ." According to his d e f in itio n , an e x tra c tiv e f r o n t i e r is e x p lo ite d la r g e ly fo r I t s economic re so u rc e s. When the reso u rce is d epleted the area is vacated by those in d iv id u a ls who e x tra c te d them (Lewis 1985: 16). In g en eral Indians were r a r e ly employed in these v e n tu re s. When they were involved, i t was p rim a rily to a c t as guides (copper and iro n ) o r in a n c illa r y ro le s ( f is h in g , wood c u tte r s in the b la s t fu rn a c e s, and lum bering). S t u a r t 's w ords, "The Indians must keep away from the M iners” was an order fo r the r e s t of the n in e te e n th cen tu ry . The p e rip h e ra l ro le played by the Indian in these e n te rp ris e s and the p o s itio n of the Upper P en insula w ith regard to the economic development of the United S ta te s are analogous to the co n d itio n s d escrib ed by A guirrre B e ltra n (1979) fo r the Indians of Chiapas, Mexico and h is concept of "reg io n s of re fu g e ." He argues th a t the Indians of Chiapas are removed from the prim ary regions in which economic development occurs and th u s, are not p a rt of the economic development of the n a tio n . In the case of the Keweenaw Bay, although economic development occurred in the area where the Indians liv e d , they were s t i l l n o t p a rt o f the economic development of the n a tio n . Thus, proxim ity of the m arg in alized p o p u latio n to economic development is of le s s im port than the e f f o r t s made by in d u s tr ie s to ensure the a c tiv e involvement of th ese p o p u la tio n s. In Mexico, th e re is a geographic s e p a ra tio n between the Indians of Chiapas and the c e n te rs of In d u stry . In the Keweenaw Bay th ere was a c u ltu r a l se p a ra tio n th a t k ep t the Indians from p a r tic ip a tin g in the n a tio n 's cash economy. There was a "hidden 208 f ro n tie r " between Whites and In d ia n s, in the same sense th ere was one between the S t. F elix and T ret in Cole and W olf's study, The Hidden F ro n tie r (1974). A x tell (1982: 32) has s ta te d the E nglish sense of c u ltu r a l s u p e rio rity helped the Indians m aintain th e ir eth n ic core during the c o lo n ia l e ra . The same holds tru e fo r the Keweenaw Bay in the n in ete en th century. The booms and b u sts of the general economy did not a f f e c t a l l of the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay eq u a lly . Host of the economic a c tiv ity during the period under study occurred on the e a s t sid e of the Keweenaw Bay. S im ila rly , th ere was a more rapid r is e in White population there than on the western s id e . With the advent of economic booms, some of the M ethodist Indians were able to o b tain employment, a l b e i t a t menial la b o r. During the b u s ts , the M ethodist In d ian s, now more f u lly attach ed to the cash economy of the United S ta te s were adversely im pacted. The C atholic In d ia n s, on the o th er hand, were never f u lly p a rt of the White cash economy. Very l i t t l e of the economic development of the area occurred in th e ir v ic in ity , and th a t occurred around L'Anse. Consequently, the impact of the ebbs and flows of the cash economy a ffe c te d them le s s than i t did the M ethodists. Thus, there is another "hidden f r o n tie r " a t the Keweenaw Bay. 4.4 Events Occurring Within the Indian Community Whites became more populous in the area a f te r the Treaty of La Pointe of 1842. I t is also c le a r th e ir presence severely r e s tr ic te d the avenues of access to White s o c ie ty , continuing the process begun during the 1830s. The ex te n t to which th is a ffe c te d the In d ian s, however, depended upon the importance the in d iv id u a l placed upon in te ra c tin g 209 w ith White s o c ie ty . We observed in the l a s t chapter th a t a b asic d is tin c tio n between the two communities was the e x te n t to which th e ir members wanted to in te r a c t with White s o c ie ty . The im p licatio n was th a t those who were in te re s te d in In te ra c tin g w ith White so c ie ty were more h eav ily in d eb ted . These same persons were more lik e ly to be M ethodists. This is n o t to imply th a t the C ath o lics were o u tsid e the cash economy. Indeed, C atholics and M ethodists a lik e were indebted. By 1843, v i r t u a l l y a l l of the Indians liv in g in the Upper Peninsula were connected to the cash economy of the United S ta te s . The C atholics were c e r ta in ly p a rt of the la rg e r economic system: At p resen t we have sev e ra l merchants h ere; I am no longer obliged to g e t everything a t the Fur Company^s s to r e ; I w ill be ab le to o b tain my needs elsewhere a t a b e tte r p ric e , but with the cash on hand. Moreover, the men who work fo r me from time to time w ill work fo r a b e tte r ra te i f I pay them in hard cash (Baraga January 23, 1846). N ev erth eless, the e x te n t to which the two groups were involved in the cash economy d i f f e r s . This is apparent in the follow ing pages. The d i f f e r e n t i a l e x te n t to which Indians of both m issions were p a rt of the cash economy was heightened by the d i f f e r e n tia l d is tr ib u tio n of a g r ic u ltu r a l lan d . As s ta te d in Chapter I I , the land around the bay is not p a r tic u la r ly w e ll-s u ite d fo r a g r ic u ltu r e . Franchere (1839) and Veatch (1941: map) s t a t e , however, the land on the w estern sid e of the bay is b e tte r than th a t on the e a s t sid e (see Figure 2 ). N either m issionary group p ra c tic e d the la rg e -s c a le commercial a g ric u ltu re th a t was in c re a sin g ly becoming the p a tte rn in southern Michigan in the l a s t h a lf of the n in eteen th century e s p e c ia lly among M ethodists (W.R. Adams unpublished m anuscript). The land 210 holdings of Indians on both sid es of the bay were r e la tiv e ly sm all, but because the C atholics had access to b e tte r land M ethodists, th e ir e f f o r ts than did the to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t were more su c c e ssfu l. The poorer land a v a ila b le to the M ethodists on the e a s te rn sid e of the bay, on the o th er hand, eased attem pts to include the Indians in the cash economy of the of the United S ta te s . The M ethodists sometimes sold th e ir produce fo r cash to the growing se ttlem e n ts of m iners. Farmers may make th e ir avocation lu c r a tiv e , so fa r as may be needed to supply the m ines. But fo r general farming purposes, choice must always be made of farms where the growing season is longer andthe w inters le s s severe (P ite z e l 1882: 427-428). The memoirs of o th er M ethodist m issio n aries sta tio n e d a t the Keweenaw Bay make s im ila r sta te m e n ts. For example, the government-appointed blacksm ith spent much e f f o r t on h is own farming and sold h is goods (Gray 1936: 208). This in d iv id u a l, Brockway was, of course, a White, b ut K e ller (1981: 17) s ta te s th a t the a g r ic u ltu r a l products grown by the Keweenaw Bay Indians fed the m iners. the M ethodist m ission Other sources comment th a t had a surplus of p o ta to e s, which they sold to the miners a t Copper Harbor fo r $45 in gold (D e tro it Annual Conference 1955, P ite z e l Ju ly 11, 1845). The M ethodist Indians were a lso involved in the cash economy in o th er ways. "S everal of the Indians were employed as g u id es, p ackers, and voyageurs [fo r the m in ers], which m a te ria lly a ffe c te d our forces a t the m ission" ( P ite z e l 1857: 116). The documents suggest th a t the C atholic Indians grew crops p rim a rily fo r th e ir own u se, although th ere is a p o s s ib ility the M ethodist Indians received some of th is produce, to o , sin ce o th er goods and serv ices were exchanged between the 211 communities. Another in d ic a tio n of the e x te n t to which cash was Im portant to the M ethodist Indians is contained in a document w ritte n by Richard M. Smith, the Indian Agent (October 12, 1866). In th is document he s ta te s th a t David Ring wanted to go to Washington, D.C. to ask questions r e la tin g to the money owed the Indians from previous t r e a t i e s . No such document has been found fo r the C ath o lic Indian m ission, which had i t s own p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e (see also R. Sheldon Ju ly 14, 1867)• While people from both communities p a rtic ip a te d in the cash -lab o r markets to some degree, i t was le s s im portant to the o v e ra ll fu n ctio n in g of the C ath o lic m ission and liv e lih o o d of i t s In d ian s. This remained the case as l a t e as 1880. ...A t L'Anse th ere has been nothing o u t of the ordinary ro u tin e to a t t r a c t a tte n tio n . A g ricu ltu re means but a very sm all p ro p o rtio n of the time of the men, very l i t t l e attem pt being made to r a is e any crop except g ra ss, oats & p o ta to e s, few peas and some sm all v a r ie tie s of corn fo r use when grown. The school a t Baraga has been very w ell attended during the year b u t not a t L'Anse owing to the removal of sev e ra l fam ilies to a m ill some m iles d is ta n t from the s c h o o l.. .(Lee August, 1880). This suggests the C atholic c h ild re n attended school re g u la rly because th e ir p aren ts did not p a r tic ip a te in the wage- or m arket- economy w hile those a t L'Anse d id . Another in d ic a tio n of the d if f e r e n t o rie n ta tio n s toward p a r tic ip a tin g in the cash economy is seen in the documents concerned w ith h irin g Indians as a s s i s ta n t b lack sm ith s. A rtic le IV of the Treaty of La P ointe of 1842 (K appler 1972: 543) s tip u la te d th a t the Indians of Lake Superior would rec eiv e two b lacksm iths, two a s s is ta n t blacksm iths, and two farm ers. A pparently, th ere was a verbal agreement th a t the 212 a s s is ta n ts would be Indians or Mixed-bloods (S tu a rt June 2, 1843, King Ju ly 19, 1848), but th is is not in the tre a ty p ro p e r.7 While members of both communities wanted an Indian in th is p o s itio n , the only In d iv id u als who f i l l e d the p o s itio n were members of the M ethodist m ission. Serving as blacksm ith 'a a s s is ta n ts would provide o p p o rtu n itie s fo r Indians or Mixed-bloods to a s s im ila te by le a rn in g a tra d e . wouldbe of g re a te r importance to the M ethodist Indians This than to the C ath o lics who are thought to have had le s s I n te r e s t in in te ra c tin g with the W hites. In a d d itio n the Mixed-blood had been a primary lin k between the Whites and the In d ia n s, a p a tte rn the l a t t e r wanted co ntinued. In the T reaty of La P o in t, however, Robert S tu a rt disavowed the importance of the Mixed-blood. The absence of pro v isio n s fo r the rem uneration of Mixed-bloods dem onstrates t h i s . I t is also c le a r in h is comment to Commissioner J . H artley Crawford "th e r ig h ts [Subagent A lfred Brunson of La P ointe] claim s fo r h a lf breeds as w ell as the v irtu e s and in flu en ce he a t t r i b u te s to them are s u p e rla tiv e ly m agnified (March 15, 1843, emphasis in o r ig in a l) . S tu a rt wrote Brunson (March 10, 1843): [t]h e whining s e t up to you about be r e s o lu te ly frowned upon—la rg e been allowed them under d if f e r e n t in ten is th is day the b e tte r fo r thereby been rendered w o rth le ss. the h a lf breeds must sums of money have t r e a t i e s , and not one i t ; but many have Consequently, the p o s itio n of a s s is ta n t blacksm ith more freq u en tly went 7 Robert S tu a rt also suggested th a t the p o s itio n of a s s is ta n t blacksm ith should go to a Mixed-blood or an Indian, "so they can le a rn the tra d e" (June 2, 1843). Although th is p ro v isio n was not s p e c if ic a lly s ta te d in the T reaty of 1842, th ere is evidence i t had been an e sta b lish e d procedure in the Indian O ffice (see Appendix B) 213 to a White than to an Indian or M ixed-blood. The f i r s t person to f i l l th a t post was Alonzo Brockway, W illiam H. Brockway's youngest b ro th e r. D aniel D. Brockway was S t u a r t 's appointee fo r blacksm ith to the same s i t e (S tu a rt J u ly 15, 1843; Crawford J u ly 24, 1843). L a te r, David King (June 8, 1846) requested S tu a rt to h ire an Indian as blacksm ith, b u t th is req u e st was not granted u n t i l many years l a t e r . Young c h ie f A ssinlns and o th er members of the C atholic community a lso requested th a t an In d ia n , G ilb e rt Wolf, be nominated to take A lonzo's p lace (Peneshi e t a l September 9, 1845). Richmond granted th is req u e st o s te n s ib ly because Wolf was a fu11-blood Indian (September 27, 1845). The only p o st held by an Indian in October of 1846 was th a t of a s s i s ta n t blacksm ith (Ord October 26, 1846). This meant th a t the only p o s itio n in the o f f i c i a l government h ierarch y by which an Indian could in te r a c t d ir e c tly w ith Whites was by becoming the a s s i s ta n t blacksm ith. N e v e rth e le ss, v i r t u a l l y every time an Indian was nominated to f i l l th is p o s t, the White blacksm ith would re q u e st the Agent to ap p o in t a White in s te a d . This preceded G ilb e rt W olf's nom ination in 1846. In A p ril of th a t y e a r, when D aniel D. Brockway tendered h is r e s ig n a tio n , he wrote (A p ril 6, 1846): Perm it me S ir to remark in regard to an a s s is ta n t Blacksm ith th a t [ i t ] is my opinion th a t no Indian can be found th a t would render a Blacksm ith the d esired a s s is ta n c e . T heir h a b its of liv in g are such th a t i t seems alm ost a m atter of im p o s s ib ility fo r them to become steady and adopt h a b its of In d u stry . And they do n o t appear cappable [ s ic ] of le a rn in g a tra d e to th a t degree of p e rfe c tio n as to render them capable of doing much fo r them selves or fo r the Indians as a Mechanick [ s i c ] . My advice would be to send up a re sp e c ta b le young man from below as a s s is ta n t Blacksm ith, Both fo r the good of the Indians themselves and my su ccesso r. 214 In December of 1847, D aniel Brockway's su ccesso r, Benjamin F. Rathbun complained about h is h elp er: I wish to say a few words about my h e lp e r. He goes worse in stea d of b e t t e r [ . ] i f i t Is c o n s is te n t I should lik e some w hite m an[.] I w ill fin d my own h elp er fo r one hundred and f i f t y d o lla rs per year ra th e r than to be bothered w ith an Indian. I f I must have an Indian give me wane [s ic ] e l s e [ . ] i f any change [ is to be made] i t must be fo r the b e tte r (December 23, 1847). V illiam P r a t t , the c a rp e n te r, also wrote Richmond th a t both Indians and Whites agreed to remove G ilb e rt Wolf from o f f ic e . th a t the successor be a White. P r a tt was emphatic He nominated Napoleon Beedon, John Beedon's son ( P r a tt December 27, 1847). Richmond wrote to Ord: By l e t t e r receiv ed from La Ance I am informed th a t g re a t embarrassment e x is ts in the Blacksmith Department by reason of G ilb e rt Wolfs being d is lik e d by the Indians and the Smith being d is s a t is f ie d w ith h is conduct in the shop. I t is under your Immediate charge and I have to d ir e c t your a tte n tio n to i t th a t e a rly in the spring you may a c e rta in [s ic ] the s ta te of the tro u b les th ere and d ir e c t such remedy as may appear necessary (January 25, 1848). Ord was not eager to in v e s tig a te the m a tte r, and Richmond issued the same d ire c tiv e again (A p ril 21, 1848). Whether Ord ever went to the Bay to in v e s tig a te the problem is unknown, but Wolf l e f t the employ of the government in Ju ly and Rathbun needed an a s s is ta n t ( P r a tt September 8, 1848). He nominated Napoleon Beedon, who had been working as the a s s i s ta n t fo r the p a st s ix weeks. P r a tt noted th a t Benjamin Rathbun had been " p e rfe c tly worn out or h is p atien ce exhausted with an Indian h e lp e r, or in oth er words, w ithout a h elp er" ( I b i d .) . In Ju ly , Ord a lso nominated Napoleon Beedon to succeed G ilb e rt 215 Wolf (Ord July 15, 1848; Richmond September 16, 1848). W ithin days a f t e r Ord nominated Beedon, David King (Ju ly 19, 1848) wrote an angry l e t t e r to Richmond. He s ta te d th a t i f Wolf was not competent, Richmond should h ire an Indian ( I b id ) . L a te r, in a l e t t e r w ritte n w ith Peneshi, Ring (June 1, 1849) requested th a t an In d ian , John S tr e e t, be nominated to th a t p o st. The fe e lin g s were so In ten se th a t David Ring wanted to move to Portage Lake. James Ord informed h is su p erio r (May 9, 1846). They complain th a t they have been very much in te rfe re d w ith by the white s e t t l e r s , and more p a r tic u la r ly by Indian Agents, now sta tio n e d there fo r th e ir b e n e f i t . . . I have understood th a t th e ir la te Blacksmith and Carpenter [Daniel Brockway and P eter Marksman, re sp e c tiv e ly ] always attended to th e ir own p riv a te I n te r e s ts instead of the wants of the In d ia n s. They would in a l l p ro b a b ility be as w ell o ff w ithout th e ir Mechanics as with them. The In d ia n s, fo r a reason not made c le a r , did not move to Portage Lake. Both the M ethodist and the C atholic Indians wanted an Indian a s s is ta n t blacksm ith, but fo r d if f e r e n t reaso n s. At the beginning David Ring s ta te d he wanted Indians placed in both the p o s itio n of blacksm ith and a s s is ta n t blacksm ith "so we can do our own sm ithing soon" (Ring June 8, 1846). John S t r e e t's nomination by both the C atholic and the M ethodist Indians suggests the l a t t e r also had an i n t e r e s t in the issu e (Ring, Peneshi, e t a l June 1, 1849). T heir reaso n s, however, d iffe re d from th a t of the M ethodists: We the undersigned Indian of Ance Reewawlnon take the lib e r t y of w ritin g d ir e c tly to you in order to l e t you know th a t our Blacksmith Brockway, who was placed here fo r our b e n e fit, works very l i t t l e fo r us, we may tru ly s ta te th a t he does not work fo r us one day in a week on an average, he always works fo r h im self, but draws very re g u la rly from our money h is good w ag es...T h is we 216 consider as u n ju s t; th e re fo re we beg you, our f a th e r , to give us a n o th e r, f a i th f u l and good blacksm ith to work fo r us. We made the same a p p lic a tio n l a s t summer to Mr. James Ord, Sub-Agent a t the Saut [ s i c ] ; but he would not do us j u s t i c e , th e re fo re we make th is a p p lic a tio n to you and beg you, f a th e r , to hear us (Peneshi e t a l November 5, 1845, emphasis In o r ig in a l) . I noted in ch ap ter I I I th a t S tu a rt had p ro h ib ited Brockway from working fo r the C atholic In d ia n s. This does n o t mean Brockway may not have done the same had he n ot received S tu a r t's o rd er. Indeed, i t appears the governm ent-appointed workers were not working fo r the M ethodist Indians e ith e r (King June 8, 1846). In ste a d , Brockway spent much of h is time on h is own farm ing, s e llin g h is produce to Copper Harbor (Chaput 1970a: 46). The C atholic Indians com plaint was not j u s t th a t the government employees were not working fo r them but th a t they were not working fo r the Indians a t a l l . The C ath o lics also wanted an Indian a s s is ta n t blacksm ith because they wanted someone who could speak th e ir language (Peneshi e t a l September 9, 1845). The evidence suggests th a t both G ilb e rt Wolf and John S tre e t were members of the M ethodist m ission. This again suggests the two m issions had d if f e r e n t economic o r ie n ta tio n s . The M ethodists wanted to be f u ll p a r tic ip a n ts in the cash and lab o r economy of the United S ta te s , while the C atholics had le s s d e s ire to do so. While both communities desired an Indian in the p o s itio n of a s s is ta n t blacksm ith, they were m otivated fo r d if f e r e n t reaso n s. Thus, one of the few means by which an Indian could in te r a c t with White so c ie ty in the mid 1840s was by becoming appointed as the a s s i s ta n t blacksm ith, but even th is p o s itio n was d i f f i c u l t fo r an Indian to h old. The emerging p a tte rn was th a t Whites would h ir e 217 W hites, a tendency th a t could be counteracted only I f the Indians p ro te ste d vehemently. Even when th is avenue to White s o c ie ty was open, however, the entrance was very narrow and r e s t r i c t e d , through which only a few in d iv id u a ls could squeeze. I r o n ic a lly , th is p a tte rn occurred w hile governmental p o licy attem pted to In te g ra te the In d ian s. I t should be borne in mind during the years th is controversy took p lace th a t th e re was a rap id in crease in the White population in the area because of the p ro sp ecto rs surging in to the a re a . With th e ir a r r iv a l the p lace of the Indian f e l l f u r th e r , in p a r t because Whites p re fe rre d o th er Whites over In d ia n s. C oncurrently, both C atholic and P ro te s ta n t m issio n a rie s s h ifte d th e ir emphasis in favor of Whites (Lambert 1967b). This tendency was more n o tic e a b le among the P r o te s ta n ts , as is c le a r in a comparison of th e ir memoirs. P i t e z e l 's memoirs and jo u rn a l e n tr ie s in d ic a te he made more m issionary t r ip s to the miners than did Baraga (see fo r example, P ite z e l November 7, 1846, December 4, 1846, January 14, 1847, January 27, 1847). He s ta te s "about a year and a h a lf was devoted alm ost e x c lu s iv e ly to the mining population" ( P ite z e l n .d .: 19). In another document, r e fe r r in g to a time in which he was in charge of the Indian m ission a t the Keweenaw Bay, P ite z e l "made fiv e tr ip s during the year (1846), and h is c o lleag u e, two” to "lay the foundation of Church e n te rp ris e s among the mining population" (P ite z e l 1873: 16). Baraga, by c o n tr a s t, lim ite d h is journeys among the miners to th ree per year u n t i l a re s id e n t p r ie s t could be procured (Verwyst 1900: 231). These sh ifts* dem onstrate th a t evangelizing the Anishlnabe was of le s s importance to the P ro te s ta n t than i t was to the C atholic m issio n a ries sta tio n e d a t the Keweenaw Bay. C oncurrently, the ro le of the n a tiv e m issionary became f u rth e r c o n s tric te d . Since the M ethodist 218 Indians were more In te re s te d In a s s im ila tio n than were the C a th o lics, the c lo sin g of routes fo r in te ra c tio n was more d ev astatin g to them. One so lu tio n might have been to withdraw com pletely from p a r tic ip a tin g in White s o c ie ty . That they did n o t pursue th is "so lu tio n " r e f le c ts th e ir re co g n itio n th a t they were too heav ily committed to the ways of Whites to e f f e c t a permanent move away from th e ir source of woes. By c o n tr a s t, the C ath o lic Indians had l i t t l e in t e r e s t in a s s im ila tin g . They were, however, in te re s te d in o b tain in g the b e n e fits supplied by the governm ent-appointed 'm e c h a n ic s.' Their req u est to o b tain an Indian a s s is ta n t blacksm ith and th e ir not moving fa r away from the Whites in 1832 suggest th is in te r p r e ta tio n . They requested an Indian a s s is ta n t blacksm ith so they could b e tte r communicate th e ir needs. That th is in cid e n t was a r e s u lt of the d i f f e r e n tia l emphasis placed on in te ra c tio n is suggested by two o th er events which occurred l a t e r in the period under d isc u ssio n . The f i r s t a ffe c te d only the Indians on the e a ste rn sid e of the bay, w hile the second affe c te d both communities. 4 .4 .1 The L'Anse Township E lectio n s of 1865 There were r e la tiv e ly few Whites liv in g in the area when L'Anse township was e sta b lish e d in 1849. To m aintain the township as a v ia b le p o l i t i c a l u n it, Indians were allowed to vote in the township e le c tio n s i f they renounced th e ir t r i b a l a f f i l i a t i o n . By doing so , they became c itiz e n s of the S ta te (K e ller 1981: 18), a p ro v isio n ap p aren tly contained in the Treaty of D e tro it of 1855 (see Johnston October 3, 219 1856).8 Evidence suggests th a t the Indians a t L'Anse were encouraged to vote In 1859 (F itc h February 19, 1859). The document suggested th a t Whites e n lis te d John S tr e e t and David King, members of the M ethodist m issio n , to g e t the In d ian s to vote ( I b i d . ) . As the area became populated by Whites in the 1860s, however, Indians became m arginal and excluded. In the township e le c tio n s of 1865 the Indians were denied the r ig h t to v o te . The Reverend P.O. Jo h nston, the M ethodist m issionary, wrote twice to Governor Henry Crapo about the s itu a tio n . In h is second l e t t e r , he expressed alarm about the s it u a t i o n , te l l i n g the Governor th a t the Indians and Mixed-bloods had voted in the township e le c tio n s fo r the previous ten to twelve y e a rs, "& th ere has been no q u estio n in g i t by e ith e r p arty " (May 9, 1865). Johnston regarded the s itu a tio n as v o l a t i l e and asked the G overnor's in te rv e n tio n : We are paying no a tte n tio n to the a c ts of the p re se n t s e called-w ouldbe town o f f ic e r s regarding the whole thing as fraud & v io le n c e & s h a ll w ait fo r your E x cellen cies in s tr u c tio n s . I am s a ti s f i e d from the p re se n t temper of the Indians & h a lf breeds th a t u n less some re d re ss s h a ll be had & taxes are attem pted to be c o lle c te d by fo rc e , as they w ill be, th ere w ill be an outbreak. But we most s in c e re ly hope you w ill see your way c le a r to make our town m atters r ig h t & thus save us from impending danger ( I b i d . ) . Johnston had provided a much f u l l e r d e s c rip tio n of the problem about th re e weeks e a r l i e r (A p ril 10, 1865): 8 Although th is document p e rta in s to the Indian community a t S a u lt S te. M arie, he makes a s im ila r statem en t. Some Indians th e re had renounced th e ir t r i b a l a f f i l i a t i o n s and wanted to v o te . Some Whites did n ot lik e t h i s . Johnston s ta t e s in h is l e t t e r , "C onsiderable d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n has been m anifested by some of our c itiz e n s in allow ing the Indians to v o t e . . . " 220 In th is town as in a l l o th er towns in the S ta te we held our town meeting on the 3d i n s t . Our Indians and H alfbreeds have fo r the p a st ten or eleven years been considered v o te rs &voted a t a l l town meetings & e le c tio n s . A m a jo rity of them have always voted the Democratic tic k e t u n t l l l [ s ic ] th is Spring [when] they had become d isg u sted w ith th e ir Democratic (Copper Head & S tro n g ly S ecession) le a d e rs & resolved to vote the Republican T ic k e t, the Board of e le c tio n learn in g th is f a c t took i t upon themselves to say th a t no Indians or H alfbreeds should v o te . I want you to understand Governor th a t th is town was organized by the aid of Indians & H alfbreed v o ters (th e re are about 160 Indians & h alfb reed v o te rs & 34 or 5 White v o te rs . About 500 Indians & le s s than 100 Whites a l l to ld ) . The Indians and H alfbreeds presented themselves a t the p o lls w ith tic k e t in hand & d esired to v o te. [They] Offered to swear in th e ir votes th a t they were not members of a tr ib e nor governed by the laws of th e ir c h ie fs & headmen as fam ily but as c itiz e n s of the U.S. & e s p e c ia lly of the s ta te in which they r e s id e . But S ir , th is Democratic ( r a th e r Secession) Board e le c te d to th e ir se v e ra l o ffic e s by these same men—same v o te rs —took the a u th o rity upon themselves to r e j e c t from the p o lls the very men by whom they were e le c te d & fo r no o th er reason than because they would no longer vote th e ir tic k e t . The Board would n ot allow them even to swear in th e ir votes fo r the reason th a t they knew they would be defeated & ousted from th e ir o ffic e s which they have too long d isg raced . The Board claimed they re je c te d them because they were not le g a l v o te rs , but h ith e rto while voting th e ir tic k e t they were le g a l v o te rs & these same shameless Democratic S e c e ssio n ists have from year to year brought every in flu en ce & in trig u e to bear upon th e ir v o te s. The tre a ty of 18 & 53 by which the Indians were given to understand th a t they were receiv in g land from Govt. & s e t t l i n g down coming under the Laws & re g u la tio n s of the U.S. government they were no longer members of a tr ib e but c itiz e n s and v o te rs —This tre a ty s i r was drawn by a democrat Henry C. G ilb e rt—& explained a t len g th to the Indians by the Indian Commissioner Mr. Manypenna [Manypenny] & sin ce both by Republicans and Democrats & as the b e s t p o ssib le evidence of th a t tre a ty the Indians have voted but in one or two in sta n c e s to th is of th e ir being re je c te d in the S ta te fo r the l a s t eleven years & then i t was by a Democratic Board of e le c tio n & not they no never when (th e Indian) vote was in th e ir fa v o r. And again S ir They re je c te d David Ring Chief (advisor only) of th is Band who seventeen years ago was so anxious to become a c itiz e n & have the r ig h ts and p riv ile g e s of a c itiz e n th a t he took out papers of N a tu ra liz a tio n . This being before the Indians had entered in to such tre a ty s tip u la tio n s th a t our 221 Government could give them the f u l l p riv ile g e s of c itiz e n s h ip . But S ir a t the same time the Board allowed a German to swear In h is vote who could not speak a word of English who could show no papers of N a tu ra liz a tio n (sa id he had them In Wisconsin) & had been In town but two weeks (and In the S ta te 5 months). This was because he would vote the Democratic tic k e t. Again they re je c te d & p ro h ib ited John B. Crebassa the Son of H alfbreed p aren ts (a m erch an t-trad er) whose Father was in the T e rrito ry before the form ation of the c o n s titu tio n & previous to the re v isio n of the c o n s titu tio n had taken out papers of N a tu ra liz a tio n thus of cours [s i c ] making h is Son J.B . Crebassa a c itiz e n . The a fo resaid Board were informed of th is & s t i l l they p e rs is te d In r e je c tin g him from the p o lls because he would vote the Republican T icket & was runing [s ic ] on said T ick et fo r Town C lerk. From th is & foregoing statem ents your Excellency w ill see th a t not only a l l Indians and halfb reed v o ters were re je c te d but even N aturalized C itizen s who had "obtained th e ir l i b e r t i e s w ith a p r ic e ." Indeed S ir they had determ ined to e le c t themselves & by th is gross & most outrageous assum ption of a u th o rity they did e le c t themselves ag ain . Governor I am now 48 years of age & I have never Seen Such an e le c tio n as t h i s . Such a gross abuse of a u th o rity such a breach of t r u s t —such an in s u lt & outrage upon the r ig h ts of community. On a fo re sa id i f I were the only in ju re d one I would be s i l e n t . But s i r the e f f e c t upon our Indians & h alfb reed p o p u lation is t e r r i b l e . At the p o lls when re je c te d one c h ie f said to the o th er now l e t us re tu rn we have been try in g to be white men fo r the p ast ten or twelve years & now we are c a s t o f f . What is the use to try —l e t us now do as form erly. Get drunk, k i l l s te a l take our drum-dance & put fe a th e rs in our head &c. I have now spent s ix te e n years with Indians & in a l l th a t time I have never seen them so much ex cited & aroused to in d ig n a tio n . Vengeance might have followed had we not counselled peace w ith the assurance th a t th e ir r ig h ts should be regarded & law should be enforced. We propose to p ro secute these men fo r u n ju st done to proper e le c tio n s of th is town & to c a rry i t to the Supreme Court i f i t be n ecessary . By referen ce to Compiled Laws we see th a t i t is a severe offence [s ic ] a g a in s t the rig h ts of c itiz e n s & punishable w ith a severe p en alty . But th is course w ill re q u ire the year & the people of the town do not intend to endure such ru le and such tre a tm e n t. They regard the p resen t as forced upon the & as an organized mob to debar them of th e ir r ig h t s . Hence th is appeal to your Excellency. We see by re fe re n ce to Compiled Laws th a t i t is your p rero g ativ e to remove u n fa ith fu l o f f ic e r s ; e ith e r of town or county from th e ir o f fic e & to appoint a s p e c ia l e le c tio n or town meeting fo r the e le c tio n of proper o f f ic e r s . We are 222 th e re fo re about to p e titio n your Excellency in accordance with the advise of some of the most i n f lu e n tia l c itiz e n s of the county th a t you remove the sa id township Board from th e ir o ffic e s namely Oscar J . Foote S u p erv iso r, C harles Goldsmith Town C lerk, Orange P h illip s , J u s tic e o f the Peace, Henry Houghton, Town T rea su re r, & th a t you appoint an o f f i c i a l town meeting about the f i r s t of June fo r a f a i r and im p a rtia l e le c tio n of o f f i c e r s . Our P e titio n w ill be accompanied by a co rro b o ratin g document of in f lu e n tia l c itiz e n s above re fe rre d to . I append the tic k e t th a t was e le c te d by fraud & in tr ig u e . Foot Supervisor is a known S e c e s sio n ist— Goldsmith and Houghton are noto rio u s drunkards, Both fo re ig n e rs . Houghton fo r se v e ra l days was in such a b e a s tly s ta te of in to x ic a tio n when a t the county Seat th a t he was incapable of business & the frie n d s of the g re a tly [ u n in te llig ib le word]. He append a few a f f id a v its . We might many more but we judge these s u f f i c i e n t . And fe a rin g l e s t I may have alread y wearied you w ith my lengthy communication. P.S. The Indians said when re tu rn in g from e le c tio n th a t those who come fo r th e ir taxes would g et b a l l s . I f th is S ta te of th in g s cannot be co rrected th ere w ill be an outbreak a t tax time & i f so i t w ill have been provoked by outrage & I n s u lt (emphasis in o r ig in a l) . We have only one sid e of the case because the op p o sitio n did not g en erate documents in th e ir d efense. We must, th e re fo re mine Jo h n sto n 's l e t t e r fo r the in fo rm atio n . Jo h n sto n 's l e t t e r s ta te s 'f o r e i g n e r s ' had gained c o n tro l of the township o f f ic e s . In the p o s itio n of c o n tro l, these in d iv id u a ls overturned the e sta b lish e d p o licy th a t had allowed the Indians to v o te. This was a r ig h t they had acquired from the T reaty of D e tro it signed in 1855. Because Mixed-bloods were also denied th is r ig h t underscores th a t they were considered In d ia n s, not W hites. This change began as e a rly as the Treaty of 1842, i f not e a r l i e r . I t is im portant to note th a t both John C rebassa, P ie rre C rebassa's son (Nelson 1965), and David King wanted to a s s im ila te so in te n s e ly th a t they both became n a tu ra liz e d c itiz e n s before they received the r ig h t to vote by the T reaty of 1855. John S tre e t was in a p o s itio n to 223 a s s im ila te because he was a government employee (blacksm ith) (Owen n .d .) .2 The d en ial to these c itiz e n s of the r ig h t to v o te , to which they had become accustomed, f u rth e r a lie n a te d them from White so cie ty and th e ir goal of a s s im ila tio n . This event a ffe c te d only the M ethodist In d ia n s. This was not only because they were in a d if f e r e n t lo c a tio n (L'Anse in ste a d of what l a t e r became B araga). The d i f f e r e n t i a l emphasis placed upon in te ra c tin g with Whites by the M ethodists and the C atholics was a lso im p o rtan t. Because the M ethodist Indians were more in te re s te d in th is than C ath o lics, disenfranchisem ent would have had a more negative impact on them than on the C atholic In d ia n s. Governor Henry Crapo wrote to P.O. Johnson (August 25, 1865a) s ta tin g th a t the township o f f ic e r s could n o t be removed from o ffic e because th e ir misconduct occurred when the In d iv id u als were not elected o ffic ia ls . He suggested Johnson could take the case to the Supreme C ourt, i f he d e s ire d . He a lso s ta te d he would i n s tr u c t the Prosecuting A ttorney to in v e s tig a te the m atter f u rth e r ( I b i d . ) . Crapo complied w ith h is prom ise; (August 25, 1865b); however, there is no evidence th a t Johnson took the case to the Supreme Court. Nor is th ere any in d ic a tio n th a t the Indians voted in the years follow ing the in c id e n t. The town known as L'Anse today was founded in 1872 and was placed two m iles south of the Indian s e ttle m e n t. Thus, even i f Indians had 2 The Michigan H is to ric a l Archives a lso co n tain s sworn a f f id a v its of John S tr e e t, the governm ent-appointed blacksm ith, and an Indian, John Owen. John S tre e t was introduced e a r l i e r . The only Inform ation a v a ila b le about Owen is th a t he l a t e r became a lo c a l m in iste r of the M ethodist m ission a t Zeba. He a s s is te d a t the fu n e ra l serv ic e fo r P eter Marksman in 1892 (Brunger 1966: 18). The f a c t th a t Owen was a lo c a l preacher suggests th a t he could not preach from the p u lp it of a White church, as George Copway had done in the 1830s. T his, too, dem onstrates the e x te n t to which the gates to White s o c ie ty had become closed to the In d ia n s. 224 been able to vote In the e le c tio n s from 1867 to 1872, they would have been denied the vote again when the Vhlte settlem en t was e sta b lish e d as a sep a ra te e n tity a t the head of the bay. I t I s , th u s, Iro n ic th a t the very Indians who d esired to become a p a rt of Vhlte so c ie ty so much th a t they renounced th e ir "In d ian c itiz e n s h ip " were l a t e r denied th is p r iv ile g e . This Is In c o n tra s t to the C atholic Indians who moved away from the o th er community because they did n o t wish to a s s im ila te . 