MARSHAL Ni“;
QQUREON SCAPEGQM'.

Thesis hr Has Dears. of M. A.
MICHiGAN “ATE COLLEGE
Joseph Peter Sherman

1950

 

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IVARSHAL NEY:
BOURBON SCAPEGCAT

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MARSHAL HEY: BOURBON SCAPEGOAT

BY

Joseph Peter Sherman

“uni-um

A THESIS

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

WESTER OF ARTS

Department of History and Political Science

1950

'1 H159“

 

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER ~ PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION, HLY LIFE, AND ”ILITARY BEGINNINGS........ 1
II. THE EKPIRE AND THE NARSHALATE............................ 25
III. THE FIRST RESTORATION AND THE HUHDRED DAYS............... 62
IV. THE SECOND RESTORATION................................... 96
V. CONCLUSION............................................... 126
BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................. 133

APPEEEDIXOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO...COO...OOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO‘ 137

‘4

239293

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION, EARLY LIFE, AND MILITARY BEGINNINGS

With the crashing cannonades of Rossbach virtually thundering in
his young ears, little Michel Ney would sit for hours enthralled with
the tales his father had to tell of the Seven Years War in the service
of the King of France. Marv pleasant summer Sunday afternoons were
telescoped to seconds as Michel and his older brother, Pierre, listened
in rapture to old Nicholas retell with obvious gusto of fields won and
lost. He Ias especially fond of reliving the battle of Rossbach in
which he had distinguished himself before the savage onslaughts of the
cavalry of Frederich the Great against the combined Franco-Austrian
forces under Saxe-Hilburghaufen. After the prelude of bombardment,
Frederich hurled his cavalry against the French batteries, cutting the
green ranks asunderl. Only nightfall and a few instances of individual
heroism saved that proud army from complete decemination. Amidst the
hysteria and pandemonium of a collapse tlnt was to cost them one-fifth
of their comrades, Sergeant Ney, and a few like him, acquitted them-
selves with distinction and materially aided the escape of such of the
horde by tenacious rear-guard action in the face of Frederich's cyclonic
sweepz.

Young Michel dreamed heroic dreams ofelar and valor, almost living
on the stories of the old campaigner. For a short time Michel attended

school--the only one in the area available to sons of semen laborers

 

1 J. Wright, A Compleat History of the Late War (London, 1765),
I, so.
2 A. Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal Nay (Philadelphia, 1834), I, 2.

 

 

 

of Sarrelouis--which was run by a group of St. Augustinian monks. In-
stead of diligently acquiring his Latin, Michel dashed away in daydreams
to slay Turks or cut down the Prussians as his father had done in 1757.
Translating dream into action, Ney soon became the champion fighter
among his schoolmates, taking the cause of less pugnacious and more
timid friends and, if necessary, bloodying a nose or two to clinch his
points.

Before long, it was quite evident to Michel's mother that her hus-
band was unintentionally mking her youngster into a budding warrior,
so she curtly called him to task for it. The elder Nay, like so may
old veterans of so many bygone wars, openly reveled in the prestige of
his service and, quite naturally, took pride in his own valor and the
glories of his arm. Yet, a kind of dichotomy raged down deep inside;
however nuch he might boast, he would not commend his sons willingly to
the ruthless fortunes of war. Hey decided that the war stories met
stop.

A short time later, the elder Ney approached his youngest son for
a nan-to-man talk. He carefully pointed out that raw courage was not
enough to assure a soldier of mking a place in the army. A an had to
be of noble blood to get ahead. What chance had the son of a Barrelouis
cooper to be more than a despised footsoldier with the prospect of either
becoming a non-com in the far distant future at best, or winning a mus-
ket ball and a shallow grave at the worst? Michel was very nuch aware

that his father spoke the truth; he knew that his father's profession,

3 11:16... I, 30.

though honorable enough, was indeed not lucrative, and it hardly seemed
just compensation for long years in the ranks. The Ney family had a

hard struggle under the increasing tax burdens of the old regime; Michel

 

knew that his parents needed the income he could contribute from a good
solid position. 80, in obedience to his family, Ney gave up the dreams
of a glorious army career and looked about for a job in Sarrelouis4.

Fortunately for the Neys, a friend of the family, M. Valette, a
local notary, had an opening for young Ney. This prospect was pleasing
indeed to Michel's parents who envisioned great things for their son,
perhaps even the study of law would grow out of that fine opportunity
provided by M. Valette. Michel was the only one who did not share this
general enthusiasm. Although he applied himself, learned a great deal,
and perfected his penmanship, the long hours perched upon a tall clerk's
stool, bent over lodgers and reams of paper work just did not strike the
youngster's conception of an ideal life. Whenever a unit of His thesty's
troops appeared in Sarrelouis, Ney was the first to reach the door to
watch than mrch stolidly along amid the cheers of the good burgers, and
his heart went narching away with that rippling glitter of steel, his
pulse in cadence with the clomp of the heavy-shod boots.

Finally, Michel could not restrain himself a day longer, and he
begged M. Valette to grant his release. The notary knew of Michel's
passion for the army but had hoped the lad night stay on with him and
perhaps someday take over the office in his place, since he had no

children of his own to inherit the business. The two talked earnestly,

 

4 Ibid., I, 10.

for, beside his personal interest in the boy, M. Valette had certain
obligations to the Keys. Fully conscious that dissuasion was useless,
M. Valette agreed to let Michel go. Ney lost no time in taking the
only job he could find in the King's service, that of Procureur de Roi.
Ironically, he discovered that he had merely traded meters, for here
too he found himself tied down to a desk job, although, to be sure, he
was in the service of Louis XVI. Key was quickly disillusioned in this
odious work of recording recruiting data and regimental records while
the troops outside did splendid-looking maneuvers on the drill ground.
As a result of this experience, Ney was more amenable to the next
offer of work at the new iron mine development at Apenwerler, a small
mining town north of Sarrelouis. In addition, Michel learned that his
brother, Pierre, had enlisted in the arny mch against family wishes,
thus throwing increased responsibility on himself. Michel was now fif-
teen, big and husky for his age though not above average height, and he
knew he met be a non. The new work proved far more interesting than
Hey had hoped; two years passed quickly as the young overseer learned
the fascinating processes of iron mining and smelting, learned something
of business management, and still more important, how to handle men.
Young Ney soon metered these operations and, without work to keep his
active young mind busy, the recurrent lure of the military began to
monopolize his waking hours. Fortunately for the family cause, Michel
was transferred to a position of superintendent of mines at the town of
Saleck, where his increased duties kept him busier for a time. To forget
his craving to enlist was almost impossible in view of the fact that

every little town in the Bhineland had its defenses and garrisons to

continually remind Ney of his inner desire. The inevitable break came
almost eccactly on his eighteenth birthday in 1787 when the impulse to
leave for Metz simply overwhelmed him. It was January, and a long and
cold hike to Mots lay ahead as Michel Ney began trudging southward
toward the barracks of a regiment of hussars called the Regiment de
Colonel-General.

Still mindful of the major tragedy his decision would be to his
family, Ney decided to stop and see his parents before journeying on to
Meta, hoping furtively that he might convince them of the merit of his
ambitions. The homecoming turned out to be a heartbreaking farewell,
and despite his mother's pitiful pleading and his father's hard threats,
Ney resolutely set out again for Meta.

Walking in the latter half of January was an unpleasant ordeal, and
only Ney's dogged desire to be a soldier kept his steps directed toward
his goal. “Though without clothes or money, worn out with fatigue and
anxiety, his shoes in holes, his feet lacerated and bleeding...", Ney
reached Met: on the first of February, 1787, and enlisted in his
hussarss.

Recruit Ney was probably superior to the average arnv caliber since
his experiences as notary and miner had taught him many useful things.
His fine hand put him behind a quarter-mster's desk and allowed him
leisure to study more aboutthe any. The iron mining background made
Ney an uncommon authority on the metal in his sabers and other iron and

steel equipment. Michel became an ideal soldier primrily because he

 

5 Ibid., I, 11.

liked the army; he did his work well, submitted patiently to discipline,
and was cheerful, courteous, and helpful. He soon became the regimen-
tal champion just as he had done in his school days, being a first-class
rider and swordsman among the privatess.

Later in 1787, a new fencing meter from the oheusseurs de Vint-
mille arrived at Meta to instruct the regiment. In due time, be
offended the feelings of some non-com inc hotly mintained he had in-
sulted the entire regiment and who seconded Ney to defend the honor of
his unit. Ney was eager to make a name for himself and quickly accepted
the role despite the highly touted ability of the old master. The duel
was arranged secretly because dueling had recently been nmde a crime
punishable by death if caught. The duel was just about to begin when
the colonel of the regiment stomped up to seize Ney by the collar and
send him hastily into confinement; one of the guards had been negligent
and had not given warning to the combatants in time. A delegation of
non-come pleaded with the colonel, me, being perfectly aware of the
growing revolutionary spirit in the arny, decided it most prudent to
release Nq without naking an issue of the thing, officially an affaire
de c052. Ney, by now forced to redeem his own prestige, planned anot-
her duel, took better precautions, and proceeded to out his opponent's
wrist to ribbons, to the extent that he never held a saber again.

This sort of pseudo-action passed into fond memory as garrison duty

broke up under the exigencies of the Revolution and the invasion threats

of the emigre’s and foreign coalitions, Ney's regiment moved against the

 

5 Ibid., I, 12.

northern frontier to become assimilated into the arm of the North.
With the blood barriers now obliterated as obstacles to promotion, am-
bitious commoners like Ney were veritable weeds shooting up through the
ranks. Their natural dash was undoubtedly augmented by the rare cir-
cumstance of this tremendous incentive of competition as well as the
presence of spies and informers from the Paris government. Oftentines,
the official representatives arrived at army headquarters to inspect
first-hand the efficiency of the rag-tag revolutionary soldiery, and of
course, a good word from them was the sublime--and criticism was often
fatal. The strain and tension of this bitter competition from everyone
in the ranks provided one of history's most intensive schools of super-
lative military leadership and prompted Napoleon to ranark some time
later that each soldier carried in his knapsack a mrshal's baton".
Young hussar Ney was one of the most eager of the fledgling repub-
lican warriors, and within a few months he had been boosted to the rank
of captain. Ever alert to distinguish himself, Captain Ney, while serv-
ing in the army of the North, became such a smshing leader that, on
one occasion against the British, he charged so hard that he broke their
line, galloped on, passing their camp, and only halted far back in their
rear area. A British cavalry squadron appeared, swung about to cut off
Ney's retreat, and engaged the French fiercely. While slashing and
hacking their way through the English, a British general officer reigned
up and shouted to Ney that he would have a purse full of gold if only

Ney would come over to the coalition and fight "under your own princes“.

 

7 Attributed to Napoleon and also to Louis XVIII.

Ney was furious at this insidious suggestion. Redoubling his onslaught,
Ney reached that officer, thrust his saber against the Englishman's

chest and commanded him to ride back with the French cavalry. With a
wild cry of "Follow me, lads: Forwardi", he dashed off with the general
in tow, chopped his way through the thunderstruck British, gaping to

see their general join the French, and safely drew in behind the friendly
lines with his prised hostages.

Later in 1794, near a town called Pellemburg, General Kle'ber, then
commanding the any of Sambre-et-Meuse, was so impressed by Ney's daring
that he wrote a bulletin to the representatives in.Paris landing his*
subordinate's ability as follows: "Captain Ney, acting Adjutant-General,
performed prodigies of courage. At-the head of thirty dragoons, and a
few chasseurs acting as orderlies, he charged two hundred of the Blank-
estein hussars, and threw them into the greatest disorder." Thus it
was that the Austrians came to know of Michel Neyg.

Ney was twenty-five years old new, and in command of a special
light cavalry troop designed by Kle’ber to function as a shock and raid-
ing unit. He had become a lieutenant in 1792, had recently (1794) been
mde captain, and two years hence, in 1796, Ney was to become a general
of a division. He had grown considerably, physically, since his enlist-
ment and was described as being "tall, athletic, well-nude, and broad
chested. Each attitude and motion denoted health and strength of

mscle.... His somewhat pale complexion, his large forehead, his under

 

3 Ibid., I, 14.
9 ESTE., I, 33.

lip and chin rather prominent, and his strongly marked, though not
harsh features, gave a manly and severe character to his countenance....
His hair, of a fiery auburn, had caused soldiers to give him the nick-
names of 'Peter the Red' and the 'Red Lion' as they gave Napoleon that
of the 'Little Corporal'."10
Despite his success and mounting notoriety, Ney by no means became
less a man for it. Throughout his life he kept the same gross and rude,
but yet basically kind understanding of a peasant class Rhinelander.
In the campaign with the army of Sanbre-et-Meuse, Ney was presented with
a group of suspected non-juring priests late one night. Ney dismissed
the guards only after a long and bitter harangue against the priests,
telling the unfortunates in no uncertain terms that they were likely to
be shot as enemies of France. Ney told them he would help them escape,
since he as not a man to take another Frenchmn's life. The young
captain kept his word and the priests got away into France unmolested.
Unfortunately for Ney, two representatives of the Directory noted the
discrepancy in the prisoner roster; one vehemently condemned Ney and
prepared to report him, but the other counseled leniency and frankly
admitted his admiration. The second nan, meeting Klé'ber the following
day, observed, ”Your friend Ney knows how to spare the blood of his
countrymen."11
As the campaign moved toward the Rhine, the battered coalition

fell back step by step before the increasingly proficient and disciplined

 

1° Ibid., I, 26.
1 TI id., 1, 15.

10

echelons of the French. At Mayence, the Allies put up a stubborn defense
of the Rhine line. Ney, in the lead as usual and thirsting for glory,
precipitately ordered his cavalry against one of the outer redoubts of
the town. The heavy connanades tore his squadron apart; but Ney managed
to reach the glacis, leaped his horse across to the ramparts, and stood
clearing a circle within the redoubt. As the Austrians pressed cloe or
he found himelf alone; he wheeled, leaped back over the moat, his sword
arm flopping awkwardly at his side. Ney reached the shelter of his-lines, A
but only after an Austrian ball had ripped his arm badly just as he had
leaped to safety. This was the first of over nineteenmajor wounds re-
ceived in subsequent actions. Ney soon became feverish, his condition
complicated by lockjaw; he refused treatment, grew more and more despond-
ent and morose.

Kle’ber hated to see one of his favorite proteges in such pitiable
condition, so, with Merlin, a representative of the Directory, and a
group of village musicians and local girls, he went to Fey's room.

There, amid the violent efforts of the nusicians and the ludicrous ring-
around-the-bed dance of the village belles, heavy-set Klé'ber and Merlin
joined in cavorting about the room. Even Ney's fevered spirits were
tickled by this ridiculous scene which ended in a burst of laughter from
the reanimated patient. As soon as he regained his strength, Ney was
ordered home for a recuperation, and thus, after eight years' absence,
Michel Ney returned to Sarrelouis (now called Sarrelibre) as a soldier.

Only a few weeks of monotonous quiet in Sarrelibre were necessary
to rake Ney eager to return to his army. Unless one is constantly aware

of the very real pressure on France by the enemy coalitions throughout

11

the 1790's, the republican passion of the French soldier would appear

as nothing short of bloodthirsty militarism. Although nany Frenchmen
might have fallen in this latter category, Ney was not one of themu He
fought passionately to preserve his beloved country against an extremely
tangible enemy which, it seemed to him, was pursuing vaguely evil de-
signs. The finer shades of policy distinctions were for politicians,

not Michel Ney; it was enough for him to beat his opponent as a profes-
sional soldier and patriotic citizen should. Once that was accomplished,
his country would be safe”.

Captain Ney was soon back in action.under Kléber against the.Aus-
trians. In order to mks up for lost time, he hurled himself about the
battlefield more impulsively explosive than ever. At Hersbruch, he
approached that, town quietly with a few hussars to scout the area before
attacking. As he watched the strong defenses of the town from a patch
of forest, he noticed a great flock of sheep being driven into the town
for protection. As the sheep neared the city walls, the drawbridge was
lowered into place to accommodate the flock. Ney saw his chance imme-
diately, shouted to his handful of followers, and spurred on like the
wind toward the sheep. Before the astounded villagers could react, Ney,
his adjutant, and troop were on the bridge amid the sheep, and at the
next instant were within the city walls. Ney loudly demanded surrender

as he charged into the market square. Demoralized, the burgers gave in

 

12 Ida St. Elme, Memoirs of a Contemporary (New York, 1902), p. 97.

 

12

Ney's reputation grew rapidly, making both Kle‘ber and Jourdan
anxious to have this dashing captain. Jourdan hoped to curry favor by
getting a commission of general for Ney. Kleber had been twice unsuccess-
ful in having Ney accept the promotionuNey felt he was not experienced
enough to take the responsibility. The Jourdan letter then arrived.

I enclose, General, your commission of general of brigade, which I have
just received from the War Minister. The government has thus discharged
a debt which it owed one of its worthiest and most zealous servants; and
it has only done justice to the talents and courage of which you daily
give fresh proofs. Accept 11V sincere congratulations. Health and
Fraternity. Jourdan

Headquarters, Hersbruch, 28th Thermidor, Year IV (15 August, l796)1'3

A short time after becoming a general of brigade, Ney moved into
position near Neuwied with roughly five hundred horse under his comnand.
Within rain-obscured view, Ney saw a large group of Austrian cavalry on
the soggy plain and set out in reckless pursuit. The Austrians fell
back behind a field piece where they rallied for a stand. As Frenchman
and Austrian hewed each other down around the cannon, another group of
cavalry approached. The Austrians began to break off the fight thinking
the unidentified unit to be French. Luck ran out for Ney; the fresh
troops were Austrian and now both groups of Austrians, numbering almost
six thousand, hemmed in the small French force. As his men fled or were
lost, Ney tightened his circle of troops until a carbine shot dropped
his horse. Rising bruised and bleeding, his sword blade snapped in two
by the fall, Ney continued to hold the Austrians at bay upon that muddy
field. Presently, Ney slipped in the mad, falling helpless under the

Austrian lances. Only slightly wounded in this action, he was forced

 

13 Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal Ney. I, 95.

 

13

to walk back into the Austrian camp at Giessen. His captors were im-
mensely proud of their prize, proposing to march Ney through the market
square as proof of their valor.

"Really," said an Austrian officer. "One would suppose that he was
an extraordinary animal." "Extraordinary indeed,u replied a woman in
the crowd, "since it required a whole squadron of dragoons to take him."
Ney remined a prisoner only a short time and was exchanged for General
Orelly after Hoche had takml up his cause at headquarters.

Early in 1797, the whirlwind career of impetuous brigidier Ney
caused General Bournonville to write the Minister of War in his behalf.
I recommend your proposing to the Directory that brigidier-general Ney
be appointed general of a division, to command the vanguard in the
place of General Lefebvre. This officer, intrepid in action, has dur-
ing the campaign, covered himself with glory. He has always commanded
troops in the vanguard, and is the only one I know who could efficiently
command that of the arnur of Sambre-et-Meuse....

Health and Fraternity
Bournonville 4
Ney did not receive this advance until 1799 for his exploits at Mannheim.

Even though Ney had had phenomenal successes, rapid promotions, and
a growing popularity, he was not far different from mny other young
officers in that "win or die" comraderie. Ney's singularity in that
elite group rested more on his virtually incorruptible integrity, moral-
ity, and lack of pretention.

To cite and example, at the little town of Zwingenberg in the such-

fought-over section of central Gernany, Ney learned that some of his

troops had looted some peasants‘ homes. Not content with merely punishing

 

14 Ibid., I, 113.

14

the offenders, General Ney addressed a note to the burgomeister proposing
to reimburse personally the pillaged peasantsls. His soldiers were
always of prime concern, and feW'officers elicited the personal alle-
giance from their'men that was maintained toward Ney throughout his
career, as events were to show; Ney vigilently curbed his officers from
abusing their power, while on the other hand, he demanded iron discipline,
knowing only too well the stakes for a breach in command at a crucial
moment. Ney hated reviews and regarded all similar ostentatious labor as
merely unnecessary fatiguing of the troops; he tried at all tinms to save
his men futile and annoying countermarches. Upon hearing new officers
of noble birth boasting of their fandly money, allowances, inheritance
and much trivia, N y was prone to observe, ”I was less fortunate than
you, gentlemen; I received nothing from my family, and thought mself
rich at Metz when I had two leaves of bread upon my shelf."16

It has been.said of Ney that his solitary existence in camp was
due to general dullness or to egoistic aloofness. Such may have been
the case; however, a more concrete view is reflected by an incident which
occurred not long after he had become a general. A cashiered French
colonel took Ney's patronage to regain his commission. N y wrote vainly
up and down channels to restore his erstwhile comrade's position, finally
waiting to Napoleon himself. Several years later, at a meeting of the
two at Paris, Ney called Napoleon's attention to the case of the'unfor-

tunate colonel. Napoleon promptly showed Ney a file of correspondence

 

15 Ibid., I, 23.
6 TI 1a., I, 12.

15

from.the colonel who, behind Ney's back, was spying and spreading mali-
cious and distorted information about him. Thereafter, Ney seldom.ate
in the officers' mess or associated freely with them, but retired for a
quiet but lonely meal in his quarters”.

The rigid discipline in Ney's army was often.tempered by a firm
good nature paternally blended with great concern for his subordinates'
professional proficiency. At one position under enemy cannonades, a
young officer rode‘up to Key, dismounted to report; on hearing a "close
one”, he almost imperceptibly nodded his head forward to avoid the ball
that shattered a tree behind them. Ney listened unperturbed during the
report, and quietly but pointedly answered, ”Yen have done very well,
but another time don't make so low a bow."18 Ney himelf was completely
calmnunder fire. He developed that fatalietic philosophy so prevalent
among old campaigners that an “old soldier never dies“ and openly dis-
counted the possibility of death. When.asked by a fellow veteran if he
were ever afraid, Ney temporarily perplexed, surmised, "I have never had
time."19

For a short time Ney served under Masséha during the bloody Swiss
campaign. The Swiss had aided the.Austrians on one hand and procrasti-
nated in their reply to French offers of independence on the other.
Discounting the diplomatic and political implications for the moment,
strategy forbade continued pursuit of the Austrians without neutralizing

the Swiss flank position. The monk-led Swiss peasantry fanatically

 

17 Ibid., I, 19.
1 $333., I, 17.
9 fhid., I. 16.

16

attacked isolated French units, and, in an incident at the towns of Davos
and Lucisteig, their frenzied guerrilla strike garnered a six-foot pile
of clothing and equipment of the slain one hundred and eighteen French-
men. Retaliations followed.

In a later phase of this campaign on May 24, 1799, Ney was severely
wounded in a fight with Hungarian units; he was shot through his thigh,
bayoneted through his foot, and his wrist was shattered by a nusket-ball.
A two-month furlough later, Ney, back in action, was almost killed at an
engagement at Sissack. He returned once more to hold off Archchke
Charles in Austria while Masse’na went south to fight the Russians coming
up from Italy.

About the same time that Napoleon set sail for France under cover
of the dark Egyptian night, Masseiia was closing with the metro-Prussian
army at Ingolstadt. Ney was opposed by the Prussian General Neu, an odd
coincident which prompted an old hussar to quip at his sporting compan-
ions, "We have other armsements now, friends. Here we are, nes a no:

(N557 " N5“). Let us see how matters will come to pass."20

Ney beat the
old German soundly, winning six cannon and taking six hundred men.

The routine of the campaign of 1799-1800 tended to ruin discipline.
The troops, deprived of necessities by a thoroughly rotten commissary
and supply, were goaded into successes in camp as well as in the field.
For Michel Ney two events took place in 1799 which ranged from the sub-
lime to the ridiculous. For the latter incident it is necessary to go

back to Ney's exploits at Mannheim early in the year. Paris papers were

 

3° Ibid., II, 27.

17

generous to him and created much admiration toward young General Ney

whose "heroic courage, guided by his quick instinct in war, had made

21

him already popular in every army of the republic." Mlle. Ida St. Elmo,

a many-loved divorcee and current mistress to Moreau, was so overwhelmed
with adoration for Ney that she immediately opened her heart to him.

I obey the dictates of my heart without waiting for vain excuses. I am
not familiar with the art of disguising my feelings. Besides, there is
something in the bottom of my heart which tells me if what I am doing
offends conventional rules, it may find favour in the sight of a man of
such noble honesty as yours. Only once have I seen you with my eyes,
and your picture is engraved in my soul. Always with you in thought, I
have trembled whenever you were in peril, I have rejoiced at your tri-
umphs, and I have enthusiastically applauded every accmmt of your fine
deeds. My position in the world is splendid; there are women who envy
me. I would give it all up in a moment to become a partner with you in
danger. Respect and gratitude have bound me to General Moreau. To make
confession of it in a letter such as this, is that not running the risk
of making nyself contemptible before you? But I feel quite unable to
choke the irresistible cry of my heart. In making this avowal of senti-
ments which destroy my peace, I have no other purpose than letting you
how that far away from you is a woman to whom your fame is no less

dear than it is to yourself”.

After writing this letter, the good woman wrote a cold one to
Moreau, but in posting the letters placed them in the wrong envelopes.
Ney was astonished to have such a frigid note from a total stranger,
while Moreau learned the secret of his mistress' new interest--and at
that time Ney was serving under Moreau.

The other major event in Ney's life of 1799 was the news of 18th
Brumaire. The reception of the news by the army and Ney is rather faith-

fully oaptured in the three dispatches to Ney at that time.

 

 

21 A. L. Thiers, Histo of the Consulate and the Empire of France
22 under Napoleon (Philadelphia, 13335, I, 5?.

Ida St. Elmo, Memoirs of a Contemporary p. 67.

 

18

(General Collaud to Key) Strasbourg, let Brumaire Year VIII
(November 21, 1799)
W dear General,
The director of the telegraph semaphore system has this instant for-
warded to me the following dispatches. .

18th Brumaire (November 9, 1799)
The legislative body has removed to St. Cloud. Bonaparte is appointed
comrandant of Paris. All is quiet, and everybody satisfied.

19th, at noon
The Directory has resigned. Moreau commands at the palace of the
Directory. All....

This last word announces something yet to come.
Collaud

Wagausel, 4th meire Year VIII
(Novenber 25, 1799)

by dear General, .

...I am of your opinion with regard to the movement of the 18th
Brumaire. Tine alone will inform us whether we shall be happier or not.
Nevertheless matters begin to look more auspicious; but I have no belief
in our obtaining peace.... It is sufficient for us to defend our un-
happy country....

Collaud

Ney had waited patiently for more news from Paris before placing his
confidence--he held much mistrust for the new regime, especially upon.
hearing of former enemies being granted offices. Consequently he wrote
to General Lefebvre who had concurred with Generals Moreen and Macdonald
in supporting the Consulate. Lefebvre answered Ney as follows:

No, my dear Ney, times are altered, places are no longer bestowed by
intrigue, and every personal consideration must now yield to the public
good. Do not believe, then, all that is told you about the government,
which, you my be assured, is wholly devoted to those who, like you,
have rendered eminent services to your country.... Be not therefore
uneasy any longer, and depend upon it, my dear Ney, that all will go well.
Health and Friendship
Lefebvre
Headquarters at Paris, 26th Germinal,
Year VIII (April 16, 1800)23

 

23 Bulos, Memoirs of 12hrshal Ney, II, 2-8.

 

19

Far from.dispelling his doubts, additional correspondence only made
Ney more wary of the Little Corporal. Finally in 1800, an audience was
arranged for Ney with the First Consul in Paris. This was Ney's first
trip to Paris and he was considerably awed at the splendor of the capital.
Napoleon greeted Ney with special warmness knowing of the General's luke-
warm view of his new government, and tried to curry a better feeling
between leaders of the army of the North and the army of the South. Fully
aware of the jealousy between the two, Napoleon flattered Ney lavishly,
allowed him.to revel in the evident peace and prosperity of the country,
and took pains to tie the dashing Rhinelander to the Corsican cause. Ney
went away like so many others, captured by the Bonaparte charmF3.

