7H5 CHMG‘SNG ROLE OF WOMEN IN ETHéOPiA AS
RELATED TO SOCIAL CHANGE

Thesis for the Degree of M. A,
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSH‘Y'
ASTAiR GEBREMRMM I
1973

O. . o .9. .‘C.’..“.. .uqfi'm
.

w

 

LIBRARY

Nlichigan Sta W

I} .~ l'r’_‘"3H."‘_:" 5%
"2

 

.

 

-n—u-——.—-——-_

 

, __M“_
.1 B- 151
13311
3);?
i b ‘
."
i -3
E
w? "W ‘
.4 fay *

 

ABSTRACT

THE CHANGING ROLE OF WOMEN IN ETHIOPIA
AS RELATED TO SOCIAL CHANGE

BY

Astair Gebremariam

The study focuses on the changing role of
women in rural Ethiopia which is analysed using the
functionalist approach to change of roles in the general
context of social change. The subject is treated at
two levels. One, at the collective level of the kin-
ship unit which is also a specific functioning produc-
tive organization and the other, the role level where
the individual who retains his membership in the kinship
group also functions in the economic organization.

In the rural setting the kinship unit plays
an important role both in the economic and family organ-
ization. Therefore, it is considered here as a point of
entry for our analysis. Structural differentiation is
observable at the two levels as a result of social change.
On the collectivity level the kinship unit loses its
function as an economic unit in the process of structural

differentiation. The significance of the organization is

Astair Gebremariam

reduced as other values come into existence.

On the role level the individual's participa-
tion in varied and numerous roles becomes possible.
There is a dilemma here which often leads to the problem
of choice between incompatable roles. Some of the new
roles acquired in the new setting following migration
may lead to problems of adaptation, which deserves

further research and remedial measures.

THE CHANGING ROLE OF WOMEN IN ETHIOPIA
AS RELATED TO SOCIAL CHANGE

BY

Astair Gebremariam

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1973

TABIE OF

J‘XC IQIO'LEDGCITBTITS o o o o o o 0

LIST OF

LIST OF

SECTION

I

II

III

IV

FIGURES . . . . . . .

APPENDICES . . . . . .

INTRODUCTION . . . o

The Problem and Its
Source of Data . . .

Theoretical Considerations .
The Population Structure . .
Age and Sex Distribution

Household Size .
Marital Status .

THE TRADITIONAL
OF TIO ME}! 0 o o o o o

Kinship System . . .
The Importance of
Behaviour . . . .
The Kinship Rules
Marriage . . . .
The Family . . .
The Advantages of
The Intrafamilial
Labour . . . . .

CHANGES IN ROLES OF W

Population Growth . .
Urbanization . . . .
Migration:
Educational and
Change of Roles
Role Change and

SUMMARY . . . . . . .

iii

CONTENTS

Significance

ROLE AND STATUS

Kinship and

O O O O O O
O O O O O
O O 0 O O
Polygvny
Division 0

okhoooo

0 PI E I"! o o o 0

Patterns and Processes

Occupational Changes
in the Family . .
Pr'blems . . . .

ii

vi

PAGE

WWKOQNNH

PJH

m N NFJHFJH H‘ Fl
J)- H OOWQO‘ (D m

N
.5

25
26
3O

34

37

TAIL? OF CONTENTS (Continued)

FOOTIIOTES O O O O O . O O O O
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . .

APPENDICES

Y.
-' L o o o o o o o o o o
'5
. I o o o o o o o o o o
f‘
\ . o o o o o o o o o o
.r) o o o o o o o o o o
’1‘
, .1 o o o o o o o o o o
r)
v. o o o o o o o o o o

31
53

55

57
59

61

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGU; E

3 POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN ETHIOPIA
BYAGEANDSEX.............

2 RURAL-URBAN POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN
ETHIOPIA O O C O O O O C O C O O O C O O

3 AGE AT FIRST MARRIAGE, WOMEN, 9
PROVINCES, RURAL . . . . . . . . . . . .

.13

MARRIED WOMEN BY NUMBER OF TIMES MARRIED,
9PROVINCES,RURAL. . . . . . . . . . .

5 PERCENTAGE OF DIVORCEO WOMEN ABOVE TEN
YEARS BY AVERAGE AGE AT FIRST MARRIAGE,
12 pROVINCEs, RURAL . . . . . . . . . .

MAP IDENTIFYING ETHIOPIA

APPENDIX

A

B ETHIOPIA:

C ETHIOPIA:
PER 1000

D ETHIOPIA:
PER 1000

E ETHIOPIA:
PER 1000

F ETHIOPIA:
PER 1000

LIST OF APPENDICES

AVERAGE SIZE OF HOUSEHOLD

POPULATION, BIRTH RATE

POPULATION,

POPULATION,

POPULATION,

vi-

DEATH RATE

INFANT MORTALITY

NATURAL INCREASE

page
51
53

55

57

S9

61

SECTION I

INTRODUCTION

The Problem and Its Significance

The study of the changing role of women in
Ethiopia is a challenge for the simple reason that very
little or no research has been done on this aspect of
social life. Yet, there has been a growing proliferation
of new roles and expectations on the part of women as a
result of changing circumstances that have direct hear-
ing on them.

Processes such as rural-urban migration, educa-
tion and professional activities have affected the
traditional roles of women. Technological advancements
seem to have made an impact directly or indirectly on
some aspects of women's life. This study therefore is
an attempt to focus on the realities of social change
in Ethiopia as it relates to the social condition of
women as members of social units. Since some problems
in adaptation are expected because of the expansion of
role expectations, a gradual process of transition would
seem desirable in order to reduce possible risks result-

ing from rapid change.

2

Source of Data

Two methods have been used in gathering data.
Primarily, this research is a product of library resources.
While there are certain anthropological materials
available, they seem to provide limited information on
the traditional role and status of women, and some of them
suffer from problems with the interpretation of the tradi-
tional outlooks. On the contemporary condition of women,
there is lack of data on the subject. For most of the
information in this area, I had to depend either on the
documentary publications of the United Nations or small
sections of books dealing with other issues of a sociolog-
ical nature.

The most important part of the work is a result
of systematic observation of the changing role and status
of women. This became possible when, as an African and
a lecturer in sociology, I have lived in different parts
of Ethiopia for the last ten years and had the opportunity
to closely observe and study the roles and status of
women. Therefore this study is a result of this field

work combined with published sources mentioned above.

Theoretical Considerations

The concept of role is associated with the
sociological analysis which links the function of the

social order with the characteristics and behaviour of

3

the individuals who make it up. Role as a social
entity provides the pattern for behaviour and attitudes,
and a strategy for coping with recurrent types of situa-
tions. Role concerns us here as recognizably played by
different individuals and as a systemic element supplying
the basis for identity and placement of persons in society.
Personal and social disorganization arise from failure
of individuals to choose between incompatible roles.1
For instance, this is evident in family disintegration
due to the difficulty of choice between differing roles
which are not compatible among migrant families in
Ethiopia.

Linton identified roles as a segment of culture
consisting of behaviour prescriptions or norms bearing

2 But

one-to-one correspondence with the social status.
the most relevant treatment of the concept for our pur-
poses is the Parsonian approach to structural differentia-
tion and change.3 According to Parsons two processes of
differentiation of operative units occur in society where
the process of change is going on. First we have the
collective level between kinship units and units which
perform primary productive functions in society. The
latter mainly comprise specific function organizations.
The second level is the role level where the individual
person who retains his membership in a kinship unit also

comes to perform a role in a productive organization for

which he contributes his service.

