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ABSTRACT

ASSESSMENT OF THE DIFFERENTIAL CONTENT OF SHAME
AND GUILT THROUGH THE USE OF THE TAT

By

Thomas F. Negri

The present study investigated the difference in the
experiential content of shame and guilt, in an attempt to elucidate
the part played by shame as a factor shaping personality. Early
psychoanalytic theory has been called to question for its one dimen-
sional assessment of shame as a manifestation of the exposure of a
sexual act in childhood (Freud), and for the analytic tendency to
subsume the shame experience under the more limited affective state
of guilt.

Contemporary theorists (Piers, Lynd, Lewis) have more broadly
focused on the structure of shame and have differentiated it from guilt,
suggesting that shame arises from a conflict between ego and ego-ideal,
and guilt, from a conflict between ego and superego. These theorists
hold that shame and guilt differ experientially.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the qualitative
differences between shame and guilt as a conflict between two different
aspects of the superego, each involved with the ego.

It was hypothesized that guilt would be manifested by the con-
current experience of transgression, fear of punishment, recognition of

the need for retribution and negative evaluation of the self via the

Thomas F. Negri

commission or omission of the act. It was expected that shame would be
demonstrated by the concurrent experience of failure to achieve an
idealized self-expectation, subsequent negative self evaluation for
being inadequate, anxiety about having exposed a shortcoming, fear of
a loss of esteem or respect in the individual's own eyes and the fanta-
sized evaluation by others, and fearfiof abandonment. Additionally, it
was hypothesized that some individuals would demonstrate a tendency to
respond modally with one state more than the other.

To assess these hypotheses a six card series of the TAT (cards
l, 38M, 3 GF, 7 BM, 7GF, l7BM) was administered to 29 male and 67 female
undergraduate psychology student volunteers. Story responses were
evaluated by the above criteria for the presence of overt or implied
shame or guilt affect.

Reliability testing, based on the blind scoring of 30 protocols,
demonstrated a complete agreement level of .734. With the inclusion of
cases where disagreement occurred over whether the response was implied
or overt, though the raters agreed on the basic emotion, an overall
agreement rate of .824 was demonstrated.

The results of this study show that the expected differences
in experiences of shame and guilt were consistent with the hypotheses.
Additionally, it was found that the overall appearance of shame was
greater than that of guilt when viewed across sexes; that both shame
and guilt were higher for males than for females; that a group could
be isolated that responded modally with shame, and another that modally

responded with guilt.

Thomas F. Negri

It was found that the occurrence of shame or guilt responses
were expressive of two different experiences, and that some individuals
tend to respond with one state more than the other. It was felt that
the experiential differences in shame and guilt could be interpreted in
light of developmental experience in early childhood. It was suggested
that shame arises in the child as a result of early lack of parentally
offered affirmation, and guilt arises from the parental setting of

taboos, in order that the child learn impulse control.

 

Freud, S.. l896. Further Remarks on the Neuro Psychoses of Defense,
Standard edition, 3, 159-174, 1962.

Lewis, H. B. Shame and Guilt in Neurosis. l97l, New York, Interna-
tional University Press, Inc.

 

Lynd, H. M. 0n Shame and the Search for Identity, 1958, New York,
Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc.

 

Piers, G. (From Piers, G., and Singer, M. B.), Shame and Guilt.
l953, Springfield, Charles C. Thomas.

 

Thesis Committee:

Bertram Karon, Chairman
Arthur Seagull

Dozier Thornton

ASSESSMENT OF THE DIFFERENTIAL CONTENT OF SHAME
AND GUILT THROUGH THE USE OF THE TAT

By

Thomas F: Negri

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Psychology

1974

Dedicated
to the memony 06
811.8 Kea

VOLUL thee Manda 6am and AoLéd,
in Icéch, bhown math,
and we you/L bunches Cove you,
60):. you have rimmed and suppoued us,
We Ahau gnaw, having been afifix'luned by you.
We Ahau give age in cdebnaxx'on 05 you.

11'

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my appreciation to Dr. Sue Jennings for
introducing me to the topic of shame, and to the late Dr. Bill Kell,
whose interest in my work and whose caring, provided support and
direction in the early stages of this work. His death in June 1973
was a great loss to me, and to all of us.

I would further like to acknowledge Dr. Bertram Karon, who
willingly stepped into the Chairmanship of an ongoing project and who
continued on with me, and to Dr. Arthur Seagull and Dr. Dozier Thornton
whose suggestions were helpful in structuring and preparing this paper.

Recognition must also go to Doris Neigel who helped in scoring
an unending stream of protocols; to Dr. Harvey A. Tilker who, many years
ago, helped me decide to enter the field of Clinical Psychology; and of
course to my friend Peter, who spent two years providing support,

listening patiently, and most of all caring deeply for me.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF TABLES ......................... v
INTRODUCTION .......................... l
The Shame Experience ................... 8

The Guilt Experience ................... 21
Review of Related Research ................ 23
PROPOSED RESEARCH ....................... 26
Selection of Stimulus and Rationale ........... 27
METHODOLOGY .......................... 30
Instruments ....................... 30
Subjects ......................... 31
Testing ......................... 31
Evaluation Procedure ................... 32
RESULTS ............................ 35
Cards 1 and l7BM ..................... 39

Cards 38M and 3GF .................... 45

Card 7GF ......................... 49

Card 7BM ......................... 51

Cards 5, 10, 12M ..................... 52
DISCUSSION ........................... 56
Shame: An Integration .................. 59

Women and Shame ..................... 7O
Guiltz, A Reassessment .................. 7O

Shame and Guilt ..................... 72
APPENDIX ............................ 73
BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... 84

iv

Table

\lO‘U‘l-bwm

CLOCD

LIST OF TABLES

Total Responses ....................
Male and Female Responses ...............
Rater Reliability ...................
Pilot Subjects-~Ma1e Responses .............
Experimental Subjects--Male Responses .........
Pilot and Experimental Subjects--Male Responses

Pilot Subjects--Female Responses ............
Experimental Subjects--Female Responses ........
Pilot and Experimental Subjects--Female Responses

Modal Responses ....................

INTRODUCTION

This thesis will study shame, in an attempt to assess and
differentiate the experiential content of shame from that of guilt.
Both shame and guilt will be explored to elucidate their dynamic
structure and function.

The lack of breadth and depth in the early reference to shame
has prompted a return to, and reappraisal of, the experience of shame
by psychological theorists and researchers. This has given rise to a
climate in which previously accepted descriptions of shame are being
challenged and reassessed, hopefully to give way to a more lucid,
comprehensive picture of shame, its place in psychological theory,
and its implications for treatment.

I

As has been discussed by Lynd (1958), the experience of shame
has been relatively little studied. She attributes this to the tendency
of researchers and theorists to subsume the shame experience under guilt.
Lewis (1971) also speaks to the neglect of shame, particularly by psycho-
analytic theorists, attributing it, at least in part, to the ambiguity
of the position of shame within the traditional Freudian theory. Al-
though discussed by Freud in the context of self reproach for a sexual
act in childhood (p. 23, Lewis), the notion of shame was a relatively
neglected phenomenon. Bassos (1973) suggests that the disregard of the

shame experience arises from its lack of easily identifiable cues, and

further, that the powerful nature of shame prompts the individual to
defend against the experience by substituting more clearly limited
feeling states and labels.

As the present writer looks at the neglect of shame, he under-
stands it as arising from early theory building, such theories being a
product of their time and culture. It is thereby suggested that the
early neglect of the shame experience arose as a result of the position
and interest of the culture in time. The outcome of this is that the
shame experience has been subsumed under the heading of guilt, based
on their similarities, but their qualitative differences have not been
adequately explored. As we shall see further on, the ambiguous and
pervasive nature of the shame experience, and more specifically, the
difficulty in its communication, makes it ripe for being subsumed under
a more articulate, clearly defined and limited affective state, i.e.,
guilt.

Lynd (1958) suggests that contemporary society, with its social
dislocation and fast paced change, provides more ambiguous role models.
This in turn has given rise to a heightened awareness of a need for
self-definition, i.e., identity. Erikson (p. 14, Lynd, 1958) is noted
as saying that identity, i.e., Who am 1?, ". . . has become in our time
as strategic as sexuality was in Freud's time." With the increased
interest in identity, shame with its focus on the self and involvement
with identity development, has also become a phenomenon of interest.
Kaufman (1973) discusses the involvement of shame with identity in the
context of the individual need for affirmation of the self. He views

the shame experience as a manifestation of an early established,

distorted self view, influencing at each point in time, the developing
identity.

Although the shame experience has been discussed by several
writers of psychological theory, there is in contrast to guilt, little
well developed information and less actual research into the specific
topic of shame. Because of this, one must look beyond the dearth of
literature applying directly to shame, and entertain peripheral areas
that are seemingly shame-linked and shame-based: identity, perceptual
modes of experiencing, self-esteem, internality-externality, body image,
ego ideal and sex roles.

The writer will now discuss what we mean by shame, including a
review of related research and literature that this writer and others
view as linked to the shame experience.

II

As has been noted, Freud (1896) proposed that shame arises from
the exposure to others of a sexual act in childhood. He later expanded
this theory, citing shame as nearly synonymous with disgust and loathing,
and acting as a force to oppose the voyeuristic, and more generally,
sexual drives (l905). He suggests that in order for a shame reaction to
be established, the presence of the disapproving 'other' is necessary.
Once established, shame could be evoked in the absence of others. Fur-
ther elaboration (1914) prompted the differentiation between a "sense of
guilt" and the "dread of conscience,“ the latter of which was linked to
shame, functioning to insure narcissistic satisfaction by seeing that

the ego measured up to the ego-ideal.

Fenichel (1945) presented shame as ". . . the specific force
directed against uretral-erotic temptation" (p. 69), and counterposed
it to ambition which fought against this shame. The shame experience
was attributed to severe humiliation during bladder training.

Shame is also said to be related to sexual impulse by Levin
(1967), particularly as linked with overexposure and subsequent rejec-
tion by significant others. He projects further that this fear of
exposure prompts individuals to take on a "chameleon-like" quality,
in which these persons develOp the ability to 'read' their environment
and change themselves to suit and satisfy those p0pulating their sur-
roundings, relying on repression, poise, and facade to do so.

These theorists provide a view of the early characterization of
shame, grounded in psychoanalytic theory. These viewpoints, while
grasping some aspects of the shame experience, do not fully recognize
the essential dynamic structure and implications of shame.

Gerhart Piers (1953), a major contributor to the literature on
shame, suggested that ". . . only Erikson and Alexander have ascribed
to shame an importance equal to'guilt' in human pathology" (p. 11).

He refers to Franz Alexander's paper (1938) in which the latter dis-
cusses the experience of 'inferiority feelings.‘ Although Alexander
attributes both guilt and inferiority feelings to tension between the
ego and ego-ideal, he suggests ". . . that they are fundamentally
different psychological phenomena, and as a rule their dynamic effect
on behavior is opposite" (p. 10, Piers). Piers adds that ". . . it
would seem imperative that emotions phenomenologically and dynamically

so different would also differ structurally" (p. 10).

Erikson (1950), in presenting his ego development sequence,
recognizes the development of a sense of shame as a potential hazard
arising during that period in which we note the beginning of autonomy
in the child. He discusses the implications of this in early and later
development. Among his most salient points, which later contributed to
the work by Piers (1953), are the use of the phrase 'a sense of shame,‘
implying a state that both pervades 'surface and depth, consciousness
and unconscious' (p. 251). It is also noted that '. . . senses are at
the same time, ways of experiencing, accessible to introspection; ways
of behaving, observable by others; and unconscious inner states, deter-
minable by tests and analyses' (p. 251, Erikson).

These two factors are valuable in that they broaden the focus
with which to view the shame phenomenon, and further, they attribute
to shame particular perceptual, experiential and behavioral components,
which create a three dimensional system, as opposed to the previously
accepted single dimension, relating shame to sexual impulse.

More specifically, Erikson describes the shame experience as
coupled with doubt, and counterposed to autonomy. He discusses the
development of this stage in terms of the move toward autonomous
functioning and learning to 'let go.I This is an extension and
abstraction paralleling the physical development and muscular maturation
of the child, and in Western society parallels too, the task of learning
sphincter control over bowel movement. Erikson attributes importance to
the parenting agent at this stage, who may show respect for the child's IONS
autonomy, while acting as a vigilant protector against shame and doubt \yfingax

producing failures. This approach communicates to the child a

recognition of separateness; the availability of the parent of the
child; and facilitates the child's recognition of self—worth and
competency, as well as discretion. When this is not followed, and

further, when active 'shaming' or exposure of the child's shortcomings

 

occurs, the child.experiences a sense of badnessfithat seems all perva-
,EIXS- Weigel (1974) suggests that active shaming by parents prompts
the child to feel that he is different and 'bad' because of his short-
comings. This then causes the child to hold himself responsible, not
because he did (or did not do) a particular act, but because he is a
certain way. This gives rise to self-doubt and shame in the individual.
Piers (1953) presents shame and guilt as forms of intrapsychic
tension, each quality equally important in the manifestation of pathol-
ogy and in ego development. More specifically, he differentiates
between shame and guilt, attributing shame to a tension between ego
and ego-ideal, and guilt to a tension between ego and superego. Further,
guilt arises at those points where the superego boundary is touched or
transgressed, and shame occurs when there is a failure to meet or reach
a goal as set by the ego-ideal. Simply put, guilt arises of transgres-
sion; shame, of failure. Piers (1953) speaks to the exper1ent1al

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component offieach, yiewing the anxiety arising in guilt as the fear
of castration, and the anxiety arising in shame as fear of abandonment

' The ostensible separation of the superego and ego-ideal by Piers
is resolved and elaborated by Lewis (1971), who views the superego con-
struct as having multiple functions. Of these, she specifically speaks
of the superego as a psychic monitoring device, which has as its purpose

the regulation of the individual's self-evaluation, in an attempt to

maintain stasis. “. . . Guilt and shame are among the psychological
states evoked by the monitoring agency" (p. 19). In this view the
superego then acts both to regulate human drives, and is active as an
integrative force dealing with the development of human values and
ideals.