General Mbreau early joined the malcontents and began.to lash out -
at Napoleon's designs. Even though he himself had been among the first
to embrace Napoleon, Mbreau bitterly accosted Ney. "What: Do you also
go to the Tuileries?" "Yes, indeed I do,” answered Ney forcefully. "I
go thither just as I should do if you held the office of First Consul."
"But how he has deceived us!" ”Maybe so," continued Ney, "but I shall
ever be grateful to him for his rapid and beautiful administration of
public affairs. However, I have devoted my life to my country and not
to those whom events my place at the head of its affairs."24

The remainder of the Austrian campaign, which was to culminate at
Inneyille, February 9, 1801, is well described in three letters Ney wrote
to his passionate admirer, Ida St. Elmo, as the tempo of spring opera-

tiom of 1800 quickened.

 

23 Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal Ney. II, 38.
24 Ibid., II, 101.

 

20

15 my, 1800
I promised to give you some details about our military operations. But
the quick marches and continual fighting since the fifth of the month
have prevented me from keeping the promise. The eneny flees whenever we
are near; we have already taken more than 20,000 prisoners. Widespread
desertion makes the fearful plight of the Austrians still worse. They
are now marching in full retreat upon the Lech. Ulm, which has a weak
garrison, will not be long in surrendering. In fact, our campaign is
going off most successfully: soldiers, officers, all are fighting with
unexampled tenacity. 'This is the campaign of peace', they say, 'let us
be done with it!‘ I hope that victory, which is with our arms everywhere,
will soon and this horrible struggle and give us peace. I shall then
hasten home to enjoy its blessings.25

June, 1800
I have just been told by a mu who has come to me from the enemy that
there are two bridges over the Danube, newly put across it to the south
of the abbey of Elohingen, and that a number of Austrian troops are camped
thereabouts. If these gentlemen pay me a visit, they will run upon the
point of a sword: ‘

It seems evident from Ney's correspondence with Mlle. St. Elmo that
her interest in Ney was scarcely reciprocated by him. Even though she
followed him all the way to Moscow twelve years later, no evidence indi-
cates that she was successful in attaching herself to his star. Ney's

next letter to Ida faithfully followed the platonic pattern.

1 July, 1800
The neglectfulness I have shown in my correspondence is greatly due to
our perpetual marches. General Kroy's speedy retreat behind Ratisbon
gave us little time to breathe. Well, there it is, that fine army of
100,000 fighters, which was not only going to invade Alsace and so on,
but was going to change our political status entirely. There is that
army, I say, reduced to 40,000 runaways not daring to face the Republi-
can phalanxes, fixich are in rags to be sure, but all full of courage
and vigor. The Austrians have already proposed an armistice}:5

Before the longed-for armistice came about, the great battle of
Hohenlinden had to be fought to crush the obstinate Austrians under the

Archduke John. The battle began badly for the Austrians as they advanced

 

25 St. Elmo, Memoirs pp. 96-97.

21

in a series of parallel lines against Moreau. The French onslaught pushed '
the first ranks back into the second, and it in turn into the third.
Richepanse was, at the same time, driving into the rear area elements of
the Austrian army. The Austrians could not extricate themselves, much
less fight the French, and nightfall was all that saved the remnants.

A furious pursuit began, sparked by Ney and climaxed by a council with
Swartzenburg, who gave up the Tyrol to Ney and retired behind the Ipszs.
Lunelrille followed in February, ending hostilities with the Second Coali-
tion, for all practical purposes. Amiens in 1802 brought a general peace
to the victorious French amiss and time for the shattered coalition to
lick its wounds.

In May, Ney decided to marry. As impetuous as he was, the idea of
marriage developed slowly in the alembic of Ney's mind. Ever since his
first meeting with Napoleon, the First Consul had tried to discover some
way of closely allying the candid general to his cause. As was usual,

a marriage eventually solved that problem. Jos ephine's daughter, Hortense,
had a very close school-mate from her days at Madame Campan's finishing
school who was witty, poised, talented, and very popular among her group.
Hortense and this young lady, Mlle. Egle’Auguie, were bosom friends in
Paris, and, largely because Hortense was somewhat the older, she attempt-
ed to look after the fortunes of the younger.

Mlle. Auguie had been motherless since the time that her mother,

who had been femme de chambre to lbrie Antoinette, had gone insane and

 

comitted suicide over the young queen's misfortunesz". Egle"s father

 

26 Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal Ney II, 33.
7 See Madame Campan, Memoirs of the Court of Marie Antoinette
(London, 1843), 11,762. See Appendix Note 1.

 

 

22

had been a farmer-general at Figeac and, largely due to his fortitious
marriage, as well as his ability, M. Auguie was made receiver—general

of the Ducy of Bar and Lorraine by Louis XVI, and subsequently imprisoned
by Robespierre. Madame Campan (ne’e Genet) was the sister of Egle's
mother, Adelaide Genet (Auguie), and also sister to the famous "Citizen"
Edmond-Charles Genet of United States fameZB. Thus it was that lovely
young Mlle. Egle’ Auguie came to meet Hortense at her aunt's school and

to become an intimate in the court circles at Paris.

Josephine knew well of her husband's designs on Ney, and because
of the general's promise and interest in the girl, proposed to act as
laison for the match through Hortense and EgleI's father. Mlle. Auguie
was not at first much impressed with the rough young soldier, laughing
much at the young man's whiskers. She was also fearful of mrrying a
nan who was continually exposed to so such danger. Her indifference was
overcome one evening when her father's guest chanced to speak of the
brilliant future before Ney, referring to a recent engagement where he
had had five horses shot from under him. ”What did you say, sir?"
queried Eglé quickly. "He had thirteen!"29 M. Auguie asked if she
would consent to the marriage, and, since Egle’ did not object, Josephine
was notified of the agreement.

The marriage took place in May of 1802 at Chateau Grignon, after
Ney had been enduced to forget his embarrassment at having only a tiny

estate of 80,000 francs, which was unusual for a vanguard general of

 

28 George Clinton Genet, "A Family Record of Ney's Execution",
Century Magazine, Vol. 52, p. 415.
29 Ibid., p. 420.

 

23

six yearsso. Once he had mde up his mind, Ney went about the wedding
preparations with his usual zeal. A regimental band was ordered to the
Chateau to play for the guests, who, incidentally, with the exception of
newlyweds Hortense and Louis Bonaparte, were restricted to a small family
circle augmented by all the villagers of surrounding hamlets. A portion
of the two-day celebration is described by mme. Campan.

The general adored his pretty companion, and joy gave him a radiant air;
but how'much we were touched when, upon the day the nuptial benediction
was given in the Chapel of the Chateau, we saw'him.leading an old shep-
herd and his wife whon.he had discovered on the farm of the chateau,

and who at the time, according to Catholic usage, had to celebrate by a
second marriage the fiftieth year of their union: He had each completely
dressed in.the fashion of their provincefif‘l

Ney's stern resplendence in his bemedalled uniform was in sharp
juxtaposition.to the soft benevolence of Eglels smile, her air of simpli-
city, bordering on timidity, and her quick, intelligent, large, dark
eyes. She was herself a person of nnny accomplishments, lively manners,
and considerable‘wholesome beauty. As madame Junot relates, she was an
attractive contrast with the other women of the courtsz.

The domestic bliss of the young couple was soon broken when Napoleon
ordered Ney to Switzerland as Plenipotentiary to act in conjunction.with
Colonel Rapp after joining at Basle one of three of the colonel's col-
umns moving against some 20,000 rebels stretched between Geneva and Basle.

‘When the insurrectionist government wavered before the French demand to

capitulate, Ney boldly marched to Laussanne, seized the government, and

 

30 Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal N , II, 38.

31 Genet, WAFamily'Hecord o Ney's Execution”, Century Magazine,
Vol. 52, p. 420.

32 nme. d'Abrantes, Memoirs of the Emperor Napoleon (washington
and London, 1901), II, 518.

 

 

 

24

brought it to Berne to treat with him for a mutual defense pact. Ney's
ministerial position authorized him through detailed instruction from
Napoleon (through Talleyrand) to act mildly and moderately. Ney appar-
ently did a good job on what is considered by many as one of Napoleon's
better projects”. The Swiss themselves were pleased enough with
Napoleon's minister to send him the following note to accompany a gift
of a snuff box with the monogram of Switzerland set in diamonds.

General.
...All the cantons, on being made acquainted with your intended departure,
have expressed the most lively regret. They all set a proper value upon
the share you have taken in the beneficial changes which the past year
has brought us. All this, General, we in part owe to your care. Switzer-
land having become happy and peaceable by this mediation, will not
separate your name from that of the mediator himself....
Louis d'Affry
Landmausson of Switzerland
Chancellor of the Confederation

Friburg, December 28th, 130334

Ney's next assignment was with the VI Corps forming at Montreuil
along the 1803 Invasion Coast as an element of Napoleon's most grandoise

plan--the invasion of England.

 

g: Theirs, The Consulate and the Empire, I, 474.
'Bulos, Memoirs of Marsha—T116331, II, 8 .

 

 

CHAPTER II
THE ETIIPIRE AND THE MARSHALATE

The Amiens peace was broken on May 18, 1803, by the organization of
the Third Coalition against France. Instigated largely by a fluent
stream of British subsidies to the central European allies, continental
warfare did not actually break out for about two years. The British
prowled the high seas, the continental powers tried to reconstruct a mili-
tary barrier to France, while Napoleon and the French concentrated on
perfecting the Invasion Arm and building the fleet to take it to England.

Three nain camps were set up at St. Omar, Bruges, and Montreuil
under Lannes, Davout, Angereau, and later, Ney. By March 16, 1803, over
100,000 troops were in training at these temporary camps, and by fall,
over 165,000. Berthier was at Bruges as Chief of Staff, overseeing the
preparations, while Napoleon remined in Paris to further his powerl.

The most pressing problem was to create a flotilla large enough to trans-
port the huge array-150,000 men, 400 pieces of cannon, and 10,000 horses.
The vessels had to be shallow enough for beach landing, yet deep enough
to survive the channel crossing. The estimted 23,000 flat-bottomed
barges needed for the operation were to be built in harbors and rivers
from Bordeaux to Amsterdam and later concentrated at Boulogne for the
crossing. The troops were to be able to embark in less than ten minutes,
fully equipped and ready for the assault. The preparations ground slowly
forward as the men were molded into the finest drilled and equipped troops

in the world, wholly enthusiastic about starting on the new adventurez.

 

1 F. M. Kircheisen, Na oleon (New York, 1932), p. 289.
2 Thiers, The Consula e an the Empire, I, 502-19 Esime

 

26

Soon after Ney returned from his diplomatic duties in Switzerland,
he was assigned command of the camp at Montreuil. He quickly made his
corps one of the top crack units in the Napoleonic array, sparing no
time or pains to see that his men knew their jobs. Ney too felt the
magnetic enthusiasm of the men for Napoleon and heartily welcomed the news
in 1894 that Bonaparte had decided to make himself Emperor of the Frenchs.

The pomp and splendor of the May coronation gave awesome testimony
to Napoleon's genius of showmanship which relegated to the background all
but the great man himse1f4. The apparent demonstration of French solid- .
arity encouraged Napoleon to push his plans for the invasion of England.
In order to inspire his generals, Ney and the other commanders were sum-
moned to Paris in July, when Napoleon revealed his intention of recreat-
ing the old rank of marshal and of establishing his own imperial nobility.
Ney was made "mrshal" in the ceremony of the original creation along

5--no longer was he "citizen" General Ney. The

with seventeen others
Ruperor had also organized the Legion of Honor in 1802, a military and
civilian award for outstanding service to the state. Napoleon was

Supreme Commander, Lacepede (the astronomer) became Chancellor, and Ney

was mde one of sixteen cohorts in an impressive ceremony on July 15, at

the Invalidess.

 

3 Bulos, Memoirs of lhrshal Ney, II, 108-111.

4 Madame d'Abrantes relates E1 her Memoirs of the Esperor Napoleon,
II, 235, the evil omen of the stone chip falling fromihe roof
of Notre Dame, hitting Napoleon on the shoulder just as he seized
the crown from the Pope to place it on his own head.

5 Berthier, Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, Masse’na, Augereau, Bernadette,

Soult, Bruno, Lannes, Mortier, Davout, Bessieres, Kellerman,

Lefebvre, Perignon, Servrier.

Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 249.

 

 

27

At a party following his promotion to marshal, Ney, surrounded by
friends and flatterers, noticed in the rear of the noisy gathering an
old company commander of his, standing quietly by himself. Ney walked
over to the man, shook his hand, and asked, "Do you remember, Captain,
the time when you used to say to me, as I made my report to you, 'Very
well, Ney; continue as you are now doing, and you will make your way,
try ladl‘?” "Perfectly well, Monsieur 1e marechal," replied the captain
much moved. "I then had the honour to command one better than maelf.
Such things are not forgotten.”7 And Ney had not forgotten either,
parvenu that he was.

The new nobility struck many people unfavorably, enulating too
closely, they felt, the very hierarchy of which the Revolution had just
disposed. To Napoleon, no inconsistencies with the goals of the Revolu-
tion existed because his nobility had no hereditary power; it was rather
a reward for civil or military merit. "My nobility is, after all,” de-
clared the Emperor, “one of my finest creations."8 Eventually, the appor-
tioning of dukedoms took Napoleon's fancy, and despite his wishes to the
contrary, many of his marshals took battle names for their titles. Ney
was one of those who independently asserted his choice against the
Emperor's desiresg.

Napoleon had planned that his newly-created honors would be for his

marshals like baubles to the child. By 1804, the old great names of

 

; Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal N , I, 12.
d'Abrantes, Memoirs, II, .

9 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 511.

 

28

Hoche, Kléber, and Desaix had disappeared, Mbreau was in exile, and
Massena was allowed to loot but not to shine. Brune was cordially hated
for his successes in Holland. Guerard felt that Napoleon was jealous of
his equals and was determined that France should have but one military
genius. It is only fair to add that Ney and Soult, the top truly Napo-
leonic generals, were not the leaders of the caliber of Hoche and Desaixlo.

At amt rate, the inspiration of the coronation, the creation of the
marshalates and Legion of Honor, and the material prosperity of France
gave the invasion forces, as well as the French populace, almost unparal-
leled enthusiasm.and confidence. Ney and the other marshals invited
Napoleon to a great review to be held in his honor at Boulogne on August
16. To the accompannment of a 900 round salute, Napoleon.stood at the
foot of a giant throne facing a magnificent natural amphitheater that
looked across the whitecaps toward England. He could watch his battalions
swing by with remarkable precision and pageantry; he could watch the hustle
and haste in the flotilla preparation under the bluff in the harbor‘below;
he could dream great dreams amid the roll of drums, the pounding thunder
of his legions, and the salty air of the English channelll.

As time passed, sea breezes grew cold and blustery, but the any had
not moved. In spite of superhuman efforts, the invasion had to be post-
poned until the next year. Ney set his men to work building warmer stone
quarters for winter to replace the light temporary huts considered suffi-

cient by the original timetablelz.

10 A. Guerard, Reflections on the Napoleonic Legend (New York,

11 1924), P. 480
Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, I, 617.

12 Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal Ney, 117118-119.

 

 

 

29

The gilt of Napoleon's court of 1804 was badly tarnished by the
d'Enghein affair. 'For Ney, who had nothing to do with the plot and who
probably had little interest in the subsequent repercussions, the death
of the Duke d'Enghein curiously presaged his own misfortunes eleven years
later. Ney could not foresee the implications of this little drama that
was to cast an aura of moral effluvia over the new French Empire. The
Duke was suspected of collaborating with the einigré’s and General Dumouriez,
and was, as such, an enemy of the French. Talleyrand is generally credited
with suggesting the plot to Napoleon, with engineering it, and with mking
it seem necessary, not only to seize d'Enghein, but to execute that last
heir of the Conde as well”. One of the collaborators was beside himself
at the news and gasped out to Talleyrand, "What a horrible thingi" "Come,
come, are you crazy?" answered Talleyrand tartly. "What's there to make
such a fuss about? A conspirator is seized near the frontier, taken to
Paris and shot. What's so extraordinary about that?”14 The finer points--
that the Duke lived in the sovereign state of Baden outside the frontier,
that he was illegally seized, rushed to Paris and tried on hearsay evi-
dence, and shot within a matter of hours--failed to ruffle this jaundiced
sphinx.

Caulaincourt, that patiently loyal emissary, had been shabbily used
by Napoleon as a messenger to the Duke of Baden with sealed intelligence

of the seizure of d'Enghein. Caulaincourt, of course, knew nothing of

 

13 Boulay de Meurthe, Documents Pertaining to the Death of the
guise d'Enghein (Paris, 1904), ssim.

14 Louis Madelin, Talleyrand (New York, 9 8 , trans. Roselle
Feltenstein, p. 3.

 

 

30

the message he carried and did not discover until later that he had been
so badly used. Madame de Remusat visited the Tuileries a short time after
the disgraceful episode. “I recalled at the sight of him [Caulaincourt]
talking to Josephine and Hortense."

”'And you, too,‘ said he, addressing me so that all could hear him,
'You are going 156 detest me! And yet I am only unfortunate; but that I
am in no small degree, for the Consul had disgraced me by this act. Such
is the reward of w devotion to him. I have been shamefully deceived,
and I am now ruined.”15

The dinner that evening was less vivacious than was characteristic;
Napoleon, eating quickly, sat in preoccupied silence. Just as the dinner
gathering was about to adjourn to the salon, Napoleon said to the assem-
blage abmprtly, "At least they will see what we are capable of, and hence-

forth, I hope, they will leave us alone."16

Thiers gives a later and
more illuminating statement by Napoleon, who, for the rest of his days,
was to feel the stigma of his act. "They wish to destroy the Revolution
in attacking my person. I will defend it, for I, I, I am the Revolution.
They will be more cautious in the future, for they will know p_f_ _wh_a_t_ B
353 caps-blot"17 Ney might have done well to see that a great thirst for
power and revenge such as this is slaked only in blood chosen by the
simple qualification of "when". The "when“ could be decided in the name
of absolutism by anyone with sufficient power. Ney would have been wise

to essay his position under every ruler whom he served.

:2 Madame de Rénusat, Memoirs (New York, 1830): Po 131-
Ibid., p. 134.
17 Era, The Consulate and the Empire, I, 567.

 

31

As the pleasant and insidious winter court of 1804 melted away before
the coming of the throbbing of spring in the fields, country, and the
Invasion camps, the blacksmith's hammer blows melded with those of the
armourer; the activity of the peasants in the newly-turned fields matched
the redoubled energy of the troops in training; and the antediluvian
vigil for the success of the first of the year's crops to appear, paral-
leled Napoleon's impatience to hear of Villeneuve's naval feint toward
the Azores. The new coalition of Austria, Russia, and England forces
over the Rhine were gaining strength throughout that summer, thus forcing
Napoleon to act quickly and decisively against England before fall or to
swing about to preserve the Rhine frontier. Villeneuve's failure to de-
ceive the British navy killed the possibility of invasion. With lightning
speed, the Emperor chose to throw his magnificent army across France and
hit the enesy before they were prepared. Invasions of England must wait.

Secret orders went out to the marshals to move as quickly as possible
to meet the coalition threat. Ney's VI Corps moved out of Montreuil early
in the morning of August 28, 1805, crossing France at flying speed to
reach Lauterburg near Karla ruhe on September 24--three hundred leagues

(747 miles) in twenty-seven days:18

Despite this exhausting maneuver,
Napoleon immediately crossed into German territory as the Austrian General
Mack, like a sleepy turtle, blinked and blinked at reports of the Emperor's
whirlwind invasion, but failed to move from Ulm on the upper Danube. His

only covering force north of Ulm was a small unit of 10,000 under Keinmer

 

18 Bulos, Memoirs of Marshal N31, II, 128.

 

32

sent to hold the Danube and the Donawerth Bridge. On October 6, this
unit was overwhelmed; crossings were affected by Napoleon the next day at
Donawerth, Neuburg, and Ingolstadt. Three new attacks were made on the
ninth between Ulm and Donawerth, as Napoleon's left wing began to swing
south like a monstrous gate to bar Mack's withdrawal from Ulm toward

Vienna”. Two days later as the trap began to close, Ney threw Dupont

against Haslach near Ulm, where he was repulsed after heavy actionzo.
Ney then advised Napoleon to push across the Danube at Elchingen (where
he had fought before) since it commanded the plateau before Ulm and
offered a chance to smash Mack once and for allal.

Ney was given command of the crossing, supported by Lannes, Marmont,
and Soult with 100,000, in order to prove his contention. As the troops
moved up on the thirteenth, it was discovered that the only bridge had
been destroyed except for the pilings, and that the meadow below the
walled city with its heavy convent buildings was covered from above by
some 20,000 Austrians with much artillery support.

As he was about to ride off to assist reflooring the bridge, Ney
rode up to Murat, who, the day before, had angered him by chiding anyone
for making battle plans in advance, and shouted, "Come, Prince, come
along with me and make your plans in the face of the snow”.

Thiers gives a vivid account of the battle.

 

19 General Comte de Segur, An Aide-de-Camp of Napoleon (New York,

1895), p. 163.

Kircheisen, Na oleon, p. 326.
21 Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, II, 38.
32 Ibid., 157—59.

 

33

Marshal Ney, undaunted by all these obstacles, ordered an aide-de-camp
of General Loisson's, Captain Cloisel, and a sapper to lay hold of the
first plank and carry it to the piles of the bridge...under the fire
of the Austrians. The brave sapper had a leg carried away by grape
shot, but his place was immediately supplied. One plank was first
thrown' in the form of flooring, then a second and a third. Having
finished one length, they proceeded to the next, till they had covered
the last piles under a murderous fire of small arms poured upon our
labourers by the skillful marksman on the opposite land.22

Ilmnediately, reinforcements threw themselves to the other side of
the Danube, dispersed the Austrians who guarded the left bank, and cleared
sufficient space for Loisson's division to come up to their'assistance.
Ney pushed across the meadow and sent the Austrians up into Elohingen,
seized the'town and convent in bitter street fighting, and drove the
Austrians out across the plateau toward Michaelsburg which overlooked
Ulm.itself. Ney hurled the 18th Dragoons against the reorganizing Aus-
trian squares in "so vigorous a charge upon one of them as to break it
and to compel it to lay down its arms. At this sight, the Austrians re-
tired in great haste" but began to rally on Michaelsburg. 0n the four-
teenth, Ney set his columns in motion, climbed. the intrenchments raised
on Michaelsburg, and carried them.by bayonet. Napoleon, fearing that
Ney's attack would be too prompt, wished to slacken it, in order to give
Lannes time to assault Frauenburg, and thus divide the enemie's attention.
“Glory is not to be divided", was Ney's answer to General Dumas who had
come to tell him to wait for Lannes. The taking of Michaelsburg sealed
Mack's fate at Ulm, and forced him to consent to an armistice”. General

Mack capitulated on the twentieth with the 235,000-453,000 troops and the

 

32 Ibid,, II, 39.
3 TBIH., II, 39-40.

34

fifty-nine guns left to himg4. General Barras affirmed, "This was the
fine victory of Elchingen, won by the Corps of Marshal Ney after a stub-
bornly contested action."25
Meneval, who was to replace Bourrienne in 1807 as private secretary
to the Emperor, corroborates Thiers in his eyewitness impression, relat-
ing that
the investment of this place Ulm. began by the seizure of the bridge
and the abbey of Elchingen. All these feats of arms were carried out
in.the worst weather imaginable. The soldiers, up to their knees in
mud, a prey to privations of all kinds, were reanimated by the sight of
the Emperor, himself drenched, harassed and covered with mud. I can
remember my stupefication on looking at the sinuous ramparts of the
village of Elchingen, rising in an amphitheatre above the Danube, sur-
rounded by walled gardens and houses rising above one another. The
gardens and houses-ufilled with troops, and from which constant firing
proceeded-swore topped by the vast building of the fortified abbey
which was vigorously defended by forminable artillery. Marshal Ney
won his title of Duke of Elchingen there, and fully deserved it.26
Old General Mack told Segur, who was Napoleon's Maison during the
armistice negotiations to "tell His majesty that Marshal Ney has used me
with great severity...."27 Ney was left in Ulm to repair his damaged
units and in consequence did not march on‘Vienna, fight at Austerlitz,
nor'witness.Pressburg. As Napoleon doubled back again from Austerlitz
toward central Germany after that counterpoise to Trafalger, Ney moved
north to rejoin the Emperor in winter quarters in southern Germany.
Napoleon's presence in southern Germany frightened wavering Prussia,

who had been a nervous neutral up to this point, and decided her to league

with Austria, Russia, and England in the Fourth Coalition.

 

24 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 326.

25 Jean-Baptiste Barres, Memoirs of a Napoleonic Officer (London,
1925), p. 63.
Baron ClaudeéFrancois de Meneval, Memoirs Illustratigg the His-
tory of Napoleon I 1802-1815 (New York, 1894), I, p. 390.

27 Ségur, An Aide-de-Camp offiNapoleon, p. 200.

 

 

 

 

35

Sc’gur, who was a personal messenger for Napoleon at Jena, said that
prior to the battle, Napoleon, with the Guard, was on a prominent plateau
of Lutzebrade in the center of his arm. Lannes was moving up with the
right wing, Augereau with the left; the town of Heiligen under Prince
Hohenlohe was their objective. Ney, who was technically in reserve, could
not conquer his "habitual eagerness”, and picked 3,000 infantry supported
by Colbert's cavalry to do his own scouting. This little command headed
quietly toward the enemy through a tardily dispersing fog and went right
past Lannes' vanguard, when suddenly Ney found himself face to face with
Prince Hohenlohe with thirty squadrons of dragoon and currassiers. Order-
ing a charge, Ney vainly flew at the Prussians with his infantry; this
failing, he hurled Colbert's tiny squadrons against Hohenlohe with the
same result. Quickly seeing the Prussians were not inclined to flee, he
formed the remnants of his command into two squares just in time to re-
pulse the counterattacking Prussians. At that moment, Durosnel from
Lannes' command pounded into the wheeling Prussians with two light cavalry
regiments and sent the ench falling back toward Heiligen. Ney rallied
his men and swept into the town; then, reinforced from his reserve corps,
poured his columns in to support Augereau's developing attack on
Issertoedtze. Obviously, Ney's impetuous behavior might have cost the
battle as Se’gur pointedly indicatedzg, yet it actually contributed to an

early action and gave the French the "sound of the guns” to mrch toward.

 

28

29 Ibid., p. 234.

Mrs, The Consulate and the Empire, II, 193. Thiers does not
allude to Ney's "Blunder“;at Jena.

 

36

In similar subsequent cases, Ney won or lost, though he usually won--
while under Napoleon, msse’na, or by himself, which leads one to conclude
that his rash and unscheduled assaults usually upset the enemy far more
than the net injury thus given to the French plans and campaigns.

A case in point followed shortly after Jena as the Grand Army pur-
sued the shattered Prussians toward Berlin. Ney, in command of the
battered left wing, swung about to the north agaimt Magdeburg on the
Elbe. He quickly invested this almost impregnable fortress city, order-
ing it with superb bluff to surrender to his vast corps or be devastated--
he had at the time only 11,000 men in fighting shapeso. The Prussians
gave in to the intrepid Marshal, narching out past the thin French lines
to surrender twenty generals, three hundred officers, 22,000 men, seven
hundred cannon, fifty-four flags, and over a million pounds of powdersl.
One can imagine their chagrin to learn the true state of the victor's
depleted corps.

In Paris, morale was low. The long campaign had sated the French
appetite for victories. Napoleon, buried in plans for the Baltic strike
against the Russians, could not afford to let Paris be depressed on the
eve of the "decisive" battle that was shaping near Eylau. He curtly
”ordered" Josephine to leave Mayence for Paris and revitalize the splen-
dor of the Imperial Court. Talleyrand apparently broke in upon the
ladies of the court as they were chattering and giggling about Napoleon's

"order" to be happy, and with a perfectly serious mien quietly remarked,

 

g? d'Abrantes, Memoirs, II, 400.
Meim1’ MGMOII‘B, II, 65.

 

 

 

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s
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37

"Ladies, this is no laughing matter; the Emperor insists on your amusing
yourselves."32 The comic opera aspect need not overshadow'the fact that
this new levity had had no place in Napoleon's despotism. Visible cracks
in the regime were opening.