4

According to the previous discussion the tar-
gets of our study are twofold. One, the collective level
of kinship cnxnuns as primary productive systems in the
Ethiopian village, and second, the role level where
individuals, in this case women, perform roles of pro-
ductive nature while retaining their kinship ties.

These two levels are influenced by, or are related to,
the social change in the society at large.

Access to international media, recent involve-
ment in industry, rapid urbanization and varied political
values lead to rising expectations.4 Through social
system processes such as communication, decision making,
boundary maintenance and systemic linkage, social
changes are generated.5 Due to awareness, stresses are
created that serve to push people from the countryside
to the cities in Ethiopia in search of better opportuni-
ties. This can be taken as an excellent illustration
of systemic linkage at work.

This situation just referred to is a movement
from a farm with a subsistence setting to that with a
more complex structure. For the Ethiopian woman this
circumstance usually poses role problems. As the process
of differentiation of operative units occur what happens
is loss of functions by the kinship unit. The economic
function of the family is transferred to other spheres.
New patterns of organization of functions are dissociated

from the kinship unit in form of work situations and the

5
employment collectivity. This condition has a tendency
to generate conflict between the role of the individual
as a member of a particular family and the role as a
worker outside (as illustrated in the role of a woman as
a wife and a bread earner). The recognition of status
roles as they adjust to differentiation is also important.

The urban situation, unlike the village, does
not permit extensive contributions and direct support
of all family members. Therefore a substitution of new
ways of accomodating needs that have been served by the
kinship unit becomes essential. It is necessary to keep
in mind the risk entailed in cutting loose of kinship
ties without replacement. Migrants coming to the cities
in Ethiopia expecting kinship obligations are generally
faced with similar problems.

Parsons discusses balancing the legitimation
of both the collectivity and role level in order that
conflict of interest is contained within the pattern
mutually contributing to higher-order system functioning.
This in essence is harmony at a different level for the
effective functioning of the system.

Parsons indicates that the process of differen-
tiation must go hand in hand with the process of the
reorganization of the normative culture of the system
at the level of the operative units, norms and subsystem
values. Thus, he recognizes the dynamics of equilibrium

in relation to social change after a change-causing

6

disturbance. The concept of social change as an
equilibrium is related to the concept of boundary
maintenance, integration and solidarity. In social
change, the individuals and groups within the established
order are in the process of change. Any considerable
change in culture necessarily involves change in the
integration of social structure. As a result disequil-
ibrium is created which is highly desirable as a state
of society and a force of change.6

To Parsons, there is a relationship between
values and structural arrangement in the process of
social change. While structural factors institutionalize
values, the structural arrangements on the other hand
are legitimized by values. The theory can be appro-
priately applicable in conceptualization of differen-
tiation and development of role structure, culture systems
and institutional structures. Social change is accom-
plished in society through structural-functional dif-
ferentiation to more specialized and higher level per-
formance capacity. The emergence of integrative mech-
anisms which coordinate the differentiated social unit
is essential.

Steps in a cyclic of differentiation are
recommended by Parsons. One is deficit of input at
the goal-attainment-boundary, which in our case focuses
on economic goods and services leading to frustration

of attaining goals or fulfilling expectations. The

7
second step concerns the boundary between one and
another subsystems of the society such as boundary of
the labour market and the ideological justification of
the labour market's position in the familialistic
society. Thirdly we have the balance between facilities--
rewards and normative expectations. The balance is,
according to Parsons, an indispensible condition leading
to differentiation.

The adaptive problem is explained in terms of
lack of differentiation in the productive unit, in our
case the kinship structure of the traditional group.

The lack and existence of support for the performance

of function is discussed. He stresses legitimation in
terms of justification of basic patterns of organization
of social functions or by the institutionalized values
of the system.

Finally, Parsons emphasizes three primary
conditions of successful differentiation, namely, the
opportunity factor, the way in which the two differ-
entiated classes of units are related to each other
and to society, and the more general complexes of
institutionalized norms which apply to many collectivity
structures. Thus, the role of the individual becomes
more universalistic and qualification for the occupa-

/,

tional role is judged on the basis of competence rather;
I

Q

than the relevance of kinship membership. A condition’

quite contrary to this exists in cities and urban areas

of Ethiopia.

Given this perspective as theoretical frame
of reference, an attempt will be made to analyse the
changing role of women in Ethiopia with the hope of
broadening our understanding of the traditional role,
the processes of modernization, the contemporary situation,

and some probable future trends.

The Population Structure

The population of Ethiopia is largely rural,
ethnically heterogeneous, consisting of natives, Euro-
peans, Americans, Asians and other international groups.7
The estimated population of 24,000,000 in 1967 is a
young population about half of which is less than 20
years of age. The age structure exhibits features that
are found typically in less developed areas.

We shall consider next, the age-sex distri-
bution, household size and marital status in our dis-
cussion of population structure. These factors are
important because they provide background information
concerning the demographic structure which may help
in our analysis of the changing status and roles of

women in Ethiopia.

Age and Sex Distribution

The estimated population of Ethiopia includes
a high proportion of the population (over 44 percent) in
the age group from birth to 15 years of age. In the 15
to 59 age group there were 51 percent and the rest,

4 to 5 percent, 60 years of age and over. (See Figure 1).

There are structural differences between the
rural and urban populations in Ethiopia. Almost 57
percent of urban dwellers are in the 15 to 59 age group
compared to less than 51 percent in rural areas.

There is a general similarity in age groupings between
the overall population and the rural population which
reflects the influence of the rural sector. The urban
age groupings portray the migration of the economically
active age categories to the towns and cities.

The population estimate of 1967 showed a
higher proportion of males to females in the overall
population with a ratio of about 102.8 males to 100
females. This is comparable with the usual almost
equal ratio (between 95 and 100 males to 100 females
as reported earlier in the Central Statistical Office).
A marked difference existed in rural and urban ratios
(see Figure 2). The 104.1 males to 100 females of
the rural areas can be contrasted with the 90 males to
100 females in the urban areas. This condition is an
unusual pattern for African countries where males usually

. 8
outnumber females In towns.

10

_S>rnm

 

ban
{81

0°

no

so

 

 

0°.

.uol

 

 

 

ac

 

.flmS>rmq

 

 

 

no

 

 

NO

 

 

m:
—‘ q

*3 3 I .N

 

 

V
1L

1 d

O 3 5 z a. 3*

Teacup H“ poocwaHos awmwnwgswuos Hp mNUHOpr UK wow use

mmuno

m.

mosnnmu
mnwnwmnwnmw ommwnm.

papcpme05 om waHOOHm. nmsnnmw

mwmnpmnwnww mapwmnwp. zo.

11

RURAL URBAN

WELLEGA , LEQEMT

O

       
    
    
   
 
    
    
    
   
 
   
 
   

#-

54

Male Female

45-

30-

 

IB 0 5 0960 5 IO G

SIDAMO YIRGA ALEM

606

Mac limde

:-

3°-

20-

   

    

6-9

V“N\
V“R\ .

 
 

R
“\‘%§§flh‘

 

96

ARUSI ASELLA

 
   
   
  

Fbmme

5-9

        

D IO . IO

96 IO 5
Figure 2: Rural-Urban population distribution in Ethiopia.
Source: Mesfin Wolde Mariam, An Atlas of
Ethio ia, Department of Geography, Haile
SeIlassIe I University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,
1970.

12

RURAL URBAN

GOJJAM DEBRE MARCOS

O

    
 

O

  

Female

   

0960 8 00 '6

WELLO

 

 
 
  

F emole

 
 

9-9
0-4

9’.