4 .4 .2 4 .4 .2 .1 The Allotment of Land In tro d u cto ry Remarks Two issu e s se p a ra tin g the two communities were the issu e o f the government-appointed a s s i s ta n t blacksm ith and voting r ig h ts . The th ird issu e expressing the d iffe re n c e s between the two communities was the allo tm en t of lan d . Most of the documents in the N ational Archives fo r the f in a l fiv e or six years of the period under study focus on th is iss u e . Land allo tm en t fo r the Keweenaw Bay Indians has been the s u b je c t of a comprehensive study by K eller (1981). This work is the only s ig n if ic a n t monograph p e rta in in g s o le ly to the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community. My a n a ly s is d if f e r s from K e lle r 's on only one major p o in t. He focuses on the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community as a sin g le e n tity , w hile I view the community as being comprised of two d i s t i n c t groups. These d i s t i n c t groups had th e ir own problems and th e ir own s o lu tio n s . The d if f e r e n t 's o l u t i o n s ' p erpetuated the d iv isio n of the Indian community. 225 4 .4 .2 .2 Antecedents of Land Allotm ent and the T reaty of 1854 The issu e of land allo tm en t begins with the T reaty of La P olnte of 1842. According to th is tr e a ty , the Indians were allowed to remain on th e ir homelands u n t i l asked to move by order of the P re sid e n t. The In d ia n s ' b e liev e d , however, they could remain on th e ir homelands unless they in te rfe re d w ith the Whites (Armstrong 1892: 3 ). In 1849, P re sid e n t Zachary Taylor ordered the Indians to move to a lo c a tio n already s e t a sid e in the Treaty of 1842. not bothered the W hites, were upset by th is The In d ia n s, who had order to move. The government, angered by the A nishinabe's re fu s a l to v a c a te , closed the subagency a t La Pointe (K e lle r 1981: 13) and required a l l Indians d e s irin g to receiv e th e ir annual annuity payments to go to Sandy Lake, in M innesota. An Indian who f a ile d to appear would f o r f e i t h is /h e r payment (K eller 1981: 13, P ite z e l July 17, 1851). The M ethodist m issionary, Reverend John H. P ite z e l, believed i f the Indians complied w ith th is requirem ent, the r e s u lt would be a c ata stro p h e fo r th e ir own e f f o r t s , for the In d ia n s, or fo r both (Ju ly 17, 1851). payment.9 He advised the Indians to not go to the Sandy Lake The Indians decided not to go because "they would have the f u r th e s t to tra v e l (K e lle r 1981: 14). Those who d id —and th ere is no in d ic a tio n anyone from the L'Anse band did (K eller 1981: 15)— seem to have su ffered worse than those who did n o t ( P ite z e l 1857: 296-305, K eller 1981: 14). In A pril of 1852, Armstrong led a d eleg atio n of s ix Indian ch iefs 9 The events of Sandy Lake are provided in various sources (see Armstrong 1892, P ite z e l 1882). 226 to meet w ith the P re sid e n t and re q u e st th a t the o rd er fo r removal be resc in d e d . En ro u te to Washington, D.C., Armstrong had p e titio n s signed by "m erchants, bankers, and tradesmen" (K eller 1981: 15), affirm in g th e i r d e s ire to have the Indians remain In the a re a . P re sid e n t M illard F illm o re granted the In d ia n s" re q u e st (K e lle r 1981: 17). K eller (1981: 18) opines the governm ent's preoccupation w ith the iss u e of sla v e ry in Kansas and Nebraska and the b e llic o s e P la in s Indians p erm itted the more p eacefu l Anlshinabe to remain in th e ir homelands. A lso, one cannot d isco u n t the e f f e c t of the m arginal q u a lity of the land and the consequent low value the Upper P eninsula had as a lso c o n trib u tin g to t h e ir rem aining th e re . The follow ing y e a r, the Michigan L e g isla tu re passed a j o i n t re s o lu tio n re q u estin g the F ed eral government to pay the a n n u itie s due to the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay a t th a t lo c a tio n , r a th e r than re q u irin g them to go to La P ointe as had been done in the p a s t (K eller 1981: 17). The S ta te L e g is la tu re recognized th a t paying the annuity moneys in the s ta t e meant th a t the money would remain in the s ta t e ( Ib id .). The Federal government responded a f firm a tiv e ly to th is re q u e st, thus g ra n tin g what the Indians on th e ir own i n i t i a t i v e (see Burket e t a l February 15, 1843), or through the subagents (Crawford May 21, 1844) had requested fo r the p a s t decade. The Indians had long argued th a t the d ista n c e to La P ointe was too g re a t and th a t they could n o t be away from th e ir farms fo r so long because th e ir crops were destroyed by th e ir c a t t l e , f r o s t , or o th er f a c to rs .3 T h eir re q u e sts were denied by Robert S tu a rt and o th e r Indian 3 P i t e z e l , in h is jo u rn a l e n try fo r Monday, October 11, 1847, s ta te s th a t c a t t l e had gone in to James T an n er's p o tato f ie ld "& made havoc among them." See a lso Appendix B. in Agents, who said th a t the Indians were accustomed to such d ista n c e s and th a t they had l i t t l e to do during th is stag e of th e ir economic c y cle. Moreover, they argued, I t would be more expensive fo r the government to provide payment a t m u ltip le lo c a tio n s ( I b i d . ) . Another com plaint about having the payments a t La P ointe was th a t the American Fur Company would monopolize the tra d e th ere and the Indians would have to pay h ig h er p ric e s fo r goods (Dodge Ju ly 6, 1838). Robert S tu a rt, was, of co u rse, a former employee of the American Fur Company, and tr ie d to make the arrangem ents th a t su ite d th a t i n s t i t u t i o n (S tu a rt Ju ly 9, 1843, S tu a rt Ju ly 1, 1843).4 Thus the issu e of where to d ir e c t payments depended more on the in te r e s ts of the V hites r a th e r than those of the In d ia n s. This underscores the place of the Indians in the n a tio n a l scheme. When the S ta te L e g isla tu re made i t s req u est in 1853, the American Fur Company was a p o l i t i c a l fo rce of the p a s t. Various o th er companies and th e ir agents were a c tiv e ly competing w ith each o th er fo r Indian monies. In the meantime th ere were o th er fa c to rs involved in a l lo t t i n g land to the In d ia n s. S carcely had the ink d ried on the T reaty of La P ointe of 1842, when moves were made to acquire the land on the n o rth e rn shore of Lake S u p erio r. The purpose was again to e x p lo it the presumed m ineral d e p o sits lo cated th e re . W illiam A. Richmond s ta te d in h is annual re p o rt fo r 1845 (October 26, 1845): 4 An a d d itio n a l re q u e s t, contained in many of the above documents, and o th e rs —and one which would continue to plague the Indians even a f t e r the T reaty of 1854, was th a t th e ir payments occurred very la t e in the y e a r. These occasions very fre q u e n tly upset many of t h e ir economic v e n tu re s, e s p e c ia lly when these payments were made a t La P ointe (see Leach, May 23, 1863). The payment a t th is period (u su a lly between September and October) competed with the time when the Indians were preparing fo r the long w inter ahead of them. Consequently, th is payment would ad v ersely a f f e c t the Indians who sought th is payment. 228 A la rg e amount of c a p ita l is alread y engaged in working the mines, w ith every promise of success, and the s p i r i t of e n te rp ris e and sp ecu latio n is extending the exam ination to the n o rth ern c o a s t, which is described to be of eq u al, i f n o t g re a te r v a lu e , and to which the Indian t i t l e is as y e t unextinguished. A year l a t e r , Richmond rep o rted (October 30, 1846): Indians a t La P ointe want to cede to US the p o rtio n of th e ir lands lo c ate d along the n o rth ern shore of Lake S uperior which were not p a rt of [th e] T reaty of 1842, lo cated between the Pigeon and S t. Louis R iv ers. I recommended th is in l a s t y e a r 's annual r e p o rt, and my views have n ot changed. This re p o rt led to the d ra ftin g of the Treaty of La P ointe of 1854 which ceded the area to the United S ta te s . The T reaty of 1854 a lso c a lle d fo r the estab lish m en t of re se rv a tio n s which Richmond advocated in h is annual re p o rt of 1847. . . . I t is g re a tly to be d esired th a t some arrangements be made fo r the c o lle c tin g the d isp ersed fam ilie s in to colonies or la rg e r se ttlem en ts where they may receiv e the f u l l b e n e fits of the Teacher Mechanic, and Farmer who are fu rn ish ed fo r t h e ir improvement (Richmond November 20, 1847). W hites, in th e ir search fo r m inerals and/or land fo r s e ttle m e n t, wanted to be c e r ta in th a t they could lay claim to the land they chose. The esta b lish m en t of a r e s e rv a tio n , th en , would allow Indians to r e ta in some of th e ir land and allow Whites to s e t t l e on the r e s t (K eller 1981: 18-19). Thus, th ere were se v e ra l bases fo r the T reaty of 1854. F i r s t , the d e sire of Whites to ac q u ire a d d itio n a l land fo r m ineral sp e c u la tio n , e s p e c ia lly a f t e r the southern shore of Lake S uperior had proven to be q u ite r ic h . A second d e s ire was th a t of the lo c a l businessmen and 229 m issio n arie s to keep the Indians on th e ir a n c e s tra l homelands. Although the Indians o r ig in a lly voiced th is re q u e st, i t was the in flu en c e of the Whites th a t made i t happen. T hird, the d e s ire of the Indian Agent, William A. Richmond, to congregate a l l of the Indians in to c e n tra l lo ca tio n s so th a t they could receiv e the "b e n e fits of c i v i l i z a t i o n ." F ourth, the d e s ire of the L e g isla tu re of the S ta te of Michigan to keep Michigan Indian monies in the s t a t e . And, f i f t h , the d e s ire of the Federal government to f o s te r the growth of the in d u s trie s of the United S ta te s by making a v a ila b le new sources of m in era ls. The Treaty of 1854 ca tered to a l l of these d e s ir e s . c a lle d fo r the cessio n of lands h ith e rto f o r e not ceded. A r tic le I A r tic le XI provided payment of a n n u itie s to the Indians a t L'Anse, and gave them perm ission to hunt and f is h on the land s e t asid e fo r them. A rtic le I I c a lle d fo r the estab lish m en t of s p e c ific re s e rv a tio n s —in clu d in g one a t the base of the Keweenaw Bay. Indians not lo cated on the re se rv a tio n s would have to move to those areas s tip u la te d in the tr e a ty . Thus, in the years follow ing the tr e a ty , the L'Anse re se rv a tio n received p e rio d ic in flu x es of In d ia n s. Some opted to re sid e on the C atholic s id e ; o th ers chose to re s id e w ith the M ethodists. The tre a ty a lso c a lle d fo r the allo tm en t of eig h ty acres of land to each head of a fam ily or s in g le person over twenty-one years of a g e ...a n d [th e P resid en t] may a t h is d is c r e tio n , as f a s t as the occupants become capable of tra n sa c tin g th e ir own a f f a i r s , issu e p aten ts th e re fo re to such occupants, with such r e s t r ic tio n s of the power of a lie n a tio n as he may see f i t to impose (K appler, 1972: 649). I t should be noted, however, th a t allo tm en t did n o t become a formal p a rt of the United S ta te s p o licy u n t il the passage of the Dawes Act of 230 1887 (T yler 1973: 95). Thus, the United S ta te s land a llo tm en t policy was not o f f i c i a l l y s ta r te d u n til t h i r ty th re e years a f te r the signing and r a t i f i c a t i o n of the T reaty of 1854.5 4 .4 .2 .3 The Allotment of Land E arly In 1855, the Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs requested inform ation from Indian Agent Henry G ilb e rt about the r e la tiv e s ta tu s of the lands of the L'Anse R eservation. He (A p ril 10, 1855) responded: At the L'Ance re s e rv a tio n the land Is alread y surveyed and subdivided and no f u rth e r a c tio n is necessary except to see th a t the t r a c t is withdrawn from s a le & to carry out the p ro v isio n s fo r giving each fam ily fo r which a p ate n t or o th er evidence of t i t l e should be issued w ithholding the power of a lie n a tio n & guarded by such o th er r e s t r i c t io n s as may be deemed n ecessary .-T h is is very im portant in the case of th is Band including the Vieux D esert Band which are now incorporated w ith them.-They are much advanced in civ ilizatio n -M an y of them read & w rite n early a l l dress a f te r the manner of w h i t e s ...6 Elsewhere in th is l e t t e r he s ta te s the two Indian communities had two d if f e r e n t economic o r ie n ta tio n s . He w rote, "They have schools and churches and only want a se p a ra te I n te r e s t in the s o il to stim u late th e ir e f f o r ts and make them a prosperous th riv in g community” (K eller 1981: 22). 5 One of the fe a tu re s which would be p resen t in both e ra s , however, is th a t as the land became in c re a sin g ly populated by W hites, the Indians would become in c re a sin g ly compelled to s e l l th e ir holdings in d iv id u a lly as In d ia n s. By doing so, they would thus f a c i l i t a t e the p o lic y of a s s im ila tio n , which was becoming in c re a sin g ly in vogue. 6 Rubenstein (1974: 2) s ta te s th a t the W hite-style c lo th in g was given to the Indians as g i f t s , and was not considered a th re a t by the In d ia n s. Thus the appearance of being "advanced" was, in many in sta n c e s, a facade. 231 Although G ilb e rt said th a t the Keweenaw Bay Indian land could be d is tr ib u te d to the Indians In 1855, nothing more was done about i t fo r twenty y e a rs. A ll the reasons fo r the delay are not known, but K eller (1981: 23), provides a t l e a s t one reason: "Perhaps the Indian Department f e l t th a t as long as the L'Anse Ojlbway were receiv in g th e ir annuity payments from the tr e a ty , they did not need In d iv id u al land a llo tm e n ts." Another c o n sid e ra tio n is the economic clim ate of the region during the twenty years from 1855 to 1875. The economic Panic of 1857, the ensuing C iv il War and the post-w ar depression a l l occurred during th is p erio d . The poor economic clim ate of the 1850s and 1860s did n o t, however, impede companies in te re s te d in the economic development of the Upper P en in su la. Indeed, r a ilro a d and canal companies, also in te re s te d in mining and lum bering, staked out lands on which to make c le a rin g s fo r rig h ts-o f-w ay in the 1850s and 1860s. In the pro cess, they freq u en tly claimed more land than th a t to which they were le g a lly e n t i t l e d . They were aided by government o f f i c i a l s , who also b e n e fltte d from the tra n s a c tio n s . The land was prime f o re s t land, but timber in the Upper Peninsula did not receiv e much a tte n tio n u n ti l the la te 1870s. T yler (1973: 95) s ta te s th a t the allo tm en t system "proposed to make in d iv id u a l landowners and farm ers of the Indians w ithout referen ce to tr ib e or tr a d itio n a l community l i f e . " The allo tm en t of lands did p re c is e ly th a t a t the Keweenaw Bay in the la t e 1870s and e a rly 1880s. Because lands were a llo te d to in d iv id u a ls, White entrepreneurs could n e g o tia te with Indians in d iv id u a lly fo r the lands fo r very l i t t l e c o s t. The In d ian s, denied annuity payments during the C iv il War, and w ith the period of a n n u itie s drawing to a c lo s e , were e s p e c ia lly in need of cash and accepted the money Whites o ffered fo r th e ir land. 232 In the meantime, the Issue of land ownership had n o t died. According to p ro v isio n s of the Treaty of 1854, the L'Anse re se rv a tio n would c o n s is t of the unsold lands in Township 51-33, 51-32, the e a s t h a lf of 51-33, and the west h a lf of 50-32, as w ell as a l l of Township 51-31 w est, west of the Huron Bay (A rtic le I I , S ection 1) (F igure 5 ). The M ethodist In d ia n s, during the n e g o tia tio n s , requested th a t another township be added to accommodate the Lac Vieux D esert Band which would become a p a rt of th a t re se rv a tio n (K eller 1981: 25). Indian Agent Henry G ilb e rt had promised to include a l l of Township 51-31; and, although th is was not w ritte n in to the tr e a ty , P resid en t Franklin P ierce withdrew the land from s a le ( I b i d ., King e t a l March 21, 1871). K eller (1981: 25-34) devotes a considerable p o rtio n of h is monograph to the problems th a t re s u lte d when, in 1870, the government re a liz e d th ere had been an e r r o r , and placed the e a s t h a lf of Township 51-31 on s a le . This was ap p aren tly because m ineral sp ecu lato rs had expressed i n t e r e s t in th is se c tio n (Romey July 8, 1864). In the in te rim , however, both Indians and government agents assumed th a t the Indian re se rv a tio n included a l l of the township. The Keweenaw Bay Indians received compensation fo r the disputed land a t $1.25 per acre (Commissioner, General Land O ffic e , January 25(7), 1875), or $23,034.23. Of th is sum, $3,034.22 went to purchase schoolbooks and su p p lies in 1875 (K eller 1981: 31), leaving the Indians w ith about $20,000.00. I t is not c e r ta in whether the Indians ever received f u l l compensation fo r the land ( I b i d . ) . This was the money the C ath o lic Indians were w illin g to f o r f e i t i f the government had acquired i t through i l l i c i t means, as noted in the l a s t chapter (A ssinins October 28, 1875). The M ethodist In d ia n s, in c o n tr a s t, to ld Agent George I . B etts th a t they wanted to in v e st the money in United 233 32 33 wr a 1987 F ig u re 5. S e c tio n s d e s c rib e d in th e La P o in te T re a ty of 1854. 234 S ta te s Government Bonds (B etts March 29, 1875), and earn I n te r e s t on the p rin c ip le (B etts March 2, 1875). This d iffe re n c e over money from the disputed land again underscores the d if f e r e n t economic o r ie n ta tio n s of the two communities. During the n e g o tia tio n s of the Treaty of 1854, a l i s t of in d iv id u a ls who were to receiv e land was drawn up. Because the tre a ty allowed in d iv id u a ls aged 21 or over t i t l e to a t r a c t of lan d , a d d itio n a l names were added to the l i s t as the years passed, and sen t on to Washington, D.C. (Dole January 7, 1865). premium on land which was alread y sc a rc e . This would place a The s c a rc ity of land was in te n s if ie d by W hites, who, from time to tim e, used the land fo r th e ir own purposes. This brought l e t t e r s of com plaints from the M ethodist In d ia n s : . . . A t the time Mr G ilb e rt made the T reaty with us and Manypenny the Commissioner was a t La Pointe we made a R eservation a t LAnse fo r our homes and our c h ild re n a f t e r u s. and [ s ic ] the agent Mr G ilb e rt and the Commissioner Give us to understand th a t the Government would look a f t e r our Lands th a t no white man should commit no d epredation on our R eservation, and we made a t the time th a t no half-B reed3 should be allowed in the R eservation and our women liv in g with white men was [s ic ] not allowed in th is re s e rv a tio n . But should take lands o u tsid e of th is re s e rv a tio n . This is the understanding we made w ith [th e ] Agent and Commissioner a t La P o in te. What we want to t e l l now is th a t th ere are white men liv in g here th a t say th a t the R eservation is n o t good to us because we did not own i t we have not the r i t e to stop anybody from c u ttin g the tim ber of the re se rv a tio n th a t they can go on and cu t as many as they p le a s e . And Half Breeds are c u ttin g our Timber to s e l l . Mr 0 F orte [Foote?] and Mr P eter B ribessa [Crebassa?] is a lso c u ttin g Timber, and A[bel] H all has been doing the sam e[.] h i [ s ic ] says [Indian Agent] Mr F itch gave him lib e r ty and a lso to ld him th a t [he] might take up 80 acres in the re se rv a tio n j u s t because he is liv in g with an Indian womin [ s ic ] which is a g a in s t our ru le s and re g u la tio n s th a t we made in the Treaty th a t Mr G ilb e rt made w ith u s. We dont want any h a lf Breed or w hite men liv in g with our women to take p a rt in th is re s e rv a tio n . And we wish our agents and the commissioner our F ather 235 should look a f t e r our lands (King e t a l January 7, 1865). This document ra is e s se v e ra l p o in ts . F i r s t , Indians did n o t consider Mixed-bloods were as In d ia n s, b u t W hites. At the same tim e, however, the White community regarded these in d iv id u a ls as In d ia n s. Second, the l e t t e r mentions two in d iv id u a ls , 'F o r t e ' and 'B r ib e s s a ,' who I b e lie v e are Oscar Foote and P eter C rebassa, r e s p e c tiv e ly .7 T h ird , the Indian Agent was im plicated as a p a r tic ip a n t in the scheme to remove tim ber from Indian lan d . This l a s t p o in t w ill be brought forward again l a t e r . The depredation of tim ber from Indian lands continued fo r the r e s t of the period under study. In 1869 Charles Barry, the United S tates M arshall, w rote to United S ta te s D i s tr i c t A ttorney A.B. Maynard, saying th a t he had seized an estim ated 30-40,000 f e e t of squared timber ly in g on the shores of the Keweenaw Bay. The l e t t e r co ntinues: This business of buying tim ber of Indians has been c a rrie d on a t L'Ance fo r a number of years from tr a c ts of land which the Indians lo c a te under the tre a ty fo r no oth er purpose, and u n less something is done to stop i t a l l the valu ab le tim ber w ill be taken from th is reserv e and thereby rendering the land v a lu e le ss and of no use e ith e r to the government or the In d ia n s, in [s ic ] n early or q u ite a l l cases the Indians never liv e on or c u ltiv a te any of these lands while the pine timber grows. But is c a rrie d on as a m atter of sp e c u la tio n only (Barry May 27, 1869). This case is e s p e c ia lly s ig n if ic a n t because Indian Agent William H. 7 That P eter B ribessa was P eter Crebassa document which s ta te s th a t a Mrs. P eter B ribessa of John B. B rib essa, asking perm ission to o b tain R eservation (Leach, February 23, 1865). Another Johnston to Henry Crapo (A p ril 10, 1865), s ta te s son was named John B. C rebassa. See a lso Nelson is supported by a had a son by the name land on the L'Anse l e t t e r from P.O. th a t P eter C rebassa's (1965). 236 Brockway w rote an accompanying l e t t e r . Brockway seems to have supported the c u ttin g of tim ber on the Indian la n d s. He wrote the Commissioner of Indian A f f a ir s , E.S. P arker: Most of th is tim ber has been hauled to the lake shore w ith a view to i t s being taken by the c o n tra c to rs to M arquette to be used by them in the c o n stru c tio n of a p ie r o r breakw ater a t th a t p la c e . Mr Barry thinks th ere is f o rty or f i f t y thousand f e e t of i t . Mr Vetmore of M arquette, one of the c o n tra c to rs and reputed owners of th is tim ber is a lso here w ith a view to g e ttin g the tim ber re leased from the s e iz u re . He th in k s th ere is some seventy or eig h ty thousand f e e t of i t . Mr Wetmore says the tim ber has been bought and paid fo r a t a f a i r p ric e of the In d ia n s, and fo r aught I know th is may be tr u e , But the q u estio n i s t h i s . Are the Indians to be allowed to go and s e le c t lands upon which they never in ten d to s e t t l e , then s e l l o ff the pine and o th e r v a lu a b le tim ber to accommodate in te re s te d p a r tie s , and leav e i t w o rth less fo r tim ber or any o th e r purpose? The value of th is tim ber cannot be le s s than four to s ix thousand d o l l a r s . I would not have any honest man wronged, b ut I suppose I am bound to look e s p e c ia lly to the i n t e r e s t s of the Government and the In d ian s...(B ro ck w ay May 27, 1869). Thus, even the Indian Agent, th e o r e tic a lly in a p o s itio n to p ro te c t the In d ia n s, p ro te c te d the r ig h ts of a White in s te a d . In c id e n ts lik e th is a lie n a te d Indians f u r th e r from White s o c ie ty . When the time came to give Indians the p a te n ts fo r th e ir land, the is s u e turned to whether an Indian should receiv e t i t l e . the t i t l e allowed him /her the r ig h t to s e l l the la n d . P ossession of To re c e iv e the t i t l e , one had to be "com petent," which meant th a t the in d iv id u a l could manage h is /h e r own a f f a i r s (K e lle r 1981: 36). Of the 300 p a te n ts issu e d in 1875, only 12 (4%) were given as p a te n ts in fee sim ple. Thus, only 12 people were given the r ig h t to s e ll th e ir lan d . The next s e r ie s of p a te n ts was issu ed in 1883 and l a t e r (K eller 1981: 37); th e re fo re , only the i n i t i a l 300, and more e s p e c ia lly the 12 who receiv ed th e ir p a te n ts in fee sim ple, are the prim ary focus h e re . 237 The issu e of competency was e s p e c ia lly c ru c ia l to those Indians who d esired to a s s im ila te . The la b e l was su b je c tiv e and depended upon the degree to which the Indian Agent viewed him /her to be a White. Only twelve in d iv id u a ls were allowed to s e l l th e ir land. Of these tw elve, only seven are id e n tif ie d by m ission, and a l l those thus id e n tifie d were members of the M ethodist m ission (Lee August 27, 1879, Lee A pril 20, 1877); none of them was C a th o lic .8 This suggests th a t the M ethodists were more lik e ly to be considered competent than the C a th o lic s. The evidence, then, again supports the hypothesis th a t the M ethodist Indians were more h eav ily involved in the cash economy of the 8 J u lia Ann Pennock was married to a White, David Pennock. I b e lie v e they liv e d a t the M ethodist m ission because the p a te n t was to be sen t to P eter Crebassa (Pennock August 19, 1878). Lydia Southwind has been te n ta tiv e ly id e n tifie d as the wife of John Southwind, one of the f i r s t converts to Methodism a t the Keweenaw Bay. In a document she is id e n tif ie d along w ith Nancy Miner to be "two d e s titu te widows" (Lee August 27, 1879). She is fu rth e r id e n tifie d by David King, P e te r Marksman, and Mazawash (Ju ly 26, 1879). P a re n th e tic a lly , a v a ila b le evidence suggests the only Anlshinabe from the Keweenaw Bay to serve in the C iv il War was Nancy M iner's husband (he never retu rn ed to the re s e rv a tio n ) (Lee August 27, 1879, B etts July 21, 1875, B etts January 22, 1876). T his, too, seems to suggest the degree to which th ere were d iffe re n c e s in the C atholic and M ethodist Anlshinabe and th e ir Involvement with United S ta te s a f f a i r s . Louisa K e-we-tau-gee-no-quay is thought to be a member of the M ethodist m ission as w e ll. Among the fe a tu re s which seems to have been c h a r a c te r is tic of some of the women of the M ethodist band was th e ir a b i l i t y to move away from the re se rv a tio n and not re tu rn to i t . For example, a document from David King, P eter Marksman and Mazawash in d ic a te s th a t Nancy Miner was a member of the t r i b e , but she was then liv in g a t Houghton (Ju ly 26, 1879). S im ila rly , Louisa had moved to S au lt Ste Marie (Lee November 6, 1879). By c o n tr a s t, women from the C atholic M ission, i f they moved away from th a t p la c e , seem to have only moved to the P ro te s ta n t m ission, i f and when they m arried a P ro te s ta n t male. I o ffe r th is su g gestion from observations on land in h e rita n c e p a tte rn s from documents in the Bureau of Indian A ffa irs O ffic e , S au lt S te . M arie. James Holiday was one of the sons of tra d e r William Holiday, the tra d e r who brought John Sunday to the Keweenaw Bay in 1832. He deeded h is land to Mariah S h ields (Holiday September 11, 1879). 238 United S tate s than were the C atholic In d ia n s .9 I remarked e a r l i e r th a t land allo tm en ts were a mechanism by which the two communities would be a lie n a te d from one an o th er. We noted above th a t Indians receiv ed t i t l e to th e ir land i f they were "com petent." Only a few M ethodist Indians were considered competent, w hile no C ath o lics were. The issu e of competency, however, may have been of concern p rim a rily to the members of the M ethodist m ission. The C ath o lic Indians would not have been concerned about "competency," as they had l i t t l e d e s ire to a s s im ila te . Moreover, the C atholic Indians had access to the communal p roperty s e t a sid e fo r them which was n o t p a rt of the re s e rv a tio n . The tre a ty s ta te d th a t Indians would receiv e land which had not alread y been bought; Baraga bought the 500 acres of land fo r the C atholic Indians e ig h t years e a r l i e r . I f th is i s tru e , then the competency issu e would r e s u lt in a d iv isio n between M ethodists, not between M ethodists and C ath o lics. We have, then, n ot f u lly addressed the issu e of how land allo tm en t served to a lie n a te the two communities. The issu e belongs more a p p ro p ria te ly in the follow ing s e c tio n . 