The impending struggle at Prussiche Eylau finally broke during a
blinding February snowstorm. The Russians and Prussians fought stubbornly
and well as Napoleon tried to bring his forces up through the storm for
the crushing blow; It never fell. The enemy left the field under cover
of the falling snow and Napoleon claimed the victory, even.though he had
lost 25,000 men and had only one corps, Ney's, fit enough to pursue his
withdrawing opponentsSz. ‘Wintering near the site of the recent battle,
Napoleon awaited fresh troops to fill the gaps in the ranks and spring
thaws in order to move against the Russo-Prussian host.

Early in June, 1807, the two forces along the Baltic coast began to
limber up to renew the conflict. 0n.June 14, near Friedland, the blood
again began to flow. Ney was as usual in the lead of the attack, arro-
gantly defying the gods of war to do their worst. "You have no idea,"
Berthier later wrote to a Paris official, "of the'brilliant courage of
Marshal Ney, it appears fabulous in relation and resembles only the time
of chivalry. It is to him.chiefly that we owe the success of this memp
orable day."34 It was here also that Ney's exploits won for him the

title of "Bravest of the Brave” from Napoleon35.

 

32

3 Remnsat, Memoirs, p. 483.

3 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 384.
4 d'Ab rant es , "MeTnoi‘r' '3"; II, 444.
Britannica (Chicago, 1946) XVI, 404.

 

38

It was Berthier who, the previous January, had written to rebuke Ney
for presuming to advise Napoleon saying, "The Emperor needs neither advice
nor plans of campaign; no one knows his thoughts, and our only duty is to

"36 As much.as Ney may have irritated his colleagues by his aggres-

obey:
sive confidence, few could deny him their eventual admiration, as seen
here.

In.the summer, as warsaw was being approached, Ney, who habitually
watched the enemy closely and who had not learned his lesson of keeping
suggestions to himself, told Napoleon it was time to take the city.
Napoleon, in rather ill temper, chose to follow his junior's advice and
entered‘Warsaw, acclaimed by the populacesv. Following Tilzit, Napoleon
returned to Paris. Driving with three shortly after his return, the
Emperor pointed out the Hotel de Beseuval recently purchased by Ney.

"Is it not Ney's house?" he asked Duroc. "It is a proper place for him
to occupy; by the side of the Palace of Honor, and opposite me. He is a
brave fellowi"$8

Napoleon decided to reward his marshals for their efforts in 1805-07
campaigns by special grants. Berthier was given the largest amount of
1,000,000 francs as Chief of Staff, while Ney, Davout, Soult, and

39

Bessieres each received 600,000 francs . New honors were granted on

July 30, 1807, by assigning the dukedoms. Ney was one of seven who took

 

36 Kircheisen, Na oleon, p. 518.
3'7 Thiers, The rg-‘Ttonsu a e and the Empire, II, 233.
33 d'Abrantes, Memoirs, II, 463.

Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 409.

 

39

battle titles for their dukedoms despite Napoleon's wishes to the con-
trary; one may surmise that Napoleon chose not to aid in perpetuating
another soldier's glory needlessly.

When Napoleon's imperial ambitions drove him into the Iberian penin-
sula to consolidate his continental position, Ney was one of the marshals
to follow him against poor Ferdinand VII. Napoleon's object was to es-
tablish brother Joseph on the throne and to bring Spain and Portugal into
the continental system. The campaign moved along rather smoothly while
Napoleon was actively in command, but vhen Napoleon left Spain to deal
with the Austrians at Erfurt in 1808, the frictions and disharmonies of
Masse’na's new command began in earnest. Ney, always the restless one of
the team, soon clashed with Masse’na, his old revolutionary commander.

A convoy moving up to Visen, Spain, was attacked by Spanish irregu-
lars and almost captured. Ney, Reynier, Junot, and Montburn joined to
reproach l‘assefia for the poor convoy procedure, since supplies were becom-
ing increasingly dear and such attacks in rear areas undermined the
morale of the front line troops. Masse'ixa apologized and promised it would
not happen again, and to show his good intentions, invited the marshals
to dine with him that evening. When the marshals arrived, they were con-
fronted with Madame N---, Masse’na's mistress, who was not at all popular
because of the immense number of precious wagons used to carry her trunks,
and because her fatigues required the whole any to slow down. Ney was
disgusted and said so, Massena became indignant, and the bitter quarrel

began which was to persist for the rest of Ney's duties in Spain4o.

 

4° Baron de Marbot, Memoirs (New York, 1893), p. 416.

40

The Spanish affair gradually degenerated into the most fanatical
guerrilla blood bath. Only British forces being pushed back into Portugal
offered "civilized" organised resistance. Everywhere the petty raids,
ambushes, and hatred for the French tormented the efforts of Ney and the
marshals to win Napoleon's campaign41. Ney not only fought the Spanish
and British, but waged his private war with Masseha too.

Young Jean Marbot, as a fresh hussar, rode out between the opposing
French and British armies one day to get a better look at the enenw posi-
tions. A British officer rode out to meet him, and taunted him to battle.
Marbot, yielding to imprudence, dashed at the Englishm, only to be con-
fronted by the officer and two aides who in turn assailed the lone French-
man. Eventually, by a narrow margin, Marbot beat all three, so the story
goes, and retired to French lines. Massei’ia was beside himself, and
severely repremanded Marbot, "A field officer has no business to expose
himself in fighting at the outposts." Ney, who happened to be present,
recalling his own hussar days countered Masse’na saying, "Upon my word, in

"42 small wonder Masons

Marbot's place I should have done the same thing.
grew to hate Michel Ney.

Additional blunders by Massena at Astaraga“ gave Junot grounds to
join Ney's cause. At the seige of Cuidad-Rodrigo, Ney was preparing to

assault the town when Massena sent over a bright young engineer from Junot's

staff to be placed on that of Ney. Ney jealously refused the addition to

 

4‘1 See Appendix note 2.
42 Marbot, Memoirs, p. 452.
vibrant-W, emoirs, III, 195.

41

his staff on grounds that he was not requested, retorting that be "neither
regarded his [Masseiia's] orders nor feared his menaces." Massena was
furious at Ney's independence, shouted to Junot, "You see how impossible
it is to mke anything of this man.” Junot sided with Ney, even though
his own staff member was the cause of the dispute“.

Massena was prompt to inform Paris of Ney's insubordination. In a
note to Berthier on September 17, 1810 from St. Cloud, Napoleon referred
to one of these letter.

Massena...says that he has forwarded a list of contributions levied by
Marshal Ney, and which have not been paid in. You have not laid that
list before me; make a report upon it.

Napoleon""5

Junot, Bessieres, Lannes, Diroc, and even old Berthier were much
aware of and offended by the plots and intrigue in Paris directed against
them. Junot was extremely bitter about Napoleon'sversion of his evacua-
tion of Lisbon, but was helpless to counteract it46. It is understandable
how Ney might have shared their disgust for the whole affair, especially
in view of the Nasseiia rivalry.

In fact, Ney proposed to. leave Portugal and go back to Spain to pro-
vision his troops. Mass 418 was enraged at Ney, ordering him to give up
the VI Corps. Ney flatly refused to comply until Napoleon ordered him

to do so. Napoleon then followed Massena's suggestion. Mrbot recalled

that "Ney's dismissal produced an impression upon the army which was all

 

44 Ibid., p. 197.

45 (Captain the Honorable) D. A. Bingham, A Selection from the Letters
and Despatches of the First Napoleon (London, 7.884), III, p. 60.
ThereTs something grotesque in Masse’na accusing Ney of plundering.
d'Abrantes, Memoirs, III, 119.

 

 

42

the stronger that the principal cause of it was known, and that, insisting
on a return to Spain, he had expressed the general wish of the troops.“47
Ney immediately returned to France in 1811, taking his place in court
as if nothing had happened. Napoleon did not refer to the nutter“.
If the Peninsular campaign in Spain may not be called one of Napo-
leon's personal wars, certainly his Russian plans for 1812 were purely
of that nature. The defensive psychology that had undo the ragged repub-
lican legions such zealous warriors was now virtually forgotten history.
The remaining veterans were "sick to death of these eternal wars‘49.
The narshals were tired and wanted to rest and enjoy the positions they
had attained. Lesser officers were discouraged by the slow promotions
characteristic since the Empire. Only Ney, Augereau, Murat, Davout,
mdinot, Eugene, and Victorwere made corps-commnders for the Grand Amy.
0f the 325,000 men who crossed the Nienen on their way to Moscow, only
155,000 were French, and these were, to a dangerous degree, recruitsso.
Following the lavish send-off at Dresden, the Emperor and his land
armda plunged into Russian obscurity. Metternich in Vienna planned that
the campaign should take two years and utlimately end in Napoleon's vic-
tory51. Whatever Napoleon may have had in mind the illusive retreating
Russians sucked him into the vortex of the Russian vacuum. A devastated
Vilna was given up to the French, the scorched earth robbed the French
of supplies and shelter, and by the time the Grand Arm was in sight of

Smolensk, starvation was alreacw taking its toll of men and animals.

 

*7 hhrbot, Memoirs, p. 455.
43 d'AbrantTes, emoirs, III, 125.

49 ——T-
Kircheisen, Na 0 eon, p. 553.
50 H. '41—'11

Morse Stephens, evolutions. Europe (London, 1897;, p. 306.
51 Helene du Coudray, WW, 1936), pp. 1-86 Essim.

 

43

Ney impulsively approached Smolensk, like all the rest of the French
troops, hoping to force a showdown fight and end the campaign. There he
was attacked and roughly handled by the Cossacks, one of whom sent a
point blank pistol shot through Ney's coat collarsz. Marbot complained
that Ney was to blame for the costly assault on the city when he should
have gone around it. Undoubtedly Ney provoked the action, but Napoleon
could easily have broken it off had he not felt, like Ney, that this
might be that decisive battle they longed for. Part of the difficulty at
Smolensk was compounded when Junot went astray on the road. Junot later
refused to aid Ney's pursuit of the Russians and allowed then to escape

through the defile at Voloutinia-Gora in spite of Napoleon's orders.

Junot's madness grew as the campaign progressed; this was his last one“.

Ney's III Corps narched parallel to the main body toward Borodina
(Moskowa). Napoleon had been encouraged to winter in Smolensk, but his
obsession to reduce the Russians drove him on deeper into Russia. The
Tsar hoped to make a stand before surrendering his capital, and Borodino
was selected as that site. The battle that ensued was sheer butchery for
both sides. Napoleon issued his battle orders on September 6, and the
two forces clashed the next day. Despite the now obsolete orders, despite
the terrific slaughter, despite Ney's plea to throw in the Young Guard,
Napoleon sat sickly apathetic to the entire orgy. The French lost 28,000
(fifty generals), the Russians about 50,000. Larrey, chief surgeon of

the Grand Army performed over two hundred amputations in the succeeding

 

52 rbot, Memoirs, p. 543.
53 M eval, Memoirs, III, 51.

44

tyrenty-four hours“. Ney was made Prince of Moskowa on the spot by the

sick Corsicanp-only Massena and Davout were to share a simdlar honor.
Borodino opened the last two days march to Mbscow, the deserted capi-
tal that resembled a "Tartar camp sown with Italian palaces"55. While
distributing portions of the city to his corps and placing himself and
the Guard in the massive Kremlin on that eventful September 15, twm insig-
nificant fires broke out. That night the seasonal winds picked up,
rockets were seen, and a few alleged arsonists were seized. The efforts
to draw the loot-hungry French to fight the fire'were about as successful
as fighting the fire itself. .All during the days of September 18, 17,
and 18, the fire raged in a clockwise arc from.east to west, leaving a
blackened hulk of a city, fourbfifths destroyed56. Napoleon now“was forced
to act to preserve a dwindling army. 'What he did was to wait and wait for
an answer from.A1exander granting capitulation. While the fine September
‘weather passed, while his army scrounged in.Russian ruins or made fatigu-
ing punitive raids, while his isolated condition grew more malignant, the
Emperor was entertained and pacified by his French theatrical group and
wasted an entire month. As it became more obvious that Alexander’had no
intention of signing away his capital, Napoleon faced his alternatives;
winter’in Moscow and face containment in the spring, or retreat and
acknowledge failure. Napoleon decided on the retreat, only disguising h:

as a tactical operation57. On October 13, the Emperor assembled his

 

54
Kircheisen, Na oleon, pp. 568-69.

22 Thiers, The TLTToneu a e and the Empire, Iv, 213.
Ibido, Iv, $4-15..

5'7 *Cambridge Modern Hietog, 1x, 498.

 

 

45

marshals--the weather held, but a decision was imperative. Eugene,
Berthier, MOrtier, Davout, Ney, and M. Daru (Minister of State) were
present--Murot and Bessieres were in the field. Ney had only 11,000
left out of 39,000; Davout had 30,000 out of 72,000; the Guard was down
to 22,000 despite the elaborate care lavished on it by the Emperor. The
foreign.units were in worse shape58.

Davout and Ney proposed to march south toward Kalauga, pointing out
that the main Russian armies had swung north to protect Alexander at
Petersburg and that the southern route was not so devastated andnwould
allow for provisioning. Berthier, Eugene, and Mbrtier as usual supported
Napoleon's plans, to return the way they had invaded. M. Daru counselled
staying in Mbscow because of the climatic threat. News that Kutusoff had
attacked Murat on the Kalauga route caused Napoleon to drop those plans
and endorse Davout's and Ney's-~an excuse to punish the Russians without
retreating. Accordingly on October 19, leaving Mbrtier in Mbscow'with
the Guard and the wounded, the Grand Army moved out of the city toward the
south. The huge supply columns gorged with booty, impeded by colonies of
civilians and deserters, slowed the progress fatally. Napoleon, Ney,
and murat headed the column, followed by Eugene, with Davout bringing up
the rear guard59.

Suddenly Napoleon changed his mind; he began.to fear an open battle,
he recalled Mortier from.Mbscow and wheeled his winding columns north

toward Smolensk. Kutusoff, who was going to meet Napoleon head on in

the south, was temporarily baffled when Napoleon disappeared. ‘Very

 

8 Thiers, Ehe Consulate and the Empire, IV, 225.
59 Ibid., IV, 225-29.

 

46

quickly, however, Hetman Platowis Cossacks regained contact as Napoleon
picked the straightest and quickest route out of Russia. On October 26,
the real and undisguised retreat began. Napoleon began to harangue his
officers for their errors, or else he sat in his carriage brooding. The
soldiers caught his virus, causing morale and discipline to slip badly.
Davout in the rear guard had to assume the whole burden of beating off
the Cossacks because of Grouchy's fatigue. Napoleon increased his army's
misery by ordering the head of the column to burn all the villages in
the line of march, which meant that Davout was left a desert. On October
29, the Grand Army camped at Borodino--a two day march which had taken
ten. The morale factor*at Borodino was tremendous. The battlefield had
not been cleaned up since the peasants had all fled. The French found
broken equipment strewn about with the 50,000 corpses "half-devoured by
beasts of prey, and swarms of carrion birds, filling the air‘with sinis-
ter cries, obscured the heaven."60
Junot and the wounded were picked up at Borodino and the horde moved

on. Davout was still at rear guard when Napoleon ordered the wounded to
be jettisoned--one can imagine this effect on Davout's men who were now
down to 15,000. Napoleon unjustly flailed Davout for slowness (actually
Eugene was the culprit) and persisted in criticising the heroic general.
Finally on November 3, Ney took over Davout's positionel.

I Napoleon is severely censured by Thiers for his attitude toward his

commanders and his obvious desire not to learn of the hardships of his

 

60 Ibid., IV, 229-30.
61 iglde, IV, 231-330

47

men. Safely surrounded by his Guard, the Emperor was able to get what
provisions there were in the route of march, leaving dead horses for the
remnants of his army. "Instead of taking an active part in the conduct
of the retreat and bearing the bmnt of the terrible evils of which he
was the author, he remained two marches ahead of the rear guard, and,
sometimes on horseback, sometimes on foot, but most frequently in a car-
riage, between Berthier, who was plunged in consternation, and Murat, who
was almost annihilated by terror, he passed whole days without uttering
a word, only rising...to utter complaints of his lieutenants."62

The Grand Army, with the exception of the rear guard of Ney and units
of Davout, was breaking up. The wounded dropped and died on the spot,
prisoners were killed, 50,000 refugees clung to the skirts of the rear guard,
only 50,000 were under arms and only the Guard had cavalry left. On the
ninth of November, the bitter winter set in and only the news that Smolensk
was three days distant kept hundreds from giving up to the cold and snow.
Smolensk proved no haven because two Russian armies were threatening to
join on the Beresina ahead of Napoleonss.

The vanguard moved out of Smolensk on November 14, leaving Ney under
orders to blow up Smolensk and not to leave until the seventeenth. Davout
preceded Ney by one day and in the course of mrch they lost contact, but
Davout rightly kept on his course to rendezvous with Napoleon at Krasnoi.
When Ney did not come up with Davout, Napoleon considered Ney lost and

pushed on west without waiting. Back at Smolensk, Ney followed his useless

62 Ibid., IV, 233.
63‘TSEE., IV, 233-39 passim.

48

orders to blow up the fortifications and narched out into the storm on
November 17 with a force of 6,000 men, twelve cannon, and a horde of

camp followers. The second day, Ney was stopped on the road by the entire
arm of Kutusoff and cut off from Davout64. As Ney plowed along Davout's
trail, blinded by the blizzard, a "wall of fire“ erupted from Kutusoff's
ambushing batteries. Ney immediately led his 6,000 against the 30,000
positioned Russians, and within an hour was reduced to 4,00065. One regi-
ment, (the 48th) charged with 650 and returned cut to ribbons, mastering
less than one hundred66. Ney withdrew his survivors into the snowstorm
and headed in a northerly circle toward the Beresina by following the flow
of a small tributary upon which he had stumbled. "Ney's soldiers closed
round their mrshal in whom alone they personify safety, drawing indomini-
table resolution from his eyes."67 Halting on the Dnieper to allow the
stragglers to catch up, Ney wrapped up in his cloak, lay down in the snow
and slept until midnight. Crossing the weak ice, Ney was forced to abandon
all his heavy baggage and artillery. Quickly rallying his men at one
o'clock and rapidly narching fifteen leagues cross-country toward Orsha,
Ney temporarily outdistanced Platow's 6,000 Cossacks. For the next three
days, the indominitable French fought their way from wood to wood, famed

squares to meet each attack, broke into colunms for a short advance, and

then fell into squares for the next onslaughtse. One night, Ney and his

 

64 Meneval, Memoirs, III, 75-76.

65 Thiers, The Consulate and the Eknpire, IV, 241.
Marbot, Hemoirs, p. 557:

7 Méneval, Memoirs, III, 76.

8 Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, IV, 242. See Moneval,
Memoi rs ,fip . T77.

 

 

 

49

emaciated wretches edged along within a league of the Russian's bivouac,
while Hartman Platow, asleep from drinking until the wee hours, snored on69

Fortunately for the marshal, scraps of food were found in a few of
the tiny villages en route which sustained his pitiful corps. On the
twentieth, the tiny force, now a meager 1200, neared Orsha; Ney, alert for
another ambush as at Krasnoi, sent some Poles ahead (because of their
language abilities) to reconnoiter the area. These scouts found elements
of Prince Eugene's force, which together with Mortier began to shoot as a
signal to Ney. The mrshal cautiously approached to see who was shooting
and upon seeing Eugene and Mortier leading their troops, mshed ahead to
embrace them both--the fragment corps hugged and squeezed each other in
delight at their good luck to survive. Napoleon was spared the embarrass-
ment of announcing Ney's lossm.

When Napoleon heard of Marshal Ney's fabulous exploit, he is reported
to have said, "I would have given the treasury in 113* vaults in the Tuiler-
ies palace rather than lost so brave a 1mm... Better an army of deer

" 71 Meneval

commanded by a lion than an armsr of lions commnded by a deer.
felt that the loss of the III Corps was of more pressing concern to the
Emperor than Ney's personal safety”.

Orsha proved to be a godsend for supply, but efforts to rally the
troops to discipline failed. Napol son's personal appeal to the Guard to

preserve that “last asylum of French military honour"?3 went flat. Bias

 

69 Marbot, Memoirs, p. 557.

70 Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, IV, 442.
1 Me’neval,—Hemoirs, 111,77.

2 Ibid., II—TI, 7."

3 'T'h'iers, The Consulate and the Empire, IV, 242.

 

 

50

big hope, to sustain his armies to the Beresina, was a plan to rendezvous

with Victor and Oudinot (40,000) and thus have a force of about 80,000
to strike back at the Russians”.

On November 24, Oudinot finally reached the Beresina and commenced
a bridge. On November 25, General Eble and his equipment-stripped engi-
neers arrived to assist. The rugged engineers worked in the icy water
for two days with only snatches of sleep. Two bridges were completed;
the first gave way under the artillery and had to be replaced, while the
second served during the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh. Some 15,000
exhausted stragglers on the east bank inexplicably refused to budge while
Ney and Victor strove to heat back the Russian stabs at the bridgeheads
by Tchitchakoff. Ney had been relieved by Victor only after great per-
suasion75. The latter did a remarkable job of holding out during November
27 and 28. Since he could not make the refugees move, he had to evacuate
the area at nine o'clock that night, leaving them to their fate. The
bridge was blown up the following morning on the twenty-ninth”.

Junot reluctantly described the slaughter to his wife.
Women and children were driven by the lances of the Cossacks into the
freezing water of the river; the bodies of the slain were crushed beneath
the wheels of the fourgons in which the useless riches had been stowed;
females were captured By the Cossacks and exposed to every sort of out-
rage; children stripped and thrown naked into the snow--shrieks and groans
mingled with the roaring of the cannon; and while the wrecks of the army
hurried across the bridges, thousands fell into the river without the
possibility of being rescuedi Twenty thousand prisoners were taken--the

treasures of Moscow were wrested from us.... In short, we were in our
turn plundered-wand ignominiously, like vile brigands!."77

 

74 1515., IV, 242.

75 MOt, M63101“, p. 5930

76 Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, IV, 445.

77 d'Abrantes, Memoirs ffnffio. Caulaincourt's With Napoleon in
Russia (New York, 1935) gives good view of staff woFk and flight
E0 Paris.

 

 

51

The rout continued beyond the Beresina. Platow's Cossacks, supported
by the .Rissian division of Tchaplitz, began again to harass Ney's rear-
guard. After a titanic struggle to guard the west bank of the Beresina
Ney was reduced to four hundred men and had to give way. On December 4,
Napoleon planned to leave the army at Smorgoni and with Caulaincourt head
for Paris in the little red sled. He still had about 12,000 armed men
and 40,000 stragglers plus the reserve commands of Wrede, Loison, Schwart-
zenburg, Macdonald, Reynier, and Augereau,totaling 86,000 men,in Poland.
He left on December 6, giving command to Murat-“the army was stupefied.
There was still a long way to go to safety and their beloved Emperor had
left them. All the horses were dead and eaten; starvation claimed thou-
sands. On December 9, Vilna was reached. Although adequate supplies
existed there, the rabble looted and burned until no one got sufficient
rations. (The Russians put pressure on the beleagured French; three Russian
corps bore down on Victor who had but few soldiers left73. Ney ordered
the chest of treasure distributed to the troops rather than left to the
Russians79.

Murat cracked under his responsibility and fled, deserting 20,000
wounded. Only Loison with 3,000 Guard held the rear. Ney and Lefebvre
scraped together a few men to man the walls of Vilna as long as possible.
On December 10, the dike broke, carrying the French pell-mell toward the
Niemen and on past Kowno. On December 12, Murat held a council which

degenerated int) a hair-pulling contest. Ney in disgust agreed to defend

 

78 Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, IV, 247-49. I
79 Marbot, Memoirs, p. 596. (Segur said they were pillaged.)

 

52

Kowno for forty-eight hours to enable the rabble to get away. With almost
nothing, Ney and Gerard held back the CossacksBO.

As a veteran reported shortly after the campaign, "He [Ney] was all
the time in front with the firing line. I loaded my gun only a few paces
from him. His behavior was enough to put heart into the worst coward...”
When the troops began to waver in the attack, Ney would shout, "Men, will
you desert a commander who never deserted you? If the worst comes to
worst, I will go alone'.“81

Finally forced out of Kownc, Ney tried to withdraw across the ice-
ccngested Niemen, but the Cossacks cut his men down and scattered them
like thistle-down, leaving Michel Ney alone. Oudinot reported that "it
was at Kowno, in fact, that Ney gave up the retreat, if that was still the
name for a shadow of a command which he strove to wield until the end over
a few scattered remnants he had kept together on the narch. They broke
up completely on the banks of the Niemen, and after tl'at each acted and
marched on his own account."82 Ney, deserted, armed like a private,
forced his way across the bridge at Kowno, dropped an armful of muskets
into the Niemen, and descended into safety on the far side-«the last man
of the Grand Army”. (He had no command left, so he joined the other
marshals at Gumbimen.)

When Napoleon deserted his army at Smorgoni, December 5, 1812, he

had done so in order to precede the news of the hissian disaster to Paris.

 

3‘1) Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, IV, 249.
St. Elmo, Memoirs, p. 157.—
32 Duchesse de Reggie (mdinot), Memoirs of Marshal Oudinot Due de
Re io (London, 7), p. 195.
B3 eneval, Memoirs, III, 100. See also Marbot, Memoirs, p. 599.

 

 

53

The Emperor was well aware that a dangerously large segment of malcontents,
hostile emigres, and political subversives would make the most of his
temporary impotence. In order to steal a march on his enemies he came
flying home to Paris where he frantically tried to repair his weakaled
position before the attack he foresaw actually struck.

Napoleon had been astonished as early as 1800 to receive overtures

from Louis, Count de Provence, suggesting that he might now reimtate the

Bourbons and receive a position for the rest of his life84. Bonaparte

answered in part on September 7, 1800 (20th Fructidor, Year VIII).

You should renounce all hope of returning to France; you could not do so
but over the corses [sic-corpses] of half a million Frenchmen.
Sacrifice your individual interests to the repose and happiness of
France; history will give you credit for it. I am not insensible to the
misfortunes of your family; I will contribute with pleasure to the ease
and tranquillity of your retirement.
Napoleon85

Similar approaches from the Bourbons and their sympathizers were
made periodically throughout the imperial period. After the hissian de-
bacle the intensity of Louis propaganda was stepped up. Ney had received
several such manifestos early in 1813, according to Ida St. Elmo, and
frankly admitted it to her.

Yes, some were sent to me. There is a lot of paper wasted in the army.
It would better be used for cartridges. This advertising of opinion has
had no effect upon the soldiers, nor do we officers take all these
proclamations seriously. But the Emperor attaches great importance to
them, and the government foolishly takes notice of them. Fouche’ is said
to be the instigator of these intrigues.... why of those whom he
[Napoleon] thinks he Ins mde friends of, like Fouche: and Talleyrand,
and others, are betraying him. He will see: He will seel Fortunately
the sound of cannon frightens the birds of prezé. While the Emperor has
a soldier and a cannon left he may feel safe.B

84 See appendix, note 3.
B5 Thiers, The Consmlate and the Empire, I, 207.

St. Elmo, Memoirs, p. 163.

 

54

Ney erred in thinking that Napoleon did not know of Fouche's and
Talleyrand's intrigues. The Emperor while closeted one day with Fouche’
declared flatly, "You are a traitor!."87 Fouche’kept his post as Minis-
ter of Police only because he kept Hortense misled, and because Napoleon
had him checked by Savory as Inspector General of Police and Real as
Prefect of PoliceBB. Talleyrand had served Napoleon loyally until 1808
when Napoleon, in opposition to his minister's advice, failed to consumate
an alliance with Austria. This alliance was one of Talleyrand's pert pro-
jects and to have it so casually discarded by Napoleon at Erfurt caused
limping Charles to revenge himself in the pay of Metternicheg.

Another major enemy of the Emperor was Madame de Sta'e'l, who, because
of Napoleon's literary repression and her personal antipathy, grew to hate
the Corsican cordiallygo. Benjamin Constant, a liberal newspaperman and
friend of Madame de Sta'e‘l, shared the farmer's hostility to the imperial
autocracygl.