 

 
     

HARE RGHE

O

     
 
   
   

50°
4 5

  

Fe mole

  

Mole

Figure 2 continued.

13

Household Size

 

An important aspect of Africa's demographic
structure with implications for social and economic
development is the household which in many ways is an
important social unit. Very often unrelated or related
non-family members are found in African households
and this partly accounts for the tendency of African
households to be larger than those in the Western
countries.

In Ethiooia the average size of household
in 1967 in urban areas (3.6) is much lower than that
of the rural area (4.6). There is a significant dif-
ference in average size of household between towns with
more than 10,000 inhabitants and smaller towns. The
figure 3.78 for the bigger towns is larger than 3.38

for the small ones.9 (Refer to Appendix B).

Marital Status

In the northern provinces of Ethiopia more
girls are married at a much younger age than in the
southern provinces. There is a progressive increase
in the proportion of single girls as one moves from
rural areas to small towns and large towns. While
there seems to be a much higher percentage of married
women in rural areas than in towns, the reverse holds
true for divorced women and widows. The percentage of

divorced women and widows is larger in small towns

14
than large towns. (For marital status in Ethiopia
refer to Figures 3, 4, S.)

The average age of first marriage for males
is usually much higher than that for the females.
The extent of the difference in age between males
and females differs from area to area while what is
generally acceptable among the majority is that a
proportionally older man marries a younger woman.

The main objective here is to analyse the
changes in women's roles as a result of structural
differentiation. The data was gathered from published
documents and from personal observation of changes of
roles of women in different parts of rural Ethiopia.
The introduction to the demographic structure enables
us to gain a better understanding of the nature of
Ethiopia's population composition especially as re-
lated to women and their roles.

With this background information, we shall
deal in the next section with the traditional role
of women in relation to kinship and family interaction

and the traditional division of labour.

15
%.'
so

 

JO » ..."-.- ....-.._....

 

40‘ -..-.. ----.......... --. ...—

 

 

 

JO< ‘ .....

20 - ....

 

 

to. - l. .-....-.._.__-.._._

5 - .. '—.'.'_"l._. ...

 

 

 

 

 

 

O 5" "—

a 5 IO :5 {a 25 ab 33 ACE AT IST manusrlrrusl

Figure 3: Age at first marriage, Women,
9 provinces, Rural.

 

 

 

I 2 J 4 5 6 7- N9 TIMES MARRIED

Figure 4: Married women by number of times
married, 9 provinces, Rural.

 

‘%
H
mm
m
e
‘ Figure 5: Percentage of
divorced women above ten
4 years by average age at
first marriage, 12 pro-
: vinces, Rural.
0

   

M IS IO 17 M ME AT ”T MRRMGEI YEARS)

Source for Figures 3, 4 and 5: Central Statistical
Office, Imperial Ethiopian Government. Stat.,
Bul. No. 6, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Nov. 1971.

SECTION II

THE TRADITIONAL ROLE AND STATUS OF WOMEN

Kinship System

The Importance of Kinship and Behaviour

Kinship is the formal organization of rela-
tionships for social purposes and is the basis from
which human and political organizations emerge. Kinship
functions to provide a standard of behaviour in human
groups. It provides an easily understood system for
regulating affairs which extend from the family through
the whole group.10

Kinship itself is based on parenthood and this
leads to the first and smallest, but at the same time,
the most important of human groupings. An individual in
Ethiopian society automatically becomes related to
all those people whom his father and mother count as
relatives. This includes the members related in ritual
association or baptismal relationships among the Chris-
tian Ethiopians. It is vitally important that one knows

how to behave properly to all these kinfolks.

Kinship in Ethiopia depends on three factors--

the extent to which people recognize relationship for

16

17
social purposes, the way in which relatives are class-
ified and finally the nature of rights and duties of
relatives.

The extent of relationship varies-~it may in-
clude comparatively few people or a very large number.
This relationship provides the tribe with groups of
people who live and work together in such harmony as
can be achieved by people on the basis of face to face
interaction. Relatives are classified either by the
descriptive system, which has a small number of more
or less precise terms defining the steps of relation-
ships; or by the classification system, in which people
are not called individually by a relationship term,
but groups are classified into categories and are called
collectively by one term. Except in some parts of

Ethiopia, the descriptive system is not used very much.

The Kinship Rules

The role of women in terms of kinship structure
varies considerably throughout Ethiopia, from tribal
group to tribal group, and in some instances from
village to village as well as over time. Yet, there are
certain characteristics which are common and are used as
the basis for comparison. It is most logical to examine
the role of women in the home for it is the basic unit
around which the life of a traditional woman revolves.

Even at birth the arrival of a son is a source-of greater

18

joy than that of a daughter. Except for a few Kunama
groups and the relatively minor segment of the Afar
tribe, patriarchal authority controls the family.11
The patrilineal rule of descent is the generally
accepted rule of custom. The requirement of patrilocal
residence coupled with the previously discussed regu-
lations can be taken as a clear demonstration of the

high status, authority and prestige of males in the

kinship structure and relationship.

ianarriage

Mate selection by parents or relatives dom-
inates the traditional form of marriage among most tribes.
The Ethiopian court recognizes monogamous unions as an
official one. Yet, polygynous marriage is also
acceptable, depending on one's religion and tribal
custom.12 Three kinds of marriages exist in Ethiopia:
civil, religious and traditional.

Marriage among the highland Christian Ethio-
pians is strictly monogamous and in this case the status
of women in relatively high. There is greater equity
in laws governing marriage and inheritance, and the
participation of women in some aspects of public life
is acceptable.13

Polygyny as a form of relationship in
marriage in Ethiopia has some interesting features.

It could either be sororate or levirate. Marriage is

. 1

l9
traditionally legitimized only when the groom pays for
the hand of a bride. While this marriage is managed
in a form of payment (money, goods or cattle, service
or exchange),14 the possible effects of bride price
or bride wealth on a woman's well being are varied.
Payment is believed to insure that the bride will be
well treated and will assure a woman's dignity.
Recently, however, bride wealth has become 3 commercial

0 I O 15
buSiness transaction in many cases.

The Family

The extended family structure is character-
istic of Ethiopia. There are two methods for constructing
the extended family type. By generation the relation-
ship of the family head can be extended to his grand-
children. Through marriage especially the polygynous
type family extension can take place. Both extension
methods could occur and may give the individual a
large number of relatives. The extended is preferred
and the simple family structure is found only as reali-
ties of living due to economic or other requirements
produce it. Because of ethnic and religious diversity,
law governing domestic matters is defined with reference
to custom in the Ethiopian Civil law of 1960.16
Yet, as one moves away from the capital city or large

towhs, custom and its forces play the leading role in

settling disputes.

20

In the family relationship, loyalty to one's
kinsmen or tribe supercedes devotion to the spouse in
early marriage. This trend may vary slightly in cases
of the marriage of a child bride in Ethiopia, where the
young girl grows attached to her husband's family.17
Gradually, mutual affection may develop toward each
other. The mother and offSpring are much closer than
with the father who attempts to demonstrate an equalitar-
ian attitude toward the children of different wives.
Sibling relationships are characterized by intensive
affection in young age and a gradual increase of rivalry
as a result of devotion to one's mother in polygynous
marriage.

One should not be surprised by the apparent
lack of affection between spouses, because traditional
marriages are arranged for producing children and in
some cases for extending ones relatives. Having a

large number of kinsmen is an asset next to acquiring

land.