9 Documents c le a r ly in d ic a te th a t the M ethodist Indians earned money as guides and performed o th er m enial ta s k s . The documents are n o t c le a r how the C ath o lics obtained the cash they needed. Some p o s s i b i l i t i e s include continued trapping of animals (Chaput 1970b) or the manufacture of item s made from b irc h bark or o th er products fo r s a le to the to u r is ts (G arrick B ailey , personal communication, Tulsa 1987, see a lso James 1961: 727), who were now beginning to come to the a re a . I t is a lso p o s sib le th a t they, too, engaged, a t tim es, a t wage la b o r, as F ather Baraga In d ic ated a t the beginning of th is c h ap ter. F u rth er inform ation on th is to p ic is re q u ire d . 239 4.5 Indian M igrations and Inter-Community R ela tio n s, 1843-1881 4 .5 .1 M igrations Indians m igrated In to and out of the Keweenaw Bay throughout the period under stu d y . These movements a t l e a s t In p a r t, are a ttr ib u te d to the economic development o ccurring In the Upper P eninsula. Although the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay area did not p a r tic ip a te d ir e c tly In mining a c t i v i t i e s , they were a ffe c te d I n d ir e c tly . Members of the Ontonagon and Lac Vieux D esert bands liv e d In the immediate area where much mining a c t i v i t y was o c cu rrin g . and became a p a rt of th a t community. became members of both communities. They m igrated to the Keweenaw Bay As s ta te d e a r l i e r , the immigrants There Is no in d ic a tio n In the l i t e r a t u r e of what fa c to rs influenced In d iv id u als to en te r e ith e r community. Most of th is movement occurred a f t e r the T reaty of 1854 was signed (Larson 1963: 288). Between 1863 and 1379, some members of the Lac Vieux D esert band wanted to re tu rn to th e ir homelands. They were granted two p a rc e ls of lan d , t o ta llin g eig h ty s ix a c re s, by order of P re sid e n t Grant (Larson 1963: 289). K lnletz (1947: 21-22) has w ritte n : A la rg e p o rtio n of the Vieux D esert band did not lik e the re s e rv a tio n and retu rn ed to th e ir old v illa g e s i t e . I t was probably the more co n serv ativ e members who re tu rn e d , although th ere is no way of a s c e rta in in g the d iv isio n or the ex act reasons fo r i t beyond the f a c t th a t those who retu rn ed to the lake p re fe rre d i t to the re s e rv a tio n . The Indians from the Badwater re s e rv a tio n who had a lso m igrated to the Keweenaw Bay a lso p e titio n e d to re tu rn home. They received land in 240 August of 1867 (Larson 1963: 290). On the eve of the end of the period under study, the C atholic community fis s io n e d . The group th a t em igrated were regarded as "a few Indians who are wanderers from the Chlppewas of Lake S uperior" (Lee September 13, 1880). These members purchased 840 acres of land and e s ta b lis h e d the H annahvllle M ission ( I b i d . ) . Evidence suggests th a t these In d iv id u a ls , lik e those rep o rted by K ln letz (1947: 21**22), were more co n serv ativ e than the mainstream, and sought to re tu rn to a more tr a d itio n a l way of l i f e than a v a ila b le a t the Bay. However, the documents are s i l e n t with regard to who em igrated, the in te n s ity of the fac tio n a lism occurring w ith in the community, and o th er d ata. 4 .5 .2 Inter-Community R elations The prim ary fe a tu re th a t underlay r e la tio n s between the two communities a t the Keweenaw bay was th e ir maintenance of sep arate i d e n t i t i e s , while a t the same time re a liz in g the importance of working co o p erativ e ly under c e r ta in circum stances. R ecall th a t immediately follow ing B araga's a r r i v a l a t the Keweenaw Bay the M ethodist m issio n a rie s attem pted to remove him. In 1846, the C atholic Indians e s ta b lis h e d th e ir own p o l i t i c a l o rg an izatio n and David King wanted Richmond to fo rce the C ath o lic Indians to accept h is le a d e rsh ip . F in a lly , in 1848, i t appears th a t David King made peace with the p o l i t i c a l o rg an iz atio n of the C atholic m ission. The documents w ritte n j o i n t l y by le ad e rs of both communities (above) support th is in te r p r e ta tio n . Even in the e a rly y e a rs, however, the Indians were w ell aware of the b e n e fits of having two competing m issionary o rg a n iz a tio n s. 241 Although they were concerned about d isu n ity among the In d ia n s, they re a liz e d th a t a c e r ta in amount of d isu n ity may be u s e fu l. The evidence fo r th is comes from a document w ritte n in February of 1844. This was p re c is e ly when George W. Brown and Chauncey T. C a rrie r wrote Robert S tu a rt about the e v il in flu e n c es stemming from B araga's presence on the Keweenaw Bay. and The document was w ritte n by David King, John Southwind, P eter Marksman fo r th e L'Ance community and Okun-de-kun and K a-ba-os-se-dung fo r the Ontonagon band to Robert S tu a rt and James Ord, the sub-agent a t S au lt S te . Marie (February 12, 1844). The l e t t e r requested th a t the government buy two s e ts of to o ls , "one fo r th is Band and one fo r the band on the opposite sid e [of the b ay ]." Between 1848 and 1881 th ere are r e la tiv e ly few documents w ritte n e ith e r by the o f f ic e r s of the C atholic m ission alone or in conjunction with the M ethodist m ission o f f ic e r s . Most of the documents in the N ational Archives from th e Keweenaw Bay community were w ritte n by or fo r members of the M ethodist community with only a few w ritte n by or fo r the members of the C ath o lic m ission. the two communities were d if f e r e n t. This suggests the needs of The f a c t th a t there are few documents concerned w ith the C atholic m ission supports the contention th a t the C atholic Indians had r e la t iv e ly few concerns th a t they needed to address the F ederal government. Moreover, th e ir experience had dem onstrated th a t th e ir req u ests would probably not be g ran ted , given the h o s t i l i t y f e l t by P ro te s ta n ts toward the C a th o lic s. Again, the absence of documents suggests th a t the C ath o lics were la rg e ly s e lf - s u f f i c i e n t ! At the same tim e, th ese documents suggest th a t the two communities were given equal w eight by the In d ia n s. This notion is supported by the e x isten c e of p a r a lle l t r i b a l c o u n c ils, each with the same number of 242 in d iv id u a ls (seven and two headmen) (Asher e t a l May 14, 1880). The equal re p re s e n ta tio n suggests th a t the two communities were equal in s ta tu r e . That the two communities wrote d if f e r e n t l e t t e r s is an in d ic a tio n of th e ir v i r t u a l autonomy, but the l e t t e r s w ritte n jo in tly r e f l e c t th a t they were n o t to ta lly autonomous. The Indians from both communities were p a rt of the cash and lab o r economy of the United S ta te s . There were some products which they had to purchase (A ssinlns e t a l May 8, 1876). The M ethodist m ission acquired these goods both from the Federal government and the p riv a te s e c to r, while c a th o lic s obtained these items p rim arily from the Federal government. However, because of the a n ti-C a th o lic sentim ent th a t colored much of the p e rio d , the C atholics used the M ethodist m ission as the co n d u it. In 1872, the C atholic m ission asked P eter Marksman, a Mixed-blood M ethodist m issionary, to be i t s spokesperson (A ssinins May 20, 1876). The document in d ic a tin g th is re la tio n s h ip requested the Indian Bureau in 1876 to no longer recognize Marksman as th e ir spokesperson. Whereas in the year 1872 P eter Marksman was appointed by the C hiefs of th is the Chippewa T ribe of Lake V ieudesaire [s ic ] and L'Anse to tra n s a c t a l l the business of the sa id tr ib e in the dealings of the United S ta te s Government w ith them. We th e re fo re the undersigned Chiefs of the T ribe do hereby req u est your honorable Department to d isco n tin u e the said P e ter Marksman in h is r e la tio n s w ith th is Tribe in any cap ac ity he may hold as our Agent and appoint Edward Aw-se-nece [A ssinlns] in h is p la c e . Our reasons fo r the same i s : th a t the said P eter Marksman looks to h is own i n t e r e s t a t our expense, and n eg lects our business which we employ him fo r ( I b i d . ) . In the four in terv e n in g years (1872-1876), th ere were no documents from P eter Marksman. There are two p o ssib le reasons fo r t h is . F i r s t , the a lle g a tio n made in the above document may have had some degree of 243 t r u th . Second, the C ath o lic Indians had very l i t t l e fo r which they needed h is s e rv ic e s , but even when they did c a ll upon him to do something, he did not a c t. p la u s ib le . The second of these reasons seems more There are documents In d ic a tin g th a t the M ethodist Indians d id , a t tim es, speak fo r the C atholic In d ia n s. The neg ativ e view held by the C atholic Indians toward Marksman was not m irrored In the M ethodist community. In 1877, the council decided: to donate and p re sen t 160 acres of our vacant lands In L'Anse R eserv atio n , Lake S u p erio r, Michigan to our re g u la r au th o rized business man between us and the Government, the Rev. P. Marksman as a token of our thankfulness to him fo r h is worthy serv ic e s th a t he has rendered unto us and to our people (King e t a l May 23, 1877). The a llo c a tio n of 160 acres Is e s p e c ia lly im portant because i t re p re se n ts twice the amount a llo c a te d to any Indian head of fam ily by the 1854 T reaty . A month or so l a t e r , Agent Lee wrote th a t they wished the government to give Marksman money to supplement h is meager s c h o o l-te a c h e r's s a la ry , "in view of the valuable serv ic e s rendered by P eter Marksman fo r fre e " (June 14, 1877). Another in d ic a tio n of the d i f f e r e n t i a l e x ten t to which the two communities were a ssim ila te d comes from a l e t t e r w ritte n in 1876. Edward A ssinlns and o th e rs , wrote th a t they needed to buy potatoes (May 20, 1876). They rep o rted P e ter Marksman was s e llin g seed potatoes a t $1.00 per b u sh el, w hile another m erchant, Mr. Ruppe (ap p aren tly a White) was s e llin g p o tato es a t eig h ty cen ts ( I b i d . ) . In o th er words, P eter Marksman, a lead in g fig u re in the M ethodist Indian m ission, demanded a higher p ric e than did a White. The d iffe re n c e in the perception of P eter Marksman by the M ethodist and C atholic communities, in conjunction w ith statem ents made 244 in the various documents, dem onstrate th a t the ideas of "ap p ro p riate behavior" in the two communities were r a d ic a lly d i s t i n c t . As Indicated in these l e t t e r s , Marksman's behavior was c le a r ly o rie n te d toward the c a p i t a l i s t economy. That th is was perceived as a p p ro p riate behavior by the M ethodist and "in a p p ro p ria te " by the C atholic Indians is evidence of the d i f f e r e n t i a l e x te n t to which the two communities had a ssim ila te d to White s o c ie ty . Perhaps the most noteworthy case of th is occurred in 1878 when Marksman was found g u ilty of another dubious p r a c tic e . This time h is a c t i v i t i e s were not rep o rted by the C atholic In d ian s, but r a th e r by S p ecial Agent E .J. Brooks. The Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs commissioned Brooks to in v e s tig a te the i l l e g a l c u ttin g of tim ber from Indian la n d s. Much of th is timber probably came from the land near the C atholic m ission because th is area was more h eav ily timbered than the e a s te rn sid e of the Keweenaw Bay (Franchere 1839). Brooks presented h is o b serv atio n s to the Commissioner (August 22, 1878): . . . I have also in v e s tig a te d the m atter of tre sp a sse s on Indian lands and fin d th a t ex ten siv e tre sp a sse s have been committed here ever w inter fo r years p a s t . . . I have a lso had under in v e s tig a tio n c e r ta in tra n sa c tio n s of [In d ian] Agent [George I . ] B etts in the allo tm en t of lands by which c e r ta in p a r tie s have obtained by ev id en t c o llu s io n w ith him, the possession of ex ten siv e and v alu ab le mines or q u a rrie s of e x c e lle n t s l a t e . In the p e rp e tu a tio n of the fraud in th is c a se , the p re se n t teach er a t the M ethodist M ission, Rev. P eter Marksman, was a p a rty . Agent Lee informed me p rio r to leav in g fo r home th a t he should recommend a charge a t the e x p ira tio n of the p resen t q u a rte r on account of th is m atter and fo r o th e r reaso n s. I f u lly concur w ith agent Lee in the n e c e s s ity fo r th is a c tio n and would recommend th a t the charge proposed by him be made. In s p ite of th is l e t t e r , nothing was done about the m a tte r. Two years l a t e r , J.B . Crebassa wrote to Indian Commissioner C arl Shurz th a t the 245 tre sp a sse s continued and th a t Marksman took p a rt in land and tim ber grabbing schemes (January 27, 1880). This l e t t e r , along with o th er statem ents made by v ario u s in d iv id u a ls suggests th a t by 1880 the M ethodist Indians had become so much lik e the Whites o p eratin g around them th a t a t l e a s t one engaged in th e ir more dubious p r a c tic e s . I t is of p a r tic u la r note th a t th is in d iv id u a l was a prominent member of the community. When a lle g a tio n s it lik e th is became known to the C atholic community, is lik e ly th a t the two communities becamemore e stran g ed . to attem pts to develop autonomous communities. This led The C a th o lic s ' attem pt to have Edward Aw-se-nece (Edward A ssinlns) appointed as spokesperson would have made the two communities autonomous, but th ere is no evidence th a t th e ir re q u e st was honored. On the o th er hand, the C atholics a lso recognized th a t the only group which th a t c o n s is te n tly received F ederal aid was the M ethodist m issio n . Consequently, i t was necessary to m aintain some tie s w ith them. I t is a lso c le a r from the documents of the v ario u s m issio n aries th e re was some in te ra c tio n between the two communities. For example, in 1847, a f t e r o b tain in g a new b e ll fo r his m ission church, Baraga gave the old one to the M ethodist m ission fo r th e ir re c e n tly con stru cted church (Baraga A pril 7, 1845; also in Rezek 1907: 241-242 and P ite z e l 1882: 147). In 1880 F ath er Edward Jacker received some money from the M ethodist Indians a f t e r they had played a tr ic k on him (Jack er 1922: 321-324). Exchanges of personnel a lso occurred. There w ere, cases of people cro ssin g from one sid e of the bay to the o th e r. Sometimes, as in the case of J .T ., these in d iv id u a ls l a t e r retu rn ed to the o r ig in a l m ission. There were a lso sh o rt-te rm " c ro s s -o v e rs .” P ite z e l (1882: 108) s ta te s 246 th a t on Christmas Eve of 1845 some of the C atholic Indians attended the M ethodist m eeting. By and la r g e , however, the two m issions remained s e p a ra te . These interchanges of goods, s e rv ic e s , and personnel were the primary mechanisms th a t allowed the two communities to be a t once among the most p ro g ressiv e (Danziger 1978: 192) as w ell as among the more tr a d itio n a l of Indian communities (W.R. Adams 1986). The Anlshinabe a b i l i t y to f is s io n e a s ily and th e ir acceptance of in d iv id u a l d iffe re n c e s was the fundamental b u ild in g block fo r th is i n s t i t u t i o n . This a b i l i t y , a t the community le v e l is m anifested by the d is t i n c t economic o r ie n ta tio n s , the d if f e r e n t approaches to problems, the d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l o rg an iz a tio n s and communities. 4.6 Conclusions In d iv id u a ls ra ise d in e ith e r of these communities became s o c ia liz e d to the norms and mores of th a t community. To the e x ten t th a t they did so was the e x te n t to which they were accepted as members of th a t community. The C atholic Indians seem to be more le n ie n t and thus more to le ra n t of d e v ia tio n from the norm .10 This was b asic to F ath er B araga's program, and the Indians perpetuated i t . T heir to le ra n c e is suggested by th e ir acceptance of in d iv id u a ls from the 10 Evidence fo r th is a s s e r tio n comes from the observations th a t tr a d itio n a l Anlshinabe s o c ie ty e a s ily accepted in d iv id u a ls from o th er communities providing they claimed a f f i l i a t i o n to clans p resen t in the lo c a l s e ttle m e n t, the ease w ith which French tra d e rs became p a r t of the s o c ia l s tru c tu re (see Chapter I I ) and the continued acceptance of Mixed-bloods as p a rt of the community. Members of the M ethodist m issio n , by c o n tr a s t, resen te d the presence of Mixed-bloods, as is apparent by the statem en t th a t "We do not want any h a lf Breed or white men liv in g with our women to take p a rt in th is re se rv a tio n " (King e t a l January 7, 1865). 247 M ethodist m issio n . The M ethodists were le s s to le r a n t. There was, fo r example, the case of the C atholic woman who m arried a P ro te s ta n t male, b u t moved back to the C ath o lic m ission when he died . The M ethodists were more r ig id in th e i r stan d ard s of accep tab le beh av io r. The goal among the M ethodist Indians was to a s s im ila te in to White s o c ie ty . The Whites them selves, however, were in c re a s in g ly r e s t r i c t i v e . "D eviant” C ath o lics could f is s io n from the community in one of two d ir e c tio n s ; they could e ith e r become more tr a d itio n a l or more p ro g re ssiv e . In 1880, the L'Anse re s e rv a tio n fis s io n e d , and the H annahville re s e rv a tio n was formed (Lee September 13, 1880). Evidence from the Bureau of In d ia n A ffa irs O ffice a t S au lt S te . Marie suggests th a t those who l e f t were members of the C atholic community. In d iv id u a ls who were more " c a p i t a l i s t " than the C ath o lic norm, such as J .T ., could cro ss the Bay and "become M eth o d ists." I f they were not s u f f i c i e n t ly " c a p i t a l i s t , " again as in the case of J .T ., they would r e tu r n to the C ath o lic m issio n. Another m a n ife sta tio n of th is tendency are the ra re cases of In te rm a rria g e . Records from the Bureau of Indian A ffa irs a t S au lt Ste Marie in d ic a te a c e r ta in fem ale, C.M., form erly a member of the C ath o lic community, m arried a member of the M ethodist community.H He died before she d id . She retu rn ed to the C atholic community, dying th e re . The "d ev ian t" M ethodist Indians lik ew ise could go in e ith e r of two d ir e c tio n s . m issio n . The more t r a d it i o n a l simply crossed to the C ath o lic The C a th o lic s, more to le r a n t of a b e rra n t b eh av io r, b e n e fitte d from the inform ation and education of these In d iv id u a ls . Thus, they 11 I have been req u ested by the Bureau to keep inform ation gleaned from th e ir f i l e s c o n f id e n tia l. In accordance w ith th is r e q u e s t, no f u rth e r docum entation i s provided h ere. 248 obtained the innovations and new s k i l l s from the Whites and could use them as they needed. The more p ro g ressiv e M ethodist In d ia n s, on the o th er hand, moved in to White s o c ie ty , or a t le a s t out of the r e s e rv a tio n . Unlike the C atholic members who em igrated from the Keweenaw Bay c o rp o ra te ly , the M ethodists em igrated in d iv id u a lly . The W hites, however, provided very few and very r e s t r i c t i v e openings by which the Indians could leave the R eservation. Thus, most of the " c a p i t a l i s t " Indians were stopped " a t the g ates" of the re s e rv a tio n . The a b i l i t y to move back and f o rth between the two economies and between the two communities has enabled the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community to a d ju st to the flu c tu a tin g economic clim ate of the Upper P en in su la. As the economy boomed and th ere was an in flu x of c a p ita l to the a re a , a d d itio n a l revenue came in to the R eservation by way of the few Indians who could o b tain employment in the new v en tu re s, as w ell as through employment in the various governmental o f f ic e s . The b e n e fits of the in flu x of money would then become a v a ila b le to the members of the C ath o lic m ission. When, on the o th er hand, the economy declined and th ere was l i t t l e money a v a ila b le , the s k i l l s of the tr a d itio n a l Indians would become im portant in the o v e ra ll su b sisten ce of the r e s e rv a tio n . This f l e x i b i l i t y has also allowed the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community to have what, in essence, has been a "climax" or steady s ta te fo r the p a st 130 y e a rs, in s p ite of the booms and busts of the cash economy world around them. CHAPTER V ANALYSIS 5.1 In tro d u cto ry Remarks This ch ap ter analyzes the community's f is s io n in 1832 and the development of two d i s t i n c t communities in a r e la tiv e ly sh o rt period of tim e. I t attem pts to understand what went on in the community and why i t happened in th a t p a r tic u la r way. The chapter f i r s t r e c a p itu la te s the major p o in ts in the h i s t o r ic a l developments of the Keweenaw Bay community through the time of i t s d iv is io n . Then i t examines four approaches—e th n ic ity , fa c tio n a lism , macro-micro a n a ly sis and s ta te p e n e tra tio n -- a n th ro p o lo g ists use to understand community d iv isio n s in o th er p a rts of the w orld. The f in a l se c tio n describ es the fo rces and p ressu res resp o n sib le fo r the f is s io n of the Keweenaw Bay community and how they in te ra c te d to produce the r e s u lts observed th e re . Each of these approaches provide valuable in sig h ts leading toward an understanding of the phenomena observed a t the Keweenaw Bay. of them, however, are s u f f ic ie n t to use in r e la tio n to th a t c a se . None This is the case i f only because a l l the necessary inform ation was not recorded by the i n i t i a l observers and/or documents with those data have not been lo c a te d . The is s u e , however, is not to t e s t the v a lid ity of any p a r tic u la r model, but r a th e r to employ these models in co n cert to r e la te to a p a r tic u la r h i s t o r i c a l case, thus p erm ittin g a b e tte r understanding of the processes th a t co n trib u ted to i t . 249 250 5.2 R ec ap itu latio n A community of Anlshinabe resid ed along the southern shores of the Keweenaw Bay during the Late Woodland as is ev id en t by the excavations conducted a t Sand P oint (Hoxie 1980, M artin and Rhead 1981). R e la tiv e ly permanent se ttle m e n t began a t l e a s t as e a rly as 1712 when the French esta b lish e d a tra d in g post in the area and in s titu te d a h e re d ita ry c h ie fta in s h ip among i t s r e s id e n ts . G itshee Iaubance, the ch ie f of the community in 1827, was a descendant of the In d iv id u al whom the French f i r s t designated c h ie f (S ch o o lc raft 1962: 135-137). People continued to re sid e a t the southern shore of the Keweenaw Bay fo r the next 120 years on a semi-permanent b a s is . During th is p erio d , the B r itis h gained hegemony over the region. Poor r e la tio n s w ith the Indians req u ired B rita in to employ many of the French tra d e rs and p o lic ie s during the e a rly y e a rs. Following the B r itis h v ic to ry in the French and Indian Wars, B r itis h su b jects entered the region in larg e numbers and the w estern Great Lakes became a prim ary cen ter fo r the e x p lo ita tio n of f u r s . The B r itis h sought to ensure th e ir tra d in g advantage in the region by removing the French from p o sitio n s of Influence in the fu r tra d e . The p r o lif e r a tio n of B r itis h tra d e rs in the Upper G reat Lakes and the expanding fu r trade re s u lte d in increased com petition among the fu r tra d e rs who sought tra d in g p riv ile g e s w ith s p e c ific Anlshinabe bands. Some tra d e rs cemented th e ir advantage with some of the bands by adopting the French custom of marrying in to the Indian bands. In the meantime, the Lower Colonies defeated B rita in in the War fo r Independence of 1776, leading to the eventual displacem ent of the 251 B r itis h from the Keweenaw Bay reg io n . The United S ta te s , however, had not placed much emphasis in the fu r trad e before the War for Independence and perm itted B r ita in to r e ta in i t s tra d in g advantages in the region fo r some tim e. The United S t a te s ' poor economic p o s itio n In the world system and perceived v u ln e r a b ility to fo reig n a tta c k caused her to rea sse ss her p o l i t i c a l and economic r e la tio n s with the In d ian s. She attem pted to c re a te a llia n c e s with the Indians by i n s tit u ti n g the Factory System, a program which was undermined by the business community. A d d itio n ally , the United S ta te s adopted o th er measures by which to reduce B r itis h in flu e n c e . The War of 1812 was one such measure, as was the Law of A p ril 19, 1816 c a llin g fo r the elim in atio n of B ritis h tra d e rs in the Upper Great Lakes re g io n . These brought an end to the B r itis h regime. Although the United S tates u ltim a te ly gained hegemony over the region as a r e s u l t of these maneuvers, the primary focus of her economy was not in the fu r trad e but in the development of e a s t co ast in d u s tr ie s . Primary m a te ria ls needed fo r these in d u s tr ie s , ex p lo ited as a p a rt of the n a tio n 's d riv e fo r economic s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y , came in c re a sin g ly from the w estern reg io n s. The indigenous in h a b ita n ts of th is region did not fig u re prom inently in the lab o r fo rc e , which in stead was supplied by European m igrants. These changes had v ario u s Impacts on Anlshinabe s o c ie ty . T ra d itio n a l Anlshinabe s o c ie ty was e g a lita r ia n and u n s tr a tif ie d . In d iv id u a ls became le ad e rs by v irtu e of achieved s ta tu s and th e ir a b i l i t y to convince o th ers to follow them. A person became a lead er by v ir tu e of dem onstrating su p e rio r s k i l l in some endeavor. Those a p p re ciatin g th a t s k i l l a llo c a te d power to th a t In d iv id u al fo r a p a r tic u la r fu n ctio n (R.N. Adams 1975: 43). A lea d e r ruled by 252 consensus; those who were not swayed by h is lo g ic were not coerced to follow him. I t is f a i r l y sa fe to say th a t v ir tu a l ly a l l decisions encountered re s is ta n c e from some members of the community and fa c tio n a lis m was a re c u rre n t p o s s ib ility . W ithin s o c ie tie s of th is type sch o lars have freq u en tly observed th a t p o te n tia l r i f t s e x is t between the v illa g e e ld e rs and the young men (see Gearing 1962). V illag e e ld e rs tend to be the lead ers because they are the re p o s ito rie s of knowledge; the young men, eager to obtain th a t p o s itio n and/or b eliev in g old ad ap tatio n s are not v ia b le so lu tio n s to contemporary problems, r e b e l. Furtherm ore, the concept th a t one in d iv id u al is p a r tic u la r ly b lessed with su p erio r a b i l i t y in a p a r tic u la r s k i l l n e c e s s a rily means th a t o th ers are le ss adept a t them. These were sources of f r i c t i o n w ith in communities p o te n tia lly leading to fa c tio n a lism and v illa g e f is s io n . For ease of d isc u ssio n , we may use the term "Conservative" to r e f e r to those who gain p re s tig e using tr a d itio n a l means and "P ro to P rogressive" to r e fe r to those unable to achieve those p o sitio n s using tr a d itio n a l means. The P ro to -P ro g ressiv es were in d iv id u als who, because of th e ir r e la tiv e ly m arginal p o s itio n in s o c ie ty , were, in W ilson's (1975: 34) term s, pre-adapted to accept whatever innovations may e n te r the so c ie ty th a t may enhance th e ir p o s itio n . The en try of such innovations are thought s u f f ic ie n t to transform the P rotoP ro g ressiv es to P ro g re ssiv e s. As long as th ere is no change in technology and no other means by which th is power s tr u c tu r e may be a lte r e d , those who are le s s advantaged were c o n tin u a lly unable to command a follow ing or gain p re s tig e using tr a d itio n a l means. I t is in th is co n tex t th a t Europeans and the In tro d u c tio n of new technology have impacts on tr a d itio n a l 253 A nlshinabe s o c ie ty . The Europeans, by v irtu e of providing guns and o th er s o p h is tic a te d technology provided means by which even the p o o rest hunter could gain p r e s tig e . The in tro d u c tio n of new technology was p re c is e ly the impetus necessary by which to transform the "P ro to -P ro g ressiv e" in to P ro g ressiv e and undermined the tr a d itio n a l s o c ia l system . As long as the French were temporary re s id e n ts in the Northwest T e rr ito ry , the P ro g re s s iv e s ' enhanced p re s tig e la s te d only as long as they had tec h n o lo g ic al supports by which they obtained th e ir new p o s itio n . Once they were depleted or no longer a v a ila b le , the tr a d itio n a l le a d e rs once again assumed th e ir p la c e . The esta b lish m en t of permanent tra d in g posts toward the end of the sev en teen th century sev e rely undermined the tr a d itio n a l system by perm anently securing the enhanced p o s itio n of the P ro g re ssiv e s. Their p o s itio n was enhanced s t i l l f u r th e r by the in term arriag e of French tra d e rs among the Indians because i t provided those re la te d to the tra d e r b e tte r tra d in g r e la tio n s (Armstrong 1892: 101-102). The p a tte rn continued through the B r itis h era and th a t in which the United S tates c o n tro lle d the Northwest T e rr ito ry . The same p a tte rn emerged as a r e s u lt of the in tro d u c tio n of permanent m issio n s. In th is co n tex t we b rin g forward c r o s s - c u ltu r a l an aly ses of conversion p a tte rn s in L atin America (Nlda 1978a, 1978b; S a le r 1978: 588). These sc h o la rs found th a t the e l i t e and those a t the bottom of the socioeconomic h ie ra rc h y fre q u e n tly opt fo r C atholicism , w hile those who are upwardly mobile and w ith l i t t l e vested i n t e r e s t in the t r a d itio n a l system are a ttr a c te d to P ro te sta n tism . The same p a tte r n seems to hold fo r the Keweenaw Bay. Here, however, the " e l i t e " were n o t the upper echelons of the 254 community, but In d iv id u als who were resp ected according to the tr a d itio n a l value system. The upwardly mobile in d iv id u a ls were those who became the "c h ie fs" appointed by Whites and lia is o n s between the Indian and White systems (see Gearing 1962, P h illip s 1975: 174). Following Jarvenpa and Brumbach's (1985) lead , I analyzed a document in d ic a tin g the debts incurred by community members to a tra d e r between 1832 and 1834 (Chapter I I I ) . This is coeval with the estab lish m en t of the M ethodist m ission. The p a tte rn of indebtedness and community of resid en ce suggests th a t those with the low est debts became members of the C atholic community in 1845-1847; those with s ig n if ic a n tly higher debts became members of the M ethodist m ission. What emerges then, is a multi-component c la s s - le s s so c ie ty made up of th ree s e c to rs , each of which had s p e c ific o r ie n ta tio n s , v alu es, and r e la tio n s with the Whites (see S ashisinsky 1978 fo r an analogous study among the C ree): C onservatives. the M ixed-bloods, the P rogressives and the This in te r p r e ta tio n is supported by the observation th a t Mixed-bloods tended to incur higher debts than did P ro g ressiv es, who had higher debts than did C onservatives. Due to th e ir b ic u ltu ra l h e rita g e Mixed-bloods had more vested in te r e s ts in a s s im ila tin g than did the o th er two groups. Complicating the p ic tu re fu rth e r is the observation th a t the European powers and the United S ta te s did not hold the Indian in the same reg ard . Consequently, the ease with the Indians were able to a s s im ila te in to Euro-American so c ie ty changed from time to tim e, as did the ro u tes by which a s s im ila tio n was p o s s ib le . The French had mixed r e la tiv e ly fre e ly w ith the Indians and perm itted them to become p a r tic ip a n ts in the s o c ia l system of New France by becoming fur tra d e rs . They were able to do so because the French held th a t Indians 255 were capable of becoming f u l l members of French s o c ie ty . The B r itis h had am bivalent p o lic ie s which allowed the Indians access to the European s o c ia l system by becoming fu r tra d e rs and n ativ e m issio n a rie s, but the number of In d iv id u als capable of a s s im ila tin g was sev erely r e s t r i c t e d fo r a t l e a s t two reaso n s. F i r s t , Anlshinabe p o p u lation had Increased d ra m a tic a lly (Ray 1984), thereby decreasing the r a te by which in d iv id u a ls could marry B r itis h s u b je c ts . Equally im p o rtan t, however, Is th a t the B r itis h held the view th a t they were c u ltu r a lly su p erio r to the In d ia n s, thus reducing fu rth e r the e x te n t to which Indians could marry B r itis h s u b je c ts . During the f i r s t few decades of the n in eteen th century while the United S tates attem pted to a s s e r t her co n tro l over the reg io n , Indians had th re e p o ssib le ro u te s by which they could a s s im ila te . They could become fu r tra d e rs or government agents through the United S ta te s ; and they could a lso become n ativ e m issio n aries through the B r itis h . However, once United S ta te s c o n tro l over the area was assu red , the Indians were removed from a c tiv e p a r tic ip a tio n in the new s o c ia l and economic system. Beginning with the e a rly years of the B ritis h e ra , the Indians w itnessed a steady red u ctio n of th e ir autonomy and th e ir a b i l i t y to in te r a c t f re e ly with the environment around them. Their removal from m eaningful p a r tic ip a tio n in the White man's world is c le a r ly m anifested by the M ixed-bloods. This segment of the s o c ia l s tr u c tu r e , as l a t e as 1826, was considered by government o f f i c i a l s to be In d ia n s. In d ia n s. By 1843, however, they were grouped along with the By the time of the T reaty of 1854, no provisions were made fo r them by the Federal government; and by 1865, even some of the M ethodist A nlshinabe, too, had grown in to le r a n t of them (King e t a l January 7, 1865). 