THE LOCAL-COSMOPOLITAN DIMENSION OF
INDIVIDUAL VALUE ORIENTATION
- A STUDY -

Thesis for the Dggree. OI M. A.
MICHIGAN STATEUNWERSITY—
Sandra Ardah Warden
I964

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Michigan State
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ABSTRACT

THE LOCAL-COSMOPOLITAN DIMENSION
OF
INDIVIDUAL VALUE ORIENTATION

- A STUDY -

by Sandra Ardah Warden

Sociological theory has suggested a continuum of social
structural types, with extreme poles labled "mechanical-
organic", ”Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft”, etc.. Toennies' for-
mulation of Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft, translated by
Zimmerman as Local and CosmOpolitan respectively, includes
a discussion of personal outlooks characteristic of indiv-
iduals who are members of these types of social systems. We
suggest that it is not the social structure per se but,
rather, the system's ability to successfully impose conditions
of action and membership upon its members that determines
the ”openness" or ”closedness" of the system. We further
suggest that the effectiveness of the social system in im-
posing these conditions is largely a matter of ego-involve-
ment on the part of the individual members and, therefore,
the same social system may be experienced as Open by some
and closed by others. Thus, we would expect to find
variations of personal value orientation along a Localism-
Cosmopolitanism (L-C) dimension within a single social system.

A few social scientists have utilized these concepts as

Sandra Ardah Warden

dichotomous types of individual outlook and found them use-
ful for research analysis, but there has been no general
agreement concerning the correlates of these two broad
"latent roles". Our study concerns itself with a search for
such correlates. We try to simultaneously take into account
social structural, status, and related attitudinal variables.

Our data are drawn from a larger research project, cond-
ucted by MSU's Dr. William Faunce in a middle western comm-
unity. Selecting certain questions from the original research,
we utilize the responses to test three broad hypotheses and
six subsidiary ones related to Localism-Cosmopolitanism. The
group under study numbers 327, and represents three samples
of employees of a chemical company in occupational categories
which are rapidly changing as a prOportion of the labor
force. Dr. Faunce has shown that increasing "professionaliz~
ation” has profound implications for contemporary social
structure. We have given, therefore, particular emphasis to
the individual value orientations, and their correlates, among
the professionals in our sample.

We found that our sample, while all manifestly members
of a single social system, did display a variation in latent
value orientation along an L-C dimension. The individuals
were divided on the basis of their responses to a series of
L—C questions into four groups - Strong Locals, Intermediate
Locals, Intermediate Cosmos, and Strong Cosmos - allowing for
analysis of a range of responses.

We discovered a number of status and attitudinal correlates

to be significantly associated with each of the L-C categories.

Among these it was found that Locals were, as a group, older,

Sandra Ardah Warden

less highly educated non-professionals, who had resided many
years in the community and did not plan to move. Professional
Locals tended to evaluate personal "success" in terms of
security and status and honor in the community, and to find
reference group identification among educational categories
and Specific common interest groups.

Cosmos, on the other hand, were typically in their
early thirties or younger, college educated professionals,
who were relative newcomers to the community and had no defin-
ite plans to stay. Professional Cosmos tended to evaluate
“success” in terms of high achievement in their jobs and
altruistic community participation, and to find reference
group identification within occupational categories or among
"young People".

Locals and Cosmos were also found to differ in terms of
their central life interests and on other factors. Occupation
was found to be a highly significant criterion of differentia-
tion, with professionals being characteristically more Cosmo-
politan. This finding suggests that as professionalization
increases there is apt to be a corresponding increase in the
number of individuals whose primary concerns lie outside of

the local social system.

llillllillllIlll-lfll'lllll{ll}

THE LOCAL-COSMOPOLITAN DIMENSION
OF
INDIVIDUAL VALUE ORIENTATION
- A STUDY -

By

Sandra Ardah Warden

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology and Social Psychology
1964

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[lllll [I'll-IIIIIIIII

Acknowledgements

Our study is based on a larger research project con—
ducted in a middle western community by Dr. William A.
Faunce, of Michigan State University's department of
sociology and social psychology, and financed by a grant
from the National Science Foundation. I am deeply indebted
to Dr. Faunce for the use of his data, but even more for
his many years of perserverance with me in his role as
advisor, teacher, and friend.

To my long—suffering husband and children I owe my
loving thanks for their patience and supporting confidence

in me.

II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.

Table of Contents

Theoretical Background
Review of Related Studies
The Problem
The Design
The Findings
Summary and Conclusions
Bibliography
Appendices

ii

Page

21
36
42
47

75

83
85

II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.

VII.

VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.

XII.

XIII.

XIV.

XV.
XVI.

XVII.

List of Tables

Localism-Cosmopolitanism Responses

Age and L-C Responses

Locals and Cosmos by Age Categories

Length of Residence and L-C Responses

L—C Responses by Age and Length of Residence

L-C Responses by Formal Educational
Achievement

Education and Extreme L—C Value
Orientations

Locals and Cosmos by Educational Categories
Occupation and L-C Responses
Locals and Cosmos by Occupation

Locals and Cosmos by Occupation and
Education

L—C Responses by Plans to Stay in the
Community

L-C Responses by Community Satisfaction Score
Locals and Cosmos by Community Satisfaction
Central-Life Interests and L—C Responses

Occupation, Definition of Success, and L-C
Value Orientations

Occupation, Reference Group Identification,
and L-C Value Orientations

iii

Page
47

48
49
51
52

56

57
57
58

59

61

63
66

67
68

71

74

I. Theoretical Background

The observation that social systems and the individual
outlook of their members differ, and discussions of the
ways in which they differ, is one which antedates social
science by many centuries. The ancient Greeks different-
iated among the structural characteristics and member per-
sonalities of their several city-states; and differing
kinship structures and interaction patterns have been
known and noted since Cain went out from Eden into the land
of Nod. As social phiIOSOphy gave way to social science
near the end of the 19th century the problem of dealing
with the variety of social systems and their concomitant
“personality types"* remained an intriguing one. A number
of concepts have since been advanced to cope with this
problem. Nearly all of them deal with social systems as
they range along an ideal-typical continuum from one polar
type to another.

Durkheiml conceptualized social structural differences
in terms of mechanical and organic solidarity and their
legal systems which embody repressive and restitutive
sanctions respectively. In primitive society, where div—
ision of labor is rudimentary, individuals are seen as

relatively homogeneous in outlook and bound together by

 

*We wish to eschew the term ”personality" in all its defini-
tive obtuseness. We will employ the concept "individual
outlook” to denote internalized value orientations, whether
these are idiosyncratic or shared by others, conscious or
unconscious, etc.

lDurkeim, Emile; The Division of Labor in Society; The
Macmillan Co.; 1953; Chapters 2 and‘?.

l

2
blind acquiescence to the dictates of public opinion and
tradition, social solidarity is termed "mechanical". The
repressive sanctions in such a system are designed to
punish those who violate the collective will or offend
collective sentiments and to restore, by this punishment,
a moral equilibrium. In such a society moral and legal
responsibility is collective, social status tends to be
hereditary, and virtually all phases of human existence
are ordered. This type of social system is termed "closed”*
for the purposes of this discussion.

At the other end of the continuum Durkheim places
complex societies, where division of labor is well developed,
individuals have diverse outlooks, experiences, and func-
tions. This type of society is seen as bound together
by an ”organic" solidarity based on reciprocal needs for
serving among the various members. The restitutive sanctions
in such a system are designed to restore to the individual
that which has been wrongfully taken from him. Only such
phases of human existence as are minimally necessary for the
maintenance of the system are ordered. This then may be

termed an "open" system.