Further, Lewis (1971) speaks to the Freudian hypothesis that
superego development involves an identification phenomenon. The

internalization of the moral code can occur due to castration threat,

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and is likened by Lewis to negative or avoidance conditioning, as 4*

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demonstrated by parental attachment of negative consequences to certain
impulses, prompting these impulses to be viewed as 'wrong' by the child.
A second route of identification is through the imitation of the

beloved/respected parent, giVing riSe to a poSitive model1ng of that

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figure, and fac1l1tat1ng the early development of the ego-ideal. This

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direct involvement of the child with the model involves the threat of

 

loss of parental love and hence, as far as modelling has occurred,
self-love and the loss of esteem in the eyes of the valued other.
Lewis describes these identification patterns as non:mutually excls
Both may exist with few differences evident, often one overriding and/or
modifying the other, as each is likely experienced at one time or
another by the child.

This writer views shame as arising from early lack of demon-
strated caring by significant others. This in turn prompts a conflict
between the ego, and ego-ideal aspects of the superego, experienced as

inadequacy and inferiority. The basis of shame is the feeling of 'not

being enough to gain positive response.‘ It suggests an early

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established fear of abandonment, and rejection, by those from whom
affirmation is most needed, i.e., parental figures. Thus the experience
of shame has early developmental roots.

The shame-prone individual has unreasonably high needs_for

achievement with a concurrently high fear of failure. This is an

expression of a need to arrive at the idealized self view. Subsequent
failure or inability to live up to the ego-ideal, manifests itself as
an acutely negative evaluation of the self,anxiety about exposure, and
loss of esteem, regard and respect in the eyes of the individual and in
the fantasized evaluation by others, i.e., shame.
III
This section will discuss additional ways of describing the

experiences of shame and guilt, and will provide a framework with which
to discuss other aspects of the problem, particularly those concerning

the differential content of the experience of shame and guilt.

The Shame Experience

 

It is suggested by Lynd (p. 18) ". . . that one may transgress
no code, commit no proscribed act, meet all the standards of society
and the experts in personality and yet feel a meanness and inadequacy
which violates the core of oneself."

Piers chooses the use of the word shame to imply an experience
that transcends the focus on comparison with external figures that is
connoted by "inferiority feelings," as described by Alexander. This is
not in an attempt to negate the importance of such figures, but to allow

for the inclusion and recognition of a more internalized tension between

the ego and ego-ideal. Writers in this area have also attempted to
recognize in shame, something more than shame as linked to sexuality.
That shame ". . . is not to be ashamed of loving on account of exposing
or surrendering of the body, but to be ashamed that love is not complete

. that something inimicable in oneself keeps love from reaching
completion and perfection" (Hegel, p. 18, from Piers).

Linguistically, a tracing of the sources and definitions of
each word provides additional information as to their qualitative
differences. Guilt, having its derivation in Old English, focuses
on: “a transgression; a crime; a violation of a specific taboo or
boundary." The shades of meaning imply a specificity of offense and
subsequent penalty or debt. Shame, having an Old English root, but
appearing in all Germanic languages, carries the meaning of: "a wound
or exposure thereof." It includes a self reference, more acutely
focused than in guilt, and can imply "self-degradation; a wound to
ones self-esteem; unworthiness in ones own eyes, as well as in the
eyes of others." There is no act of repayment or legal reference,
as in guilt, nor is there necessarily transgression of a code (Webster
Dictionary, 1950).

In addition to the qualitative differences in meaning, there
exists a difference in focus. Of particular importance is the self
referent present in shame, the self acting as the registrant of activ—
ities, attitudes, and feelings, recognized by the person as his own.
Lewis (1971) suggests that in shame there exists more "self" conscious-
ness than in guilt. The primary focus in the experience of shame is

directly about the self, and the evaluation of the self. In guilt,

TO

the self is not the central focus, but rather, is the "act" or "thing
done." The self may be negatively evaluated in connection with this,
but is not itself the focus of the experience.
Lynd (1958) expands on this premise, describing shame as an
experience ". . . that affects and is affected by the whole self . .
and that discrete acts or incidents, including those of seemingly
extreme triviality, have importance. Because in this moment of 'self-
consciousness,‘ the self stands revealed" (p. 49), and to himself, the
individual is exposed for what he is, and is not. Again, this refers
back to an acute momentary awareness of discrepancy between ego and
ego-ideal. It brings to light a factor of major importance in the
shame experience, thatflofflexposure, particularly unexpected exposure.
In relating this to his developmental sequence, Erikson describes shame
as an experience of complete self-consciousness, complete exposure, and
an awareness of being wholly visible, both for one's external being,
and internal life and thoughts; visible "for all one's badness," whether
an audience is present or absent. This speaks of not only exposure to
others, but of a sudden awareness of some incongruously negative aspect
of the self, an exposure in one's own eyes. Erikson has best described
this as ". . . a wish to sink, then and there, into the ground" (p. 252).
Early experienced shame is, according to Erikson, primarily rage
turned against the self, arising from the exposure of an inadequacy or
failure, by some "significant other." Ideally, the shamed individual
would like to force the "eyes" to look away, but must retreat into his

own invisibility and denial of self. Erikson suggests that in shame

11

the superego 'sees,‘ and shame is manifested by feelings of extreme

1"", r o o o I. 115‘. ‘
,,z“smallness 1n relat1on to others' as well as one's own ego-1deal. :-n . ,.
I"' W'-
,

Kell (1973) further suggests a discrimination between primary
and secondary shame. As described by Bassos (1973), ". . . primary
shame experiences occur at that point where some previously unsuspected
or neturally evaluated part of the self becomes associated with shame
for the first time. Secondary shame occurs when some aspect of the
self that had previously been labeled shameful is suddenly exposed"
(11.1).

Kell (1973) describes the genesis of the shame experience in
a developmental model within the family structure. He suggests that
when a need (for attention, contact, care, love) or expectation is
expressed directly or indirectly (for a child this may be magical
thoughts of parental fbreknowledge), and this need is ignored,flshamg_

may occur for having had the need. Further, if such happens and the

“a
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“——

individual to whom the request was made later realizes and attempts to
respond to the need, the shamed individual will experience a secondary
shaming and rage, based on the exposure of the primary shame. It is
suggested that within the shame experience, the individual directs rage
at the self for having expressed a need, wish or attitude that could go
without response from another. That as such, the individual recognizes
not the ignorance of the beloved or respected figure, but demeans the
self for having had this need, and having had the audacity to express it.
There is an assumption that in order to be loved and to gain response

the individual must be like the beloved object, and if an expression of

12

need goes without receiving a response, the individual experiences this
as a deviation from the ego-ideal, which may have been modeled on the
beloved individual. In doing so, he sees the need as illegitimate, the
self as imperfect and "not enough" to be loved. In this sense, shame,
and the anxiety arising from it, relate to the terror of interpersonal
disdain, and when internalized, the ongoing fear of abandonment for
having had or expressed any need, thereby risking the rejection of the
beloved figure.

Kell (1973) also suggests that in addition to giving permission
to an individual to have and express needs, that if one responds to a
need late, i.e., after.an initial shame reaction occurs, that the late-
ness of the response and the initial insensitivity to the request be
communicated. This, then, allows the individual the need; recognizes
the shame; removes the stigma of its having been requested; and re-
establishes the interpersonal bond, often lost (with the loss of trust)
as a result of the shame experience.

When such a "mending“ does not occur, the shame experience can
be integrated as a testament to one's lack of worth and badness. ‘It may}
become unattached from the actual situation and held as a non-verbalized
self experience. This internal conflict may occur in the absence of I
others and be carried on as a primary mode of perceiving and experiencing
in adulthood.

Another view of the genesis of primary shame has been offered
by Bassos (1973). He bases his discussion on a split brain concept,
attributing to the left cerebral function, a reflective capacity,

enabling man to ". . . predict, control and manipulate his environment"

13

(p. 3). To the right cerebral function is attributed a non-reflective
capacity, which is characterized as non-verbal, spontaneous and "uncon-
scious." He suggests that the non-reflective mode is experienced as
"an effortless being," in contrast to the "doing" quality of the
reflective mode. In the reflective doing mode one experiences an
objectified self, whereas in the non-reflective state one is 'at one
with' or absorbed with the experience of the moment. It is further
suggested that each of these modes are aspects of the self, and that
both modes of consciousness are simultaneously involved in the
experience of shame.

On the basis of these yet untested assumptions, Bassos (1973)
differentiates between objectified and non-objectified relationships.
The former are viewed as "I—you" or "I-it" relations, where there is
an objectified self and many "not 1" objects. Here the reflective mode
predicts and controls the distance between the objectified self and the
object. Inherent in this type of relationship is a recognition of
separateness. In the non-reflective mode, non-objectified relationships
are experienced. Bassos finds "at oneness" more suitable than "rela—
tionship" here, for ". . . there is no discrimination of a self or
other, no attempt to control or predict the self, other, or the psycho-
logical distance . . . the individual being filled with the other and
focusing intently on that" (p. 4).

With regard to primary shame, the stage is set when an indi-
vidual in a non-reflective state approaches another individual. The

shame experience occurs when the individual is not received and

14

experienced in that same mode, but is met with a "finger pointing"
response to some aspect of his being (which he is not aware of while

in the non-reflective spontaneous state). It is suggested that this
causes a startling "self" awareness and a desperate search of the self
for the cause of the finger pointing of others. He becomes the focus
of all attention, including his own; sees himself as responsible and
feels himself objectified; alone and denied "at oneness." This is
described as an undesired separation via objectification. The result
is a jarring back into reflective activity, with an awareness that one
has just been out of (self) control. This is the (reflective) self now
objectifying the (non-reflective) self. The final outcome is an inabil-
ity to organize behavior, helplessness and discimination, until the
reflective capacity is fully restored.

Bassos (1973) further suggests that developmentally, shame
arising from a rejection of the child's need for "at oneness" (non-
reflective relationship), prompts a feeling of power; power to cause
rejection by others. To the child's mind the rejection is the outcome
of his being in a non-reflective state. Essentially he experiences his
"being" as rejected. In an attempt to control his world and see to it
that his needs are met in the future, the individual (in the reflective
mode) plans and behaves in ways to regain the lost love. Yet the indi-
vidual in doing so gives up "being" in non-reflective state, and any
response he gets will be to his "doing" reflective mode. The outcome
may be a sense of futility and impotence, to affect those around him,
as it is he who causes others rejection, yet cannot cause others to

accept him.

15

Modigliani (1968) lends further support to the disorganizing
effect of the shame experience on behavior, finding that shame-
embarrassment are highly correlated with inadequacy. He suggests
that exposure of some incongruity or socially inappropriate expression
throws off the interactive continuity, giving rise to momentary identity
loss and loss of role consistency.

The descriptions of early theorists act as a structure on which
Kell (1973) and Bassos (1973) have developed ways of viewing the early
establishment, subsequent occurrence and predisposition to shame
experience.

When viewed developmentally, they suggest that shame can arise
from active shaming behaviors on the part of the parents, e.g., ridicule,
showing contempt for the child, indicating disappointment in or dislike
of the child as a person. Additionally, shame may arise from natural or
inadvertent disregard for the child's immediate needs. If not remedied,
this can set the stage for the development of an individual who will
view the self (particularly the non-reflective or "non-doing" self) as
unworthy of response or regard, and engender an introjected rage
resulting from the perceived parental withholding of "at oneness,"
closeness and affection. In the psychotherapy setting this may be seen
in individuals who describe all parentally offered affection as contin-
gent on accomplishment, to the exclusion of simple loving regard for
the youngster as a person. The subsequent fear of exposure of the
already established shame, can give rise to secondary shame if exposure
does occur. Often this is seen in a client's refusing to allow himself

needs or the expression thereof. This expresses both the fear of

16

exposure, and the recalling of the initial shame and self label of
unworthy, as well as the unexpressed rage at the parent, for the lack
of response to the original need.

The outcome for the developing child is one of having a frag-
mented, non-affirmed sense of self; who would believe that 'being'
(in the non-reflective sense) must be controlled or avoided for fear
of secondary exposure of the initial primary shame. This may further
generalize into evaluating the self as worthless, and all needs as
illegitimate, having the power to drive away or cause the loss of the _|
beloved object. (I H

\_~,,..,—

The continuance of shame experiences (primary and secondary),
suggests a development and accumulation of such non-affirming experi-
ences, festering more and more desperate attempts to please (the parent
or parent symbol) and accomplish, in order to get the earlier deprived
love. It also gives rise to the description by Levin of a chamelon-like
individual, whose "other-directedness" is an attempt to control both the
self (avoiding non-reflective experience) and the environment, in order
to avoid further shame. In being "what the environment demands" there
is an attempt to gain affirmation.

This is further discussed by Guntrip (1969) who, in his work on
schizoid phenomena, describes the development of the schizoid personal-
ity in terms of early experienced deprivation and lack of affirmation.
He suggests that once this pattern is established, an individual may
desperately attempt to please others, in hope of regaining the love

missed as a child. At the same time he fears that 'letting go'

17

(Erikson, Bassos) into true union with another, will be overwhelming
and devastate the brittle sense of self. Hence an "in-out programme"
becomes established where the individual approaches relationships out
of need, but must recoil out of fear of exposure; fear of emotional
insatiability; and fear of the expression of early experienced rage. _
Insatiability of emotional needs is a major concern of shame experi-
encing individuals, and is tightly controlled, because of the early
experience that the expression of any need causes pain, frustration,
lack of fulfillment and ultimately, loss of the other, and abandonment.