The Advantages of Polygyny

The hardship of custom has produced balancing
factors which have given women security and authority.
The system specifies a male provider for a large number
of females and as a result no woman is left without a
male supporter. As the system sometimes gave rank

to the wives, each woman knew before marriage her

' M2,-
3 r

21

status in the household. The first wife was the head
and the others took precedence according to the time
they entered the marriage. Custom requires that a
man provide each wife with a homestead and the means
of livelihood in accordance with his wealth. The man
is required by custom to spend equal time with each
wife at regular intervals.18

The most significant advantage of polygyny
is that it is a superior economic unit than is monogamy.
The polygynous system provides an additional labour
force, especially for the women. However, there are
constant conflicts and strife among the co-wives which
is taken for granted and is treated as a matter of
fact.19 These disagreements generally never lead to
serious consequences or to divorce in the traditional
societies. First, for the simple reason, that a
divorced woman is treated as an outcast, and second,
because of the traditional attitude held by women
themselves. They seldom regard themselves as exploited
by men and seem to enjoy the advantages of companionship
of co-wives, reap the benefits of work assistants, and

the restriction placed on husbands as a result of this

arrangement.20

The Intrafamilial Division of Labour
The division of labour is an interesting facet

of the family as an economic unit. The household duties

22

involve: milking; preparing and sewing of hides and
cloth for clothing; cutting grass to feed the cattle;
collecting and carrying home firewood and water;
transportation of heavy loads; grinding of cereal;
cooking and attending to children. These are by no
means easy functions. The women keep the market going
by walking sometimes for hours to keep an appointment.

The men perform the harder labour in the fields
and do the heavy construction that requires physical
strain. In the past, the men were warriors, fighting
on the battle fields and traveling long distances for
trade or hunting. There are of course exceptional
cases when women participated in men's role in tradi-
tional Ethiopia.

The young children are made responsible for
the cattle which they shepherd daily. Girls begin

,, wi‘M‘ ,

training in household management very early in life--
about ten ears 0 . where the girl is
{SIBETEEEEisa—aariyj’ét seven or nine, then the domestic
training is given to her by her mother-in-law. The
symbolic marriage at an early age is very common in

traditional Ethiopian society.21

Very young girls
become efficient housekeepers. One may not be far
from the truth to assert that a youngster grows directly
from childhood to adulthood. This assertion is specially

true in the case of the female.

The behaviour expected of a woman is that

23
of obedience, of following the instructions given to
her by her husband. The religious institutions--the
Christian, the Moslem or local religious organizations--
enforce this value of obedience. Yet as she grows older
her role and status as an educator or socializer be-
comes very significant. At this stage, there seems to
be a relationship of age and motherhood enabling the
women to achieve a higher status.

With the exception of the Amhara women who
have a slightly different role, women's role is more
or less the same among the other tribes. Among the
highland Amharas the status of women is much higher
and they are allowed to participate in roles ordinarily
not designated to females. Among the polygynous group
generally found in the lowlands of Ethiopia, the ac-
tivities of women are much more limited.

The prestige and influence of the traditional
woman progressively increases as she grows old and
particularly when she becomes a grandmother. As a
carrier of culture and a socializing entity, the woman
played a very significant role in the traditional
structure. Yet, due to exposure to foreign values,
new ideas, and as a result of rising expectation,
women's roles have changed. New roles are added
as a result of structural differentiation and new roles
are being created. Value changes became inevitable to
legitimize these roles. The impact of modernization

on roles of rural women is discussed next.

SECTION III

CHANGES IN ROLES OF WOMEN

Changes in roles of women is felt in different
spheres and in varied forms which are being analyzed
here under population growth, urbanization and migra-

tion.

Population Growth

The treatment of population changes is con-
densed to the treatment of selected aspects that bear
directly on the female population. Even though natural
factors contribute immensely to changes in the popula-
tion structure, modern technological means must be
recognized as being a tool for enhancing change.

Yet, the most important purpose is to focus on these
social changes that affect the female population.

The critical element in the rapid growth of
Ethiopia's population and, therefore, in the emergence
of the present population structure, is the relation-
ship between past and present levels of fertility and
mortality. The fact is that fertility has been much

24

25
higher than mortality which in portions of Ethiopia
has been declining rapidly. The wide gap created
between the two variables has led to rapid population
growth. The persistent situation of high fertility
co-existing with declining mortality is an experience
typical of developing countries today. Because develop-
ing countries have had the benefit of most of the recent
advances in public health and medical technology,
high birth rates have been accompanied by much lower
death rates.22 Ethiopia's crude birth rate was estimated
at about 43 per 1,000 in 1968, a rate that would place
Ethiopia among the less developed countries. The
annual growth rate of the total population for 1966
was estimated at 2.3 percent by the Central Statis-

23

tics Office. The International Demographic Statistics

Center placed the rate of natural increase at 2.1 per-

cent in 1968.24

..H "' I

l, Urbanization

A large majority of the population of Ethiopia
lives in rural areas and the rate of urbanization is
not as extensive as in some other African countries.
The reason for this may be comparative high fertility
of the land which is conducive to agricultural endeavors
and pastoral nomadism. The growth of small towns depends

on local circumstances such as distance from the capital

26
city, industrial development or institutions constructed
for the purpose of rural development.

The capital city, Addis Ababa, grew during
the 1960's at a rate roughly three times that of the
overall population. Asmara, the second city, grew
twice as much as the overall rate. A 1961 census
showed 443,728 inhabitants in Addis Ababa, and a census
conducted in 1967 recorded a total of 664,190 residents.
This shows an increase of 45 percent during the six
years. Asmara's population increased during the

1962-68 period by 40,817, or about 30 percent.25

Iigration: Patterns and Processes

One of the most pressing problems currently
confronting the majority of African countries is the
increased intensity of the migration from the rural
areas to the towns and cities, particularly to the
capital cities.

Although at present Africa as a whole is one
of the least urbanized areas of the world with probably
just over 18 percent of the total population living in
the urban areas, the towns are growing at a very rapid
rate, generally faster than towns anywhere else. In
a number of principal cities there has been an urban
growth rate averaging 12 percent per year, while in

a few of these cities the rate has reached as high

27

as 15 percent.26

The pattern of migration in East Africa is
based on the process of step-wise or graded migration.
The first step taken is to a nearby small town, then
to the next larger and finally to the capital city.
This process can be evidenced in the Ethiopian case.
Generally men preceed women. The migrants are younger
in age and those moving from medium or small sized
towns to the capital city are positively selected.
Specially young girls and boys follow this pattern
while migrating in search of better education. They
are disproportionally single compared with the popula-
tion from which they migrate. On the average, migrants
themselves engage in upward occupational mobility and
initiate occupational mobility of the population of
the area of destination through structural differentia-
tion.

As a result of migration, various changes
are brought about in Ethiopia. Migration as a process
of social change has influenced the rural sector of
the people to a great extent, specially the female
population. In Ethiopia more females are found in
proportion to males in the urban areas.

As more and more women leave the rural areas
demographic imbalance is inevitable but what is more
significant is the effect of migration on family life.

The increase in women migrants is also related to marital

28

status. The proportion of divorced women is larger in
cities and unmarried girls leave the countryside in
search of better educational opportunities. From the
evidence of the increase of women migrants in cities
in proportion to men, one can visualize the desire
on the part of women to escape from the restraint of
tradition which is especially forceful in regard to F
women's conformity.