 

* Similar concepts of “tight” and “loose” community struct-
ures have been independently developed in the course of
systematic empirical inquiry by several groups of researchers.
Bryce F. Ryan and Murray A. Strauss, in "The integration of
Sinhalese society" (Research Studies of the State College

of Washington; 1954; Vol. 22; pps. 179-2277 employ this con-
cept, as does Frank A. Pinner in his contribution to Paul
Lazarfeld's study of high schools in relation to the value
structure of the community. W. Loyd Warner has also employed
the "open-closed" dichotomy in lecturing on social systems.
George Simmel, as translated by Albion W. Small, in ”The Per-
sistence of Small Groups" (American Journal of Sociology; 1898;

V 1. ° . 62-6 8° 82 -8 6' and Vol. 4 s. 35-SOI utilizes
tfie cgficggg 0? "rigid" agd :IIexible" socia éJ’structures.

lIIIIllllll—lllll‘ I lllllll'[[[[[l[’lllulllll{1[{{

3

Toennies'2 conceptualization of Gemeinschaft and Gesell-
schaft, as fundamental distinctions representing opposite
potentialities of concrete social groups, is another case in
point. He distinguishes between those relationships which
have deve10ped naturally out of sympathetic and empathic
sentiments and those which have been set up consciously and
for a definite purpose. He further distinguishes three
classes of norms: order, law, and morality. These norms
gain validity by the consent - expressed or tacit — of the
members of the system. The members may follow these regula-
tions in a Gemeinschaft from inner conviction of their right-
ness, or, in a Gesellschaft merely in order to avoid the
detrimental consequences of disobedience.

In a Gemeinschaft social will, through which the norms
are created and maintained, is seen as a result of : (l)
unanimity or concord, as a general trait of the membership;
(2) custom, based upon habit; and/or (3) religion, based on
faith in a supernatural authority. In a Gesellschaft social
will is postulated to develop through: (1) convention; (2)
legislation; and/or (3) public opinion, based on common
interests.

It should be pointed out that Toennies' concepts refer
to varying degrees and types of organization irrespective
of the empirical referent for "social system". It is not

merely a taxonomic system wherein, for example, the family

 

2Toennies, Ferdinand; Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft; trans-
lated by: Charles Loomis; The Michigan State University
Press; 1957.

llllllllllllIII]IIIillillllIll!
l ['III‘I‘IIIIIIIIIIII.

4

would be by definition a Gemeinschaft, and a complex soc-
iety a Gesellschaft. This is an often misunderstood point,
but he clearly differentiates between types of family
organizations and types of societies as in concrete sit-
uations each tends toward one or the other polar extreme.

The essential feature of "belief" in a Gemeinschaft is
its commonality among the members, for this aspect of belief
is a defining characteristic of the whole social concept.
The process of validating knowledge is based on faith, custom,
and tradition. The very essence of this type of social sys-
tem is to be found in commonly held conceptions of norms,
folkways, and mores. Collective life is completely infused
with normative elements. Religious conviction, internalized
values, social concensus and tacit concord regarding norms
are the validating mechanisms for beliefs. Here again this
would be termed a "closed" system.

On the other hand, the cognitive aspect of a Gesell-
schaft is characterized by Toennies as ”knowledge", as
opposed to "belief", and is based on rationalism, object-
ivity, and relativism. For a Gesellschaft the process of
validating knowledge is based on theory, reasoning, rational
will, and objectives calculation. Public opinion, adapt-
ation and application, and explicit conventions regarding
rules are the validating mechanisms for beliefs in such a
system. This type is, then, representative of an ”Open"
system.

Since this study proposes to deal in a very limited

Illlll.lllll[[IIIIIll'llll[[.[[l.[lll[[lll[l[[

5

but, hopefully, cogent way with personal value orientations
and how they interrelate with broader social systemic
variables, it is necessary to unite psychological and
sociological variables into a theoretically sound whole.
Yinger has indicated the importance of considering both
social structural and individual outlook variables:

"Progress has been blocked by the tendency to

extend the concepts and research designs of psy-

chology or sociology - which are abstract disciplines

- to explain behavior in its full empirical manifest-

ations. We can avoid the fallacy of 'misplaced

concreteness' by specifying clearly the abstract

quality of purely psychological or sociological re-

search and, when our concern is with behavior, by

developing a model that takes account simultaneously

of individual tendencies and structural influences."

"Social system" and "social structure" are, admittedly,
very broad concepts which warrant some definitive statement.
One of the fundamental attributes of any social system is
that it is normative. That these norms are essentially
arbitrary and differ between social systems and even, over
time, within the same system is clear. Nevertheless, certain
uniformities tend to persist and for this reason the recip-
rocal and interdependent interaction of individuals over time
may prOperly be saidin constitute a social "system". Because
the social system is composed of identifiable and inter-

dependent parts it is said to possess a social "structure".*

The intensity and extensity of the interaction of social

 

3Yinger, J.M.; "Research Implications of a Field View
of Social Psychology"; American Journal of Sociology; March,
1963.

*For a fuller discussion see: Loomis, Charles P.;
Social Systems; D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc.; 1960, pp. 3-4.

structural and psychological variables is always delimited,
it seems to us, to the extent that the social unit is able
to:

(l) influence the socialization of the individual
while value orientations are developing, and

(2) maintain some degree of control against change,
through a system of sanctions, once the individ—
ual has developed a value orientation.

In both open and closed systems we can assume the
process of socialization to system-wide beliefs, goals, and
values begin in the family and is strengthened by secondary
contacts. While the nature of the process does not differ.
in the two polemic types of social structures, the content
of the teaching does! Toennies has said that "the influence
of a community for educating and guiding will is the most
important factor determining the condition and formation of
every individual habit and disposition".4 He notes, further,
that in the "closed" Gemeinschaft socialization takes the
form of "the creation of social sentiment, the stimulation
of the spirit of Gemeinschaft, and the education of the
conscience".5 In the "open" Gesellschaft, however, social-
ization consists of stimulation of the rational will, com-
petitive spirit, and "education is methodical, correct
thinking".6

In the ideal-typical closed system social control is

inherent in the system. It is represented by a traditional

 

4Toennies; 2p,cit., pg. 47.

51bid., pg. 167.

6Ibid.,

7

and shared moral code, which is approved by religion. The
members of such a system are related to each other as
natural parts of an organic whole and social control is
essentially the control of the whole over its parts.

In an open system social control is also inherent in
the system, but differently based. Rational self-interest
dictates acceptance of the conventions of the system, as
established and condoned by public opinion. The members
of such a system are related to each other as independent
individuals on the basis of a contractual relationship and
the control characteristic of this type of social system
belongs, a priori, to the individual. Structurally open
and closed social systems may, then, be differentiated in
terms of the extent to which they attempt to, or succeed
in, imposing what may be termed conditions 9: action on
their members.

Another dimension for differentiating between the open-
ness and closedness of social systems might be in terms of
the extent to which they attempt to, or succeed in, imposing

what may be termed conditions 2; membership. That is,

 

 

membership may be: (1) voluntary or involuntary; (2)
ascribed or achieved; (3) free or prejudicial; (4) inclusive
or marginal. In an open system the relationship is a
voluntary and marginal one of disparate individuals inter-
acting as a means to attaining their own idiosyncratic ends.
In an ideal-typical closed system is embodied the very

concept of social cohesion as a generalized, unspecified,

II 1"“.IIIII III I 1!! III. I I'll!!! I II I

I II 4' {III-.- II

8
and undefined relationship of life and common interests.
It represents a "community" of interaction based on invol-
untary, inclusive membership and a group solidarity of
values related to both means and ends.

For our purposes, a social system will be defined as
being "open” the more it tends toward limiting the conditions
of action imposed on its members and the more it tends toward
unrestricted conditions of membership. Conversely, the more
"closed" the social system the more unlimited will be the
conditions of action imposed on its members and the more
restricted will be the conditions of membership.

Two other structural attributes of social systems are
relevant here. The first is the degree of segmentation,
i.e., sheer number of interdependent parts in the system.

It is assumed that the more segmented the system the less any
single segment would be in position to have extensive and
intensive influence on its total membership and therefore,
the more open the system.

Secondly, it is necessary to briefly consider the
degree of integration of the parts within a social system.