Jennings (1972) suggests that shame experiences and the inabil-
ity to be less than perfect, may arise in the individual who's childhood
has been characterized by a symbiotic relationship with the parent(s).
Additionally, in these cases the child has usually been viewed as a
responsible adult who must look after the parents, and whose needs have
been secondary to the protection and care of the parental figures. It
is as if these individuals have not been given permission to ask for
gratification from others, and that such requests would be responded
to with shaming of their weakness and lack of independence.

Lynd (1958) suggests that shame can also be felt for other
individuals, and points out that shame for one's parents, or loved ones
is oftentimes more hurtful than shame for oneself. Again this seems to
be based on the individual's experiencing the parents or some inconsist-
ency or incongruity in their behavior, as a deviation from the individ-
ual's ideally viewed assumption of them. This too, prompts a shaking

of the individual's faith in his own perceptions, prompting a shame

response.

18

It has been this author's purpose to trace the roots of the
intrapsychic shame structure as described by Piers, Lynd, and Lewis,
and to provide a developmental set with which to view the possible
genesis of the shame experience.

Four basic characteristics arise to describe the shame
experience: unexpected exposure, involvement of the whole self,

incongruity and inappropriateness, threat to trust (Lynd, 1958).

 

With the self as the focus of evaluation, we see the shame
experience as sudden and total, yet its basis in early interaction
with significant others, and subsequent integration as a deviation
from the idealized self view or ego-ideal, allows us to appreciate
that one's entire life may act as a preparation for the continuing
manifestation of just such startling experiences. As dealt with here,
the shame response is seemingly attributed to interpersonal interaction,
but once integrated the shame experience is also an exposure of the self
to oneself, and being so, whether others are present or absent, can have
the same intensely dramatic effect.

Within an established shame-prone system, incongruity, loss of
or threat to trust, or unfulfilled expectation may bring to the fore
acute feelings of unworthiness and failure, experienced as shame by the
individual. The oftentimes trivial nature of those occurrences provide
the additional problem of communicating the shame experience. Lynd
suggests that shame, as it occurs, is a wordless, emotionally and
physically preoccupying state. The difficulty in its communication
involves several factors. First, there is a loss of trust in the self

as an accurate monitor of reality, and an acute awareness of having

19

built on false assumptions about one's self or others. Second, there
may be a loss of trust for those populating the environment, either
based on a fear of "being seen through," at a time when the essence
of the self is exposed, or based on a realization of having misplaced
one's confidence, or of having falsely anticipated some particular
response that is not manifested. Third, the nature of the shame
experience, being one of momentary implosion of the self, via self f
rage and disdain, prompts a need to move away from others, retreating )V“<A ’“ “g‘

into oneself, in order to regajn_and_soljdjjy;the*§e]f. Finally, the

. __._...___-
”fig—w-v
—~ ”‘at—-

stimulus that prompted the shame may be trivial, in which case the
individual experiences not only the primary shame, but shame as well for
the over-response to such triviality.

It is the unexpected exposure; the acute awareness of self; the
clarity of the discrepancy between what is, and what one wishes it to
be, that are the experiential core of shame. Behaviorally, the shame
experience is marked by blushing, tremors and sweating, which Laing
(Lewis, p. 37) describes as an "implosion of the self," where the eyes
close and body turns inward upon itself, to make the person as small as
possible, both for protection from further hurt, and in response to
exposed vulnerability.

Shame has been appropriately described as a total, body felt
experience, where the senses are flooded, both by autonomic over-
stimulation and shame thought and imagery.

In the shame-prone individual, exposure, in becoming public
can have a variety of effects. It may engender shame and its concom-

itant fear of ridicule, self-loathing and abandonment. Partial exposure

20

can also act to protect the individual from the true depth of pain
attached to an experience or a trait in private. Likewise, self-mockery
or self-degradation acts to defend against shaming by others or the
involuntary occurrence of exposure and a shame experience. This can
often be seen in individuals who use bitter_hgmor,against themselves
in an attempt, not only to avoid others' shaming them, but also to
insure against it by training others in their milieu to negate such
behaviors with support. If one discovers that one is not alone in
having a certain trait it may lessen the impact of the shame experienced,
but if the shamed individual is unready to accept himself, or if the
relationship with the 'other,' who shares the trait, is not trustful,
the shamed individual may extend the self-loathing to the other. Guilt
too, as a limited act having definite boundaries, can act as a defense
against the more pervasive, powerful sense of underlying shame (Lewis).
It is felt by Bassos (1973) that shame itself may allow man to ignore
the limits of his control. That in fact, shame, and its accompanying
sense of "if I could be different then they would care," can act as a
defense against an awareness of how little control we do have over
others' responses to us, and more importantly, keeps us out of touch
with our ultimate aloneness.

The experience of shame differs from that of guilt. In shame,
there is no pardon, no atonement, and no undoing. It is not an act,
separate from the self, but an exposure of the core and essence of

the self.

21

The Guilt Experience

 

Guilt exists as a psychological state evoked by the superego,
and has acted as a shorthand description of the motive which regulates
drives, in the interest of social and moral concerns. We have attempted
to question and reassess this global use of the term. Here again, we
emphasize that guilt, while acting as a regulator of drives, has as its
function a more self-contained focus than may have been earlier
recognized.

Guilt seemingly arises out of a conflict between ego and super-
ego, as an internal tension generated by the transgression of a barrier
or boundary consisting of conscience, ethics or moral code, erected by
the superego. These transgressions are usually, but not necessarily,
aggressive or sexual impulses, which are unacceptable to the early
formed internalized punishing image. In more general terms, guilt
occurs when an individual becomes aware of doing something, or of an
impulse to do something, which is not acceptable to, or violates the
limits set by the conscience. To this Piers (1953) adds, that the
anxiety arising in guilt suggests a fear of punishment by castration.

The popular meaning of guilt suggests this concern with trans—
gression, implying debt, and the necessity for subsequent restitution.
Specifically, guilt concerns itself with the real world; of acts done,
or left undone, and events for which one bears responsibility. It is
suggested by Lewis (1971) that the individual, having engendered guilt,
attempts to assess and determine the extent of his own culpability; the

extent of the injury that one has caused; and the reparation and/or

22

punishment one must necessarily experience in order to amend the
transgression (p. 43). There is an objective quality to this
assessment. "In cases of irreparable injury, guilt may lead to
despair, which in turn also may evoke shame, as a reaction to the
helplessness of the self to reverse the course of events" (p. 44).
This may prompt an additional clouding of the realistic assessment

of the injurious act. Likewise, it may be seen that the more self-
contained, articulate experience of guilt may act as a defense for

the more ambiguous pervasive feelings of shame. This may be demon-
strated in individuals who, after mending the guilt-incurring trans-
gression, continue to carry the guilt ideation. One might suggest
also that within western society there is an institutional recognition
of guilt as a mode of experience, and appropriate ritual for its expia-
tion. This is not the case with the shame experience.

In noting the focus of the experience in guilt, we recognize
that the "act" retains the central focus. This does not preclude the
possibility of attaching a negative evaluation to the self, but if
done, it is via the act and the self does not become the center of the
experience. In this sense, the self is intact and can actively pursue
an objective evaluation of the situation, and a rational assignment of
responsibility and subsequent reparation. The preoccupation with these
factors may prompt the guilt affect to subside, leaving guilt ideation,
and thoughts about the problem that have an insoluble quality. Unlike
shame, there is no further becloudment by acute awareness of the self.

The intactness of the self in guilt also allows for the directing of

23

hostility, which might be turned against the self, outward on to
others in the environment.

Lewis (1971) proposes that hostility against the self arising
in guilt takes on the quality of righteous indignation, which through
the righting of a transgression is discharged. In shame, the hostility
directed against the self is a humiliated fury that is not expressed
outwardly, and is discharged “. . . only by repair of the psychic
injury to the self" (p. 45).

In summary, we can characterize the basic qualitative dif-
ferences between shame and guilt as a conflict between two different
aspects of the superego, each involved with the ego.

In guilt, the impulse limiting, transgression-oriented superego
function is active, with its subsequent fear of punishment, expected
need for retribution, and negative evaluation of the self via the
commission or omission of the act.

Shame is more appropriately characterized as arising out of
the ego-ideal aspect of the superego and its conflict with the ego,
manifested as a failure to achieve the idealized-self expectation,
subsequent negative self evaluation for being inadequate, anxiety about
having exposed a shortcoming, and fear of a loss of esteem or respect

in the individual's own eyes and the fantasized evaluation by others.

Review of Related Research

 

It has been previously stated that oftentimes there is diffi-

culty in distinguishing between shame and guilt experiences; that the

24

two states may arise from the same experience, and modify and disguise
one another. Lynd (1958) proposes that guilt and shame exist on
separate axes and that individuals have positions of proneness on each.
Both guilt and shame may be experienced by individuals, and it is sug-
gested that both are crucial to the development of one's sense of
identity. Dreger and Barnet (1969), in an attempt to differentiate
between custom and conscience components of the superego, find that
most individuals respond to both guilt-inducing and embarrassment/
shame-inducing situations. Perlman (1953), in differentiating between
guilt- and shame-prone medical students, attempted to use final exam
stress to demonstrate an increased anxiety condition for shame-prone
individuals in evaluative situation. Perlman attributed the lack of
significantly increased anxiety to the fact that the situation did not
evoke the stress expected for either group. It was fbund that extreme
proneness to shame and guilt could be isolated. In follow-up inter-
views, indiyiduals showing extreme guilt proneness, expressed concern
for aggression and impulse control, while extremely shame-prone
individuals demonstrated preoccupation with adequacy and inferiority
issues.

Lewis (1971) proposes that both shame and guilt contribute to
neurotic functioning. In turn, low self esteem and high need for

approval, reflecting a devalued self concept, are linked to field

 

 

dependence;m_ln evaluation of five minute verbal productions in which
the subject could associate to any personal, dramatic life experience,
it was found that those subjects assessed previously as field dependent,

produced significantly more shame oriented associations, based on the

25

shame structure presented by Piers (1953). Likewise, field independence
was linked with guilt oriented verbal production, in a lower but signif-
icant correlation. Lewis suggests that her findings demonstrate an
exclusivity of experiential mode, with consistent shame responses from
field dependent individuals and consistent guilt responses from field
independent subjects.

In related research, Phares, Ritchie and Davis (1968) have found
that individuals having internal locus of control of reinforcement re-
spond to threat situation, i.e., negative feedback, with a greater desire
to change and correct the deficit, but also are more likely to forget
negative feedback in order to avoid self-debasement. Individuals who
show an external locus of control of reinforcement tend to rationalize
more and lay responsibility beyond themselves, increasing the distance
of the threat and hence fearing it less. Ludwig (1969) proposes that
the presentation of negative feedback may have the effect of signifi-
cantly lowering the self evaluation for young males, when given by an
esteemed 'other.' This is also demonstrated on the DAP self-drawings
as a decrease in height, but subsequent defensive increase in
“athleticness.”

It is suggested that a network of connections exists between
the research that has been cited. Taken as a whole, the work describes
and parallels the guilt and shame structure, suggesting that cognitive,

perceptual and experiential differences in superego style do exist.

PROPOSED RESEARCH

This research has as its purpose the further clarification of
the dynamic structure and experience of shame. A theoretical framework
has been developed in an attempt to present and support the premise that
shame and guilt are distinguishable psychological states, and further,
that the experiences of each differ, both qualitatively and in content
and focus.

As has been noted, shame and guilt are not held to be mutually
exclusive. It is not the premise of this paper to imply that one or the
other accounts for the totality of an individual's experience, but that
either may occur.

It is hypothesized that some individuals will modally perceive,
experience and respond with one more than with the other, and that these
groups can be distinguished from a population that may show no such con-
sistency, or in which the interaction of guilt and shame act to mute the
clear appearance of either. It is suggested that when individuals are
presented with an affectively ambiguous stimulus, this difference in
experience can be demonstrated, and further, in a series of such stimuli,
there will be a tendency toward continuity and consistency in responding
modally with either guilt or shame. We hypothesize that in the construc-
tion of stories in response to these stimuli that shame or guilt prone-
ness will generate stories oriented toward failure or transgression

respectively.

26

27

Additionally, it is suggested that other characteristics
attributed in theory to the experience of each state will arise in the
story production. In particular, we expect to find that the self focus
of these stories will differ, and that expressed anxiety will be mani-
fested for shame as a fear of abandonment; for guilt, a concern with
punishment.

These hypotheses are presented to suggest a structure with
which to view the data, and in an attempt to assess the value of the
broader discriminations offered in theory. This research is exploratory
and in being so, we will take license to look into other trends in the
data, and additionally, to highlight individual cases and response series

when such are demonstrative of some aspect of the guilt or shame axis.

Selection of Stimulus and Rationale

 

The Thematic Apperception Test was chosen as the stimulus for
this study. While providing a structure, it was felt that the TAT would
allow for a maximum use of personal constructs, memories and experiences.
Weigel and Richard (1962) have found that Kelly's theory of the importance
of personal constructs in the individual's viewing of the world is demon-
strable when item meaningfulness is assessed. They suggest that testing
situations that do not allow for their recognition and use oftentimes
prompt indifferences and lack of sharply focused affective responses.

The TAT provides a series of ambiguous social situations and
allows fOr interpretation and projection that would reveal the present
and past experiences of the individual (Morgan and Murray, 1935). It

was felt that the use of actual pictures would, while providing an

28

objective situation, lessen defensiveness and facilitate the revealing

of inner thoughts, feelings and fantasies. As our hope is to explore

interpersonal, as well as intrapsychic factors, we contend that the TAT

stimuli that include people would maximize the possibility of eliciting

identification with the figures. Additionally, it would allow us
information on the quality and content of their interactive life with
significant others in their environment.
II

The criteria for selection of specific cards employed arises
from the problem we are attempting to clarify. The shame and guilt
structures, as presented, seemingly call for a tapping of both intra-
psychic and interpersonal functioning. It was felt these could best
be revealed by reality based, humanly populated stimuli.