As the young, the most dynamic people leave

the rural areas, some disintegration of traditional

 

organization appears. Through the mechanism of 4;
the process of migration and culture contacts, changes
in the values and norms are brought about. The rural
areas become deprived particularly of the most impor-
tant unit of its development--its «.noower ..- - n-«
resources. Certain problems are apparent as a result
of migration in Ethiopia. Among them are a decline in
agricultural productivity, deserted homes, scattered
population causing difficulty in organizing rural
services, and demographic imbalance as a result of )
unequal distribution in age and sex.

The United Nations Economic and Social Council
gave various reasons for the migration of women in
Africa. Some of these reasons are: desire to flee the
countryside, low income, lack of employment opportunities,
urban comfort and rural discomfort, desire for education,

lack of adequate social and cultural infrastructure,

29
search for marriage or following husbands, adventure,
curiosity and desire for happiness.27 A more varied
group of causes of migration, that seem to be more
inclusive, are the following: the desire to improve
the family standard of living, the notion that urban
life is more sophisticated and exciting, the hope of
prestige derived from white collar jobs, the desire
for facilities available only in towns such as water,
power supply, medical services and mass entertainment.28

Among the motives applicable particularly to
girls are: escape from traditional restraint, higher
bride price reducing the chances of marriage to one's
generation, less hard work in urban areas (cities)
and better pay and attraction of city life.29 These
basic motives can be reduced to two: desire for money
and, related to it, higher social status.

It is most likely that some of these reasons
can be applicable specifically to Ethiopia. Migrants
in general come from the northern provinces and are
mostly Christians. While there seems to be no correla-
tion between migration and religious affiliation, expo-
sure to new ideas and the awareness of the likelihood
of existence of better opportunities seem to be a
good motivation for migration. Migrants are also
larger in number from areas having accessibility to

communication media. It appears that most migrants

search for family members or kinfolk with the hope

6%

Q»

 

Kyand opportunities for their use widens.

30

of asking for the help of their relatives. ‘

a?“ 1/ Educational and Occupational Changes

The traditional, religious education at home
has gradually become replaced by modern schools and
modern educational philosophy. The expectation that
young girls are only to learn home management and

child rearing no longer seems to be satisfactory.

“As a result of communication, cultural contacts and

awareness of the outside world, people's traditional
expectations gradually gave way to new desires and
attitudes.

The educational policy in Ethiopia encouraged
the improvement of women's skill through the mechanism
of modern education. Even though, the proportion of
girls in school is smaller than boys, there is an
apparent increase of girls going to formal educational
establishments and higher institutions of learning.
Since it plays a significant role in exposing a bulk
of the population to greater awareness, the process of

migration should be given due consideration here.

KIAS people from varied backgrounds move to the towns,

' there is an ever growing complexity in the division

of labour and functions as skills are being learned
30

In the East African economy today, no sizeable

 

31

female wage-earning labour force has developed in
the urban communities as has been true in West Africa.
The number of women employed is small, both relatively
and numerically. However, some outstanding women
are doctors, lawyers, parliamentarians, educators,
administrators, and businesswomen in Ethiopia.31
The presence of these women is a demonstration not only
of the changes in the roles of women but also of their
capacity to perform such functions. The mere existence
of these highly-placed women serves to diminish prejudice.

So increasingly numbers of women in Ethiopia
advance in education and politics and as contacts
expand through rural-urban migration, the status of
women as well as the authority and influence of a
traditional agricultural society diminishes. @‘
destruction of the role of the sexes in the division
of labour affects even the modern situations and shapes

attitudes towards work in the modern economyLEE)

' ...

I.

thhange of Roles in the Family

Traditionally, the position and status of
an African woman was definitely inferior to that of a
man in spite of her doing a large portion of the hard
work to support the family. Before marriage she was
under the authority of the male head of the household.
After marriage she was under the authority of her husband,

and after his death in most cases she was under the

32
control of some other male of her deceased husband's
family.

Unfortunately, in urban areas a woman often
loses many of her traditional sources of status before
she gains new ones. The "emancipated" townswoman may
be relatively free of negative aspects of her traditional
role; but she has also lost the positive ones. She is .
no longer economically productive, compared to her

0 O Kf—I‘ 0 O
former productiVity in agriculture.: Any protection in
6

marriage she may have derived from the intervention

 

of kinfolk or of traditional laws and custom is
usually much diminished in townsLJ

With urbanization and increased freedom of
thought and action, situations that make for marital
instability have come both to rural and urban areas.
While financial factors create a threat to polygyny,
the desire for companionship, a fundamental value of
modern marriage, has greatly affected the traditional
process of match marriage or mate selection by parental
choice.

Other factors seem to influence marital
instability and the extended family structure.
According to a survey made in Addis Ababa by the United
Nations, the following variables contribute to marital
instability. Men working in urban areas leave their

wives in rural areas, a trend which seems to be common

33

in East Africa. The reason for this action seems to be
low wages and a shortage of accomodations. Another
reason is the fact that men obtain female companion-
ship quite readily in the cities. Another important
factor causing marital instability common among the edu-
cated Ethiopians is the resentment caused by interfer-
ence on the part of relatives.33

There appears to be a trend for men to divorce
Itheir wives after some years of marriage in order to
1 marry a younger woman. This results in a difficult
gsituation for women with limited educational and voca-
I t£onal opportunities. The children suffer more when
homes are broken and the traditional relationship with
kinsmen is changed due to economic and other causes
limiting the support they could expect to obtain from
their relatives. A survey in Addis Ababa in 1963
disclosed that 21.1 percent of the total child popula-
tion (up to 15 years of age) had been exposed to family
disorganization. Among migrant families, the rate of
disintegration was reported to be 40.5 percent. On
the whole, it is usually advantageous for women to
remain in marriage unless they are compelled against
their will, and where marital stability prevails in
a society.

This indicates that the status of a married
woman is much higher than an unmarried one. The rela-

tives of an unmarried girl become disturbed if she passes

34
a few years beyond the marriagable age (which generally
is from 12 to 15). This also means that a divorced
woman is not desired very much for marriage, since
there is an implication that there is something wrong
with her. This trend is gradually disappearing among

the few educated groups.

Role Change and Problems

The problems of the few educated women in
the urban areas are relatively simpler than the ones
the migrants are faced with. They have to obtain the
approval of their husbands for employment. Also there
seems to be a problem in the conflict between tradi-
tional methods of child rearing and the modern approach
to child care and development. The working mother is
faced with problems of babysitters and the scanty day
care centers are not helping much.

The rural woman on the other hand faces
numerous problems. As modern facilities become avail-
able, she loses that status which came from her
traditional expertise. The lack of education often
prevents her from gaining in status in her new situation.
Her position may be affected favorably or unfavorably
by her husband's changing conception of the role of
women, and depending on the nature of the impact on

him, of the new ideas acquired in the city. In the

35
urban setting, with its unsettled conditions of life
and insufficient opportunities for employment, the
problem of prostitution as well as the problem of
loss of status arise.

Indeed it is likely that prostitution is
connected with the economic system of any society;
but to conclude from this fact that the factors are
only economic or that it can be abolished by eliminating
its economic causes, would be a mistake. Yet, the
increase of the rate of prostitution in Nairobi and the
perpetual multiplication of bars, hotels and nightclubs
in Addis Ababa, in some instances filled with large
numbers of prostitutes, is indeed alarming.

Davis distinguishes five inter-related facets
in regard to prostitution. These include the causes
for the existence of prostitution, the causes of its
different forms, the causes of rates and amounts, the
causes leading some women to prostitution and other
women not to enter the profession, and the causes that
push some women to become attached to prostitutes while

34 We shall be concerned here

others find it repulsive.
with his first point, the causes of the existence of

prostitution. Davis points out that prostitution is

caused not only by economic factors but also has some
social and psychological roots such as competition,

dominance, and submission. He assumes that the social

effect is left uncontrolled in case of commercial sex.