It is assumed that the more integrated are the system parts

the more total influence will the system have on the

development of individual value orientations, and, therefore the
more the system tends to be closed.

It is, perhaps, necessary to define this concept of
"value orientation" before we go on. Value orientation, as
used here, refers to the generalized theme which is repre-

sentative of the complex of an individual's beliefs concerning

9
that which is to be valued and the means by which eval-
uation are made. It is a tacit or explicit theme which
finds expression in each of the role and life-style choices
an individual makes.* This leads us to a consideration of
the relationship between individual psychological variables
and broader social variables.

Analogous to the structure of social systems is the
structure of ideas, perceptions, and values of individuals.
In his classification of dichotomous ideal types of social
systems, Toennies characterizes the personal outlook of a
member of a Gemeinschaft as the turning of "his attention
in-ward toward the center of the locality to which he be-
longs".7 Conversely, the members of a Gesellschaft "lend
their attention to the outside world...and (in relationships)
those other non-commercial qualities which relate men and
things may be ignored".8 Reference group identification
is seen to be closely associated with those in physical and
"spiritual” proximity among members of a Gemeinschaft. For
a member of a Gesellschaft, however, reference group
identification is seen to be associated with special in-
terest groups, expedient relationships, etc., and is in no

way restricted to any particular locality or physically

 

*For further discussion of this point see: Arrow, Kennih;
Social Choice and Individual Values; New York: Wiley; 1951.

7Toennies; 92. cit.; pg. 79.

8Ibid.

10

close group.

More recently the terms "localistic" and "cosmopolitan"
respectively, have been used to refer to these fundamentally
different orientations toward social relationships. Zimmer-
man, in his translation of Toennies, Speaks of "local" and
"cosmopolitan" as synonymous with Gemeinschaft and Gesell-
schaft. We shall take Local and Cosmopolitan value orien-
tations to be the phenomenological equivalents of open and
closed social structures.

The role played by the social structure in shaping and
developing individual outlook may be overemphasized. In
addition to the already noted differences in the content of
things taught during the period of socialization, we must
also consider the social system's effectiveness in imposing
such teachings. Among the many factors that might influ—
ence this effectiveness is the degree of ego-involvement among
the members. Ego-involvement may be a crucial factor in
the differential acceptance and internalization of common
social values on the part of any given individual. We must
also consider the possibility that people of similar outlook
and value orientation are attracted to, or remain in, a
social system while those who are dissatisfied or neutral
may leave it (as measured by the length of residence in
the community under study, or in similar communities).
Mobility patterns in contemporary America certainly indicate
the acceptance of this possibility.

Theories of community organization and associated

11

individual outlooks have typically been focused on a
fundamental conceptual dichotomy of basic and contrasting
types. Of course, fully realized Open and closed social
systems, or Local and Cosmopolitan value orientations, have
no existence as entities in time and space, but are analy-
tical abstractions. Empirically the types are not mutually
exclusive. No society is ever developed by rationality
alone to the exclusion of sentiments and shared values, nor
is any social system exclusively the product of emotions
without reason. So too, no normal personal outlook is so
restricted as to negate the existence of others and their
interests, nor exclusively founded on the idiosyncratic
self-interests of any given individual. Nevertheless,
Localistic value orientations are reasonably associated with
more closed systems, and, conversely, more Cosmopolitan value
orientations are expected among members of more open systems.

However, while primary focus has been on dichotomous
typologies, the theory clearly relates to a continuum. In
this context an important qualification to bear in mind
concerns Toennies' conception of the evolutionary process
of social systems away from the Gemeinschaft (local) pole
toward Gesellschaft (cosmopolitan). He repeatedly discusses
and illustrates the process ”in development from Gemeinschaft
toward Gesellschaft. Wherever such development takes place,
a certain regularity or even 'law', in the sense of a ten-

dency toward abstract rational forms, may be observed".9 In

 

91bid., pg. 249.

12

this context, Faunce and Clelland, in a paper drawn from
the larger research project of which this study is a part,
make some important observations related to the changing
distribution of occupational roles and the extent of

10 The

segmentation in a modern industrial community.
community under study is taken to be representative of a
technological development pattern which results in concom-
itant sequential changes in the degree and types of a
division of labor. Several earlier studies have shown that
increasing industrialization typically results in extensive
division of labor and segmentation of community members on
the basis of class, status, and power structures. The
degree of industrialization is, then, an important factor
in the degree of structural differentiation in a community.
Faunce and Clelland go beyond this to show that a fourth
factor, "professionalization", is becoming increasingly
important as a determinate of the social character of con-
temporary communities.

”Professionalism” may be defined as an emphasis on
professional skills in the form of certified competence with
respect to systematically ordered, abstract knowledge; gained
in most cases by advance levels of formal educational
training and supported by the standards of a professional
association and/or colleagues in an occupational category.

"Professionalization" then, is defined as the proportional

 

loFaunce, W.A. and Clelland, D.A.; "Automation and the
Industrial Community: The impact of Changing Distribution of

Occupational Roles"; address to the American Sociological
Association; Sept. 28, 1963.

13

increase in professionalism within the labor force. That
such an increase is occuring is without question. According
to the U.S. Bureau of Census' special reports on the
occupational makeup of the labor force, there was a 54%
increase in urban male professional and technical employees
in the years between 1950 and 1960, while urban males employed
as semi-skilled Operatives showed only an 8% increase in the
corresponding period. In other words, those urban males
engaged in professional and semi-professional occupations
increased at a rate almost seven times that of urban males
employed as semi-skilled operatives in the last decade alone.
This increasing emphasis on expertise and rationalism is
very close to Toennies' conception of the ideal-typical
relationship in a Gesellschaft, and we seek to show that
professionalism is also an influencing factor in the dev-
elopment of individual value orientations. If we find a
distinguishing relationship between professional/non-pro-
fessional occupational status and individual value orientations,
then the increasing professionalization of the labor force
may have major implications for the social character of
contemporary communities.

While we will be particularly concerned here with the
relationship between Localism-Cosmopolitanism and profess-
ional occupational status it is possible, of course, to
suggest that social status might be considered as an alter-
native way of ordering a population for such a study. However,

we feel that ordering our pOpulation in terms of occupational

l4

status is legitimate and even preferable for several
reasons. First among these is the fact that occupational
status is more clearly definable operationally and theoret-
ically than is the broader and often ambiguous concept
of social status. Secondly, a large part of any social
stratification typology is usually based on occupational
status and, while occupation may not be a completely per-
fect predictor of social status, it is usually closely
associated and hence there seems to be no particular need
for compounding the issue. Thirdly, and most important,
is the fact that we have discussed Cosmopolitan value
orientation as it relates to rationalism, expertise, and as
the phenomenological equivalent of a social system in which
socialization consists of stimulation of rational will,
competitive spirit, and education to systematic abstract
thinking. Our definition of professionalism implies these
same concepts and professional training nearly always embodies
one or more of these as goals. Therefore, it is logical to
think of Cosmopolitanism and professionalism as sharing many
common components and equally logical to study Localism-
Cosmopolitanism as it relates specifically to occupational
status.

An increasing emphasis on expertise and rationalism in
a social system brings with it an associated emphasis on
achieved status among members, based on differences in
formal educational achievement levels, occupation, income,

and other variables of this sort. The concomitant

15

"Cosmopolitan" dimension of individual value orientation
is, then, seen to be associated with differential choices
in central life interests, reference group identifications,
and other attitudinal variables.

We would hypothsize, on the basis of our theoretical
formulation, that Locals and Cosmopolitans would differ
significantly on certain specific attitudinal variables. For
example, these individuals who hold Cosmopolitan outlooks
would be likely to evaluate personal "success" in terms of
impersonal, rational, broad social criteria while those
holding Localistic value orientations would be expected to
evaluate “success" in terms of effective, traditional, and
community-centered criteria. We would also hypothesize that
there would be distinctive differences in the central life
interests of Locals and Cosmopolitans - in the directions
that Cosmos would be more centrally concerned with rationalis-
tic occupational achievement while Locals would be expected
to be more centrally concerned with achieving status and
honor in the local community. This same sort of difference
would be hypothesized to hold in relation to reference group
identification - with Cosmopolitans expected to identify with
"outside" groups while Locals would be expected to identify
primarily with "inside“ groups (with reference to commonly
shared values to be found within the local community). Again,
the same kinds of distinctions would be expected in their
degree of satisfaction with, and committment to, a given

social system — in the direction that Cosmopolitans would

16

be less concerned with, and less committed to remain in,
a specific local system.