Our interest focuses on several areas of functioning. An

assessment of the aspiration level of the individual, as both a child

’—

 

and adult, is necessary. The feelings and structure attached to the
striving, or lack thereof, would be of importance in determining the
extent of development and focus of the superego and ego-ideal. Addi-
tionally, it would provide information on stress levels, coping mech-

anisms, and the experiential content of this aspect of life.

n
ra/}~

A second area of interest centers on the interpersonal aspects

of the individual's life. Of importance is the type and quality of
interaction and relationship between the subject at varying ages and

parental figures, as well as between the self and peers. The purpose

also is to be able to trace any changes in experience and response over

time.

g.‘

29

The final broad area of interest is in providing stimuli that
do not call for identification. It is felt to be valuable to observe
how individuals of one sex perceive, experience, and respond to cards
usually appropriate for the opposite sex. It is thought that these will
provide a frame of reference for evaluation of the same numbered, sex
appropriate card. It is further hoped that unfulfilled wishes of the
self, percepts of opposite sexed siblings and peers, as well as feelings
that the individual might see as inappropriate for expression within his,
or her, own sex, would be manifested.

Taken together, these areas provide a view of the individual's
inner thoughts, personal and interpersonal world, providing a backdrop
on which to project his own ways of perceiving, expressing, and

responding.

METHODOLOGY

Instruments

 

Two series of TAT cards were presented. Initially, a nine card
series was administered to ten male and ten female undergraduate psychol-
ogy student volunteers. The cards included were: 1, 38M, 3GF, 7BM, 7GF,
10, 12M, l7BM.

1--Boy gazing at violin.

3BM--Ambiguous sexed figure next to sofa, with head hidden by
arm, and gun along side.

3GF--Female emerging from darkened background through door,
stooped with hand covering face.

5—-Female opening door, about to enter room.

7BM--Older male with younger male.
7GF--Older female, looking at young female, who holds doll
and gazes away.
lO--Male and female embracing.
12M--Male figure with outstretched hand, looking over young
figure.

l7BM--Naked male on rope.

Based on the results of this pilot study (see Appendix), it was
felt that enough material would be garnered from the 6 card series and

it was decided to omit cards 5, 10, and 12 M, in an attempt to limit the

30

31

size of the task. The additional twenty protocols with the additional
three stories will be dealt with separately and labeled as such. Other
than the number of cards administered (nine card series to nineteen stu-
dents; six card series to seventy-seven students), the task varied in

no way.

Subjects

Overall, the TAT was administered to ninety-six undergraduate
psychology student volunteers. The task/experiment was described as a
study of the TAT and no information was provided relating it to shame
and guilt. There is a greater than two to one ratio of female to male
respondents, with sixty-seven females and twenty-nine males. Although
unequal in proportion, the focus on interpretation of content in the

study lessens the importance of this condition.

M

The tests were administered in a group setting, ranging in size
from two to six students. The groups were given up to seventy minutes
to complete the nine card series; with up to fifty minutes to complete
the six card series. The TAT cards were reproduced in slide form, and
presented in a setting that allowed for clear viewing of the pictures,
as well as simultaneous writing of the stories. Students were asked to
write stories for each of the stimuli with the following instruction:

You will be viewing some pictures, one at a time, and your
task will be to write down as dramatic a story as you can
for each. Please tell what has led up to the event in the

picture; describe what is happening at this moment in the
picture; what the characters are thinking and feeling; and

32

then give an outcome of the story. Write the thoughts as
they come to you. If you must change something, simply
run a line through it. Please do not erase. The slides
will be changed when the entire group has completed the
task. If you have any difficulty viewing detail, walk up
to the slide screen. If you have any questions during
this work, ask the person administering the test.
Thank you.
On completion of the test, students were asked if they had any questions.
It was suggested that the TAT was a test of imagination and creativity,
a form of intelligence, and further recognized that individuals may have
felt that the stories revealed parts of themselves or their life experi-
ences. This was discussed as a feedback mechanism for how they may have
dealt with, fantasized, or wished to deal with various occurrences in
their lives. Specific information and details on the variables being
measured were not provided, nor were the students offered individual
test results. Subjects were invited, if interested, to discuss the

results of the study during the fall quarter.

Evaluation Procedure

 

II

The protocols were placed on a two dimensional grid, separately
listing male and female subjects, and the responses to the series of TAT
cards administered. Story responses were recorded for all subjects on
each card, and included story theme, affective states described, and
focus of the experience, constituting a blind rating of the data.

The presence of shame, guilt, both shame and guilt, neither
shame nor guilt (labelled as unscoreable), were recorded on the grid

where appropriate. Responses were labelled shame experiences, in the

33

presence of specific references to: a need for achievement, fear of
failure, with subsequent failure and negative evaluation of the self;
anxiety about the loss of esteem, regard or respect in the respondent's
own evaluation or fantasized evaluation by others. Guilt responses were
recorded for individual's describing: partial or full responsibility for
an act of transgression against personal, normative or legal codes;
anxiety experienced as a fear of punishment; an expectation of subsequent
need for restitution; negative evaluation directed toward the act or
toward the self as an extension of the act. In cases where components

of each state were evident, yet neither markedly dominant, both states
were attributed to the experience. In the absence of clear character-
istics of either state, the primary affective theme of the story was
recorded. Additionally, a note was made where the implication of shame
or guilt material (or both) was present.

The concept of "proneness" to one or the other experiential
modes was based on the number of times the hypothesized characterization
of shame and guilt were expressed throughout the response series, and the
overall focus of the protocol. Individuals who responded with the char-
acteristics of either state in the majority of instances were labelled
shame- or guilt-prone.

Story responses were evaluated on this basis by the writer.

The lack of cross-validating testing and the fact that only one set of
evaluations was available leaves open the possibility of single rater
bias. To avoid this bias and to check our own evaluation of the proto-

cols, an advanced psychology graduate student, familiar with the TAT,

34

was asked to blindly rate 30 protocols from the sample. The criteria,
as presented above, was made available, and a random selection of

protocols were scored.

RESULTS

It was found that the TAT cards selected for the task generated
information on those areas that they were expected to assess. The
presentation of this set of stimuli did elicit differences in response

type.

Table 1. Total Responses

Total subjects 96
Total responses 622
Total scoreable responses 185 .2812 Guilt 61 .0819
Shame 84 .1350
Both _151 .0643
185

Of unscoreable responses 622 .7188 31 implied guilt

24 implied shame
9 implied both
guilt and shame

 

Individuals exhibited response material previously hypothesized
as describing the experiences of shame and guilt. The content of the
shame and guilt responses differed, and accordingly supported this
writer's expectation of: shame, arising from the ego-ideal function
and linked to failure, abandonment, self-focus of evaluation; guilt,

arising from the superego function, and linked to transgression,

punishment and act focus of evaluation.

35

36

It was found that neither shame nor guilt was an exclusive
experiential or response mode, and that either state could occur in
the same individual. In forty stories there was an expression of both
states being experienced concurrently, demonstrating neither as dominant.
Eighty-four stories demonstrated overt shame and sixty-one stories
demonstrated overt guilt.

Characteristics connoting shame, when expressed on cards 1
and l7BM were, for 13 respondents found in the remainder of the response
series as either implicitly or explicitly stated failure. Guilt
characteristics, expressed in cards BBM and 36F were, for 6 subjects,
supported by fear of punishment as the source of motivation in card 1
(see p. 83). In this sense, it was possible to establish a small group
who modally perceived the stimuli in ways that prompted a response or
description of shame, and a small group of individuals who modally
perceived the stimuli in terms of guilt. The concept of modal expe-
rience was thus demonstrated, but the response mode was not exclusive
even for those groups.

Note as indicated in Table 2 that for males, more overt shame
was expressed, than overt guilt. This occurred even more markedly when
expressions of implied shame and guilt were included in the overt guilt
and shame scores. For females, overt shame was more often expressed
than overt guilt. When implied shame and guilt were included, no

difference between shame and guilt was found.

Table

2. Male and Female Responses

 

 

Male responses

 

Number of males 29
Total responses 197

Female responses

 

No. of females 67
Total responses 425

Guilt 26
Shame 40
Both 19

Unscore 112

Guilt 35
Shame 44
Both 21

Unscore 325

.1319
.2030
.0964
.5685

.0823
.1035
.0495
.7647

Of unscoreable responses:
6 implied guilt
8 implied shame
3 implied both

0f unscoreable responses:
25 implied guilt
l6 implied shame
6 implied both

 

Both shame and guilt ratings were found to be higher for males

than for females. The overall appearance of shame is greater than that

of guilt when viewed across sexes.

Table 3.

Rater Reliability

 

 

Protocols
Total responses

30 122

166

in complete agreement

not in agreement
disagreement over overt
or implied shame or guilt

 

38

Reliability testing, based on the blind scoring of thirty
protocols demonstrated a .734 complete agreement level.

Fifteen disagreements occurred over whether the response was
implied or overt shame or guilt, though the raters agreed on the basic
emotion. The inclusion of these discrepancies into the overall agree-
ment reliability rate allows for a .824 agreement level.

Average word count per protocol showed no significant differ-
ences when viewed by sex. Average word count for males, 110; for
females, 107.

II

The remainder of this section is given to presenting the results
of the TAT task. It is felt that this would best be accomplished by
viewing the data in the context of the cards that elicited the material.
This allows for the expression of general findings as well as detailing
of differences between the shame and guilt-influenced modes of
experience.

The cards are discussed in pairs, linking cards #1 and l7BM,
38M and 36F, 7GF and 7BM. (The rationale for this linkage is that the
first combination demonstrates aspects of the aspiration level, and the
second and third pairings are sex-appropriate cards of the same number
on the TAT.) Comparisons across the series of stimuli are also made in
an attempt to assess modal responding, as well as requisite and

modifying factors present in each state.

39

Cards #1 and l7BM

 

These cards assessed aspiration level for both male and female
respondents, providing information on primary motivation as linked to

the superego and ego-ideal.

Shame Respondents

 

Ego-ideal dominated, failure-abandonment experiencing and self-
focusing components were evident in these story responses. Exemplifying
the characteristics, a response to card #1 by a female (F28):

The boy is mentally retarded. He has just approached the

desk where his father, a violinist, has left his instrument
and sheet music. The boy loves his father very much and

has great admiration for his playing. He is contemplating

the violin as a symbol of the high professional competence I. *
of his dad which he can never achieve. The boy runs away ‘
from home.

The story, while focusing on the aspirations of the child, does
demonstrate the presence of a high ego-ideal. Also evident is the
identification with and modeling after the beloved father. The
respondent describes a preoccupation with and fear of failure, and
implies the exposure and experience of inadequacy in the child. It
is suggested that the running away from home is also related to the
shame experience, in that it is a removal, by self-banishment and
isolation, of the child from the shame experience. The focus of the
story is on the inadequacy of the self, and no mention is made of active
shaming on the part of the father.

In some cases, parental desires, demands, and needs are

expressed as expectations for the child. It has been found that the

response to such pressures vary, and that shame-responding individuals

40

tend to internalize these expectations in order to please the parents.
It also allows the individual to avoid the loss of that valued other's
love and esteem, and thereby maintain his own self-worth. When expecta-
tions are not met, a shame response is engendered, which, while having
an external source, has been integrated into the self-concept.

This boy is discouraged. His grandfather and father are
both renowned violinists and he (the boy) is expected to
follow in their footsteps. He has taken instruction for
3 years with no improvement: he hates the violin. Right
now he feels pressured, and inadequate. He is subject to
constant nagging of his parents and their scorn of his
lack of accomplishment. The results will be that he

will be inadequate as an adult. A failure in the eyes

of his parents, he will also consider himself a failure.
Feeling inferior he will become a non-descript, insecure
person, probably unable to obtain a good job and keep it
(Female, 53).

Fear of failure and a need to prove one's competency and
adequacy were major motivations for shame respondents. This was viewed
as the constant striving to attain the unrealistic ego-ideal goal and
to avoid the shame engendered by failure in one's own eyes or in actual
or fantasized evaluation by others. In responding to card #17BM, the
fellowing male demonstrated the compensation and often empty victory
that occurs in an attempt to avoid the shame experience:

The circus performer is descending from the trapeze where

he has just accomplished an amazing feat of human perseverence.
After many months of long practice, the show is finally over.
The standing ovation from the crowd brings a smile to his
lips and contentment to his heart. He does not yet contem-
plate an additional repetition, but in his mind he knows he
shall never be able to stop being on exhibition in the center
ring. His life centers around the applause he receives, his
fate depends on success, and his life inevitably will be
smashed with failure. He recognizes this, but can do little
about it (Male, P5).

41

Other respondents who tend to experience shame as a result of
failure, describe "crushing failure" and being "completely broken" by
such experiences.

It is suggested that the emphasis on compensating for inade-
quacy, while correcting specifically experienced deficits, may not act
to lessen the focus on self, nor more rationally assess the ideal held,
i.e., to change the experience. It may in fact have the opposite effect
of increasing the awareness of inadequacy and self-loathing, giving
rise to further fear of exposure, anxiety and depression, or a defiant
shamelessness.

Lynd (1958) suggests that the transcendence of shame may occur
through a modification of the ego-ideal demands placed on the self. It
is not implied that the individual then feels no inadequacy, but that
a broader set of personal, social, and cultural values may be adopted
that help the individual to maintain perspective on the self. This
broadening may also allow the individual to feel affirmed on some level
that transcends failure-shame concerns.

The response of a male to card l7BM demonstrates the needs to
please and be accepted, and the humiliation and both literal and fig-
urative exposure willingly experienced to gain these. It also speaks
to a re-evaluation of the normative code and a transcendence thereof.

As a wild fraternity initiation, this guy has been forced
to climb down and then up a rope suspended from the top

of Beaumont Tower. He, furthermore, was forced to do

this in the nude (as, to me, he appears in the slide). He
is very uneasy about the whole thing and is putting up a

feeble effort to appear unconcerned and thrilled by the
experience. His facial expression tells us this. He is

42

really petrified that he will be busted by the police and
has come to the conclusion that the whole idea is asinine.
He will not be caught, but he will not join the
fraternity (Male, 17).