36

He also believes the existence of positive and negative
ntrms for institutional control of sex is essential.

Gachuki discusses the causes leading to
prostitution. He links the institutional controls on
sex to the economic factors causing women to enter
this profession. Through prohibitive regulations of
marriage, the unequal scale of unattractiveness, and
the presence of economic and social inequality between
classes and between males and females, females are led

into prostitution.35

While there is a great deal of
truth in his hypothesis, the statement that marriage
as a restrictive system causes prostitution may be an
oversimplification.
Prostitution may not be as serious a problem
as the other problems it could lead to such as promiscuity.
Illegitimate children and communicable diseases can
also be derived from such activities. The number of
broken homes as a result of habitual visits to prostitute
centers can also indicate the magnitude of the problem.
Unemployment is another major problem for
women in the cities. Since the migrant woman's skill
is limited, there are few avenues Open to her. She

may be employed in the factory, as a laborer in a

large farm, or become a maid or cook.

SECTION IV

SUMMARY

This study has focused on the changing status
and role of women in Ethiopia during the early stages of
modernization. More precisely, it concerns the tradi-
tional status and role of the village women as tradition
breaks down and modifications of old patterns emerge.

Of particular interest are the problems of women asso-
ciated with the transition to urban life. The high rate
of population growth in Ethiopia seems to be a con-
sequence of improved public health and the introduc-

tion of medical technology. Coupled with the rapid
population growth rate, urbanization through rural

to urban migration has produced a new set of circum-
stances regarding roles and status affecting women.

The process of urbanization exposes an increasingly

large section of the population to new and different values.
For the women, the process of migration and urban adjust-
ment often produces a state in which old status roles
have little applicability.

The urban areas of Ethiopia have attracted a
large number of women who are generally young. They

37

33

' h
3
(1.
gr
b
:3
U}
(D
H
<1

es in an unfamiliar setting in which they
have few if any skills to offer in the labour market.
As a result of moving to urban centers they have abandoned
their traditional role of agriculturalist, mother, wife
and grandmother as well as the influence and status
inherent in these roles in the village setting.

The role alternatives open to an illiterate
migrant woman are few indeed-~she may become a maid,
a labourer in a factory, enter into pristitution. The

latter is often an easy solution to the problem of

gain

lJ

-ng an income and attracts an increasingly large
number of young women.

The role of women has been undergoing signifi-
cant changes in rural areas of Ethiopia. These changes
can be conceptualized at two levels, namely at the
collectivity and the role levels. We consider the
collectivity level as the kinship unit which simultane-
ously functions as the productive organization. The
role is viewed as encompassing both the kinship and
basic functional organization which are usually separate
and distinct units. The importance of these two is that
they are related to the forces and the nature of change
in the total society.

The trend in the structural Change of the
family unit in Ethiopia is from the extended to the
nuclear family. The change in the marriage form is from

polygyny, a practice among the majority, to monogamy.

39
The functional dissociation of the kinship system from
its role as an economically productive system, occurs
because of the differentiation of structure in the urban
areas. Reduction of the interdependency among kinship
members leads to the diminishing influence of this
organization in relation to economic organization inter-
actions.

At the role level, the traditionally expected
behaviour of women is changing rapidly in Ethiopia.

As a result of rising expectations, a significant number
of rural women are migrating to the cities. In the

new settings a number of problems of an adaptive nature
arise. Role incompatibility and the lack of choice
between compatible roles lead to family disorganization.
Women's lack of the required skills to handle jobs in
the new environment, in addition to being frustrating,
may lead to deviant behaviour such as prostitution

and other practices which are non-existent in the tradi-
tional village.

Let us now turn our attention to the question
of public policy as a means of intervening in order to
delay what is viewed here as socially undesirable.
Several possibilities, as they bear especially on the
status of women in EthiOpia, will be discussed. In-
cluded as well are comments regarding the need for
specific research. Some guideline directives here may

serve as a process of intervention and may help us in

40
channeling the direction of social development.

While we wish to focus on selected policies
affecting the condition of women, general societal
conditions obviously directly affect them. One possible
direction is the policy of improvement of the rural
areas, so that the process of the mass exodus can be
controlled. This can be made possible as a result of
creating job opportunities in the rural areas by setting
up, for example, establishments such as home industries
where the village women can be of use, since this does
not require more skill than what the local women can
offer. Cooperative farms in the villages not only may
offer new kinds of work opportunities but also can
help village women get together to discuss some problems
which may be solved at a group level.

‘ However, these types ofjob openings cannot be
pected to stop migration, but they can definitely
L2F::fer some variety of choice. {One important tool for_
Echanging the role of women and broadening their perspec-
Etive is through education. The vital role of non-formal
seducation here comes into play. The mechanism of non-
formal education can be manipulated at different levels
of the population. The importance of mass education
has been emphasized in the Ethiopian Educational Sector
VReview, which advocates both extension and non-formal

education.

At the village level the change agents may

41
help in establishing programs for women such as
family planning, programs of education in better
-utrition, child care, hygiene and sanitation. Some
orientation for the men in the types of changes antici-
pated for women may be of great value.
Resistance to some of these changes may be
expected, especially at the village level. The greatest
deterrence may usually be anticipated frwn the religious
leaders. Therefore, it goes without saying that the
change agent may have, first of all, to win the confidence
and trust of this sector and this requires a great deal
of patience and perseverance.
The other target to which non-formal education
mav be directed is the enclaves of the city where migrants
settle. Education or training focused on this group may
be comparatively easier than at the local (village) level.
The reason may be the anxiety of the migrant to join
the labour market and earn some kind of livelihood.
Yet, to organize and develop the kinds of programs best
uited to the people, some research in this area would
be valuable. Questions as to where tr: mirrants come
from, why they leave their homes, why they settle where
they do, and the nature of adjustment and adaptation
problems in the city would be invaluable in planning any
educational programs.

Another opportunity for a kind of program

would be one oriented to settling newcomers in the city.

42
After providing them with some kind of training, the
next likely problem is job hunting which opens yet
another channel of setting up another kind of organiza-
tion and program to aid in this area.

A significant portion of women migrants
worthy of our attention are students who move to large
cities in search of better educational Opportunities and
sometimes jobs. While individuals of this caliber have
some academic training, they may not have practical
skills that will enable them to cope with the types of
jobs offered. Still others, who are continually dropping
out of schools, are roaming the streets and deserve our
urgent attention. In this case vocational training pro-
grams may serve to a great extent.

Last but not least we have to consider the
younger children of migrant women who are needless to
say dependent on their mothers. One can imagine the
hardship of job hunting or finding one while the young
child demands the attention of the mother. Some child
care centers in which some of the women may serve can
be doubly advantageous.

These are only suggested recommendations
that may be considered as first-step guidelines. It
is hOped that with further research in the area of
migrant settlement and adaptation we may be rewarded
with the basis for clearer proposals in line with

migrant problems and their solutions. There is great

43
hope in the recently established Institute of Develop-
ment Research of the University which may make this
problem one of its research targets. Other agencies
such as the branch of the Ministry of Education and
that of the Ministry of National Community Development
as well as the Ministry of Agriculture, it is hoped,

will offer concrete research findings in this area.