256 The red u ctio n of Indian autonomy and th e ir exclusion from the European s o c ia l system occurred w hile European p e n e tra tio n was in crea sin g and brought about a lte r a tio n s in the r e g io n 's ecology and in the indigenous economy. E cological a l te r a t io n s , s h if ts in the lo c a l economy, and th e ir a llia n c e w ith European natio n s re su lte d in enmeshing the Indians with the cash and lab o r economy of Europe. I t is Important to s t r e s s , however, the p e n e tra tio n of the European economy did not occur uniform ly w ith in the Indian communities. Nor was every in d iv id u a l a ffe c te d eq u ally by th e ir r e s t r i c t io n from p a r tic ip a tio n in the Euro-American s o c ia l and economic s tr u c tu r e s . The a n a ly sis of indebtedness dem onstrates th is concept f a i r l y c le a r ly . During the two c e n tu rie s th a t the fu r trad e was In te g ra l to the economy of the a re a , the Indians were f u ll p a r tic ip a n ts in th a t economy. With the commercial e x p lo ita tio n of f is h in the mid 1830s (Nute 1926, Nute 1944: 175) the Indians became m arginalized. When m ineral e x p lo ita tio n began in the next decade, th e ir m arg in alizatio n continued to the e x te n t th a t only a handful of Indians were employed by mining companies, and even here they were expendable. Although some Indians p a rtic ip a te d in these economic v entures between 1843 and 1881, Indians were not in te g ra l to them. This a ffe c te d those Indians who d esired to a s s im ila te more than i t did those who did n o t. The changing p o l i t i c a l environment a ffe c te d the th re e groups d if f e r e n tly . Blok (1974) might consider the emergent group as the lo c a l eq u iv a le n t to the m afiosi who became the in te rm e d ia rie s between the lo c a l in h a b ita n ts and the lan d lo rd in Genuardo. A fte r 1843, however, the Whites had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t in using Indians as la b o re rs ; hence the "musclemen" th a t emerged in S ic ily did not emerge among the Indians a t the Keweenaw Bay. 257 All In d ia n s, because of Incomplete s ta te p e n e tra tio n , continued to be p a rt of the Indian community. of the Mixed-bloods. This is most c le a rly seen in the case This segment of the population were in te g r a l to United S ta te s - Indian p o licy and economic in te ra c tio n s in 1825 (S ch o o lc ra ft June 15, 1825, Stone and Chaput 1978: 603).1 By 1840 they were considered impediments to Indian a s s im ila tio n is t p o lic ie s of the United S ta tes government (S ch o o lc raft Ju ly 15, 1840). were a lso impacted by the M ixed-bloods' demotion. The P rogressives The C onservatives were a ffe c te d le s s because th e ir in te ra c tio n s centered p rim arily on o th er In d ia n s, r a th e r than W hites. In s p ite of changes in the g lo b al p ic tu re , the Indian community a t the Keweenaw Bay, from a v a ila b le evidence, operated as an in te g ra te d u n it u n til about 1832. A lte ra tio n s in the European hegemony of the a re a , from French to B r itis h , and from B r itis h to United S ta te s , did n ot r e s u l t in concom itant changes in the p o l i t i c a l lead ersh ip in the Indian community. Equally im portant, evidence does not suggest ra d ic a l movements of population to or from the area in response to these changes. In 1832, however, co -o ccurring w ith the beginning of permanent settle m en t in the midwestern p a r t of the c o n tin e n t, the a r r iv a l of a M ethodist m issionary a t the Keweenaw Bay p re c ip ita te d the fis s io n in g of th is community. The h e re d ita ry c h ie f and h is follow ers separated and e s ta b lis h e d a settle m e n t th ree m iles away on the w estern sid e of the bay. Although some in d iv id u a ls changed th e ir membership from one community to the o th e r during the follow ing decade, evidence su g g ests, 1 While i t may be argued the government used tra d e rs as the in te rm e d ia rie s , i t is n o n eth eless the case th a t many of the tra d e rs were Mixed-bloods or m arried to In d ia n s. 258 in the main, members remained in th e ir o r ig in a l community of choice. The a r r iv a l of Father F red e ric Baraga in 1843 to e s ta b lis h a C atholic m ission on the w estern s id e of the bay cemented the e x iste n c e of two d is c r e te s e ttle m e n ts . Imm ediately follow ing B araga's a r r i v a l the Federal government attem pted to remove the C ath o lic p r ie s t from h is new m ission s i t e by w ithholding goods and s e rv ic e s . However, the F rench-C atholic tra d e r and the p r i e s t 's re so lv e to e s ta b lis h a s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t Indigenous community allowed the new community to develop. I t is im portant to s tr e s s th ese p o lic ie s could only be supported i f the Indians liv in g in th a t se ttle m e n t agreed with them. The e x te n t to which they agreed with h is plan is m anifested by the rap id in crease of population on the w estern sid e of the bay. The new community received e x te rn a l support fo r i t s ex iste n c e by the placement of an Indian Agent who was ap p aren tly a C a th o lic . He p erm itted the new se ttle m e n t to e s ta b lis h i t s own p o l i t i c a l s tru c tu re and provided i t w ith some economic a s s is ta n c e . His su ccesso r, a P r o te s ta n t whose tenure began in 1849, re a s s e rte d the balance in favor of the M ethodist m issio n , a p o s itio n i t held u n til a t l e a s t the end of the era u n d er.stu d y . In b r i e f , in te r n a l community dynamics and e x te rn a l co n d itio n s over the course of seventeen y ears perm itted the . form ation and p erp e tu a tio n of two se ttle m e n ts from a s in g le p aren t community. In s p ite these c o n d itio n s, however, the Federal government continued to co n sid er the Keweenaw Bay as a sin g le u n it. The government e s ta b lis h e d a s in g le re s e rv a tio n encompassing both se ttle m e n ts by the T re a tie s of 1842 and 1854. Although some of the government documents w ritte n between 1850 and 1881 mention the two 259 se ttle m e n ts , the m ajo rity focus a tte n tio n on events occurring In the M ethodist community. There is s u rp ris in g ly l i t t l e inform ation on the C ath o lic community during the same p erio d . Between 1850 and the end of the era under d isc u ssio n , the Indian Community was su b je c t to many p ressu res which would seem to encourage i t s r e in te g r a tio n . The estab lish m en t of a sin g le re s e rv a tio n , the g e n e ra lly favored s ta tu s of the M ethodist m ission, the economic development of the area and in creasin g presence of Whites in and around the R eservation, the D epression of 1857, the C iv il War, the term ination of annuity payments in 1871, and the Depression of 1873 had impacts on the Indian community. Yet, in s p ite of these p ressu res and common background, the two communities remained sep arate e n t i t i e s . Each community, as a r e s u l t of in te rn a l and e x te rn a l f a c to rs , developed d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l s tr u c tu r e s , s o c ia l o rg a n iz a tio n s, and economic p a tte r n s . The passage of 150 years from the i n i t i a l schism has not re su lte d in th e ir amalgamation. In b r ie f , the Keweenaw Bay is a case of a fis s io n in g of a community and the continued e x isten c e of the two daughter communities in s p ite of common p re ss u re s , common background, clo se proxim ity and the passage of tim e. 5.3 E valuation of A nthropological Models In the f i r s t ch ap ter I presented four d if f e r e n t approaches employed in anthropology to understand community dynamics a sso c ia te d w ith fis s io n in g or d iv is io n . These were e th n ic ity , fa c tio n a lism , macro-micro a n a ly s is , and s ta t e p e n e tra tio n . Each theory has something to o ffe r leading toward an understanding of the processes a t work in the Keweenaw Bay. 260 However, each is inadequate by i t s e l f to ex p lain what happened because of lack of c o n sid e ra tio n of the o th er processes involved. They e ith e r emphasize in te rn a l processes of change while holding e x te rn a l processes n e g lig ib le ; or emphasize the e x te rn a l forces actin g upon the community, w hile assuming the community to be p assiv e, or w ithout s ig n if ic a n t I n te rn a l p ro cesses. Even combining e th n ic ity and fac tio n a lism or s ta te p e n e tra tio n and macro-micro a n a ly sis would be inadequate because c o lle c tiv e ly they emphasize in te rn a l processes or e x te rn a l fo rc e s , but not both. The Keweenaw Bay case c le a r ly dem onstrates th a t both in te rn a l dynamics and e x te rn a l fo rc es involving the e f fe c ts of the la rg e r system upon the community have in te ra c te d to produce the s p e c ific h is to r i c a l outcomes d escribed in the previous ch a p te rs. The task of a n a ly sis is to id e n tify those pro cesses—In te rn a l and e x te r n a l- r e s p o n s ib le fo r shaping the course of events a t the Keweenaw Bay, to understand how those fa c to rs worked, and how they In te ra c te d w ith each o th er to produce the observed outcomes. In the follow ing pages, I w ill address each of the four approaches and in d ic a te what each o ffe rs and does not o ffe r to lead toward an understanding of the case presented by the Keweenaw Bay. I w ill l i s t the v a ria b le s considered by each of these approaches leading toward a new s y n th e tic model in the next s e c tio n . 5 .3 .1 E th n ic ity As was suggested in Chapter I , e th n ic ity stu d ie s gave r i s e to each of the four approaches described in d e ta il th e re . Some of the e a rly s tu d ie s in e th n ic ity ( e .g . Barth 1956) analyzed the r e la tio n s h ip of 261 lo c a l- le v e l groups w ithout r e la tin g th is in te ra c tio n to p ressu res ex erted upon the a c to rs by a la r g e r system. Some l a t e r s tu d ie s , however, began to address th is o v e rsig h t (see S hibutani and Kwan 1965). Each of the ethnographic cases presented in Chapter I , Involved " m u ltic u ltu ra l, m u ltie th n ic I n te ra c tiv e contexts in which a tte n tio n i s focused on an e n tity —th e e th n ic group—which is marked by some degree of c u ltu r a l and s o c ia l commonality” (Cohen 1978: 386). I t was of l i t t l e importance whether the e th n ic groups involved were d i s t i n c t — such as D.6. Sm ith's (1975) a n a ly s is of N atives and O u tsid ers, Kennedy's (1982) study of I n u its and S e ttle r s or R ubel's (1966) in v e s tig a tio n of Chicanos and Anglos in south Texas—or from i n i t i a l appearances homogeneous, as was the case of Cole and W olf's (1974) study of two Alpine v illa g e s . Kennedy's (1982) study of Northern Labrador and Cole and W olf's (1974) study dem onstrate th a t each of the eth n ic groups involved developed c u ltu r a l p a tte rn s s p e c ific to the members of a p a r tic u la r group. These p attern ed behaviors d if f e r e n t ia te one group from another and id e n tify in d iv id u a ls as members of a p a r tic u la r group. This ob serv atio n was p e r tin e n t to the study of the Keweenaw Bay case on two le v e ls of a n a ly s is . F i r s t , th ere is the obvious eth n ic d is tin c tio n between the Anishinabe and W hites. Second, the c o n sid e ra tio n th a t each e th n ic group would develop c u ltu r a l p a tte rn s th a t id e n tif ie d members of a p a r tic u la r group and d istin g u ish e d them from o th er groups was a lso a t work a t the Keweenaw Bay as is suggested by the d i s t i n c t l i f e - s t y l e s adopted by members of the P ro te s ta n t and C atholic m issions. Other eth n ic s tu d ie s have emphasized the n atu re of the in te ra c tio n s between the groups. Both Barth (1956) and Rubel (1966), 262 fo r example, dem onstrate th a t the two e th n ic groups may op erate sy m b io tlc a lly . The concept of sym biosis, from an eco lo g ical p e rsp e c tiv e , concerns "the prolonged and In tim ate r e la tio n s h ip of organisms belonging to d if f e r e n t sp ecies" (Wilson 1975: 353, emphasis added). I t seems c le a r from these cases th a t symbiosis need not n e c e s s a rily be In tim ate, b u t th a t time is d e f in ite ly of Im portance. The case of the Keweenaw Bay, fo r example, suggests th a t the two communities do n ot enjoy an In tim ate r e la tio n s h ip , b u t th a t each community, op eratin g with a d i s t i n c t economy, has provided goodB and se rv ic e s to the o th er community upon occasion throughout the p a st cen tu ry and a h a lf . I t is in th is co n tex t th a t one may address the ro le played by the Mixed-blood in Anishinabe-W hite in te r a c tio n s . I discussed th e ir ro le as a conduit through which goods of Euro-United S ta te s manufacture entered the Anishinabe communities, and as such, were the c u ltu re brokers in Chapter I I I . E th n ic ity s tu d ie s can in te r p r e t the ro le th is s o c ia l s e c to r had in the in te ra c tio n s between these two eth n ic groups, but tend to n e g le c t the issu e of how groups lik e them come in to being, and how to understand th e i r emergence when one e th n ic group holds the o th er in contempt. There is another major lim ita tio n to e th n ic ity stu d ie s from the p e rsp e c tiv e o ffere d by the case of the Keweenaw Bay. These s tu d ie s tend to focus upon groups th a t are alread y in e x iste n c e . In each of the cases presented above d ealin g w ith the r e la tio n s between groups th a t were c le a r ly d i s t i n c t (N atives and O u tsid ers, In u its and S e tt le r s , Chicanos and A nglos), q u estio n s such as how the c u ltu r a l d iffe re n c e s m anifested between the two groups in in te r a c tio n were n o t n e c e s s a rily of im portance, because i t could be a ttr ib u te d to c u ltu r a l d iffe re n c e s . 263 The same holds tru e fo r the study of S t. F e lix and T re t; however, h ere, a n a ly s is of h i s t o r i c a l fe a tu re s suggested th a t d iffe re n c e s between the two communities, although on the su rface ap p aren tly s im ila r, had d i s t i n c t backgrounds. The problem th a t emerges with the c o n sid e ratio n of the Keweenaw Bay c a se, however, I s th a t the c u ltu r a lly homogeneous community of 1823 developed in to two d i s t i n c t communities, each w ith I ts own c u ltu ra l p a tte rn s twenty years l a t e r . The e th n ic ity approach, then, is not w holly adequate fo r the Keweenaw Bay case because the c e n tra l focus of th is study (th e Baraga and the L'Anse Indians) were a s in g le eth n ic group r e la tiv e to the Whites in the la rg e r system. E thnic stu d ie s address the issu e of "passing" from one ethnic group to an o th er. The consensus su g g ests, as D.G. Smith (1975: 114) does, th a t "m obility between the segments is th e o r e tic a lly p o ssib le fo r only a fe w ...a n d p r a c tic a lly p o ssib le fo r a mere h an d fu l." This p a tte r n , from a v a ila b le documents holds tru e fo r the Keweenaw Bay, both In terms of m ig ratio n from the R eservation to the o u tsid e by the M ethodist Indians and between the two m ission communities w ithin the R eserv atio n . What e th n ic s tu d ie s f a i l to ad d ress, however, is i f i t is p o s s ib le , why do more people not do i t ; and, conversely, how do those in d iv id u a ls who succeed in "passing" manage to do i t? 5 .3 .2 F actionalism S tudies of fa c tio n a lism p o te n tia lly o ffered much in s ig h t to what occurred a t the Keweenaw Bay. S tudies such as th a t of O raibl (Sekaquaptewa 1972) and o th e rs in d ic a te th a t factio n alism along P ro g ressiv e and C onservative lin e s is common in Native American 264 communities. This approach o ffe rs clu es as to how fa c tio n s develop, become c e n tra liz e d around two (fo r ease of d iscu ssio n ) in d iv id u a ls re p resen tin g d if f e r e n t p o in ts of view, the vying fo r p o l i t i c a l c o n tro l, and the eventual (and p o ssib le ) schism of the two groups. S c h o o lc ra ft's (1962: 136-137) comment th a t G itshee Iaubance's change in a lle g ia n c e from B r itis h to the u n ited S ta te s in 1823, suggests th a t fac tio n alism may have played a ro le in the schism th a t took p lace about nine years l a t e r . The prim ary problem in considering th is approach to the Keweenaw Bay case is the lack of documents and required inform ation needed to s u sta in the argument. The lack of documents th a t might provide clues to the o rig in of the community's f is s io n in 1832, provide no ex p lan atio n fo r the re la tio n s h ip of the two communities in other s e ttin g s than the T rib a l C ouncil, where, as Danziger (1978: 136) a s s e r t s , fa c tio n a lism was p resen t as la t e as 1941. Indeed, documents suggest r e la tiv e ly am icable, i f not in d if f e r e n t, r e la tio n s between members of the two communities in the course of day-to-day l i f e . Thus, w hile fa c tio n a lism may h elp us understand the o rig in of the d if f e r e n t communities, i t does not provide clues lending to the p erp etu atio n of the dual-community system a t the Keweenaw Bay among the members except a t the le v e l of the T rib a l Council, i t s e l f an in s t i t u t i o n e sta b lish e d to f a c i l i t a t e the in te ra c tio n s of Anlshinabe with the Federal government (Planning Support Group 1977: 134-136). As s ta te d in Chapter I , fa c tio n s seem to develop as two groups vie w ith one another fo r scarce re so u rces, the n atu re of which is c u ltu r a lly d efin ed . The fa c tio n s a t O raib i, fo r example, developed over the issu e of land (Sekaquaptewa 1972: 253), while th a t of the Cuna focused on co n tro l of the coat trad e (Holloman 1975). A vailable 265 documents fo r the Keweenaw Bay, however, f a i l to rev eal p re c is e ly what the scarce resource In question may have been. The case of fa c tio n a lism a t O raibi was e s p e c ia lly in trig u in g w ith re sp e c t to the Keweenaw Bay case fo r a t l e a s t four reaso n s. F irs t, lik e a t Keweenaw Bay, the fa c tio n s arose in to P rogressive and C onservative groups. Second, lik e the case a t O raib i, once one of the fa c tio n s s p l i t from the o th e r, evidence suggests th a t h o s t i l i t i e s ceased. T h ird , in both c a se s, the schism atic group e sta b lish e d a new community r e la tiv e ly near th e ir o rig in a l community. And, fo u rth , in both cases the C onservative fa c tio n em igrated. The l a s t fe a tu re is e s p e c ia lly in te r e s tin g because the p a tte rn is repeated in many s e ttin g s . Among the Anishinabe, fo r example, K inietz (1947: 21-22) s ta te s th is occurred among members of the Lac Vieux D esert band who em igrated from the Keweenaw Bay. a s im ila r p a tte rn a t Lac Court O r e ille . James (1954: 6) found C ro s s -c u ltu ra lly , i t occurred a t O raibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) and among the Cuna (Howe 1986: 243). Why i t seems to be th is p a r tic u la r fa c tio n th a t em igrates, even though, as was the case a t O raibi th is fa c tio n may be the m ajority (Sekaquaptewa 1972: 248-249), is not explained by factio n alism s tu d ie s . Some of the s tu d ie s of fa c tio n a lism rev eal th a t in te rn a l p ressures are resp o n sib le fo r the development of f a c tio n s , as was the case among the Yanomano which re s u lte d from a case of m a rita l in f i d e l i t y (Chagnon 1977: 360-361). Other c ases, however, such as th a t which occurred a t O raibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) and a t the Keweenaw Bay, o rig in a te d as a r e s u l t of e x te rn a l In te rfe re n c e . While such s tu d ie s may Im p licate the ro le of e x te rn a l fo rces a t the beginning, the gen eral focus tends to be on what occurred w ith in the community ra th e r than the re la tio n s h ip between the members of the community and the la rg e r system of which 266 they are a lso a p a r t. The major problem with the fa c tio n a lism approach fo r c u rre n t purposes is th a t i t focuses on In te rn a l community dynamics w hile ignoring the r e la tio n s h ip between the community and the la r g e r world. As dem onstrated in the body of th is te x t, the l a t t e r s tr u c tu r e was in tim a te ly Involved in causing and promoting the fa c tio n s to form and the community to d iv id e . N either have fa c tio n a lism stu d ie s addressed the issu e of "cro ss­ o v e rs." I t is not inconceivable th a t, because such cases re p re s e n t a m in o rity , the in v e s tig a to rs chose to Ignore them. At the Keweenaw Bay case, however, because th is p a tte rn operated w ithin the context of the community fo r a long period of tim e, th is segment has to be accommodated. For c u rre n t purposes, I assume th a t these in d iv id u a ls are in d ic a tiv e of varying degrees of attachm ent to one ideology or another. Although the case of J .T ., who was considered to be a leading member of the C ath o lic m ission, who then defected to the M ethodist m ission, and then ap p aren tly retu rn ed to the C atholic m ission, may be c ite d as a case in p o in t of th is a s s e r tio n , I do not have enough data to s ta te with any degree of assurance th a t the same held tru e fo r o th e rs , such as C.M. A fu rth e r problem co n fro nting fa c tio n a lism stu d ie s from the p e rsp e ctiv e of the Keweenaw Bay case is th a t such s tu d ie s do not address how such groups develop d i s t i n c t c u ltu r a l p a tte r n s . This may be due to the natu re of fa c tio n a lism s tu d ie s them selves, which tend to focus la rg e ly on p o l i t i c a l or p o l i t i c a l and economic concerns (see Sekaquaptewa 1972, Howe 1986, Holloman 1975), and Bocial Issues th a t become p o l i t i c a l (e .g . Chagnon 1977), thus Ignoring those fe a tu re s of 267 community l i f e th a t may r e s u l t in the development of d i s t i n c t c u ltu r a l tra its . 5 .3 .3 Macro-Micro Analysis While e th n ic ity and fa c tio n a lism approaches tend to focus th e ir a tte n tio n on what occurs w ith in the lo c a l community, macro-micro analyses and s ta t e p e n e tra tio n approaches s h i f t th e i r a tte n tio n to supra-community le v e ls of an a ly se s. Developing as a r e s u lt of c ritic is m s of dependency theory, which held lo c a l communities to be passiv e r e c ip ie n ts of p o lic ie s (G.A. Smith 1985: 83), macro-micro analyses view the In te ra c tio n of lo c a l communities and the la r g e r system of which they are a p a rt as dynamic. To an e x te n t n o t found in some of the o th e r approaches discussed above, macro-micro analyses take a d ia c h ro n ic , ra th e r than synchronic, p ersp ectiv e (DeUalt and P elto 1985: 5 ). To b e tte r understand the re la tio n s h ip between the community and the la r g e r system, a trend w ith in macro-micro s tu d ie s has been to use a reg io n as the u n it of a n a ly s is . This trend has been u se fu l to the c u rre n t study because i t re v eals th a t although s im ila r p ressu res may be ex erted upon two communities by e x te rn a l fo rc e s , the communities do not re a c t to those p ressu res in the same way (see V.R. Smith 1977). I t is p o ssib le these d i f f e r e n t i a l responses are a r e s u l t of the p a r tic u la r environm ental fe a tu re s in which a community fin d s i t s e l f , making i t Incapable of responding as another community might (B aurelss 1982: 69), or because, as in the case of gypsies (Gmelch 1986), do n o t have the d e s ire to p a r tic ip a te more f u lly in the s o c ia l, economic, and p o l i t i c a l system of the la rg e r u n it of which they are a p a r t. 268 Although gypsies and "o th er groups who d o n 't want In" (Gmelch 1986) have long been of an th ro p o lo g ical I n te r e s t, I t has only been r e la tiv e ly re c e n tly th a t these s tu d ie s have addressed the Issue th a t la rg e c o lle c tio n s of Buch In d iv id u a ls re p re se n t a perplexing problem fo r the n a tio n a l government. One way these in d iv id u a ls manage to e x is t is by p ra c tic in g a mobile l i f e - s t y l e such th a t they are one step ahead of the government. C u riously, the Baraga Indians seem to have had a s im ila r re la tio n s h ip with the Federal Government as have gypsies. In c o n tra s t to the l a t t e r group, however, the C atholic Indians have remained a t the Keweenaw Bay fo r the p ast century and a h a lf . Here, i t is not the case th a t they have avoided d e te c tio n , or even th a t the government has tr ie d to work with them but f a ile d ; but th a t th is s o c ia l segment seems to have been d e lib e ra te ly ignored. The Conservatives opted fo r C atholicism because i t presented an opportunity to remain more tr a d itio n a l than the M ethodist community allow ed. They remained in the C atholic community because i t continued to allow them to remain more t r a d it i o n a l . This suggests th a t a mobile l i f e - s t y l e is not e s p e c ia lly necessary and re a ffirm s C.A. Sm ith's (1985: 84) comment th a t "a n th ro p o lo g ists remain q u ite one-sided, assig n in g potency and c a u s a lity only to the e x te rn a l fo rc e s ." A d i f f i c u l t y w ith macro-micro analyses in the p re se n t case is th a t th ese focus on community in te ra c tio n w ith the re g io n , w hile holding in te r n a l community dynamics c o n sta n t, and thereby ignore them. Although such s tu d ie s c le a r ly dem onstrate th a t in te ra c tio n s between the c e n tr a l government and lo c a l communities is v a r ia b le , a re g io n a l focus is unable to understand why thiB may be the c ase. For the same reason, such s tu d ie s are unable to grapple w ith the problem why th ere might be d i f f e r e n t i a l i n t e r e s t in p a r tic ip a tin g in the n a tio n a l system w ithin a 269 sin g le community (see W.R. Smith 1977: IS ). 5 .3 .4 S ta te -P e n e tra tio n To address the problem in h eren t in macro-micro analyses and to address C.A. Sm ith's c r itic is m , some sch o lars returned to focus on the community. A consequence of th is was the development of a " v illa g e - outward" approach (Blok 1974: x x v ii) . T h is, lik e macro-micro an aly ses, is diach ro n ic and considers the in te ra c tio n between the community and the core as a two-way p ro c e ss. I t is d i s t i n c t from macro-micro analyses because the community is the le v e l of focus. Consequently, i t is p o ssib le to consider the a c t i v i t i e s of in d iv id u a ls and p lo t the ev o lu tio n of a s o c ia l system through tim e. In keeping with macro-micro a n a ly se s, however, these sch o la rs argue th a t the community may be an ap p ro p ria te u n it fo r study, b ut i t is not adequate as a u n it of a n a ly sis because of i t s re la tio n s h ip with the la rg e r system (Blok 1974: x x v ii). Thus, emphasis is s t i l l placed on e x te rn a l fo rces ra th e r than in te rn a l dynamics. This is a problem fo r the c u rre n t study because, by placing emphasis on e x te rn a l p re ss u re s , a c to rs w ith in the community tend to lo se th e ir id e n tity and become glossed as members of a p a r tic u la r subgroup, or c la s s , w ith in the community. For example, Blok (1974) was ab le to d if f e r e n tia te between the S ic ilia n peasants and the m afio si. This p rese n ts a problem fo r the c u rre n t case fo r a t l e a s t two reaso n s. F i r s t , u n lik e n in etee n th century S ic ily , tr a d itio n a l Anishinabe s o c ie ty was c la s s - le s s and e g a l i t a r ia n . The autonomy of the In d iv id u a l, an ethos ap p aren tly s t i l l held by some members of the Anishinabe community, is seen to m i l i t a te a g a in s t the conception of a class-b ased 270 so c ie ty in the formal sen se. Second, the glossing of in d iv id u a ls in to s p e c ific subgroups w ith in the population tends to obscure questions such as why was i t p o ssib le fo r th is group of in d iv id u a ls to achieve th a t p o s itio n , while o th e r members of the community, th e o r e tic a lly under the same p re ssu re s, were not? B lok's (1974) study co n siders the ev o lu tio n of the m afiosi out of the group of p e asan try . This subgroup was able to r e ta in a s ig n if ic a n t p o s itio n in Genuardo's s o c ia l, economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . S tru c tu r a lly , the m afiosi f i t in the same p lace in S ic ilia n so c ie ty as the Mixed-bloods did in Anishinabe so c ie ty up u n til the 1830s. A fter th is p o in t, the Mixed-bloods l o s t th e ir importance as c u ltu re -b ro k e rs between Whites and In d ia n s, and, Instead of a l l remaining a f f i l i a t e d w ith the more p ro g ressiv e ( i . e . , M ethodist) group, the Mixed-bloods became a f f i l i a t e d with both m issions. This suggests th a t in s p ite of th e ir a ssim ila tio n and acceptance of many aspects of Euro-United S ta te s s o c ie ty , some of these In d iv id u a ls p re fe rre d to a s s o c ia te w ith the more co n serv ativ e element of Anishinabe so c ie ty . One p o te n tia l reason fo r th is may have been th a t th e ir fa th e rs had been C ath o lic . T his, however, brings forward the o b serv atio n th a t o th er in d iv id u a ls ' fa th e rs had also been C ath o lic, y e t th e ir c h ild re n opted fo r the M ethodist m ission. How can one account fo r th is?2 In sum, each of these approaches provide a g re a t deal of in s ig h t and o f fe r clues lead in g to an understanding of the events th a t occurred 2 One p o te n tia l reason is th a t they had become d is illu s io n e d with the way Whites had acted toward them; thus C atholicism as dem onstrated by Father Baraga, rep resen ted a re tu rn to a s ty le of l i f e th a t allowed them to adopt those elem ents of White s o c ie ty which they wanted, w hile rem aining as tr a d itio n a l as p o s sib le . 271 on the Keweenaw Bay. However, none of them alone are s u f f ic ie n t and, p resen t more questions than so lu tio n s to I ts in te r p r e ta tio n . Consequently, i t is im portant to Incorporate the in s ig h ts o ffered by these various approaches and develop a d if f e r e n t model. 5 .4 A S ynthetic Model The f is s io n of the A nishinabe community a t the Keweenaw Bay and i t s subsequent ev o lu tio n as two d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s can b est be considered as a p ro cess, not an ev en t. As a pro cess, a tte n tio n is placed on the In te ra c tio n s th a t occur between the forces th a t a c t upon a community. The purpose of th is se c tio n is to id e n tify the in te r n a l fo rces and e x te rn a l p ressu res and to sketch how they in te ra c te d to y ie ld the r e s u lts observed a t the Keweenaw Bay. Ue begin by re c a llin g th a t the tr a d itio n a l conception held th a t a community is homogeneous. R.N. Adams (1962) has re fu te d th is assumption fo r L atin American communities. Anishinabe communities. were not homogeneous. I t may also be refu ted fo r Before the advent of Europeans these s e ttin g s In evidence, Dubon (c ite d by K inietz 1965: 323) s ta te d th a t "Not a l l persons are f i t t e d fo r th is f is h in g .” As a r e s u l t of d i f f e r e n t i a l a b i l i t i e s and o th er f a c to r s , a community co n sisted of in d iv id u a ls w ith d if f e r e n t le v e ls of p r e s tig e . These in te rn a l p ressu res provide the foundation fo r the subsequent ev en ts. At a microcosmic le v e l, the h etero g en eity of any community is of l i t t l e consequence. The d iffe re n c e s , however become magnified when co n tac t is made w ith a p o l i t i c a l l y and econom ically dominant c u ltu re . This e x te rn a l force had g re a te r appeal to those denied the p re stig io u s p o sitio n s in t h e 't r a d i t i o n a l system . At le a s t one author (v iz . Gearing 272 1962) has observed those most a ttr a c te d to the new system v ere those who were denied access to p re stig io u s p o sitio n s In the tr a d itio n a l s o c ie ty . Nida (1978b) has s ta te d the same p a tte rn holds In L atin America in r e la tio n to those who opt fo r P ro te sta n tism . R adln's comment about the c h a ra c te r of those among the Anishinabe who i n i t i a l l y converted to C atholicism during the French regime suggest the same p a tte rn ap p lied (c ite d in Vecsey 1983: 53). This had a number of Impacts on the Anishinabe community, four of which were immediate; o th ers occurred as a r e s u lt of th e se . Each of these immediate impacts are addressed by d if f e r e n t approaches to community dynamics. F i r s t was the ab so rp tio n of the lo c a l community in to su p ra -lo c a l p o l i t i c a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s and p re ssu re s. concern is addressed by macro-micro a n a ly s is . This Second is the co n sid e ra tio n th a t n o t a l l members of the community app reciated the in tro d u c tio n of new o p p o rtu n itie s in the community,3 an issu e explored by s ta te p e n e tra tio n t h e o r is t s . Third is the development of fa c tio n s w ith in the community, a focus of fa c tio n a lism . The f a c tio n s , however, were based upon the degree to which one wished to p a r tic ip a te in the g lo b al economy, an issu e addressed most a p p ro p ria te ly by s ta te p e n e tra tio n , not fa c tio n a lis m . F o urth, th ere were two immediate "we - they" d is tin c tio n s e s ta b lis h e d . One was between the Anishinabe and the Europeans; the second, between the C onservatives and the P ro g ressiv es. While eth n ic s tu d ie s have t r a d itio n a lly focused on the r e la tio n s between members of 3 Nida (1978a) has suggested th is may be why P ro te s ta n t se c ts in L atin America have had r e la tiv e ly l i t t l e success in acq u irin g a d h e re n ts. He p o s tu la te s th a t the e l i t e shun P ro te sta n tism because those who are a ttr a c te d to i t are those who oppose the e l i t e in the tr a d itio n a l system. 273 the two d i s t i n c t c u ltu r e s , fa c tio n a lism stu d ie s have focused on the r e la tio n s between the C onservative and P rogressive elements w ithin a s o c ie ty . Yet, a t the Keweenaw Bay, the u ltim a te r e s u l t of the second dichotomy m irrors th a t which is expected between members of d is ti n c t e th n ic groups. The form ation of fa c tio n s and the techniques used to a t t r a c t fo llo w ers c le a r ly l i e w ith in the realm of factio n alism s tu d ie s . The c lu s te r in g of those around the ch arism atic Conservative le a d e r by those a ttr a c te d to the s ta tu s quo also l i e s w ith in the tr a d itio n s of fa c tio n a lis m s tu d ie s . The c lu s te rin g of those who form the opposition f a c tio n , a ttr a c te d to the b e n e fits derived from the Europeans, however, does n o t, because the ch arism atic in d iv id u a l in th is case was not a member of the community, b u t an o u ts id e r. W ithin the community, then, were groups of in d iv id u a ls d i f f e r e n t i a l l y a ttr a c te d to the " b e n e f its ” o ffered by e x te rn a l a g en c ies. Meanwhile, a d d itio n a l e x te rn a l pressu res now became a c tiv e . In te ra c tio n s between the anishinabe and the global economy c a lle d fo r the c re a tio n of b u re a u c ra tic s tru c tu re s such as tra d in g posts and agencies to oversee r e la tio n s between the Europeans and the Indians. A d d itio n al p ressu res were brought to bear upon the community by the B r itis h vying fo r hegemony over the region w ith France, and l a t e r by com petition between B r itis h tra d in g companies. Those members e s p e c ia lly a ttr a c te d to the new l i f e s t y l e responded to each of these e x te rn a l p ressu res by m arrying th e ir daughters to the tra d e rs . The progeny of these unions became p a rt of the s tr u c tu r e m ediating the r e la tio n s between the Anishinabe and Europeans. These c lu s te r s of in d iv id u a ls were given p o s itio n s as tra d e rs under the French. When the Upper G reat Lakes f e l l to B r itis h c o n tr o l, they served as second-level 274 tra d e rs and m iss io n a rie s . By 1832, they served as second (o r th ird ) le v e l tra d e rs and government agents fo r the United S ta te s , and as m issio n aries under the B r i t i s h . 4 As a r e s u l t of th ese dynamics, the heterogeneous Anishinabe community became segmented in to th re e d i s t i n c t components—the C onservatives, the P ro g re ssiv e s, and the M ixed-bloods. Each time there was a s h i f t in the e x te rn a l p o l i t i c a l or economic clim ate in the Upper G reat Lakes re g io n , th ere would be a r ip p le e f f e c t w ithin the community in which the th ree groups would have d i s t i n c t fa te s and fo rtu n e s . Those who were among the C onservative group, although le s s d ir e c tly a ffe c te d by changes in the e x te rn a l c o n d itio n s, were a ffe c te d by the decreasin g a v a i l a b i l i t y of fu r-b e a rin g anim als, and/or by the se ttle m e n t of U hites around them. Those who were members of the Mixed-blood segment were h eav ily impacted by th e ir red u ctio n in in flu en c in g the course of Anishinabe United S ta tes r e la tio n s between 1826 and 1843. T h is, too, was a product of the Id e o lo g ic a l clim ate of the tim e. One school of cran lo lo g y , an emerging i n t e r e s t in the United S ta te s , held th a t Mixedbloods were a hybrid group, and as such rep resen ted "a degenerate, u n n atu ral o ffsp rin g doomed by n atu re to work out i t s own d e stru c tio n " (B ieder 1980: 24). This b e l i e f , and o th er e x te rn a l p ressu res re su lte d in dim inishing the M ixed-bloods' ro le as in te rm e d ia rie s between the United S ta te s and the A nishinabe. Because the to ta l process took place over a twenty year p e rio d , i t may have discouraged some in d iv id u a ls , prompting them to opt fo r the C ath o lic m ission. O thers, b eliev in g they 4 E th n ic ity s tu d ie s have not adequately considered the presence of a th ird group whose members are products of the in term arriag e of two d i s t i n c t e th n ic groups. 275 s t i l l had an opp o rtu n ity to a s s im ila te in to White s o c ie ty , may have opted to remain in the M ethodist m ission. In a d d itio n , continued in te ra c tio n w ith the non-Anlshinabe a t nonuniform ra te s w ithin any community created a d d itio n a l in te rn a l p re ss u re s . By providing m a te ria l goods and p attern ed behaviors d i f f e r e n t i a l l y w ithin the community, these phenomena became symbols of e th n ic id e n tity , the use of which c le a r ly id e n tifie d an in d iv id u al as a member of a p a r tic u la r group. This In te rn a l force became so im portant in subsequent intra-com m unity events th a t e x te rn a l p ressu res seeking to re u n ite the C onservative and the P rogressive communities were to no a v a il. I have suggested throughout these pages th a t these groups were impacted by the Europeans in a sp ects of c u ltu re o th er than purely the s o c ia l, p o l i t i c a l , and economic. Indeed, as these asp ects of c u ltu re changed, so too, did the id e o lo g ic a l frameworks. For example, while i t is nowhere c e r ta in the Mldewlwln was not p resen t in p re -c o n ta c t Anishinabe s o c ie ty , i t is c le a r th a t asp ects of i t had a lte re d to accommodate the in flu en ce of the French. Undoubtedly, the presence of n a tiv e m issio n aries a lso brought about changes in the Anishinabe cosmology during the la t e e ig h teen th and e a rly n in eteen th c e n tu rie s , too. This c o n s te lla tio n of fo rces and pressu res and th e ir s o c ia l, economic, p o l i t i c a l , and id e o lo g ic a l e f fe c ts in te ra c te d from the time of I n i t i a l Anishinabe-European c o n tact u n til 1832. By th a t tim e, the United S ta te s had c le a r ly e s ta b lis h e d hegemony over the region and the tr a d it i o n a l l y im portant ro le of the Mixed-blood was waning. The expulsion of the B r itis h tra d e rs had alread y occurred, th a t of the n a tiv e m issio n aries would occur w ithin fiv e y e a rs, and th e ir ro le as 276 government - Anishinabe in te rm e d ia rie s , which had begun to d eclin e in 1826, was continuing i t s d e c lin e . The o u ste r of Henry S choolcraft in 1839 marks the term in atio n of the ro le of Mixed-bloods as formal in te rm e d ia rie s between Anishinabe and White so c ie ty . The in tro d u c tio n of the n a tiv e m issionary M ethodist a t the Keweenaw Bay in 1832 re s u lte d in the schism of the C onservative from the P rogressive fa c tio n a t the Keweenaw Bay. His replacem ent by a White two years l a t e r exacerbated the schism, i f only because the Whites were not overly s e n s itiv e to the impacts they had on the C onservatives. The presence of these m issio n aries created a s tr u c tu r e around whom the P rogressive community could organize because they o ffered goods and se rv ic e s not supplied by the tra d e r and an id e o lo g ic a l c o n stru c t upon which they could b u ild . The C onservative fa c tio n r a l li e d around G itshee Iaubance fo r analogous reasons. G itshee Iau b an ce's death in February of 1843 and the emplacement of h is son, Penashe, who was y et a minor, undermined the C o n serv ativ e's p o s itio n . However, B araga's advent in October of th a t y e a r, armed w ith a philosophy congenial to th a t of the C onservatives, provided added impetus to the Conservative cause. Baraga provided the Conservative Anishinabe with the same kinds of b e n e fits the M ethodist m issionary provided to the P rogressive fa c tio n . The P rogressive cause was fu rth e r weakened by the push toward copper and iro n e x p lo ita tio n in the area by the United S ta te s in the sp rin g of 1843, follow ing the T reaty of 1842. This T reaty, in conjunction w ith the Webster-Ashburton T reaty of 1841, stim u lated United S ta tes c itiz e n s to e n te r the area to e x p lo it the a r e a 's re so u rc es. Their presence, however, undermined the p o s itio n of the P ro g re ssiv e s, who, tr a d it i o n a l l y a ttr a c te d to the s o c ia l and economic 277 b e n e fits of the Europeans, were In creasin g ly denied then due to the we - they e th n ic d is tin c tio n s generated by the V h ites. This probably strengthened the C onservative p o s itio n because the ex clusion of Indians from p a r tic ip a tio n in White economic and s o c ia l c ir c le s led to d is a f f e c tio n and movement to the C atholic m ission. This would account fo r the rap id r i s e in the p o p ulation of the C atholic m ission by the e a rly 1850s. The in creased presence of W hites, the advent of Baraga w ith h is d o c trin e , the r e s t r i c t i o n of Indians from engaging in meaningful employment in the new economic and s o c ia l e n te r p ris e s , and the Treaty of 1842 a l l combined to stre n g th en the C onservatives'' m a te ria l and id e o lo g ic a l s tr a t e g i e s . I t a lso re su lte d in the m igrations of A nishinabe communities in the immediate area to the Keweenaw Bay. The re sc in d in g of Federal monies to th a t m ission, in e f f o r t to remove Baraga, only strengthened th e ir p o s itio n . In the meantime, the Pro- P ro te s ta n t ethos of the United S ta te s government, the a ttr a c tio n of the members of the M ethodist m ission to the way of l i f e advocated by the M ethodists, and the burgeoning cash -lab o r economy in the region strengthened the m a te ria l and id e o lo g ic a l s tr a te g ie s of the those few P ro g ressiv e Anishinabe and Mixed-bloods who were able to o b tain employment, or b elieved they could. At th is ju n c tu re , i t i s im portant to s tr e s s th ree p o in ts . F irs t, th a t p a r tic ip a tio n in e ith e r the M ethodist or the C atholic community was not s o le ly dependent upon k in sh ip . Although Brown (December 29, 1843) s ta te s t h a t those who had opted fo r the C atholic m ission were r e la tiv e s of G itshee Iaubance; C ornell (1986:78) has s ta te d th a t any in d iv id u a l could be r e la te d to up to 40% of the in h a b ita n ts of any p a r tic u la r community. Thus, the segmenting of the Ontonagon and Lac in Vleux D esert Bands in to both communities cannot be a ttr ib u te d to k in sh ip alo n e. Second, the f is s io n in the community was n o t s tru c tu re d along t e r r i t o r i a l l i n e s , because i t occurred w ith in a s in g le c u ltu ra l e n tity . T h ird , the fis s io n in g of the community in 1832 was not merely a response to two ch arism atic le a d e rs . Evidence suggests th a t David King was s e le c te d as le a d e r of the M ethodist m ission only a f te r the m issionary had nominated him as c h ie f . Furtherm ore, i t is n o t a lto g e th e r convincing th a t Penashe, a youth of about ten years of age, had the charisma of h is f a th e r , G itshee Iaubance, even though the former was in d ir e c t lin e as h e re d ita ry c h ie f. These fe a tu re s h ig h lig h t the follow ing concept. D iffe re n t kinds of in d iv id u a ls were a ttr a c te d to one of the two m issions as a r e s u l t of in d iv id u a l v a r i a b i li t y w ith in the p o p u latio n . This v a r i a b i li t y was based upon in d iv id u a l c a p a b ilitie s and s o c ia l s tr u c tu r a l v a ria b le s . These co n d itio n s caused in d iv id u a ls to respond d if f e r e n tly to e x te rn a l p re ss u re s . While each in d iv id u a l approached s itu a tio n s d if f e r e n tly , the manner in which they addressed the problem and the so lu tio n s they achieved were based upon a small s e t of p attern ed behaviors considered ap p ro p ria te by the members of th a t I n d iv id u a l's community. In sum, to f u lly understand what occurred a t the Keweenaw Bay, i t is Im portant to understand why the f is s io n occurred by focusing a t intra-com m unity dynamics, n ot a t the community as a whole. I am not s ta tin g i t is necessary to understand the in d iv id u a l psychologies of in d iv id u a ls to a s c e rta in why they responded as they d id , but r a th e r to understand the behaviors of groups of in d iv id u a ls . These behaviors can only be understood f u lly when in te r n a l p ressu res and e x te rn a l forces are considered and the ad ap tive n atu re of these behaviors re a liz e d . T ra d itio n a l approaches to community dynamics—e th n ic ity , 279 fa c tio n a lism , macro-micro a n a ly ses, and s ta t e p e n e tr a tio n - illu m in a te d v a ria b le s th a t needed to be considered and analyzed as to how i t worked to r e s u l t In the p a tte rn e d behaviors observed a t the Keweenaw Bay. At the same tim e, however, the Keweenaw Bay s itu a tio n shows new v a ria tio n s of how these processes worked which are n o t e n tir e ly r e fle c te d in the e x is tin g l i t e r a t u r e . For example, w hile e th n ic ity and fa c tio n a lism address the ro le of ideology, the impact and r o le of an e x te rn a l id e o lo g ic a l framework upon community dynamics is o fte n not co n sid ered . Furtherm ore, e th n ic ity dynamics were a lte r e d by the m ediation of M ixed-bloods. T heir presence meant th a t the commonly observed we - they d is tin c tio n s in h e re n t in e th n ic ity s tu d ie s became b lu rre d . S im ila rly , q u estions such as why, c r o s s - c u ltu r a lly , the more co nservative fa c tio n is the most prone to em ig rate, ex p lan atio n s fo r the d if f e r e n t growth p a tte rn s of the M ethodist and C atholic m issio ns, why M ethodist Anishinabe ap p aren tly em igrated as In d iv id u als out of the re s e rv a tio n and to the C atholic m issio n , w hile the C ath o lic Anishinabe em igrated to the M ethodist m ission as in d iv id u a ls , b u t as a group out of the re s e rv a tio n , and the phenomenon of "cro ssin g -o v er" are unexplained. The problem of cro ssin g -o v er is n o t explained by the models introduced in Chapter I . E th n ic ity does n o t ex p lain i t because the changing a f f i l i a t i o n s did n ot follow along lin e s of e th n ic id e n tity or kingroup membership. F actio n alism does n o t ex p lain i t because presumably the fa c to rs th a t led in d iv id u a ls to a f f i l i a t e w ith s p e c ific fa c tio n s would keep them th e re . N either macro-micro a n a ly sis nor s ta t e p e n e tra tio n a n a ly sis ex plains i t , because both approaches t r e a t the community as n o n v a rla te . The s y n th e tic model presented above begins to suggest some 280 explanations fo r th is change of a f f i l i a t i o n w ith in the community. As n o ted , communities are in te r n a lly v a ria b le in terms of the fe a tu re s of th e ir membership. V hile i t is not p o ssib le to document the in d iv id u al v a ria tio n s of members of the Baraga and L'Anse communities w ith the data now a v a ila b le , the presumption of th e ir v a r ia tio n can reasonably be made. i t can be assumed th a t the s tre n g th of adherence of Therefore in d iv id u a ls or fa m ilie s to e ith e r group v a rie d . Given th is v a r ia tio n , and given the flu c tu a tio n s of the fo rtu n es of the two groups, i t can be expected th a t some in d iv id u a ls would be prone to d i s a f f i l i a t e from th e ir groups while o th ers would be le s s so . Of those who did d i s a f f i l i a t e some would be more prone to seek to a f f i l i a t e w ith the only oth er e x is tin g group than would o th e rs . p o ssib le to ex p lain why s p e c ific in d iv id u a ls opted to make s p e c ific re a ffilia tio n s . At th is time i t is not This is a problem fo r fu tu re research and one which 1 intend to pursue follow ing the com pletion of the p resen t study. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS 6.1 In tro d u cto ry Remarks There are th re e goals fo r th is c h ap ter. The f i r s t is to address the question what th is work has accomplished; the second is to re tu rn to the q u estions posed in Chapter I and provide responses to those fo r which answers are a v a ila b le . The f in a l goal is to address those q u estions th a t are as y e t unanswered and to pose a d d itio n a l queries th a t emerged during the course of the re se a rc h . 6.2 C ontributions This study has made both su b sta n tiv e and th e o re tic a l c o n trib u tio n s . I perceive th ere are a t l e a s t four su b stan tiv e c o n trib u tio n s . These include bringing to g eth er p rev io u sly u n co llected d ata r e la tiv e to the Anishinabe community a t Keweenaw Bay, the impacts of fo reig n ideology on indigenous economic and p o l i t i c a l system s, the changes th a t occur in indigenous systems in tyimes of socioeconomic change, and the exten to which the Anishinabe were victim s of s e c ta ria n ism . F i r s t , th is study has brought together a body of h lth e rto f o r e u n co llected d ata from a v a rie ty of sources focusing upon the Anishinabe 281 282 community re sid in g on the Keweenaw Bay. As a r e s u lt , th is study has Increased our knowledge of the h is to ry of th is little -k n o w n community. Before th is study was conducted, the community had been mentioned ad passim in many monographs (fo r example Danziger 1978). In a d d itio n , the Keweenaw Bay was the focus of a s in g le h is to r i c a l study which analyzed the allo tm en t of land a t the re se rv a tio n (K eller 1981). The p re se n t work, by c o n tr a s t, provides a p a r t i a l s o c ia l h is to ry of the In h a b ita n ts of th a t re s e rv a tio n . Second, while o th er sch o lars have addressed the issu e of Anishinabe r e lig io n and the changes th is system underwent as a r e s u lt of Anishinabe - White c o n ta c t (Landes 1968; Vecsey 1983), few stu d ie s have drawn a tte n tio n to the impact th a t ideology has on economic and p o l i t i c a l system s. As suggested in the l a s t c h a p te r, th is dimension of c u ltu re change has n o t been addressed because the th e o r e tic a l frameworks used in anthropology to address community dynamics do not focus on the v a ria b le s th a t gave r is e to the processes observed a t the Keweenaw Bay. T h ird , th is study c o n trib u te s to a s c ie n t i f i c understanding of the Importance of re lig io u s systems in times of socioeconomic change. M issio n aries a r riv e in t r a d itio n a l communities a t a time of socloeconcomlc change. There are a t l e a s t two r e lig io u s movements a sso c ia te d w ith socioeconomic change. One is the movement th a t r e s u lts from the im position of an exogenous b e lie f system, the o th er is the movement th a t occurs from w ith in tr a d itio n a l r e lig io u s I n s titu tio n s of the s o c ie ty . As a r e s u l t , the m is s io n a rie s ' presence a l t e r s the community in very s ig n if ic a n t ways. Thus, th is work re fu te s Kietzman and Sm alley's (1978: 524) claim th a t the m issio n ary 's ro le in c u ltu re change is "very m inor." 283 This work re v ea ls th a t when a s o c ie ty undergoing rap id economic change is introduced to a m issionary rep resen tin g the agents of a dominant c u ltu re , the tr a d itio n a l s o c ie ty is a lte re d in profound ways. S p e c if ic a lly , some in d iv id u a ls , e s p e c ia lly those who b e n e fltte d from the tr a d itio n a l system and those a t the bottom of the h ierarch y (Nida 1978b) are more prone to adhere to tr a d itio n a l v alu es, w hile the middle s e c to r is more a p t to consider the o p p o rtu n itie s o ffered by the newcomers. As a r e s u l t , the community may be to rn asunder. At the Keweenaw Bay, the advent of the M ethodist m issionary re s u lte d in the em igration from the community of the h e re d ita ry c h ie f and h is fo llo w e rs. This i s h ard ly a "very minor" (Kietzman and Smalley 1978: 524) impact on a tr a d itio n a l community. Wallace (1966: 30-39), in h is study of r e lig io n , in d ic a te s th a t socioeconomic change in a s o c ie ty brings about 'n a t l v i s t i c ' or r e v i ta li z a ti o n movements. His study of the Seneca and the Code of Handsome Lake w ritte n th ree years l a t e r (Wallace 1969) is an example of such a movement. As s ta te d in Chapter I I , i t is not a lto g e th e r c e r ta in whether the Mldewiwin Society was a n a t i v i s t l c movement as Vecsey (1983) m ain tain s. Evidence suggests th a t i t became a prominent p a rt of the r e lig io u s l i f e of some of the Anishinabe during the seventeenth through n in e te e n th c e n tu r ie s . Whether th is was because Europeans became in c re a sin g ly aware of i t , or whether r i t u a l s a sso c ia te d w ith the Mldewiwin Soceity became in c re a sin g ly p u b lic as a r e s u l t of European presence is a moot is s u e . I t is c le a r , however, th a t components of th a t b e lie f system were a lte re d as a r e s u l t of c o n tact with the Europeans. Recent s tu d ie s have dem onstrated th a t economic movements also r e s u l t in re lig io u s sw itching (Newport 1979) and th a t th ere has been a 284 marked r is e in P e n tac o sta l a c t i v i t i e s as a r e s u lt of rapid socioeconomic changes (Uedenoja 1980, o th er a r t i c l e s in G lazier (e d .) 1980 make sim ila r sta te m e n ts). Methodism, as p ra c tic e d in the 1830s had c le a r p a r a lle ls to tw en tieth century P en taco stalism . McClurken (p erso n al communication 1985, Lansing) has suggested the e c s ta tic n a tu re of Methodism was a prominant reason why some Anishinabe converted to Methodism. I b e lie v e , however, the d ecisio n to convert may have been a lso due to pragm atic reaso n s. The m igration to the west sid e of the bay, however, suggests th ere was an equally stro n g fe e lin g a g a in s t Methodism. A f in a l su b sta n tiv e c o n trib u tio n th a t th is study has made is th a t i t rev eals the e x te n t to which the Anishinabe in p a r tic u la r were u n w ittin g victim s of s e c ta ria n ism . The p o l i t i c a l and economic b ick erin g between P re sb y teria n s and M ethodists over the issu e of saving the In d ia n s ' souls re s u lte d in the m anipulation of F ederal p o licy to s u i t the goals of s p e c ific C h ris tia n denom inations. Not only was th ere the issu e of how much money a m ission should receiv e but the denom inational a f f i l i a t i o n of p ublic appointees to m issions where the m issionary represented a d if f e r e n t denomination (S tu a rt June 30, 1843; S tu a rt March 16, 1843; C a rrie r March 13, 1843; Howe May 27, 1843). A d d itio n a lly , the u n ity of these two P ro te s ta n t groups a g a in s t the C a th o lic s, and the Impact a n tl-C a th o lic sentim ents had on Native American communities has n o t been addressed p rev io u sly . The w ithholding of Federal funds from the C ath o lic m ission a t the Keweenaw Bay is but one of the cases in which th is occurred in Michigan alo n e. Michigan was probably not unique. This study has also made four c o n trib u tio n s to an th ro p o lo g ical th eo ry . F i r s t , the a n a ly sis here performed perm its an understanding of 285 community f is s io n in g in a way th a t is not p o ssib le using ethnographic th e o r e tic a l frameworks. I t is a truism th a t events may be b e s t understood when an in d iv id u a l is removed from i t in tim e. Such a i p e rsp e c tiv e perm its an understanding of the fo rces and p ressu res th a t lead up to a p a r tic u la r h i s t o r ic a l ev en t. This study has emphasized th a t the community f is s io n in 1832 and the subsequent ev o lu tio n of a dual-community s tr u c tu r e was a product of both in te r n a l and e x te rn a l f a c to r s . Ethnographic s tu d ie s of community dynamics using e th n ic ity , fa c tio n a lism , macro-micro a n a ly s is , or s ta te p e n e tra tio n emphasize e ith e r in te rn a l or e x te rn a l v a r ia b le s , but not th e ir In te ra c tio n s . Second, e th n o h is to ric s tu d ie s on the Anishinabe have tr a d itio n a lly been w ritte n as i f they c o n s titu te d a sin g le group and th a t the 't r i b e '' was homogeneous (see Danziger 1978, Bishop 1974 among o th e r s ) . Ethographies w ritte n on sin g le communities (James 1954, Schmaltz 1977 and o th e rs) suggest th a t communities are a lso homogenious. This study has focused on a p a r tic u la r band of Anishinabe and i t s members re a c tio n s to White encroachment. The study suggests the assum ption of community homogeneity is su sp ect; by e x te n tio n , so to o , is the concept of t r i b a l homogeneity. Perhaps i t is time to bury the n o tio n of homogeneity among N ative Americans, as L atin A m ericanists did twenty years ago. T h ird , some th re e decades ago, Wolf (1955) suggested th ere were two d i s t i n c t types of communities in L a tin America, the "closed co rp o rate community” and the "open, non-corporate community." Data fo r the Keweenaw Bay suggests the C atholic community f i t s the d e s c rip tio n of a closed co rp o rate community, while the M ethodist is an example of the open non-corporate type. Wolf (1955) observed the closed corp o rate communities were lo cated in the highlands of L atin America, w hile the 286 open communities were lo cated in the tro p ic a l lowlands and humid low h ig h lan d s. However, he suggested th is d is tr ib u tio n p a tte rn was sp u rio u s. Rather we must allow fo r the c y c lic a l a lte r n a tio n of these two kinds of production w ith in the same community and r e a liz e th a t from the p o in t of view of the community both kinds may be a lte r n a tiv e responses to changes in co n d itio n s of the o u tsid e market (Wolf 1955: 463). This study dem onstrates th a t W olf's suggestion is p la u s ib le . At l e a s t w ith in the sin g le Keweenaw Bay community of th ere were in d iv id u a ls re p re s e n ta tiv e of both "kinds of production." F in a lly , th is study a lso b u ild s upon a more recen t th e o r e tic a l c o n stru c t from L atin America in the a n a ly sis of the r e la tio n s h ip between the Indians and the Federal government. S p e c ific a lly , i t expands upon Aguirre B e ltr a n 's (1979) concept "region of re fu g e ." In th a t work, A guirre B eltran d escrib es Chiapas as a region p h y sic a lly and s o c ia lly is o la te d from the mainstream of n a tio n a l s o c ie ty . This re g io n a l, c o lo n ia l s itu a tio n , with I ts element of g re a t rank d iffe re n c e between the two s o c ia l segments, is dominated by what [A guirre] B eltran c a lls the dom inical process ( proceso dom inical) . The dom inical p ro cess, as defined by [A guirre] B e ltra n , is the domination by a more te c h n ic a lly and economically developed c en ter of a less-developed p erip h ery . This he sees as a cau sal fe a tu re in re ta rd in g the evo lu tio n of the Indian communities (Hunt 1979: 1 ). Like Chiapas, the Keweenaw Bay has been a p e rip h e ra l region in the United S ta te s . I t s p e rip h e ra l s ta tu s and the u n s u ita b ility of the reg io n fo r White occupation perm itted the Indians to remain in th e ir homelands, ra th e r than be removed, as was the f a te of o th er Indian groups. Unlike Chiapas, however, the Keweenaw Bay has, from time to tim e, 287 been a c e n te r fo r economic e x p lo ita tio n . Yet, in s p ite of th is a c t i v i t y , the Anishinabe have faced the same ln s u la r iz a tio n as have the Indians of Chiapas. Chapter IV revealed th a t although economic a c t i v i t i e s occurred in regions immediately ad jacen t to them, the In d ia n s, as a r u le , were n o t p a r tic ip a n ts in those schemes. Although the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community has been proclaimed throughout i t s h is to ry to be one of the more "advanced" Indian communities (see Danziger 1978: 107, 127), i t s t i l l has many tr a d itio n a l elem ents. sid e of the Bay. Every year a pow-wow is held on the C atholic In 1985, the Pow-wow's theme was "Honor the E ld e rs," a highly held value among the tr a d itio n a l Anishinabe (F rie d l 1957). The d a ily a c t i v i t i e s opened and closed with a prayer r e c ite d in A nishinabe, a language not spoken by many today. The evidence presented in these pages suggests i t is not because a region is a "backwater" in a n a tio n 's development schemes th a t leads to the ln s u la r iz a tio n and in " re ta rd in g the ev o lu tio n of the Indians" (Hunt 1979: 1 ). R ath er, these are the r e s u lts of eth n o cen tric a ttitu d e s of in d iv id u a ls of higher socio-economic rank who r e s t r i c t the In d ia n s ' p a r tic ip a tio n in the economic development of the r e g io n .* The ln s u la r iz a tio n of In d ia n s, whether in Chiapas or in the United S ta te s , is a combination of both the C onservative element attem pting to r e ta in i t s own values a t the same time th a t the dominant c u ltu r e , through i t s eth n o c e n tric a t t i t u d e s , r e s t r i c t the movement of the more p ro g ressiv e members of the indigenous Boclety from p a r tic ip a tin g in the 1 I agree f u lly w ith A guirre B e ltra n 's idea th a t both in te rn a l and e x te rn a l re s is ta n c e o ccu rs, b u t b eliev e the in te rn a l re s is ta n c e occurs in r e la tio n to the amount of p ressu re exerted e x te rn a lly . That i s , the more p ressu re is ex erted from the o u tsid e , the more r e s is ta n t some segments of the indigenous populations w ill be to change. 288 fo rm er's s o c ia l and economic system s. The r e la tio n s h ip a p a r tic u la r region may have r e la tiv e to the n a tio n a l goals can exacerbate the ln s u la r iz a tio n pro cess. The r e je c tio n of Mixed-bloods by Whites a f t e r 1837 seems to have caused a t l e a s t some of them to re tu rn to values asso ciated w ith the C onservatives, ra th e r than remain with the P ro g ressiv es. I b eliev e th is u n d erlie s the reason th a t Hixed-bloods liv ed on both sid es of the Bay. 6.3 Answers to Questions Posed I presented a l i s t of e ig h t questions which th is d is s e r ta tio n sought to answer in Chapter I . U nfortunately, only h a lf of the posed e ig h t qu estio n s are answerable using the frameworks e sta b lish e d here. F i r s t , what caused the f is s io n to occur in 1832? A vailable evidence suggests th a t the f is s io n occurred as a r e s u l t of both e x te rn a l p ressu res and in te rn a l forces th a t reached a c r i t i c a l point when the American Fur Company tra d e r, John H olliday, brought a M ethodist n a tiv e m issionary to the community. The in te rn a l forces th a t co n trib u ted to the community's f is s io n , from the understanding presented h e re , were the r e s u lt of the in creasin g power wielded by the P ro g ressiv es a t the expense of the C onservatives. The e x te rn a l p ressu re th a t yielded the r e s u lt observed a t the Keweenaw Bay was the d e p le tio n of fu r-b e a rin g anim als. This made the tr a d itio n a l l i f e - s t y l e a l l but im possible to co n tin u e, making acceptance of the a lte r n a tiv e l i f e - s t y l e v ir tu a l ly mandatory. The C onservative l i f e - s t y l e was s t i l l p o s s ib le , however, la rg e ly because the Upper Peninsula had n ot become in te n s iv e ly occupied by W hites. As 289 the a v a i l a b i l i t y of fu r-b e a rin g animals decreased, more re lia n c e was placed upon the fu r tra d e r and the goods and serv ic e s provided by the United S ta te s government. As goods and serv ic e s coming in to the community from th is source in creased , so too did the power wielded by the P ro g ressiv es. The advent of the M ethodist m issionary in 1832 seems to have been the breaking p o in t because he rep resen ted y e t another source of goods and se rv ic e s through which the P rogressives could in cre ase th e ir power base a t the C o n serv ativ es' expense. A second q u estion fo r which the research conducted o ffe rs a s o lu tio n is how we might ex p lain why, c r o s s - c u ltu r a lly , those in d iv id u a ls who are more co n serv ativ e in th e ir views em igrated. This q u estio n may be answered a t le a s t p a r t ia ll y through r e f e r r a l to the ec o lo g ic al p rin c ip le known as Romer's R u le.2 This p rin c ip le s ta te s th a t systems w ill change only as much as they have to in order to adapt to new c o n d itio n s. The more co n serv ativ e segment of the population is c r o s s - c u ltu r a lly being in c re a sin g ly denied access to the new economic system , thus no longer enabling them to m aintain the p re stig io u s p o sitio n s to which they were accustomed. Consequently, even as was the case a t O reibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) th a t the co n serv ativ e element in the community re p re se n ts the m ajo rity f a c tio n , i t is im perative fo r these in d iv id u a ls to em igrate to a new lo c a tio n because the p ro g ressiv e fa c tio n in c re a sin g ly has c o n tro l over scarce re so u rc e s, hence power. Once removed from the in flu en ce of the p ro g ressiv e f a c tio n , and w ithout the com petition fo r le ad e rsh ip p o s itio n s , the co n serv ativ es can m aintain the s ta tu s quo. This p rin c ip le provides a clue as to why the em igrant communities a t O raibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) and a t the Keweenaw This p rin c ip le i s discussed in Romer (1933). 290 Bay could em igrate a r e l a t iv e ly sm all d ista n c e away from the o r ig in a l s e ttle m e n t and s u c c e ss fu lly launch a new community. T h ird , what was the mechanism th a t perm itted the rap id development of two d i s t i n c t communities? A vailable evidence suggests th a t the rap id development of two d i s t i n c t communities, too, was a product of both in te rn a l fo rces and e x te rn a l p re ss u re s . We dem onstrated in Chapter I I th a t community f is s io n in g had long been a p a rt of the A nishinabe t r a d it i o n , and th a t each community tr a d itio n a lly was v i r t u a l l y autonomous. A d d itio n a lly , one community emphasized s e l f - re lia n c e w hile the o th e r emphasized re lia n c e upon the cash - and- lab o r economy of the United S ta te s . This s itu a tio n m agnified the d iffe re n c e s between the two communities. E x te rn a lly , the two communities developed in to d i s t i n c t communities r e la tiv e ly ra p id ly because each was su b je c t to d i s t i n c t , not s im ila r , p re s s u re s . These d i s t i n c t pressu res were imposed by the d e n ia l of Federal funding to the C atholic m ission, w hile providing a s s is ta n c e to the M ethodist m ission. A d d itio n a lly , both communities were supported by d if f e r e n t id e o lo g ic a l frameworks. While each of the m issio n a rie s provided id e o lo g ic a l c o n stru c ts th a t agreed to some e x te n t w ith those of the Anishinabe th a t opted to be p a r t of th e ir communities, they provided mechanisms by which these id e o lo g ic a l c o n stru c ts could be n u rtu re d and s u sta in e d . For example, F ather B araga's encouragement fo r s e lf - s u f f ic ie n c y was f a c i l i t a t e d by h is purchase of about 500 acres of farm land th a t was f e r t i l e enough to s u s ta in the p o p u latio n . On the o th er hand, much of the economic development th a t occurred a t the Keweenaw Bay occurred on the e a s t sid e of the P en in su la, thus allow ing the M ethodist Indians a g re a te r degree of access to the cash - and la b o r- markets encouraged by the M ethodists. v The poorer q u a lity land found on th a t sid e of the re s e rv a tio n also 291 hindered attem pts to develop a g ric u ltu re among the M ethodist Anishinabe and encouraged th e ir p a r tic ip a tio n in the cash- and la b o r- m arkets. F ourth, how has the dual-community s tr u c tu r e a t the Keweenaw Bay been able to endure fo r over a century? The answer to th is question is much the same as the answer provided to the l a s t q u e stio n . In essence, i t was the tr a d itio n a l conception of the autonomous n atu re of A nishinabe communities aided by the Id eo lo g ic al frameworks upon which the m issio n a ries developed th e ir m issions. The long-term adaptiveness of such a system, however, is the r e s u l t of an a d d itio n a l in te r n a l fo rce and an e x te rn a l p re ssu re . Because one of the communities opted fo r le s s a s s im ila tio n w hile the o th er wished to a s s im ila te more com pletely, they each ex p lo ited a d i s t i n c t e c o lo g ica l n ich e, thus minimizing the e x te n t to which com petition between the two communities occurs. The Anishinabe conception of community autonomy m ilita te d a g a in s t the development of symbiosis in the sense th a t one might norm ally c o n sid e r. does n ot mean th a t symbiosis does not occur. However, th is Indeed, h is to r i c a l documents in d ic a te th e re was a passage of goods between one community and the o th e r. These goods passed from th a t community th a t was c u rre n tly favored by e x te rn a l co n d itio n s toward th a t which was a t r is k , only to flow in the opposite d ire c tio n when fo rtu n es s h ifte d again. The c o n sta n t s h if t s in fo rtu n es were a product of the c a p i t a l i s t economy th a t c h a ra c te riz e d the Upper P eninsula between 1832 and 1881 which I described in Chapter IV. The booms in fis h in g , copper, iro n , and tim ber e x p lo ita tio n favored the P rogressive element in the community; w hile the re c u rre n t b u sts which in e v ita b ly followed these ev e n ts, accompanied by the em igration of Whites from the a re a , favored the 292 C o nservatives. This system , is e s s e n tia lly sybm iotic, although not in the tr a d itio n a l sense of the word which c a lls fo r "th e prolonged and in tim ate r e la tio n s h ip of organisms belonging to d if f e r e n t species" (U ilson 1975: 353). However, th is is analogous to the system th a t c h a ra c te riz e s the Kwakiutl p o tla tc h (H ardesty 1977: 84-85). In a d d itio n to these four questions fo r which answers may be posed, another four are as y e t unanswerable given the inform ation a v a ila b le using e s ta b lis h e d frameworks. These questions a re : 1) What would account fo r the d iv is io n to occur in such a way th a t members of both sexes and of a l l ages liv e d in both v illa g e s ? Although k in sh ip played a ro le in some c a s e s, how can we account for in d iv id u a ls whose kin liv e d on e ith e r sid e of the bay, and fo r in d iv id u als who may n o t have had kin in e ith e r community? 2) What accounts fo r the p ra c tic e of "cro ssin g -o v er" between the two communities? 3) What accounts fo r the d i s t i n c t p a tte rn of em igration to the o u tsid e th a t occurred in the two communities— the M ethodists em igrating as in d iv id u a ls , the C ath o lics as a group; eq u ally im portant, what accounts fo r the In d iv id u al em igration of C ath o lics to the M ethodist m ission b u t th e ir group em igration to the o u tsid e? 4) F in a lly , the m ission records of both communities in d ic a te n ot only th a t both m issionary ventures were v ia b le a t the Keweenaw Bay, but also th a t they w itnessed ra d ic a lly d i s t i n c t growth p a tte rn s ap p aren tly irr e s p e c tiv e of events occurring a t the o th er m issio n . How can th is be explained? The answers to these qu estio n s re q u ire d ata on s p e c ific in d iv id u a ls th a t, so f a r , has not been d iscovered. 293 6.4 D ire ctio n s fo r Future Research There a re a t l e a s t th re e d ire c tio n s th a t fu tu re research may tak e. The f i r s t is to continue th e focus on the period under study. The second is to study the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community from 1881 u n til the p re se n t. The th ird is to use d if f e r e n t models. F u rth er research fo r documents fo r the period from 1832 to 1881 seems u n lik e ly to y ie ld many documents th a t would shed f u rth e r lig h t on the problems developed h ere. Toward the end of the research conduct fo r th is work th ere was c le a r evidence p o in tin g to dim inishing re tu rn s from a rc h iv a l m a te ria ls . Consequently, the e x te n t to which a d d itio n a l documents generated during the period under study would lead toward a b e tte r understanding of the community is unknown. On the o th er hand, th ere are o th er sources of inform ation th a t may shed fu rth e r lig h t on the is s u e s . For example, w ith f u rth e r study, and w ith co rro b o ratio n with members of the communities today, i t may be p o ssib le to develop a geneology of in d iv id u a ls . This inform ation w ill provide evidence whether in term arriag e between the two communities o ccu rred , and to what e x te n t i t d id . I mentioned in Chapter I I th a t M ixed-bloods, te n ta tiv e ly id e n tif ie d by surname, tended to have among the h ig h e st d e b ts. I t is also the case th a t in d iv id u a ls w ith non-Indian surnames also are found w ith lower d e b ts. In a d d itio n , th is s itu a tio n has given r is e to another question.* Is th e re a d iffe re n c e between those whose an cesto rs had m esciginated e a r l i e r and those who had j u s t re c e n tly m escigniated? G eneological data may help c l a r if y these is s u e s . F u rth er inform ation about the period under study could come from 294 a rch e o lo g ica l excavations and/or o s te o lo g lc a l analyses of in d iv id u als from the two communities. Both of these bodies of data would provide inform ation r e la tiv e to the economic d iffe re n c e s suggested in these pages. A rcheological d ata would rev eal economic d iffe re n c e s through com parative q u a n tita tiv e analyses of a r t i f a c t ty p es. One would expect, fo r example, th a t the M ethodist community would have higher co n cen tratio n s of products from the United S ta te s and from o th er developed n atio n s than in the C atholic community. S im ila rly , one could expect h ig h er co n ce n tratio n of game and f is h remains in midden d ep o sits in the C atholic m ission than in the M ethodist m ission. Both of these p a tte rn s would r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t i a l economic o r ie n ta tio n s . A rcheological evidence would also rev eal evidence fo r r e la tiv e p opulation co n cen tratio n s w ith in the two communities and d i f f e r e n t ia l s p a tia l d is tr ib u tio n s of houses. Evidence revealed by th is angle of in v e s tig a tio n would lead to f u rth e r in d ic a tio n s of c u ltu r a l d iffe re n c e s between the two communities and co rro b o rate e th n o h isto ric documents. O steo lo g lcal analyses would provide evidence fo r economic d iffe re n c e s through d i f f e r e n t i a l p ath o lo g ical le s io n p a tte r n s . These d if f e r e n t le sio n s would r e s u l t from d if f e r e n t economic o rie n ta tio n s and/or n u tr itio n a l d iffe re n c e s . There is a g re a t deal of evidence p o in tin g to d i s t i n c t p a th o lo g ic a l le sio n s in the s k e le ta l remains of populations depending upon foraging and non-foraging economies (see Cassidy 1980, Goodman and Armelagos 1985). The e x te n t to which these d iffe re n c e s are ev id en t in the two o s te o lo g lc a l populations would provide suggestions r e la tiv e to the e x te n t to which the two communities p ra c tic e d d i s t i n c t economies. O steo lo g lcal data is a v a ila b le fo r the Sand P oint p o p u lation (Wyckoff 1981), thus providing a b asis from which these analyses may be compared. One might expect, from Inform ation 295 provided e a r l i e r th a t the le s io n s found in the C ath o lic community would have c lo s e r p a r a lle ls than those found in the M ethodist m ission because the former liv e d in a manner more c lo se ly approxim ating the l i f e s t y l e s of the p re -c o n ta c t in h a b ita n ts . A lte rn a tiv e ly , one may consider conducting research on the community d ealing w ith the period from 1881 u n t i l the p re se n t. I conceive the Keweenaw Bay In d ian Community's h is to ry may be conveniently segmented in to four d is c r e te p erio d s: p r e h is to r ic (to 1832), h is to r ic (1832-1881), p ro to -p re se n t (1881-1937), and p resen t (1937-1987). b a s is of the This segm entation is based, in la rg e measure, onthe types of d ata p o te n tia lly a v a ila b le . The next phase of study, from th is o r ie n ta tio n , would focus on the period from 1881 to 1937. This period is s im ila r to th a t under c o n sid e ra tio n in these pages in th a t i t is a h i s t o r i c a l p erio d . I t is d is s im ila r from the p re se n t study because th e re are in d iv id u a ls liv in g in the community today who were a liv e fo r a t l e a s t a p o rtio n of th is p erio d . These in d iv id u a ls could provide o r a l h is to r ie s about the subsequent development of the two communities and the in te ra c tio n s between them. Data re le v a n t developed in to many of the f u rth e r analyses of problems these pages can be g re a tly am plified because o ra l h i s t o r i e s may be taken. I t would, fo r example, be p o ssib le to determ ine more co n c re tely to what e x te n t the C atholic community was involved in the cash economy of the United S ta te s and how in d iv id u a ls obtained the cash needed to p a r tic ip a te in th a t economy i f they did not engage in wage la b o r. G eneological c h a rts may be co n stru cted on the b asis of o ra l statem ents and in te rv ie w s, thereby providing f u rth e r inform ation about the autonomy and re la tio n s h ip s occurring between the two communities. 296 Inform ation may be obtained using these methods about g e n e tic a lly in h e rite d h e a lth p a tte r n s , such as card iac a r r e s t s , d ia b e te s , and o th er g e n e tic a lly in h e rite d c o n d itio n s. Hemotological analyses could support or re fu te the co n ten tio n th a t the two communities have developed in to two d is c r e te g e n e tic p o p u lations and to what e x te n t they have become d i s t i n c t . Data may be obtained p e rta in in g to the economies p ra c tic e d in each community and whether th ere was an exchange of goods and serv ic e s between them; and, i f so , the networks upon which these exchanges o ccurred. On the b a sis of inform ation provided in the previous c h a p te rs, one would expect th a t the G reat D epression a ffe c te d the members of the two communities d i f f e r e n t i a l l y . Inform ants s ta te d th a t the Ford Motor Company b u i l t a fa c to ry in the immediate a re a . They also in d icated th a t some Indians were employed in c u ttin g tre e s leading to the m anufacture of v e h ic le s . To what e x te n t they were employed in the a c tu a l m anufacturing of autom obiles is unknown, nor is i t known whether members of both communities, or only members of the M ethodist m ission were thus employed. In v e s tig a tio n s focusing on the l a t e r h is to ry of the Keweenaw Bay w ill help provide answers to these q u e stio n s. To a s c e rta in to what e x te n t these models are v a lid , f u rth e r inform ation r e la tiv e to " c ro ss -o v e rs" , em igration en masse by the C ath o lics and in d iv id u a lly by M ethodists, r e la tiv e population co n cen tratio n s in the two communities, and th e ir ad ap tatio n s to subsequent economic and e c o lo g ic a l a d a p ta tio n s. I t may also be p o ssib le to determ ine to what e x te n t population p ressu res in e ith e r or both communities a ffe c te d m ig ratio n p a tte r n s . On the b asis of d ata presented elsew here, one would expect more s e n s it iv it y to population d e n sity (as defined r e la tiv e ly ) in the C atholic community, i . e . , a 297 s p e c ific ab so lu te p o p u latio n fig u re would be perceived by the C atholics to be in d ic a tiv e of "over-crowding" than in the M ethodist community. S tudies of s p a tia l d is tr ib u tio n s of households, and the a n a ly sis of incidence of s o c ia l behaviors a sso c ia te d w ith crowding using le g a l and m edical rec o rd s, and o ra l h is to r ie s should co rro b o rate th is in fo rm atio n . T h e o re tic a lly , these d ata could be s u b s ta n tia lly supported through a rch e o lo g ica l ex cav atio n s. A rcheological evidence i s not c u rre n tly a v a ila b le fo r the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community p roper, although Sand P o in t is lo c ate d s li g h tl y n o rth of the p re se n t day s i t e of the C atholic Indian m ission (Hoxie 1980, M artin and Read 1980, Wyckoff 1981). The Indian Community has been s e n s itiv e to a rch eo lo g ical and o s te o lo g lc a l in v e s tig a tio n s fo r pragm atic and e th ic a l reaso n s. In la rg e measure th e ir s e n s i t i v i ty has been a r e s u lt of c u rre n ts w ithin Native American communities regarding exhumation of th e ir fo rep aren ts in the course of a rc h e o lo g ic a l ex cav atio n s. The community has been s u b je c t to p re c is e ly th ese s o rts of problems with re sp e c t to the Sand P oint m a te ria l. The impasse created by the s o c ia l s c ie n ti s t s and Indian Community w ith re sp e c t to hampered f u rth e r research in U n til these impediments the d is p o s itio n of these m a te ria ls has the a re a . are removed, and the Sand P o in t problem is reso lv e d , the Indian Community is u n lik e ly to acquiesce to f u rth e r excavations th a t would lead toward a b e tte r understanding of the Indian Community. My co n v ersatio n s w ith community members suggest any s o rt of s o c ia l study would be su b je c t to the same re s is ta n c e th a t a rc h e o lo g ists and p h y sical a n th ro p o lo g ists would encounter. I t is I ro n ic , then, th a t in th e ir e f f o r ts to in c re a se th e ir knowledge of indigenous p o p u latio n s, 298 s c ie n ti s t s have impeded o th ers from doing so. The d ire c tio n s discussed up to now have r e lie d upon a search fo r a d d itio n a l info rm atio n . d if f e r e n t models. I t is a lso p o ssib le to consider using E sp e c ia lly in trig u in g is the p o s s ib ility of employing r-K s e le c tio n theory (see Pianka 1978, Kormondy 1983) as a way of g e ttin g a t In d iv id u al d ecisio n making and the development of e n tre p re n e u ria l and h ie r a r c h is t r is k s tr a te g ie s (Douglas and Wildovsky 1982). This model has been employed by Lauwagie (1979) w ith re sp e c t to gypsies and by Reynolds and Tanner (1983) in r e la tio n to re lig o u s system s. This model may a lso serve to address the issu e of cross-overs and what Gardner (1985) has re fe rre d to as " b ic u ltu ra l o s c illa tio n ." APPENDICES APPENDIX A: BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY The m ajo rity of the inform ation was derived from documentary evidence generated by W hites, but a few were w ritte n by In d ia n s. The documents generated by Whites could be corroborated using secondary so u rces; those generated by the In d ia n s, through an understanding of tr a d itio n a l Anishinabe p a tte r n s . Those few documents generated by the Anishinabe also served to co rro b o rate statem ents made by the W hites. The approach taken was to look a t the v ario u s fa c to rs involved in the broader p ic tu re —the F ederal government, the m issio n a rie s, the c a p i t a l i s t v e n tu res, and the A nishinabe—to piece to g eth er th e ir in te r a c tio n s , and the e f fe c ts these in te ra c tio n s had on the In d ian s. Such an approach would shed l i g h t on the phenomenon of community f is s io n and s t a b i l i t y a t the Keweenaw Bay. An im portant source of inform ation is the records of the Bureau of Indian A ffa irs . The Michigan Superintendency was e sta b lish e d in 1805. This coincided w ith the estab lish m en t of the region known as Michigan T e rrito ry . This work is p rim a rily concerned is the Mackinac and S au lt S te . Marie subagencies. These were e sta b lish e d in 1815 and 1822, re s p e c tiv e ly but were combined in 1832. was abolished in 1851. the follow ing y ear. The Michigan Superintendency The S au lt S te. Marie Subagency was abolished From 1853 u n til 1881, the Mackinac Agency had 299 300 r e s p o n s ib ility over the Keweenaw Bay. m icrofilm in two s e ts . The documents are a v a ila b le on The f i r s t of these p e rta in s to the S au lt S te. Marie Subagency, NAM ( fo r N ational Archives Microforms) S erie s Ml co n tain documents to 1852. The Mackinac Agency records are in NAM S erie s M234 (H ill 1981: 135-137). Between 1836 and 1843, the Keweenaw Bay was a lso under the ju r i s d i c t i o n of the La P ointe subagency (James McClurken personal communication, May 9, 1985, East L ansing). According to the c u rre n t a n a ly s is , the overlapping j u r is d ic tio n was because of h is to r ic in c id e n ts . The Upper P eninsula was declared a p a rt of the s ta t e of Michigan in 1837, b u t, the re sid e n ts of the r e s t of the s ta te did not regard the region h ig h ly . Consequently, the Indians liv in g in the w estern regions of the Upper Peninsula were, supervised by the subagency lo cated a t La P o in te . With the onset of m ineral e x p lo ita tio n in the area of the Keweenaw Bay, the Indian Superintendent of Michigan, Robert S tu a rt, a c tiv e ly took over the ju r is d ic tio n of the Keweenaw Bay. Because of the overlapping a u th o rity , I analyzed the documents fo r the La Pointe Subagency. These documents are contained in NAM S eries 951. In a d d itio n , I went to the Bureau of Indian A ffa irs o ffic e lo cated a t S au lt S te . Marie to re p o s ito ry . in v e s tig a te the documents contained in th a t The inform ation a v a ila b le , however p ertain ed to a period subsequent to the focus of th is study. Inform ation about the P ro te s ta n t m ission is more ex ten siv e than th a t a v a ila b le fo r the C atholic m ission. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners fo r F oreign M issions, the P resb y te ria n m issionary s o c ie ty , are a v a ila b le on m icrofilm . This m issionary so c ie ty was p a r tic u la r ly a c tiv e in Michigan, because Henry R. S ch o o lc ra ft, a lead in g fig u re in Indian a f f a ir s in M ichigan, was a P re sb y te ria n . He 301 was I n f lu e n tia l in , I f not Indeed re sp o n sib le f o r , the establishm ent of the P re sb y te ria n m ission a t S au lt S te . Marie a f te r h is 1826 expedition (Goodykoontz 1939; Mason 1958). Under G ra n t's Peace P o licy , the Upper Peninsula was placed under the ju r is d ic tio n of th is P resb y terian m issionary s o c ie ty (K e lle r 1983). I consulted the documents contained in th is s e r i e s , as w ell as o th ers contained in the Pamphlets in American H istory m icrofiche s e r ie s . The P resb y terian s were n o t, however, d ir e c tly involved with the development of the Keweenaw Bay a t any p o in t in i t s h is to r y . Consequently, these documents provided some in s ig h t, but l i t t l e re le v a n t in fo rm atio n . T heir u t i l i t y was in dem onstrating the close re la tio n s h ip between th is m issionary o rg a n iz a tio n , the fe d e ra l government, and the Hbig bu siness" e n te rp ris e s of the e a s t c o a s t. The American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign Missions wielded much in flu en c e in determ ining government p o licy w ith re sp e c t to the In d ian s. I t a lso influ en ced the government to adopt a stro n g ly a n ti-C a th o lic sta n c e . This p o licy a ffe c te d the development of the two communities on the Keweenaw Bay. The two m issionary o rg an izatio n s th a t had d ir e c t in flu en ce a t Keweenaw Bay were the M ethodists and the C a th o lic s. Before the esta b lish m en t of Michigan as a s t a t e , the area l a t e r known as the Upper P en in su la, was under the ju r i s d ic tio n of the Canadian Wesleyan M ethodists. This group used n a tiv e m issio n aries (M ixed-bloods) (Brown 1978) to i n s tr u c t the A nishinabe in the e a rly 1830s (Johnson 1933). A number of n a tiv e m issio n a rie s—John Sunday, George Copway and P eter Jones among o th e rs —worked among the in h a b ita n ts of the Keweenaw Bay. Copway (1847, 1851) and Jones (1860, 1861) wrote th e ir au to b io g rap h ies; Jackson (1908) and P ite z e l (1860) wrote the l i f e s to r ie s of John 302 Johnson and P eter Marksman, re s p e c tiv e ly . A fter Michigan became a s t a t e , the United M ethodists conducted the m issionary a c t i v i t i e s in the a re a . H is to r ic a lly , the Upper Peninsula has been under the ju r is d ic tio n of the D e tro it Annual Conference of the United M ethodist Church. A drian, Michigan. The arch iv es a re located a t Adrian C ollege in These documents provide s t a t i s t i c a l inform ation about the siz e of the community, as w ell as some glim pses of l i f e a t the M ethodist m ission. D iscussions w ith the a r c h iv is t, the Reverend Ronald Brunger, and analyses of inform ation contained in The Michigan C h ristia n Advocate, a M ethodist p e r io d ic a l, also provided inform ation im portant to th is study. The Reverend Ronald A. Brunger also provided inform ation on the h is to ry of Methodism in Michigan and about Methodism. On A pril 15, 1936, I wrote a l e t t e r of in q u iry to the Rev. John R. Henry, c u rre n t p a sto r of the Indian m ission a t Zeba (as the Indian m ission has now become known). In an undated response, Mr. Henry s ta t e s , "A fter examining our records i t appears th a t we do n o t have any inform ation p rio r to 1879 or 80 although th ere was M ethodist work here as of 1832." Although Mr. Henry in v ite d me to review these re co rd s, I declin ed to do so because they did not concern the period under study. In a d d itio n to these primary documents, there are the published memoirs of various in d iv id u a ls . Some of these works, such as the w ritin g s Canadian Wesleyan M ethodist n a tiv e m issio n aries P e te r Jones (1860, 1861) George Copway (1847, 1851) have been mentioned e a r l i e r . In a d d itio n , th ere are the published memoirs of White Wesleyan M ethodist m issio n aries (O'Meara 1846) which provided a d d itio n a l in sig h ts to Wesleyan d o c trin e . The f i r s t White M ethodist m issionary sta tio n e d on the Keweenaw Bay a f t e r the M ethodist Episcopal Church took 303 c o n tro l of the region In 1837, the Reverend Daniel Meeker Chandler, a lso published h is memoirs (P rin d le 1842). The memoirs of another m issionary sta tio n e d a t the Keweenaw Bay, the Reverend John H. P ite z e l are a lso a v a ila b le ( P ite z e l 1851, 1857, 1860, 1873, 1881). Other works and l e t t e r s by P ite z e l are deposited in the Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle ctio n a t C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . I have re fe rre d to these works as w e ll. F in a lly , th ere is the M ethodist Q uarterly Review, published by the M ethodist Church. This reso u rce, a v a ila b le on the American P e rio d ic a l S e rie s , fo r the years 1800 to 1850, contains inform ation about M ethodist-C atholic and M ethodist-P resbyterlan r e la tio n s . In a d d itio n , th ere are a wide v a rie ty of secondary reso u rces. The works by K eller (1983) and Berkhofer (1965) have been of primary u t i l i t y , as have those by Goodykoontz (1939) and Pearce (1965). The M ethodist Church has a lso provided inform ation r e la tiv e to the h is to ry of Methodism in Michigan (MacMillan 1967) in g e n e ra l, and in the Keweenaw Bay in p a r tic u la r (Brunger 1966 and o th e rs ). The resources p e rta in in g to the C atholic m issions, are not so e x ten siv e . The most re c e n t h is to ry of the impact of the C atholic church among the North American Indians was published in 1855 (Shea 1969), republished in 1882, and re p rin te d in a fa c sim ile v ersio n in 1969. Goodykoontz (1939) has provided a d iscu ssio n of the ro le of C ath o lics in the development of the home m issionary s o c ie tie s , but his d isc u ssio n of th e ir ro le among the Indians is le s s developed. The Pamphlets in American H isto ry m icrofiche s e rie s was of s p e c ia l use fo r p a r tic u la r to p ic s , but th ese documents g e n e ra lly r e la te to a period l a t e r than th a t under stu d y . For an analogous reaso n , the s ix ty - th re e volumes of the J e s u it 304 R elatio ns were of l i t t l e u se. These resources r e la te to the seventeenth ce n tu ry , much e a r l i e r than the focus h ere. Inform ation supplied by Shea (1969)) Verwyst (1886) and Rezek (1906, 1907) in d ic a te th a t the Keweenaw Bay was only of minor s ig n ific a n c e to the J e s u its . Consequently, I considered i t not worth the time and energy required to is o la te such minor mention of the Keweenaw Bay from the volumes of the J e s u it R e la tio n s . I r e lie d in ste a d on secondary accounts (e .g . Shea 1969, Verwyst 1886, Rezek 1906, 1907). The Clarice H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , a t C entral Michigan U n iv ersity has compiled ty p ew ritten v ersio n s of documents w ritte n by and to Father F red e ric Baraga, the C ath o lic m issionary who evangelized the Keweenaw Bay area in 1843. These documents were c o lle c te d from various other r e p o s ito r ie s , both domestic and abroad and provide the primary inform ation on the C atholic m ission a t the Keweenaw Bay. I also consulted a wide v a rie ty of secondary resources (Verwyst 1900, Jamison 1946, Lambert 1963). The Keweenaw Bay C atholic m ission was p a rt of the D e tro it Diocese. I went to the D e tro it Diocese to analyze the documents th e re , e s p e c ia lly those of Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, under whom Baraga o p erated . There were r e la tiv e ly few documents worthy of note or importance in th is c o lle c tio n fo r c u rre n t purposes. I wrote to the re c to r of the C atholic Church a t the Keweenaw Bay req u estin g inform ation about the holdings of th e ir a rc h iv e s. th ere has been no response. To date The Bureau of Indian A ffa irs o f fic e a t S au lt S te. Marie -has a document, S tatus Animarum M lsslonls S antisslm i Nominis Jesus ( S p ir itu a l S tatus of the Mission of the Most Holy Name of J e s u s ), which co n tain s a l i s t of in d iv id u a ls , th e ir years of b i r t h , and whether they were confirmed and received Communion. This document is 305 I n te re s tin g b u t of lim ite d u t i l i t y fo r the p resen t study because th ere are feu documents with which to compare i t . The Keweenaw Bay C ath o lic community was under the ju r i s d i c tio n of the Diocese of D e tro it u n t i l 1853, when the Diocese of S au lt S te. Marie was e s ta b lis h e d ; i t was then tra n s fe rre d to the new d io cese. F red e ric Baraga was the f i r s t bishop. M arquette (Rezek 1906, 1907). Father In 1866, the see moved to Although th ere may be some documents p e r tin e n t to th is study in the arch iv es th e re , I decided n o t to in v e s tig a te th is resource fo r two reaso n s. F i r s t , w ith the tr a n s f e r of the Keweenaw Bay to the newly formed D iocese, the focus of the C atholic m issionary e f f o r t s , focused p rim arily on the White population (see Lambert 1967a). Second, my in v e s tig a tio n s a t the Archives of the Diocese of D e tro it suggested th a t th ere would be few documents re le v a n t to th is study th a t I had n o t found in o th er sou rces. For example, the papers of F ath er Edward Ja c k e r, C atholic m issionary a t the Keweenaw Bay from 1855-1860, are deposited a t the Burton C o llectio n of the D e tro it P ublic L ib ra ry . Since th ere were r e la tiv e ly few documents of importance th e re , I believ ed the archives a t M arquette would not be worth the time and expense. Moreover, these documents can be used to v e rify the comments contained in th is work. In a d d itio n to the bodies of data a v a ila b le through the Bureau of Indian A ffa irs and the vario u s m issionary groups who were a c tiv e in the a re a , th ere are v ario u s published memoirs and o th er documents. The Papers of Henry Rowe S ch o o lcraft are a v a ila b le a t the L ibrary of Congress and o th er documents are in the Burton C o llectio n of the D e tro it Public L ib rary I consulted documents on the m icrofilm versio n of the Papers of Henry Rowe S c h o o lc ra ft. Except fo r two or th ree documents, the inform ation p e rtin e n t to th is study was contained in the 306 N ational Archives Microforms S erie s Ml and in S c h o o lc ra ft's published works. Consequently, I determined th a t the a n a ly sis of the documents in the Burton C o lle c tio n , w hile re le v a n t, would serve l i t t l e a d d itio n a l purpose. These documents can and should, however, be used in a subsequent in v e s tig a tio n to v e rify the p o s itio n taken in th is work. Indian Commissioner Thomas L. McKenny accompanied S ch o o lcraft on h is ex p ed itio n of 1826 and He also published an account of h is o b serv atio n s (McKenny 1972), as did fu r tra d e rs Benjamin Armstrong (1892) and William W. Warren (1865). A dditional inform ation came from the memoirs of Penny (1840), N ic o lle t (1972), Kohl (1860), and Henry (1966). A ll of these in d iv id u a ls were a c tiv e in the Keweenaw Bay a rea in one cap ac ity or a n o th e r. T heir in s ig h ts and comments thus provide im portant inform ation about the two communities, the tim es, and the g en eral milieu* The l a s t body of data is th a t p e rta in in g to the economic development of the Upper P en in su la. There were a number of economic v en tu res which took place in the f i f t y years under study. The d e ta ile d study of any of these v entures would be a long-term and arduous task due to the number of companies o p eratin g from time to time (fo r example, see Clarke 1973, 1974a, 1974b, 1974c, 1974d, 1975a, 1975b). Much of the e f f o r t th is would e n ta il would be ta n g e n tia l to the su b je c t a t hand. Although the economic development of the Upper P eninsula influ en ced the development of the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community, the Indians themselves had very l i t t l e Involvement in these ventures w ith the exception of the fu r tra d e . Conseqyently, the m a te ria l on the h is to ry of these e n te rp ris e s was derived from secondary reso u rces. The fu r tra d e and the American Fur Company were given c a re fu l a tte n tio n . The Clarke H is to r ic a l L ibrary of C entral Michigan 307 U n iv ersity has documents p e rta in in g to th is in s t i t u t i o n on m icrofilm (o rig in a ls a v a ila b le a t the New York Public L ibrary) as w ell as some o rig in a l documents. The American Fur Company received s p e c ia l a tte n tio n fo r four re a so n s. F i r s t , the fu r tra d e , u n lik e the economic v entures th a t followed i t , req u ired the p a r tic ip a tio n of the In d ia n s. Second, the American Fur Company was re sp o n sib le fo r the development of commercial fis h in g in the Upper Lakes, e s p e c ia lly Lake S uperior in the mid 1830s. With the development of th is In d u stry Indians became m arginal to the o v e ra ll economic development of the Upper P en in su la. c h a ra c te riz e d the next fo rty y e a rs. This was the trend th a t T h ird , both M ethodist and C atholic m issio n a rie s were introduced to the Keweenaw Bay by the American Fur Company. Why did a s in g le e n te rp ris e introduce both re lig io u s groups when they operated from such d if f e r e n t o r ie n ta tio n s , and the c h ie f executive o f fic e r s were P resb y te ria n s? F in a lly , the American Fur Company was awarded s p e c ia l a tte n tio n because i t , lik e the economic v en tu res th a t follow ed, was an example of "big b usiness" (Nute 1926, 1944). Moreover, i t was in the period between 1832 and 1843 th a t "big b u sin ess" in ste ad of re ly in g upon the government, began to m anipulate the government and to stro n g ly in flu en ce the d ire c tio n of United S ta te s-In d ia n r e la tio n s . The American Fur Company also had profound in flu en c e on the m issio n iz a tio n e f f o r ts in the Upper P en in su la. The upper le v e ls of the h ierarch y of the American Fur Company between 1834 and 1843 were occupied by P re sb y te ria n s. These people were in stru m en tal in s e ttin g the d ire c tio n fo r the economic and s o c ia l development of the Upper Peninsula in g en eral. The American Fur Company a lso received s p e c ia l a tte n tio n because I 308 thought th a t the records p e rta in in g to the Company would provide an understanding of the d if f e r e n t economic o r ie n ta tio n s developed by the two Indian communities. U n fo rtu n ately , the documents provided a t b est very fragm entary and sketchy Inform ation in th is a rea because the Keweenaw Bay was of secondary im portance to the American Fur Company. Consequently, the m ajo rity of the b i l l s of lad in g in the v arious c o lle c tio n s I have seen a re earmarked fo r La P o in te , w ith subsequent r e d i s t r ib u t i o n to Keweenaw Bay and o th er su b sid ia ry p o s ts . Even those documents th a t l i s t e d goods d estin ed fo r the Keweenaw Bay provide no inform ation as to which p a r t of the Keweenaw C a th o lic —would rec eiv e the goods. Bay— the M ethodist or This Inform ation may be a v a ila b le , b u t d isc u ssio n s w ith co lleag u es b e tte r versed in these issu e s than m yself in d ic a te th a t such i n t r a - s i t e d is tr ib u tio n data is not a v a ila b le through the e th n o h ls to rlc documents, and must be analyzed a rc h e o lo g ic a lly (Dean Anderson, personal communication February 14, 1985, E ast L ansing). E co logical th e o r is ts have long used q u a n tifie d and q u a n tifia b le methods, e s p e c ia lly in th e ir d eterm in atio n of the q u a n tific a tio n of energy use and i t s flow through the system (see Moran 1982: 12-16). A n th ro p o lo g ists, too, have used q u a n tita tiv e measures in th e ir s tu d ie s , as is evidenced in any number of monographs. An attem pt to use q u a n tita tiv e analyses fo r th is study was abandoned because of lack of p e r tin e n t d a ta . Such an a n a ly s is , however, may be p o ssib le in the l i g h t of a rc h e o lo g ic a l in v e s tig a tio n s an d /o r w ith the discovery of p e r tin e n t documents. APPENDIX B: LETTER FROM SUB-AGENT ALFRED BRUNSON TO GOVERNOR J.D. DOTY, JULY 18, 1843 ...Y ou say you are "requested to remind me th a t by the re g u la tio n s , a l l nom inations must be made to the Department before the person employed e n te rs upon the s e rv ic e , and th a t in fu tu re they must be complied w ith ". While th is remains the law of course I s h a ll obey i t . But I beg leav e to s ta te some fa c ts which show th a t i t s opperation is u n frien d ly to the in te r e s ts of the In d ia n s; of the public s e rv ic e designed to be rendered them, and i f , a f t e r a c a re fu l review of the circum stances of the case, the Dept, should see f i t , (which I hope i t w i l l ) , to modify o r amend the re g u la tio n so as to s u it the s itu a tio n of th is d is ta n t p o s t. I am co n fid en t the Indians to the public s e rv ic e would derive g re a t b e n e fit from i t . The g re a t d istan c e of th is place from Washington—the want of mail f a c i l i t i e s fo r 300 m iles of th a t d ista n c e and the slow progress of the m ails se v e ra l hundred m iles more re q u ire s and causes some three or s ix months delay in the apppointment of men to f i l l the places of I n te r p r e te r , Farmer, Smith, C arp en ter,c during which time the work due the Indians the Service required by Government must remain in s ta tu s quo. I f one of those now employed should d ie , d eclin e fu rth e r s e rv ic e s , or be suspended, fo r cause, as the law a u th o riz e s, then the s e rv ic e req u ired must be n eg lected fo r a term , perhaps of s ix months, i f i t should occur in the w in ter when we are shut out of the world by snow and ic e , and i f my in te r p r e te r should die j u s t before a payment, or as occurred l a s t f a l l j u s t before the tr e a ty , circum stances should re q u ire h is d lsm ls a l, how could the Agent procede in the payment? I f a farm er should d ie , leave or be dism issed w hile a crop was ready to h a rv e s t, how is th a t crop to be saved the c a t t l e implements of husbandry to be taken care o f. [Brunson then makes a s im ila r case fo r the b lack sm ith ]. There is no re g u la tio n providing fo r pro-tem employment, the whole se rv ic e in he case must be suspended. And under the p ro v isio n s of the new tre a ty sev e ra l farmers mechanics a re provided f o r . As the re g u la tio n s now stand none of these can be employed t i l l they are f i r s t s e le c te d , th a t from among those of Indian d escen t, i f they can be found, q u a lifie d recommended, and i f approved, a f t e r the usual delay to co n sid er such th in g s, the approval must re tu rn to th is o f f ic e , a l l th is w ill, under e x is tin g circum stances, re q u ire a t le a s t th re e months a t th is season of the y e a r, s ix months in the w in te r. W ell, th re e months from th is time, w ill be the commencement of w in te r, too l a t e to commence opperations fo r the y e a r, e ith e r fo r Farmers or Mechanics. I think the re g u la tio n s in th is p a r tic u la r must have been adopted in referen ce to agencies 309 310 w ith in a few days, by m all, of Washington, or under the Im pression th a t agents and sub-aents were Incompetent to s e le c t such la b o re rs . I f the former was the reason the Dept, can but see a t once the d ista n c e of th is place from Washington is too g re a t fo r the opperation of the re g u la tio n to be fav o rab le to the i n t e r e s t of e ith e r the Indians or the p lig h te d f a i th of the G o v 't, towards them. And i f the l a t t e r be the reaso n , I recommend th a t men be appointed agents sub-agents who are__ competent to s e le c t employ men to la b o r. I f I am deemed Incompetent to such a s e rv ic e , I have only to know i t to give room fo r another to f i l l my p la c e . I th in k i t a g re a t p ity i f , among the thousands who now are gnashing fo r o f f ic e , i f men cannot be found capable of h irin g s u ita b le persons to lab o r e ith e r as mechanics or farm ers. But what renders th is m atter s t i l l more u n p leasan t, i s , th a t Hr. S tu a rt, Acting Supt. of Ind. A ffa irs fo r Michigan, has appointed co n tra cte d w ith men to f i l l the se v e ra l places provided fo r in h is l a t e tr e a ty , sen t them in to the country. And what is s t i l l more, as I le a rn by a l e t t e r from him to the Rev. Mr. Ames,* he has a c tu a lly apportioned o ff the school money s tip u la te d fo r in the tr e a ty of Oct 4, 1842, d iv id in g i t very unequally among the schools now in opperation in the n a tio n , w ith some in anti c ip a t io n . By the 9th re g u la tio n , No. 3. i t is made the duty of the agent or sub-agent "to nominate to the Dept, s u ita b le persons fo r te a c h e rs, blacksm iths, farm ers, mechanics"c and "give a p referen ce to persons o f Indian d e sc e n t, when any p ro p erly q u a lifie d can be found." This "can be found" I presume re q u ire s the agent to in q u ire them, w ith -a view to enocurage those "of Indian descent" to adopt c iv iliz e d h a b its . I had commenced these in q u ir ie s , so as to be ready to nominate as soon as I received o f f i c i a l n o tic e of the r a t i f i c a t i o n of the la te tr e a ty , was in a f a i r way to o b ta in " s u ita b le persons of Indian descent" to f i l l most or a l l of the p laces provided f o r, when suddenly unexpectedly two white men came to me, one a farm er, the o th er a Smith, co n tracted w ith by Mr. S tu a rt to f i l l those places a t Fond du Lac, o th ers I le a rn are se n t to o th er p la c e s . I have not received the f i r s t lin e of in s tr u c tio n th a t the tre a ty has been r a t i f i e d . I t is tr u e , I a c c id e n tly saw i t in the papers. But I supposed each o f f ic e , e s p e c ia lly the one imm ediately in te re s te d would, a t l e a s t , receiv e a copy of i t . Nor have I seen a word from the Dept, p lacin g th is agency under the Superintendence of Mr. S tu a rt, nor am 1 able to discover in the re g u la tio n governing S uperintendents, th a t i t is th e ir duty to even nominate such persons, even le s s to appoint them. I f changes have been made in the re g u la tio n s , r e la tiv e to these m a tte rs , I have not been advised of them, u n t i l l so advised I do n o t deem i t my duty to change from the p rin te d w ritte n I n s tru c tio n s I have receiv ed . I am in s tru c te d th a t I am in your Superintendency, i t must be obvious to the Dept, th a t i t is extrem ely unpleasant to have another e x e rc ise a u th o rity over me, th a t too w ithout being f i r s t advised th a t such is the re g u la tio n of the Dept. One Instance of the unpleasant bearing of th is double Superintendance, I w ill give re feren ce to the time of the payment. I w rote, Jan 10th, th a t i t was a l l im portant to the Indians to re ce iv e th e ir payment as e a rly as the f i r s t of Ju ly , gave reasons which I thin k could not f a l l to be s a tis f a c to r y to the 1 Rev. Ames was the S e cretary of the M ethodist M issionary Society 311 D ept.2 This l e t t e r passed through your hands as my S u p e r't. I presume never reached the eye of Mr. S ta u r t. And I think I f Mr. S tu a rt had had the same means of knowing th a t I had, from a c tu a l personal o b serv atio n , he would have agreed w ith me. But not having these advantages not knowing what I had w r itte n , recommended the payment to be in Sept. when the Indians urged upon me the p ro p rie ty of th e ir being paid before th e ir r ic e h a rv e s t, I saw the ju stn e s s of the re q u e st, I promised, did w rite to the Dept to th a t e f f e c t; and expected a req u e st so reasonable of so much Importance to the poor In d ia n s—a t l e a s t the e n tir e value of th e ir payment—would be favourably regarded; and when, in rep ly to th e ir repeated re q u e st upon the su b je c t I to ld them th a t I had w ritte n was in hopes th e ir payment would be a t the season they d e s ire d , they expected i t made th e ir arrangem ents acco rd in g ly . But the recommendation of Mr. S tu a r t, i t seems, p re v a ile d , the consequence is the Indians are d isappointed in a reasonable j u s t re q u e st, and doomed to s u ffe r the lo ss of th e ir r i c e , or v eg e ta b le s, or a p a r t of both. And to t e l l them th a t Govt could not r a is e the money sooner would g re a tly lower th e ir estim ate of the power and w ealth of the G ovt., to say nothing about i t , leaves them to doubt the p ro fessio n s made to them of good w ill, when a m atter of so much Importance to them so e a s ily done by the Govt is not attended to . I presume th a t i t w ill be adm itted on a l l hands, th a t the $2,000 school money provided fo r in the la t e tre a ty [of La P o in te, 1842], is not s u f f ic ie n t to e s ta b lis h and support a se p arate school fo r the n a tio n ; and th a t in consequence, to d iv id e i t among the schools a c tu a lly in o p p eration is the b e st most most feasab le way of b e n e f ittin g the whole community. There are in f a c t but fiv e schools now in o p eratio n w ith in the d i s t r i c t of country In te re s te d in the an n u ity . These f iv e , being about equal in s iz e expense, should, I th in k , share eq u ally in the fund, or receiv e $400 each. Three of these schools belong to the M ethodists two of them to the P re sb y te ria n . But, y e t, as I le a rn from a l e t t e r of Mr. S tu a rt to the Rev. Mr. Ames, one of the s e c r e ta r ie s of the M ethodist Episcopal Church, th a t by $750 of th is fund w ill f a l l to the M ethodists w ith th re e sch o o ls. The balance, $1250, to the P re sb y te ria n s—w ith two schools one or two in a n tic ip a tio n . Or i t may be, th a t $1000 are to be given to the P re sb y te ria n s, and $250 to the C atholics who, i t is s a id , have a school a t or near Pigeon R iver, no rth of Lake S u p erio r, and a t or near the B r itis h li n e s , but e n t i r e ly out of the lim its of any band of Indians in te re s te d in the a n n u itie s paid a t th is agency. The schools rep o rted to me th is La P o in te, P re sb y te ria n , 2 Schools Kewewanon, M ethodist 1 " Fond du Lac, " 1 " Sandy Lake, " 1 The school rep o rted a t Pekegomo l a s t of the war. year are about 100 sch o lars 50 " " 50 " 50 " year was suspended in consequence I have n ot been advised of the a u th o rity by which Mr. S tu a rt 2 Such a l e t t e r is found among the documents Included in Reel No. 2 of M 951. 312 apportioned th is fund. Nor do I know by what ru le of a rith m e tic he divided i t so as to give $1000 or $1250 to two schools with 100 sch o la rs but $750 to th re e schools with 150 s c h o la rs . I f i t should be in tim ated th a t because I am a M ethodist, I fe e l in te re s te d fo r my own church, I rep ly th a t Mr. S tu a rt is a P re sb y te ria n , no doubt loves h is own as much as I do. But i f my contending fo r equal im p a rtia l j u s t i c e is any proof of s e c ta ria n b ia s , I g lo ry in such a b ia s ; b u t I am unconscious of nay b ia s , but to do equal ju s t ic e to a l l . And i f language has n o t l o s t i t s im port, or words to be signs of id e a s, th is School fund is a p a r t of the annuity allowed the Indians of th is agency should be paid out by the agent as o th er such funds a re . In co n clu sio n , S ir , I am a S ta te s - r ig h ts man.and I b eliev e the p re se n t A d m in istration of our govt does n o t allow one s ta t e to i n t e r f e r e w ith the dom estic r e la tio n s of an o th er; nor the general government to c o n tro l the ap p ro p ria te r ig h ts of the S ta te governments. And I had receiv ed the r e l a t iv e p o s itio n of o f f ic e r s in the same li g h t hope they w ill be defined and e s ta b lis h e d . I would exceedingly r e g r e t any u n p leasan t fe e lin g s on the o ccasio n , I have none myself t r u s t Mr. S tu a rt is too good a C h ristia n philosopher to indulge in any h im se lf, but what I conceive to be the p e c u lia r p rero g ativ es of my o f fic e I must contend f o r , th o ' I wish to do i t in r e s p e c tfu l term s. P.S. Before the r e c e ip t of your l e t t e r of the 15th of May, I had employed Joseph D efau lt fo r one of the carp en ters req u ired under the tre a ty of Oct 4 th , 1842, w ith the Chippewas, from Ju ly 1, 1843. I did so because the season was ra p id ly passing h is work needed. I recommended him and John M ag lllls fo r the two carp en ters under said tr e a ty . They are both h a lf breeds of the n a tio n , good workmen, of good c h a ra c te r. The M issio n a rie s, I decidedly think should be the Indian farm ers. They a c tu a lly do more fo r the Indians in th is way than the farm ers h e re to fo re employed, and I recommend th a t the money allowed fo r farm ers be divided among those who do the work. But on account of the confusion in these m atters in consequence of Mr S tu a r t's nom inations or appointm ents, I s h a ll not nominate any o th e rs , t i l l I know what course the Dept, w ill s tr ik e o u t in the prem ises. In re fe ren c e to Kewewenon, I can but observe th a t Mr. S tu a r t's recommendation fo r a Smith, C arpenter, Farmer fo r th a t place g re a tly c o n f l ic t with the p ro v isio n s of h is tre a ty and the circum stances of the c a se. The tre a ty provides th a t the Indians s h a ll remove from the mining d i s t r i c t a t the w ill of the P re s id e n t, and the miners have commenced a t the very p lace occupied by the Kewewenon Ontonagon bands, they w i l l , of c o u rse, be the f i r s t to be removed. And to make improvements fo r these Indians on lands from which they must remove in two or th re e years a t m ost, seems to me but a wast of these poor peoples money. The Kewewenon band is the most advanced of any in the N ation, In h a b its of c i v i l i z a t i o n . But s itu a te d as they are in the very d i s t r i c t from which they must sp e e d ily remove, I can but th in k i t j u s t to them not to spend th e ir funds where i t w ill soon be of no a v a il to them. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY DOCUMENTS CITED A breviations Used NAM Ml N ational Archives Microforms, S eries Ml, Records of Michigan SuperIntendency of Indian A ffa irs , Mackinac Agency Records, L e tte rs Received, 1814-1851. NAM M234 N ational Archives Microforms, L e tte rs Received by the O ffice of Indian A f fa ir s , 1824-1881. Mackinac Agency, 1828-1880. NAM M951 Records of the Wisconsin Superintendency of Indian A ffa irs , 1836-1848, and the Green Bay SubAgency, 1850. Chapter I Baraga, F red eric to Robert S tu a rt, September 12, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 779-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Chapter I I Ashneur, Edward, to Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs , October 17, 1861. NAM M 234, Reel 406, Frame 1071. Baraga, F red eric to Amalia G essel, June 29, 1832. Document No. 306 GXE. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Leopoldinen S tiftu n g , March 7, 1834. Document No. 508 GXE, Baraga C o lle c tio n , Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Rev. Vincent Badin, February 25, 1836. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 197 FXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Bourassa, M.D. e t a l , to the Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs , November 313 314 1, 1865. NAM M234 Reel 407, Frames 593-599. Brunson A lfred to J.D . Doty, A pril 22, 1843 NAM M 951, Reel 2. Brunson, A lfred to J.D . Doty, July 18, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Volume 3, Document 653 E, Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Brunson, A lfred to Governor J.D . Doty, August 29, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Vol. 3, Document No. 398 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . B ushnell, D.P. to Wisconsin Governor, Henry Dodge, February 10, 1839. NAM M 951, Reel 3. Buros, David, e t a l , to Lewis Cass, March 16, 1860. Reel 406, Frames 602-605. NAM M 234, Crooks, Ramsay to G abriel F ranchere, May 11, 1835. Papers of the American Fur Company, Micro Mss, F-52, Reel 3, L e tte rs to G abriel F ranchere. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsey to Mons. L oisson, July 8, 1839. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 406 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsay to Stephen F. N id elet, March 3, 1840. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document 405 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Crooks, Ramsey to M ssrs. R. Gronin and Co. March 14, 1840. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 449 E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsey to Mons. L oisson, November 10, 1840. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document 436 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsey to John R. L iv ingston, Ju ly 27, 1843. Papers of the American Fur Company. Correspondence of G abriel F ranchere, 1837-1838 and John R. L iv in g sto n , 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Crooks, Ramsay to John R. L iv in g sto n , August 2, 1843. Papers of the American Fur Company, Correspondence of G abriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. L iv in g sto n , 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Dodge Henry to Commissioner C.A. H a rris, Ju ly 6, 1838. 4, pp. 69-70 NAM M 951, Reel G ilb e r t, Henry C. to George W. Manypenny, December 10, 1853. Reel 404, Frames 184-190. Greene, David to Rev. W illiam A. F erry, December 12, 1832. NAM M 234 Papers of 315 the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions, Reel 1, Frames 33-34. Greene David to Henry R. S ch o o lc ra ft, February 19, 1835. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners Foreign M issions, Reel 1, Frames 424425 (le tte rb o o k pages 183-186). H a ll, Sherman to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, February 3, 1833. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 343-E, Volume 1. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Johnston, George n .d .a (1826?.) George Johnston^s Memorandum Book, 1817, 1826. Reminiscence No. 5 ." George Johnston Papers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 10. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Johnston, George n .d .b "Reminiscence No. 4 ." George Johnston Papers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 9. Also in George Johnston^s Memorandum Book, 1817, 1826. George Johnston P apers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 10. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Johnston George to Henry S c h o o lc ra ft, January 25, 1827. 20, Frame 27. NAM M 1, Reel Johnston, George to Henry R. S ch o o lc ra ft, February 28, 1828. Reel 67, Frame 365. Johnston George to Henry S ch o o lcraft, March 21, 1829. 68, Frames 31-32. NAM Ml NAM M 1, Reel M. Loisson, to Ramsey Crooks, October 24, 1338. Document No. 962-FXE. Baraga C o lle c tio n . Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Ord James to Henry S ch o o lc ra ft, September 1, 1838. Frame 175. S ch o o lc raft, Henry to Hugh Brady, August 3, 1836. Frame 16. NAM M 1, Reel 45, NAM Ml Reel 37, S ch o o lc ra ft, Henry to Carey A. H a rris , October 4, 1838. 37, Frames 567-573. NAM M 1, Reel S ch o o lcraft Henry to J . H artley Crawford, February 26, 1839. Reel 37, Frames 524-526. S tu a rt Robert to Lewis Cass, May 16, 1831. 115-116. NAM M 1, NAM M 1, Reel 23, Frames S tu a rt, Robert to J . H artley Crawford, March 15, 1843. 39, Frames 107-108. NAM M 1, Reel S tu a rt, Robert to Rev. A lfred Brunson, Ju ly 9, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 635-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . 316 S tu a rt, Robert to J . H artley Crawford, October 13, 1843. 39 Frames 323-324. NAM Ml Reel Viszoczky, Andrew to Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , October 20, 1835. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 775-6XE. Clarke h i s t o r i c a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Chapter I I I A bbott, Samuel to G abriel F ranchere, August 26, 1836. L e tte rs to G abriel Franchere, S a u lt S te. Marie and some accounts of h is o u t f i t , concerning h is business with the American Fur Company, 1834-1836. Micro Mss, F-52, Reel 1. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . A bbott, Samuel to Ramsay Crooks, Ju ly 3, 1843. Correspondence, American Fur Company, L e tte rp re s s , 1842-1848, Aa-G, p. 57. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . A bbott, Samuel to Solomon Juneau, September 27, 1847. Correspondence, American Fur Company, 1842-1848 (L e tte r p re ss , p. 265). Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Asher, Daniel and William Owen, e t a l , to Commissioner of Indian A f fa ir s , R.E. Trowbridge, May 14, 1880. NAM M234 Reel 415, Frames 2685-286. A ssin in s, Edward e t a l , to James Ord, October 5, 1847. Document No. 843-E. Baraga C o lle c tio n . Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . A ssinins Edward to E.P. Smith, October 28, 1875. Frames 279-280. NAM M234, Reel 411, A ssin in s, E ., e t a l to Department of the I n te r io r , Indian Bureau, May 8, 1876. NAM M 234 Reel 411, Frame 606. A ssin in s, E ., e t a l to G.W. Lee, May 20, 1876. 830-831. NAM M 234: 411, Frames Babcock, Charles P. to Rev. F red eric Baraga, June 27, 1849. Reel 40, Frame 360. NAM Ml, Baraga, F red eric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , nd. Document No. 308GXE. Baraga C o lle c tio n . Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, n .d .b . Papers of Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, Box 1, Folder 1-20 [1842-1843]. Document found m is file d . Diocese of D e tro it. Baraga, F red eric to Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , February 11, 1831. Document No. 819 E and 819 GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan 317 U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Carl A. K ichtrenberg, June 2, 1831. Document No. 324 GXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Amalia G essel, August 10, 1831. Document No. 487 GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F re d eric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , January 4, 1832. Document No. 432 GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red e ric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , March 10, 1832. Docuemnt 433 GXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Amalia G essel, March 4, 1833. Document No. 316 GXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to the Leopoldine S tiftu n g , June 3, 1833. Baragao C o lle c tio n , Vol. 1, Document No. 1051 GXE. Clark H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red e ric to Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , July 26, 1833. Document 1058-GXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red e ric to Bishop F red eric Rese, October 10, 1833. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 770 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Governor George B. P o rte r. November 5, 1833. Document 115-E. Document No. 118-E, accompanying a l e t t e r from Baraga to Governor George B. P o rte r, Nov. 5, 1833, Document No. 115E. Baraga, F red e ric to Governor George B. P o rte r, November 5, 1833. Document 771-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red e ric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , December 1, 1833. Document No. 311 GXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , February 1, 1834, Document No. 434 GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , February 11, 1834. Document No. 819-E and 819-GXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , May 24, 1834. Document No. 321 GXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Lepoldlnen S tiftu n g , February 20, 1835. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 310-GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , 318 C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to James A bbott, (Mackinac), August 21, 1835. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Docuemtn No. 120-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Amalia G essel, September 22, 1835. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 1054 GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop F red eric Rese, January 2, 1836. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document 547-GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Amalia G essel, February 24, 1836. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 1056-GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to the Leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , August 11, 1836. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 644-GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop F red eric Rese, October 31, 1836. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document 198-XFE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Amalia G essel, January 15, 1840. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 879-GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop F red eric Rese, March 4, 1841. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document 312-GXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Ramsey Crooks, October 1, 1841. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document 999 E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, Ju ly 1, 1842. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 314 FXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Ramsey Crooks, August 18, 1842. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 1004 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, October 5, 1842. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 203-FXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Robert S tu a rt, September 12, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 779-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Robert S tu a rt, September 27, 1843. Baraga 319 C o lle c tio n , Document No. 781-E. Michigan U n iv ersity . Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Baraga, F red eric to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, December 23, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 281 FXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o llectio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, May 18, 1844. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 219 FXE. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Robert S tu a rt, May 20, 1844. 125-128. NAM Ml Reel 56, Frame Baraga, F red eric to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, August 27, 1844. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 211 FXE, Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Baraga, F red eric to Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, August 26, 1846. Papers of Bishop P eter Paul L efevre, Box 1, Folder 1-22. C atholic Diocese of D e tro it. Baraga F red eric to William A. Richmond, March 22, 1849. Frames 81-82. NAM Ml Reel 61 Baraga, F red eric to Charles P. Babcock, August 25, 1849. 63 Frames 207-208. NAM Ml Reel Baraga, F red eric to Charles P. Babcock, December 31, 1849. 63 Frame 413. NAM Ml Reel Borup, Charles W. to John R. L iv in g sto n , May 8, 1839. T re lfa and T re lfa C o lle c tio n , Box 2, Folder 4. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Borup, Charles W. to James Ord, July 10, 1842. Frames 43-44. NAM M 1, Reel 55, Boutw ell, William T ., Rev., Rev. Sherman H all, Rev. F rederick Ayer, and Edmund F. Ely to Henry R. S ch o o lc ra ft, August 4, 1835. Baraga C o lle ctio n Document No. 265 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n . C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Brockway, William H ., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, May 20, 1841. Reel 50 Frames 309-311. NAM Ml, Brockway, William H., Rev. to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, October 21, 1839. NAM Ml Reel 47 Frame 555. Brockway, W illiam H., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, January 15, 1842. Reel 52 Frame 23. Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, March 9, 1843. Frames 205-206. NAM Ml NAM Ml Reel 54 320 Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, December 29, 1843. Reel 55 Frames 679-692. NAM Ml Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, May 20, 1844. Frames 157-159. NAM Ml, Reel 56 Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, May 29, 1844. Frames 129-132. NAM Ml, Reel 56 Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, May 29, 1844. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 476-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n . C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Brunson, A lfred , Rev. to James Doty, Ju ly 18, 1843. NAM M951 Reel 2. C a r r ie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, March 13, 1843. Frame 213. NAM Ml Reel 54 C a r r ie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, October 5, 1843. R55 Frame 440. NAM Ml C a r r ie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, December 29, 1843. Ml Reel 56 Frame 687-692. C a r r ie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, February 5, 1844. 55 Frames 601-604. Chiefs a t Ance to Henry S ch o o lcraft December 29, 1832. 32, Frames 119-120. NAM NAM Ml Reel NAM M 1, Reel [C ath o lic] Indians of L'Anse to Commissioner of Indian A f fa ir s , October 1, 1858. NAM M234, Reel 406, Frames 3-6. C lark, John to C h ristia n Advocate, July 7, 1834, appearing in th a t p u b lic a tio n on August 8, 1834. Also in The D e tro it Conference H is to ric a l Messenger, March, 1985, Vol 13, No. 2: 7 -8 ). Archives of the D e tro it Annual Conference, Adrian C ollege, A drian, Michigan. C lark, John to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, March 9, 1834. Henry R. S ch o o lcraft Papers, L ib rary of Congress, Reel 6, C ontainer 12. C lark, John to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, July 15, 1835. Frames 185-186. NAM Ml Reel 72, C lark, John to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, July 21, 1835. Frame 181. NAM Ml Reel 72 C o ck h ill, George B ., S p ecial Agnet of Indian A ffa irs to D. Cooley, Commissioner of Indian A f fa ir s , November 16, 1865. NAM M234 Reel 407 Frames 628-634. Crawford, J . H artley to Robert S tu a rt, AuguBt 7, 1842. 55, Frames 239-242. NAM M 1, Reel Crooks, Ramsey to G abriel F ranchere, October 20, 1834. Papers of the 321 American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 3. C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , Crooks, Ramsey to G abriel Franchere August 22, 1835. L e tte rs to G abriel Franchere, 1834-1836. Micro Mss F-52. Reel 1. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsey to Lyman M. Warren, August 8, 1837. Baraga C o lle c tio n Document No. 491 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Crooks, Ramsey to Stephen A. Halsey, August 19, 1839. Baraga C o lle c tio n Document 921 E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsay to F red eric Baraga, December 31, 1839. Baraga C o lle c tio n Document No. 412-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsay to John R. L iv in g sto n , August 25, 1840. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss, Reel 2, Box 4. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsey to F red eric Baraga, December 6, 1841. Baraga C o llectio n Document 463 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsay to Charles W. Borup, Ju ly 21, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 591-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . De Bruyn, John to Henry R. S ch o o lc ra ft, October 30, 1835. Baraga C o lle c tio n Document No. 112-E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Dodge, Henry to J . H artley Crawford, February 8, 1839. 4, Frame 106-108. NAM M234, Reel F ranchere, G abriel to W illiam B rew ster, October 11, 1835. Papers of the American Fur Company Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2, Box 2. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . F ranchere, G abriel to Lyman Warren, February 2, 1836. Papers of the American Fur Company Micro Mss F-52, Reel 3 Box 2. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . F ranchere, G abriel to Ramsay Crooks, November 13, 1838. Micro Mss F-52. Correspondence of G abriel F ranchere, 1837-1838 John R. L iv in g sto n , 1839-1846. Reel 2, Letterbook p . 43). Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . F ranchere, G ab riel, 1839 Remarks Made on a V is it from La P ointe to the F ishing S ta tio n s of Grand P ortage, I s le Royale, and Ance Quiwinon, August, 1839. Mss 9a-51. Clarke H is to ric a l C olection, C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . 322 Fenwick, Edward, Bp. to Lewis Cass, November 30, 1831. Document 751 E. Baraga C o lle c tio n . C larke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Fenwick, Edward, Bp. to Lewis Cass, January 20, 1832. Document No. 440 E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Greene, David to Rev. John C lark, S uperintendent of the M ethodist M issions, June 9, 1834. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions, A.B.C. 1 .2 : L e tte rs to Foreign Correspondents, 1834-1919, U nit 1 Reel 1 Frame 281. Greene, David to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, June 14, 1834. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions. A.B.C. 1 ,2 : L e tte rs to Foreign C orrespondents, 1834-1919 (In clu d in g l e t t e r s to m issio n aries working w ith the In d ia n s. U nit 1 Reel 1 1 .3 .1 . Frame 283. Greene, David to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, September 2, 1834. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions. A.B.C. 1,2: L e tte rs to Foreign C orrespondents, 1834-1919 (Including l e t t e r s to m issio n aries working w ith the In d ia n s. U nit 1 Reel 1, 1 .3 .1 . Frame 355. Greene, David to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, February 19, 1835. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners fo r Foreign M issions. A.B.C. 1 ,2 : L e tte rs to Foreign C orrespondents, 1834-1919 (Including l e t t e r s to m issio n aries working w ith the In d ia n s. U nit 1, Reel 1, 1 .3 .1 . Frames 424-425. H a ll, Sherman to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, August 31, 1835. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 275-E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . H o llid ay , John to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, February 9, 1826. 18, Frame 89. Also NAM Ml Reel 66, Frame 411. Howe ( ? ) , J.A . to Robert S tu a rt, May 23, 1843. 617. NAM M 1 Reel NAM Ml Reel 54, Frame Ja c k e r, Edward, F ather to h is b ro th e r, [Joseph?], July 3, 1876. Jack er P apers, Burton C o lle c tio n , D e tro it P ublic L ib rary . Johnston, George to Henry S c h o o lc ra ft, March 12, 1828. 67, Frame 379. Jo h nston, George to M. C adotte, February 24, 1829. Frame 47. NAM M 1, Reel NAM M 1, Reel 68, Johnston, George to George A. Manypenny, August 21, 1855. Reel 404 Frames 865-867. King, David to Robert S tu a rt, August 23, 1842. 231-232. Edward NAM M234 NAM Ml, Reel 53, Frames 323 King, David and John Southwind to Robert S tu a rt, March 20, 1843. Ml Reel 54 Frames 269-271. King, David to William A. Richmond, Jan . 22, 1849. Frames 403-404. NAM NAM Ml, Reel 62 King, David, Charles B ln esh i, and o th e rs , to Charles P. Babcock, June 1, 1849. NAM Ml Reel 63 Frames 53-54. King, David and Eduard A ssin in s, June 4, 1849 to C harles P. Babcock, NAM Ml Reel 63 Frames 63-64. Lee, George W., 1880a. E stim ate of Funds Required by the Indian Service a t Mackinac fo r the F i r s t Q uarter, 1880. NAM M234 Reel 415 Frame 99. L iv in g sto n , John R. to Ambrose Davenport, February 25, 1839. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss, Reel 2, pp. 55-56. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . L iv in g sto n , John R. to Ramsay Crooks, March 5, 1839. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 2, L etterbook pp. 57-58. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . L iv in g sto n , John R. to Charles W. Borup, March 21, 1839a. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 2, p. 60. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . L iv in g sto n , John R. to Ramsey Crooks, A p ril 3, 1839. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss, F-52, Reel 2, L etterbook, p. 62. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Marksman, P eter to Robert S tu a rt, A pril 5, 1843. 365-366. NAM Ml Reel 54 Frames Memorandum of O utstanding Debts of L'Anse Indians fo r the Years 1832/33/34 w ith Jean B a p tiste Dubay. NAM M 1 Reel 54, Frame 37. N itam glshig C harles, h e re d ita ry c h ie f , e t a l , to William A. Richmond, November 7, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 62 Frame 365. Noonday, C hief, e t a l to Governor George B. P o rte r, May 13, 1834. Document No. 762E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Ord, James to Henry S c h o o lc ra ft, June 27, 1838. Frames 637-638. NAM M 1, Reel 45, Ord, James, September 1, 1838. Annual Report fo r year ending September 1, 1838. NAM Ml Reel 45 Frames 167-169. Ord, James to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, September 13, 1839. Frame 396. NAM Ml Reel 47 Ord, James to F ather F red eric Baraga and Reverend George W. Broun, 324 A p ril 25, 1844. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 842 E. H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Ord, James to Robert S tu a rt, A pril 27, 1844. Clarke NAM Ml Reel 56 Frame 339. Ord, James to W illiam A. Richmond, July 15, 1848. 255. NAM Ml Reel 62 Frame Penashe and Renewals to Robert S tu a rt, Ju ly 20, 1842. Frame 59. NAM Ml Reel 53, P ie rz , Francis to leopoldlnen S tiftu n g , November 15, 1836. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 892-6XE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i te z e l, John H. to Mary Crane, August 20, 1843. Papers of Rev. John H. P ite z e l, Correpsondence, Folder 5, Document No. 80. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . P ite z e l, John H. to h is m other, Mary W. P lane, October 28, 1843. Papers of John H. C o lle c tio n , Correspondence, Folder 2, Document No. 54. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . P ite z e l, John H. to Mother [Mrs. Mary W. Crane], b ro th e rs , s i s t e r s , and F rie n d s, 11 Ju ly 1845, p. 2. Papers of Rev. John H. P it z e l, Folder la . Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . P ite z e l, John H. to William A. Richmond, February 20, 1847. Reel 61 Frame 56. NAM Ml P ite z e l, John H. February 21, 1847. Jo u rn al en try fo r Sunday, February 21, 1847. Jo u rn al No. 3, p. 55. Papers of Rev. John H. P ite z e l. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n . C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . P ite z e l, John H., October 20, 1847. Jo u rn al en try fo r October 20, 1847. Jo u rn al Number 3, 1846-1848, page 77. Papers of Rev. John H. P ite z e l, Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . P itz e l, John H., October 28, 1847. Jo u rn al en try fo r October 28, 1847. Jo u rn al Number 3, 1846-1848, page 80. Papers of Rev. John H. P ite z e l, Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P ite z e l, John H. to Joshua H. P ite z e l, A pril 8, 1848. Papers of Rev. John H. P ite z e l, F older 2, document 57, Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P ite z e l, John H ., September 23, 1848. Jo u rn al en try fo r September 23, 1848. Jo u rn al No. 4, 1848-1849, p. 120. Papers of Rev. John H. P ite z e l. C larke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n . C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . P ite z e l, John H ., June 19, 1850. Jo u rn al en try fo r June 19, 1850. Jo u n ral No. V, 1850-1851. Papers of Rev. John H. P ite z e l. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . P ro te s ta n t Indians Indians on Grand River to George B. P o rte r, October 325 29, 1833. Document No. 113E. Michigan U n iv ersity . Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Rese, F re d e ric , Bp. to Henry R. S ch o o lcraft, August 24, 1836. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 342-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Richmond, William A. to J . H artley Crawford, October 26, 1845. Reel 40 Frames 36-41. Richmond, W illiam to W illiam M edill, December 8, 1848. Frames 242-243. NAM Ml Reel 40 Richmond, William A. to William M edill, December 20, 1848. Reel 40, Frames 247-252. Richmond, William A. to F red eric Baraga, A pril 15, 1849. 40 Frames 297-298. Richmond, William to F red eric Baraga, A pril 17, 1849. Frame 271. S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry to John H olliday, June 15, 1825. Frame 101. NAM Ml NAM M 1, NAM Ml Reel NAM Ml Reel 40 NAM M 1 Reel 65, S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry R. to Jane S ch o o lcraft, June 15, 1832. Henry R. S ch o o lc ra ft P apers, L ib rary of Congress. Reel 5, C ontainer 10. S c h o o lc ra ft, Jane to Henry R. S ch o o lc ra ft, September 23, 1833. Henry R. S c h o o lcraft P apers, L ib rary of Congress, Reel 6, C ontainer 11. S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry R. to C.A. H a rris , October 30, 1837. Frame 559. NAM Ml Reel 37 S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry to Senator John Nowell and R epresenative J.C . Crary, Ju ly 22, 1839. NAM M 1, Reel 38, Frames 304-306. S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry to J . H artley Crawford, A pril 10, 1840. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 2, Box 4. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry to J . H artley Crawford, Ju ly 15, 1840. Reel 38, Frames 296-297. NAM M 1, S la te r , Leonard to Governor George B. P o rte r. May 13, 1834. Document No. 761-E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . S p ro at, F lorantha to her m other, Mrs. Cephas Thompson, June 23, 1839. Baraga C o lle ctio n ,, Document No. 738-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . S tu a rt, Robert to Chauncey I . C a rrie r, March 16, 1843. Frame 112. S tu a rt, Robert to George W. Brown, May 1, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39 NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame 326 155-157. S tu a rt, Robert to the Reverend E.R. Ames, June 30, 1843. Document 667E, Baraga C o lle c tio n , Vol. 3. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . S tu a rt, Robert to J . H artley C rauford, Feb. 12, 1844. Frames 378-379. S tu a rt, Robert to James Ord, A pril 4, 1844. 404-406. NAM Ml, Reel 39 Frames S tu a rt, Robert to C.T. C a rrie r, A pril 6, 1844. 423. S tu a rt, Robert to Baraga, A pril 15, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame 421. S tu a rt, Robert to James Ord, A pril 20, 1844. 430-431. S tu a r t, Robert to Rev. George W. Brown, 39 Frames 429-430. NAM Ml, Reel 39 NAM Ml Reel 39 Frames A pril 20, 1844. NAM Ml Reel Sunday, John to Henry R. S c h o o lc ra ft, February 14, 1833. Henry R. Schoolhouse Papers, L ib rary of Congress, M icrofilm Reel 5, Container 10. Also Henry R. S ch o o lc raft P apers, L ibrary of Congress, Reel 6, C ontainer 11. Walker, M. December 25, 1829. NAM Ml Reel 68, Frame 138. E x tracts from M.M. W alker's Jo u rn al. Warren, Lyman to G abriel Franchere, January 10, 1837. Papers of the American Fur Company. Correspondence of G abriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. L iv in g sto n , 1839-1846, Reel 2. Micro Mss F-52. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . Chapter IV A bbott, Samuel to George Ehninger, September 17, 1845. Correspondence American Fur Company, 1842-1848. L e tte rp re s s . Aa-G. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n . C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . A sher, Daniel e t a l to Commissioner R.E. Trowbridge, May 14, 1880. M234, Reel 415, Frames 285-286. A ssin in s, Edward to Edward P. Smith, October 28, 1875. 411, Frames 279-280. NAM NAM M234, Reel A ssin in s, Edward, Pos quay-gin, P eter Maywas, N itam gijik to the Indian Bureau. May 8, 1876. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frame 606. A ssin in s, Edward P eter Nauwas, John Bapt. M234, Reel 411, Frames 830-831. Wabigagl, May 20, 1876. NAM 327 Baraga, F red eric to Reverend John H. P ite z e l, A pril 7, 1845. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 431-E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Baraga, F red eric to P eter Paul L efevre, January 23, 1846. Baraga C o lle ctio n Document No. 229 FXE. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral M ic.igan U n iv e rsity . B arry, Charles to A.B. Maynard, May 27, 1869. NAM M234, Reel 408, Frames 631-630 [ l e t t e r is reversed on the m icro film ]. Beedon, John to William A. Richmond, October 18, 1845. Frames 304-306. B e tts , George I . to Edward P. Smith, March 29, 1875. 4111, Frame 333. NAM Ml Reel 59, NAM M234, Reel B e tts , George I . to Edward P. Smith, March 2, 1875. 411, Frame 320. NAM M234, Reel B e tts , George I . to Edward P. Smith, Ju ly 21, 1875. 411, Frames 513-514. NAM M234, Reel B e tts , George I . to Edward P. Smith, January 22, 1876. 411, Frames 643-644. NAM M234, Reel Brockway, Daniel D. to William A. Richmond, A pril 6, 1846. Reel 60, Frame 101. Brockway, William H. to Robert S tu a rt, January 15, 1842. 52, Frames 21-23. Brockway, William H. to E.S. P arker, May 27, 1869. Frames 632-634. Brooks, E .J. to E.A. Hoyt, August 22, 1878. 146-149. NAM Ml, NAM Ml, Reel NAM M234, Reel 408, NAM M234, Reel 413, Frames B urket, George [B u rth k ett (?) e t a l to Robert S tu a r t, February 15, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 54, Frames 119-121. C a r r ie r, C.T. to Robert S tu a rt, October 5, 1843. Frames 437-440. NAM Ml, Reel 55, Commissioner, General Land O ffice to Edward P. Smith, January 25 [ ? ] , 1875. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frame 253. Crapo, Henry H. to P.O. Johnson and D aniel Asher, August 25, 1865. Records of the Executive O ffic e , G .I .I . Correspondence, Complaints A gainst County O ffic e rs. Houghton County, L'Anse Township E lectio n In sp e c to rs, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Documents No. 16-19. Lansing, Michigan H is to ric a l A rchives. Crapo, Henry H. to P ro secu tin g A ttorney, August 25, 1865. Records of 328 the Executive O ffic e , G .I .I . Correspondence, Complaints A gainst County O ffic e rs . Houghton County, L'Anse Township E lec tio n In sp e c to rs, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 15. Lansing, Michigan H is to ric a l A rchives. Crawford, J . H artley to Robert S tu a rt, March 30, 1843. 54, Frames 333-334. Crawford, J . H artley to Robert S tu a rt, Ju ly 24, 1843. Frame 147. NAM Ml, Reel NAM Ml, Reel 55, Crawford, J . H artley to J.D . Doty, May 21, 1844. NAM M951, Reel 2. C rebassa, J.B . to Carl Shurz, January 27, 1880. Frames 18-20. NAM M234, Reel 415, Crooks, Ramsay to Joseph R oberts, May 14, 1835. American Fur Company P apers, Micro Mss, F-49, Reel 1 Letterbook Vol. 1, October 31, 1834June 15, 1835, p. 398. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Crooks, Ramsay to G abriel F ranchere, December 11, 1835. American Fur Vompany Papers, Papers of G abriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 3, Box 1. Clarke H is to ric a l L ib rary , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsay to John R. L iv in g sto n , Ju ly 2, 1840. American Fur Company Papers, Correspondence of G abriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. L ivin g sto n , 1839-1846. Micro Mss. F-52, Reel 2. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Crooks, Ramsay to John R. L iv in g sto n , Ju ly 22, 1843. American Fur Company Papers, Correspondence of G abriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. L iv in g sto n , 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Crooks, Ramsay to John R. L iv in g sto n , August 2, 1843. American Fur Company Papers, Correspondence of G abriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. L ivin g sto n , 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Dodge, Henry to C.A. H a rris , Ju ly 6, 1838. 69-70. NAM M951, Reel 4, pp. Dole, William P. to Commissioner of Indian A f fa ir s , January 7, 1865, NAM H234, Reel 407, Frames 238-239. F itc h , A.M. to Thomas Daggs, February 19, 1859. Frames 671-672. NAM M234 Reel 406, Franchere, G abriel to William B rew ster, July 3, 1835. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of G abriel Franchre, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 1. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . F ranchere, G ab riel to W illiam B rew ster, September 12, 1835. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of G abriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 329 1, Book 2, p. 13. Clarke H is to r ic a l L ib rary , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . Franchere, G abriel to Lyman M. Warren, August 3, 1836. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of G abriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 1, L etterbook 2, p. 70. C larke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Franchere, G abriel to William B rew ster, March 5, 1838 American Fur Company Papers, Papers of G abriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2, Vol. 1, 1838-1840. C larke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Franchere, G ab riel, 1839 Remarks Made on a V is it from La P ointe to the F ish in g S ta tio n s of Grand P o rtage, I s le Royale, and Ance Quiwinon, August, 1839. Mss 9a-51. Clarke H is to ric a l C olection, C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . G ilb e r t, Henry C. to George W. Manypenny, A pril 10, 1855. Reel 404, Frames 607-610. H oliday, James, September 11, 1879. NAM M234, NAM M234 Reel 414, Frame 482. Johnson, P.O. to Henry Crapo, A p ril 10, 1865. Records of the Executive O ffic e , G .I .I . Correspondence, Complaints A gainst County O ffic e rs . Houghton County, L'Anse Township E lec tio n In sp e c to rs, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 2. Lansing, Michigan H is to ric a l A rchives. Johnson, P.O. to Henry Crapo, May 9, 1865. Records of the Executive O ffic e , G .I .I . Correspondence, Complaints Against County O ffic e rs . Houghton County, L'Anse Township E lec tio n In sp e c to rs, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 2. Lansing, Michigan H is to ric a l A rchives. Jo h nston, George, Journal e n try dated Ju ly 1, 1848. George Johnston P apers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 10. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Jo h nston, George to Indian Commissioner George W. Manypenny, October 3, 1856. NAM M234, Reel 405, Frame 269. John R. L ivingston to William B rew ster, June 4, 1840. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of G abriel F ranchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2, L etterbook 2, p. 134. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv e rsity . King, David e t a l to Robert S tu a rt and James Ord, February 12, 1844. NAM Ml, Reel 56, Frame 519. King, David to William A. Richmond, June 8, 1846. Frames 218-220. King, David to William A. Richmond. Frame 263. Ju ly 19, 1848. NAM Ml, Reel 60, NAM Ml, Reel 62, King, David, Charles B in esh i, and o th e rs , to Charles P. Babcock, June 330 1, 1849. NAM Ml, Reel 63, Frames 53-54. King, David to William A. Richmond, Ju ly 19, 1848. NAM Ml, Reel 62, Frame 263. Also Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 742 E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Ring, David, Charles B ineshi and o th ers to Charles P. Babcock, June 1, 1849. NAM Ml, Reel 63, Frames 53-54. King, David e t a l , to W illiam P. Dole, January 7, 1865. 407, Frames 670-671. NAM M234, Reel King, David e t a l , to the P re sid e n t of the United S ta te s [Ulysses S. G ran t], March 21, 1871. NAM 234, Reel 409, Frames 914-915. King, David, e t a l to P re sid e n t R.B. Hays, May 23, 1877. Reel 412, Frames 360-361. NAM M234, King, David, P eter Marksman and Mazawash, July 26, 1879. Reel 415, Frame 69. NAM M234, Leach, D.C. to William P. Dole, May 23, 1863. Frames 253-254. NAM M234, Reel 407, Leach, D.C. to William P. Dole, February 23, 1865. Frame 709. NAM M234, Reel 407, Lee, George W. to Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs , A pril 20, 1877. M234, Reel 414, Frame 49. Lee, George W. to Commissioner of Indian A ffa irs , June 14, 1877. M234, Reel 412, Frame 358. NAM NAM Lee, George W. to E.A. Hoyle, August 27, 1879. Frame 454. NAM 234, Reel 414, Lee, George W. to E.A. Hoyt, November 6, 1879. Frame 565. NAM M234, Reel 414, Lee, George W. to R.E. Trowbridge. Monthly re p o rt fo r Month of August, 1880. NAM M234, Reel 415, Frames 397-402. Lee, George W., September 13, 1880. "A bstract showing the b u ild in g s and l o c a l i t i e s belonging to the [Mackinac] Agency. NAM M234 Reel 415, Frames 409-411. L iv in g sto n , John R. to W illiam B rew ster, June 10, 1840. American Fur Company P apers, Micro Mss. F-52, Correspondence of G abriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. L iv in g sto n , Reel 2, L etterbook, Vol 1, pp. 134. C larke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . Ord, James to William A. Richmond, May 9, 1846. 173. NAM Ml, Reel 60, Frame Ord, James to W illiam A. Richmond, October 26, 1846. NAM Ml Reel 60, 331 Frame 351. Ord, James to William A. Richmond, Ju ly 15, 1848. Frame 253. NAM Ml Reel 62, Owen, W illiam , Testimony o f. Records of the Executive O ffic e , G .I .I . Correspondence, Complaints A gainst County O ffic e rs . Houghton County, L'Anse Township E le c tio n In s p e c to rs , 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 13. Lansing, Michigan H is to r ic a l A rchives. P eneshi, Charles e t a l , to James Ord, September 9, 1845. 59, Frame 400. NAM Ml, Reel P en esh i, C h arles, e t a l to W illiam A. Richmond, November 5, 1845. Ml, Reel 59, Frame 358. Pennock, David Sworn Testimony, August 19, 1878. Frames 45-47. NAM NAM M234, Reel 414, P i t e z e l , John H., n .d . "W ritin g s, 1814-April 18, 1889." John H. P ite z e l P apers, F older 8. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i t e z e l , John H. to Mother, b ro th e rs , s i s t e r s , and F rien d s, Ju ly 11, 1845. Correspondence, F older l a , Document 19. Papers of John H. P i t e z e l , Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i t e z e l , John H ., November 7, 1846. Jo u rn al e n try fo r November 7, 1846. Jo u rn al Number 3, 1846-8. John H. P ite z e l P apers, Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P ite z e l, John H ., December 4, 1846. Jo u rn al e n try fo r December 4, 1846. Jo u rn al Number 3, 1846-8. John H. P ite z e l P apers, Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i t e z e l , John H., January 14, 1847. Jo u rn al e n try fo r January 14, 1846. Jo u rn al Number 3, 1846-8. John H. P ite z e l P apers, Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i t e z e l , John H ., January 27, 1847. Jo u rn al e n try fo r January 27, 1847. Jo u rn al Number 3, 1846-8. John H. P ite z e l P apers, Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i t e z e l , John H ., October 11, 1847. Jo u rn al e n try fo r October 11, 1847. Jo u rn al Number 3, 1846-8, p . 74. John H. P ite z e l P apers, Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i t e z e l , John H ., December 31, 1847. Jo u rn al No. 3, 1846-8. Entry fo r December 31, 1847. John H. P ite z e l P apers, Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . P i te z e l, John H., Ju ly 17, 1851. Jo u rn al No. 5, 1850-1851, e n try fo r Ju ly 17, 1851. "P rese n t C onditions and P rospects of the M issions about Lake S u p e rio r." Papers of John H. P ite z e l, Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv e rsity . 332 P r a t t , William A. to William A. Richmond, December 27, 1847. Reel 61, Frames 381-383. NAM Ml, P r a tt , William A. to William A. Richmond, September 8, 1848. Reel 62, Frames 301-302. NAM Ml, Rathbun, B.F. to William A. Richmond. 61, Frame 379. December 23, 1847. NAM Ml, Reel Richmond, William A. to J . H artley Crawford, September 27, 1845. Ml, Reel 40, Frame 28. NAM Richmond, William A. to J . H artley Crawford, Annual R eport, October 26, 1845. NAM Ml Reel 40, Frames 36-41. Richmond, William A. to William M edill, Annual R eport, October 30, 1846. NAM Ml Reel 40, Frames 140-145. Richmond, William A. to W illiam M edill, Annual R eport, November 20, 1847. Richmond, William A. to James Ord, January 25, 1848. Frame 175. Richmond, William A. to James Ord, A pril 21, 1848. Frame 182. NAM Ml Reel 40, NAM Ml Reel 40, Richmond, William A. to William M edill, September 16, 1848. Reel 40, Frame 207. Romey, Theodore to W illiam P. Dole, Ju ly 8, 1864. Frame 567. Sheldon, R. to John F. Braggs, Ju ly 14, 1867. Frames 90-94. NAM Ml NAM M234, Reel 407, NAM M234 Reel 408, Smith, Richard M. to D.N. Cooley, October 12, 1866. 407, Frame 1173. NAM M234, Reel S tu a rt, Robert to Rev. A lfred Brunson, March 10, 1843. Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document 428 E. Clarke H is to r ic a l C o lle c tio n , C entral Michigan U n iv ersity . S tu a r t, Robert to J . H artley Crawford, March 15, 1843. Frames 107-111. NAM Ml Reel 39, S tu a r t, Robert to Rev. George W. Brown, May 1, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39, Frame 155-157. Also, Baraga C o lle c tio n , Document No. 410-E. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . S tu a rt, Robert to J . H artley Crawford, June 2, 1843. Frames 183-186. S tu a rt, Robert to James Ord, July 1, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 39, NAM Ml, Reel 39, Frames 333 225-226. S tu a rt, Robert to A lfred Brunson, Ju ly 9, 1843. Frames 230-233. NAM Ml, Reel 39, S tu a rt, Robert to Alonzo Brockway, Ju ly 15, 1843. Frame 250. NAM Ml, Reel 39, Chapter V Brown, George U. to Robert S tu a rt, December 29, 1843. Frames 679-692. NAM Ml Reel 55, Ring, David e t a l , to William P. Dole, January 7, 1865. 407, Frames 670-671. S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry to John H olliday, June 15, 1825. Frame 101. NAM M234, Reel NAM M 1 Reel 65, S c h o o lc ra ft, Henry to J . H artley Crawford, July 15, 1840. Reel 38, Frames 296-297. NAM M 1, Chapter VI C a r r ie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, March 13, 1843. Frame 213. Howe ( ? ) , J.A . to Robert S tu a rt, May 23, 1843. 617. NAM Ml Reel 54 NAM Ml Reel 54, Frame S tu a r t, Robert to Chauncey T. C a rrie r, March 16, 1843. Frame 112. NAM Ml Reel 39 S tu a r t, Robert to the Reverend E.R. Ames, June 30, 1843. Document 667E, Baraga C o lle c tio n , Vol. 3. Clarke H is to ric a l C o lle c tio n , C en tral Michigan U n iv ersity . BIBLIOGRAPHY SECONDARY SOURCES AND PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 1917 "A Bishop fo r th e Indians In 1790." C atholic H is to ric a l Review 2: 79-81. Adams, R.N. 1962 "The Community In L atin America: Review VI (3 ): 409-434. A Changing Myth." C entennial Adams, R.N. 1965 The Second Sowing; Power and Secondary Development In L atin America. San F ran cisco: Chandler P ublishing Co. Adams, R.N. 1970 C ru cifix io n By Power: Essays on Guatemalan N ational Development, 1944-1966. A ustin: U n iv ersity of Texas P ress. Adams, R.N. 1975 Energy and S tru c tu re : A Theory of S ocial Power. U niv ersity of Texas P ress. A ustin: Adams, R.N. nd The Eighth Day: Human Society as the S elf-O rg an izatio n of Energy P rocess. In p re p a ra tio n . 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