Guilt Respondents

 

Guilt respondents were characterized by superego domination,
and transgression-punishment experiences, with the primary focus of
negative evaluation on the act comnitted or omitted, rather than
directly on the self.

Individuals who responded with guilt also expressed aspiration
concerns, exhibited some needs to please significant others, and to
accomplish goals for themselves and others. One interesting finding
was that these individuals responded to card 1 with more stories re-
flecting a recognition of the parental investment in the child's playing
the violin or accomplishing the task, and an awareness that this was
external to their own need system and ego-ideal. Typically, stories
suggested that parental pressure was demonstrative of some parental need
to accomplish through the child; to provide discipline learning; to
broaden the child's experience whether the child consented or not.
Cases in which the child was motivated intrinsically were rare, and
in those cases parental pressure was applied to insure the continuance
of the practice or training. In this sense, the valued task of the
parent was felt by the child as an intrusion of will and domination.
The most consistent response to this intrusion was anger directed at
the violin or the parental figure(s). Concerns did not revolve around
frustration or resentment at the "too high" expectation set for the

child by the parent, but with the parent's right to determine or dictate

43

the area of accomplishment for the child. Stories also focused on the
parents' right to insist on the "willing participation of the child."
The most consistent experience in this situation was, therefore, seeing
the parental insistence on the task as a punishment that was unwarranted.
In the pursuance of the task and the experience of the resentment, the
prescribed act, i.e., playing the violin, was integrated into the super-
ego as something that 'should' be done in order to avoid transgressing
a taboo as defined by the parent. The focus, in cases of transgression,
was usually on the act and rarely did it imply a negative evaluation of
the self. This lack of guilt for a transgression is demonstrated by a
female response to card #1.

Yech, I hate this violin. I hate my parents for making me

play it. I don't want to do this. Just think, I could be

out at Glassmound Pond fishing or I could be out horseback

riding. All the guys are out there. When I told them I

couldn't come, they all laughed. They think I'm a sissy

because I'm sitting at home practicing my violin. I hate

my parents. Wait, I'll fix them. He reaches down and

smashes his violin against the wall and runs . . . runs

as fast as he can (Female, P5).

The response is reflective of an arrival at a guilt experience
only after going through the process of evaluation of the extent of the
transgression and the individual's culpability. In this case, the
violin practice, seen as an unjust punishment, has engendered rage that
prompts the breaking of the violin. This may be a transgression of an
internalized superego boundary and there is an implication of expected
punishment, but the culpability for the act is modified by the previous
experience of practice as punishment. This quality typified many of

the stories where the activity was not a voluntary one, and the child's

commitment was not genuine. Dynamically, it would seem that the intact

44

ego was able to modify the intrusion of the parentally fostered
superego, allowing for assessment of the situation and extent of
culpability.

It was found that whether the child complied with or resisted
the parental pressure, resentment and anger were mobilized and
expressed. The appearance of anger as a component of, or resistance
to the experience of guilt seems to arise from a focus on the trans-
gression, allowing for an evaluation of responsibility, and shift or
distribution of some or all of it onto those populating the environment.
Exemplary of this is guilt arising from the transgression of a masturba-
tion taboo with subsequent punishment and residual resentment.

The young man has done a terribly bad thing in the eyes
of his parents, i.e., masturbating. He loves to play the
instrument that is in front of him so as punishment, his
parents are making him sit there looking at it but not
able to play with it. Resentment, hatred, mixed with
confusion fill the boy. By this time he has learned to
control his feelings, so that his parents can't see them.
Later that afternoon he goes out in the neighborhood and
beats the shit out of a kid two years younger than him
(Female, 39; card #1).

Apparent shame was more evident for shame responders than guilt
was for guilt responders. The cards employed in assessing aspiration
level, were better able to link the integration of the parentally
influenced ego-ideal, subsequent high self-expectation, and the occur-
rence of the shame experience. Responses involving the integration of
the parentally influenced superego, transgression-punishment orientation
and the appearance of the guilt experience were tempered by the external

imposition of the taboo and subsequent resistances and anger involved in

the guilt process. The presence of stories which implied both conditions

45

were often masked in that neither shame nor guilt emerged clearly.

This suggests that shameless defiance, as a reaction to high internal
expectation, may have escaped analysis. The "mixed" response also
demonstrated the presence for a large group of individuals, of a
balance between both shame and guilt experiences, suggesting ego-ideal
and superego components of comparable influence, and active involvement

of the ego in situational assessment and response

Cards 3BM and 36F

 

These cards generated information about both intrapsychic and
interpersonal experiences. Both assessed types of situational stress
experienced, as well as the content of those experiences.

It was possible in some cases to demonstrate differences in the
perceptions of stressful situations. Within the situation, the experi-
ential content and coping style could be determined. Cases of shame
and guilt oriented responses could be viewed by fecusing on failure,
abandonment and self-preoccupation; and transgression, punishment and
act-preoccupation, respectively.

The overriding themes for both male and female respondents
were focused on the pictured figure experiencing stress, either
internally or interpersonally generated. The subject of the stress
response was most often a reaction to loss of a significant other or
some valued object. This occurred in the context of death; through
illness, accident, murder, suicide; or by the termination of a rela-
tionship by divorce or separation from parents, peers, or mates.

Experience of such loss manifested themselves in the feelings of

46

grief, hurt, anger, despair, disbelief, shock, frustration, resentment,
and depression. The focus of concern varied, but included the loss of
nurturance or love from the "other." Where the individual pictured had
not acted to bring about the loss of a beloved object or figure, aban-
donment was often experienced. Where the beloved figure terminated

the relationship, rejection was described. Where the pictured indi-
vidual consciously brought about the loss of an individual or object,
or when fantasies existed to that effect and occurred inadvertently,

it was accompanied by an ambivalence of anger, relief, and guilt.

The behaviors in response to the stress of loss varied from
relief to intense grieving, with little to complete subsequent re-
adjustment. In cases where a return to "normal" life did not occur,
emptiness and purposelessness were expressed, often prompting insanity

or suicide.

Shame Respondents

 

Shame characteristics were noted in the responses to these cards
and typified by their preoccupation with a failure to achieve some goal.
The emphasis of the striving included both personally set compensation
for a deficit, and interpersonally expressed needs to please or to
achieve perfection in their own lives or in relationships. The focus
of the negative evaluation was directly on the self, seeing any devia-
tion from the ego-ideal as failure, experienced as shame. Though
abandonment was experienced by a large part of the population sampled,
shame responders typically experienced this not as a result of the

death of a beloved figure, but as a rejection by abandonment due to

47

some failure on their part. In response to a friend's leaving town,
a female respondent describes:
. . The girl in the picture feels that she is worthless
and not even good enough person to keep a friend and sees
the future as empty and holding nothing for her but
loneliness (Female 29, card 3BM).

The intense feelings of emptiness, isolation, and aloneness
are typical of these stories. Likewise is the sense of shock,
resulting from a betrayal of trust or confidence.

Last night the young woman thought that she and the guy
really had something going. (Now it's morning.) The
man is gone, and nowhere to be found. All she feels

is emptiness and shame. The woman has never been very
stable. She is unable to cope with many things in life
and ends in suicide (Female, 23; card #BGF).

This is reflective of the sudden recognition of the self, as
being unable to realistically assess and interpret the environment.
Interpersonal situations, where failure and shame occur, are marked by
experiences of loss of face, humiliation, embarrassment, and ridicule.

Rhonda was ashamed and hurt. She had been so proud of
her painting and all her father had said was "Can't you
do anything but paint? I spent good money to send you
to school and you can't read or write, all you do is
paint! You'll never grow up enough to earn your keep."
Rhonda has been so hurt and ashamed that she ran into
her room crying and her father ripped up her painting
and drank his beer (Female, 27; card #3GF).

In this case, a sense of pride in achievement is responded to
with active shaming and non-recognition of its value.

Shame is also expressed by the pictured figures with reference
to peers, siblings, parents, and mates. The experience of shame for a
significant other arising as a result of the identification process and

reflection on the self.

48

Guilt Regpondents

 

Guilt-oriented responses were typified by transgression of
some internalized boundary and subsequent punishment. The pictured
individual in numerous cases was described as being punished for an
act of commission or omission. Focus of the negative evaluation was
on the act or transferred to the self via the act. This included an
awareness of the act as a "wrongdoing," and the person as "wrong for
doing it."
The transgression of personal superego boundaries as related
to normative and legal codes were often described. The content of
these stories usually included the murdering of stress-inducing indi-
viduals, either in response to abuse experienced and subsequent anger,
jealous rage, or as a punishment for some wrongdoing. There was a ten-
dency to disbelieve or deny the action taken, and also an assessment of
culpability in an attempt to distribute responsibility for the act.
Where this was not possible, despair occurred and shame qualities
emerged, with direct reflection on the self.
"I can't believe what I've done," she exlcaimed sobbing
into the worn mattress. She's trying to reassure herself
for poisoning her husband's mistress. I couldn't take
it any longer--the thought of him being happy with her.
She's a no good tramp. I want my husband. He's mine.
Stealing morphine wasn't so awful. After all we'll be
much happier without her. From the back of the house
Janet heard the door open. It's her husband with a
sleek black shining gun. He screams and yells. She's
destroyed his only happiness. Then bang, he destroys
his only pain (Female, 46; card #3BM).
Punishment in some cases occurred by suicide or, as above, in
the guilty individual being murdered. Other cases describe a paralyzing

disbelief, imprisonment and "tortured aloneness."

49

The experience of guilt tended to seek expiation whether
institutional or self-inflicted (physical or psychological) punishment
occurred. Guilt for transgressions of personal, non-legal codes, were
experienced as obsessive preoccupation with having committed or omitted
an act. Restitution, as an active attempt to expiate guilt feelings,

also occurred.
Card 7GF

This card provided additional information about the quality of
the parent-child interaction. It also allowed for the assessment of
the relationship of the subject to the same and opposite sex parent
figures.

The stories provided by both male and female respondents to
card 7GF, typically describe limited interaction between the figures
pictured. They were most often seen as mother or motherly figure
(tutor, grandmother, governess) and daughter. The young girl was
characterized as experiencing boredom and particularly in female
responses, actively daydreaming during the mother-child interaction.
The quality of the interaction varied, but was most often described
as minimal, and structured, based on the mother reading, lecturing,
or preaching to the daughter from a Bible, or about sexual behavior
or etiquette.

The disinterest of the young girl was rarely expressed directly
to the mother for fear of punishment or offending. There seemed to be
a focus on the parent's need to give to the daughter, whether or not

the child was responsive. This was particularly evident for female

50

respondents who viewed the "intrusion" and “demand" of the mother with
anger, disdain and rage. A central theme arising as conflict, centered
around the young girl's wish to grow up or remain a child, with the
mother resisting the daughter's decision. This was experienced as an
additional strain on the relationship. The mother was rarely seen as
truly responsive to the child's needs, and the young girl was seen as
resigned to the lack of communication.

Whereas male respondents did not attribute shame or guilt to
the figures in 7GF on this theme, women respondents were more prone to
do so. In six cases, shame was experienced by mothers and daughters,
for themselves or for each other. This arose for the mother, as a
failure in her ability to parent the child, and for the daughter for
some failure in her own eyes and in the eyes of her mother.

In several cases, a young girl and her tutor-governess were
described. Consistently, the response to the situation was one of hurt
and resentment for having been abandoned by the parents. The girl, in
these situations, was described as experiencing inadequacy and worth-
lessness as a result of the rejection by the parents.

Sibling rivalry was also described in cases where the infant/
doll figure was viewed as a newborn sibling. For both female and male
respondents, the feelings expressed were hostile and jealous, with the
older child fearful that the sibling would deny her the attention of

the mother.

51

Card 7BM

Both males and females most often described the figures in 7BM
as father and son. Though some variation in their identities occurred,
there was a recognition of the authority of the older figure. Stories
by most males and females described a request for advice, counsel, wis-
dom, or consolation by the young man, to which the father figure sup-
portively responded. Support was demonstrated through the sharing of
paternal experience, offering advice, and bolstering deflated esteem
engendered by the son's sense of failure.

More female than male respondents viewed that father figure
as beneficent. This may be explainable by the traditionally closer
relations between father and daughter, than between father and son.
The focus of the conflict centered on the young man's need for inde-
pendence and increased self-direction. This was most often related
as the father hampering or pressuring the son to achieve a goal; to
satisfy some parental need for recognition, achievement, or continuity
of parental status or position.

As in the female response to 7GF, males attributed shame to
the figures in 7BM, based on personal failure and failure to achieve
within the father and son roles.

Guilt reactions were described most often in the context of
an admission of wrongdoing to the parental figure. Typically, this
was responded to by a joint assessment of the situation, and options
for retribution. More rarely, when a transgression of a parentally-

influenced taboo occurred, the parental response was to take part

52

in legal action against the son, to which the son typically reacted

with anger, engendering guilt in the father figure.

Cards 5, 10, 12M

 

These cards were selected originally to assess: exposure (5),
parental relationship stability (10), and dominance-submission (12M).
The original nine-card stimulus series, including these three cards,
were administered to ten males and ten females, in an initial attempt
to determine the final selection of cards for the experimental task.
These cards were deleted in an effort to shorten the task, and not
because they lacked information. It was felt that the information
they provided could be attained adequately by the remainder of the

TAT series.

22:51.5.

For both males and females this card provided some information
on exposure, but most stories focused on noises heard, ghosts, and
practical jokes. For three women respondents the stories did reflect
an inadvertent exposure of some behavior to the pictured female figure.
These described a mother witnessing her daughter's preparation for
elppement; a mother catching her daughter and the daughter's boyfriend
petting; one sister seeing another sister "snooping" in a drawer full
of personal letters. In these cases it was found that the three women
respondents who described exposure also tended to respond with shame

characteristics to other cards in the series.