FOOTNOTE 5

FOOTNOTES

H. Maurer, Personality Adiustment and Domestic
Discord. New York: American Books, 1935. :Bis-

cussed for the first time how failure of indivi-

duals to choose between incompatible roles leads
to social disorganisation.

Ralph Linton, The Study of Man: An Introduction.
New York: Appleton, 1936, pp. 1136115. Presented
roles as a segment of culture, consisting of norm-
ative prescription of one-to-one interaction.

Talcott Parsons, "Some Considerations on the Theory
of Social Change," Rural Sociology 26 (1961),
pp. 219-36.

Daniel Lerner, The Passinggof Traditional Society.
New York: The Free Press, 19661 His whdle thesis
is based on the fact of rising expectations as a
result of limited exposure.

See Charles P. Loomis and Allan J. Beegle's
Rural Sociology: The Strate v of Change.
New Jersey, Prentice Hall, 1 1, pp. 8-10,
"Social Processes".

Jan H. Hogbius, Social Change. London: Watts,
Forty-Drury Lane, 1958, p. 32. An explanation

of social changes in process of equilibrium and
disequilibrium.

Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical
Office: Statistical Abstract 1969, pp. 26, 35.

Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical
Office: Population of Ethiopia 1964-1967. Bulletin
Number 6, Addis Ababa, 1971, p. 17.

Imperial Ethiopian Government Central Statistical
Office 1971, p. 17.

10.

ll.

14.

15.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

45

G. N. B. Huntingford and C. R. V. Bell, The
Peoples of Kenya: East-African Background.
Nairobi, N. Boyd and Co., Ltd., 1945, p.236.

G. P. Murdock, Africa: Its People and Their
Culture History. New York: McGraw—Hill Book
Company, Inc., 1959, p. 28.

The Imperial Ethiopian Government Civil Law.
1960.

G. A. Lipskv, Ethiopia: ts People, Its Societyi
Its Culture. New Haven: HRAF Press 1962, pp. 73-
88. Differing aspects of kinship, marriage and
family of different ethnic group".

 

G. P. Murdock, Africa: Its Pearle and Their
Culture History. New York: McGraw—Hill Book
Company, Inc., 1959, p. 25.

 

Collection of Statistics of Marital Status in
Africa. ECA Document. New York: UN, 1964, pp.
5-6 0

Refer to the Imperial Ethiopian Civil Law, 1960.
G. A. Lipsky, Ethiopia: Its People, Its Society,

Its Culture. New Haven: HRAP Press 1962, pp.#79.
He describes the custom of child betrothal.

 

G. P. Murdock, Africa: Its People and Their
Culture History. New York: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, Inc., 1959.

Women in Traditional African Society. ECA Docu-
ment, New York: UN 1963.

The Status and Role of Women in East Africa:
Social welfare Service in Africa. No. 6, New
York: UN 1967.

G. A. Lipsky, Ethiopia: Its People, Its Society,
Its Culture. New Haven: HRAP Press, 1962, p. 79.

Survey of Economic Conditions in Africa 1971,
Part I, 1971, ECA, New York: UN, 1972, p. 24.

Imperial Ethiopian Government, Central Statistical
Office, 1971, pp. 3-5. Gives the first round
survey.

International Demographic Statistical Centre.
New York: UN, 1971 - Urbanization.

2'-
s.
u
-o .

26.

27.

23.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

,.
14 w

_ v

— . h ‘-
lpperial L

m taiopian Central tatistical Office,
1971, pp. 5-16.

Survey of Economic Conditions in Africa 1971,
New York UN, 1972, pp. 33-34.

Study on the Equality of Access of Girls and

Women to Education in the Context of Rural Devel-
opment, United Natians Economic and Social Council.
New York: UN, 1973 (Jan. 27), p. 10.

Survey of Economic Conditions in Africa 1971, New
York: UN, 1972, pp. 33-34.

Study on the Equality of Access of Girls and
Women to Education in the context of Rural Develop-
ment. New York, UN, 1973 (Jan. 27) p. 10.

Peter C. N. Gutkind, "African Urban Studies Past
Accomplishments, Future Trends and Needs,"

in Canadian Jorrnal of African Studies, Vol. 2,
No. 1, Spring 1968, p. 66.

The Status and Role of Women in East Africa. Social
Development Section of Economic Commission for
Africa No. 6, New York: UN, 1967.

role of sexes affects attitude

 

towards work.

Applicability of community development techniques
to Addis Ababa. ECA document. New York: UN,
1963, p. 7.

Kingsley Davis, "Sexual Behaviour", in Robert
K. Merton and Robert A. Nisbet (editors), Egg-
temporary Social Problems. New York: Harcourt
Brace and World, Inc., 1966, p. 361.

J. M. Gachuki, "Marriage and Prostitution: A
Theoretical Consideration" in East Africa Journal,

SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPHY

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Anderson, J. N. D., Family Iaw in Asia and Africa.
London: Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1968.

Baker, T. and Bird, M., Urbanization and the Position
of Women. Sociological Review, Vol. 1,

 

Bick, M., The Relationship of Allocation of Women to
Political Structure and Cultural Complexity
in Sub-Saharan Africa. Ph.D. TheSis, M.S.U.
W.

Brown, J., Cross-Cultural Ratings of Subsistence Activi-
ties and Sex Division of Labour: Retrospects

and Prospects. BehaViour Science Notes, Vol. 4,
pp. 1- 19690

Browning, H. L., Migrants Selectivityland the Growth of
Large Cities in DevelopingSocietieg; Rapid
Population Growth, Conseggences andfiPolicy
Implitations. Prepared a study committee of
the Office of the Foreign Secretary. National
Academy of Sciences. Baltimore: John Hon-
kinds Press, Ltd., 1971.

Caldwell, J. C. African Rural Urban Migration.
Canberra, Australia: National University
Press, 1969.

Central Imperial Ethiopian Government Statistical
Office, Urbanization in Ethiopia, Addis
Ababa, 1972.

Cerulli, Ernesta, Pegples of Southwest Ethiopia and its
Borderland. London: International African
Institute, 1956.

Deshler, N. w., Urbanization in Africa, Some Spacial
and Functional Aspects. Itein, 1971, 25:
3, 2549}

47

48

Evans-Pritchard, E. E., The Position of Women in
Primitive Societies and Other Essays in
épcial Anthropology, New York: The Free
Press, 1965.

Gachuki, J. Mugo, "Marriage and Prostitution: a theor—
etical Consideration", in East Africa Journal,
Nairobi, April 1971.

Goode, w. J., World Revolution and Family Patterns.
London: Collier-Macmillan Ltd., 1963.

Graburn, N. (editor), Readings in Kinship and Social
Structure. New York: Harper and Row, 1971. 1

Gugler, J. M., The Theory of Labour Migration. A Paper
presented for the University of East Africa .
Social Sciences Conference. Dar es Salaam,
January, 1968.

 

Hudson, Kenneth, The Place_of Women in Society. London: 3
Jackson, Miles Comparative and International
Librarianship, 1970.

Hulton, J., Urban Challenge in East Africa. Nairobi:
Eas A r can Pu 5 ng House, 970.
Hunter, 6., The New Societies of Tropical Africa:

a collective Study.I7London: Oxford University
Press, 1 .

Hunter, 6., Modernizing Peasagt Societies: A Comparative
Study ih Asia and Africa. Institute of Race
Relations, London: Oxford University Press,
1969.

Huntingford, G. w. B., The Galla of Ethiopia. The King-
doms of Kaffa and Janjero. London: Inter-
national African InStitute, 1955.

International Seminar on the Role of Women in a Develop-
ing Society. Lectures and Summary Reports.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Department for
International Cooperation, Haifa, Beith
Ruthenberg, 1961.