Theoretical speculation permits us to suggest that even
a small degree of Openness in a social system, allowing for
variation in behavior and belief, may have even more pro-
found consequences on a perceptual level. The Somewhat
infamous cliche' ”Give 'em an inch and they'll take a mile"
aptly illustrates our point. The "open" attributes of a
social structure allow for some variation in individual
belief and behavior while variation in the perception of
this openness may range even more widely.

We have postulated that the intensity and extensity of
the interaction of social structural and psychological
variables is delimited in part by the social unit's ability
to influence the socialization of the individual while
value orientations are developing. A system may be success—
ful, in which case, because of the differences in content
noted earlier, a relatively closed system should produce
individuals with Localistic value orientations, and, converse-
ly, a more open system should produce individuals with more
CosmOpolitan value orientations. However, as we have
suggested, even a small degree of structural openness may
allow for variations in perception of societal values, and
in ego-involvement with the system's goals among individual
members.

We have postulated that, for full effectiveness, the

social unit must maintain some degree of control against

‘ Iii I l I III ll 1 I'll. ‘lll . I‘ II II III III III! II..I‘ [III III I
l I [I‘ll l I l l I l l {l‘ (I l l l I II 'II

17

change once the individual has developed a value orientation.
However, if the system structure permits any openness the
resultant variation in perception and social choice among
individual members may, in turn, influence the system it—
self to make it mggg open, or risk disintegration. Indiv-
idual variation in value orientation may be seen as one
index of the degree of structuring of a social system.

The concept of social "choice" implies selection from
among a perceived set of finite, concrete, and available
alternatives. It has been suggested in other research that
individual value choices change, or at least emphasis
changes, with changes in age, length of residence, occupation,
and educational achievement levels. Thus, individual out-
look depends, to some extent, on social choice - and this
choice will be one influence on an individual's value
orientation.

It is postulated that Localism-Cosmopolitanism is a
dimension of individual outlook, and one example of a value
orientation. Furthermore, it is postulated that central
life interests, as examples of social choice, reflect
individual outlook.

The notion of social choice helps supply direction to a
consideration of how the gag; social system may be experienced
as an Open one by some of its members and, at the same time,
a closed one by other members. A modern social unit, whether
the referent is a community or an organization, is assumed to

have two seperate, though not necessarily antithetical,

It.(lillltlulll-tul1-lll‘[lululllluil‘l'l'llll'II.III l

18

goals. (We hOpe that we may be forgiven the anthropomerphic
phraseology here and elsewhere - which is not intended in
any literal sense.) One such goal is related to security and
integrity, the maintenance of the unit as a unit. This
goal involves conserving its form, its membership, and its
ideology so that it may meet dangerous changes with resis-
tance and may preserve the relationships of its elements
despite any changes in external conditions.

The second kind of systemic goal relates to flexibility.
This goal involves seeking variability in form, membership,
and ideology so that adaptation and adjustment may be easily
accomplished in response to disintegrative pressures
created by external changes. Thus, a social system requires,
and must make room in its structure for, individuals of
various value orientations who may differentially choose
their response to the social unit.

It is possible, we think, to come to the purely logical
conclusion that individuals within the ggmg social unit
who perceive themselves as members of a closed social system
fulfill the expectations of a broad categorization as
"Locals”, and function toward attaining the social system's
goal of security and integration. And, conversely, individ-
uals who perceive themselves as members of an open social
system fulfill the expectations of a broad categorization
as "Cosmopolitans", and function toward attaining the social
system's goal of flexibility.

Central to our concerns here will be the position that

the same social unit may be experienced as, or perceived as,

19
a closed "Gemeinschaft" by some of its members and an
Open "Gesellschaft" by other members, depending on their
individual value orientations. Thus, for the Localite, for
example, we should expect a higher degree of ego-involvement
in local norms and values than with the Cosmopolitan in the
same social system. It is our thesis that these value
orientations are, in turn, determined by a complex association
of status variables, role variables, and attitudinal var-
iables. We contend that the social-structural-deterministic
positions is not alone sufficient to fully account for
individual value orientations. We shall be seeking, in this
study, to Show that the overall static "phylological"*
structure of a social system does not have the most profound
consequences for the personal value orientations of its
members. We are postulating that the structural attributes
of a social system are not necessarily determinate for, by
definition, as the norms regulating a social system become
less influential in "determining" individual action and

belief the system becomes more open. Variations in the

 

*Riecken and Homans make the distinction between a static
and a dynamic dimension in the relationship between social
structural and psychological variables. They refer Specif-
ically to small groups, but the general form of thinking is
applicable here. The static dimension is seen as relatively
unchanging; relating to norms and values as constants (in
the sense not of absolutes but of changing very slowly) and
is referred to here as "phylology". The dynamic dimension
is seen as the increment of role changes over a Single life-
time of any individual, e.g., central life interest and value
emphasis change with changes in age, education, occupation,
etc., and is referred to here as "ontology". For discussion
of the static and dynamic dimensions see: Riecken and Homans;
"Psychological Aspects of Social Structure"; in: Lindzey
Handbook of Social Psychology. Vol.II; Addison-Wesley; 1956;

2O

Locaslism—Cosmopolitanism dimension of individual value
orientation are evidence of openness in the system, and
idiosyncratic value orientations become more influential in
determining individual action and belief as normative
regulation becomes less. In this context emphasis must also
be given to the "ontological" dynamics of role changes ass-
ociated with varying levels of age, formal educational
achievement, occupation, and income. Both the phylological
and ontological dimensions are seen to be operative as agents
of influence in the adoption of a value orientation. Thus,
in a relatively small contemporary community with one
principal employer, which might be expected to have a
relatively Gemeinschaftliche social structure, because
of its size and surface homogeneity, we nevertheless expect
to find considerable variation in value orientations re-
lated to the local system's openness or closedness by its
individual members.
To summarize our theoretical position briefly, we have
suggested that:
(1) Through socialization and social control the
social system attempts to impose conditions
of action upon its members.
(2) The effectiveness of this attempt is affected
by the degree of structural complexity within
the system, by the degree of structural inte-
gration of system parts, and, to a considerable

extent, by the individual member's ego-involvement

21

in the local system's goals and values.
(3) The Localism-Cosmopolitanism dimension of
value orientation is the phenomenological
equivalent of openness and closedness in a
social structure, and implies variation in
the degree of ego-involvement with systemic
goals and values.
(4) The extent and range of variation in Local
and Cosmopolitan (L-C) value orientations
among members of a structurally identical
social system are associated with the degree
of perceived phylological closedness of that
system's structure; with the ontological
dynamics of age, educational and occupational
roles; with satisfaction with, and length of
membership in and plans to stay in, the social
system; and with variation in central life
interests and reference group identification.
Our problem centers around the objective determinates
or correlates of these differential choices in individual
value orientation. It is with a search for these correlates

that we will be concerned in the remainder of this thesis.

II. Review of Related Studies

Merton, in his Revere study of opinion leadership, se-
lected the terms local and cosmopolitan to reflect differential

value orientations among his ”influentials", as their

22

characteristic patterns of response related to local and
larger social structures. Merton found Localites and
Cosmopolitans as polemic types with contrasting interests
and reference group identifications. He says of a typical
Local:

”The localite largely confines his interestgs to

this community. Rovere is essentially his world.