53

Card 10
For both males and females, this card led to a description of
a husband and wife mutually supporting or consoling, reminiscing about

their life together, or experiencing a reunion after separation.

Card 12M

Approximately half of the respondents identified father and
son characters with the remainder labeling the individuals as faith
healer-patient and hypnotist-subject. The situation described was
one of submission for the prone figure and authority for the standing
figure. There was no difference in terms of shame or guilt in the
identification of the figures. It was noted that for individuals who
offered responses reflective of a high ego-ideal on card 1, the stand-
ing figure was viewed as beneficent and successful in healing or curing
the prone figure. Respondents who describe guilt experiences or resist-
ance to parental pressure on card 1, more often described an outcome of
death for the prone figure, as a result of illness or suicide and sub-
sequent grief and guilt on the part of the standing figure. This may
be differentially related to shame and guilt by attributing healing
power to the authority figure based on identification and integration
of the ego-ideal in the case of shame; or responsibility and punishment

in response to parental transgression in the case of guilt.

54

The results of the evaluation of TAT protocols suggests a
continuity of response style across the stimulus series. This is
primarily evident in the linkage of responses to cards 1 and l7BM,
and the manifestations in 3BM and 3GF for shame-oriented responders,
of the presence of high ego-ideal, shame-engendering failure, anxiety
attached to abandonment, and the self as the focus of evaluation. There
seems also to be a continuity within the guilt responses as manifested
in cards 3BM and 3GF, and linked to transgression or resistance, with
the focus of evaluation on the act in card 1.

Since card 12M was only given to a small number of subjects
(20), it cannot be stated that over the entire sample studied, the
results would have been maintained. The smaller group did show a
linkage of high ego-ideal, on card 1, and beneficence on the part
of the authority figure in card 12M. Conversely, resistance to
parental pressure on card 1, was expressed in 12M as impending death
to the prone figure. The former outcome is suggestive of positive
modeling, attribution of power to the parental figure, and early
establishment of an ego-ideal. The latter suggests an identification
with the parent based on early set taboos, and fear of punishment.
Each is consistent with the earlier presented Lewis (1971) description
of the superego development in the child.

Finally, there seemed to be no differences between males and
females in their abilities to experience shame or guilt. This would
counter early suggested, analytically hypothesized, expectations of

females experiencing more shame than males, based on the supposed

55

experience of inherent inferiority arising from the absence of male

sexual organs, i.e., penis envy, and subsequent shame at the absence
of the organ in women, and greater guilt in males due to castration

anxiety. This study suggests that in fact there is a greater overt

expression of both shame and guilt for the male than for the female,
and that males show twice the rate of expression of shame than do

females (see Appendix).

DISCUSSION

The present study demonstrated the value of the Thematic
Apperception Test as an information source in determining the differ-
ential content and experience of shame andguilt. The ambiguous
stimulus input allows for the projection of individual modes of
perception, experience and response. Our methodology allowed for
rating of the protocols based on specific criteria for shame and
guilt. In a reliability test these same criteria allowed for a high
degree of agreement.

In support of our hypotheses, the findings suggest that a
small group of subjects concern themselves with the attainment of goals
and achievements (often unreasonably high). As seen in response to
cards 1 and l7BM, these most often seem to be an expression of an
integration of parental values. The parent(s) in these cases are
viewed positively, and there is an expression of modeling, and a wish
to be like, and to please the beloved parent, through the striving and
attainment of the goal. There is also the preoccupation with a fear
of failure, where the task or goal, if not achieved, causes the loss
of self-esteem and the loss of love and respect of the valued other.
There are implicit and explicit expressions of abandonment concerns
in the responses of these subjects, as well as a focus on the self

as the source of action and the object of negative evaluation.

56

57

These same subjects respond with an exposure (to self or others)
of a failure to attain goals, on cards 3BM and 36F. This exposure con-
sistently evoked self-denegration, fear of love loss, abandonment, and
shame. It is noted that this is exhibited in both personal and inter-
personal modes.

Within the initial group of twenty subjects who responded to
card 12M, a small group described a beneficent and powerful authority
figure, willing and able to heal the pictured prone figure. These
descriptions were found in cases where responses to cards 1 and l7BM,
suggested positive modeling after the parent and needs for achievement.

The story responses of this group are expressive of the hypoth-
esized criteria for the shame response and descriptive of the shame
experience, as outlined by Piers (1953), Lynd (1958), and Lewis (1971).
Additionally, there is expressed support for the theory (Lewis) that
the ego-ideal aspect of superego development is an extension of a
modeling after a beloved and respected parental figure. Further, it
is found that shame arises as a result of failure or shortcoming,
prompting the individual to view and evaluate the self as unworthy
of love or regard.

In contrast, a second group of individuals was isolated who,
in response to l, 36F and 3BM, described transgression of moral or
legal codes and parental rules. Typically this was accompanied by
guilt ideation, and an expectation of having to provide retribution,
or experience punishment for their act of commission or omission.

As hypothesized, their fbcus of evaluation was on the act or on the

self via the act.

58

This response mode was expressed on card 12M as a demonstration
of the punishing power of the authority figure, capable of causing the
death (or conceding to the death) of the prone figure, with subsequent
feelings of guilt, grief and loss.

The responses of these individuals are expressive of the
criteria for guilt, and the guilt experience, as discussed by Piers.
They suggest a well developed and actively functioning, impulse con-
trolling superego. Additionally, it was found that in these cases,
the self was left intact and was actively involved in assessing the
extent of transgression and expected punishment.

It is evident that in this process, superego, impulse-
controlling aspects, and ego-ideal, attainment components, can be
differentiated in their interaction with the ego. Further, each is
shown to have different characteristics and foci. The manifestation
of these processes, when in conflict with the ego function are demon-
strated in the differential experiences of shame and guilt. Though
shame and guilt are not found to be mutually exclusive in their
occurrence, they are suggestive of experiences that differ in quality,
focus, developmental structure, and source of conflict.

There is evidence based on the data suggesting that a small
group of individuals tended to modally respond by describing one state
more than the other. This occurrence is of interest in light of the
fact that the correlation of continuity across cards in the TAT series
is usually not found to be high. We suggest that the appearance of

continuity in the card series administered, reflects the presence of

59

differing, yet relatively consistent modes of perceiving and
experiencing the self, and the self in interaction with the environment.

With particular reference to shame, the findings of this study
demonstrate its presence as an experiential state, which in its scope
extends beyond its early theorized linkage to exposed sexuality. Our
study suggests that the internalized state of shame is comparable to
guilt in its influence of the personality. It is further suggested
that the widely used "umbrella" label of guilt, as a description for
both shame and guilt, is inappropriate, and that a recognition and
awareness of the qualitative differences of the experiences would
enhance appreciation of each as contributors to dynamic structure.
and function of the personality.

We will now attempt to integrate our own and previous findings

concerning shame and contrast these to guilt.

Shame: An Integration

 

The integration of a parentally influenced ego-ideal, expressed
in the need to attain goals; the avoidance and fear of failure; subse-
quent failure and shame, composed of the exposure of some basic
ingrained inadequacy; a sense of 'wrongness' and acutely focused
negative self evaluation; fantasized or reality based fear of abaeden-
ment due to failure. These qualities have been discussed by theorists
as shame attributes, and have been found for some subjects in our
sample.

We have suggested earlier in this paper that shame is a widely

experienced state. It is a total, body felt and emotional experience.

60

If so, it can be asked, why is it not more visible? Why has so little
effort gone into studying shame? It is felt by some (Bassos, Lynd,
Kell) that it is because shame is so intense and in its expression,

so diffuse and overwhelming, that the individual attempts to limit

the extent of the feeling. This may be done by intensely focusing

on one aspect of the experience; or an energetic repression of the
experience; or a reinterpretation and limiting of the experience.

We have also discussed the fact that shame, as it occurs, is an
experience of unwanted exposure of the self (or some aspect of it),
that as such, the natural tendency would be to 'cover' or to avoid

the communication of the experience in order to avoid further exposure,
vulnerability, and hurt.

We have, in this paper, discussed and demonstrated the dynamic
structure of shame, the process of the experience of shame, and have
offered several views concerning its genesis. It is of interest to
note that most theorists, particularly Kell, Kaufman, and Bassos,
suggest that shame arises from deprivation and non-response (or a
series of such experiences). The deprivation can occur when the need
of an individual is not met (Kell), or when the individual is not
allowed 'union' with another (Bassos). We have additionally presented
these in terms of a developmental scheme and applied these theories to
early childhood and adult experiences. We feel legitimized in doing
so based on the dynamic structure of the shame experience. As Erikson
(1950) suggests, the shame/doubt-autonomy stage, arises after the
initial trust-mistrust stage of infancy, and precedes the guilt-

initiative stage of development. In essence we are dealing with an

61

experience that has its roots in the very early years of development,
but which continues to be expressed throughout life. It is for this
reason that Kaufman (1974) suggests that shame arises as a result of
an early lack of affirmation and has implications in later life for
identity development. It is felt by this author that the shame expe-
rience and the implications thereof are best viewed in a developmental
model, with particular focus on the first five years of life. This
additionally provides a structure with which to view the development
of guilt, and the differences between shame and guilt.

More specifically, we find it important to reintegrate what
has already been found concerning shame. Of particular importance is
the fear of abandonment, that Piers (1953) suggests is at the core of
shame. This seems valuable in that, via a developmental model, it can
explain the later needs to please; to be perfect; to achieve and avoid
failure; and to fear for the exposure of vulnerable aspects of the
self, with the final outcome of feeling totally self-controlling yet
totally at the mercy of the environment. This fear 6f abandonment and
the inability to non-defensively confront life, are suggestive not only
of some maladaptive resolution of the shame/doubt-autonomy stage of
development, but also of an unadaptive resolution to trust-mistrust
concern in infancy.

The literature on early deprivation and the effects of mother
absence on child development, suggests severe adjustment problems,
often irreversible for the child who has experienced no consistent

mothering (Bowlby, 1966). Bowlby's discussion includes a view of the

62

debilitative process, suggestive of a mourning response in the face

of separation. This sequence proceeds from anger, rage, and tantrums,
in hopes of causing mother's return, to one of alternating hope and
despair, and finally to depression, despair, and detachment at the

loss of the mother. Spitz (1945), in his early work, chronicles even
more severe outcomes for the child. In cases where physical contacting
was unavailable to the child for an extended period, there was a
resulting lessened involvement in life, and if not remedied, eventual
debilitation and death for the infant.

The implications of early and extensive deprivation, even when
later counteracted with placement in foster families, continued to find
expression in the form of a decreased (or lack of) ability to establish
relationships with others. Although the above studies focused on mas-
sive deprivation of infantile needs, it is felt by this author that
they may be present in the less intense form, in partial deprivation,
where the parent, though present, may demonstrate emotional absence or
in some way breach the early primary trust.

Bowlby (1966) suggests:

. . that the ill effects of deprivation vary with its
degree. Partial deprivation brings in its train acute
anxiety, excessive need for love, powerful feelings of
revenge, and, arising from these last, guilt and depres-
sion. These emotions and drives are too great for the
immature means of control and organization available to
the child (immature physiologically as well as psycho-
logically). The consequent disturbance of psychic
organization then leads to a variety of responses,
often repetitive and cumulative, the end products of

which are symptoms of neurosis and instability of
character (p. 12).

 

63

This author suggests further that such partial deprivation
plays a part in the genesis of shame and later predisposition to its
recurrence. As it appears in the Eriksonian scheme, infancy is char-
acterized as that period in which the child is fully dependent on the
parental figure(s). During this period few limits are set on the
infant and much parental discomfort may be tolerated. It is during
this period that the first and primary bond between the mother and
child is usually formed. In its occurrence the child learns to trust
the parenting agent and the self. This period precedes one in which
the child must confront the environment, and acts as a preparation for
that by providing support, contact, affirmation, and love (Erikson,
1951; Kaufman, 1974; Montegue, 1972). It is assumed here that the
parent is responsive to the child's needs for contact, and can herself
enjoy this contacting. As Lowen (1969) suggests, the infant identifies
the mother as the source, not only of support and nurturance, but more
basically, as a necessity of life.

In relating this to the occurrence of shame, we restate the
description offered by Kell (1973), in which he suggests that shame
arises when a need, assumed by the child to have been communicated
(possibly by crying in the infant), goes without response. Kell sug-
gests that these needs may inadvertantly be ignored or misinterpreted.
To the infant, we suggest, this triggers first, rage at the parental
non-response and terror of abandonment and fear of imminent death.

The infant has no time sense, nor until later, the awareness of the
likelihood of mother's eventual appearance. In early infancy it is not
even likely that the child can differentiate the mother as a separate

entity.

64

In cases of total deprivation, no care taking response is
forthcoming. In partial deprivation maternal response eventually
does occur, yet these situations give rise to a breach in the trust
of child to mother. Its effect is to threaten the solidity of the
trustfulness between them. Lowen suggests additionally, that such
breaks in this primary bond may result in rage, and a desperate oral
clinging, for fear that mother will leave again. We suggest that this
is reflective of the later fears of emotional insatiability.

In the normal course of develOpment, the child learns to cope
with increasing amounts of mother absence, but we suggest that early
unresponsiveness to the infant's needs, when extensive, can have the a

effect of damaging the mother-child bond. We also suggest that the _' ‘

fear of abandonment may be based on early experienced unwanted physical : ~"A

separation. Kaufman (1973) suggests that affirmation of the self arises
from affirmation by the parental figure at this stage, and is communi-
cated by body contact and maternal presence. It is a lack of affirma-
tion, forced emotional or physical separation, and the refusal of
'union,' that Bassos suggests sets the stage for the later appearance
of shame.

Bassos (1973) also suggests that non-reflective/spontaneous
approaching has as its purpose, union. This approaching, when not
responded to, can be interpreted by the child as a rejection of the
'self'; of an affirmed being; of 'being' at all, resulting in a self
view of unworthiness. We suggest that this is experienced as a breach
in trust, and further that it effects the transition into autonomous

functioning. The child's survival is dependent on the parent(s), but

65

already the child is in doubt. The doubt revolving around the lack of
parental affirmation of the infant, and possibly, on a very basic
kinesthetic level, some infantile awareness or confusion about the
parental unwillingness to affirm the child. Since deprivation is

not complete the child can survive this trauma, but the child is
confronted on a visceral level with an inconsistency. In this sense
the child views the presence of the mothering agent and recognizes it
as such, yet internally, there is the absence of fullness; of affirma-
tion; of completeness. It is with these limitations that he faces the
world. Lowen (1972) suggests that the lack of response by mother may
give rise to an early and subtle mourning over the loss of the mother,
which is expressed in the lack of trust for others (particularly mother
who is physically, if not emotionally present), non-expression of needs,
and turning in on the self. The physical presence of mother generates
confusion, given the experienced emotional absence, but also allows the
child to avoid or defend against dealing with the early loss of mother
(having no reality to base it on and no ability, as a child, to see
that it is not the loss of the physical mother, but of her consistent
affirming behavior and contact).

In this sense shame, ". . . there is something drastically wrong
with me--that's why I can't be loved," acts as a defense, a defense
against the primary deprivation that cannot be remedied, and the horror
of that experience, the hurt, loss, and rage, as well as mourning the
loss of mother, and as a defense against the awareness that nothing can
be done to guarantee love from another, or affirmation. A defense, very
basically, against becoming aware that we are essentially alone in the

world.

66

The self-definition of shameful or 'not valuable enough to
be loved,‘ acts as an explanation to the self, for the parental non-
response. It is because the self is unworthy that response and
affirmation are not forthcoming.

This can continue to be reinforced by parents as the child
meets the environment in the later developmental stages. Bassos
suggests that this occurs as a result of a communication to the child
that he is the sole cause of events or actions of others--that he caused
his mother to respond rejectingly, and causes all others later on to do
the same. We suggest that the growing child accepts this again and
again in order to avoid the rising to consciousness of the feelings
of primary deprivation.

The outcome suggests that if he can accomplish thier externally
imposed goals, he will be loved. These goals and self-expectations are
integrated into an unreasonably demanding ego-ideal. This allows the
child (and later the adult) to see himself as all-powerful, i.e., able
by his behavior and his very 'being' to determine others' rejection of
him. It also prompts the fantasy that accomplishment of the ego-ideal
will allow for the missed love. Yet the individual is faced also with
the fact that after all his acts of good will, and accomplishment, he
is impotent to cause others to affirm him. He may, through striving,
be reinforced for his behavior or actions, but such reinforcement is
age appropriate, and does not act to fill the emptiness of the early
deprivation.

As an adult, this process may continue. The individual

experiencing shame on the occurrence of the exposure of some aspect

67

of the self (to the self or others). This, either newly generated

as an acute awareness and negative evaluation of the self, or acting
to regenerate an earlier shame experience. In shame, the body turns
in on itself to avoid further hurt and to protect the self from being
seen. For the individual, what may be seen is the essence of the self
and the needs of the person. These, in past memory, may have been
shamed openly, or ignored, prompting shame and rage in the individual.

The early message of shamefulness, lack of worth, and inade-
quacy, causes a tight control over spontaneous being, yet prompts a
searching for affirmation and a sense of "OK-ness.’ In this sense
the individual wishes to have his non-reflective self affirmed, yet
his self-definition of 'unworthy,' based on his sense of responsibility
for the early rejection, leaves him unable to approach others with his
needs. He fears further exposure, hurt and shame. The outcome can be
continual frustration of the need to remedy the early deprivation, and
the expression of this need in inappropriate ways. The needs to please,
to accomplish, to attain and avoid failure, are expressions of this,
and are further expressive of an unreasonably demanding ego-ideal.

It is our position that such behaviors often have as their
purpose the avoidance of shame, and that shame, in turn defends against
an awareness of deprivation. Further, that such behaviors rarely end
in satisfaction, even when the individual does succeed, but more often
prompts empty victories, further frustration, awareness of continued
emptiness, and maintenance of the fantasy that early missed parental
affirmation is recaptured by achievement. It is not the achievement

of the goal that allows for a reevaluation of the unreasonable ego-ideal

68

demands, but an 'awareness that the achievement is empty' (Lynd). We
suggest that only through the uncovering of the conflict, i.e., primary
deprivation, and through a knowledge and awareness of the experience of
shame, as its representation, can the ego-ideal function come into
awareness, be reevaluated, and placed in perspective.

Both Kell (1973) in his description, and Kaufman (1973) in his
elaboration, suggest that the process is reversible and that the inter-
active bond can be restructured. Kell (1973) speaks to this in his
discussion of owning parental ignorance of needs and recognizing the
lateness of the response. This, allowing the need and expression
thereof. Kaufman (1973) sees this as essential in the case of the
infant and young child, where the need is affirmation and where physical
contact is a reassurance for the child. It is on this base that the
first sense of trust is built, where the child can get a sense of a
friendly world, and a world in which he can have an impact. Given the
precarious state of total dependence for survival on the parent, this
is an important communication to the child, in order for the child to
get a solid sense of who he is, and a sense of basic OK-ness and a
right to live.

In individuals who presently experience shame, we find that
psychotherapeutic intervention is often effective in providing the
previously missed affirmation of the non—reflective/spontaneous aspects
of the self. The individual can be made aware that their feelings and
needs can have an impact; that they have a right to their feelings;
that they can gain positive response from others. Conversely, their

fantasized power to cause rejection can be dealt with and reevaluated,

69

as can the unreasonably high demands for achievement and perfection
placed on the self. The psychotherapeutic setting also provides for
that individual to involve himself in a corrective relationship with
the therapist. Plyler (1969) suggests that cases, suggestive of early
deprivation, are responsive to recapitulative experiences, in which

the client is allowed to take and be provided with affirmation on the
age appropriate level of the needs. This is usually done in a male/
female multiple team arrangement, where the client is allowed to take
and is given to, without having to ask for the need to be filled. This
is most often done in holding the client. The sequence (paralleling
the developmental model) progresses to a second phase where the client
learns and is reinforced for becoming aware of and communicating the
specific needs, by asking that they be filled. Finally, out of the
solidity of the affirming experience, an awareness that he can recip-
rocate to the therapist pair is established, and in his giving, he can
come to know that his offering will be respected and appreciated by the
therapists. In this way the client, within the therapeutic setting, is
allowed to regain some of the missed affirmation and solidity of self.
Additionally, he learns to take; to ask that his needs be met; and to
give to others, not out of the desperate need to please, but out of
genuine caring. Finally, the client learns that relationships can be
hopeful, and responsive to the individual's needs, and need not be
experiences in which shame is generated by the ignoring, by others,

of the individual's needs.

70

Women and Shame

 

II
The early theorized link (Freudian) between women and shame,
based on the premise of penis envy, and the inherent feelings of
inadequacy in women, was not supported in this study. There was no
apparent special predisposition to shame in the women studied. We
suggest that shame, expressed in the response series by both males
and females, is more relevantly attributable to early lack of

affirmation and deprivation.

Guilt: A Reassessment

 

Guilt arises through transgression and essentially speaks to
a later developmental stage, where the child is up and around and
involved in the environment. Erikson (1950) suggests that guilt arises
as a viable 'sense' as a result of that period when the child must come
to grips with infantile sexuality, incest taboos, and for the male
child, castration fears. He suggests that the child, energized by the
successful resolution of the Autonomy-Shame/doubt stage, directs his
energy outward, in a more focused way. In doing so, ". . . attack and
conquest," for the male, and ". . . catching and making oneself endear-
ing," for the female, become major endeavors (p. 225). It is the
vehemence of this energy and the vestiges of infantile sexuality that
promote the occurrence of guilt. Erikson suggests that the increased
genital awareness; the last desperate attempt to establish a sphere of

unquestioned privilege with the mother; and the usual failure in this

71

realm, prompts resignation, guilt and anxiety. It is at this point
that the child moves from an exclusive involvement with the parents,
to one of modified, externally directed initiative. This is a res-
olution via compromise, where the child learns to regulate his wants
to deal with the external reality. In the male child, this seemingly
arises from the resignation to the loss of the mother, at least par-
tially out of fear of castration by the father. It is at this point
that rules take on relevance for the child. More generally it is a
time of rule setting, where the parents delineate codes of behavior
and ethics, and set expectations for compliance. In their commission
or omission, transgression prompts punishment, and with the integration
of parental values, self-regulation and guilt.

Both Lewis (1971) and Piers (1953) also discuss the development
of guilt as arising in the early oedipal stage, when the child is being
socialized and where punishment is meted out on the occurrence of a
boundary transgression. The experience of guilt, as we have said,
arises from behaviors proscribed and prescribed, and culpability, with
the evaluation reflecting on the doing or not doing of the act, or on
the self via the act. It does not concern survival for the child, and
in its occurrence may fellow adaptive responses to the trust-mistrust
and shame/doubt-autonomy stages of development. Being so, it can be
limited to the act as occurrence in time. It is not integrated as a
wordless self-denegration or questioning of the right to live, but
involves an assessment of culpability and evaluation of the retribution.
In guilt the ego is intact, as opposed to being shattered or dissolved

in shame.

72

Shame and Guilt

 

It is not particularly relevant to discuss the primitiveness
of shame as opposed to guilt. Shame has been viewed developmentally
as a precursor to guilt, and this seems to have support. But unlike
its description of being external (Singer, 1953), as opposed to inter-
nal (guilt), we view guilt and shame as both having experiential com-
ponents and both reinforced internally and from societal, family or
other external sources. We view both as very real experiential
phenomena, and in tracing their appearance and qualitative differences,
suggest that their genesis differs, as do their manifestations through-
out life. Each is a major influence on personality development. We do
put forth that the previous neglect of the genesis, manifestation and
intensity of the shame experience, should be reassessed in its signif-
icance, as the development of each speaks to the development of very
different types of people

Lynd (1958) suggests that where guilt provides a concretized,
dicotomous way of viewing and interacting with the world, shame, when
it is articulated and when an awareness of it is integrated in the
individual, can give rise to a broader sense of morality, capable of
seeing the relativity of the universe. Further, when shame is fully
confronted, it allows for a lessening of ego-ideal demands, facilitates
an awareness of aloneness and separateness, and through that separate-

ness, a sense of wholeness and union within the self.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

The following grid (pp. 74-81) includes a listing of this
writer's evaluation of each response in the TAT series, for each
subject, on the basis of their being termed shame, guilt, both shame
and guilt or unscoreable (based on no clear emergence of the criterion
aspects of shame and guilt). Additionally, for unscoreable responses,
implied guilt, shame, or both, were listed, as was the affective theme.

The responses, originally evaluated blindly, have been repre-
sented in this form to allow for the evaluation of each protocol, as
well as for the evaluation of the total responses to each card in the
series.

The grid presents pilot males (9); males (20); pilot females
(10); females (57). Total population sampled was 96. Total
responses: Male, 197; Female, 425. Total responses: 622.

A key of abbreviations used, is located on page 82.

On page 76 are listed: The number of shame, guilt, both and
unscoreable responses to each card in the series for males (pilot and
non-pilot). The total number of shame, guilt, both and unscoreable
responses by males. The percentages of shame, built, both and
unscoreable responses by males.

These are similarly listed for females on page 81.

On page 81, there is also a listing of the total percentages
of shame, guilt, both and unscoreable responses.

Additionally, an evaluation of each protocol has been done
to assess modal response in the direction of shame, guilt, both
(with neither obviously dominant) and unscoreable (no clear emergence
of shame or guilt in any form). These are listed separately for males
and females, and an index of protocols (p. 83).

73

74

 

 

m o N H
o o N H
v N N H
m H N m
m o o o
m N N N
v o v a
v N o m
m: on m.0

 

Hooououm cquHz

N m o v n N
o o H A H H
m o N N o o
N . H o N A H
mm mm mm mm mm mm
HouHua. Aonuov HumoHoV HHoHume AuHe
mo mm m: m: w: v
Hommomov Huuomanmv AuuommsmwAuuoamsmVAowuon\xowv
m m: m9 mu m: m:
AmmoH.uowumv A20wcnmuv Humvee. Aconcmnmv Aomwocv
m m: mo m: om m:
Anamocaxnv Acoficsouv Auuommsmv Humocmv
m 0 mo 0 u m:
Aucoucoov .umsuumwen
.m mm m m m: m:
.Honocv anoouonv HomHocV
o m: on . m _ m: m:
AmmoH\uoHHmv AEOUOHOQVHNHOQQOH.
m mu m m: ma m:
AHononv Acuwoovaeonouonv Auouusev
U m: m: o m: on
Auuuusfiv Acochmuv Ansouav.
zmha ZNH om Ems huh m
opoznumuuonaam uopva .v o—nah

H H H ma
~ o H on
m w H m
H H e 0
H4909
m m m m
m: m m m
Auwvusev
m o ms 5
.coHuaoHuHucooHv
on m o m
m mu om m
,HchmoxsoHv
m m m 4
o m on m
m m u H
om m: u H
HumoH.
mom 2mm H

75

Table 5. Subjects-~Male
Within Protocol

 

1 3BM 36? 76? .7BM 178M G 5 80 US
(IGN
G 5 BO - G US 2 1 1 1 IG-l
(IS-IG)(loss) (murder) (IS-IG)
US US US - US S 0 1 O 4 IS/IG-Z
(fail-IS)(robbed) (support)(potency)
US US 5 - US US . O 1 0 4 IS-l
(IG) (grief) .
US 5 US - G G 2 1 0 2 IG-l
(IS-IG) (growth) (bore-angry) (joy)
US US G US 80 US 1 O 1 4 IS/IG-l
(aba-denia1)(frus) (achieve)
S S S US US US 0 3 O 3
(16) (anger) (anger) (16) (support) (16)
US US US US US US 0 O O 6 IG-3
(IS-IG) (anger-pun)!ang/pun)(IS) (IS)
03 S US . US US US 0 1 O S IS/IG-l
. - IS-2
(fear/fail) (sib riv)(IS,support)(escape)
US BO S US US US 0 1 1 4 IS-l
(IS) (fantasy)(fai1)
3 BO US US US 5 O 2 1 3 IS-l
(bored) (fail) (murder) (bored) (betray) (joy)
US US US US US US 0 O O 6
(ach) (aban) (separ)(depriv) (ach)
US US US US S US 0 1 0 S
(ach) (grief/loss)ianger)(IS,anger)(ach)
US BO US US US US . O 0 1 5 13-1
(bored) (support)(support) (ach)
US BO G US US US 1 0 1 4
(aba,grief) (need to ach)
G BO US 80 G US 2 O 2 2
(IS-IG)(murder/grief)(bore)(bore) (need to ach)
BO US US US US US 0 O 1 S IS/IG-l
(bored) (16) (banished)(empty victory)
US S US G US US l 1 O 4 IG-l
(aba) (aba,anger) (fear fail)

S S S US G US 1 3 O 2

‘i

76

 

 

 

con't
Within Protocol
1 38M 36? TC? 7BM 178M G S BO US
(fire) (fear punish)(fai1)
19 G S S US US US l 2 O 3
(punished)(sib riv) (ach)
20299 9.8. 2e 9 E 2013
TOTAL
6 3 1 2 1 5 1 13
S 3 7 5 O l 2 18
BO 2 S l 1 2 0 11
US 12 7 12 14 12 17 74
TMfle 6
Total male responses (pilot and experimental groups) - 29
1 3BM 3G? 5 76? 78M 10 12M l7BM
. (pilot) (pilot)(pilot)
G 7 2 3 1 2 7 O 1_ 3
S 5 13 10 0 0 3 2 0 7
BO 4 5 3 1 2 3 1 O 0
US 13 9 13 7 21 16 6 8 19
Total responses -Male 197 Guilt 26 .1319
- Shame 40 .2030
Both 19 .0964
UnscorellZ .5685
197

Of the unscoreable responses: 6 Implied guilt
' B Implied shame
3 Implied both guilt and shame
17

77

 

 

 

em m o o N m m m s m mo
0 o H o o H H N o H on
m H o o H H H o H m m
HH 0 m o N N o N N c 0
H4809
HoH\mH e o H H mm mm mm m m mm m mm mm OH
.uumsumVHHo>muu Hmuummv HmoHumv .Hopusev HonHOVHUHumHV
v H H n ms 0 m: o om m: U m ms m
Acomv HonHmv Hummcm. Huomcmv
m o m H m o m: m m: mu m: m: m m
HmoHumv H>Hu nHmvAxoonmvHmnm.numooVHomcouop uHmmv
HuoH
NImH m o o o m: ma mu m: m: m: m: m: m: h
HmHV HuoHumv Hmmoumonv HUHV HmHvHmsoHonmzmvammoumocvHuoHumVHousoowch
HIwH m o N H m3 m3 mo . ms mo m mm D m m
Agony AmHmocmscv HumHumv Auuommsmc Hch .nuaouv
H10H N o o H m: w: 1 m: o m: m: m: m: m
meumcwv Huwpusev Axumaov Aumuanv H vconmv HuHmmmocv HUHV
HuoH m H H H m: ms ms m: U m: om mo w v
Hmamomwv meHumv HcoHcsmuv Hummcmv HoHv Hpouonv
HumH n N o o m: o m: m: ms m: m: 0 mo N
. Acumv Huuommsmv HUHV HUHV Housmomxo. .uoHumv .mHv
HImH
NIUH h o o N mg m: mm m: ma cm on ma mo n
Acomv AuuoaasmvHuuomasmVHuuoamsmvHousmmouav HumHquHosoum.mHv
HIUH
HonmH n N o 0 ma om .ma ms mu m: m: ms on H
.nomc Asofl.cusoec HoHc .oH-ch .uuoaasmxumocacaumaca .Hsmc
ma on m U :mNH ZNH 0H imp huh m mom 2mm H
H000u0um chqu
«Hague--muuwnosm HoH_a .H «Ham» .

78

Table 8. Subjects--Female

Within Protocox

 

1 3BM 36? 76? 78M l7BM G S BO US
Igrief) (phobic)(bored) (ach)
S US US US - ' US 0 1 O S
(IG,grief)(anger) (fire)
S S US US - US 0 2 O 3 IG-l
(sui,grief)(bored) (treachery)
S S US US - US 0 2 O 3
(empty vict) (murder) (bored) (fire)
US BO US US - US 0 O 1 4
(aba) (aba,grief) (bored) (grief) (ach)
S ' US US US ' US US 0 1 0 5
(1c) (aba)_ (IG,grief) (bored) (disgust)(fail)
US ‘ US US US US US 0 O O 6 IG-2
(IS) (grief) (daydream)(anger) (ach)
' US S US US US US 0 1 0 5 15-1
(16) (depressed) (bible)(giving) (ach)
US US S US US US 0 1 O 5 IG-l
(IG) (bored)(support)(need to ach)
US 6 S US US US 1 1 O 4 IG-l

(IG) (depressed)(grief)(daydream)(closeness)(happy)
US US

US US US US 0 O O 6 IG-l

(anger)(sib riy)(support) (ach)

S G US US US US 1 1 O 4
'(IS) (beaten) (rejected) (failure)

US US US S US S O 2 0 4 IS-l
(IS) ':(aba) (rejected)(bored)(fear,fai1)

US US US US US BO 0 O 1 5 15-1

(16) (depress)(grief,loss)(support)(conflict)(ach)

US US US US US US 0 O O 6 IG-l
(loss,depress)(murder) (grief) (suicidal) ‘
G US US S , US US 1 1 0 4

(16) (aba) (grief,loss)(aba) (conflict) (joy)
US US US US US US

(16) (fail) (grief,loss)(trap)(grief,sui)(fail)
US US US US US US 0 0 0 6 IG-l

(IG) (ach) (grief,1oss)(conflict)(support)(ach)
us ' us us US vs us 0 0 0 6 IG-l

US

79

US

con't
1 3BM 3G? 76? FBM l7BM
(rejected,IS)(IG) (support) (joy)
19 BO S US US US US
(IG) (IS,griefXgrief,loss)(support)(fear fai1)(joy)
20 US US US US US US
(conflict)(depress)(rejected)(protect)(IS)(need to ach)
21 US US US US US US
(aba,grief)(rejected)(bored)(conflict)(fai1)
22 G US US US US US -
(bored)(grief,insane) (conflict)
23 US US S US G B
(rejected) (IS)
24 S G US US BO S
(support)(depress)(IG,punish)(protect) (support)
25 US US US US - US
(grief,insane) (aba) (support) (IG)
26 BO US BO US US US
(grief,1oss)(sib riv) (grief,1oss)
27 G S US US G US
(IS-IG) (IG) (ach)
28 S S S ‘ US US US
(grief,loss) (TS) -{support)(ach-Eai1)
29 G S US US US US
(depress)(grief,1oss)(support)(support)(ach)
30 BO US US US US US
, (Is-IG) (ill) (reject,angry)(sib riv) (fail)
31 US US 705 US BO US
(aba) (grief,sui)(bored)(frustrate)(ach)
'32 G US US US US US
(IG) (alone)(depress)(fantasy)(wisdom) (free)
33 US US US US US US
(anger) (tired) (fear) (lonelyXfearful,IG)(empty vic)
34 US US US US US US
(IS) (depress) (bored)(fai1,IS) (ach)
35 US US G US US US
(IG) (IG,grief) (sad) (conflict) (ach)
36 US US US US US
(IG) (IG)(bad marriage)(sex) (fear) (ach)
37 us US vs

US

Within Protocol

 

G S BO US-
0 1 1 4
0 0 0 6
O 0 0 6
1 0 0 5
1 2 0 3
l 2 1 2
0 0 0 5
O 0 2 4
2 1 O 3
0 3 0 3
1 1 O 4
0 O 1 S
0 0 1 S
1 0 0 5
0 0 O 6
O 0 0 6
1 0 0 S
1 0 0 5
O 0 0 6

IS-l
IG-l

13-1
IG-l

IS-1

IS-l
IG-1

IG-l

,IS/IG 1

IG-l

IS-l

IS/IG 1

IG-l'

IG-l

IS-2

IG-2

IG-2

80

 

IS-l
IG-l

IS-l
IS-1
IG-1

IS/IG 1
IG-l
IS-l

IG-l

IG-l

IS/IG 1

IS-l

IG/IS 1
IG-l

con't
Within Protocol
1 3BM 3GF 7GF 7BM l7BM G S BO US
(grief,murder)(aba,IS)(IG) (no cares)
38 c 3 us us us us 4
(shame,rage)(empty)(nude)
39 o no us us us .us 1 0 4
(IG) (conflict)(IS,angcr)(freedom)
40 us 6 BO us us us 1 0 4
(IS-IG)(depress)(murder,IG)(grief,aba) (ach)
41 us us .05 us G us 1 0 5
(failure)
42 s s s 6 us 5 1 4 1
(IG) (depress)(grief,loss)(aba,fear)(tolerant)(sui)
43 us us us us us us 0 0 6
_ (IG) (grief) (accident)(sib riv) (fire, IS)
44 us us us us 0 us 1 0 5
(suicide) (vague)(no communication)(conflict)(ach)
45 80 us us us us us 5
(grief,1oss) (insane). (ach)
46 S G US BO US US 1 1 3
(IG-IS) (bad marriageT(daydream)(bitter)(ach)
47 US G US US US US 1 0 S
(ach)(depress)(divorce)(support) (IS) (fail)
48 us us us us us us 0 0 6
(frustr)(grief,loss)(anger)(a1coholic)(empty vic)
49 BO us us us us us 0 5
. (IG) (IG-IS)(grief,loss)(happy) (support)(escape)
50 us us us us, us us 6
(aba,sui)(grief,insane)(happy)
51 BO US US US - - O O 3
(suicide) (aba,IS)(IS,fail) (fire)
52 6 us no us us us 1 0 3
(IS) (escape) -
53 s 5 us 5 6 us 1 3 2
(ach,IG)(1oss) (grief)(sib riv)(disagree)
54 05 us us us us 5 0 1 5
(depress)(robbery)(vague) (supportive)(enjoy)
55 G US" US US US US . l O 5
(proud) (grief,1oss)(sib riv)(support)(ach)
56 us' 3 us us us us 0 1 5

81

 

 

 

con't
Within Protocol
1 38M 3GF 7GF 7BM 178M G S 30 US
(IS-IG) (anger) (bored) (fai1,death)
57 g g_s_ pg u_s_ s g 1 1 o 4 IS/IG 1
TOTAL '
G 10 7 1 1 S O 24
S 10 11 6 3 1 S 36
BO 6 2 3 1 2 1 15
US 31 37 46 52 44 50 260
"""""""" 13m 9 ""-'-'-"'-'""'"""""
Total female responses (pilot and experimental groups) -67
1 38M 36? 5 7GF 78M 10 112M 178M
(pilot) (pilot )
G 10 3 0 3 7 0 3 O
S 13 12 6 1 4 2 O O 6
BO 7 2 S 1 2 2 O 1 1
US 37 44 52 8 58 51 10 6 59
Total responses -Pemale 425 Guilt 3S .0823
Shame 44 .1035
Both 21 .0495
Unscore 325 .7647
Of the unscoreable responses: 25 Implied guilt

16 Implied shame

6 Implied both guilt and shame
T7

Total responses of both Males and Female (including pilot subjects)

Total responses - 622 Percentages Guilt .0819

Shame .1350
Both .0643

Unscore .7025

82

Key - Abbreviations

IG - implied guilt

IS - implied shame

IS-IG - implied both guilt and shame
fail - failure

bore - bored

aba, aban, aband - abandoned
frus, frust - frustration
ach, achieve - achievement
pun - punished

sib riv - sib rivalry

separ - separation

betray - betrayed

need to ach - need to achieve'
sui - suicide

empty vic - empty victory
trap - trapped

protect - protective

support - supportive

depress - depression

83

TMfle 10

Intra-protocol - evaluation of modal response.

Male Guilt Shame Both Unsoreable OSubjects
pilot 1 1 2 2 4 9
non-pilot 2 1 2 22 2_
Total 3 6 4 16 29

Female Guilt Shame Both Unscoreable #Subjects
pilot 2 2 2 4 10
non-pilot 2 g 2 42 57

Total 3 7 11 46 67

Listing of subjects evaluated aszshame, guilt, both, unscoreable.

Male: Guilt - PMl, M4, M20.
Shame - PMZ, PM4, M6, M8, M10, M18.
Both - PM3, PMS, M1, M15.
Unscore - PM6, PM7, PMB, PM9, M2, M3, M5, M7, M9, M11, M12,
_ M13, M14, M16, M17, M19.

Female: -
Guilt - PFZ, PF9, F36.
Shame — PF6, PFB, F12, F24, F28, F42, F53.
Both - PF4, PFlO, F2, F19, F23, F27, F38, F39, F40, F46, F52, F57.
Unscore - PF1, PF3, PFS, PF7, F1, F3, F4, F5, F6, F7, F8, F9,

F10, F11, F13, F14, F15, F16, F17, F18, F20, F21,

F22, F25, F26, F29, F30, F31, F32, F33, F34, F35,

F36, F37, F41, F43, F44, F45, F47, F48, F49, F50,

F51, F54, F55, F56.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Bassos, C. On shame. Unpublished paper, 1973.
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Dreger, Ralph M., and Barnet, M. Measure of custom and conscience
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Erikson, E. Childhood and Society. 1950, New York, W. W. Norton.

 

Freud, S. 1896. Further remarks on the neuropsychoses of defense.
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Guntrip, H. Schizoid Phenomena, Object Relations and the Self.
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Jennings, S. Personal communication, 1972.

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Levin, S. Some metapsychological considerations of the differentiation
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