In addition to these individuals, a large group of political philoso-
phers called the "Idealogues" championed constitutional liberty under the
leadership of Lafayette, Constant, and Sismondigz.

Not only were elements of the civilian population slipping from under
Napoleon's directed tutelage, but many of the leading army personalities

began to wonder at the seemingly endless course of war. Caulaincourt

begged Napoleon at the June and July Dresden conferences not to be misled

 

87 Count Lavalette, Memoirs of Count Lavalette (Philadelphia, 1394),
Pp. 318-320.

83 Refmsat, Memoirs, p. 366. Also see St. Elmo, Memoirs, p. 63.

89 Madelin, EIIeyrand, p. 151. ...._...........

90 Thiers, The Consulate and the Ehnpire, I, 59.

91 Cambridge Mbdern Histogy, (London,‘I907), X, 41.

93 IbidI:fii, 40.

 

 

 

 

55

by the ephemeral triumphs at Lutzen and Bautzen during May, 1813, by the
remnants of the Russian disaster and the green conscripts from France.
For God's sake, Sire, let peace weigh in the scale against chances of war;
consider the people's irritated mood, the condition of Germny once Aus-
tria declares herself, the weariness of France, her noble devotion, her
sacrifices of the Russian disasters....Listen to those of your devoted
servants, true Frenchmen who like myself, are obliged to tell you that
this tulmllt in Europe must be assuaged93

Austria, sick of Napoleon's indecision, joined the Allies on August
1294. Napoleon's victory at Dresden, following the armistice, did little
to bolster the French morale. Leipsig was preceded by a general collapse
of the French strongpoints in Germany as Oudinot was beaten at Gross Beeren,
Macdonald at Katzbach; and Ney swept back by Bernadette at Jutterbach95
Mustering an ill-prepared army before Leipsig, Napoleon was decisively
beaten on August 17, and flung back across the Rhine96.

The discouraged French straggled across the Rhine at Mayence with
only a shred of organization left to resist the Allies”. Ney shared the
general despondency and fatigue, and in a soldier's contempt for the
traitorous political hangers-on in Paris, bitterly condemned the "army"
at the 'Iuileries and the "wind bags of the Senate, the Council of State,

and the Assembly"98.

 

32 Coudray, Mettemich, p. 96.

Kircheisen, Napoleon, pp. 621-622. '

95 Marbot, Memoirs, p. 618. See Me'neval, Memoirs, III, 136, and
Kircheisen, Napoleon, pp. 639-48.

96 d'Abrantes, Wino rs, III, 322».

97 Vivid description—Sf the army given by Lavalette, Memoirs, p.
252. Also see Macdonald, Recollections of Marshal Macdonald,
Duke of Tarentum (New York, 18927, I, 102.

98 St Vilma, lLflemofrs, pp. 163-164.

 

 

 

56

The Allies, still in awe of Napoleon's prestige and fearful of a
French uprising as in 1792-93, hesitated to cross the Rhine into France,
rationalizing that Napoleon's retirement into France had robbed them of
the obligation to continue the war of liberation. They suggested a con-
ference to make a settlement; Chatillon resulted, and became sheer purga-
tory for Caulaincourt who represented the vacillating policy of Napoleon99

It soon became obvious that Napoleon was merely playing for time,
and the Allies, shaken by quick French victories of Brianne, Montmirail,
Croanne, and Chalons-sur-Marne slowly pressed toward Paris after Naopleon
severed relations with Chatillonloo. Talleyrand encouraged the Allies
to hurry fastergwriting, "You are walking on crutches; make use of your

1:" 101

legs and do what you wan . The Allies did hurry and on March 26

crushed Mortier and Mamont against the Paris walls. Two days later Paris
was theirsloz.
Meanwhile, Napoleon, finally perceiving his false move toward Vitry,
turned about on the twenty-ninth, and with Caulaincourt, raced toward
Paris as his empire fell down around his ears. Near Fontainbleau, General
Bellaird gave him the news of Paris' surrender. Stunned, he burst out,
"What cowardice.... Surrender: Joseph has ruined everything. Four hours

too latei...”103

The Bourbons were invited to take the throne largely due to Talley-

rand's concession to Metternich, who had favored Napoleon up to Chatillon,

 

13: Kircheisen, Napoleon, pp. 655-657.
Stephens, Revolutionary Europe, p. 319.

101 Madelin, TalIeyrand, p. 192.

102 Ibid., p.193. * '

103 Armand de Caulaincourt, No Peace with Napoleon (New York, 1936),
p. 29.

 

 

 

57

and the Tzar.Alexander, who just did not know'what France wanted, though
he originally smiled on Bernadette104. Talleyrand, by a clever manipula-
tion of a rump Senate had the ”craven office-holders"105 of that august
body convene. On April 2 at nine o'clock, Nambrecht proposed Napoleon's
removal--motion carried. On April 4, Mermont'went over to the Allies and
killed any raw notion of the Emperor to march on Parislos.

At Fontainbleau, the officers were all excited, and according to
Nacdonald, begged him.to persuade Napoleon to stop'thelcampaign. The
soldiers stood behind the marshals--even the Guard weakened107. On April
2, the Emperor inspected his troops in the courtyard at Fontainbleau and
exhorted them to ”conquer or die". The soldiers were again enthusiastic
but the officers became alarmedloe. After much hedging on.toth sides,
Napoleon sought to check his marshals' defection by curtly disndssing
them with, "I rely upon.you, gentlemen." Usually his juniors would
obediently retire at this, but now they merely drew together nervously.
Ney in his impetuous way blurted out, "Not a single sword should leave
the scabbard to effect the useless and insane crime of a desperate ambi-

tion against the countryx" Napoleon.was dumbfounded at such an.outburst

and almost repeated the scene of 18th Brumaire at this, the “first truth

 

104 Kircheisen, Napgleon, pp. 659-68 passim. See Stephens, Revolu-

tionary Europe, pp. 326-30. Coudray, etternich, p. 103.

105 CaulaincourtjfiNo Peace with Napoleon, p. 68.

5 Madelin, Talleyrand, p. 23's. f
107 Mecdonald, Recollections, p. 141. See Bourrienne, Memoirs of
Napoleon, III, p. 145. "Sire, that plan.must be renounced.
Not a sword will be unsheathed to second you in such an enter-
prise.”
Bourrienne, Memoirs of Napoleon, III, 189.

 

 

 

 

 

108

 

58

in tenyears."109 Shaken, he asked ndth a bitter smile, "The army at
least will that follow me?" "The army“ replied the Earshal coldly, "will
obey its generals." "Well, what ought I to do in your opinion?"
"Abdicate!"110

The Emperor sank in his chair and grimly wrote out his abdication in
favor of the Regency of the Empress. “Here, gentlemen: Are you satisfied?"
The marshals noddedlll. Ney, Nacdonald, and Caulaincourt were to act as
emissaries to the Allies, picking up Mhrmont at Essonne en route (this was
on April 4). Ney and thdonald left the room to arrange for carriages,
while Caulaincourt remained behind a moment for detailed instructions.

Napoleon told Caulaincourt, "...I do not believe I could make a better
choice [Ney] , under the present circumstances.... He is one of the army's
great men, trusted by many of the officers and by the soldiers, his opin-
ion will have more weight, even here, and he‘will be more useful to me in
the negotiations than any other-~if he stays on the right track...for he
'will find himself on slippery ground at Paris, thanks to his wife's family."
Napoleon went on to point out that Ney was no politician and too impetuous,
adding uncomplimentarily, "He is as weak as he is brave, and his inordi-
nate ambition makes him.an easy prey."112

At that moment General Allix barged in to repeat a rumor that the
Allies had entered Paris against the wishes of Francis. Napoleon at once

seized upon his old delusion, ordering Caulaincourt to bring back Ney

 

l

 

09 Alphonse de Lamartine, Histo of the Restoration of monarchy
in France (London, 188277ff¥723
11° T~I id., p. 174.
Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 144.
112 Caulaincourt, No Peace with Napoleon, p. 137.

 

59

and Macdonald and his abdication. The marshals refused to obey answering,
"we are sure of the concurrence of the Emperor of Austria, and we take
everything upon ourselves." Napoleon reluctantly gave in.again113.

The emissaries bargained futilely throughout April 5 to preserve the
Regency. Marmont's intentional betrayal at first deceived the three comp
missioners, but in any case, it broke down their strongest argument--a
unified French army still in the field114. Ney, not to his credit but
understandably, considering his shortage of political acumen, grew warm
during the discussions with Alexander and gave vent to his fear of the
“ambition, the thirst for glory, the blindness of the Emperor Napoleon".
As Caulaincourt admits, it was all probably true, but censures Ney for
his imprudencellS.

The trio returned to Fontainbleau on April 6. Ney again took the
floor and told Napoleon that only complete and unconditional abdication
would satisfy the Allies. Caulaincourt and Macdonald replied in gentler
terms. Napoleon agreed, sensing a new coolness of the troops in a review
on the previous daylle. On April 11, 1814, Caulaincourt, Ney, Macdonald,
Metternich, Hardenburg, and Castlereagh officially signed away the
Napoleonic Empire117.

Ney was at odds with his two colleagues because he had written the
Tzar on the night of April 6 telling him.of Napoleon's agreement to uncon-

ditional surrender. Caulaincourt, so adroit in diplomatic protocol, and

 

113 Bourrienne, memoirs, III, 145.

114 Caulaincourt, No Peace with Napoleon, pp. 145-46.
5 Ibid., p. 158.

6 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 167. See Kircheisen, Napgleon, p. 670.

117 Stephens, Revolutionary Europg, p. 331.

 

 

60

Macdonald deplored this breach of appearance by Neylle.

Perhaps Ney was
merely the more realistic of the group, fearing that Napoleon might again
try to revoke their powers before peace was official as he had done
throughout the Chatillon conferences and on April 2. Ney's stand, though
potentially shaky, was in reality clear. He considered Napoleon done
and worked for a peaceful settlement before France was further ravaged
pointlessly. At the peace discussions he confined himself to national
questions, making no attempt to defend Napoleon's positionng. Ney did
technically endanger his own position by adhering to the "new order“ before
the peace treaty was signed. Caulaincourt and Macdonald were aware of this
point and refused to adhere before ratification of the treaty, such to
Talleyrand’s angerlzo. When Caulaincourt and liacdonald returned to Fon-
tainbleau, Ney refused to join them, mintaining his mission was over.
As the two entered Napoleon's quarters he asked, ”Where is Ney?" His two
ambassadors avoided the truth saying, "He was not able to come along just
now." Napoleon saw the point and did not mention Ney againml.
Although Napoleon really had no reason to expect his subordinates'
undying loyalty considering his own record, Ney could have made a better
showing than he did, had he had any notion of diplomatic behavior. He
reacted in a soldier's direct manner to a non-military situation with
notable naivete: As Bourrienne on the Bourbon side said, "Ney, as all

his friends concur in admitting, expended his whole energy in battle, and

often wanted resolution when out of the field, consequently I was not

\

118 Macdonald, Recollections, p. 186.

9 Caulaincoufi, No Peace with Napoleon, p. 223.
13° Macdonald, RecollecTions, pp. 196-97.
121 Caulaincourt, No Peace with Napoleon, p. 231.

 

 

61

surprised to find he had joined us before some other of his comrades."122

His conduct, so politically wanting, may be questioned, but significantly,
no one chose to impugn his motives. Napoleon.had been doomed long before
Ney took his Emperor's fate in his hands. Long-term trends and subversive
individuals had left Ney an incontrovertible legacy. Ney was, in reality,
a very small, politically stupid fish.who foolishly tried at the last
minute to swim.in a very big political pool which was already overcrowded.
That he did so for what he'thought was in the best interests of France is
really the point, since the question of Napoleon's rule had become an

inimical matter to him and to France.

 

122 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 168.

CHAPTER III
THE FIRST RESTORATION AND THE HUNDRED DAYS

The Peace of Paris, signed by Talleyrand for Louis XVIII with the
Allies on may 30, 1814, culminated almost two months of foreign occupa-
tion of Paris. The Allied seizure of the capital was assisted greatly
by Talleyrand as well as Marmont's defection. 0n the eve of march 30,
Nesselrode broke in on Talleyrand at his house on Rue Saint-Florentin to
tell the Prince that the Tzar wanted to deal with the'French directly.
Talleyrand, quickly identifying himself with "the French", immediately
had his flunky Dalberg, Baron Louis, and Abbe’de Pradt to draw'up a
"proclamation of the French". This document briefly stated 1) that the
‘Allies‘would no longer treat with Napoleon.nor any member of his famiky,
2) that a Provisional government was to be formed to prepare a constitu-
tion, and 3) that the.Allies would deal wdth.this Provisional government.
Unknown to Ney, Caulaincourt, and Macdonald, their work on behalf of
Napoleon had thus been terminated even before they left the Emperor.1

The selection of a successor to Napoleon was a problem uppermost in
the minds of the Allied sovereigns, and yet, apparently, it was settled
by a mere coincidence. When the.Allied troops marched into Paris, each
‘wore a white scarf or'band around his left arm. To the Allies, these
were Hereby identification to prevent one Allied unit assaulting another
one due to the variety of uniforms within the coalition forces. To the'

Parisians, it was a symbol of the Bourbons.2 Talleyrand, hoping to

l
Mhdelin, Tall rand, p. 198.

2 Caulaincourt, %o Peace'with Napoleon, p. 42. Caulaincourt at
first thought it was a Swedish decoration designed by the

.Allies to champion Bernadette.

 

 

63

thwart Bernadette, had thoughtfully supplied white cockades to the

mobs.3

Alexander' s "triumphal narch" into Paris on'March 31, according to
ex-Postmaster-General Lavalette, was made--

....at the head of several beautiful divisions of infantry, appointed as
if for parade. He was preceded by a numerous and brilliant staff. All
the procession advanced along the boulevards, it was soon augmented by
numbers of Frenchmen when our armies had never seen in their ranks. The
Montmorencys, the Dundeauvilles, the Noailles, who then the eneny faced
for the first time, were eager to welcome him to the metropolis, and to
lay at his feet the homage and joy of the French people. One might have
thought that for twenty years France had been wishing their presence.

A little farther, all the genteel company of Paris' drawing-room joined
the retinue. Women dressed as out for a fete, and almost frantic with
joy, waved their pocket handkerchiefs and cried, 'Long live the Emperor
Alexanderi' I was not so far off but that I distinguished among them
nary ladies whose husbands had long filled elevated stations in the
fallen court, and who themselves, loaded with honour and riches, had been
attached to the service of the two Empresses.4

Generally it depended on which part of Paris the observer happened to be
in that determined the reception of the Allies. As Kircheisen indicates,
the poorer sections of Paris met the foreigner with reserve and dignity,
while the richer quarters as seen by Lavalette greeted Alexander with
enthusiastic cries.5

Francis arrived later on April 15. Some felt his pomp and circum-
stance was out of place for the father of the sic-Empress. He was met by

the Duke d'Artois and proceeded to Place Louis IV for a great review

 

3 Elizabeth w. Schemerhorn, Beniamin Constant (New York, 1924),
p. 264. See Frederick B. Artz,QFcrance Under the Bourbon Restora-
tion (Cambridge U.S., 1931), pp. l0-ll. See appendix. When
Alexander proposed Bernadette, Talleyrand replied, "If a soldier,
why not the greatest of soldiers?”
Lavalette, Memoirs, pp. 265-66.

5 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 668.

 

 

64

which pained mny Parisians to see.6

It was gall and wormood to
Lavalette to see ”the barbarians of Russia, with all the European armies
[the French] had vanquished, paraded in our squares, sit insolently
round our hearths; and the French, who were again grown polite, whom
prosperity and luxury of the Court had refined and enervated, look on
the scene with eyes of indifference. We deserved but too well our fate."7
The Prussians made themselves at home at St. Cloud. Metternich, on
a visit to Bliicher, could not forget the contrasts he had seen. "[Bliioher]
and his aides-de-camp smoke where we have seen the court in full dress.... '
Army tailors are established where they had a theater, and the msicians
of a regiment of chasseurs fish with a line for the goldfish under the
windows of the Chateau."8
On a whole, the Allies behaved themselves well, and although stories
circulated to the contrary, Allied functions were popular. Constant com-
mented on April 21, "Lord Wellington disp1ays with' decency a great repu-
tation on a background of mediocrity. He gives balls to four thousand
peeple. hiring the week every one says he won't go to pay court to a man
who has humiliated Frenchmen; when the day approaches they all struggle
for tickets, and the next day those who did not get them say they de-
clined."9
After the Allied mrch into Paris on March 31, Alexander wanted to

settle the question of succession as expediently as possible. Tallyrand's

 

 

6 Etienne Denis, Due de Pasquier, Histo of Time, Memoirs of
Chancellor Pasquier (New York, 1%.
Ilavalette, Memoirs: p. 267.
Coudray, Metternic , p. 162.

9 Schemerhorn, Constant, p. 266.

 

65

rump Senate of 63 out of 140 was ”invited by His lbfiesty, the Emperor
Alexander" to convene at 3:30 P.3d. on April 1. Wily Talleyrand, "the
King-maker" thus gave himself future protection by merely obeying a
Russian order. Talleyrand was elected president of the Provisional gov-
ernment, including General de Bournonville, Jaucourt, Delbert, and
Montesquiou, which came to be called the "whist partner” government by

Chat eaubriand. 10

On April 2, Alexander appeared before the Senate to
make a speech as "a friend of the French people" who blamed only Napoleon
for the European aggressions. He sought to impress them that they were
"charged with one of the most glorious missions which generous men can
discharge, that of securing the happiness of a great people, in giving
France institutions, at once strong and liberal, with which she cannot
despense in the advanced state of civilization to which she has attained."
And as a token of his good faith, Alexander promised to secure the re-
lease of 150,000 French prisoners of war.11
It was into this scene that a rather wise Louis Capet descended.
Parades on May 1 and 2 inaugurated the return of the Bourbons. Talley-
rand had gone ahead to Compiegne to meet Louis on April 29, confident
that his copious letters of loyalty would win a hearty greeting. Louis
met Talleyrand, after allowing him a three-hour wait, with the greeting,
"I am glad to see you. Our houses date from the same period," as Talley-
rand well lcnew. The Prince was, however, thrown off guard when Louis,

anticipating the 10th Century drama, said to him, "My ancestors were more

 

1° mammalima, pp. 203-4.
11 Stephens, Revolutionary Europe, p. 330.

 

66

clever. If yours had been more so than mine, you would say to me today,
'Take a chair, draw near, let us speak of our businessl' Today it is I
who say to you, 'Sit down and let us talk'."12 Thus were twenty years
erased.

The parade on May 2 was lead by imperial chasseurs and grenadiers
of the Guard who, despite not being allowed to freshen up after a forced
march to Paris, excited the old Parisian affection for the "grizzly mous-
taches" who could "so easily make the foreigner dance". Cries of ”Long
. live the Guard“ mingled with "Long live the King!" as the Old Guard
passed by. Marshal Berthier rode ahead of the King's carriage with some
general officers. Some of the marshals, including Ney, rode with Monsieur
and Duke de Berryls. '

Then came the King in his carriage, since his gout prevmted anything
more strenuous. When Bourrienne heard Count d'Artois remrk that Louis
suffered so that at times he could not walk, he exclaimed, "What! The
King cannot walk, but at least he can ride!” "Not at all”, replied the
count. "W God," cried Bourrienne, "what will become of ”7'14 The
King's carriage was an open caleche drawn by six horses, and riding with
him was the pious-looking mchesse d'Angoulame and the two Princes of the
house of Conde’. “The monnous bulk of the Monarch, his harsh look and
severe features", wrote Lavalette, ”disconcerted the enthusiasm of those

who had a close view of him; and after the space of a few hours, there

 

13 Madelin, Talleyrand, pp. 215-16.

13 Pas
quier, Histo offly Times, II, 424-37 Essim. De Berry
was wearing figlish uniform. Macdonald, eco lections, p. 217.

4 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 197.

 

 

67

remained nothing, even in the mass of the population, but cold indiffer-
ence for the fortunate brother of Louis XVI."15 In contrast, another
observer, Pasquier, wrote, "The entry of the King, for which careful prep-
arations had been nude, was admirable. A greater display of magnificence
is oftentimes to be seen, but the spontaneous movement and enthusiasm of
the population was perhaps never met with to a like degree anywhere...
especially on the part of the bourgeoisie."16 Lady Jackson, also present
at the time, admitted that Louis was not the vision of the "son of St.
Louis" France expected. She noted that the old imperial units were used
as an escort since the so-called Restoration troops were little more than
ruffians. A remark she overheard from the crowd went like this. "Which
one is the King?" "It is that big gouty fellow.“ Cries of "Vive la
garde imperialel.“ caused Duchesse d'Augoulane to look with hatred at the
J7

mob . Kircheisen says that one-tenth of the population favored Louis,

one-third were willing to accept him as fait accompli, the remainder were

passive and indifferent”.

 

Louis was cultured and intelligent, even though a gouty and obese
nun, who was still infatuated with the concept of Divine Right but hope-
ful of trying to compromise with the Revolution”. He had for a time

been popular as a conciliator during the Revolution because of his known

 

15 Lavalette, Memoirs, pp. 269-70.

16 Pasquier, 11"”1eto‘31‘ "'of 1p Time, II, 436.

17 Lady Catherine C. Jacksonfihe Court of the Tuileries (Boston,
1897), 1, 73-5.

8 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 686.

1 Ibid., p. 68 .

 

 

68

disinterest and scholarship, which was largely reaction to the mediocrity
of one brother, Louis XVI, and the flashiness of the other, d'Artois.
He wrote well and eventually gained over many of d'Artois emigres who had
formerly hated him, but not, however, the hard corps of Coblentzzo.
Louis quickly made himself comfortable in the Tuileries, provoking
‘Metternich to remark on the many visits he had had with Napoleon in the
same setting, saying, "and yet your majesty seems quite at home.“ "It
must be admitted," Louis answered blandly, "that Napoleon.was a good
tenant. He has arranged everything perfectly for:me.'21

As indicated, the Peace of Paris settled the French question momen-
tarily and, despite obvious ground for apprehension in.boundary considera-
tion, Talleyrand‘wrote a glowing account of his handiwork to Duchesse de
Courlandz "I have finished 11y peace with the great powers. It is a very
good one, founded on a basis of perfect equality, and rather noble. My
friends, and you especially, ought to be pleased with.me.* Gents con-
tradicts, "...this peace, with conditions, will not help to make the'King
popular in'France."22

The forecast of Louis' reign.was not without clouds, yet it was in
many respects very good. Louis had a fair understanding of the Revolu-
tion, and his proclamations showed a willingness to be moderate, which
'won.the confidence of the Allies at leastzs. France was still the great-

est power in Europe despite her defeat, she‘was still the symbol of

 

2‘1) Iamartine, History of the_Restoration, I, 73-5.
Coudray,-Metternich, p. 116.

32 Madelin, —Tl_—-Ta eyrand, p. 218.

2" Pasquier, History of fly Times, II, 442.

 

 

 

69

liberty, and this status was fairly well preserved by the peace treaty24.
Louis as king was, in both fact and theory, head of France; he mnaged
appointments and controlled the suffrage. All he had to do was use his
powerzs. As Decazes put it, the problem was "to reyalize France and to
nationalize the monarchy"26. Louis' proclamation from St. Ouen, urged

by Talleyrand27, which appeared in the May 3rd Meniteur assumed that all
loyal Frenchmen would rally round the throne when national property,

rank, Legion of Honor, and no ecc-post-facto molestation were guaranteed”.
His token acceptance of the Charter, which was written by twenty-two
Napoleonic senators, deputies, and ministers, showed his moderationzg.
However, this attempt to superimpese the royal trinity of "King, nobles,
people” on the Revolutionary and Napoleonic institutions seemed predes-
tined to failureso. He made the gross error in thinking that men alone
make revolutions.

On the debit side, it was perfectly obvious that none of the Bour-
bons except Louis XVIII returned with the idea of being popular with the
peeplesl. In a letter from Jaucourt to Talleyrand in Vienna in January
1815, Jauceurt was compelled to admit, "the King has said a good thing.

He asked to look at a paper called the Yellow Dwarf. The Duo d'Angeulee

 

 

24 Madelin, Tall rand, pp. 207-12 ssim.

25 G. Lewes Dickinson, Revolution and Reaction in Modern France
(London, 1692 and 1927), pp. 66-66.

26 Cambridge Modern History, x, 16.

2'7 Rainier, History of My Times, II, 4:55.

23 Le Moniteur, “fray, 16I4, p. 467.
Arts, France Under the Bourbon Restoration, p. 12.

0 Dickinson, Revolution and Reaction in Modern France, p. 73.
Lanartine, History of the Restoration, I, 490. Louis Philippe
was out for himself, not the Bourbons.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

70

said, 'Does your Majesty, then, read the Yellow Dwarf? It is said to be

 

a very bad paper.’ 'I do,‘ said the King. 'In the first place it amuses
me; and in the nest, it tells me what you would not tell me."‘32 Cer-
tainly Count d'Artois, who, until Louis arrived courted his own popular-
ity (with the ladies) with such success tl'nt even his wife was alarmed,
had no sympathy for the popular opinion concept of France“. Antagonisms
in France were rife; the énigre’s sided with England, the moses hated
England, and the e/migre’s and the masses hated each other. Unregenerate
imperials took the Russian side, and enjoyed the Anglo-Russian tensio 34’.
The Charter, as a guarantee of Revolutionary gains, was soon shown to be
the hastily-constructed thing it really was, and the Royalists began to
exploit the loopholes. The preamble was an outspoken attempt to preserve
Divine Right“. In addition, three potentially dangerous features were
incorporated into the Charter. The promulgation of state Roman Catholic-
ism was a threat even though freedom of religion was guaranteed. The
King kept legislative initiative in his own hand, and finally, he re-
stricted suffrage. Still the Charter was to mny an improvement over
Napoleon's autocracyss.

The first three months of tranquillity undo the Bourbons overcenfi-
dent and nerved them to request the removal of some 300,000 Allied troops.

The Allies agreed, since they were fearful of French influence on their

 

 

52 Correspondence of Prince Talleyrand and Louis XVIII durin the
Congress of Vienna (M. G. Pallain, ed.) (Few York, 1881), p. 566.

33 Edy Jackson,wThe Coprt of the Tuileries, I, 69.

34 Pasquier, History oflj'y Times, 11, 323.

35 Arts, France under the Bourbon Restoration, p. 38.

36 Bourne, The Revolutionary Period in Europg, p. 447.

 

 

 

 

71

troops ; but only after exacting a large indemnity did they move out of
France37.
Louis‘ court was a dull thing compared to that of Louis XVI or
Napoleon. Louis XVIII wanted peace and quiet and spent his time at work,
in cultural discussions, and eating. Since the nobility had no opportun-
ity to shine, they began to stay away, until soon the French Court had
dwindled to Louis' personal family circle”. The haughty mnner of the
flood of e’migrés alienated sympathy. At first, such liberals as Lafayette
offered their support to Louis as being personally less repugnant than
Napoleon. Mdame de Steal and Benjamin Constant also joined Leuissg.
Lafayette was, however, quickly angered by insolent emigre’s who referred
to the French people as ”the French" with a little sneer4o. Duchesse
d'Angoulé‘me, the daughter of unfortunate Marie Antoinette, was a cold,
melancholy soul to was undoubtedly in mind when Louis signed, “But for
the women, the Restoration would have been a bond of peace and universal
accord."41 The Duchesse' militant nature prompted Napoleon facetiously
to call her "the only man of her family"42. Her husband seemed to fit
in better with the French; his modesty end good sense with the troops

won him considerable respect”. me do Berry was such too eager and

childishly vain for the old veterans, and he gained unpopularity wherever

 

3'7 Lavalette, Memoirs, pp. 276-79.
Arts, France under the Bourbon Restoration, pp. 254-56.
59 Lamartine, Hmpg of the ResWrEtion,fi 65-66.
w. E. Woodward, Lafayette (Mew or , 1936), p. 392.
41 Lady Jackson, The Court of the Tuileries, I, 63.
42 Macdonald, Reoaieotions, II, he.
Lamrtine, Histgg of the Restoration, I, 467.

 

 

72

he went“. Defection among the Bourbons themselves was the result of
suspicions toward Due d'Orleans45.