Jacobson, D., "Network Analysis in East-Africa: The
Social Organization of Urban Transients,"
Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology,
'1'9‘7'6, 7:4, 281-6.

Kenya. Commission on the Law of Marriage and Divorce.
Report. Nairobi, GovtsPrinter, 1968.

49

Kenya. Commission on the Law of Succession. Report.
Nairobi, Govt. Printer, 1968.

Levine, D. N., War and Gold: Tradition and Innovation
in Ethio ian Culture. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1965.

Levine, R. A., "Sex Roles and Economic Change in
Africa". Ethnology, Vol. 5, pp. 186-193,
1966.

Lewis, J. M., Peoples of the Horn of Africa. London:
International African Institute, 1955.

Lipsky, G. A., Ethiopia, Its Peoplei Its Society, Its
Culture. New Haven, HRAF Press, 1962.

Mead, M. Male and Female. New York: Dell Publishing
Co., Inc., 1969.

Morrison, Donald George et a1., Black Africa; A Comparative
Handbook. New York, Free Press 1972.

Murdock, G. P., Africa: The People and Their Culture
History. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co.,
Inc., 1959.

Nybert, Gordan, CADU evaluation studies: health education
(Base-line study). Asella, Ethiopia, Chilalo
Agricultural Development Unit, 1969.

Okukar, C. and William J., The Modern Africa, London:
MacDonald and Evans Ltd., 1965.

0100, C. N., Kenya Women Look Ahead. Nairobi: East
Africa Literature Bureau, 1965.

Paulme, D. (editor), Women of Tropical Africa. Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1963.

Schuller, M. G. and Wheeler, E. H., The Role of Women
in Africa. New York: Women's Africa
Committee, 1959.

Seward, G. H. (editor), Sex Roles in Changing Society.
New York: Random House, 1970.

Shack, W. A., The Gurage: A People of Enset Culture.
London: Oxford University Press, 1966.

 

50

Thurnwald, Hilde, "The Changes of Family Life and Status
of Women", in Richard Thurnwald, Black and
White in East Africa. London: G. Routledge
and Sons Ltd., 1935.

Triminghorn, J. 3., Islam in East Africa. London:
Frank C355 and Co. Ltd., 1962.

, Islam in Ethio ia. London: Frank
Cass and Co., ltd., 196 .

 

Tuben, A. and Plotnicob, L., (editors), Social Stratifi-
cation in Africa. New York: Free Press,
1970.

United Nations: Economic Commission for Africa:
Polygyny: the family and the Urban phenomenon.
Workshop on Urban Problems; "The Role of
Women in Urban Development", September 4-14,
1963. New York, 1963.

Van Den Berghe, P. L., (editor), Africa: Social Problems
of Change and Confligt. San Francisco:
Chandler Publishing Company, 1965.

Wolde Mariane, Mesfin, Ap_At1as of Ethiopia. Aswara,
Ethiopia, il Polig afico, Priv. Ltd., Co.,
1970.

Wood, E. W., "The Implications of Migration Labour for
Urban Social Systems in Africa," Cah. Etud.
Afro, 1968, 8:1, 5-310

Yankey, D. Fertility Differences in a Modernizing
Country. Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1961.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

MAP IDENTIFYING ETHIOPIA

Sl

 

52

 

 

   
   

-..-.4 'fl'“n.'w {
WOOD I .
I. .
-0 - 0 "Wind ’
MIC. I
I Pmncuol “'
cum: . IIII'IIA

/"\

O W m I ' ”W‘-

'\
'\
. mu \ -
#4” I _ \\
I noun" ‘““‘ . .

lot.
1: ' ./"“'" ‘3in g; Awouo
squN ... co». 'V ’m. ,___¢_::‘,‘.‘fj'/'
/V' '

was} ,f'g'fl

; .\'_.. if“: . j. ..I-’ . '.\.
. y .

 

 

 

'2—

. ‘r' .v'

! wouloA ,2 WA {

i Hun-ll I Pm mono A "~.,
\Alj\' q~.< ‘\ -~'/ ./ "\u
2 \ )1 c . .

r—20 ”0" f .‘v' M/ ‘_\ NAIAIGE """" ’

nun In)!“ _.
.. _/ .1
f \AWIAIOI ./ a _] a.) Mass: \_ ./

I O” \
. VJ," um "" '°<-< luau ,' .
./"°A 'Z‘L‘f \ '\ /.-/

$3. ." ..qu \ m! .‘K
SUDAN '.\ xfilguur 00". —./.

\. \ M-'
.- ’.,_,_,l 1"!" so SOMALIA
7‘ elk tel. 30' \"\ ‘0'! .a—\
‘g’g’i’uo ) “mil KENYA "- -. .11

 

 

 

 

 

Map of Ethiopia showing the Administrative division

of the Country.

The Empire of Ethiopia is divided into 14
Governorate Generals (Teqlay Gihzats) which are

further divided into 99 Provinces or Awrajas.

The Awrajas are further subdivided into Weredas

which number about 144.

APPENDIX B

ETHIOPIA: AVERAGE SIZE OF HOUSEHOLDS

53

54

ETHIOPIA

AVE RACIiE SIZE
0
HOUSEHOLDS

Below 3 - 5

\ 3'5 — 4'8

' 49-e-2
Above 6‘ 2

Scale
0 so I00 zoo 300 4

KIIOMO'VO.

 

SOURCE: Mesfin Wolde Mariane, An Atlas of Ethiopia,
Haile Sellassie University, Department of’
Geography, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1970.

APPENDIX C

ETHIOPIA: POPULATION
BIRTH RATE PER 1000

55

56

POPULATION

BIRTH RATE. PERJOOO

35 - 4|
42 - 49
50- 57
Over 57

Dom not availablo

 

Scale
0 some 200 300

Kuome'rOI

 

SOURCE: Mesfin Wolde Mariane, An Atlas of Ethiopia,
Haile Sellassie University, Department of‘

Geography, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1970.

APPENDIX D

ETHIOPIA: POPULATION
DEATH RATE PER lOOO

 

S7

58

ETHIOPIA
POPULATION

DEATH RATE PER IOOO

l5 -I8
l9- 22
23—26

I Over 26

Data not ovolloble

Scale
o 50:00 200 300

Kllovnonos

 

SOURCE: Mesfin Wolde Mariane, An Atlas of Ethiopia,
Haile Sellassie University, Department of
Geography, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1970.

APPENDIX E

ETHIOPIA: POPULATION
INFANT MORTALITY PER 1000

59

6O

POPULATION

INFANT MORTALITY PE R
IOOO

Under 50

50 - 59
60 — 69
7O - 79
80 — 89
9O — 99
Over 99

 

 

Data not OVOIIODIC

 

 

 

 

Scale
0 GOIOO zoo

KOIWO'IOO

 

SOURCE: Mesfin Wolde Mariane, An Atlas of Ethiopia,
Haile Sellassie University, Department of
Geography, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1970.

APPENDIX F

ETHIOPIA: POPULATION

NATURAL INCREASE

61

PER 1000

 

1.. «(1.. ‘2» ..- .'

62

THIOPIA
POPULATION

NATURAL INCREASE PER
IOOO
IO -l4

I5 -I9
20 --24

25 -29
. Over 29

Data not available

 

O 50 I00 200

Kuomanas

 

SOURCE: Mehfin Wolde Mariane, An Atlas of Ethiopia,
Haile Sellassie University, Department of
Geography, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1970.

 

"IlIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIs