THE INFLUENCE OF CRISIS IN THE MODIFICATION OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Thad: Ia flu Dog.- cI M. A. mam, mm W 5W mum NaII 1 - 1956‘ W'er‘_ '1'..." -. .... -- . ._-_ 'v at”: ‘éfa CACIICWFTIé'p. I PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. “ DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution cMmiI-D: ___—--—-—— THE D‘I’FLUENCE OF CRISIS DI THE MODIFICATION OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION by ELIZABETH W ILLIAIS NALL A THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of Arts in Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan 1956 Ill lllllrle «II V .l 9/30/57 %‘ loO3 ACKNOWLEDGIIE.~T The writer wishes to express her sincere thanks to Dr. John McKinney, whose teaching inSpired this study and under whose guid- ance it was completed. Grateful acknowledgment is also due to Dr. Charles Loomis, whose interest made thesstudy possible. She is greatly indebted to Dr.'William Form, Mr. Gregory Stone, and Dr. Charles'Westie for graciously allowing her the use of their data and for generously giving advice during the course of the study. Finally, this thesis is dedicated to her husband, Frank C. Nall, without whose love and inspiration this would never have been written. THE INFLUENCE OF CRISIS IN THE MODIFICATION OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION by ELIZABETH WILLIAMS NALL AN ABSTRACT Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Michigan State University East Lans ing , Michigan 1956 ‘5 Approved/T /é (a / /:7'/ ./ T/ “M? // c.» ‘ Elizabeth Williams Nall This is a study which describes and analyzes relief activities in a disaster in terms of the theoretical schema of the social system. Disas- ter relief activities are viewed as components of an emergent transitional social system. Because many of the actors in this social system of disas- ter relief were acting in the role of association member, attention was focused upon the relation of the behavior and value orientations of assoc- iation member to the organizational structure of the association. Five associations were examined, the Michigan State Police, the National Red Cross, the local chapter of the Red Cross, the Salvation Army, and the Beecher Volunteer Fire Department. . The data were gathered in Beecher metropolitan Area, near Flint, Michigan, following a tornado which struck the area June 8, 1953. The principal method of investigation was the use of intensive interview schedules. During the two months following the tornado, 132 interviews were conducted with individuals not attached to associations and 87 with members of associations. The methodology used was a modified version of'Weber's historico- analytical method. From the organizational structure of each association was constructed a typology of expected value orientations. From the be- havior reported in the interViews, the manifested value orientations of members of each association toward victims was abstracted. Differences between expected and manifested value orientations were then accounted for. AH.— adapt the e thong limit only who 5 Elizabeth'Williams Nall It was found that certain organizational characteristics were assoc- iated with the relative degree of adaptability which those associations manifested in meeting the exigencies imposed upon them by the disaster situation. The characteristics which were associated with a relatively high degree of adaptability are as follows: (1) a hierarchy of offices (2) remuneration of members by fixed salaries (3) status-role is the primary occupation of the incumbent (h) members are subject to coercive discipline (5) members are subjected to a training process which results in a high degree of internalization of appropriate value orientations. The study showed that another important factor associated with the adaptability of associations in the context of the disaster situation was the extent to which members were subjected to direct disaster impact. Al— though this study focused attention upon this factor it could draw only limited conclusions concerning its effects in the case under study since only one association, the Beecher Volunteer Fire Department, had members who experienced the direct effects of the tornado. Chapter I III VI VII D] "3 r l irl n -a TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Purpose of This Study . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Theoretical Frame of Reference . . . . . . . . . 2 Definition of Disaster . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Constitution of a New Social System . . . . . . . 13 Summary 0 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 17 II DISASTER ACTIVITY AND THE PROCEDURE OF ANALYSIS . . . . 18 methods and Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . 19 III THE ELEMENTS OF THE SITUATION . . . e e e e . e . 22 An Examination of the Systemic Elements of the ASSOCiationS o e e e e e o e e e e e o e 22 Comparison of the Systemic Elements of the ASSOCiationS e e e e e e o e o e e e e 0 3h IV AN EXAMINATION OF THE TYPOLOGICAL VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF THE ROLE OF ASSOCIATION MEMBER TOWARD THE ROLE OF VICTIM e 38 Comparison of the Typological Value Orientations of the members of the Various Associations . . . . . bl Differential Disaster Impact . . . . . . . . . uh V AN EXAMINATION OF BEHAVIOR AND VALUE ORIENTATIONS MANIFESTED DURING THE DISASTER e . . . . . . . . . h? 'Behavior and Value Orientations manifested by Members of Associations . . . . . . . . . . 53 VI DISCUSSION OF DIFFERENCES IN BEHAVIOR AND IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF ASSOCIATION MEMBERS AS RELATED TO DIFFERENCES IN SYSTEMIC ELEMENTS AND DISASTER IMPACT e e 67 Value orientations e e e e p e e o e e e o e 71 VII AN ANALYSIS OF DII'FEmNTIAL EVALUATION OF RELIEF ImNCIEs BY VICTIMS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Evaluation of Other Associations . . . . . . . 87 Summary" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Chapter VIII Conclusions . The Role of the Sociologist in.Disaster Study SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . Comments on Theory and Procedure . Some Practical Considerations Hostility to Red Cross APPENDIX A . APPENDIX B e EEBLIOGRAPHY . Page 90 102 105 107 109 110 112 128 me ooooo LIST OF TABLES Table Page I Typological Value Orientation of the Role of Association member Toward the Role of Victim . . . . . . . . . hS II Value Orientations of Association Members Toward Victims . . 66 III Systemic Elements Shared by Associations . . . . . . . 69 IV Comparison of Expected Value Orientations with Value Orientations manifested in Disaster Activities by Association members toward Victims . . . . . . . . 72 V Evaluation of Formal Organizations by Victim Respondents . . 77 VI Evaluation.During Four Time Periods of Formal Organizations by Victim Respondents. . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Chapter I INTRODUCTION This thesis is a study of certain aspects of disaster relief activ- ities. The Specific disaster with which this thesis is concerned was a tornado which swept the Beecher Metropolitan District, a small neighbor- hood north of Flint, in Genesee County, Michigan. The tornado demolished an area approximately two blocks wide and two miles long, killing over a hundred people and injuring some eight hundred. Following the tornado, of course, rescue and relief operations were necessary. During the course of these relief operations, many diverse problems developed and certain conflicts between relief associations. One of the principal problems concerned communication between associations. The Michigan State Police assumed authority for directing operations, but they were not made aware of information concerning extent of damage pos- sessed by certain local associations such as the County Road Commission and the Flint City Police. First-aid stations set up by the Red Cross were never used because the State Police were not aware of their exis- tence and did not direct victims to them. Misunderstandings arose be- tween the State Police and the Sheriff's Department concerning the mat- ter of jurisdiction in the territory. Tensions developed between the Red Cross and the Salvation Army. A great deal of hostility toward the Red Cross developed among the victims and the general public, hostility still present a year later during the annual Red Cross drive to collect funds 0 A. Purpose of This Study This thesis will describe and analyze these relief activities in terms of the theoretical schema developed by Talcott Parsons in The 1 Social System, After a discussion of the major theoretical categories the empirical case will be described and analyzed. It is the principal purpose of this thesis to demonstrate the applicability of the theoretical scheme to an important category of empirical data which heretofore has not been subjected to such analysis. Attention will be focused on the emergence of a transitional social system organized around disaster relief. This will necessarily call for an examination of the associations which were drawn into the disaster relief operations. The effects of disaster upon the structure 81d function of these associations will be a focus of interest. Also the roles which these associations played in the disaster relief activities will be analyzed in terms of their major structural- functional characteristics. B. Theoretical Frame of Reference l. The Action Frame of Reference The concrete system of action as developed by Parsons consists of three anaIytically independent systems, the personality system, the social system, and the cultural system. Parsons defines the social system as "a plurality of actors interacting with each other in a situation having physical aspects, actors motivated in terms of a tendency to optimization Talcott Parsons, The Social System, Glencoe: The Free Press, 1951. -3- of gratification whose relation to the situation is defined and mediated in terms of culturally structured and shared symbols."2 2. Status-Role One of the most significant units of the social system is the par- ticipation of the actor in a patterned network of relationships with other actors. This participation has two aspects. One aspect has to do with the position of the actor relative to other actors in the system. This is termed status. The other aspect has to do with what the actor does in his relations with others. This is termed role. Thus the par- ticipation of an actor in a social system is termed his status—role. 3. Variability of the Differentiated Systems Because the concrete action system is structured about the three sys- tems of personality, social and cultural patterning, the variability of any one of these is limited by its compatibility with the minimum condi- tions of the functioning of the other two. Thus the social system must be structured so that it supports the minimum functioning of the individual actors as well as a relatively stable cultural system. The actors composing the social system must be adequately motivated to meet the requirements of the System, that is, to act in accordance with role expectations and refrain from deviant behavior. In turn, the social system must meet a sufficient minimum of the needs of the indiv- idual actors, both the biological prerequisites of the actor as organism and the security and gratification needs of the personality system. 2 Ibid., p. S. II \III‘rIIIIIr’llllIII-III A.A.l"lll[ IIIrlIIII'II I ‘II- The limiting case of an integrated social system is that in which the expressive interests of the actor, the need-diSpositions toward op- timization of gratification, are bound to conformity with a shared sys- tem of value standards. In the nature of the interaction process, the individual actor builds up a system of expectations relative to a given other. From the actor's point of view, some of the reactions of the other will be favorable and some unfavorable. If the normative standards in terms of which the actors are interacting are shared and clear, the individual's action conforming with these standards will then tend to stimulate favorable reactions on the part of the other. By a process of internalization of value standards, conformity with them becomes a direct mode of fulfillment of need-diapositions of the actor as well as instrum- ental action. This is an aSpect which will be important in our later treatment of disaster. A. Collectivity and Association A collectivity is constituted by a plurality of actors, sharing com- mon value patterns, who have feelings of solidarity and responsibility for the fulfillment of obligations. A collectivity having a formal set of rules and a division of labor in regard to the implementation of col- lective action is termed by Parsons an association. Considered as a sys- tem of roles, a collectivity may be a relational complex of either instru- mental or expressive orientations or both. In the case of a collectivity in which instrumental interests have primacy, members cooperate for the purpose of attaining some future goal. In the case in which expressive -5- interests have primacy,nembers are oriented toward the immediate gratifi- cation which collective activities provide. 5. The Pattern Variables of Value Orientation In any given situation an actor is faced, according to Parsons,3 with a series of dilemmas of orientation. Before he can act with reSpect to a situation, he must choose one side of each of five dilemmas. These choices determine the meaning of the situation for the actor. These di- lemmas are termed the pattern variables of value orientation and are listed by Parsons as: (l) Affectivity -— Affective-Neutrality (2) Self-Orientation - Collectivity-Orientation (3) Universalism - Particularism (h) Ascription -- Achievement (5) -Specificity -— Diffuseness The first pair, affectivity - affective-neutrality, concerns the di— lemma of gratification of impulse versus discipline. Affectivity is the role-expectation that the actor may freely express affective reactions to objects in the situation. Affective-neutrality is the role-eXpectation that the actor will restrain his impulses for immediate gratification in consideration of other interests. The second pair, self-orientation -- collectivity-orientation, con- cerns the dilemma of private versus collective interests. Self-orienta- 3 Talcott Parsons and Edward Shils, Toward a General Theory of Action, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, I931.“ pp. 76-78. -6- tion is the role-expectation that it is permissable for the actor to give priority in the situation to his own private interests. Collectivity-or- ientation is the role-expectation that the actor is obliged, in a conflict of interests, to give priority to the interests of the collectivity of which, in this role, he is a member. The third pair, universalism—particularism, concerns the dilemma whether to treat the objects in the situation in accordance with a gen- eral norm covering all objects in that class or whether to treat them in accordance with their standing in some particular relationship to him. Universalism is the role-expectation that the actor's response to the ob- jects in the situation will be in conformity with a general standard. Particularism is the role-expectation that the actor will respond to the object in terms of its relationship to himself. The fourth pair, ascription-achievement, concerns the dilemma of how to treat the social objects in a situation. Ascription is the role-expec- tation that the actor give priority to certain attributes possessed by the social objects. Achievement is the role—expectation that the actor give priority to the specific performances of the social objects. .The fifth pair, specificity-diffuseness, concerns the dilemma of how broadly the actor is to allow himself to be involved with the object. Diffuseness is the role-expectation that the actor will accept any poten- tial significance of a social object, that is, the actor has obligations to the object in an indefinite number of specific contexts. Specificity is the role-expectation that the actor will be oriented to a social ob- ject only within a specified range of its relevance, that is, the obliga- tions of the actor to the object are limited to a defined context. [([l.NlI 6. The Concept of a Rational-legal Order Another major theoretical category with which we are concerned in the design of this study is the concept of a rational-legal order. The basis for order in our society is the acceptance of what Weber terms rational-legal authority. This rational—legal basis of authority per- meates the totality of social relationships. Weber defines authority as 7 "the legitimate exercise of imperative control." He points out that the relation of imperative control contains a certain minimum of voluntary submission. Authority goes beyond voluntary submission on the basis of various motives and includes a belief in its "legitimacy." {ational- legal authority rests "on a belief in the legality of patterns of norms ative rules and the right of those elevated to authority under such rules to issue commands. Obedience is owed to the legally established imper- sonal order. It extends to the persons exercising the authority of office under it only by virtue of the formal legality of their commands and only within the scope of an hority of the office."8 Insofar as an organization has formal, written rules (i.e., in Par- sons' terms an association), its authority is rational-legal. This has consequences for the value orientations of actors who are members of formal organizations, or associations, for rational-legal authority entails ac- tion based upon universalistic principals. It will be shown that it is relevant to the examination of the associations analysed in this study. max Weber, The Theory of Economic and Social Organization, Trs. by A.M. Henderson and TalEBtt Parsons, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 19b7, p. 153. 8 Ibid., p. 328. 7. The Systemic Elements of Bureaucratic Associations Following'Weber's typological treatment of bureaucracy9 the systemic el- ements of a bureaucratic organization are: (a) (b) (C) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) A clearly defined hierarchy of offices is present. Members of the association are subject to authority only in respect to the impersonal obligations pertaining to the office. Each office has a clearly defined Sphere of activity and author— ity. The office is filled by a free contractual relationship. Offices are allocated initially on the basis of achievement, that is, demonstrated technical qualifications. The members of the association are remunerated by fixed salaries in money. The office is treated as the sole, or at least the primary oc-t cupation of the incumbent. In consequence this status-role is for the actor crucial to his total bundle of status-roles. It constitutes a career. There is a system of promotion accord- ing to seniority or to achievement, or both. Promotion is de- pendent on the judgment of superiors. The bureaucrat is subject to strict and systematic discipline and control in the conduct of the office. 9 Ibid., PP. 333-336. -9- It follows from'Weber's typological exposition of the systemic ele- ments of a bureaucracy that the status-role of professional bureaucrat is subject to the imposition of strong negative or coercive sanctions ow- ing to its position in a rather rigidly structured hierarchy of authori- ty. Also, bureaucrats are obliged to live up to standards of duty which are (l) incorporated in the role in part as formal rules of the associa- tion pertaining to what is expected of the bureaucrat, and (2) incorpor- ated in the role in part as standards of the fellow bureaucrats. Thus, any given bureaucrat is faced with the situation of having to live up to those expectancies of his role which are defined by the associations formal rules and by his fellow bureaucrats' standards (which in the con- cre+e interaction situation constitute role expectancies just as do formal rules.) A wide range of role relevant action is thus relatively well defined as legitimate and constraining for the-bureaucrat-actor. This range of role expectations includes both positive commitments to perform certain actions as well as positive commitments to refrain from performing cer- tain actions. However, even in the case of the professional bureaucrat, not all concrete situations are encompassed by these formal and informal expectancies which, when accepted as legitimate, constitute normative standards, and hence the possibility of conflict in the performance of (or refraining from performance of) certain actions is implicitly pres- ent in the unfolding of any given action situation. v [Ill-lull! ‘Illllll‘ II I." llii.'llfl.li Ill-I‘ll 'Illlll‘ll -10- It becomes apparent, then, that the actor is faced with at least two sets of normative standards with which his role performance may conflict, those of the association (the formal rules) and those of his professional associates (the informal rules) and according to which his performance may be judged legitimate or illegitimate. But there exists (minimally) at least one or more additional orders of normative standards which may enter into the action situation as standards to which the bureaucrat and his associates may be committed. These orders of standards are those which are incorporated into a larger sector of the culture than that which explicitly pertains to the bureaucratic association. An example of such a standard is that of the configuration of values which is called hum- anism, another is that which is called democracy or democratic values. These are configurations of values which are part of the culture incor- porated by the members of large sectors of the society -— if not by all the members of the society —- and they contrast in this respect with the standards of a discrete bureaucratic entity. To the extent that they im- ply commitment to perform or to refrain from performing certain types of actions they constrain the actor. The determination of whether or not they impinge upon the action of an actor in any given situation is, of course, problematical. C. Definition of Disaster In terms of the system of action, disaster may be defined as the dis- ruption of patterned expectancies of behavior. For the purposes of this thesis, disaster will be considered a Special case of crisis. Crisis is -11- here defined as a disruption of the social system resulting from any cause. Disaster, on the other hand, is here defined as the disruption of the social system resulting from destruction of the physical environ- ment and/or injury or death of individual actors.lo 1. Disaster and the Orientations of Actors What we have termed disaster occurs because the orientation of the actor to the physical and social objects of his environment has been dis- rupted. The actor's orientation is disrupted because he perceives radi- cal changes in the physical and social settings. Obviously, given dis- ruption of the physical and social settings, were the actor not to per- ceive this disruption, i.e., were the actor living in a dream world of his own making, he would be termed abnormal. However, the extent of the . disruption of the actor's orientation is determined by the extent to which the actor perceives radical changes in the physical and social settings. 10 This definition is similar to that on page 2b of William H. Form et al., Final Report on the Flint-Beecher Tornado. Unpublished mimeoz graphed report, 1955,53iz., "K diSaster is a condition in which the established social systems of a community abruptly cease to Operate." However, the definition as used in this thesis does not mean that, as stated on page 28, "disaster prevails whenever there is disjunc- tion between the personal expectations for emergency behavior and the community fulfillment of disaster services." The logical conclusion to this definition is reached on page 120, where the statement is made, "If the organization of roles and responsibilities are adequately defined in the pre-disaster period, the effects of tremendous des- tructive forces will be part of a general expectancy pattern for the organization and will merely elicit a routine functioning. Under these conditions a disaster cannot occur." -12- Insofar as elements of the physical environment are not objects of ori— entation for the actor, to this extent his orientation is not disrupted. Thus in a sense we might say that, "One man's disaster is another man's routine activity." Emphasis must be placed upon the relation between the actor's ori- entation to physical objects and his total orientation. Beyond provid- ing the means for the biological existence of the organism, the physi- cal environment provides the cues whereby the actor is oriented to other actors. This, and the fact that death and injury remove relevant actors, accounts for the fact that unanticipated physical destruction results in disruption of the social structure. In the case of any army which can sustain enormous physical losses without disruption of the social sys- tem, the social system has been organized in anticipation of physical destruction. Disaster may be viewed as the disruption of a sector of the total social system or from the perSpective of a smaller system such as a community as almost complete disintegration. In light of these consid- erations, disaster relief has two aSpects. On the one hand, the smaller social system of the community attempts to reconstitute itself as a func- tioning system. On the other hand, the larger social system takes action to re-establish smooth functioning of the larger system. 2. Levels of Discussion Disaster relief can be discussed both on the level of the social system and on the level of the personality systems of the individual -13- actors. That is to say, the individual actor is motivated to reduce psy- chological tensions by helping people or by doing his job. At the same time, these actions have consequences for the social system. Indeed, the social system in general is enabled to function by means of these motivations. On the level of the personality system of the individual actor, par- ticipation in a social system organized around disaster relief may repre- sent either expressive or instrumental behavior. In the case of instru- mental behavior, the behavior of the individual is patterned in terms of a primacy of affective-neutrality and conformance with universalistic standards of duty. Obligations to other actors are viewed as Specific ones of providing medical care and rehabilitation. On the other hand, in the case of expressive behavior, the individual is motivated in terms of the immediate gratification derived from helping the victims. This implies a primacy of affectivity in patterning behavior. In both cases collectivity-orientation holds primacy over self—orientation, that is to say, private interests are to a large extent subordinated to interests of the collectivity. D. Constitution of a New Social System The focus of this thesis is the analysis of the coordination of var- ious relief activities. This coordination may be viewed as an attempt to constitute a new social system. In the nature of the case, this may be expected to be a temporary system serving as a transition back to a state of more general equilibrium. This can be elaborated further in -11., terms of normative systems of behavior. A disaster has been defined as. disruption of a social system. This means that a situation has arisen wherein normative patterns of behavior have been disrupted. The goal of disaster relief is the reconstitution of the previously existing behav- ior patterns. In the meantime, however, a new system of norms must be defined. Stated more concretely, because a disaster entails the destruction of the physical environment and the death or injury of persons, the min- imal prerequisites for carrying on the ordinary routine of life cannot be met. More than providing facilities by which people live, the phys- ical environment provides a means whereby social interaction is oriented. That is to say, physical objects may also be cultural objects serving as symbols of value configurations. For example, a house has meaning as a symbol of the feelings of affection among family members, and its des- truction has, hence, meaning beyond the destruction of a physical shelter. Role expectations are organized about the physical environment. Physi- cal objects serve as cues for appropriate responses. In a disaster, people literally do not knOW'what to do. A new system of behavior must be constituted in terms of the changed physical situation. Action must be initiated to rebuild the physical en- vironment so that the previously existing routine of life can be resumed. Those actors who were injured must be ca ed for until they can again ful- fill their obligations as members of the social system, and the dead must be cared for with, if at all possible, appropriate ritual. The org- anization of action within the transitional social system which emerges -15- following the impact of the destructive agent may be looked at in the same terms as those used to analyze any functioning social system. A necessary unit of analysis in the social system framework is the role. Thus, in examining the constitution of the transitional social system we must look for both the persistence of old patterns of role relationships and the emergence of new ones. In the empirical case, this means that at the scene of a disaster "organization" must take place. Authority must be given to or assumed by certain actors. In some manner this authority must be legitimized. Other actors must be assigned to various status-roles, such as police to direct traffic and prevent looting, rescue workers to aid victims, and still others to clear debris. For any social system to function, a system of communication must be established. Establishing communication has two aSpects, that of a common system of symbols and that of what may be termed actual physical communication. Facilities for communication must be present, and lines of communication must be established. Indeed, by implication, without com- munication between actors a social system does not exist. Actors must ' be cognizant of what other actors are doing, and the behavior of one actor must to some degree have the same meaning for other actors as it does for himself. Not only facilities for communication, but other facilities as well must be available as the means whereby a social system is enabled to a— chieve the goals of its actors. In a disaster this means not only fa- cilities for medical treatment, tranSportation, etc., but often things -]_6- usually assumed as given, such as water. As well as being available, facilities must be allocated to the various actors. Allocation of fa- cilities has important implications for the structuring of power in a social system. Parsons used Hobbes' definition of power as "a man's present means to any future good", adding the qualification "that such means consti- tute his power, so far as these means are dependent on his relations to other actors." The implications for the social system concerned with disaster relief are obvious. Those actors possessing the requisite fa- cilities will possess power, deSpite the claims of other actors posses— sing authority legitimized by the larger social system. In our discussion of a given disaster, it will be seen that in the course of the power strug- gle in the newly constituted social system, the authority assumed by those actors possessing certain facilities was eventually legitimized by the larger society. A further prerequisite for the functioning of a social system is the maintenance of its boundaries as distinct from the surrounding en- vironment, that is, social actors who are not part of the social system being established must be kept out. In the case of a disaster, this poses a special problem. The network of status-roles is in the process of being established. Identification of actors as belonging or not be- longing to the system is not clearcut. The particular status-role of sightseer is the source of much difficulty. -17- E. Summary In summary, then, this chapter has described in general terms the theoretical scheme of the social system. Some of the more crucial con- cepts have been examined: (1) (2) (3) (h) (5) (6) the action frame of reference status-role the differentiated systems collectivity association pattern variables of value orientation (at) (b) (C) (d) (e) affectivity —- affective—neutrality self—orientation -- collectivity-orientation universalism -- particularism ascription -- achievement diffuseness -- specificity (7) rational legal order (5) systemic elements of bureaucratic associations Some of the crucial points have been set forth at which disaster and disaster relief activities can be shown to be related to the larger social system in which they obtain. And, finally, a theoretical framework has been laid down for the analysis of an empirical case of an attempt to constitute a transitional social system concerned with disaster relief. Chapter II DISASTER ACTIVITY AND THE PROCEDURE OF ANALYSIS This chapter will set forth the procedure of analysis used in exam- ining the behavior of actors engaged in disaster relief activities. An attempt will be made to verify empirically the relationship between cer- tain structural categories and behavior in a disaster situation. The analysis of the activities of the members of the five associations with which we are dealing will proceed as follows: A. The systemic elements of the associations will be examined. Follow- ing Weber's characterization of the systemic typological elements of a bureaucracy, the systemic elements of each association will be set forth. B. The systemic elements of the various associations will be compared. These will be treated in part in terms of deviation from those char- acteristic of the typological bureaucracy. C. The logically derived typological value orientations will be examined. The value orientations of the status-role of member of an association are structured by the systemic elements of that association. Accord- ingly it is possible to derive the typological value orientations of members of an association by logical deduction from the systemic ele- ments. D. The typological value orientations of the members of the various as- sociations will be compared. -19- E. Differential disaster impact will be ascertained. The extent to which the actor perceives disaster is dependent upon the extent to which the actor is oriented toward the physical objects which have been destroyed. Hence the extent to which the destroyed physical en- vironment holds meaning for the actor will in part determine his def- inition of the situation. F. Actual disaster behavior will be outline and from this will be ab- stracted actual value orientations. Behavior is a function (in the mathematical sense) of the value orientation of an actor as well as other variables. Consequently variations in behavior of actors hold- ing similar value orientations must be attributed to other variables in the situation. Conformance of actual value orientations with hy- pothetical value orientations will not be treated as problematical. Only deviation of actual orientations from.hypothesized value orien- tations will be treated as problematical. MBthods and Techniques The data for this study were gathered by a research team under the direction of'William H. Form, Gregory P. Stone, and Charles H. Westie. The principal method of investigation was the use of intensive interview schedules. Two interview schedules were used, one administered to mem- bers of associations and the other to individuals not attached to asso- ciations. These are presented in Appendices A and B. In addition, mem- bers of the research team compiled extensive field notes of direct obser- vations made during the course of the investigation. -20- The second day following the tornado, June 10, 1953, informal inter- views were conducted in the area for the purpose of formulating problems to be dealt with in the schedule. Pre-test schedules were designed, and twenty interviews were collected June 13-lh. In the following three weeks 112 interviews were conducted with individuals not attached to associations. Interviewing members of associations continued until July 23, when 87 had been collected. In addition, fifteen tape recorded interviews were col- lected. These interview schedules were constructed around six foci of inves- tigation: (1) evaluation of organized rescue operations, (2) the emer- gence and persistence of Spontaneous rescue groupings, (3) the pattern of relationships between Spontaneous and formally-constituted rescue group- ings, (h) role conflicts among members of spontaneous and formally-con- stituted rescue groups, (5) the impact of the tornado on community solid- arity,and (6) social stratification aspects of rescue and rehabilitation. The design for this thesis grew out of working with the data. Orig- inally the thesis was intended to be a study of changes in organizational structure which had occurred as a result of the disaster. During October, l95h, the author obtained re—interviews with members of the several asso- ciations with this purpose in mind. It soon became apparent, however, that changes in organizational structure could not be studied without a base line. The development of this base line grew into the present thesis. The first step was the examination of organizational structure. This was obtained in part from materials published by the organizations and in part from interviews. From this followed the expected value orientations. -21- Actual behavior of individual members was obtained from the inter— views. For each organization a list was compiled of the things which members of that organization reported that they did. These activities tended to fall into a pattern for each organization. It is this pattern which is used, not the actions of any one individual. The value orientations for each individual association member were abstracted from the interviews. Each interview was judged for each of the five value-orientations in terms of the criteria defined by Parsons.1 For example, if the individual reported that he enjoyed helping people he was judged affective. If he was ordered into the area by a superior he was judged affectively neutral. If he reported that he took care of victims he was judged universalistic, victims being a class of objects. If he discussed in detail how he helped his brother or his neighbor, he was judged particularistic. Again, the value orientations for the members of any one organization tended to fall into a pattern. With the categorizations thus obtained, the analysis was then carried out. 1 Talcott Parsons, The Social System, Glencoe: The Free Press, 1951, Chapter II. Cf. also TaIEOtt Parsons and Edward Shils, ed., Toward a General Theory of Action, Cambridge, Eass.: Harvard Univ. Press, '1'9su, Part7. ‘- Chapter III THE EIEIEHTS OF THE SITUATION This chapter will set forth the systemic elements of five associa- tions, the Eichigan State Police, National Red Cross disaster workers, the Genessee Chapter of the Red Cross, the Salvation Army, and the Beecher Volunteer Fire Department. These systemic elements will then be compared. It is hypothesized that differences in the behavior of members of these associations is related to differences in the systemic elements of the associations. The systemic elements are derived in large part from those set forth by Weber in his typological treatment of a bureaucracy, as outlined in Chapter I. Other elements have been derived from the data. An examination of the data seems to indicate that differences in recruiting and train- ing of members have significance for their behavior and value orientations. It was also deemed important to examine the routine activities and physi- cal facilities, as well as the relationship of each association to Beecher Community. This latter has implications for the impact of the disaster upon the association. A. An Examination of the Systemic Elements of the Associations 1. Formal Organizational Structure a. Hierarchy and authority. The State Police is organized as a hierar- chical system of roles, each allocated certain specific authority. -23- Each of these roles has a title, and members wear distinctive types of clothing (uniforms) which are indicative of the role occupied. Prestige within the association accrues from the role held.1 The duties of each role are differentiated and defined, that is, the administrative officer has specified duties which differ from the duties of an ordinary trooper. The Salvation Army is organized as a hierarchical system of roles, each allocated Specific authority. Each role has a title, and members wear distinctive types of clothing (uniforms) which are indicative of the role occupied. Because of the ideology of the association, high esteem is accorded to those individuals who most conform to the ideals held by the group, ideals of hard work, dedication, unselfishness and the like. The duties of a member of the Salvation Army are of a diffuse nature. The duties of each role are not Specified, and the highest ranking officer may engage in the same activities as the lowest rank. The National Red Cross is organized as a system of hierarchical roles each allocated Specific authority. Each role has a title, but members do not wear distinctive clothing or other symbolds to indicate the role oc- cupied. Prestige within the organization accrues from the role held. The duties of each role are highly Specific, e.g., some members do nothing but social case work. Prestige is to be differentiated from esteem. Prestige attaches to the office, or status—role, whereas esteem attaches to the person. Cf. Kingsley'Davis. Salvation Army in Michigan,Inventory of Church Archives of Michigan, the Eichigan Historical Records Survey, l9h2. -2h- The local chapter of the Red Cross has a great number of differen- tiated roles, each having a title, but these are not arranged in a hier- archical System. Little authority is delegated to the various roles, and little imperative control exists. Prestige accrues from other roles held by each member, that is, within the organization a hierarchy of prestige exists based on the prestige derived from roles occupied in the community. The duties of each role are Specific and differentiated from each other, for example, first aid instructors teach and administer first aid, Grey Ladies work in hOSpitalS, etc. The Beecher fire department is a system of relatively undifferen- tiated roles. Limited authority is delegated to the role of fire chief. The occupant of this role is elected by the other members. Obviously, in order to be elected the actor must be held in esteem by the other actors; hence his authority is based on personal influence as well as the office which he formally occupies. Esteem in the association derives from in- formal interaction among members, that is, esteem is based upon personal attributes of varying kinds. Although no differentiation exists among members of the association, the role of fireman has highly specific duties. When the Siren blows, the firemen are expected to go to the firehouse, get the fire truck, and proceed to the scene of the fire to put it out. Interestingly enough, one other role is expected to take precedence for the actor over his role as fireman, and that is his oc- cupational role. A fireman is "on call" at any time other than when he is at work. -25- b. Coercive sanctions. The extent to which coercive sanctions can be ap~ plied to a member of an association depends upon the nature of the asso- ciation as well as the degree to which the status—role of association member is central to the total bundle of status-roles occupied by the actor. Members of the State Police are subject to a high degree of coercive sanctions. Not only do they have an economic contract with the associa- tion which can be broken if they do not fulfill their duties, i.e., they can be fired, but punitive measures can be levied against them for not fulfilling their duty. Lbnbers of the Salvation Army are subject to a medium degree of co- ercive sanction. Members failing to fulfill their duty can be expelled from membership, but punitive measures cannot be invoked. National Red Cross workers hold a strictly economic contract with the association. Failure to fulfill the duties of the office may result in termination of the contract. No punitive measure beyond this may be invoked. Members of the local Red Cross chapter are voluntary members of the association holding no contract. The only sanctions which may be invoked are informal, the only penalty which may be imposed the withdrawal of benefits accruing from the membership. Offices in the Beecher fire department are filled by persons who voluntarily offer their personal services. Only informal sanctions may be invoked if members fail to fulfill their duties. However, these in- formal sanctions may be expected to be of considerable importance in con- straining the member to perform the duties associated with his office. -26.. c. Proliferation of rules and relation :3 other collectivities. Associa- tions vary in terms of (l) the extent to which they operate within a pro- liferation of associational rules, (2) ideological and religious standards, and (3) the larger collectivity to which these standards are related and within which they are legitimized. The activities of the Michigan State Police are carried on amidst a proliferation of formal, written rules. In a concrete action situation the member of the State Police is morally constrained to conform to a written formal rule of the association covering that situation. The value standards within which they operate are embodied in the laws of the State of Michigan and are established as legitimate within the institution of the state. Both national workers and members of the local chapter operate within a framework of rules established by the American Red Cross. These are formal, written rules which constrain the member to act in a specified way in a Specified situation. The Red Cross subscribes to generalized humanistic value standards. These are legitimized by federal, state and local governmental units. members of the Salvation Army Operate within a minimal framework of rules. Rules of the association place broad limits upon the kind of action which can be carried on by members, but within these limits action is governed largely in terms of the ideological standards held by the members. The member of the Salvation Army is constrained to act in conformity with the rules of the association. These standards are established as legit- imate within the framework of the religious association of the Salvation Army. 11"‘ll‘llld‘lil'lu 1 till! -27- Action in the Beecher fire department is governed in large part by unwritten informal rules. The association is organized under a body of formal, written rules, but these do not relate in detail the operations of the association. The ideological standards of the association are not clearly formulated but in general encompass the ideal of fighting fires. These standards are legitimized by the Beecher community and the local township government, as well as by the Civil Defense Mutual Aid System. d. The training process. New members of the State Police are subjected to intensive disciplinary instruction. Recruits live together in barracks and are subjected to a rigorous military-type routine. Besides the courses of instruction in police skills, it is obvious that, in an analytical sense, the function of the training period is the internalization by the recruit of the value orientation of the State Police trooper. As the actor performs the duties of the status-role he comes to internalize the appropriate value orientations as well as learn the skills connected with the office. 'Weber defines discipline as "the probability that by virtue of habit- uation a command will receive prompt and automatic obedience in stereotyped forms."3 Stretching this definition further, it might be said that the State Police trooper is disciplined to reSpond to any unanticipated sit- uation in the appropriate manner, i.e., without panic. This discipline is necessary in view of the functions of the State Police, that is, keep- order in various kinds of crises. 3 Weber, pp. cit., p. 152. -28_ Officers of the Salvation Army attend officers training school before going on active duty. Recruits live together, and as with any training program part of the function is that of indoctrination of the recruit with the value orientations appropriate to a member of the association. One part of the course of instruction consists in training in disaster relief. members of the National Red Cross are hired on the basis of technical training which they have already received. Little additional training is given by the Red Cross. However, members are highly trained professionals who presumably have internalized the value orientations of their profess- ional roles. The greatest number of members of the National Red Cross are trained as social workers. They have learned routine techniques of social work which they apply in the disaster situation. Although members of the local chapter of the Red Cross are given train- ing in Special skills, such as first aid, no formal training process takes place. Training and skills of members vary considerably. The most common kind of training for disaster participation consists of attendance at dis- cussion groups. An informal training process takes place in the Beecher fire depart- ment. Kembers meet weekly for drill, and a new member is supposed to learn.what to do by watching what the old members do. He also receives some verbal instruction. members receive some training and possess some Skill in fire fighting. Some members have received specialized training in fire fighting in such institutions as the navy or courses given by Michigan State University. Knowledge received in this way by one member is communicated to the group. -29- e. Methods of recruitment of members. For several reasons not relevant here, the status-role of State Police trooper is considered highly desir- able by many actors, so that a surplus of available recruits exists. Be— cause of the availability of recruits, the association can enforce rigid qualification requirements, such as minimum requirements of height, weight, 'physical and mental fitness, as well as being male within certain age limits. During the training course, a process of selection on the basis of performance continues. Applicants for jobs with the National Red Cross must meet certain qualifications of technical training in skills needed by the association. Because the nature of the duties of most status-roles are technical, if qualified personnel are not available, the status-roles would not be filled. Prerequisite for membership in the Salvation Army is belief in the ideological system. However, in order to become officers, members must be able to perform in the necessary manner to pass the training course. The burden of recruitment is on the organization, that is, one of the purposes held by members of the association is conversion of persons to belief in their particular system of religious values. Thus the asso- ciation is constantly attempting to expand. There is ample reason to believe that membership in the local chap- ter of the Red Cross, other than certain offices which are remunerated, tends to be allocated on the basis of social rank in the community, for membership without financial remuneration is considered prestigeful in the community. However, membership does not carry so much prestige that enough available personnel exists to fill the formal offices in the asso -30- ciation. Hence rigid exclusion of applicants on any other basis than social rank cannot be practiced. Indeed, personnel are recruited who seem to be little competent and little interested in fulfilling the duties of the status-roles. In general, recruitment for the Beecher volunteer fire department is carried on in an informal manner. Applicants must be male and able-bodied, but no other significant qualifications are necessary for membership, ex- cept residence in the area. 2. Routine Activities All associations carry on routine, day-to-day activities. It will be useful for the purposes of this study to differentiate between asso- ciations on the basis of the extent to which these routine activities concern disaster. Obviously, those associations which do not routinely deal with disaster differ in the experience members have had with disaster. ‘ The principal activities in which National Red Cross workers engage are directly connected with disaster relief. In general, these activities are of a nature similar to those carried on in the disaster under discus- sion in this thesis. Mainly they consist in providing temporary facili- ties for victims and helping in rehabilitation of disaster victims. These activities are carried on in complex cooperative interaction. The daily routine of the State Police consists of policing. The kinds of activities engaged in should be sufficiently well known so as to ob— viate discussion here. Obviously, contending with numerous minor dis- turbances and accidents is a part of the routine of the State Police -31- trooper, and familiarity with handling large crowds of people under often disorderly conditions is common. These activities are usually carried on singly or in pairs, although working in groups is not uncommon in some situations. Members of a fire department deal with a Specific type of disaster, fire. Aside from the weekly drill, members of the Beecher fire depart- ment carry on activities only in case of fire. 'When the fire siren blows, members who are in the vicinity assemble at the fire house and go out as a group to put out the fire. When this is accomplished, they dis- assemble. In terms of later discussion, it is important to note that these routine activities are always carried out as group activities. The routine activities of the Salvation Army consist in general of welfare work. They run a hall where itinerant men may sleep and get meals. They do case work with families who come to their attention and refer them to the proper public welfare agencies. Further, they serve as clergy in the association, engaging in what must be termed missionary work. In time of disaster they provide emergency relief for victims and coffee and dough- nuts for rescue workers. They also attempt to minister to the spiritual needs of victims of crisis and disaster. These activities are carried on both singly and in groups. The routine activities of the local Red Cross chapter are numerous. They engage in such activities as attending and teaching classes in first aid, Grey Lady work in hospitals, and welfare work among the families of those in the armed services. They also periodically engage in discussion groups and classes concerned with participation in disaster relief. For -32- example, at the time of the Beecher disaster, the canteen committee had just completed attending a series of lectures on how to set up a canteen in disaster. These activities are for the most part carried on in groups, with the exception of the first aid instructors, who ordinarily work singly. 3. Physical Facilities Any association has available a minimum of physical facilities in order to exist as an association. The differential allocation of these facilities is directly related to the differential power possessed by each association vis-a-vis the state and the people, (other actors). Possession of facilities is in itself power, and at the same time posses- sion of power enables the association to obtain more facilities. In any given social system, however, there are defined legitimate ways of ob- taining facilities, hence power, without necessarily possessing power in the first instance. As an agency of the governmental institution of the state of Michi- gan, the State Police possess a large amount of facilities, such as cars and radio communications systems, useful for the purpose of establishing imperative control in an area. Furthermore, they have both the authority and power to commandeer facilities needed in an emergency. As elaborated below, the power to commandeer facilities enabled the State Police in the disaster situation to establish authority in the area. The National Red Cross possesses a relatively large amount of money whereby it is enabled to carry on its activities. ‘It is officially recog- nized by the national government as a disaster relief agency and informally recognized by a largepmoportion of the population. These are the means -33- used by the Red Cross to move directly into a disaster area and ordinarily gain the cooperation of others working in the area, as well as local gov- ernmental authority. The above comments on the National Red Cross apply also to the local chapter, for both are part of the larger association. The local chapter possesses stores of emergency food supplies and medical supplies. They also have contracts with merchants to furnish supplies of necessities. The Salvation Army possesses relatively few facilities. This is both cause and effect of the lack of power this association possess vis-aavis the larger society. The association possesses no store of emergency sup- plies, nor does it possess a nation-wide network of specially trained dis- aster workers. 'Most important of all, it possesses relatively little money. h. Relationship to Beecher Community As discussed in the first chapter, insofar as elements of the physical environment are not objects of orientation for the actor, to this extent his orientation is not disrupted. Hence in this instance, when the phys- ical environment destroyed was a large area of Beecher community, the ex- tent to which the actor's orientation is disrupted is dependent in large measure upon the extent to which the actor is related to Beecher commun- ity, that is, the extent to which Beecher community is an object of orien- tation for the actor. The State Police are organized on a state-wide basis. Some of the personnel engaged in disaster activities were stationed in the Flint area and others came from all over the lower part of the state. Those sta- -3h- ioned in the Flint area also reside in the Flint area, but none of them lived in the Beecher community. National Red Cross workers have no local affiliations. The associa- tion is organized on a nation-wide basis, and workers are recruited from all over the country. The Salvation Army regards as its territory the Flint metropolitan area, of which Beecher is a part. That is to say, residents of Beecher fall within the area serviced by the Flint Corps of the Salvation Army. Although officers reside in Flint th y consider themselves to some extent transients because they are subject to transfer by the national organi— zation. As residents of Genesee County, residents of Beecher district live within the area served by the Genesee County Chapter of the Red Cross. The Red Cross provides classes in first aid for the Beecher fire depart- ment. Some of the supplies distributed by the Beecher fire department during the disaster relief operations were furnished by the local Red Cross. The Beecher fire department is of course local to the Beecher area. Members live in the area, and indeed eight members of the fire depart- ment (one-fourth of the total membership) lost their homes in the disas- ter. B. Comparison of the Systemic Elements of the Associations The National Red Cross, the State Police and the Salvation Army ap- proach Weber's typological bureaucracy, whereas the local Red Cross and the Beecher fire department do not. All five associations, however, are -35- based on a belief in rational-legal authority. (1) (2) (3) (h) There exists a clearly defined hierarchy of offices, or roles. This is true of the national Red Cross, the State Police and the Salvation Army. Members of the association are subject to authority only in res- pect to the impersonal obligations pertaining to the office. This is true of all five of the associations, inasmuch as author— ity in each is based on rational-legal grounds. Each office or role has a clearly defined sphere of activity and authority. This is true of the National Red Cross, the State Police, the local Red Cross, the Beecher fire department. This is not true of the Salvation Army. The role is filled by a free contractual relationship. This is true of all five associations. (5) Roles are initially allocated on the basis of achievement. This (6) (7) is true of the national Red Cross and State Police. This is not true of the Salvation Army, local Red Cross, nor Beecher fire de- partment. Members of the association are remunerated by fixed salaries in money. This is true of the National Red Cross, State Police, and Salvation Army. Kembers of the local Red Cross and Beecher fire department do not receive remuneration. The office is treated as the sole, or at least the primary, occu- pation of the incumbent. This is true for the National Red Cross, the State Police, and the Salvation Army. For the local Red Cross and Beecher fire department, the role is peripheral. -36- (8) Membership in the association constitutes a career. This is true for the National Red Cross, the State Police, and the Sal- vation Army. This is not true for the local Red Cross and the Beecher fire department. (9) The bureaucrat is subject to strict and systematic discipline and control in the conduct of the office. The member of the State Police is subject to high coercive discipline. Members of the National Red Cross and Salvation Army are subject to medium coercive discipline. Members of the local Red Cross and the Beecher fire department are subject to low coercive discipline. Besides the elements listed by Weber, certain other organizational .aspects seem to be related to differing value orientations. The State Police, National Red Cross, and local Red Cross operate in terms of a proliferation of associational rules and regulations. Although members of the Salvation Army operate within a framework of associational rules, they are constrained to act in conformity with religious standards, even if this entails nonconformity with rules of the association. Members of the Beecher fire department Operate to a large extent within a framework of informal, unwritten rules. During the training process the new member of the State Police is subject to intensive discipline. Hence it might be expected that the State Police trooper would have internalized most thoroughly the value orientations appropriate to the status-role. members of the Salvation Army also go through a training process which might be expected to result -37- in a high degree of internalization of the appropriate value orientations. M.mbers of the National Red Cross do not go through a formal training pro- cess as new members of the association, but they are expected to have in- ternalized appropriate value orientations in connection with professional training. members of the local Red Cross and Beecher fire department un- dergo training in certain techniques of operation, but this training is not intended to inculcate the appropriate value orientations. Inculcation of the appropriate value orientations occurs informally. CHAPTER IV AN BXAQINATION OF THE YPOLOGICAL ORIENTATIONS OF THE ROLE OF ASSOCIATION KEKBER TOWARD THE VICTIM From the data available it is possible to abstract a typology of patterning of value orientations for the role of member of an association toward the role of victim. Toward a victim, the role patterning of the member of the State Police is expected to be oriented in terms of universalism, affective-neutrality, and Specificity. That is to say, the victim is to be treated as one of a class of objects. Further, an actor is ascribed the status-role of victim, that is, being a victim is considered to be an attribute of the actor rather than something he achieves by performance. The victim is to be treated in accordance with a set of established rules, and the limits of the obligations of the State Police trooper toward him are de- fined. The State Police trooper is expected to be collectivity-oriented both to the association and to the larger collectivity of the people of the state of Michigan. This collectivity-orientation is expected even when the trooper is off-duty, such that in any role-conflict situation, the interests of the larger collectivity are expected to take precedence over his private interests. Not only is this patterning of value orien- tations expected on the part of the State Police member, but were he to deviate from the ideal expectancies he would be subject to punitive meas— ures on the part of the association. -39- The value orientations of the status-role of National Red Cross worker are ideally expected to be universalism, specificity and affective-neu— trality. Although in part ascribed, the status-role of victim is consid— ered by the Red Cross worker primarily to be a performance on the part of the victim, that is, an actor cannot occupy the status—role of victim until he has duly registered with the Red Cross.1 The Red Cross worker is ex- pected to be collectivity-oriented toward the association during the time he is occupying the status-role. The role expectancies of Salvation Army officer are patterned in terms of universalism, diffuseness and affectivity. That is to say, vic— tims are to be treated as a class of objects in terms of a dual set of universalistic standards, the rules of the association and the religious standards. The status—role of victim is ascribed to the actor. The ob- ligations of the Salvation Army officer are not defined in Specific terms but rather in such broad terms as "helping". In the interaction of Sal-' vation Army officer with victim, that is, when the Salvation Army officer helps the victim, he is oriented toward the immediate gratification which such activity provides. The Salvation Army officer is expected to be collectivity-oriented toward the association and toward the larger col- lectivity of humanity. Ideally, at any time the Salvation Army officer, in case of a role-conflict situation, is expected to put the interests Those actors not capable of registering are not officially considered as victims. For example, a corpse is not a victim, but the role of victim is achieved by the survivor responsible for disposing of the corpse. 4,0- of humanity above his own interests. Further, he is expected to put these interests ahead of the interests of the association. Although no puni- tive measures can be enforced by the association formally, a great many informal sanctions can be brought to bear by other members of the asso- ciation. Toward a victim the ideal type of orientation of the local Red Cross member is expected to be in terms of universalism, Specificity, and af- fectivity. Membership in the association is considered a "hobby" and "helping" people is direct gratification of an impulse. A victim is to be treated as one of a class of objects in accordance with rules of the association. The role of victim is ascribed to an actor. The obliga- tions of local Red Cross member to victim are clearly defined. In inter- action with victim, the local Red Cross member is primarily oriented to— ward the immediate gratification which such activity provides. The local Red Cross member is expected to be collectivity-oriented toward the local chapter, the national organization, and the larger collectivity of human- ity. The typological role—expectation of a fireman is characterized by universalism, affective—neutrality, and Specificity. The status—role of victim is ascribed to an actor. 'When occupying his role as fireman the actor is expected to act in the interests of the association rather than in his private interests, that is to say, he is expected to be collectiv- ity-oriented. This collectivity-orientation is expected to the extent that he may lose his life in performing his duties. The duties of a fire- man are specific in terms of fighting fires and engaging in rescue ac- .441- tivities associated with fire fighting. His duties are relatively well defined and limited to specific contexts. Victims are to be treated as a class of objects. In interaction with victims the fireman is primarily oriented toward the attainment of a future goal, that of putting out the fire. A. Comparison of the Typological Value Orientations of the Members of the Various Associations The status-role of member of a formal organization is by definition patterned in terms of universalistic standards, the written, formal rules of the association. In this particular case, the orientation of the status- role of member of disaster relief association toward the status-role of victim, the orientation of the former is toward a class of objects, namely, victims, any actor defined in this class of objects to be treated in the same manner. The rules of the association define who is to be included in this class of objects and prescribe the treatment to be accorded any member of this class of objects. Because of the ideology of the Salvation Army, actors occupying the status—role of Salvation Army member are further constrained by another set of universalistic standards, the religious ideology of the association. The actor occupying the status-role of Salvation Army member ideally per- ceives of himself as occupying a generalized role of Christian. For an actor occupying the status-role of Christian, all other actors are eXpec- ted to occupy the status-role of child of God and to be treated in accord- ance with prescribed standards. .52.. Status-roles in the National Red Cross, State Police, and Beecher fire department are primarily oriented in terms of affective-neutrality, that is, they are oriented toward the achievement of some future goal. Status—roles in the Salvation Army and the local Red Cross, on the other hand, are primarily oriented in terms of affectivity, that is, they are oriented toward the immediate gratification which their activities pro- vide. Role expectations for members of the Rational Red Cross, the State Police, the local Red Cross and the Beecher fire department are oriented in terms of specificity. That is, the orientation of these status-roles toward the status-role of victim are Specifically defined. The status- role of member of these associations has clearly defined obligations to- ward the status-role of victim, no more and no less. For the status-role of Salvation Army member, however, the orientation toward status-role of victim is in terms of diffuseness. That is, the obligations of the status- role of Salvation Armw'member toward statuserole of victim are not defined, except in vague terms such as "helping the victim." The status-role of member of each of the five associations is expec- ted to be collectivity—oriented when acting in the status-role of asso- ciation member. However, as a consequence of the peripheral nature of the status-role of local Red Cross member or Beecher fireman, it would be expected that in a case of conflict between private interests and inter- ests of the collectivity, that the actor would perceive of himself as acting in some other status-role. -h3- The pattern variable pair of achievement vs. ascription is concerned with how the occupant of a given status-role is oriented toward the actor holding the reciprocal status-role, that is, is the former interested in the attributes of the latter or the performance. In this instance, does the occupant of the status-role of member of disaster relief agency per- ceive the status-role of victim as ascribed or achieved. In general, the former is oriented toward the latter in ascription terms. However, the status-role of Red Cross worker tends to be oriented toward the victim in achievement terms, that is, an actor does not merely possess or not pos- sess the attribute of being a victim, but is placed on a continuum of need. In this connection may be pointed out the usefulness of the con- ceptual scheme which conceives of an actor as a bundle of status-roles. In this instance one of the status—roles occupied by the actor is that of Red Cross worker. As a person the Red Cross worker recognizes that an actor wandering around in a devastated condition is a disaster victim. Insofar as one is acting as Red Cross worker, however, another cannot be recognized as occupying the status-role of victim until this actor has achieved the status-role of victim by registering with the Red Cross. Further, in a situation where any action on the part of the Red Cross worker will be construed by other actors as an official action of the Red Cross, the Red Cross worker is constrained from acting in other than the interests of the association. It may also be pointed out that when the association is functioning in an emergency situation, when the role of victim of necessity must be ascribed to the actor, a separate branch of the association is formed, i.e., the local Red Cross chapter. The above typological value orientations have been summarized in Table I. B. Differential Disaster Impact For members of the four associations who initiated operations immed- iately following the tornado, a certain level of disaster impact was com- mon. The physical setting had not only been disrupted but completely dev- astated. This complete devastation should not be overlooked as a factor in the behavior and value orientation of the actors. The area was in total darkness and communication facilities were drastically reduced. Literally almost no physical objects of orientation existed. For members of the local Red Cross, State Police and Salvation Army, the devastation was in a sense impersonal. Their perception of the sit- uation was that this was an extremely difficult physical setting for car- rying out their tasks. For members of the Beecher fire department, how- ever, the devastation meant much more. For one-fourth of the members, their homes and families had been destroyed. For other members, the homes and families of close friends and associates had been destroyed. Thus their orientation to the physical objects destroyed was much more central to their whole structure of value orientations. Further, this was also for them the disruption of a social system within which much of their daily activity occured, the community. members of the National Red Cross did not arrive on the scene until some physical objects of orientation had been constructed, that is, the police had set up headquarters, and the work of clearing debris had begun. -145- ".’ ‘1‘.-.) Isl. hppcmesn pew thCmEdz coppmapcmmno HmCowpmc epmpm mo manoem pew coapmpoommm Coppmfioommm .mepmwno Hmooa soapmpoommm use Compmfioommm op coppwpcoflpo op Coppmpcepho op cofipmpceflho op coapmpcmpao op coppmpcmpho #923338 uapgpomfloo [323338 uaflfipomfloo -afifipomdoo soppmfihomm pCmEobeflnom coppmflnomm Coapmflhomm coppmfinomw mmosmmSMMHu hppopppoedm thOHMflomam hppopppoomm hppopppoemm thHmApSmc thHmMpSoc thHmeSmc hpp>ppommwm Io>ppoommm hpfl>ppommmw Ie>ppoemmm Ie>ppoommm Empammhm>pcs Empammpe>HCS Empawmhm>flzp ampammpebpc: Emfiammme>flcs macho pew mmono .pdmn chem hand soaprHmm HMGoppmz pew Hwooq nmnooem mopaom epmpm EHBpo mo mqox ewe Dm Q¢0Hocqomwe 4:6- Furthermore, for these Red Cross workers a scene of devastation was normal, for in one sense they see little else. Indeed, lack of physical destruc- tion would soon disrupt their social system. CHAPTLR V AN EXAIINATION OF BLHAVIOR AND VALUE ORISNTATION“ HANIFESTED DURING THE DISASTER This chapter will deal with the behavior and value orientations which were manifested in the disaster situation. The previous discus- sion has been concerned with the value orientations which might ideally be expected of various actors as members of associations. Following the description of manifested behavior and value orientations, further dis- cussion will be concerned with the discrepancies between the former and that which might be ideally expected. A close examination of the data quite clearly indicates that in terms of the way relief activities were organized, three distinct stages occurred.1 These stages will be called, reSpectively, the period of Spontaneous in- formally organized rescue work, the period of formally organized rescue work, and the period of rehabilitation. Stage I, that of spontaneous in- formally organized rescue work, occurred between the time of the impact, 8:29 P.H. Monday, and approximately 11:00 P.M. During this time rescue See Appendix B for schedule questions. The activities of each indiv- idual association member were separated into time intervals, e.g., arrived in area at 9:10, searched in debris for victims until 11:30, worked with canteen until Tuesday morning. After the three stages began to emerge, the activities of the members of each association were listed in three columns corresponding to the three stages. The generalizations about association activity do not include every activ- ity of every member. .ua- work was carried on by small groups of informally organized private indiv- iduals. Stage II, that of formally organized rescue work, occurred be- tween approximately 11:00 P;f. and daylight Tuesday morning. At approx- imately 11:00 P.I. the Richigan State Police set up a command headquarters in the area, and rescue work was carried out under their direction. Stage III, that of rehabilitation, began after daylight Tuesday morning. Emergency rescue work had been complete, and further activities were con- cerned with rehabilitation. Daylight is chosen as the cutting point, for at this time a final search of the area was made to make certain that no more injured were still buried in the debris. The immediate rescue work of Stage I was in large part carried out by residents of Beecher community. The tornado destroyed a narrow swath through the center of the community. People living on either side of this destroyed swath immediately rushed to the aid of those in the path of im- pact. By the time formal organizations had mobilized, approximately two- thirds of the injured already had been dug out of the debris and removed to hospitals. It is clear that these spontaneous rescue activities per- formed by friends, neighbors, and relatives residing immediately adjac- ent to the devastated area were of crucial Significance to the relief op- erations. It seems very likely that had these activities not been per- formed the loss of life resulting from injury and exposure would have been considerably greater. An examination of the interviews with persons who engaged in these early spontaneous rescue activities tends to Show rather clearly that these persons! actions were prompted in part out of feelings of personal .119- ties to the victims. That is, the victims were thought of as personal friends, neighbors, or relatives. A high degree of emotional involvement in the situation was also clearly manifested by these rescue workers. That is, the outcome of their efforts to rescue victims was of great per— sonal concern to these rescuers. The relationships in which these rescuers stood to the victims, and the concern shown over the outcome of their actions leads to the classi- fication of these rescue workers' value orientations in this situation as follows. A particularistic value orientation seems to have prevailed over a universalistic one. Their actions were generally classifiable as showing an affective orientation prevailing over affective-neutrality. Moreover, toward these victims they felt diffuse obligations. That is to say, not only did these rescue workers seek to get medical aid for victims, but they kept uninjured survivors in their homes, helped them find relatives, took care of uninjured children for injured parents, and in general felt obligated "to help in any way they could." And, finally, they were collectivity—oriented toward the community. In connection with performance of spontaneous and directed relief activities it seems important to note that in addition to the operations carried on by individuals who were friends, neighbors and kin of the vic- tims, numerous other persons not standing in any known particularistic relationship to the victims also engaged in spontaneous relief activities. That is, persons living in other parts of the city, casual passers-by, etc., joined in the rescue operations without knowing the victims, and without being ordered to do so. -50- The apparently considerable extent to which "outsiders" voluntarily came to the rescue of victims and engaged in later phases of disaster re- lief brings into focus the importance of widely shared value standards which prompt persons to perform acts of aid. That there is consistently manifested a pattern of aid of this kind in American culture hardly needs documenting. The important point is that such value standards are uni- versalistic type standards. The casual passe -by aids the victim because for various subjective motives he feels compelled to help. He doesn't refrain from acting because the victim is neither friend nor kinsman -- on the contrary, it makes no difference who the victim may be. It is considered of great importance to note here this culture pat- tern since so much of the relief operations depended upon the work of spontaneous and voluntary relief workers. Of all the generalizable fea- tures of disaster relief operations the Spontaneous emergence of the vol- unteer worker is probably the most sure generalization which can be made. Within half an hour after the impact the Richigan State Police had 2 established in the area what Weber calls "imperative control." The hax‘Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organizations, Trans. by A.M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 19h7, pp. 152-53. Weber defines imperative control as "the probability that a command with a given Specific content will be obeyed by a given group of persons." ‘Weber goes on to say that, "The existence of imperative control turns on the actual presence of one person successfully issuing orders to others; it does not necessarily imply either the existence of an administrative staff, or, for that matter, of a corporate group. It is, however, uncommon to find it not associated with at least one of these." -51- basis of this imperative control was the recognition by other actors of the legitimacy of the actions of the State Police trooper. In other words, although the State Police did not legally possess authority, they were believed by other actors to be acting legitimately. In the words of one respondent, "The State Police and the National Guard were in uniform and we looked to them every day as authority, more the State Police than the National Guard, and they were organized with their radio and so forth." Further, in a highly disorganized situation, other actors believed the State Police to be acting in accordance with a plan of operations. AS one respondent put it, "At least they had the equipment to work with, they had a plan, and they carried it out. 'With some of the other organ- izations there might have been quite a lot of milling around. But they had a Specific job and were assigned those and they carried them out." The idea that the State Police were acting in accordance with a plan of operations was highly exaggerated, for although the State Police did have a plan of operations for disaster, they did not follow this in the beecher disaster.3 Their first operations were carried out independently by in- dividual members of the organization, and only later did a complex sys— tem of cooperative interaction emerge. Stage II, that of formally organized rescue work, has been defined as that period when rescue operations were directed by the State Police. The initial imperative control established by the State Police was fur- 3 This statement is made on the basis of interviews with officers of the Michigan State Police. -52- ther strengthened by their possession of power, as explained below, and established as semi—legitimate. This authority was fully legitimized by the larger society months after the event.b At the time of the disaster, legitimate authority in the area was claimed by the county Sheriff's office. The power of the State Police rested in part in its possession of certain facilities crucial to the rescue operations. The State Police set up their headquarters in a small store still standing in the center of the disaster area. Telephone facilities and lighting were made avail- able by the utility companies, cooperating with the State Police on an informal basis. Subsequently it developed that this was the only avail- able building in the area. Thus the State Police had a monopoly over the facilities necessary for establishing authority. Furthermore, the State Police possessed not only the physical facil- itieS for communication with other social systems outside the area, but they possessed channels of communication with other important organiza- tions. Through the State Police headquarters at East Lansing they were enabled to mobilize facilities, including personnel, from all over the state. And, finally, the State Police exercised control over boundary main- tenance activities. By putting a guard around the area and limiting in- gress and egress, the State Police defined the territory of the emerging social system of disaster relief. Six months after the tornado the state legislature passed a law giving the State Police complete authority in any area designated by the gover- nor as a Disaster Area. -53- This has been a discussion of the associational activities of the Michigan State Police. The discussion of the behavior and value orien- tations manifested by individual members will be included in the discus— sion below. Behavior and Value Orientations hanifested By Members of Associations 1. Michigan State Police A State Police trooper and an officer arrived at the scene within ten minutes after the impact in response to an accident report. Per- ceiving to a limited extent the seriousness of the situation, they radioed for more squad cars to be sent to the area. Their immediate perception of need was that the roads must be cleared to allow ambulances and cars bearing injured to get through to the hospitals. To this end they began to clear logs out of the road and direct traffic. Thus they performed in accordance with the ordinary expectancies of their job. The State Police were engaging in instrumental behavior. Their ac- tivity was not concerned with the immediate gratification derived from "helping people" but was means-ends oriented. In Stage I their goal was getting victims to hospitals, and this they facilitated in accordance with the expectancies of their roles. As the roads were cleared and more per— sonnel became available, they directed search parties which systematically combed the area looking for injured. During Stage I the State Police officer was oriented toward the vic— tim in terms of universalism, specificity, and affective—neutrality. -51;- Actors were ascribed the status-role of victim and treated as a class of objects. The obligations of the State Police officer toward the victim were Specific, that of removing him from the area and obtaining medical aid. State Police were oriented toward the future goal of establishing order, rather than toward the immediate gratification of engaging in re— lief activities. As larger numbers of State Police personnel were sent into the area, the need for coordination of their activities became apparent. A high ranking officer was sent from the East Lansing headquarters to set up a field headquarters in the area. With the setting up of this headquarters Stage II is defined as beginning, and the definition of the situation by the State Police changed. A guard was set up around the area to prevent looting; a morgue was established to which the dead were removed; loose, movable valuables were collected in a stockpile. In other words, a com- plex system of cooperative interaction among members of the State Police was established. During Stage II, although the Specific content of their activities changed, the value orientations of the State Police members did not change. During Stage III, the Specific content of the State Police activities changed only in that rescue work was complete, and clearing debris was left to others. The State Police continued to guard the area against looters, with the aid of the National Guard, and a rigid system of passes into and out of the area was instituted. There is no evidence to indi- cate nor compelling reason to suSpect that the value orientations of the State Police might have changed. -55- 2. Beecher Fire Department Hany of the members of the Beecher Fire Department were in the area when the tornado struck. The wife of one of the firemen was killed as She was telephoning members of the department to mobilize. The first action taken by most members was to assure themselves of the safety of their families. After this they rushed out into the area to help the in- jured or to direct traffic. Several firemen said that although they saw fires burning, they felt that their first duty was to help get the injured out. At no time during the first night, that is, during Stages I and II, did the Beecher Fire Department work as an organization. Hembers worked singly, as private individuals, utilizing equipment belonging to the fire department and first-aid training received as firemen. However, their status as firenen was recognized by members of the community and hence they were accorded de facto authority in relation to organizing minor res- cue operations. Volunteers from the community reported that they went to help the firemen. It is apparent that the recognition of their statuses by other members of the community functioned to integrate these persons' actions in connection with relief operations in an otherwise highly disor- ganized Situation. In regard to the behavior manifested by firemen, they may be consid- ered as having engaged in expressive behavior, that is, they were oriented toward the immediate gratification which their activities afforded. (Grat- ification may be looked at in this instance as regaining a sense of secur- ity following the traumatic subjective experience of the tornado.) Hence as. firemen were oriented toward victims affectively. Further, they manifested orientations of particularism and diffuseness. The status-role of vic- tim was ascribed to actors. Victims were not treated as members of a class of objects, but each victim stood in a particular status-relation- ship to the fireman. Toward this victim the fireman felt diffuse obli- gations, the extent of these obligations differing with each victim. The extent of collectivity-orientation varied with individuals and over time. The actions of several, at least three or four, did not at any time during Stages I and II evidence any collectivity-orientation either toward the community or toward the association. From the data which has been collected, no evidence can be found that any fireman mani- fested collectivity—orientation toward the community or toward the asso- ciation so long as he felt that he personally or his family were in dan- ger. During the latter part of Stage II, the firemen began operating as a unit. Sometime during the night cots were set up in the fire hall for uninjured survivors, (i.e., survivors being defined as those surviving who were directly in the path of the tornado.) During Stage III, the value orientations of the firemen were changed only in the case of collectivityhorientation. The association operated as a unit, and those firemen who did not manifest collectivity—orienta— tion toward the association and community did not function as members. 5 Among the respondents interviewed as unattached individuals, two in- dividuals state that they belonged to Beecher Fire Department until the night of the tornado. No further explanations are given by these res- pondents. -57- During Stage III, a canteen for feeding victims and a used clothing distribution center were established in the fire hall. When sightseers were allowed into the area, firemen stood at corners holding out their helmets for donations. The money collected in this fashion was given to victims. 3. Salvation Army Stage I. ’Nithin half an hour following the tornado, members of the Salvation Army had entered the area and were engaged in direct rescue work. Although in the beginning each member was working independently of other members, each of them conceived of himself as an association member. They were identified as such by other actors by means of the uniforms they were wearing. For example, they were granted free access to the area by the police. As various Salvation Army members encountered each other in the area, a complex system of cooperative interaction began to emerge which was based on the systemic elements of the association. A system of communi- cation by messenger was set up with the Salvation Army headquarters in -downtown Flint. This headquarters served as a clearinghouse for supplies and volunteers. ~During Stage II, the Salvation Army set up a canteen to serve coffee and sandwiches to rescue workers. This canteen continued during the fol— lowing weeks (Stage III) to serve meals to workers clearing debris and police and National Guards in the area. The Salvation.Army set up a dis- tribution center to provide clothing and household furnishings to victims. They helped to provide temporary housing for victims. -58- An interesting aSpect of Salvation Army operations is the dual role which members defined for themselves. lembers of the Salvation Army con- ceived of themselves not only as rescue workers but as clergymen. For them the needs of victims were defined not only in terms of material needs but also spiritual consolation. During Stage I the value orientations of the Salvation Army workers in the disaster situations seem quite clearly to have consisted in the configuration of universalism, affectivity, diffuseness, ascription and collectivity orientation. Their actions are classified as universalis- tically oriented because their attentions were given indescriminantly to all ViCtiu . No distinction was made between friend and unknown victim. Further, the status of victim was viewed as ascribed. That is, no spec- ial performance on the part of the person having suffered personal or property damage as a result of the tornado had to be enacted before recog- nition of their status was forthcoming. This is a point of considerable significance in regards to the attitudes later manifested by local people (victims and sympathizers alike) toward the Salvation Army on the one hand and the National Red Cross on the other. The Salvation Army extended aid to victims merely on the basis of their having been struck by the tornado. On the other hand, the National Red Cross required that victims produce legal proof of damage and then extended aid in accordance with a highly rationalized procedure. The Salvation Army workers seem also to have manifested a relatively high degree of affectivity orientation. This is supported by seven of the twelve subjects interviewed, but only inconclusive evidence is avail- -59- able on the other five subjects. Of those seven for whom it is clear that their value orientations were highly affective it is found they expressed in various manners much concern over the results of their actions. That is, they were concerned as to the lasting effect of their ministrations. and they felt personally responsible for the success or failure of their actions. The most that can be said of the other five members of the Sal- vation Army who were interviewed is that nowhere in the interviews with them does there appear any evidences as to their having held themselves aloof from personal involvement in their interactions with victims. In general they all manifest the attitude of regarding their activities as an extension of their missionary work. All of the Salvation Army workers' orientations in the disaster sit- uation may be classed as manifesting a diffuse interest in the victims. For the Salvation Army worker attention to the victim was not directed to taking care of his physical needs alone, but also taking care of his psy- chic needs, that is, victims were given ever consideration possible in re- gards to calming them and giving them reassurance. The organization of activities of the Salvation Army was directed toward facilitating phys- ical and mental well-being of the victims. The actions of the Salvation Army workers -- as partially reconstruc- ted in the interviews -- show a high degree of collectivity orientation. Even during the first hours workers engaged in some degree of complex cooperative interaction. By Stage II there could be little doubt that the well—coordinated systems of interaction between members and the public -50- was a manifestation of collectivity orientation. This, of course, held for Stage III of the disaster also. h. Local Red Cross Data concerning the activities of the local Red Cross chapter are confused and to some extent unreliable. Interviews with certain members contradict those with other members. It seems to be established, however, that certain activities were carried on. Members of the first aid com- mittee went into the area singly and carried on rescue activity on their own. There was no attempt at organization on the part of these members. Three first aid stations were set up by the Red Cross which were not used to any extent. The use which is supposed to be made of first aid stations is to sort victims who are badly injured from those who can be treated on the spot, sending only badly injured victims to the hospitals. The complaint was made by a local chapter official that first aid men should have been at the hOSpitals for preliminary handling of injured. ”Within the local chapter is a group called Gray Ladies. These women regularly work in the local hospitals providing non—medical attention for hospital patients. The night of the disaster thesexwomen went into the hospitals as an organization to provide non-medical care for victims. The canteen committee set up a canteen within a few hours after the disaster struck. This is the activity which was praised by other rescue workers, grateful for coffee and doughnuts during the first night. During Stage II, the type of activity carried on by the local Red Cross did not change. However, more members of the association were mob- ilized, and some degree of cooperative interaction emerged. In view of the ~61- later analysis it is importantto point out here that at no time did a complex system of cooperative interaction comparable to the State Police or Salvation Army emerge. Sub-groups within the association were func- tioning, due to the initiative of some individuals, but the total activ- ities were never coordinated. The local chapter set up a shelter for victims which was only used by one or two families. In this disaster most of the victims found shel- ter with friends and relatives living in Flint. A further service was a system of registration of dead and injured. An information bureau was set up to handle inquiries by relatives and friends of possible victims. Ham radio operators contacted local chapters in other cities to give in- formation to persons having relatives in Flint. This registration and information system worked well and efficiently. All these activities were carried on in a welter of confusion. Few were doing the specific tasks assigned them by the carefully drawn out disaster plans. Some chairmen of committees, for example, did not mobil- ize for action because they were not called by the chapter manager, as the disaster plans specified. During Stage III, the members of the local Red Cross mainly served as volunteer workers for the National Red Cross. The only activities carried on by the local Red Cross were a continuation of the canteen ser- vice and a small first-aid tent. This latter provided band-aids for work- ers in the debris who cut their feet on nails etc. The canteens served hot meals to victims, to police and National Guard and to others working in the area. -62- The value orientations of the local Red Cross members remained rel- atively stable throughout the three stages. Local Red Cross workers were universalistically oriented to victims. Actors were ascribed the status-role of victim and treated as a class of objects. In other words, first aid men bandaged victims because they were injured, without regard as to who they might be. Members of the local Red Cross were oriented in terms of specificity. That is, each member had a well-defined task. These tasks may not have been those assigned them in the Red Cross handbook, e.g., the canteen chairman organized the canteen in the field whereas according to the rules she should have remained in the chapter house and sent a sub- ordinate into the field. However, the tasks assumed by the members were defined in terms of Specificity, e.g., the canteen chairman did not engage in other acti ity than setting up a canteen. The members of the Red Cross were effectively oriented in that they were primarily oriented toward de- riving immediate gratification from disaster activities. The degree of collectivity-orientation varied fro member to member, although remaining the same for any one individual during the three stages. For some members the degree of collectivity-orientation was so low they did not even engage in disaster activities. Others manifested a high de- gree of collectivity-orientation. During Stage III the local Red Cross continued to operate canteens as well as serving as volunteer workers for the National Red Cross. The members operating the canteen manifested the same value orientations des- cribed above. The members who served as volunteer workers for the national ‘workers continued to be oriented ascriptively toward victims, albeit sur- .453- reptitiously. For example, the National Red Cross set up a used clothing distribution center manned by a member of the local Red Cross. This woman stated that although victims were sent by national case workers with re— quisition slips, she gave them any amount of clothes they needed. 5. National Red Cross The discussion of the activities of the Rational Red Cross was well summed up by a respondent who was a member of the National Red Cross, "1y job is administrative. We followed the established procedures." Two or three members of the National Red Cross arrived on the scene the night of the disaster, but most of the members, approximately thirty, arrived two or three days later. The task of members of the National Red Cross was rehabilitation. Victims had found temporary emergency housing with friends and relatives, and the Red Cross set about to find more long- range temporary housing and to start rebuilding operations. Social case workers "set up ... people to talk to the relatives as fast as we could, tried to give them an understanding of the situation, to reassure them, that, for example, amputees are still useful, tell them that it is not as bad as it appears." The first thing to be done, according to the director of case work, 'was to set up a master file of all the people. One of the major problems of the field director (the senior administrator in the area) was a short- age of the proper forms to fill out. But then, one must improvise in a disaster. The national workers used hundreds of volunteer workers for clerical helm» but they were impatient with volunteers in other capacities. "The .bu- volunteers really cause us the most trouble. ‘When materials or labor are volunteered we have to decide which cases need free help the most and then make all the arrangements....It's the same with used clothing that is do- nated. It costs more to handle than new clothes."6 1 case worker reports, I'There was an attempt to keep us from our job. The good old American pub- lic, and the lack of understanding of our disaster policies. They all had a desire to help, forgetting that the best help is to help people help themselves." Members of the National Red Cross are professionally trained, mostly as social workers and nurses, with certain other trained technicians such as an engineer concerned with construction activities.‘ Each member has a specific task to do in a complex, hierarchical division of labor. To each victim is to be meted out just treatment on the basis of need, a need meas- ured in dollars and cents.7 National workers not only are not expected to be emotionally involved, but they are constrained to avoid emotional in- 6 Interview with member of National Red Cross. 7 Determination of the victim's need by the Red Cross is the result of a highly rational policy. The victim is assigned a ”need quotient" by the Red Cross on the basis of a long, complicated process, which takes from two days to several weeks. The victim has an initial interview with a Red Cross social case worker and is given a form to fill out listing his losses. His employer fills out a form declaring his earn, ing ability. After receiving these forms, the case worker again in- terrogates the victim. The case worker discusses the case with her supervisor and recomends action, not only on the basis of loss in- curred but life expectancy and position on an earning curve. This recommended action must be approved by a policy committee, after which action is taken. vol‘ goo bac m be 01‘ -05- volvement. In the words of one social case worker, "Now sympathy is a good thing up to a point, but it is not the right thing to get the people back on their feet." Thus the members of the National Red Cross were oriented in terms of specificity and affective neutrality. The victim was expected to achieve the status of victim, and he was treated in universalistic terms. meme bers of the National Red Cross manifested a high degree of collectivity- orientation toward the association. In order that the reader may easily compare the value orientations of these association members toward victims, the actual value orientations have been listed in Table II. thc:EEoo coflpanasmwno op coflpuuacs unobsee made use :oapduaad scavenfica use nausea ea Imno spare» no puma :0 tea Impo unukog ammo photon cowpaaceauo :oapapcoapo coapapcoflno soapaucowno cofigapcoauo uapfl>npooaaoo umpfipspooaaoo Jepw>fipooaaoo uepapapooaaoo uepflbapooaaoo doapmauoua pcoso>ewnou coapmwhouu coapawhone cadpmfiuona unoceusmmav hpwoamaooma hpaoamaoan unecondmmap hpwoamaoome hpfiasnpse: hpflaanpsq: esaaanpso: hpaaaupdo: Io>wvoemma Iobwpoommd Io>wpoommu huw>apooMMd Io>Hpoede aufladnuo>aqs auaauuuobans Beaasnno>flqd Suwndasoapndm _Enflaanno>aqs HHH ewapm :owpduwsmmuo op uuonaoa_h:da mo cofipauwzd was oamoem op eyed :0 tea mHfieum undue» Iwno waste» soapsvcewuo coapapceaao coflpupcoapo aofiuapceauo unpapflpooaaoo neos>apooaaoo -mpfi>hpooaaoo shoapapooaaoo coflsmauonu soapmdhoua cowamahond :eapmauoeu eueceesmuav thOHMAoan uneceasmmwu hvwowmaoomn hpaaaupse: hgaaappso: hvdauunsoc nophpo.umu uo>flpoomoa hoe>flsoomou no>flpo.uoa auaaduuobfiqs Euaaunno>flcs EnandH50flpndm anfiaanno>acs HH ecu H nomupm nacho pom nacho .pmom onwm hEn<_qowpa>Hem Hoseapuz com Haoqq ponooom eoaaom opspw mEHBoH> QMdBOH mammzmfi ZOHB¢HUOmm< ho mZOthezmHmc mpH<> HH mumde CHAPTER VI DISCUSSION OF DIFFERENCES IN BEHAVIOR AND IN VAIME ORIENTATIONS OF ASSOCIATION MEMBERS AS RELATED TO DIFFERENCES IN SYSTEMIC ELEMENTS AND DISASTER IMPACT The previous chapters have described and discussed the systemic ele- ments of the associations and their collective activities during the dis- aster, as well as the differential impact of the disaster. According to the procedure outlined in Chapter II, the behavior of association members can now be related to the systemic elements of the associations. Those associations having systemic elements in common should differ in behavior from.associations not sharing these elements. Differences in behavior among associations sharing common systemic elements should be accounted for by differential disaster impact. During Stage I, no association was functioning in complex coopera- tive interaction. This has to do in large part with the amount of time elapsing. Members of associations had to be informed of the emergency and get to the disaster. Even before this could take place, some members of each association must have been made aware that a disaster had occurred. For example, before the State Police could function as an organization, some individuals must learn of the disaster and perceive the extent of destruction. Then these individuals must communicate with other members ‘who must then get to the disaster area. -68- Stage II has been defined as beginning at the period when the State Police began to function in a complex system of cooperative interaction. At this time, also, the Salvation.Army had begun to operate in complex cooperative interaction. The National Red Cross also began long-distance interaction in that members in the headquarters at Saint Louis had begun to develop plans and notify workers in such places as Texas to leave for Flint. However, the local Red Cross and the Beecher fire department were not yet functioning in a complex system of cooperative interaction. Var- ious individual members were working but not the association as a whole. Therefore, according to our hypothesis, the State Police, National Red Cross and Salvation Army should have in common systemic elements not shared by the local Red Cross and Beecher fire department which would be expected to account for the differences. Table III is a summary of the comparisons of systemic elements. It will be noted that the State Felice, National Red Cross and Salvation.Army have in common these systemic ele- ments not shared by the local Red Cross and Beecher fire department: (1) a hierarchy of offices (2) remuneration of members by fixed salaries (3) status-role is primary occupation of incumbent (h) members subject to medium and high coercive discipline (5) training process which results in high degree of internal- ization of appropriate value orientations These systemic elements would seem to account for an early establish— ment of a complex cooperative interaction. In an association organised in a hierarchy of offices, one individual of high rank can initiate action -69- TABLE III SYSTEMIC ELEMENTS SHARED BY ASSOCIATIONS State ’NatiOnaIUISaIvation Local Beecher Pblice Red Cross Army Red Cross Fire Dept. members subject to authority only in respect to imper- sonal obligations....xxx......xxx........xxx........xxx.........xxx Status-role is filled by free contractual relationship.........xxx......xxx........xxx........xxx.........xxx Each office has clearly defined sphere of ac- tifity md authority.m......m........ eeeeeeeemeeeeeeeeom Hierarchy of offices....xxx......xxx........xxx Remunerated by fixed salaries in moneyt..xlxx......xxx........xxx Statusdrole is primary occupation of in- C‘lmbmteeeeeeeeeeQOeMeeeeeeeMeeeeeeeem membership in association constitutes a career.xxx......xxx ...... xxx Training process which results in high degree of internalization of appropriate value orientations........ xxx .... xxx ...... xxx Initial allocation of status-roles on basis of achievement...... xxx ..... xxx Member of association is subject to strict and systematic discipline xxx .... xxx ..... xxx -70- for many individuals of lower rank. This action was carried out by'memv bers of lower rank because these members are subject to coercive discip— line. This coercive discipline is related to the fact that for members of these associations this status-role was their primary occupation by means of which they make their living. In other words, the local Red Cross and Beecher fire department are volunteer associations. No in! dividual can initiate action nor are members constrained to carry out action. Further, members of the local Red Cross and Beecher fire department do not go through a training process which results in a high degree of internalization of appropriate value orientations. The value orientation most pertinent in this connection was that of collectivity-orientation. Members of the State Police, Salvation Army and National Red Cross were oriented toward the establishment of a complex system.of cooperative in- teraction. As far as is known, no member of these associations spent three hours driving around the disaster area sightseeing as did some members of the local Red Cross. The local Red Cross and Beecher fire department have in common the same systemic elements. However, they differed in the degree to which they achieved complex cooperative interaction. This can to a large ex- tent be accounted for by the differential disaster impact. As discussed previously, members of the Beecher fire department experienced a greater degree of disorientation. Value Orientations Both expected value orientations and those manifested during the disaster by association members have been described and discussed. These are summarized in TableIV. The differences between expected and manifested value orientations remain to be accounted for. The low degree of collectivityhorientation manifested by the local Red Cross and the Beecher fire department has been discussed in relation to the systemic elements. The other discrepancy manifested was by the Beecher fire department in terms of the pairs of universalism -— particularism, affectivity - affective-neutrality, and specificity -- diffuseness. This can be summed up by saying that Beecher firemen did not act in the role of fireman during Stages I, II, and III of the disaster activities. Their failure to act in the role of fireman is accounted for by several things. The statuserole of fireman was peripheral to the total bundle of status-roles hold by the member of Beecher fire department. In a crisis situation he would be exp pected to act in a status-role more crucial to his total bundle of status— roles. Although not acting in the role of fireman, members of the Beecher. fire department did act within the expectations of a role peculiar to members of this association. That is, beyond its function as a fire de- partment, the Beecher fire department was defined as a community men's club and served as an integrating factor in the community. Thus firemen served as leaders of informal work groups and became a focus of community integration during rescue activities. -72. hvfissaaoo use some Isuoonee ee soaespseaao IhvwbamoeHHoo aHHH omsnm camooa eHmoom .83 has...“ 3. 83 so 83 Be one... rewoooee op soaaepsoaao someones op Isaoonee op neaoonoe ov seapepseane meanepseaae thwmwmwooHHoo Weapeasoaao sodaseseauo soapsesoano uaofifioaoo Ea $9433.33 .3 H Sodom .asfiapooaaoc uasfiapoaoo uhofiapoofioo soacaanoee soapawaoes sofivaanone soapawnoos codename-e seapaauoes hflaoauaoeae huaoauaoer neosoesmmao hfiaoamaoeae hflaoamaoeme huaoandoeae hfiaaenvsos hwwaoapae: hvuaenpsos assessed? motioned: octagon? aofioooofi nopfloooou -2333: sodas-nesass suede-nepass Seansasoaaasm Sodas-aosass confide-nosass seaflooaobaqs wepemymsma . meeoehmm «wopeemwsu: i meeoeammrl uewmmmmema, revoeamm eeeao com Heooq usesaasmon sham menoeem ooaaom endow MSHapo nmssoa mmmmfimz ZOHH.mBHg.monBshould be: ( ) incorporated as a part of Flint ( ) incorporated as a separate town ( ) unincorporated Why do you feel this way? Did.you feel this way before the tornado: (IF NO: ASK HOW?) .12.. -12h- 26. What have you learned as a result of this tornado that would be helpful to you or to others in case of another disaster like this? OBTAIN THE F0110" 31m INFUT’MATION FOR THE PERIOD PRECEDING THE TORNADO 1. “That year did you move to Beecher (or this area)? 2. Where did you live before moving to the area? (IF IN FLINT. GET ADDRESS) 1 Town) (JSLtateT (Fopulatfin) 3. Why did you move here rather than somewhere else? h. "then you think of your neighborhood: about how far north does it go? (namehoT street) about how far east does it go? (name 3? street) about how far south does it go? . (name of street) about how far west does it go? (name of street) 5. How did you decide on these boundaries? -13- 6. Where do most of your close friends live? ‘125‘ Are they mostly in or outside of the Beecher district? 7. Were you married or single before the tornado? ______Narried ______Single ______:"idowed Divorced Separated 8. ‘Who contributes (Contributed) the most money to the family income? Respondent Others: Who? 9. What is your (his, her) job called? 10. 'What kinds of things do you (does he, does she) do on the job? 11. When did (or will) the chief wage earner in.your family return to work? 12. Where does (did) he work? (Get exact address or location) How far is that from your home? Does anyone else contribute to the family income? (SPECIFY): What does he (she) do? .m- 13- DO you belong '00 any organizations, lodges, or clubs? 426" Names “Ihat prOportion of the meet- iWu attend? Yes: that are they? a. ' so be 00 d.. IF MORE THAN ONE ORGANIZATION IS MENTIONED: If you could only belong to one of these organizations, which would you choose? 11:. Are there other organizations, besides those given above, which are mainly for the peOple in the Beecher District? _____No _____Yes: What are they: Do you belong? Yes No Other a. # ___.... ............ b. __ _ c. __ __ d. 15. Are there arv organization that you've thought about Joining since the tornado? Yes ( )3 No ( ); Other IF YES: What Are they: a. b.‘ .A. 00 Why? -15.. 16. How much schooling do you have? -12 7- ___No formal education ___Some granmar school ---- ___Some high school _____Completed high school ____Some college __Completed college _____0ther: specify 17. How often do you go to church or religious services? ____Never goes _____Once a week or more ____l-3 times a month ____Less than once a month ____0ther: Specify 18. What religion do you consider yourself? ___Protestant: Specify ____Catholic _____0ther: Specify 20. Do (did) you own or rent your home? Own Rent No, of rooms Basement APPEND IX B Interviewer -129- Time of Interview Respondent Organization Title MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE DISASTER STUDY RAPPORT QUESTIONS: I: Did you personally suffer any loss as th? result of the tornado? a. Would.you mind.telling me about it: (Kinship—Friends; DeathéInjury; Material) 5. Did.you feel that you or anyone close to you was in danger from the tornado? c. Did you know any of the tornado victims personally? ACTION INITIATION: D 2. When did you first know something was wrong: (PROBES: Now (means), When (Time); Where (location of’respondent); Who (specific person) -130- mpHdmmm Ahovne nmflanmpmov comp 0:? sex -Ammmommv me? than: .pmcfio new: noses an new op has so» one one IINaI 0:3 .m .3- h. Who ccntacted.you to ask for your help? ‘131‘ a. At what time were you contacted? (date - time) b. 'What was the first thing you did then? 5. Did you take part in getting your group started? (How) 6. What were the problems in getting into action? 7. ‘What time did you get to the tornado area? (Date and Time) NEED DEFINITION 8. What was the situation in the tornado area when you got there? (PROBES): (Injury-Traffic-Debris-Rescuers~Order (physical-psychological) a. What did the people in the area need most when you arrived on the scene? b. What else did they need? 0. What did you feel had to be done right away? .4,- ACTION ~132- 9. What were you able to do about the situation? a. (PROBES): What did you personally do at the disaster scene? b. What else did you do? 10. Did m work with other people? (1) Who were they? (2) For how long? ll. Did you see any injured pe'sons? (1) What was the nature of their injuries? (2) Did you do anything for them? (what) 12. How long were you in the tornado area? .5- -1 - a. When did you leave the area? Why? 33 b. Did you go back? (When, Why)? c. When did you take a break? (eating, sleeping, rest) 13. How were your activities on the scene of the disaster directed? PROBLEMS 11:. What did you want most when you first saw the Job that was necessary? 15. After you worked at the scene for a while did your ideas of what you needed change? (Why?) —6— 16. What were your 3 major problems? (List) PROBES: (ask for each) a. b. Co a. b. Ce Problem,(l) What was done about it? Who did this? Could it have been done better? (How)? Problem (2) What was done about it? Who did this? Could it have been done better? (How)? -13h- Problem (3 ) a. What was done about it? b. Who did this? c. Could it have been done better? (How)? Prob lem (1:) What was done about it? b. Who did this? Could it have been done better? (How)? -13 5- ro-.-.=-I. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. --8- ~136- Now looking back, what would you say was your toughest problem? 8.. Why was it the toughest? Did any problems arise in dealing with various kinds of people? (What were they, When did they occur) a. What kinds of people were difficult to deal with? Doryou think you had sufficient equipment and supplied for your 10 rk? Was there any time when you found it hard to decide to do one thing rather than another. IF YES: 3. What were these things? b. What did you decide to do? 0. Why did you do that? Was there any time that you had a good idea but didn't follow it up? IF YES: 3. What was it? b. Why didn't you follow it through? 22. 23. 2h. 25. 26. 27. 28. .9- -137- Do you feel satisfied that you did the best job you personally could do? a. Why do you feel that? If you were called on again would you do anything differently in your rescue work than you have done this time? What? Do you feel you were given sufficient direction or supervision? Do you feel that you were given too much direction? How do you feel about the part your organization played? How do you think that other people felt about the part your group played in the disaster? a. Did some other peoole feel differently? In what way do you think this experience has effected or is likely to effect your organization? 30. 31. 32. 33. —1o— -l38- Were there any things that you felt were not being done properly? a. By your organization? b. By other organizations? 0. Did you see any cases of injured peo 1e being treated in a careless way? MOTIVATION AND TRAINING (IF RELEVANT) Why do you think you were selected to be called to Flint? (IF RELEVANT) ‘Was this a voluntary action on your part? What were you doing when you were called on to aid in the disaster? a. Did this rescue work interfere with your normal life? (1) If yes, how? Have you had any other experience with a disaster? (a) "hat kind of a disaster was it? -ll~ -l39- 3h. Did you have any idea what the disaster would be like or was it different from what you expected? (IF DIFFERENT: How; better; «arse; why better - worse) 35. What training or skills did you make the most use of in your work here? a. Where did you get this training: b. When was this training given? 36. What kinds of training do you wish you had had in order to do this job? a. Where could one get this training today? b. Where would this training be offered? c. ‘Who should have this training? 37. 38. .12... INTER-ORGANIZATION RELATIONS -lh0- What organizations were already there when you arrived? a. Were there any organizations not there which you think should have been there? b. Were there any organizations there which you think should not have been there? What were the other organizations doing? -12- 39. What kinds of problems were they having? “lhl' Did.you see any: What kinds of problems did they seem to have? a. Local police b. Local Civil Defense People c. Local city government officials d. Public Utilities Companies (1) Telephone men (2) Electric Co. Lineman (3) Gas Co. men s. The First Department (Flint, Beecher or Mt. Morris) f. 8. h. i. j. k. -13a— Private companies (Michigan Trucking 00., GM, etc.) State Police State Civil Defense Organizations The National Guard State government officials The Red Cross _1h2- 1:0. -113- 1. The Salvation Army m. Any other groups: (doctors, nurses, ambulance, highway dept.) n. Volunteers working What recommendations would you make to your organization for the handling of disasters like this in the future? Did.your organization work out any new or change ary old relations with members of other groups on the tornado scene? (Formal or informal) a. What were they? b. Why were they changed? 1:5 . 146. 147. 1:8. -15- -11),- c. How do you think they will work out? Do you expect that some of your relationships with groups that you work with will change as a result of this experience? a. Should they change? Were there any noticeable sore spots between groups working on the scene? Illustrate. IF M), SAY, ("I mean, were there aw situations where friction could have developed.") When did your organization arrive? a. When do you believe your organization should have arrived? b. Who directed your organizations activities? What are the major purposes of your group? a. Were your activities at the disaster in accord with these purposes? Had your group had any other experience in a disaster? I a. What kind of a disaster was it? -l6- -11, 5- h9. Did your organization have any plans for dealing with an emergency like this? IF YES: 8. ‘lhat were these plans? b. ‘Who prepared these plans? 0. Do you feel that these plans worked as they were expected to work? IF YES: (1) In what way? IF NO: (1) HOW’did the operation differ from the plan? (2) Why didn't the plans work as they were expected to work? IF NO: d. Would plans have helped? 50. How many people are there in your group? (Local and State) a. How many local members responded? b. How many from throughout the state responded? (1) Where did they come from? .17- 51. Did you have em volunteers working for you or with your group? IF YES: 8. b. C. d. e. 1‘. How did you get them? How many did you get? Who were they? What did you have them do? How did it work out? Did you have any problems in using them? IF YES: I'Ihat were the problems? -1115- -18- -1), 7- Age Sex Occupation (if unknown) How long have you been a member of your organization? Religious affiliation Education Special Training Residence Address No. of’members in family -lb8- BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Deacon, Janney Byron. Disasters and the American Red Cross in Disaster Relief. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1§I8, 23C pp: Downey, Fairfax. Disaster Fighters. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1938, 321 pp- Hersey, John. Hiroshima. New York: Bantam Books, l9h6, 135 pp. Kartman, Ben, ed. Disastert New York: Pellegrini & Cudahy, l9h8, 180 pp. Kraus, Hertha. International Relief EB Action, 191h-19h3. Scottdale, p... The Herald Press, 19th, 2h8 pp. Parsons, Talcott. The Social System. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1951, 575 pp. and Edward Shils. Toward a General Theory of Action. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uhiv. PFess, 1955, 556 pp. Prince, Samuel H. Catastrophe and Social Change, Based Upon a Sociological Study of the HaIifax.Disaster. New York: Columbia Univ., I920, ISI pp. Sorokin, Pitirim.A. Man and Society'ig Calamity. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., l9h2, BEE—pp. ‘Weber, Max. The Theory of Economic and Social Organization. Translated by'A.M. Henderson afid T. Parsons. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, l9h7, b90 pp- Articles Lescure, J. Crisis. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Macmillan Company. Vols. 3-h, pp. 5959599. martin, J.B. The Blast in Centralia No. 5. Harpers. March, 19h8, mowrer, E.F. Social Crises and Social Disorganization. American Sociological Review. Vol. 15, pp. 60-66. -1119- Reports and Unpublished Material Clifford, Roy A. The Rio Grande Flood, A Comparative Study of Border Communities in Disaster. National Research ConnoiI, SoEIaI Research Service, East—Lanaing, Michigan State University, 1955, 152 pp. Form, William H., Gregory P. Stone, and Charles M. Westie. Preliminary Progress Report of the Flint-Beecher Tornado. National Research Sérvice, East LaHEing, Michigan State University, 195b, h8 pp. , Sigmund Nosow, Gregory P. Stone, and Charles ‘. Westie. Final Report of the Flint Beecher Tornado. National Research Council, Social Research Service, East Lansing, Michigan State University, . Rescue Behavior in the Flint-Beecher Tornado. ‘NationaI’ResearCh CounciI, SociaIiReseaFEh Service, East Lansing, Michigan State university, 1956, 12h pp. Salvation Army in Michigan. Inventory of Church Archives of Michigan, The Michigan Historical Records Survey, 19h2, 50 pp. ‘ki A s.- t f “53:15." U4 {E avg-Y; Demco-293 Date ”Due “‘ A 'K_ ._ -,_ HICHIGRN STRTE UNIV. LIBRQRIES 31293007963618