Louis' government shortly became a veritable Siva of nany heads and
hands. Officially represented by the einigrds and ”ultras” on the right,
royalists and bourgeoisie in the center, and the agglomeration of anti-
Bourbonites on the left-~these in turn were broken down into clashing

groups. The "Ultras" were the most vengeful of the emigres. There was

one order, and only one, that of the Ancien Regime, and the actual state

 

of France was nothing but an "immoral transaction with anarchy"46. The
Right had great fear of secret societies and hated the Freemsons47. The
other extreme was not a well-organized opposition. The Left was merely
all those who were against the government, without amr common ideal. The
largest and most powerful segment of this group was the half-pay discon-
tented seldier48. The bourgeoisie Centers were the real supporters of
the monarchy, favoring Leuis' rule as order, an order assuring liberty
for them49. Louis Blane summed up the political conflict well when he
wrote,

One party desired that the nation should be agricultural, that the old
system of large proprietorships be reconstructed by means of entails and
the right of primogeniture, that the clergy should be indemnified out of
the forests of the state, that the administrative centralization of the

Revolution be abolished, that the country, in short, should be brought
back to the aristocratic and clerical regime of which the bourgeoisie

 

44 Ibid., I, 466.

45 T1 d., II, p. 50.

46 Dickinson, Revolution and Reaction, pp. 76-80.

47 Arts, France under thfiurbon Restoration, p. 46.

43 Ibid., p. 60. In addition, the liberals—like Guisot, Thiers,
and Mignet tried to theorize away the difficulties.

49 Dickinson, Revolution and Reaction, p. 76.

 

73

had undermined the foundations. The bourgeoisie, in turn6 wanted freedom
in trade, and full social and educational opportunities.5

The need of a strong man to reconcile the divergent views was an insis-
tent demand. Instead, there was the Talleyrand-Louis leadership in
which ”it was not possible that the confidence and authority necessary
to fill this part should exist betwem the Royal family and M. de Talley-
rand.“51 Talleyrand had been given the post of Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs by reluctant Louis, was never accepted by supercilious
elnigreE, and was eventually eased from power by de Blaoassz. Count
d'Artois' agents created much ill will by clameuring for claims of the
church and dispossessed noblesss.

One of the greatest sore spots was the army, which, after the loss
of its leader, became a great uneasy thing that in turn kept the Bourbons
on edge. Most of the troops remained faithful to the Emperor, especially
the lower officers. The King could not review troops, his Princes were
indifferent, and so the troops continued to be neglected. "This threat
to Beurbonism could be done away with," thought Louis happily, "by merely
sending about half of the arny home." And so they were.

They returned to their homes poor and humbled, and had moreover to suffer
from the mistrust of agents of the new authorities, and from the contempt
of that crowd of nobles, most of them old emigrants, who ranked among
their rights and privileges the pleasure of detracting from the military
glory, and branding with the name of revolt the heroic exertions of the
French to save their country from a foreign yoke. Most of the generals

who had been retained,...seen perceived...that the day was not far off
when they would be set aside to sake place for the Royalists....54

 

g? Arts, Fiance under the ngrboniestoration, pp. 9-10,
52 Pasquier, History of lg Time, II, 432,

53 Madelin, Talleyrand, p. .
54 Arts, France under the Bourbon Restoration, p. 14.
Lavalette, Memoirs, pp. 277-87 Essim.

 

 

 

74

At one review by Due de Barry, an officer stepped from the ranks and asked
the Prince for the Cross of St. Louis. "What have you done to deserve
it?" he was asked. "I have served thirty years in the French army."
"Thirty years robberyi" snorted the Prince55. Ostensibly the cut in the
forces was for economy purposes since Count d'Artois had frittered away
the francs supplied by the Allies56. Actually, the money saved in this
way hardly began to cover the expenses of Monsieur's new Military House-
hold Corps of the King. Composed of nobles who "became entitled to display
their epaulettes by the side of bravery and of talents incontestible and
uncontested1"57, and led by antique commanders like the Prince de Condo:
these troops received all the favors and appointmentsse. "They appeared
every day, by swarm, at the chapel of the Tuileries.... The accounts of
their ancient prowess at Coblentz, and in the legions of Conde’, appeared
pitiful to those who had beaten them with so much facility. They seemed
as if they had returned but the day before; and their boastings, supported
by the favors of the court, gave great offense to the warriors who had
recently fallen with so much glory."59 Dupont and Monsieur had been
warned in vain by Pasquier of the dangers of allowing the Guard to lose
face or to seem belittled, counseling that it be maintained as an elite
corps and help guarantee the loyalty of all the rest of the army. “Believe
me, General, there is but one title to take the place of that of the

Imperial Guard, and that is the Royal Guard.“60

 

55 Ibid., p. 276.

56 Pasquier, History of My Time, II, 450.

57 Ibid., II, 446.

58‘IEEErtine,_gistory of the Restoration, I, 490.
59 Lavalette, Memoirs, p. 277.

60 Pasquier, History of My Time, II, 425 and 448.

 

 

 

75

Louis had early made an attempt to win over the army by forming a
council of war consisting of Ray, Augereau, and Macdonald under the head
of Dupont61. Set up on May 6, 1814, it was designed to assist in elimi-
nating the demobilization errors that eventually occurred. This council
would have been an extremely valuable organ had it not been so completely
killed by the emigreh who feared for their positionsez.

The Legion of Honor was purposely debased in an endeavor to destroy
the Napoleonic hold on the armyss.

In spite of the demoralisation of the army, Talleyrand, in order to
bluff Nesselrode in Vienna, lied that "It is all for the King. One hun-
dred and thirty thousand men are ready to take the field, and at the
first summons three hundred thousand could join them." "The marshals,"
asked Nesselrode. "Which of them, Sire?“ "Oudinot." ”He is devoted to
the‘King.” "Soult?“ "He‘was rather sulking at first.... He has made
himself both liked and respected." "And Ney?" "He frets about his en-
dowments a great deal. Your'Majesty might diminish his regrets."64

‘What had Ney been doing during the restoration? It is, first of all,
clear that he was not a major figure in the jealousies and rivalries so
rampant in Bourbon France. Ney had first served on the aborted Council

of War, then had been given a command in Franche-Comt665. Aside from the

pressure of the emigre’s for his position, the Marshal was probably well

51 Ibid., p. 445.

62 Macdonald, Recollections, II, 220.

3 Ibid., II, 220. .

64 Correspondence of Talleyrand and Louis XVIII, p. 22.
Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 440-41.

 

 

76

enough off. However, in Paris, his wife, Egle, was not being accepted
socially at court. Duchesse d'Angeulé‘me slighted her cruelly, for she

was, after all, the daughter of the Duchesse's mother's femme de chambre

 

and the one to give penniless Marie Antoinette a few louis to take with
her to the conciergerie66. The Princess de Moskowa had let her husband's
honors go to her head somewhat, no doubt, but the treatment at court was
as foolish as it was vain insolence67. Lavalette met a former aide-de-
camp of Napoleon in the Tuileries gardens one day; the latter remarked
excitedly, "I have just met Marshal Ney; I have never seen a man so
exasperated than he against the Government. His lady was yesterday so
cruelly insulted at the Tuileries that she went home in tears. The old
duchesse taxed her with being the daughter of a ohambernaid."68 It also
seems tint Ney protested to de Blacas who answered the Marshal flippantly,
increasing Ney's anger. In addition, Madame Campan had lost her position
as head of Ecouen in spite of all Ney's protests. The two men continued
to stand talking, when Ney himself came striding through the garden and
joined than in their walk. "Well,“ he said to Lavalette, "so you have
kept yourself aloof; you are at peace, far from the puddle. How happy you
are, that have no insult to sufferi These people are so ignorant, they
know not what a Marshal Ney is. Shall I be obliged to teach it [to] them?”
With his pride outraged, Ney was a hot coal to handle, yet, as Lavalette

pointed out, “The Marshal was a man who always acted on the first impulse;

 

66 Genet, "A Family record of Ney's Execution", Century Megazine,

67 vol. 52, p. 415.
Remusat, Memoirs, pp. 398-99.
‘53 Iavalettew, Memoirs, p. 267.

 

77

he did not love the new Government; but he loved the Emperor still less..."69
A few days later Ney retired to his quiet estate at Coudreaux in disgust,
while the pitch of discontent continued to swell in arny circles through-
out France.

The Princes made futile trips to the departments to win support of
troops, but they had so completely surrounded themselves with their own
coterie that they had no notion of the people's feelingsm. Suspected
plotters like Excellmanns cheated the e’migreg; head plotters like Duo
d'Orleans and Fouche’ were safe; lesser men such as d'Brlon and Lallemnd
brothers were seizedn. Plots by Davout and Murat were hurried because
of reports from Vienna that Talleyrand was going to move Napoleon to a
spot more remote than Elba”. That the younger officers boldly held the
new government in low contempt was shown by a young colonel of Hussars
who stopped at an inn for food and drink. ”Your dinner is dear," said he
to his host. ”Is it because meat costs a great deal here? It is cheap
in Paris; you have a big pig for a napoleonl"73

On the surface, France was calm, deceptively so for the Bourbons“.
Underneath, the malcontents Immured that the Charter, accepted as was
Louis as an assurance of peace, was being flouted in preference to a re-

surgent Divine Right. The haughty reactionaries headed by gouty Louis

were about to restore the Church and Throne they said, sacrificing the

 

59 Ibid., p. 266.
70 Macdonald, Recollections, II, 237-38.

71 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, II, 61.

72 Lavalette, Memoirs, p. 295. A u

3 Imbert de smeint- , The Duchess of Angouleme and the Two
Restorations (New York,7892), p. 184.

4'Tbid., p._lBS,

 

 

 

 

78

'work of the Revolution75. It is not important if these charges were

wholly true or’not; enough people believed them to leave France in hushed

expectancy like people anticipating rain on a quiet, muggy summer day.
Napoleon was a restless man on Elba, a very tiny pinch of land for

a so-recent Emperor. iHe kneW'of Talleyrand's designs to either move him

76

or kill him; he knew that the stodgy Louis was "not calculated to be

popular with people like the French";77 he kneW'he could claim.for a motive
to return to France that the Treaty of Fontainbleau had been violated;78
he knew that his 700,000 old comrades would welcome "Corporal Violet" to
"come back with the spring"79. Taking leave of Elba while his British
guardian, Campbell, was visiting in.Nap1es, Napoleon landed quietly at
Antibes on the foggy morning of march l, 1815.

Issuing proclamations to the people, inspiring his 1,200 troops,
Napoleon set off toward Grenoble cautioning General Cambronne that he did
not want his crown to "cost the French a single drop of blood."80 Dumoulin,
an ardent Bonapartist, offered Napoleon 100,000 francs. The peasants
began to flock to the Guard; Labédoyere broke the spell of anxiety over
the first meeting with Royal troops by marching his 7th Regiment over in
a body on March 581. General Harchand was assembling 6,000 troops at

Grenoble to halt Napoleon, when the Emperor himself approached La Mhre

 

75 Stephens, Revolutionary Europe, p. 350.

76 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 685.
Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 209.

78 Harold Nicolson, The Congress of Vienna (London, 1946), p. 225.
leO0,000 not paid}

7 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 209.
Lamartine, History_pf the Restoration, II, 99.

31 Ibid., II, 45.

 

 

 

79

near Grenoble. The two tense amiss stood facing each other intently
when Napoleon broke out of ranks, ordered his men to "order arms", and
stepping up Marchand's troops said gravely, "Soldiers of the Fifth Regi-
ment: Do you recognize me?" The effect was sheer mesmerism. Not a
soldier stirred as an aide shouted again and again, "There he is! First"
Napoleon dramatically moved a step or two closer, tore open his tunic and
cried, "If there is any soldier among you who wishes to kill his Emperor,
he may do so. Here I aml" Soldiers fell at his feet as their comrades
chorused, ”Vive l'EmpereurWB2 Such was the approach to Iyons.

Louis was the first in Paris to learn the shocking news via semaphore
telegraph from Lyonses. He immediately assanbled his council of Ministers.
All of them, d'Artois, de Berry, and de Blacas, treated Napoleon as if he
were a madman about to fall into their trap. He would be harried like a
deer they said. Chateaubriand ridiculed this idea merrily; "The chief
measure employed against Bonaparte is an order that he be harried. Louis
XVIII, the legless, running down and harrying the conqueror who bestrode
the earth1“84

Louis called Soult, Minister of War, who was first incredulous, then
confident, spurning the "mere adventurer".85 Parisians soon heard the
news only to laugh and shrug; the soldiers obeyed their orders; the mobs
were quiet. Actually the police were so awed at the prospect of a lower

class rising that these people were virtually immune from secret police.

 

82 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 688.

Bi Lamartine, HTEEEE§"3T the Restoration, II, 48.
St. Amand, The Duchess of Angodleme, p. 191.

85 Ibid., p. 192.

 

 

80

The wealthy and the nobility took the rumors coldlyBS. To Lavalette it
was "an absolute miracle.... I could scarcely breathe from.emotion."87
To madame de Steel, the importance transcended emotion: “Liberty is over
if Napoleon triumphs, and national independence is ended if he is defeat-
ed."88

In Vienna, Talleyrand was informed of the "escape" by Metternich on
the morning of march 7. Metternich said he would go straight to Paris:
Talleyrand, deluded by the 30,000 troops requested by Mhrat, felt that
northern Italy was the logical place for Napoleon to begin operationssg.
Wherever he was, the Allies feared him, and.by a proclamation of March 13,
all representatives of the eight principle states at Vienna declared
Bonaparte "outside the laws of civilization, an enemy of the peace, an
outlaw", quite clearLy overlooking the fact that Elba was not a prison
for Napoleon, but a sovereign state fully justified in.waging war on.any
other statego.

Net to be caught napping, Napoleon had begun to issue proclamations
and manifestos at Antibes, and had poured out a steady stream.of them.a11
the way north. At the approach to Lyons on march 10, Napoleon issued his
first decrees as ruler of France: he dissolved the Chambers, summoned the
Imperial Assembly, banished all Royalists, and prescribed Talleyrand,

.__A_

56 Lavalette, Memoirs, p. 297.
87 Ibid., p. 293.
88 St. Amend, The Duchess of Angouleme, p. 192. See Madelin,
Memoirs, p. 244. Also see Hotternich, Memoirs, I, 254.
Correspondence of Talleyrand and Louis XVIII, p. 374. See.Appendix,
90 Kircheisen, Napoleon, p. 688. Note 5.

 

 

Bl

Augereau, and Marmont. Ney, though Napoleon knew there was little love
lost between them, was not on the listgl.

Ney had been late in hearing the news because of the seclusion of
his estate. In fact, he had been almost completely out of touch with
events for over a month. Like Soult, he was bitter and indignant that
Napoleon should threaten the ruin of France by civil war. He was called
to Paris and given command of the army of Franche-Comte/ assembling at
Besancongz. Before leaving Paris, Ney said to M. Gamot, his brother-in-
law, "What is this man about to do? This man who has nothing to bring

us but civil war? If he did not rely on our divisions, would he have

 

dared to place his foot on French soil?"93 It was also widely circulated

 

that he had promised Louis to bring Napoleon back "in an iron cage”.
Ida St. Elme assured her friend, M. Regnault, ”Ney is loyalty itself; he
will oppose the Emperor you may be sure."94

As Napoleon's swelling band moved north, the Royalists moved into
position to stop him. lhssena in the south stood still; Macdonald moved
into Lyons supported by Count d'Artois and Due d'Orleans; Duo d'Angoul’e'me
was drawn up on the right bank of the Rhone. Dic de Berry defended Paris,
and Mortier was still in the northgs. Ney had begun pushing south toward

Lons-le-Saulnier to rendezvous with Macdonald at Lyons.

 

91 Ibid., p. 690.

2 martine, History of the Restoration, II, 53. A pertinent
observation, author's italics.

93
Ibid., p. 87.

3: St. Elme, Memoirs, p. 199.
Lamartine, Histoq of the Restoration, II, 76.

 

 

82

In Lyons, Nacdonald, one of the most popular generals in the army,
could not get the troops enthusiastic. On the day that Napoleon was
expected, march 10, macdonald formed the men at the court in Bellecour.

A brief scene occurred when the troops refused to be reviewed by diArtois.
macdonald proceeded to form them.into squares, and rode into the center
of each, exhorting and praising them in turn. As he said,

I was very excited. I finished my speech by saying that I had too good
an opinion of their fidelity and patriotic feelings to think that they
would refuse to do as I did, who had never deceived them and that they
would follow me along the path of honour and duty; the only guarantee
that I asked of them was to join with me in crying: 'Long live the King!‘
I shouted this several times at the top of my voice. Not a single voice
joined me. They all maintained a stony silence; I admit I was discon-
certed.96

macdonald nevertheless tried to march his troops out of town, but at the
sight of Napoleon's scouts, the army burst into "Viva la Napoleon" and
flocked to the imperial banner. macdonald was attacked by his own hussars
and had to wear out three horses to reach safety”.

Napoleon issued a general amnesty at Lyons to all except Talleyrand,
Dalberg, Jaucourt, and marmontgs. In Paris, on March 10, the Deputies
declared their loyalty to Louis. Louis answered. Then Count d'Artois,
fresh from Lyons, rushed in to kiss Louis' hand crying, ”we swear to live
and die faithful to the‘King and to the Constitutional Charteri“ The
Chambers rose as a man to shout, "It is for us to die: It is our duty

to cover with our bodies the King, the country, the lawi... The King, in

life and in deathi We will live and die for the King.“99 Yet within two

 

g; Hacdonald, Recollections, II, 265.

Ibid., p. ZMienne, Memoirs, III, 254.
98 Madeiin, Talleyrand, p. 248.

Lamartine, History of the Restoration, II, 71.

 

 

83

short days, Napoleon narched up the grand staircase of the Tuileries with-
out firing a shot.

At Lons-le-Saulnier, Ney was in a quandary. What course of action
should he take? He could not meet with Macdonald, and without him he was
outnumbered by Napoleonloo. He knew that he was the only commander left
in Napoleon's way with the prestige to attempt a stand. He had impulsively
written Soult of March 11 when he heard of Macdonald's rout, "They 315E.
fight. I will take a musket from a grenedier and begin the action nyself!
I will run 1137 sword to the hilt in the body of the first man who hesitates

101

to firel" Here was Ney's bombast at its worst. By March 13, he knew

that the troops were growing more restless as Napoleon neared, he was not
sure of his generals, and worst of all, he was not sure of himself. The
pressure was on--he could fight and be killed, that was nothing; but to
fight would be to start a civil war, he feared. His own ego refused to
compromise his honor. Ney was further distracted by Bertrand's messages
from the Emperor. Las Casas comes close in stating,
...as the Emperor quitted Lyons, he wrote to inform Ney...that he met
immediately narch with his forces to join him. LHad subtly addressed it
to "The bravest of the Brave". J Ney, amidst general confusion, abandoned
by his troops, confounded by the Emperor's proclamations, the address of
the Dauphiny, the defection of the garrison at Lyons, overpowered by the
enthusiasm of the people of the surrounding provinces, Ney, the child of
the Revolution, yielded to the general impulse and issued his famous
order of the day."102

Before reading this proclamation to his troops, Ney had called a coun-

cil of his officers on March 13103. He showed them the proclamation he

 

100 Genet, "A Family Record of Ney's Execution", Century Magazine,
Vol. 52, pp. 421-22. Ney's only ten cannon were saizedby peasants.
101 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, p. 231.
102 Las Casas, Memorial de Ste. Helene, III, 169.
103 Lecourbe, Faverney, Clavet, Dugrivel, and Bourmont.

 

 

84

had written, and asked for their opinions. They were mixed. The next
morning, Ney held a review. There are indications that he hoped to learn
the attitude of his troops before taking the fatal step. The troops merely
reflected a gloomy anxiety in brittle silence104. Finding no counsel,
nothing but uncertainty, Marshal Ney then read the proclamation, beginning,
"Soldiers, the cause of the Bourbons is forever lost....u His words were' ‘
almost drowned out by the thunderous ovations as the soldiers broke ranks
to cheer their commanderlos. Dugrivel, the National Guard commander,
broke his sword swearing, "It is easier for a man of honour to break iron
than to break his word." Lecourbe merely edged away; Bourmont remined
noncommitallos. Ney moodily retired to his quarters to write Napoleon that
in his recent conduct he had been guided, principally by a view of the
interests of his country; and being convinced of having forfeited all
claims to Napoleon's confidence, he solicited permission to retire from
the service107.
Ney joined Napoleon at Auxerre on March 15. As Ney stuttered out
explanations and excuses, Napoleon embraced him saying, "I desire neither
justification nor explanation between us; for me you are still the 'Bravest
of the Brave'l“108 Napoleon did not care what happened to Ney, but his

common sense told him that "featherbrain"109 though Ney might be at poli-

tics, he was a useful man in the field. Ney for his part, was at a loss

 

104 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, II, 231.

105 Ibid., p. 91.

106 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 251.

107 Las Casas, Memorial de Ste. Helene, III, 169.

{83 Lamartine, History of theReEtoreHiion, II, 96.
Caulaincourtj No Peace with Napoleon, p. 237.

 

 

 

 

85

to know what to do other than drift along and see what would develop. He
was badly compromised for his political maneuvers that were quite sincere-
Ly the dictates of his heart. Ida St. Elme turned up at Auxerre to plague
him. "Well, Ida, have events turned out as you wanted?" "Is the emperor
satisfied?" "He would be rather hard to please if he were not. Not in
his palmiest days was he ever'acclaimed with such enthusiasmp-which I my-
self felt. Anybody who blames me would have done the thing in my place,
as a Frenchman and a soldier. It was impossible for an old soldier like
me not to be carried away." "Besides," rationalized Ney, "this outburst
of the army, rising as one man, may prove as useful to France as it was
irrisistable to me. Under the circumstances I spoke and acted as I thought
best in obedience to the interests and opinions of my countrymen."110
The Bourbons took the incident differently. Due de Berry burst into
Macdonald's room.shortly after Ney's defections gasping, "we are betrayed
by marshal Neyt“ "Impossiblei" exclaimed Macdonald, "The marshal is a
man of honour. His troops have perhaps abandoned him, and taken him with
them by force!“ "No, it is he who took them.over to Bonaparte."111
By march 18, louis was seriously thinking of leaving Paris as Napoleon's
crusade neared the city. Louis asked Bourrienne for his true evaluation
of chances of maintaining Paris. "Defection," Bourrienne admitted, ”is

inevitable. The soldiers are drinking in their barracks the money which

you have been giving them for some days past to purchase their fidelity.

 

110 St. Elmo, Memoirs, p. 204. Interesting to note is that Ficgeac
in which Auxerre is located was in.a violently revolutionary
state-~Champollion's elder brother went over to Napoleon.

111 Macdonald, Recollections, II, 282.

 

86

They say Louis XVIII is a very decent sort of man, but 'Vive le petit
Corporali'"112
In the meantime, the martial young Due de Berry had takenOover the
army near Paris. "The officers" Lavalette related,
...who had begun by immeasurable professions of fidelity, soon grew
colder and more reserved. As for the soldiers, the wind itself seemed
to waft to them the name of the Emperor; every bird they saw was to them
an Imperial eagle. The rigour of military discipline, exhortation, en-
treaties, wore not capable of keeping them.within bounds; and during
the last three deys that preceded the arrival of the Emperor, woe to
those among the troops who would have dared to abuse him, or designed to
attack him:113
DeBerry chose the Montereau table-land for his defensive position, its
chief merit being in this case to allow his troops to see Cambronne's
skirmishers from a greater’distance. The nearness of Napoleon threw'the
ranks into the wildest excitement and agitation. Refusing to obey com-
mands of the Bourbons and with great shouts of "Viva l'Empereur“ the army
dissolved, his hussars turning and charging the King's pet Household
troops. It was over quickly, and the road to Paris was open114. Louis
left Paris on March 20, early in the morning; Napoleon, mobbed and jostled
by the mob of over six hundred half-pay officers, stumbled smilingly up
the marble staircase of the Tuileries at nine o'clock that evening, as
the women plucked the flours-de-lis from.off the bees of the royal carpet.
Paris was calm and indifferent.115
Napoleon's chances for popularity and long rule were quickly shatter-

ed by the reforming of the coalition, and by Napoleon's faithless poliey

 

11?- Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 241.

113 Lavalette, M'smo""i'r‘s'," p. 500.

114 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, II, 99.
115 Lavalette, Memoirs, pp.*§05-8.

 

87

toward liberal reforms. The Acte Additionel, April 22, written by
Benjamin Constant and later amended out of existence as a liberal charter,
was sheer plot and deception on Napoleon’s part116. Despite Napoleon's
cleverness in sending a copy of Talleyrand's secret treaty with England
and Austria (which Louis had left at the Tuileries in his haste to get
away) to Alexander, the coalition was not to be divided. Instead, Napo-
leon.was forced to enact the conscription law on April 9, (he had hesitated
. since March 28) which tended to alienate even his peasant support. They
'would follow him as a defender'of'their Revolutionary liberties, but
another war was extremely unpopular117. Davout was made Minister of War
for some 200,000 troops already in service; Napoleon.knew he would need
more troops but hated to invoke the extraordinary conscription list of
1806-14, since Louis had just abolished conscription. The Mbniteur pro-
clamation gave the word that another war was on the agendallB.

Public opinion had changed greatly during the Bourbon regime. As
much as people might dislike it, a return of Napoleonic despotism was
inevitable with Napoleon's returnllg. In‘VendeS and Brittany, the threat
of revolt was always felt to be so imminent that conscription was never
usedlzo.

On June 1, at Champ de Mai, the "new" constitution was proclaimed to

try to reassure wavering liberals. After keeping people in.suspense for

 

115 Schermerhorn, Constant, p. 283.
117 Henri Heusseye, 1815 (London. 1900): P- 4-
118 Ibid., p. 3.
119 Kircheisen, Napoleon: P- 6910
Houssaye, 1815, p. 5.

88

two months, wondering if Napoleon would declare for the regenqy or de-
clare a republic, he let them down with only a tinsel display pointing

to “1.121. The extravaganza of pomp struck a sour chord because the peeple

saw only a return of Napoleonic despotism, not the enemies to the northlzz.
The proclamation of the Congress of Vienna, March 13, had had an

effect and Lavalette doubted that even if Napoleon had won at Waterloo,

he could have handled the tremendous civil turmoil at home anywaylzs. In

protest to the draft, a placard appeared in Amiens asking, "Who recalled

Buonaparte? The Army. Well, let the army defend him. It is not for us

to carry arms in defense of a man cast up by hell itself.“124
Ney reached Paris on the twenty-third of March and was sent off at

once on a tour of inspection to the north and eastern frontier. Appar-

ently he tried too hard to reconcile his actions at Lons-le Saulnier by

boasting and attacking the Bourbons. Even some Bonapartists regarded

that incident as "disgraceful" and were disgusted by Ney's excessive talklzs.

Ney was in mental torment, as is clearly indicated by his actions. He was

torn by loyalty to his profession and had gone over to Napoleon thinking

he was following the soldiers' will. His loyalty to his country provoked

Lons-le-Saulnier. His attachment to Napoleon was great even though he

had little love for the Finperor--twelve years of close association were

a tough tie to break completely. In addition, there was his loyalty to a

 

121 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, II, 32:5.
122 Lavalette, Hanoirs, p. 321.

123 Ibid., p. 31—0.

124 Houssaye, 1815, p. 7.

1‘35 Ibid., p. Te."

 

89

King whose political bed-fellows undo the life of such men as Ney a hell
on earth. Then too, there was his own personal integrity so dearly won
on the field of battle but so easily lost in the miasma of political
intrigue. Ney retired to Coudreaux for about six weeks after ending his
tour of impaction.

Finally on June 2, Ney returned to Paris to be node a Peer of France.
Napoleon affected surprise at Ney's appearance, ”What: You here: I
- thought you ind emigrated." Morosely, Ney answered quietly, "I ought to
have emigrated long ago."126 St. Elmo said Ney thought he was being
summoned to organize the Young Guard, but instead was to be the butt of
the Emperor's sarcasm127.

Napoleon did not wait for the conscription law before beginning to
rebuild an army. Using his invasion corps as a nucleus, he quickly
assembled the troops which Louis had called up, plus many reservists and
National Guard. His polyglot corps took form under the tutelage of d'Erlon
(1st Corp), Reille (2nd), Vandamme (5rd), Gerard (4th), and Lobau (6th),
Cavalry under Grouchy, and the Guard under the Emperor himself. Ney was
kept on ice. Other marshals available to Napoleon were Davout, Soult,
Mortier, and Suchet. Mortier was called to command the Young Guard even-
tually, and since May 9, Soult had operated as Chief of Staff to the army
which on paper mustered 284,000. with 222,000 in reservelze. The rest

of the mrshals were either dead, had gone over to Louis, or were staying

 

126 Houssaye, 1815, p. 7.

127 St. Elmo, Mire, p. 217.

128 Houssaye, IEIS, p . 6-26 Essim. Old Berthier had died from
a fall from an hotel window in Bamberg.

90

neutral. The spirit of the troops, even the National Guard, apparently

was good in early June when Gerard wrote to Vandamme; "The ten battalions
oof the National Guard of Nancy reserve are superb. In three weeks there
will be no difference between them and the Regulars."129

Ney went to the 'hfileries a few days after Champ de Mai, but was not
given a command. Napoleon may have seriously believed the anonymous note
"he had received saying, "If Ney is employed during the campaign, he must
have a trustworthy staff."130 Ney left Paris.

As operations developed, Napoleon apparently thought that Ney had
done penance enough or else that he could not afford to have such a soldier
idle. He ordered Soult;,"Recall Marshal Ney. Tell him that if he wants
to take part in the first engagements he must be at Avesnes by the 14th;

I shall have my headquarters there."1:51 Ney arrive}. at Avesnes in response
to Napoleon's well-calculated letter on the 13th. It was not until the
15th that he actually took command.

There is no need to recapitulate the well-known details of Waterloo
except as they apply to the story of Marshal Ney. After taking his Corps,
Ney marched north toward Quatre Braslz’z. On June 16, Napoleon wrote from
Charleroi,

To Marshal Ney
I sent you my aide-de-camp, General Flahault, with the present letter....
I wish to write to you in detail because it _i_s_ of the greatest importance.

Marshal Grouchy is narching on Sombreffe...I am going to march with
my Guard upon Fleurus where I shall be before noon.... There, according
to what lappens, I shall make up my mind about 3:00 P.M. or in the evening
.... As soon as I come to a decision you must be ready to narch upon

Brussels. I will support you, with my Guard, which will—be at Fleurus or
at Sombreffe, and I should like to be in Brussels tomorrow morning.

 

 

 

129 Ibid., p. e.
130 TSTE., p. 29.
131 Ibid., p. 30.
132 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 507.

91

I have determined as a general principle in this campaign to divide
my arm into two wings and a reserve....

The Guard will form the reserve, and I shall throw myself upon one
wing or the other, according to the circumstances.... You will appre—
ciate the importance which I attach to the capture of Brussels.... 80
prompt a movement will cut the English off from Mons and from Ostend....

Napoleon 33

 

Ney, on the left wing, ran squarely into Wellington on June 16 and
sent for support from Napoleon to help beat a way through to Brussels.
Napoleon did not choose to give great importance to Quatre Bras despite
his orders to Ney. The marching and countermarching of d'Erlon that day
could well have decided the battle. Napoleon did win at Ligny, Grouchy
pursued the Prussians after almost capturing Bliicher, but the road to
Brussels remained blocked. Heavy fighting followed the next day, as Ney
finally drove back the British, who reformed on Mont St. Jean134.

On June 18, the final round was fought. Rain slowed up the exhausted
French from taking position, and Napoleon waited for the ground to dry
out so he could move his artillery rapidly. The two rain-drenched armies
faced each other across the valley north of La Belle Alliance. Napoleon,
with 73,000 (less Grouchy who had been sent to stop Blu'cher), and Welling-
ton, with some 68,000 behind a well-drawn ridge line anchored at Mont St.
Jean. Finally at two o'clock, Ney followed a thundering barrage toward
St. Jean135. Repeated charges brought the French within a few yards of
breaking the British line. "Marshal Ney, whose third horse had been

killed under him stood alone by the side of an abandoned battery, and was

 

133 Bingham, Letters and Despatches of the First Napoleon, III, 389.
154 Kircheisen, Napoleon. Po 695-
155 Ibid., p. 69 .

 

92

furiously striking with the blade of his sword at the'bronze mouth of an
English cannon."136 On the fourth charge, "the fury of Ney and his

heroic horsemen, who, like him, were intoxicated with rage, verged on
madness.”137 Each of the attacks was repulsed by the rugged English

line all afternoon. As the evening shadows began to stretch across the
smokeawreathed'valley of carnage, Ney rallied the remnants of his corps,
took command of the ten battalions of the Old Guard at about seven o'clock
and flung himself again at that thin red line. If Houssaye's criticism

of Ney stands, that he made bad use of his troops, marched them.at the
oblique before the British batteries, and made poor timing on committing
reserveslSB, the identical accusation could apply to Napoleon as witnessed
by this last charge of the Guard. As Bourrienne indicates, Ney was more
like a Homeric hero than a modern general at Whterloo;139 in a way laud-
ing his valor'yet noting Ney's lindted tactical scope of command which.was
often very restricted. At times, Ney, "always the first under fire,...
forgot the troops which were not actually under his eyes."140 At Waterloo,
Ney was unexcelled for sheer courage and endurance. No one fought harder
than he, almost as if he hoped to work off his mental anguish on the plucky
English. During that last wild and hopeless charge of the Guard, Ney,
bareheaded, with his broken sword pointed toward the roaring of the guns,

tried to keep the Guard moving forward. Finally the devastated Guard

 

136 Houssaye, 1815, p. 213.

137 Ibid., p. 213:

133 T3353, p. 215.

139 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 443.
O Houssaye, 1815, p. 425.

93

fell back and moved across the valley in a half rout, further disheartened
knowing that Napoleon had given them false information of the arrival of
Grouchy, in reality Blu'cheer. Ney denied that he heard cries of "mm
for. your life" as were heard on Soult's f1ank14z. Nonetheless, the re-
treat gathered momentum as Ney tried frantically to turn them back against
the enemy. "Not far from the road, near Genappe , Marshal Ney stood
bareheaded, unrecognizable, his face blackened with powder, his uniform
in tatters, one of his epaulettes cut off, the hilt of his sword in his
hand shouting furiously to Count d'Erlon, who was being swept past by an
eddy of the drifting rout, 'If you and I escape, we shall both be hangedl'"
The Marshal's appearance was ”less that of human being than of a furious
wild beast. His efforts throughout the day had exceeded human strength
and energy. Never in any battle did any officer or soldier so generously
sacrifice himself. Ney had surpassed Ney."143 Then he disappeared in
the whirling mob.

On June 19, early in the morning, a small band of retreating officers
who had gone astray in the dark came upon the Marshal asleep in a barn at
Marchiennes. Knowing full well this was the first sleep the Marshal had
had in four days, they left him there to rest?‘4

On June 22, Napoleon abdicated in favor of his son. The infamous
Fouch’e sent Constant and fellow liberals to treat with the Allies at

Hagenau, gaining favor from them for himself if they succeeded, and gaining

 

i411 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 343.
42 Houssaye, 1815, p. 431.
143 Ibid., p. 2317 A
144 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 443.

94

Louis’ good will if they failed145. In the Chamber of Peers, plans for
future courses of action were the detonations of verbal chain explosions.
Lucien charged the French as "fickle“ for giving up so easily and was
squelched by Lafayettel46. Davout and Carnot gave a rose-colored report
on the condition of the troops that had succeeded in falling back on
Paris. Estimates vary from 40,000 under Grouchy with remnants rallied
by Ney and Jerome147, to 80,000 and 400-500 cannon148. Suddenly from
the crowded chamber, the hollow'voice of Ney exclaimed,

It is not so; it is false; they are deceiving you. The news which the
Minister of the Interior has Just read to you is false--false in every
wayl The enemy has triumphed everywhere; I witnessed the disorder
since I commanded under the eyes of the Emperor. After the disasterous
results of the 16th and the 18th they presume to tell you that they
ended by beating the enemy on the 18th; and that we still have 60,000
men on the frontier. It is false; and it wdll be as nuch.as marshal
Grouchy can do to rally 15,000 men, and we have been too thoroughly
beaten to be in a condition to resist the enemy. All the generals who
are here, and who commanded with me, can attest this.... 'What the Min-
ister of the Interior has said about Marshal Soult is false-~quite
false; he has not been able to rally a single man of the Guard. This
is our real position. The enemy are at Novelle with 80,000 men. 'When
they tell you that the Prussian army is destroyed, that is not true.
The greater portion of that army was not engaged. In six or seven days
the enemy will perhaps be in the centre of the capital; there is nothing
to do but to treat with the enemy.149

Labédoyere, who, after the defection at Grenoble, was placed in a
similar position to Ney, jumped up to refute Ney, reviled the Peers as
"base", and worked the Chambers into an uproarlso. Eventually a Provis-

ional government was established under Davout, and on July 3, after

 

145 Schermerhorn, Constant, p. 286.

145 Woodward, Lafayette, p. 399.

147 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, II, 481.

148 M. Berryer,-"§ouvenirs de M. BerryeF', The Edinburgh Review
(London, 1843), V01. 76, p. 161.

149 Bingham, Letters and Despatches of the First Napoleon, III, 411.

150 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, II, 497.

 

 

 

 

95

initial clashes had actually occurred between the two forces on the oppo-
site sides of Parisian defenses, the Convention of Paris was signed by
'Wellington, Bchher, and Davout. One can assume that Ney's estimate of
prospects of Parisian defense was decisive in shaping the Peers' final
decision to capitulate; however, the Marshal, fresh from.the field and
physically and spiritually exhausted, could not believe it possible to
rally the wreck of Waterloo. A point of actual fact was that this rally-
ing was, at that very moment in process. The capitulation of Paris seemed

to offer protection sufficient for Ney, who remained in Paris until July
6151.

 

151 Berryer, "Souvenirs", The Edinburgh Review, Vol. 76, p. 162.

 

CHAPTER IV
THE SECOND RESTORATION

Louis was eased back on the French throne by virtue of Allied arm
chiefly because he fit better than anyone else in the Netternich concept
of legitimacy, not because of any conceded merit of his own. Metternich
remarked that "Paris is curious to observe, people do not in the least
know what they want."1 Few Frenchmen could honestly admit that they had
much faith in Louis' ability to control the very volatile state. The
peace exactions, this time very strongly aimed at the French people and
not merely at Napoleon, were very unpopularz. The Ultras felt that
Napoleon's return was proof that Louis had been too easy on the revolu-
tionaries, and sought to discredit the King's policy for their own. ele-
vation as much as possible. The Allied occupation troops could be ex-
pected as their guests for five years, during which time much Allied
meddling might be anticipated.

Louis himself returned as "baggage of the Allies", facing the impos-
sible tasks of harmonizing Royalists and liberals. The Allied rapacity,
particularly that of Blu'chers, made his impotence more deeply etched and
more easily flouted. The restoration of the art treasures of the Louvre
infuriated Parisian intellectuals, and Blucher's plans to blow Pont de

Jena were thwarted by Louis' meekly changing the name to Bridge of the

 

1 Coudray, Metternich, p. 161.

2 Stephene,mevo1utionery Europe, p. 353. (Indemnity was set at
700,000,000 francs-~150,000 Allied troops at 250,000,000 francs
per yearn-frontier fortresses to be occupied.)

3 Nicolson, The Congress of Vienna, p. 235.

 

97

Military School after crying for protection under the Capitulation of
Paris provisions4.

Wellington, the Iron Duke, had in 1815 usurped Alexander's role of
Liberator of the previous years. The Dike feared the d'Artois elements
in Louis' government and attempted to inject a stabilizing body of
moderates by forcing Louis to accept the personally repugnant Talleyrand
and Fouchée. British policy was to be one of "security, not revengeu
according to Castlereagh, with considerations for peace the essential and
fundamental ingredient7. It has been stated that Wellington, in effect,
had done what the constitutionalists had failed to do in 18l4--to intro-
duce a powerful moderate bloc and policyB. Actually, it seems very
doubtful if this were the case at all. Talleyrand, so absorbed in preen-
ing his Vienna feathers, took his good time getting to louis at Mons to
prepare for a return to Paris and to power. When Chateaubriand warned
Talleyrand that Louis, under the de Blacas influence, was leaving Paris
without calling for him, Talleyrand haughtily deprecated, "He wouldn't
dare!"9 Louis did dare, however, and drove off leaving the Prince stand-
ing dumbfounded to ponder the consoling adieu, "Prince, you are leaving

"10

us. The baths will do you good. Send us news of yourself. Wellington,

as indicated, later forced Louis to replace de Blacas with Talleyrand and

 

4 Berryer, Souvenirs, The Edinburgh Review, Vol. 76,9162.
Schermerhorn, Constant, p. 288.

6 Cambridge Modern Histoq, X, 45.

7 Nicolson, fiCongress of Vienna, p. 237.

3 Cambridge MOdern History, X, 45.

9 Madelin,lTalleyrand, p. 250.

0 Ibid., p. 252.

 

 

 

 

 

98

put in Fouche/again in order to forestall an Crleanist plotn. Louis‘

new government included Talleyrand and Fouche,’ Baron Louis, Baron Pasquier,
Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, Comte de Jaucourt, and the Duc de Richelieulz.
Talleyrand formed the first ministry which lasted for ten weeks. After
this, the moderates were completely overwhelmed, their control wrested
away by the Ultras and extremist Royalist factions. At one of His
Majesty's council meetings, Talleyrand had attempted to quiet the vocifer-

ous Ultras, shouting, “You want to bring back the ancien regime, and that

 

is not possible." His move to squelch the "madness" was neatly countered
by an e’migre' who quietly remarked, "But, Monseigneur, who can dream of

‘2"13 It is seen that Wellington's plans

making you Bishop of Autun again
for a moderate Bourbon mle, if they existed at all, were rudely shattered
within three months of Waterloo.

Another of the reputed moderates was forty-nine year old Duc de
Richelieu who had been the brilliant Tzarist governor of Odessa during
his smile. He was of keen intellect, lofty character, and above all, dis-
interested and moderate, thus automatically placing him beyond the range
of Nonsieur's circle of rabid nobilityl4. Richelieu's ministry, at the
wish of the Tzar, was divided about half and half between Ultras and
Liberalsls.

The emigre-packed Chamber of Deputies stressed the necessity to

punish the wicked men of the Hundred Days. To Louis' credit, he insisted

 

ll Nicolson, The Congness of Vienna, p. 234.
12 Bourrienne, Nemeirs, III, 394.

13 Madelin, Talleyrand, pp. 256-57.

14 Cambridge—Modern History, X, 47.

5 Ibid., p. 46.

 

 

 

99

on strict adherence to the Charter of 1814-. The Peers had in their turn
replaced twenty members because of their activities in Napoleon's return”.
The majority of the Chambers looked to d'Artois as their party leader, his
views reflected clearly in the program they pushed through. The Ultras
passed one law giving the government "full power to arrest and detain,
without bringing before the Court all offenders against the King, royal
House, and safety of the State." A second one approved punishment of
”extreme severity" of those who menaced the King or public security. The

third major bit of legislation created new tribunals called Cours Preve-

 

_1_:_a_l_e£, a military court which could deal summarily with any offenders.
Thus, in essence, d'Artois had shackled Louis' power to mercy and pardon.
Even constitutional Royalists like Royer Collard who appreciated the need
for exceptional laws to carry through the crises of restoration, protested
the severity of these new decrees”. Originally, a measure to inflict
long imprisonment on seditious authors was denounced as too tame. Instead,
the police were granted virtual dictatorship amid the applause to M. Vau-

blanc‘s assertion, "We require an extraordinary power to watch over the

safety of the State."18 The Cours Prevotales which provided this power

 

were composed of a principal judge and four assessors whose powers ranged
from fines to death over such minute crimes as cries interpreted as insults
to the King or his family. The chief judge could seek out, denounce,

examine and judge within twenty-four hours of unadjourned session, carrying

 

15 Ibid., pp. 47—48.
17 THE" p. 48. -
18 Em-Zrtine, History of the Restoration, III, 247.

 

100

out the sentence without appeallg. This was virtually the Tribunal of

the Revolution.
The effect of this despotic legislation was to split France not into
two parties, but into two nationszo. Questions of constitution, modes
of election, and press laws were automatically settled by the d'Artois
reaction, causing Richelieu to plead for more moderation.
I do not undemstand your passions, your relentless hatreds. I pass every
day by the house which belonged to my ancestors. I see their property
in other hands and I behold in museums the treasures which belonged to
them. It is a sad sight; but it does not cause me feelings of either
despair or revenge. You appear to me sometimes out of your minds, all of
you who have remained in France.21
Richelieu was to fall victim.to reaction just as Talleyrand before him.
‘Fouche: in the meantime, active as Minister of the Police, was in
the position of proscribing or being proscribed for his dubious role
with anti-Bourbon plots in early 1815. Even.with'Wellington's blessings,
the craftyFouche’decided it was expedient to publish a list of outlaws.
His original list of 110 names included his friends, accomplices, and
even his own secret agents. The list was subject to review by Louis,
.Alexander,'wellington, and other.Allied leaders. Louis had Benjamin Con-
stant's name crossed off because his journalistic talents were indespens-
iblezz. Caulaincourt was taken off the list by Alexander because of

their old friendshipzs.

 

19 Ibid., pp. 243-49.

0 EEEFridgo Modern History,.x, 45.
1 Ibid., p. 49.

22 Schermerhorn, Constant, p. 289. (This source states that Decazes,
who succeedeleouchei presented a memorial to Louis on behalf of
Constant and Sebastiani.)

23 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, III, 145.

 

 

101

The published list came out July 24, Article I reading as follows:
The Generals and officers who betrayed their King before 23 March [Louis
had left Paris on March 20 ], or who have attacked France and the govern-
ment by force of arms, and those who by violence have possessed them-
selves of power, shall be seized and brought before a competent Courts-

martial in their respective divisions; viz Ney, Labe’doyere, Lallemnds,
d'Erlon, Lefebvre...Grouchy...Bertrand, Drouot, Cambronne, Lavalette...

Fouchei's motiveswere apparently only to prevent his own removal,
not vengeance. Most all of the proscribed actually received passports
from Fouche/even before the list was published25. Certainly he was not
aware of the tempest the list would create, considering inoffensive
Lavalette’s name on the list--this man had been cooped-up at the Post-
office administration and had not served for fifteen years26. It was
indeed an inverted list to have placed politically inept Ney at the head,
especially when the list was compoaed by such an arch intriguer as Fouche:

The publication of this list, among several other incidents, liber-
ated the pent—up hatred in the Ultras' bosom. Against the rising tide of
reaction, the constitutionalists led by Royer Collard, a Jensenist and
teacher to Guizot and young Charles de Remusat, were unable to stand27.
The liberals' ill-starred trip to Hagenau to treat with the Allies against
Louis left Lafayette, Constant, d'Argenson, and Pontecoulant marked men

to the Ultras“. The Ultras regarded Napoleon's return as an indication

of Louis' "weakness“, as their high priestess, Duchesse d'Angoulé‘me, told

 

34 Ibid., p. 146.
25 Schermerhorn, Constant, p. 289.
25 St. Amand, d'AEEEEIEEE, p. 178.

27 Cambrid e Mbdern History, x, 43.
3 TF‘id'J" '51:, 4:5 .

 

102

Alexander one day when the Rissian Emperor asked "Why employ so much
severity? and what can it lead to?" "Sire, justice required firmness
and measures calculated to inspire awe." "Madame, if justice has its
rights, clemency also claims hers.“ “Clemency is the equivalent of weak-
ness."29 On this premise, the ultimate drive of the e’migres for complete
counter-revolution could not come as much of a surprise. Their program

30--restore the

of 1814 clearly defined their reactionary intentions
national property, revitalize the King's absolutism, destroy the works
and institutions of the Revolution, and regenerate the Roman Catholic
faith to its former dominancesl.

The reaction that finally produced the violence in the provinces
has been called the White Terror, placing the instigation and direction
of the terrorist movement on the Bourbons. It would not be fair to cast
all the blame on Louis, because very probably the whole gamut of successes
disgusted him. To cite d'Artois places the charge more squarely.

As the army, now contemptuously called the "Bandits of the Loire"
and the soldiers "brigands" by the eI/nigres, began to disband, the d'Artois-
Bourbon factions did all they could to aggravate the veterans. Officers
again were put on impossibly small half-pay while royal favorites lolled
at ease in performance of their duties in the King's Corps”. The rising

storm centering at Marseilles broke with the massacre of a group of re-

tired mamelukes who eked out a living at coastal fishing. These remants

 

39 Lady Jackson, The Court of the Tuileries, I, 251.

30 Cambridge Modern History, x, 41.

31 Ibid., p. 43.

32 Albert L. Guerard, Reflections on the Napoleonic Legend
(New York, 1924), p. 115.

 

 

 

103

of Napoleon's Egyptian campaign were butchered to a man. In Avignon,
Marshal Brune was shot from ambush, carried into the streets and hacked

to pieces, his body then tossed into the Rhone”. General Lagarde, sent
by Louis to keep peace at Marseilles, was shot by a National Guard while,
unarmed, trying to keep a mob in check. Duc d'Angoul’e‘me tried unsuccess-
fully to save him. The National Guard was acquitted for firing in self-
defense34. At Toulouse, General Ramel had been wounded in a mob fight,
and while lying wounded in a hospital was attacked and shot again by two
assassins who were released on grounds he was already dead when they fired.
Bourdeaux mobs cut down Caesar and Constantine Faucher and went unpun-
ishedss. The Ultras mde no attempt to stem the reaction or punish the
offenders as the persecution took on religious conotations. No longer con-
fined to Bonapartists and Revolutionists, Protestants were again victims
of the raging waves of brigandage. The old Thermidorean “Company of Jehu"
became active. Eventually Duo d'Angoul‘Qme put down most of the disorder
in the southeast with Austrian troops, and held the August election of
representatives to Paris. The Royalists triumphed and left Fouchel's
warning of civil war a voice crying in the wilderness”. Richelieu then
took over the ministry after Talleyrand's platform of compromise was so
severely shaken.

In the meantime, Labedoyere and Lavalette had been seized as "pro-

scribed” and imprisoned in Paris. Louis as well as Fouche’had given all

 

3'3 Dickinson, Revolution and Reaction, p. 89.
34 Stephens, Revolutiomryfirope, p. 356.

Lamartine, History of the Restoration, III, 256-68 passim.
56 Cambridge Modern Histoxy, X, 46.

 

 

 

 

104

prospective victims time to escape, viewing any executions as very dirty
and embarrassing work. Comte d'Artois and his fellow zealots, thirsting
for blood, quickly rounded up most of the "criminals". As illustrative

of the desention among the government leaders, Richelieu assisted M. Lava-
lette to escape, hiding Lavalette in his own home for several day3371.

Ney, Labe’doyere, and Lavalette were to be prime victims of the Bourbon
firing squads. Iabe’doyere fell at Grenelle as cries for more victims
crescendoed. Ney's trial was next. What justice could he expect now
from a court rocking with shrieks for blood?

Ney had sought protection under the July 3rd Capitulation agreement
and remained in Paris a few days before leaving openly for the waters of
St. Albans on July 638. He had at first refused to leave Paris, not know-
ing of his exception, even after Fouche’had provided the passport and his
wife had obtained passes from Allied commanders. In reply to her plead-
ings to escape, Ney curtly remarked, "upon my word, Madame, you are in a

great hurry to get rid of me."39

On July 25, Ney left St. Albans, appar-
ently hearing of his name's being proscribed, and retired incognito to
the estate Chateau de Bessones belonging to a relative of his wife near
Aurillac4o. While there, he carelessly left his Turkish sabre, a gift
of Napoleon, in a drawing room. A visiting tradesmn noticed the unusual

blade and innocently remarked about it in town. A man recognized the

 

3" Lamartine, History of the Restoration, III, 291. Lavalette's
account is fabulous. fl-Stee his Memoirs, pp. 398-417.

38 St. Amend, Duchesse d'Angoulélnmlo

39 Macdonald, Recollections, II, 3'51.

0 St. Amend, chhesse d'Angoule‘me, p. 311.

 

 

 

 

105

description as one of two swords in existence owned by Mirat and Ney.
The local prefect overzealously confounded his monarch by narching out
with eighteen gendarmes to take Ney on August 5. As they pounded on the
front door, the Marshal called down from his window, "What do you want?“
"We are seeking Marshal Ney," replied the prefect. "I am Michel Ney,“
was the answer, as the Marshal strode downstairs to unbolt the door”.

He traveled back to Paris under light guard since he was on his
oath not to attempt escape. Excelmanns awaited him at one stop-over, beg-
ging the Marshal to allow him to arrange escape. Ney refused, confident
his position was right and would be quickly vindicated in court42. Louis
sighed at the news of Ney's arrest, "He does more injury today by per-
mitting himself to be taken than he<iid on the 14th of march."43 The
"Wretched refugees of Ghent" had plans for the popular Ney44. As Bour-
rienne said, ”The truth is that the Bourbons, and to do them justice,
still more the rancorous band of mediocrities who surrounded them, thirsted
for blood. Even they could feel the full ignominy of the flight to
Ghent."45 This was the jury of marshal Ney.

Ney reached Paris at the same time Iabédoybre was shot. M. Decazes,
who replaced Fouche, conducted the preliminary questioning of the Marshal

before sending him into confinement at the Conciergerie of the Tuileries.

 

41 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, III, 292.

42 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 4474.

43 St. Amend, Duchesse d'Angouléhie, p. 311.

44 Genet, “A Family Record of Way's Execution", Century Nhgazine,
Vol. 52, p. 420. See story of Prussian looting of Ney's
chateau and the peasant's loyalty to him.

45 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 444.

 

 

 

106

He was thrown into a dungeon just evacuated by Lavalette, who described
it as being "a long and narrow space, terminated by a window covered with
a slanting roof, that just enabled [oneJto distinguish a square foot of
sky. Bare walls, covered with names and accelerations of despair, traced
with charcoal, were the only ornaments of this dungeon. A wretched bed,
an old table, one chair, and two tube of foul water, were all its fumi-
ture." Laval ette had complained immediately and had been moved to better
quarters. Ney spent three weeks there without a word46.

The Marshal utilized the three long months which he spent in prison,
while the Bourbons' investigation proceeded, to write to the Duke of
Wellington, hoping that this soldier, who was virtually the de facto ruler
of France, would respond with assistance.

on November 13, 1815, Ney wrote the Duke:

On being informed at Vienna...that the cause of legitimacy was threatened
by the return of Bonaparte, they [Allied ministers] concluded a solenm
compact on that day, 13th March, with his most Christian Majesty's minis-
ters to the Congress. In that compact the Allied Sovereigns declared,
that they were prepared to afford to the King of France, and to the French
nation, all necessary aid for restoring public tranquillity and for mak-
ing common cause against those who should be desposed to disturb it. In
the arrangements, confirming that of the 25th of the same month of March,
the High Powers solemnly engaged to write all their forces, for maintain-
ing in all their integrity the conditions of the Treaty of Paris against
Buonaparte's designs, they promised each other to acFin common. They
regulated the respective contingents which they proposed to march against
the common enefl. Finally, his most Christian Majesty was invited to
gifts—his consent to the above measures, in the event of his standing in
needbf the auxiliary troops promised him.

It clearly results...that all the European armies...have been auxil-
iaries of the King of France....

Had I not implicitly confided in the promise of so many Sovereigns,
I should by this time be in some unknown land, and should be no more
thought of. It was that august and sacred promise which produced my

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

46 Lavalette, Memoirs, p. 336.

10?

security; is it possible, that it should be betrayed?--I cannot credit it;
and I confidently expect from your upright sentiments, that you will grant
me your speedy intervention.

NW4?

The Dike replied two days later.

Monsieur le Marechalgm-I have had the honor of receiving the note which
you addressed to me on the 13th November, relating to the operation of
the Capitulation of Paris, on your case. The Capitulation of Paris of
the 3rd July, was made between the Commanders in Chief of the Allied
Prussian and British Armies on one part, and the Prince d'Echmuhl, Com-
wander in Chief of the French Army on the other, and related exclusively
to the military occupation of Paris.

The object of the 12th Article was to prevent the adoption of any
means of severity under the military authority of those who made it,
towards any persons in Paris, on account of the offices which they filled,
or their conduct, or their political opinions; but it was never intended,
and could not be intended to prevent either the existing French Govern-
ment, under whose authority the French Commander in Chief must have acted,
or any French Govemment which should succeed it, from acting in this
respect, as it might deem fit.

I have the honor to be, etc.

Wellingtoné‘8

A careful reading of the 12th Article of the Capitulation of Paris
fails to give the impression expounded by the Duke. The possibility of
reaching the Dake's point of view is indeed present, but it is certainly
not explicit. The Duke's answer betrays political quibbling ex posts
facto, not present when the exhausted Allies gladly accepted the capitu-

lation rather than fight on”.

 

47 T. C. Hansard, The Parliamentafl Debates (London, 1815), Vol. 32,
p. 528.

43 Ibid., p. 529.

49 Capitulation of Paris, 3rd July, 1815. (Hansard, Parliamentary
Debates, Vol. 32, p. 533.)
Art. XII The High Powers grant to all inhabitants of Paris a guar-
antee of protection from any acts against them, on account of the
offices which they held, or their conduct, or their political opin-
ions since March 23.

Art. XIV The present Convention shall be observed, and shall serve
as a rule for all mutual relations, until the conclusion of the Peace.
Art. XV If any difficulties should arise in the execution of any

of the Articles of this present Convention, they shall be inter-
preted in the favour of the French Amy and of the City.

 

 

108

Ney's wife wrote to Wellington too, as well as to Charles Stuart,
and to Lord Liverpool. » Wellington granted her an interview which was re—
corded by his secretary Sir Charles Stuart.

The Duke of Wellington in a private audience granted yesterday (13th Novem-
ber) to Madame Ney... said "That his Majesty the King of France had not
ratified the Convention of the 3rd July." "That the stipulation written
in the 12th Article expressed only a renunciation of the High Powers, on
their own account, of all proceeding against any individual in France,

for his conduct or political opinions." "That it was not their duty to
interfere in any way with the acts of the King's Government.“

[Ney's wife answered] The King, say they, has not ratified it [July
3rd Capitulation] , but the ratification has been sufficient, for the
possession of Paris was its consequence. The condition of the beseiged
cannot be changed afterwards, unless things be re—established in status

uo. His Highness has not sufficiently considered what ought to Be
essentially considered; that this 12th Article was the subject of discus-
sion between the English and Prussian Commissioners; and the Commissioners
of the French Army; and that it was well understood that this stipulation
took place on account of the King, and not on account of the Allied Armies,
who had no positive interest to act against such or such party. Tint the
Article is consented to in the name and common interest of'all the Allied
Powers, an interest indivisible, and which the two Treaties of 13th and
25th of March designated as being.50

Ney's wife hit the salient points as to whether in actual fact Louis
had been the nominal head of the Allied forces who served as his auxiliar-
ies; whether it was in effect immaterial whether he ratified the capitula-
tion or not since it was done in his name; and whether the Allied plea
that they should not interfere in domestic affairs is supported by the
history of their occupation, i.e., Wellington's support of Talleyrand and
Poncho/against Louis. It is evident that Wellington was being picayune.
In a memorandum from the Duke to the Allied ministers, Wellington said his
letter to the Marshal was ”a better record of [his] opinion...." He reit-

erated the idea that capitulation did not obviate the King's action, and

 

50 Ibid., p. 530.

109

than asked why Fouche’had issued Ney a passport and why Ney had fled51.

In addition to being beside the point, Wellington could hardly criti-
cize Fouche/as "Louis' minister" for the act of issuing a passport to Ney.
Fouché‘s paSSports were rather ubiquitous at the time. Ney did not flee,
as Wellington indicated. On a basis of the subsequent White Terror, Ney's
move to a country estate away from the highly emotional Parisian mobs was
only an act of uncharacteristic prudence. Had Ney any intention of leav-
ing France, he had had an entire month to do so.

Ney's wife's letter to Lord Holland followed Liverpool's refusal to
interfere. Holland then wrote to Lord Kinnaird in Paris, but what he
said is only indicated by Wellington's fury upon reading it shortly after
it arrived on December 8, one day too latesz. Lord Kinnaird was forced
to leave France early in 1816 on Louis' order. In Parliament, the answer
to Holland's query as to why his friend was so quietly expelled came
blandly as the "right of any government to expel an alien". The question
was obviously not a ”public one".55

Ney's three counsellors, the two Messrs. Berryer and M. Dupin, the
former ironically being Royalists, then addressed a memorial to Sir
Charles Stuart. It pointed out that if the Duke's interpretation of

Article XII was unanimous among all signers, the question would not have

existed. However, they went on, the French Plenipotentiaries maintained-

 

51 Ibid., p. 533.

52 Berryer, "Souvenirs", The Edinburgh Review, Vol. 76, p. 163.
The letter is found in Berryer's Memoirs, pp. 163-66.

53 Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, m: p. 370. As late as 1842
this letter in the Lord Holland question erupts in Macvey Napier,
Esp., Selections from the Correspondence of the Late Maovey Napier,
Es ., edited by his son Nacvey wepierrtendon,Is79), p. 4071 It
s ows that forces at work to save Ney were not entirely French.

 

 

 

110

that the act was designed to prevent Royal reaction--thus a statement of

doubt. Yet in Article XII it states that “all doubts should_‘_oe determined

 

in favour of the French Arm and the City", so that Wellington's statement

 

of Allied position was subject to review. They asked Sir Charles if he
thought that the French Army would have surrendered without first protect-
ing itself from so obvious a thing as reaction? They begged him to recall
the needless devastation that was averted, the spirit of the capitulation,
and the concert of the Allied powers as a Imitual concept54.

As the months of imprisonment dragged on for Ney, Eglel's visits became
an anxiously anticipated daily ritual. She and his four sons would arrive
at six o'clock in the morning, dine with the prisoner, and then the Marshal
and his wife would walk in the prison compound until seven55.

Lavalette, his prison-mate, recalled that the guard seemed to enjoy
plaguing Ney with petty little annoyances. For a while, Ney found con-
siderable peace and recreation in playing the flute which he played
"tolerably well". After a few days the guards took the instrument away
on the pretense that it was against the rules of the prison56.

One day, Ney and his brother-in-law, M. Gamot, were walking in the
compound talking quietly, when Lavalette joined them for a moment. Lava-
lette was surprised to note Ney's despondence, so contrary to his usually
confident heartiness. "Labe’doyere has crossed the fatal passage," said

Ney. “Now it will be your turn, my dear Lavalette, and mine afterwards."

 

54 Ibid., p. 537.
55 Lavalette, Memoirs, p. 339.
5 Ibid., p. 33d.

111

"It is all one, who falls first," replied Lavalette. "I know there is no

hope left." "Oh, oh'. that we shall see. However, all these lawyers annoy

me. they do not understand w situation; but I shall speak for myself."57

In the salons of Paris the women became despicably vicious harpies
waiting for the blood of Ney to flow. Someone remarked that it was bar-
barous to prolong by mere "empty temporizing" the life of a man already
as good as condemned. "Well then," cried a well-born Mme. LaFarge, "don't
let him languish, nor us either!"58

Ney was arraigned before a Military Court on November 9. The court
had been formed only after great difficulty since more than one old
soldier refused to sit in judgment of such an illustrious comrade as Ney.
Mortier refused and was struck off the peeragesg. Old Moncey declined
in a letter to Louis 3.

Since I am placed between the cruel alternatives of disobeying Your
Majesty and violating my conscience, I find it necessary to explain my-
self. My life, my fortune, and everything precious of mine is at the
disposal of my country and W King. But my honour belongs to myself;

no human power can rob me of it. And yet I am asked to pass judgment on
Marshal Ney! Allow me to inquire of your Majesty what his accusers were
doing while he was fighting our battles? Can France forget the hero of
Beresina?

For this impertinance Moncey was deprived of his peerage and confined

for three years at Ham61.

The final complement consisted of Jourdan, Ney's old Rhine commander,

as President, Massena (under protest), Augereau, Lt. Generals Gozan,

57 Ibid., p. 340.
58 s't'."Amdnd, The Duchesse d'Angoul’éme, p. 313.
59 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 434.
St. Elmo, Memp. 232.
51 Stephens, """I"Revo ut'ionarLEuropg, p. 356.

 

 

112

Claparede, and Vilatte. Ney's defense attorneys apparently had convinced
Ney that any delay was a valuable one and at once protested the legality
of the Courts-Martial, hoping to gain time in the transfer to the Chamber
of Peers. Without doubt this was a fatal blunder. Both Bourrienne and
Iamartine note this error as fatal, feeling that the military group would
have been influenced and tempered by Ney's great heroism and prestigesz.
The Berryer brothers had the court vote on its qualification to judge Ney.
The Court declared itself incapable, thus gladly transferring the respon-
sibility to the Peers. Berryer, the Royalist, had accompanied Louis to
Ghent during the Hundred Days. His motive for defending Ney was to make
Louis feel powerful enough to pardon and to exercise clemency throughout
the Restoration; he had originally opposed the Prescription on similar
grounds that it was reactionary“. The King's associates, on the other
hand, tried to make Louis feel so insecure that any idea of pardoning Ney
would be an obviously mortal blow to his authority. In fact, Berryer's
delaying tactics irritated many moderates who hoped to push the trial for
a quick acquittal before the d'Artois machine could gain momentum64.

"It seems hardly credible...,“ wrote Oudinot. "But among a large number
of well intentioned people, who had til then been always humane and kind,
there had arisen a fatal agreement to do violence to the King's inclina-

tions and to persuade him that his Crown depended upon his showing no

mercy at this time.... And yet an act of clemency would have been the

 

62 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, III, p. 293. See Bour-
rienne, Memoirs, III, 445.

63 Anon., "Berryer", Blackwoods Magazine (New York, 1837), Vol. 42,

64 p. 1‘20 '

Lamartine, History oiLthe Restoration, III, 295.

 

 

 

113

most politic act of this renewal of the reign...."65

Even the moderate Richelieu took a prosecutor's stand in his "Ukas e"
in the Moniteur on November 22.

It is not in the name of the King alone that we perform this duty; it is
in the name of France for a long time indignant, and now stupefied with
astonishment; it is in the name of Europe that we conjure, and at the
same time require you to try Nhrshal Ney. We venture to say that the
Chamber of Peers owes the world a striking reparation-~it must be a
prompt one, for it is of consequence to allay the indignation which is
rising on every side. You will not suffer too long an impunity to pro-
mote fresh disasters. The King's ministers are compelled to inform you
that this decision of the court—martial has become a triumph for the
discontented; it is of consequence that their joy should be short lived
that it may not be fatal.65

Lavalette, shocked to read this letter to the Chamber of Peers and
signed by all members of the ministry, cried out,

How could he attack before the Chamber of Peers, with such brutal and
sanguinary rage, one of the most honourable Frenchmen of our time-none of
our most honourable warriors ,--an unfortunate, accused, but unjudged man,
whose acamination was not 6yet known, and whom law ought to have surrounded
with generous compassion.

On the night of November 20, Ney was quickly moved to the Conciergerie
of Luxemburg under heavy guard by a government apprehensive of a rescue
attempt. At eleven o'clock the next day, Michel Ney, in a plain blue coat,
without decorations, straight and calm, marched into the Chamber of Peers,
while in the crowded balconies sat the emigre/vultures. Metternich and
a bevy of his diplomatic corps enjoyed the afternoon-«Wellington had the
good taste to stay away. Ney, flanked by four grenadier guards, was grave,

neither humble nor defiant. He flicked a glance at the benches of Peers;

 

65
Oudinot, Memoirs, pp. 316-17.

55 Mbniteur, November 22, 1515, No. 325, p. 1292.
67 IEGEIEEEe, Memoirs, p. 352.

114

they looked away quickly. The marshal sat down next to the elder Berryer
after shaking hands with M. DupinGB.

Chancellor Dambray then rose and in a heavy voice read the history
of the crime, charging that Ney was guilty of disloyal conduct toward the
King and of premeditated treason, concluding, "It is not here that you
need apprehend meeting with any prejudice, malevolence, or partiality. we
have rather to be on our'guard against old recollections, and the interest
inspired by a warrior so long the glory of his country, and whom we were
happy to reckon in the number of our colleagues. You may speak without
fear."69 The rest of the day was consumed in endless and inconclusive
squabbling over petty forms of procedure and was adjourned until November
23. On that day, M. Dupin conducted Ney's defense. It was of such a
petty bickering nature as to be out of character, so that Ney suffered
much from.his own defense as the Peers began to grOW'openLy irritated by
the legal esoterics. Prosecutor Bellart failed to end the trial that day
and the case was bound over until December 470.

The Chamber of Deputies convened on November 30 during the recess of
Ney’s trial. Louis addressed the Chamber moderately and with conviction
born of hope for the future of France. M. Laine: president of the Chamber
and a personification of the spirit of the Charter of 1814, answered in
kind, pleading to "leave it to God who afflicts this people to judge Kings,

but let us surround our own with all the strength for which he has

 

‘8 Lamartine, History of the Restoration, 111, 301.
69 Ibid., III, 301. “’
0 1333., III, 302.

 

115

occasion; to extinguish passions, stifle discords, make France respected,
and its liberty protected."71

The d'Artois reactionaries took these overtures coldly, replying,

In the midst of our vows of concord, it is our duty to solicit your justice
against those who have endangered the throne. Your clemency has been
without bounds, we are not going to beg you to retract it, but we suppli-
cate>you, in the name of the people themselves, victims of calamities
under which they are crushed, to let justice at length proceed from where
clemency has stopped, that those who even.now, encouraged by impunity, are
not afraid of exhibiting their rebellion, may be given.up to the just
severity of the tribunals. The chamber will zealously concur in framing
laws necessary for the accomplishment of this desire. Only confide your
authority to hands that are purel72

Such hypocritical reaction was well calculated to overawe the servile
Peers.

Ney's defense, on December 4, again asserted that Ney's defection.was
not premeditated but only the impulse of the moment and that he had been
deserving of protection under Article XII of the Capitulation agreement.
Prosecutor Bellart then brought General Bourmont to the stand. Bourmont
and Lecourbe had been Ney's two chief junior officers. Lecourbe was dead,
and now Bourmont, who had left Ney en route to-Paris on March 15, 1815,
to tell Louis of his defection, who had remained in Paris to accept a post
in Napoleon's army under Labédoyere's oath, and who deserted to the Prus-
sians at waterloo, was now free to tell anything he chose.

His first words, to the effect that Ney had for three months planned

his turn to Napoleon and had even ordered his Napoleonic medal from Paris

for the occasion, so incensed Ney that he jumped up and shouted, “The

 

1
Ibid., III, 244.
73 1833:, III, 244.

116

witness has been preparing his thesis for the last eight months, and has
had time to make it a good one. ‘When he was getting up his denunciations
at Lille he probably imagined that he and I would never meet face to face.
But he was wrong. I have no talent for speech making; I go directly to
the point. It is a fact that on the 14th march I had an interview with
the witness in the presence of General Lecourbe. It is hard that Lecourbe
should be dead; but I appeal against all this testimony to a higher tri-
bunal,--to God who hears and will judge us,--both;you and me, Mbnsieur de
Bourmont.'"73 The Chamber was visibly impressed by Ney's outburst. The
marshal went on to describe the scene at Lons-le-Saulnier on march 13
when he read over his draft of his proclamation to the assembled officers
to get their reaction. Lecourbe hedged; Bourmont was noncommital but
thought Ney should read it to the troops.

"He had two hours to reflect," declared Ney. "As to myself did anyone
say: 'What are you about to do? You are risking your honour and reputa-
tion in this desperate course!‘ No! I found only men mo urged me
toward the abyss.... I did not even know'where Bourmont's troops were.

If he thought I was doing wrong, he was free to arrest me. With his

large command he could easily have done so, and I was alone, without
officers, and without a single saddle horse to escape on. But he was
shrewd," harangued Ney as Bourmont fidgeted nervously, "and conducted the
affair very ably. I wanted veny much he should lodge at my quarters, but
he declined, and took refuge with the prefect, the marquis de Vaulchier,
and together they arranged to watch the progress of events, and, in any
case to leave themselves a door of escape. When the troops were assembled,
Bourmont and Lecourbe put me at the head of a body of officers and con-
ducted me to the middle of the square, where I read the proclamation.
Soldiers and officers alike ran to us, embraced and almost stifled us with
their demonstrations. The troops dispersed in good order. The superior
officers came to dine with me. I was dejected, but, if Bourmont means
that, the guests were cheerful. That is the truth of the mutter."74

 

73 St. Amand, The Duchesse d'Angoulfime, p. 515.
74 Ibid., pp. 515:17.

 

117

Dambray broke in to ask Bourmont why, if he disapproved Ney's actions,
had he stayed so long at Lons-le-Saulnier. Bourmont answered that he did
so in order to witness the effect on the troops and thus be able to give
the King an exact accountys.

Bourmont reiterated his charge that Ney had worn the Legion of Honor
at Lons—le-Saulnier. Ney indignantly answered, "General, it is infamous

to say that I had already the design of'beconing a traitor.“76

Later Ney
called his jeweler to swear that his medals had remained in Paris all dur-
ing the time in question.

Ney reviewed the episodes leading up to march 14. He maintained he
knew nothing of Napoleon's return even after receiving Soult's orders to
go to Paris. He left his estate at Coudreaux on the night of March 6,
arriving in Paris late the next day; only during the trip did Ney learn
of Napoleon's landing from a traveling notany. Soult had no orders for
him, saying he should pick them.up from Bourmont at Besancon. Ordered
to leave Paris the next day, Ney hurried to the Tuileries and was allowed
to see Louis from 11:00 to 11:15. Ney stated that Louis could not recall
any overall military plans. When.asked if he had made the statement that
he would "bring Napoleon.back in an iron cage", Ney said he thought he
had said that Napoleon "deserved to be returned in a cage of iron", but
that if he said the other it only reflected his desire to serve the King.

Ney left Paris on March 8, arrived at Lons-le-Saulnier on the 12th. During

the next two days agents of Napoleon (disguised Guards) approached him.

 

75 Ibid., pp. 316-317.
76 Ibid., p. 315.

118

Bertrand's letter was supplied which stated that an Anglo-Kustro-French
alliance had been signed, that Louis had left France, and that Ney would
be "held responsible for the useless shedding of French blood, and imposed
blame for an infinite number of things on me; and I defied them to call
me a slacker."77

When asked about his defection, Nay answered with convincing sincer-
ity that he may have been misled, but had not acted in perfidy. "I was
confused," he confessed, "I wanted good advice and I found none. I sum-
moned Generals Lecourbe and Bourmont to aid me with their counsel and
support, but got nothing from them. One Colonel alone evinced a noble
resistance to my orders, this was M. Dubalen; I owe him this praise, he
alone gave in his resignation."78

In countering Bourmont, Ney recalled the National Guard officer
(M. Dubalen) who had broken his sword rather than serve Napoleon. Why
had not Bourmont done the same had he been so loyal? Why did not Bourmont
arrest him? “I had no guard,“ Ney continued. "You yourself might have
perhaps done me a great servicerby doing so, and perhaps you would have
done your duty,“ the Marshal concluded wearilyj9

Dambray again questioned Bourmont, asking if he thought Ney could
have stopped Napoleon. The witness suggested that Ney could have taken
a musket and led the troops against Bonaparte. "Still," he added, "I

“80

would not dare affirm that he would have won. Bourmont was emtricated

 

77 Mbniteur, 5 December, 1815, No. 339, p. 1348.

73 Tmrt‘Tne, History of the Restoratipn, III, 303.
9 St. Amend, The Duchesse d'Ahgeuieme, p. 318.

80 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 44I.

 

 

119

by Bellart who clearly saw that Ney had turned accuser, putting the prose-
cution on the defensive.

Early on December 5, the Peers again convened; most of the day was
consumed in the testimony of Generals Guillemont and Davout on the Capi-
tulation of Paris July 3, 1815. In answer to Chancellor Dambray, Guil-
lemont said, "As chief of staff I was instructed to stipulate for amnesty
to all, whatever might be their opinion, functions, or conduct. Amnesty
was not accorded without opposition. I was ordered to break off all
negotiations if the terms were not accepted; the army was ready to show
fight; it was this article Article XII that induced it to lay down its
arms."81

Marshal Davout was in turn asked by M. Berryer what he would have
done as Commander in Chief had not the Allies agreed to the terms. Davout
said he could have given battleez.

Ney then declared to the Peers that "the capitulation was protective
to such a degree that I counted on it. Without it can any one suppose
that I would not have preferred to die, sword in hand?"83

When this question of interpretations of the capitulations was in-
troduced, many of the Peers protested, saying that the Article "exists as
it exists" and that Davout's interpretation did not matter a straw.

M. Berryer opened the defense on the 6th by playing Ney's best card,
his quest of protection under the Article XII. He was almost immediately

interrupted by the counsel for the Crown, M. Bellart, who protested

 

3% St. Amand, The Duchesse d'AngoulQme, p. 319.
Ibid., p. 320.
33 T‘Tdb ., p. 320.

 

120

further illusions to the convention which Louis had not signed. The Chamber,
through the Chancellor, was thus asked to order Ney and his counsels to
stick to the facts of the indictment. Dambray promptly answered that he
had foreseen this defense and had polled the Peers, finding that a large
majority thought it improper to refer to the agreement which had not been
signed by the King and to which he did not consider himself bound84.

Ney's defense was blasted. If the Chamber could arbitrarily forbid
evidence and testimony, what could Ney possibly do? Berryer pulled his
last card, and one which was utterly unworthy of the straightforward Mar-
shal. He pointed out to the Peers that Ney's birthplace, Sarrelouis, was
now in Prussian territory by the November 20 Treaty of Paris, and hence
Ney was an alien and not subject to the laws of "Franc 9. Up until now Ney's
defense had been bad many times, but this abject act of desperation in-
furiated even Ney himself.

"No!“ he shouted, "I was born a Frenchman-«I will die a Frenchman.
Up to this time my defense has been free, but now I see that it is to be
fettered. I thank nv generous defenders for the exertions which they
have made, and which they are ready to make; but I had rather have no
defense than the mere shadow of one. If when I am accused in the teeth
of a solemn treaty, I am not allowed to appeal to it, I must appeal to
Europe and posterity."

"Gentlemen, counsel for the prisoner," said the Chancellor, "continue

your defense within the limits which I have proscribed."

 

B4 Berryer, "Souvenirs", The Edinburgh Review, Vol. 52, p. 166.

 

121

"My Lord," interjected Ney, "I forbid my counsel to say another word.
Your excellency may give to the house what orders you think fit; but as
to:my counsel, they may go on if they are free, but if they are restrained
by your limits, I forbid them to speak. You see,” said Ney, turning to
Berryer who was anxious to proceed, "that it is a decided thing. I had
rather have no defense than one chalked out by my accusers."

"Then," said Bellart, "we waive our right of reply; if the defense
is at an end, so is the accusation. we have only to demand the judgment
of the court."

“Have you anything to add?" asked the Chancellor of Ney and his coun-
sels. "Nothing whatever,“ replied the marshal impatientkyss.

As soon as Ney had been shown out, the Peers were read the three in-
dictments of Ney's case, and proceeded to vote verbally on each count86.
Many of the lay Peers refused to vote, the ecclesiastical Peers abstained,
and all but seventeen followed one another'to vote the death penalty. -The
seventeen appealed for banishment. One of these young Due de Broglie,
voted a single "no“ on the question of Ney's treason and afterwards wrote,
"...at that time we lived in an atmosphere of intimidation that was stifl-
ing."87 Some of these who voted for death apparently hoped that Louis

would be satisfied with the token verdict alone and let Ney off. In answer

 

85 Ibid., Vol. 52, 166.

86 15 Did marshal Ney receive certain emissaries on the night be-
tween March 13 and 14? 2) Did Marshal Ney read a proclamation
on the place publique of Lons-le-Saulnier on March 14, inviting
troops to rebellion and defection? 3) Has the marshal been
guilty of an attempt against the safety of the State?

7 St. Amand, The Duchesse d‘AngoulSme, p. 323.

 

122

to such ideas, Louis, now convinced of Ney's great threat to the realm,
coldly said, "Let me hear when I awake that the traitor has paid the
forfeit of his crime."88 One year earlier Louis had called the marshals
"but a puff of smoke" without Napoleoneg. At 3:OO.A.M. the Peers adjourn-
ed. Ney was to die within forty-eight hours.

The Journal des Debats gave the following details of the final

 

moments of Marshal Ney;

Since 3:00, the guard of the condemned has been given over to marechal-de-
camp, Comte Rochechouart, commanding the place de Paris which ins been
changed by M. 1e lieutenant-general Despinois, comanding the first mili-
tary division, following the orders of MM. les commissaires du Roi, to
make the necessary arrangements to insure the carrying out of the decision
of the Chamber. The security inside and outside of the palace of Luxem-
burg from that moment was placed in charge of M. de Rochechouart, and he
gave custody of the prisoner to the bailiff of the room in which he has
been imprisoned.

As he left the chamber of Peers, Marshal Ney requested to dine--he
seemed to eat with good appetite. Noticing that a small pocket knife with
which he was eating was causing some apprehension among the guards lest
he use it to kill himself, he threw it contemptuously into the corner.
After dinner, he smoked a cigar, and then appeared to fall into deep sleep.
He was still asleep when M. Cauchy, secretaire-archiviste of the Chamber
of Peers, came to him to read his sentence. Before beginning his reading,
M. Cauchy tried to extend to him a few reassuring words in order to prove
to him how painful it was for him to be forced to fulfill so sad a duty.
"Monsieur," the marshal said to him, interrupting, ”do your duty. Each
of us must do his own: read."

During the reading, reference was made to the article of the law on
the right of succession of the crow. "This law", exclaimed the marshal,
"does not apply to me; it has been written for the imperial family."

After the reading, M. Coucmr said to him that if in his last moments
he felt the need to call for the consolations of the church, it would be
possible for him to call M. 1e cure/do Saint-Sulpice, who will himself
offer his services. "That will be all," answered the narshal, "I will
think about it." On the insistence of M. Couchy the Marshal said, "Again,
that will be all; I don't need a priest to be told how to die."

On the observation that it was up to him to say farewells to his wife
and children, the marshal requested that they be asked to come between

 

33 Lady Jackson, The Court of the Tuileries, I, 254.
39 Ibid., p. 65.

 

123

six and seven o'clock in the morning. "I hope" he added, "that your letter
will not reveal to Mme. Ney that her husband has been condemned. It is up
to me to tell her of my destiny."

M. Couchy retired then, and the marshal threw hims elf, fully clothed
on his bed. It is true to say that he did not delay in falling asleep.

At 4:00 A,.M. he was awakened by the arrival of Mme. Ney with her
children and her sister, Mme. Gamon [sic Gamot] . This unfortunate woman,
entering the chamber of her husband, fell unconscious to the floor; the
marshal, helped by his guards, picked her up again; after a long period
of unconsciousness came the tears and sobs. Mme. Gamoa [sic Gamot] ,
on her knees before the marshal, was in a state no less deplorable than
her sister. The children, somber and quiet, did not cry; the eldest was
between eleven and twelve years of age. The marshal spoke to them a long
time, but in a low voice. Suddenly he got up and urged his family to
leave.

Left alone with his guards, he paced his chamber. One of his guards,
grenadier de Larochejaquelein, said to him, "Marshal, at the point where
you are now, aren't you bound to think of God? It is always a good thing
to be reconciled with God." The marshal stopped, looked at him, ”You
are right, yes, you are right. One must die an honest man and a Christian:
I would like to see M. le cure de Saint-Sulpice." This brave grenadier
did not have to be told twice; the order was given, and the curate was
shortly ushered into the room of the condemned. He stayed three-quarters
of an hour with him. Then he retired, the marshal expressing a desire
to see him.again in his last moments. This virtuous ecclesiastic kept his
word to him. At 8:30 he returned, and at 9:00 the marshal gave him.his
hand to help him into the carriage, saying to him, "Get in first, M. 16
Cure', presently I will go before you." O

Rochechouart‘s account adds this detail:

I took upon myself without consulting the prisoner, to order up a carriage.
The Marshal saluted us . I felt great relief when I saw him in a blue over-
coat, with a white neck-handkerchief, short black breaches, black stock-
ings, and no decorations. I was afraid that he might have been in uniform,
and that, consequently, it would have been necessary to have it 'disgraced',
and to have torn off the buttons, epaulettes, and decora ions. On seeing
the bad weather he said, smiling, 'Here is a nasty day'9 , his then turned
to aid the Curd.

"He had been driven in the carriage of M. 16 grand-refenendaire
[Rochechouart] , while crossing the garden of Luxembourg, to the far end

of the wide pathway which led up to the Observatoire, the place which had

 

90 W. 9 December. 1815, No. 343, p. 1364.
1 Macdonald, Recollections, II, 352.

 

124

been designated for the execution. One small detachment of gendarmerie

and two platoons of veterans awaited him there."92

"Seeing the door opened, the Marshal, who expected to go to Grenelle,
advised perhaps that a manifestation would be made in his favour, said,
'What: already arrived?‘ He naturally refused to kneel down and let his
eyes be bandaged; he only asked Commandant Saint-Bras to point out to him
where he should stand."93

"He embraced his confessor, and gave to him his snuff box to be sent
back to mme. Ney, and some pieces of gold to be distributed to the poor."94

He faced the firing squad, who held their'mnskets in the position 'readyl'
and there, in an attitude which I shall never forget, so noble, so calm,
so dignified, and without the least bravado was it, he took off his hat,
and taking advantage of the short space of time left him by the adjutant
in moving to onerside, and giving the signal to fire, he pronounced these
few words, which I heard very distinctly: 'Frenchmen: I protest against
my condemnation, my honour.....' At these last words, as he placed his
hand 8% his heart, the reports of the muskets were heard, and he fell
dmde

Following military custom his body was left exposed for'a quarter-hourgs.

"The quarter hour exposure ended, the body was transported to the

Hospital of the Maternity, the cure of St. Sulpice walking at the head of

 

92 LeMoniteur, 9 December, 1815, No. 343, p. 1364. According to

St. Amand, the Coachman of Ney's carriage fainted when he saw

93 his illustrious passenger. Duchesse d'Angoulee, p. 330.
macdonald, Recollections, II, p. 352.

94 Mbniteur, 9 December, 1815, No. 343, p. 1364.

95 EEEEbHEIa, Recollections, II, p. 352. Bourrienne says that the

officer of'the firing party was too petrified for duty-~a Peer,

Due de la Force, led the party instead.

Every account differs in details such as to whether the required

coup de grace and exposure period were observed, etc. This has

given grounds to the as yet unproved tale that Ney did not die

at Luxemburg, but escaped to the United States. The author feels

that this legend, though fascinating speculation, has not yet

become documented history.

 

 

 

 

96

 

125

the procession. Sisters of Charity watched all night over the marshal.
A great number of people of mark, says the police report, came to see
the body of the marshal-~peers, generals, officers, ambassadors. These
peers of France, his judges, dared to mingle with strangers and a crowd
curious to contemplete their victim, to assure themselves of his death,
and to enjoy his punishment. More than five hundred Englishmen came to
see the dead body, says another report. A soldier of the National Guard
said to them, 'But, gentlemen, you must have seen him in Spain.’ A

veteran added, 'You did not look at him.like that at waterlooi'"97

 

97 Genet, "A.Fanfily Record of Ney's Execution", Century Magazine,
Vol. 52, p. 422.

 

CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION

A just evaluation of Ney's character at this point would be merely
a recapitulation of incidents and events indicative of the man as already
pictured. However, briefly, Ney could be described as a peasant stock
revolutionary soldier of extraordinary courage and physical endurance,
open, blunt, and kind, devoid of artifice and possessing no talent for it.
He was not a great strategist, but he was a capable tactician and a con-
siderate leader of troops. His unbounded confidence and impulsive aggres-
siveness made him a bore in the salon.but a veritable human avalanche on
the battlefield. The rags-to-riches story of his military career made him
no less conscious than a frugal Rhinelander of his material goods and en-
dowments. His prowess was supplemented liberally by an active ego, which
did not, however, obliterate and obscure his undying love of country as
it did for Napoleon Bonaparte. Mentally, Ney was probably not much above
average. He was further handicapped by virtually no formal education,
but he did possess a good amount of native perception. He was by nature
unusually moral for his time, a characteristic peculiarly unreciprocated
by the ability to reach ethical decisions. This was the man, Michel Key.

On this basis, premeditated defection at Lons-le-Saulnier is doubt-
ful. A letter from.Ney to Oudinot (who remained loyal to Louis during
the Hundred Days) on March 13 read, “Let us unite our efforts against the

attempts of the common enemy."1 Ney was not a man to intrigue; he found

 

1 Oudinot, Memoirs, p. 294.

127

himself, as Mme. Campan said, in "a position of the most fatal kind, and
far beyond the political intelligence of the brave Nay...."2 Napoleon
declared to Las Casas, "If I except Labédoyere..., nearly all the other
generals whom.I met on my route evinced hesitation and uncertainty; they
yielded only to the impulse of their troops, if indeed they did not mani-
fest a hostile feeling towards me. It is nOW'clear to everyone that Ney
quitted Paris quite devoted to the King, and that, if he turned against
him.a few days afterwards, it was because he thought he could not do
otherwise."3

Likewise then, is little more to be said that Ney's legal advice was
sadly out of character? Napoleon indicated.this from his own observations
that "the defense is most pitiable. It is not calculated to save his
life, and by no means to maintain his honor."4 At least the latter con-
tention is true without a doubt. Berryer in later life confessed that it
was unfortunate that the court martial had declared itself incompetents.
The natural question is then, why did he sanction that course? The old
counsel went on to say that Ney's trial was the grossest error of the
Restoration, that Ney's part in Napoleon's return was in reality insignifi-
cant since Macdonald's main Bourbon force was already gone over to Napoleon,
and that the whole trial was illegal because good faith was flouted by the

order to abstain from.oiting Article XII of the capitulation. He further

 

2 Genet, "A.Family Record of Ney's Execution", Century magazine,
Vol. 52, p. 415.
Las Casas, Memorial de Sainte Helene, III, 171.

John s. 0. Abbott, Napoleon at" St. Helena (New York, 1855), p. 55.
Berryer, "Souvenirs", The Edinburgh Revi3w,'Vol. 76, p. 162.

 

 

4

 

 

128

contended that contrary to Bourbon claims, Louis did acknowledge the
capitulation because he appealed under it to the Allies to prevent Blucher
from.blowing up Pont de Jonas.

The Bourbons' stand that they were in no case obliged to acknowledge
the existence of Allied association for the prosecution of the war against
Napoleon.was a noble gesture to reassure the French that their independ-
ence had been maintained. It appears a rather empty one considering the
actual dependence of Louis on his allies both in fact and in treaty stipu-
lations. In.a proclamation to his people during the middle of March, 1815,
Louis declared:

The Powers...would forbid our imagining a more sacred security for their
promise than their promise itself; but they have themselves conceived, that
to this guarantee it might be fit to add another; that they could never
sufficiently tranquillize the King with regard to the future fate of his
people, nor testify too much respect for the fidelity of the French nation
under the sorrow that overwhelms it.... The Powers determined that the
King's accession should be especially required to the new compact which
they had recently concluded [March 13] .... They presented to him.[Louis],
from.their respective Sovereigns, new credentials, with a view to their
being near the person of the only lawful Sovereign of France wherever he
might reside, and upon vertfication of their powers they offered the new
Treaty [march 25] to his Majesty for his deliberation and his signature.
Frenchmen}. The King has deliberated, and he has signed it:"7

The new treaty of march 25 stipulated in Article VIII "...and, in
the event of his thesty's [Louis'] requiring the forces stipulated in
the second Article, to make known what assistance circumstances will allow
him.to bring forward in.the furtherance of the object of the present

Treaty."8

 

6
7
8

Ibido , pp. 167-68 0
Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Vol. 31, p. 293.
Ibid., p. 305.

 

129

It seems clear that the working ties of the Treaty of Vienna make
hollow mockery of the Bourbon technicality that since Louis did not sign
the capitulation that he was in no way bound by Allied agreements. He
could not have stood a minute in 1815 without Allied arms for'support.

One has difficulty essaying'Wellington's reluctance to aid Ney, even
considering the touchy cabinet situation in England. British public
opinion was interested in punishing chameleons like Fouche? but was as-
suaged by the arrest of Neyg. Did the English want blood like the Ultras?
Lord Grey wrote Brougham on December 16, 1815.

You have said of your opinion of Ney's plea on capitulation. I thought
at first that it was subject to Some doubt, but a doubt which could with
propriety and justice be decided only in his favour.... For Ney himself
I can feel no respect...but his conduct at his trial and execution must
inspire...a strong interest in his favour, when connected with the mani-
fest breach of faith and the injustice of which he has been the victimlo.

Yet for reasons unknown, wellington feigned "hands off" French domes-
tic affairs, when actually he was master of the situation and probably
could have forced Louis to acquiese to Ney's release. Instead, the Duke
said "That settled government would become wholly impossible in France if
such treason went unpunished."11 Liverpool and Castlereagh favored "dis-
cipline" too. Yet wellington seems to have fostered the story that Louis
had refused him an audience, and hence made him helpless and indignant.12
Somehow the Duke had too many almost conflicting explanations. Others

included the accusation that Ney had hidden and had thus repudiated his

 

9 Nicolson, The Congress of Vienna, p. 238.
10 Henry Lord Brougham, The Life and Times of Henry Lord Brougham
(New York, 1871), II, 231.
11 Philip Guedalla, wellington (New York, 1951), p. 296.
2 Ibid., p. 296.

 

 

 

130

amnestyls. For a man who, had he left France, would have been beaten to

the frontier by Louis,'Wellington was remarkably restrained.

Even if Ney's defense had been.better, the very nature of his trial
has all the earmarks of having been effectively controlled by d'Artois.
With the White Terror raging in the provinces, intrigue and suspicion
undermining the moderates and permeating public uncertainty, the apparently
pro-Royalist August elections, and the Ultras so avowedly set on Ney's
death, only two men could have saved himp-Louis and wellington. ‘Wellington
would not, Louis did not. If Comte d'Artois was the evil genius behind
the reaction, Louis is equally to blame since he was still King and thus
responsible for the acts of his subordinates. Louis' weakness is under-
standable in view of his age, health, and quest for family peace, but that
makes the act no less one of weakness.

Ney's main defense was Article XII; the diArtois element circumvented
it. Denied this appeal on the basis of the Cambrai declaration of Louis
on June 29 (excepting from his general amnesty all who participated in
the Hundred Days), the Ultras short-circuited justice rather neatly. That
Ney should die was virtually a foregone conclusion, as Ney himself realized
on the last day of the trial. The nature of his execution, like the
trial, looks like the doings of men who are afraid, afraid that they might
be caught with blood on their hands. Whispers of "rescue" prompted the
Bourbons to change the location from Grenelle to a crumbling wall of
Luxembourg Gardens and to hold the execution surreptitiously half an hour

14 ‘
early . "It is true," wrote Louis Blanc bitterly, "he was under the

 

15 Bourrienne, Memoirs, III, 445a
14 Lady Jackson, The Court of the Tuileries, I, 255.

 

131

safeguard of a capitulation; but the vengeance of reaction was not to be
stopped by such slight considerations as this.... Napoleon had caused
the Duc d'Enghein to be shot in.the trenches of Vincennes. Louis XVIII
paid Napoleon back murder for murder,--a kind of emulation most worthy

of the masters of the earthi"15 Madelin called the execution "an awkward,
senseless action, which would create nothing but difficulties and dangers
for the royal government."16 In his Memoirs, Guizot affirmed, "Had Mar-
shal Ney been pardoned and exiled, after his condemnation, by reyal let-
ters deliberately promulgated, royalty would have risen like a rampart
above all, whether friends or enemies, to stay the stream of blood, and
the reaction of 1815 would have been put down and closed, as well as the
Hundred Days."17 Not only was Ney's death an act of insane hatred and
vengeance, but politically it was a blunder and a crime to forever stain
the Bourbon escutcheon.

The pious Duchesse d'Angoulame actually stated to Segur, after read-
ing his history of the campaign of 1812, "Ah! general,” she said, "if we
had known all this, Marshal Ney would never have been shot."18 ‘Mme. Ney
must have gotten great satisfaction from this.

Ney's position.was excellently stated by Guizot when he wrote,

Ideas of right and duty, sentiments of respect and of fidelity, were con-
fused and conflicting in many minds. So to speak, there were then two

real and natural governments face to face, and many minds might without
perversness be perplexed as to which should be chosen. Louis XVIII and

 

15 Blanc, History of Ten Years, I, 30.

16 Madelin:_Ta11eyrand, p. 257.

7 F. Guizot, Memoirs (London, 1858), I, 132.
18 St. Amand, MEesse d'Angoulelne, p. 337.

 

 

 

132

his advisors might, therefore, and in their turn and without weakness,
have taken into consideration this moral perturbation of which Marshal
Ney is the most illustrious example.19

The author of the Debate in the Veniteur on December 9, 1815, ambig-

 

uously prophesied:

Posterity to which the accused made his appeal will ratify that verdict
which is already confirmed by impartial contemporaries and by all who

do not sacrifice evidence to impassioned pretensions, and history will
apply to the memory of Marshal Ney a justice which it is easy to foresee
and which only his still-smoking blood prevents us from forecasting.20

 

19 Guizot, Memoirs, 1, 131.
0 Moniteur", '9 Due-camber, 1815, No. 343, p. 1364.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. Primary Sources

The origin and early life of Ney was presented in A. Bulos, Memoirs
of marshal Ney, edited by his family (London, 1834), 2 vols. This has
been called the "Ney Papers", and was a collection by the Ney family
covering the years 1769-1805. It was not well written and was used re-
luctantly. Of great help in rounding out the picture of Ney was Louis
A. F. de Bourrienne, Nemoirs of Napoleon, edited by R. W. Phipps, 3 vol-
umes (New York and Boston, 1885). Bourrienne, until 1807, was private
secretary to Napoleon. Subsequently under the Royalist banner, he pre-
sents a penetrating view of the entire Napoleonic period. Of even
greater importance are the two volumes of Caulaincourt, With Napoleon in
Russia (New'York, 1935) and No Peace with Napoleon (New3York,1936),Pboth
edited dby Jean Hanoteau. These constitute excellent resources. Of at
least equal value was Antoine Lavalette, Memoirs of Count Lavalette
(Philadelphia, 1894). This fascinating memoir, written by a soldier and
Postmaster-General of Napoleon, gives a valuable account of Ney's prison
conditions. Madame Junot, Duchesse de d'Abrantes, in her Memoirs of the
Emperor Napoleon, 3 volumes, (Washington and London, 1901) offeredan
intimate account of the Napoleonic court circles. A less sympathetic
account in a similar vein.was Madame de Remusat's lfemoirs, edited by
Paul de Remusat, translated by Mrs. Cashel Hoey and dJohn Lillie, (New
York, 1880), which also offered excellent source material.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Of special interest as ndlitary authorities and observers were the
following volumes. Marshal Macdonald, Recollections of Marshal Macdonald,
Duke of Tarentum, 2 volumes, (New York,*1892), was a rather poorly written
account which did, however, supply certain personal data not available in
other sources. Baron de Marbot, Memoirs, translated by Arthur J. Butler,
(New York, 1893), gave much criticism.to Ney, but when one cut aside
lhmbot's self-praise, interesting autobiographical material appeared.
Bourrienne's successor as Napoleon's private secretary, Baron Claude-
Francois de Méneval, gave more of the inside story of Napoleon' s activi-
ties in his Memoirs Illustrating the History of Napoleon I, 1802-1815,

3 volumes, (New York, 41894):’ General Count Phillpe Ségur presented a
military history not particularly sympathetic to Ney in his An Aide-de-
Camp of Napoleon, revised by his grandson Count Louis de Segur, trans-
lated‘by H. A. Patchett—Nartin, (New York, 1895).

 

 

 

 

 

 

Public and private opinion was illustrated in Lady Catherine C.
Jackson, The Court of the Tuileries, 2 volumes, (Boston, 1897). This
gave a very interesting record of an Englishwoman's observations on the
Tuileries during the Napoleonic and Restoration periods. A more official
view was'expressed by Duc de Pasquier, History of My Time, Memoirs of
Chancellor Pasquier, 2 volumes, (NeW'York,_1893-94), in which was found
much information on Louis' restoration. Gazette Nationals, ou Moniteur
Universal as the avowed organ of the government, offered an unusually
rich source of material, but should be used with the official nature of

 

 

 

 

134

the paper in mind. The English public sentiments were characterized in
T. C. Hansard's The Parliamentary Debates, (London, 1815). This was very
useful in determining British opinion on French affairs in 1815.

 

Of lesser importance was Francois Guizot's Memoirs, 4 volumes, (Lon-
don, 1858), which was however, an excellent eye-witness account of one of
France's leading historian-politicians. Henry Lord Brougham, The Life
and Times of Henry Lord Brougham, 3 volumes, (New York, 1871), was useful
for the views reflected by this eminent Englishman. 0f like importance
was Macvey Napier, Esp., Selections from the Correspondence of the Late
Macvey Napier, Esp., edited by his son, Nacvey Napier,v(London, 1879).

A very good selection of Bourbon correspondence was found in Correspondence
of Prince Talleyrand and King Louis XVIII during the Congress of Vienna,
edited by M. G. Pallain, (New York,V1881). Captain the Honorable D. A.
Bingham, A Selection from the Letters and Despatches of the First Napoleon,
3 volumes, (London, 1884), gave valuable samples of letters and battle
orders of the Emperor to his subordinates.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ida St. Elme, Memoirs of a Contemporary (New York, 1902) offered one
of the most unusual memoirs used in this paper. Mlle. St. Elmo claimed
to have been the mistress of virtually all the leading figures of France
and to have followed Ney all about Europe. Consequently, this has been
used with caution. Another rather dubious role was pictured by Metter-
nich, Memoirs of Prince Metternich, edited by Prince Richard Metternich,
5 volumes, (New York,‘1880), in the first volume of his work. The last
four volumes, composed largely of letters and dispatches, provided a
better source for the historian. Jean-Baptiste Barras, Memoirs of a
Napoleonic Officer, translated by Bernard Miall, (London, 1925), was not
used heavily by the author since it portrayed largely the revolutionary
period, rather than the Napoleonic. Also slightly used was Duchesse de
Reggio (Oudinot), Memoirs of Marshal Oudinot Duc de Reggio, translated by
Alexander de Mattos from Gaston Stiegler, (London, I ):

 

 

 

 

 

Two of the accounts of Napoleon‘s exile, namely Barrey E. O'Meara,
Napoleon in Exile, 2 volumes, (New York, 1853) and Las Casas, Memorial de
Ste. Helene, 3 volumes, (New York,1823), were used with equal advantage
in determining opinions and evaluations of Napoleon. Certain inaccuracies
and the marked apologia nature of the material warrant cautious use.

 

 

II. Secondary Sources

The longer general secondary works consulted were Alfonso de Lamar-
tine, History of the Restoration of Monarchy in France, 4 volumes, (London,
1882), an exciting but not wholly dependable source;'Louis A. Thiers,
History of the Consulate and the Empire of France under Napoleon, 5 volumes,
(Philadelphia, 1863), a much-quoted source especially useful in this paper
for military accounts; ward, Prothero, and Leathes, editors, The Cambridge
Modern History, IX (New York, 1906), X (New York, 1907), a competent gen-
eral—analysis of the periods.

 

 

 

 

135

Some of the biographical material included "Souvenirs of M. Berryer",
The Edinburgh Review, Vol. 76, p. 121, (London, 1843), an interesting
account of Ney's counsel, M. Berryer, on the Ney trial and its ramifica-
tions; George C. Genet, "A Family Record of Ney's Execution", The Century
Illustrated Monthly Magazine (NeW'York, 1896), Vol. 52, pp. 415-22, con-
tained some of Madame Campan's papers not included in her Memoirs of the
Court of Marie Antoinette (London, 1843), 2 volumes; Anon.,_“BerryeF",
Blackwoods Magazine, (New York, 1837), Vol. 42, pp. 126-44, largely the
same account as infiEdinburgh Review above. In addition, Imbert de Saint-
Amand, The Duchess of Angouleme and the Two Restorations, trans. James
Davis (mes York, 1892), presented a very interesting,4though unsympathetic
portrait of the dour duchess. Aspects of Bernadotte's life and candidacy
for the French throne was revealed in Franklin D. Scott's Bernodotte and
the Fall of Napoleon, VII, Harvard Historical Monographs (Cambridge U. 3.,
1935). A well written biography by Elizabeth W. Schermerhorn, Ben'amin
Constant (New York, 1924) was useful in understanding the position of
French liberals 1814-15. In the same area fell'W. E. WOodward's Lafayette
(New York, 1938). Of general background value were the biographiEE—Ef—_—-
Napoleon, Wellington, Lord Liverpool, Metternich, and Talleyrand. On the
first, F. M. Kircheisen's Napoleon (New York, 1932) was most useful, with
John S. C. Abbott's Napoleon at St. Helena (New York, 1855), a collection
from the accounts of—Las Casas, O'Meara, Montholon, Autommarchi, and
others, used in lieu of the last two mentioned authors. Helene du Coudray's
treatment of Metternich (New Haven, 1936) was very well done. Decidedly
sympathetic, it is a rather unevenly written book. A harsh interpretation
by Louis Madelin, Talleyrand (New York, 1948), severely criticized the
limping Charles. Wellington was well covered by Richard Aldington, The
Duke (New York, 1943), used chiefly as background material, and Philip‘
Guedalla,‘Wellington (NeW'York, 1931), used for attitude toward Ney's
trial. W} R. BroEE‘s Lord Liverpool and Liberal Toryism (London, 1941),
supplied characterization of Idverpool who stood alooffifrom.Ney's appeal.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Political aspects of 1815 France were well presented by Frederick B.
Artz, France Under the Bourbon Restoration (Cambridge U. S., 1931), Henry
E. Bourne, The Revolutionary Period in Europe (New York, 1926), G. L.
Dickinson, REvqution and Reaction in Modern France (London, 1892 and
1927), Henry Reeve, Rbyal_and Republican France, 2 volumes, (London, 1872),
and H. Morse Stephens, Revolutionary Eurgpe (London, 1897). Harold
Nicolson's The Congress of Vienna (London, 1946), gave an excellent account
of this convention which did, according to his thesis, spotlight Talley-
rand. A good brief account of the period was provided in Louis Blanc's
History of Ten Years 1830-40, 2 volumes, (London, 1845), in the introduc-
tory chapter, from an extremely pro-socialist point of view.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

From a more topical approach, Albert L. Guerard's Reflections on the
Napoleonic Legend (New York, 1924), debunked in a provocative fashiOn tha
fable portion of the Napoleonic myth. Of great value also was Henri
Houssaye's 1815 (London, 1900), which treated the Napoleonic return and
the Hundred Days very ably. Of particular interest in regard to the
d'Enghein affair, was the definitive Boulay de Meurthe, Documents Pertain-
ing to the Death of the Due d'Enghein (Paris, 1904). J. wright's

 

 

 

A Compleat History of the Late War, 2 volumes, (London, 1765) gave an
interesting picture of the wars of the mid-18th Century, but was used
only for the account of Rossbach.

Although not used in the writing of this paper, the following three
volumes were of particular interest in regard to the legend that Ney
came to the United States early in 1816, after escaping the firing squad
at Luxembourg. Legette Blythe, Marshal Ney: A Dual Life (New York,
1937), stressed this alleged duality. Partly footnoted, it was inaccurate
and hence, misleading. Piers Compton, Marshal Ney (London, 1937) pre-
sented the best story of Ney, used quotations liberally, but gave no
footnotes. Implied that Ney, like Junot, lost his mind in Russia. J. A.
Weston, Historic Doubts as to the Execution of Marshal Ney (New York,
1895), presented the most‘d0cumentary attempt to fortifyfithe Ney myth.
Largely testimonial in character, it is not thoroughly convincing.

 

 

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

1. From p. 21, footnote 27.

Mme. Campan relates in her Memoirs of the Court of the Tuileries,
II, 262, that Mme. Auguié, implicated by Marie Antoinette's admission
of the loan of twenty louis by her, was threatened with seizure and
execution. Rather than submit her family and the Queen to further
humiliations, she leaped from.a third story window as the officers,
sent to arrest her, were pounding on the door.

 

2. From p. 40, footnote 41.

As an example of the sort of resistance given the French, Duchesse
de d'Abrantes' Memoirs of the Emperor Napoleon, III, 110, gives the
alleged "Spanish Catechism” fostering the fanatical resistance.

Q. Child, what art thou?

A. A Spaniard, by the grace of God.

Q. What do you mean by that?

A. An honest man.

Q. Who is our enemy?

A. The Emperor of the French.

Q. What is the Emperor Napoleon?

A. A wicked being, the source of all evils, and the focus of all

vices.

Q. How many natures has he?

A. Two: the human and the diabolical.

Q. HOW'many emperors of the French are there?

A. One actually, in three deceiving persons.

Q. What are they called?

A. Napoleon, Mural, and Manuel Godon, the Prince of Peace.

Q. Which is the most wicked?

A. They are equally so.

Q. What are the French?

A. Apostate Christians, turned heretics.

Q. 'What punishment does a Spaniard deserve who fails in his duty?

A. The death and infamy of a traitor.

Q. Is it a sin to kill a Frenchman?

A. No, my father; heaven is gained by killing one of these

heretical dogs.

3. From.p. 53, footnote 84.

Louis' two letters to Napoleon:
"Men such as you, sir, whatever their apparent conduct may be, never
excite uneasiness. You have accepted an eminent post, and I am glad you

138

have done so. You know better than any one else how the strength and
power are required to secure the happiness of a great nation. Save
France from.its own frenzy, and you will have fulfilled the first wish
of my heart; restore her king to her, and future generations will bless
your memory. Your services will always be found too valuable to the
state; to adndt my discharging in full, and as I could wish, the debt
of fly ancestors and my own, by the bestowal of important posts.

Louis"

"You must long have been aware, general, of the esteem.in which I
hold you. If you doubt whether I am susceptible of gratitude, mark your
own place; fix that of your friends. As for my principles, they are
those of the French character. I am.clement by disposition. I shall be
so from reason also.

No, the victor of Lodi, of Castiglione, and of Arcola, the conqueror
of Italy and of Egypt, can never prefer a vain celebrity to true glory.
You are, nevertheless, losing valuable time: ‘we can insure the repose
of France: I say we, because I need Bonaparte for this purpose, and he
could not accompligh it without me.

General, Europe observes you, glory awaits you, and I am impatient
to restore peace to my people. Louis"

Thiers, The Consulate and the Empire, I, 205-6.

 

4. From p. 63, footnote 3.

Bernadotte's candidacy is well presented by Franklin D. Scott,
Bernadotte and the Fall of Napoleon, VII, Harvard Historical Monographs
(Cambridge, U. S.,)l935).

Hernadotte was seconded by the Tzar, Mme. de Stael, and Benjamin
Constant in 1814. Mme. de Stael hoped to have him crowned William III of
France, Constant, apparently at de Stael's suggestion, went to meet
Bernadotte who was moving slowly on Paris. The two men made elaborate
plans for France, only to reach Paris to find Talleyrand had succeeded in
placing the Bourbons on the throne.

 

5. From p. 83, footnote 89.

The famous conversation between Talleyrand and Metternich at the
news of Napoleon's return went like this according to Madelin, Talleyrand,
p. 244.

Talleyrand remAined "impassive" when Metternich blurted out the
news.
Talleyrand: "Do you know where he is going?"
Metternich: ”The report says nothing about it."
Talleyrand: "He will disembark somewhere on the coast of Italy and
wdll rush to Switzerland."
Matternich: "He will go straight to Parisi"

 

 

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