Devoting little thought or energy to the Great

Society, he is preoccupied with local problems,

to the virtual exclusion of the national and

international scene. He is strictly speaking, a
parochial." 11

At the other end of the continuum is the Cosmopolitan.
Merton says of a typical Cosmopolitan:

“He has some interest in Rovere and must, of course,

maintain a minimum of relations within thecommunity

since he, too, exerts influence there. But he is

also oriented significantly to the world outside

Rovere, and regards himself as an integral part

part of that world. He resides in Rovere but lives

in the Great Society." 12

Merton's concern lay with the types of roles within
communities and focused on the influence exerted by
community members in these roles. Our concern will be
with the members of a formal industrial organization
rather than a total community, and our focus will be on
analyzing cosmopolitan and local value orientations of
individuals apart from any consideration of their specific
influence. Nevertheless, Merton's findings have much to

offer in relation to our concerns.

Merton found, among other things, that whihaboth

 

llMerton, Robert K.; "Patterns of Influence:Local and
Cosmopolitan Influentials"; Social Theory and Social Structure;
Free Press of Glencoe; 1963; pg. 394.

12Ibid.

x1

23

groups were interested in "the news" there were typical
differences in the foci of that interest. Locals were
characteristically interested in local events and Cosmopol-
itans more interested in national and international events.
Each selected distinctively different elements out of the
flow of "the news”. Furthermore, each tended to view the
ggmg_event differently. Locals looked at the implications
of an event for the local community and Cosmopolitanssaw
events in a more extended frame of reference. Communications
behavior reflects the basic value orientations of Locals
and Cosmopolitans.

Merton found the Locals and Cosmopolitans exhibited
characteristic differences in other ways as well. Locals
were more likely to have been born in Rovere (or in the
immediate vicinity) or to have lived there for many years,
and they did not wish to move. As a group they were older,
had less formal education, and were less apt to be engaged
in a professional occupation.

Cosmopolitans, conversely, were typically recent
arrivals who had lived in a number of different communities
and in other parts of the country, and they were willing
to live elsewhere. They were, as a group, younger, had more
formal education, were more apt to be engaged in a pro-
fessional occupation, and they read more magazines and
newspapers (and of different types) than did the Locals.

Merton also notes the logical possibility of "an

Intermediate type which approached neither the local nor

24
the cosmopolitan pole".13

Other studies have also indicated the empirical import
of the L-C dimension of individual value orientation as a
conceptual tool in the study of the social-psychological
nature of man.

Dobriner explored the usefulness of the L-C dimension
among a sample of 275 residents in a suburban village on the
periphery of the New York metropolitan area.14 The village
had a long history, dating back to before the American
Revolution. It has been a relatively isolated, homogeneous,
semi-rural area until a recent and intense in-migration.
Thus, his sample contained two populations - an “oldtimer”
group and the "newcomer" suburbanite group. It was his
hypothesis that the newcomer, "the 'suburban man' would
be characterized by certain broad yet salient personality
configurations more typical of urban social systems than
rural”.15 To test this hypothesis he drew up a 10 item
Likert-type scale which was administered to a stratified
sample of village residents. He found that the oldtimers
were, indeed, more localistic than the newcomers, and,
furthermore, the longer the length of residence the higher
the localism score.

In an effort to discover what other variables might be

 

13Ibid., pg. 393.

l4Dobriner, W.H.; "Local and Cosmopolitan as Contem-
porary Suburban Character Types”; in: Dobriner; The Suburban
Community; Putnam; 1958.

15Ibid.; pg. 133.

25
legitimately correlated with the L—C dimension of value
orientation Dobriner sought more basic differences in
individual outlook and status characteristics among his
sample. One such variable consideredwas political-economic
conservatism, on the basis of the proposition that localism
may be one of many possible expressions of a basic conser-
vative predisposition. However, this hypothesis was not
supported by his data.

Another set of variables which Dobriner considered was
that of occupation and educational achievement levels.
Because of the small sample size it was not possible to
compare groups with great accuracy, but certain trends were
indicated. Since his data included information on the
religion of his respondents, he was able to compare
between Protestant and Jewish professionals. There was
found to be no relationship between professional occu—
pation and Localism-Cosmopolitanism among the Protestant
group, but among the Jewish professionals, occupation correl-
ated positively with Cosmopolitanism in the L-C dimension of
value orientation.

In his discussion of this finding he suggests that the
minority group status of the Jews might prevent the adoption
ofa localistic value orientation. In general he found his
Catholic sample tended to be more localistic than either
his Protestant or Jewish samples. However, two paragraphs
later he goes on to say, somewhat inexplicably:

"On the other hand, the twelve oldtime Catholic

professionals scored slightly more localistic than

did the twentyseven newcomes in the same category.
This again may be due to the dominant position of

26

Protestants in the village social structure.

The 'upper class' Catholic oldtimers may perceive
the nature of Protestant dominance and find it
difficult to adOpt a localistic frame of reference.(?)
The case of the Catholic and Jewish suggests that
religious affiliation, or any other status that is
marginal or regarded negatively in the dominant norm
system, may consequently prevent the occupant pf_thg
status ig_identifying with the dominant social
structure."16

(Emphasis ours.)

 

 

The latter is certainly a plausible and interesting suggestion,
and well worth further investigation but, unfortunately, we
fail to see how it is supported by his data at all. We can
only conclude that there must be a misprint in the report

of his findings.

In Dobriner's study, age, sex, and income variables
failed to associate highly with localism or cosmopolitanism.
The educational achievement variable did, however, indicate
a positive relationship with the L-C dimension of individual
value orientation. As the formal educational achievement
of Dobriner's sample increased, cosmopolitanism also
increased.

In a more extensive and SOphisticated study, Gouldner
utilized the concepts of cosmopolitans and locals in an
analysis of “latent" social roles.17 The utility of the
role concept is well documented and the concept plays a
significant part in social psychological theory. The very

frequency of the use of the concept may lead to undue

 

16Ibid., ppg. 139-140.

l7Gouldner, Alvin W.;"Cosmopolitans and Locals:Toward an
Analysis of Latent Social Roles", Parts I & II;Administrative
Science Quarterly,Vol.2;December, 1957 and March, 1958.

Bobbs-Merrill Reprint No. 101.

 

27
complacency concerning its definition - so it may be well
to digress long enough to indicate how it is to be employed
in this study.

The term "role" is borrowed from the theatre, but as
used in the social sciences has one significant difference,
i.e., the individual in a social situation is seldom con-
scious of the role he is playing in the same sense as is an
actor on the stage. The acceptable behavior associated with
rigidly defined roles is normally so internalized that such
behavior seems "natural" to the individual, as well as to
the social system of which he is a-member. However, in
roles which are not delineated adequately by custom or law
the individual may become keenly aware of his role in
attempting to define and structure it.

Every social system provides a set of patterns for
behavior that are applicable to the positions within it.
Furthermore every social system supplies institutionalized
(in the broad sense) means for the socialization of indiv-
iduals in these behavior patterns or roles. The social
unit circumscribes acceptable role behavior through systems
of sanctions, i.e., rewards and punishments. Role behavior
involves these basic features: a) an identification of self;
b) behavior, in prescribed situations, which is appropriate
to that identification; 0) a background of related roles,
or counter roles, enacted by other individuals; and d) an

evaluation by the individual of his success or failure in

28

the role.18

Any given individual must play many roles. Linton has
broadly designated roles as ascribed or achieved.19 Roles
which are associated with age, sex, kinship relationships,
and such are ascribed roles. Ascribed roles place the
individual into a given status without regard to innate
differences or abilities. These types of roles are "latent"
when the emphasis of a study is on achieved roles, i.e.,
those requireing special qualities and/or qualifications,
and are open to be filled by competition and individual
effort.

The term status will be uSed to refer to the position
or location of an individual in a social structural system.
A role will be defined as that set of expectations and
evaluative standards which are used by the members of a
social system to prescribe, proscribe, and judge the be-
havior of a particular individual as he occupies a status.
Roles require that individuals in social status' behave
with reference to consensually validated expectations.*
Gouldner offers a further refinement of this basic framework:

"It is necessary to distinguish between those

 

18Lindesmith, A.R. and Strauss, A.L.; Social Psychology;
The Dryden Press, Inc.; 1956.

19Linton, Ralph, The Study of Man; Appleton-Century, Co.,
Inc.; 1936.

*-
For further discussion see:Gross, Mason, McEachern;
Explorations in Role Analysis; 1958; Chps. 1-3.

IIIIIl'lllll {ill-"III '13.; I

II. III... I 1.1! If]!

 

«III I III... III

29

social identities of group members which are
consensually regarded as relevant to them in
a given setting and those which group members
define as being irrelevant, inappropriate to
consider, or illegitimate to take into account.
The former can be called the manifest social
identities, the latter, the latent social
identities....Expectations..(for behavior),
which are associated with the manifest social
identities can be termed the manifest social
roles, while expectations oriented toward the
Iatent identities can be called the latent
social roles." 20

Gouldner's concern is centered in the fact that social
research characteristically focuses on what he has called
manifest roles and seldom gives any attention to the fact
that the subjects of any study are also males and females,
young and old, etc. The assumption often seems to be that
it is necessary to consider the individual outlook and the
"irrelevant" roles of the individuals under study. He
notes, however, that the fact appears to be that these
"latent" variables do pervasively affect behavior. The
concepts of latent identities and latent roles focuses
attention on those patterns of interaction and individual
value orientation which are not prescribed by the manifest
roles of the social system under study. Gouldner indicates
the analytical usefulness of the concepts when he says:

"The concept of latent roles suggests that people

playing different manifest roles may be performing

similar latent roles and, conversely, that those
performing the same manifest role may be playing

different latent roles. The concept of latent role
may then aid in accounting for some of the differences

 

 

20
Gouldner; 92, cit.; ppg. 284-285.

30

(in behavior or belief) among those in the

same manifest role or for some of the sim-

ilarities among those having different manifest

roles." 21

To test the hypothesis that members of a formal organ-
ization have two latent identities - ”Cosmopolitan" and
"Local" - Gouldner drew a sample of 125 teaching, research,
and administrative personnel from "Co-Op College". Co-op
College was a small, private liberal arts college with
approximately 1,000 students and 130 faculty members, located
in a community with a population of less than 5,000. Thus,
his sample represented nearly a complete census of the col-
lege personnel.

In this study the L—C orientations were postulated
to imply, in each case, a syndrome of characteristics. Locals
were postulated to be characterized by high organization
loyalty, low commitment to Specialized skills, and by an
"inner" (within the local setting) reference group orien-
tation. Conversely, Cosmopolitans were postulated to be
characterized by a comination of low organization loyalty,
high commitment to specialized Skills, and by an "outer"
reference group orientation. Guttman scales were designed
for each of the three key variables, i.e., inner—outer
reference group orientation, commitment to Specific role
skills, and organizational loyalty.

Gouldner succeeded in distinguishing two latent ident-

ities, Locals and Cosmopolitans, and an intermediate group

 

211bid., pg. 286.

31
which did not fall into the extreme patterns. This allowed
for analyzing a range of behavior as individual orientation
spread along a continuum from the localistic extreme to
the cosmopolitan extreme. Furthermore, he found that being
a Local or a Cosmopolitan made a significant difference in
the individual's organizationally relevant behavior.

In exploring the relative degree of organizational influ-
ence, in the form of involvement in policy making decisions,
Gouldner's data showed that there was a tendency for influence
to increase steadily along a scale from the more cosmopolitan
to the more localistic orientation, until the extreme Locals
were reached - who manifested a sharp decline in influence.
The same pattern was found in a consideration of the degree
of general community participation, in the form of committees,
council activities, etc..

Another important element in organizational analysis is
the degree to which the organization is "rational" and
"bureaucratic", i.e., administered exclusively in terms
of formal rules and regulations, and the degree to which
individual members solve problems in keeping with such
rules. In this area of concern Gouldner again found char-
acteristic differences between Locals and Cosmopolitans.

On a scale of "rule tropism", even when the effects of vary-
ing degrees of influence were held constant, Locals were
more prone to rule tropism than were Cosmopolitans. However,
while differences in influence did not affect Cosmopolitans
in their orientation toward rules, it was found that Locals

with low influence were more disposed toward rule tropism

32

than were Locals who ranked high in terms of influence.

Apart from this formal aSpect of organizations, but
also important, is the consideration of informal sociability
patterns. Here too, Gouldner found characteristic diff-
erences between Locals and Cosmopolitans. He had hypothesized
that individuals with the same L-C orientation would be
more sociable with each other than with those having the
opposing orientation. His findings indicated that, in
general, Locals had a slightly higher sociability rating
than did the Cosmopolitans, regardless of their social
choices. In support of the hypothsis, Locals were found to
be more apt to select other Locals for social interaction,
but Cosmopolitans exhibited little or no such selective
tendency. Despite the lack of conclusive evidence there were
slight trends in the predicted direction.

Gouldner's study suggested that a simple and dichotomous
L—C dimension was too gross for detailed analysis. In an
effort to refine the concepts he ran a factor analysis on
his raw data and arrived at six factors present in the L-C
dimension of individual value orientation. Four of these
factors related to types of Locals and the other two to
types of Cosmopolitans.

For the Localite dimension he found the associated
factors of individual outlook to be:

(1) "The Dedicated"; as represented by individuals who
are intimately identified with, and affirm the norms and

values distinctive to, their social unit; who are deeply

33

committed to their social unit as a whole - on the grounds that
it embodies unique values which they regard as important;

and who believe that community agreement is more important

than the acceptance of individual differences.

(2) "The Bureaucrat"; as represented by individuals
who are loyal not so much to the social unit's norms and
values as to the place itself; who seek to adjust their
organization's ideology to that in the immediate, but "outside"
environment; who are not advocates of internal concensus
but, rather, seek to avoid outside criticism - in the sense
that they are less concerned with the organization's ideo-
logical integrity than with its security gg an organization.
They seek to accomplish this organizational security by
means of authoritarian and formal rules and for this
reason are termed "bureaucrats".

(3) "The Homeguard"; as represented by individuals
who are neither characterized by commitment to the broad
ideology of the social unit nor to that unit per se, but
who exhibit a loyalty to some particularized sub-system of
the larger social unit; who are more likely to be "second
generation" in the social unit, i.e., their personal hist-
ories are apt to be intimately interwoven with some part-
icular sub-group of the system. They typically employ an
"inner" reference-group orientation, focused on some dis-
tinctive and idiosyncratically important part of the larger

whole. This group evidenced a heavy loading on the sex

34

factor in favor of females.

(4) "The Elders"; as represented by individuals who are
characterized by the fact that they tend to be the oldest
members of the social unit, and to have been associatedwith
it for the longest period of time; who are also character-
ized by a deep commitment to the social unit; and who are
likely to evaluate the social unit in the present in terms
of the past.

For the Cosmopolitan dimension of value orientation,
the associated factors of individual outlook were found to
be:

(1) "The Outsiders"; as represented by individuals who
were, in a sense, "in“ but not "of" the social unit; who
exhibit little loyalty to either the ideology of the social
system or to the system itself - in the sense that they do
not plan to, or wish to, stay permanently; who are more
highly committed to specialized skills; and who evaluate
themselves in terms of some "outer" reference group.

(2) "The Empire Builders"; as represented by individ-
uals who are, like other Cosmopolitans, independent of the
local social system in many ways, but who are characterized
by a commitment to some sub-system; who are integrated into
the formal structure of a social unit but not into its
informal structure; and who exhibit a commitment to part-
icular and idiosyncratic Specialized roles.

Gouldner's data lend further support to some of the

findings in Merton's and Dobriner's studies, which were

llf’l‘ll‘l

35

reviewed earlier,. Gouldner found that the extreme Locals
in his sample were decidedly older than the extreme Cosmo-
politans; that Cosmopolitans had, as a group, attained a
higher level of formal educational achievement then had
Locals; that Cosmopolitans were apt to receive most of

their intellectual stimulation from outside the local social
system, and to feel that there were few people in the local
social setting with whom they could share their interests.
Also among his findings was the fact that Cosmopolitans were
less likely than Locals to regard unions as "outside”
organizations, and less likely to criticize them on that
basis than were the Locals. Gouldner's findings, together
with those of Merton and Dobriner, strongly indicate the
usefulness of the L-C dimension of individual value orien-
tation as a social research tool in community or organizational

analysis.

36
III. The Problem

This study proposes to deal with some of the aspects
of the relationship between social structural Variables and
individual outlook variables. Our aims are to develOp the
concepts of Cosmopolitan and Local value orientations with
the use of data, as well as by logical refinement, and to
provide some support for the thesis that these concepts are
useful in social scientific analysis. Specifically, we
seek to Show that they are of value in organizational re-
search. Manifest roles rather than value orientations are
more commonly the formal criterion for assigning organiza-
tional identity. Nevertheless, it is our contention that
value orientation is never totally neglected or ignored,
but tends to be a basis for the assignment of latent
social identities - which may have profound implications
in organizational analysis.

It is assumed that man is fundamentally a social being
and is inherently a continuous part of a social environment,
and to that extent each man is like all other men. Thus,
individual outlook depends, to some extent, on external
social environmental influences. The norms and values
associated with the roles he plays in the social unit of
which he is a member will be one influence on an individual's
value orientation.

At the same time, it is assumed, the social environment
differentially influences its members, and to this extent
each man is also like some other men and like no other men.

Thus, individual value orientation is reflected in making

37

social choices.

' Our theoretical position, and the research findings
which we have reviewed, point the way to several factors which
may be associated with individual outlook choices. The age
of the individual and the length of time he has been a
member of the particular social unit are fairly clearly
indicated correlates of the L-C dimension of value orien-
tation. The level of formal educational achievement has also
been suggested as a possible correlate. The manifest occ-
upational role, particularly among professionals, is
another. Professionals are apt to be identified as Cosmo-
politans in part because their relatively complex skills,
derived from long periods of formal training, typically
produce a more basic commitment to their job than to the
social unit of which they are a part. -Research has shown
that professionals are also apt to be, in part, identified
as Cosmopolitans because of their characteristic "outside"
reference-group orientation.

However, it should be noted that the findings of
the studies we have reviewed do not agree even on the
minimal status correlates associated with the L-C dimension
of individual value orientation. Merton, for example,
Specifically discounts the determining role of educational
or occupational status:

"...These differences in occupational or educational

status do not appear to determine the diverse types

....When we compare the behavior and orientations
of professionals among the locals or cosmopolitans,

 

llil.l

 

 

38

their characteristic differences persist, even

though they have the same types of occupation

and have received the same type of education.

Education and occupational differences may

contribute to the differences between the two

types...but they are not the source of these

differences."22

Gouldner's study suggests further, that these status
and manifest role variable considerations do not fully
account for the variation in the L-C dimension of individual
value orientation, and that there might be different kinds
of Locals and Cosmopolitans. The simple L—C dichotomy may
need, then, to be modified. We will seek, in this study,
to refine these concepts in terms of status and attitudinal
correlates. Gouldner's findings are reported in terms of
"syndromes" and "complexes" - indicating the analytic
usefulness of knowledge concerning the correlates of the
L-C dimension of individual value orientation.

Among other possible correlates, we will be concerned
with "central life interests”. Bell has utilized a Similar
concept of life style choices, and has defined these as
"systematic preference patterns" in which norms and act-
ivities are correlated Witfl, and symbolic of, certain spec-
ific patterns. He has delineated three basic life style

choices of familism, career, and consumership - as well as

combinations of these patterns.23 Two of the questions in

 

22Merton; Op;_cit.; pg. 402.

23Bell, Wendall; "Social Choice, Life Styles, and
Suburban Residence"; in: Dobriner; The Suburban Community;

1 I'll-I lilixl'll‘llll'li" IlllllIIllllUIII‘f ll

’ 39

the study which provides the basis for our research asked
for Specific information concerning what we have termed
central life interests. (See:"The Design", section to
follow.) Faunce has classified the responses into a some-
what finer breakdown than did Bell. This classification

of central life interests, which we will use in our sub-
sequent analysis, includes: (1) family, (2) non—economic
aspects of job, (3) standard of living, including income and
material possessions, (4) health, (5) religion, (6) social
relations, (7) community, and (8) leisure.

It is our thesis that individual value orientations are
determined by a complex association of status variables,
manifest role variables, and central life interest variables.
Our central question is really in two parts. First, whether
it is possible at all to distinguish between Locals and
Cosmopolitans in the social unit of this study. And secondly,
assuming such a distinction is possible, to determine which
variables from among those of a) social status and manifest
role variables, e.g., age, educational achievement, occ-
upation, etc., and b) attitudinal variables associated with
central life interests, e.g., familism, job, community,
standard of living concerns, etc., have the most influence
in directing the L-C dimension of individual value orien-
tation.

The rationale for the problem selection is based on
several factors. Merton has suggested that "there is reason

to believe that further inquiry will find different proportions

‘lIlllIlilll'IiIl-I'llll

 

 

40

of Locals and Cosmopolitans in different types of community
structures".24 Faunce, in his discussion of professionaliz-
ation, has implied a basis for broader considerations when
he notes that:
"Our concern, however, is not limited to change
within this particular community. We are suggesting
that a shift toward the patterns of division of
labor and social stratification we have described is
a general tendency in industrial communities...The
pattern of change in labor force composition in this
community, i.e., an increasing proportion of pro—
fessionals and technicians, can also be easily dis-
cerned in national labor force statistics."25
In contrast to earlier studies related to the impact
of industrialization on communities, Faunce and Clelland
have found that the division of labor tends toward a marked
increase of professionals in the labor force. We will be
concerned with the implications of this pattern of profess-
ionalization for the study of Local and Cosmopolitan value
orientations. If professionalization is indeed increasing
nationally, and Cosmopolitan value orientations are found
to be significantly associated with professional status, then
this is a result of some significance for other studies deal-
ing with thedirection of change in communities and organ-

izations.

Gouldner gives the rationale for his study, and in part

 

24Merton; pp. cit.; pg. 405.

25Faunce; dittoed copy of ASA address; pp cit.; ppg. 14-
15.

‘III II II I II. I! IIII. III Ale-ll. III III" Ill 0" I III III III I... I II I ‘1' 2". II. III! III! III I'll III"! I III II I II". ! .tllll

41

for ours, in a selected quote from Merton:

"It is our working conviction...that the greater
part of sociological theory and research must be
directed to the search for and the analysis of
social patterns which are the unintended by-pro-
ducts of Specifiable social forces and social
structures. Should sociologists do otherwise

and confine themselves merely to the empirical
documentation of patterns of conformity with
prescribed norms, then they become little more

than glorified 'social beekkeepers', assiduously
keeping the detailed records of what 'everybody
knows'. Both for purposes of sociological theory
and social practices, it is essential that research
be focussed, not wholly of course but largely, upon
the hidden and latent rather than the open and man-
ifest functions and patterns of social life."26

Our interest will lie with the members of a formal in-
dustrial organization rather than a total community, and our
focus will be on searching for and analyzing the correlates
of the cosmopolitan and local value orientations of these
individuals. We will particularly be concerned with the
relationship between the L—C dimension of individual value
orientation and increasing professionalization in the

division of labor pattern.

 

26Gouldner; gp.cit.; pg. 463.

.III. I III {I III I

42

IV. The Design

Since our study is drawn from a larger research pro-
ject the limits of our design are dictated, to some extent,
by the design of the broader study. Our research is derived
from a set of questions drawn from the original questionnaire.
A full listing of the questions chosen as a basis for our
study is to be found in Appendix A.

The research to be reported here was conducted in a
relatively small industrialized community in which there is
but one principal employer. The middle western city under
study has a population of slightly over 27,000. Approximate-
ly one-half of the male labor force is employed by a highly
automated chemical processing company. This firm has dom-
inated the economy of the community, and has been the principal
employer, almost from the city's inception. The city is, in
a sense, an atypical community. DeSpite its relatively small
size it is completely urban in its economic base, in its form
of government, and in its degree of structural different-
iation and segmentation. It is also an "urbane" city,
with conscious efforts made to cultivate "culture". The labor
force of the community is characterized by a high proportion
of professionals, who account for approximately one-third
of the total.

The data were collected through interviews with
employees of the chemical company who were also residents
of the corporate city. Three samples were drawn from the

occupational categories showing the greatest rate of change-

43

a sample of 100 professionals (mostly chemists and
engineers) and a sample of 100 laboratory and production
technicians. Both of these groups are rapidly expanding
as a proportion of the total labor force. A third sample
of 150 Skilled craftsmen and semi-skilled machine opera-
tives, a group contracting rapidly as a proportion of
the total labor force, was drawn from among hourly-rated
workers. Interviews were eventually conducted with 95 of
the professionals, 95 technicians, and 137 skilled and semi-
skilled workers.*

In our phase of the larger study we seek to test three
broad hypotheses and six subsidiary hypothses. These
are:

A. Localism-cosmopolitanism are clearly distinguishable

value orientations which may be differentiated in
terms of individual responses to a set of L-C
questions, and will be found to be so differentiated
among the individuals under study.

B. Localism and Cosmopolitanism will be significantly
correlated with variables of status and manifest
role, such that:

l. - with increasing age Local value orientations
will rise.

2. - with increasing length of residence in this
community or smaller communities, Local value

orientations will rise,

 

*The 23 “dropouts" numbered 12 refusals, 6 who had
moved away, and 4 who were ill, deceased, or could not be
contacted.

44

4. - with increasing income and/or occupational
status Cosmopolitan value orientations will
rise,

5. - with increasing family Size Local value
orientations will rise,

6. - with lack of community loyalty, i.e., no
definite plans to continue residing in the
community, Cosmopolitan value orientations will
rise,

Localism and Cosmopolitanism will be significantly

correlated with attitudinal variables related to

central life interests, community satisfaction, and
the individual's personal definition of ”success“,
and these individual outlook variables are the
single most important criteria for differentiating

the L-C dimension of value orientation.

Our data on Localism-Cosmopolitanism have been derived

from the responses given to the following questions, selected

from those used by Dobriner in his study.27 (A five point

check list ranging from "Strongly Agree" to "Strongly Disa-

gree" was provided for each of these statements.)

1.

News about (2h§_gommgnity) is generally more
interesting than national or international news.
The most rewarding organizations a person can

belong to are local organizations serving local needs.

 

27

Dobriner; gp. cit.; ppg. 136-137.

45

3. Big cities have their place, but when you get
right down to it, the local community is the back-
bone Of America.

4. Meeting and knowing many people is extremely impor-
tant in establishing oneself in a community.

5. National and international events are important
largely because of the way they effect (thg_gommgnity)
as a community.

It might be argues that there is no basis for assuming
these particular questions are the best possible, or even a
good, indicator of L—C orientations. However, Dobriner
notes that his scale incorporates the qualitative distinctions
between Locds and Cosmos that Merton found, so that the
quantitative instrument may be said to possess at least
logical validation. Dobriner also ran a primitive check of
the scale's reliability by administering it comparatively to
selected Similar groups of college students. If we find that
our subjects are differentiated in the expected ways, i.e.,
in keeping with our derived hypotheses, by these selected
questions, then we may feel justified in claiming at least
reliability, if not validity, for the questions used.

Also utilized from the original data was information
related to status and role. These included questions con—
cerning age, formal educational achievement, occupation,
income, family size, length of residence in the city, plans

to stay in that community, and size of the community of

4o

longest residence.

In addition, four attitudinal responses were selected
from the data of the larger study. These included a general
”community satisfaction" scale (see Appendix A for questions
and scoring), questions concerning the individual respondent's
central life interests and his personal definition of
"success", as well as reSponses to the open—ended question
"What types of people do you group yourself with?"

Our study deals with the correlates of Localism and
Cosmopolitanism from among selected status and attitudinal

variables.

47

V. The Findings

Merton, Dobriner, and Gouldner each found that individ-
uals could be differentiated in terms of their characteristic
patterns of response as they related to local and larger
social structures. We also found, as hypothesized in A, that
Locals and Cosmopolitans (Cosmos) were clearly distinguish-
able in our sample. With Gouldner, we also found intermediate
groups which did not fall into either extreme. This allows
for analyzing a range of orientations from "Strong Local"
to "Strong Cosmopolitan". Table I records the L-C responses

of the individuals in our study.

Tablepl
Localism-Cosmopolitanism Responses
(in range quartiles)

I A

Strong Local (6-9)* 35 10.7
Intermediate Local (10-13) 159 48.6
Intermediate Cosmo (14-17) 119 36.4
Strong Cosmo (18-21) _14_ _4;3

. Total 327 100.0

*Numbers in parentheses indicate the

raw scores obtained by adding individual
scores on the L—C questions and record—
ing the sum. The lowest score thus
obtained was 6 and the highest 21 (out
of a theoretical range of 5 to 25).

Judging from the findings of other research related to
the L-C dimension of value orientation, it may be legitimately
inferred that Localism-Cosmopolitanism is determined by a

complex association of status and manifest role variables,

48
as well as attitudinal variables. To test the correlates
of L-C, hypothesis B introduces six hypothetical correlates.
The first of these, the variable of age, was found to be
strongly related to L-C value orientations. Table II
illustrates this relationship.

In Table III chi-square analysis yields a value of
20.4, far beyond that required at the .05 level of signifi-
cance. The categories in Table III were obtained, for
convenience in this case, by collapsing the age categories
to two cells by combining all those 36 or under and all those
37 and over; and by combining the Local and Cosmo categories
to two cells. The closeness of the relationship, computed
by the coefficient of mean square contingency, yields a

value of 0:.24.

 

 

Table II
Age and L-C Responses
(percentages)
% of sample in this

Agg SL IL IC SC age categpry
19-27 11.4 15.1 21.0 21.4 17.1
37-45 31.4 26.4 26.9 28.6 27.2
46-54 31.4 27.0 8.4 19.6
55-64 5;] 12.6 6.7 2-2
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

n=35 n=159 n=ll9 n=l4 n=327

Since, in this instance, the general relationship holds
in the intermediate L-C categories also we feel justified in

dichotomizing the table for analysis. The null hypothesis

 

III Ill-II!" ‘ I. I

49

of independence of age and L-C dimension of individual value

orientation must be rejected.

Table III
Locals and Cosmos by Age Categories
(theoretical frequencies in parentheses)

 

 

Age L C Total

19-36 65 79 144
(85.4) (58.6)

37-64 129 54 183
(108.6) (74.4)

Total 194 133 327

2 _ _
(395 -23.84, d.f. _ 1)

20.4
.24

x
C
All of the variables hypothesized to correlate with the
L-C dimension of value orientation were analyzed in this
general way, although in the instances where relationships
were not as readily apparent as in the case of the age
variable, the cells were not always combined. While it is
currently in vogue in the social sciences to profusely
illustrate research reports with the statistical evidence
of the author's scientific ability, it is our firm conviction
that the reader is more apt to be interested only in the
conclusions. In keeping with this conviction subsequent
tables will be limited to those which truly summarize the
results of the experiment in convenient form. Chi-square
and C values will be appended to each table, and explan—
ations of combined categories will also be included, if

pertinent. In order to assure greater accuracy it was

50

sometimes necessary to combine categories so that no
cell contained fewer than 5 frequencies. Also in the
interests of accuracy, in 2 x 2 tables the absolute value
of each difference was reduced by .5 before it was squared.
These latter two precedures are in keeping with Dixon and
Massey's discussion of chi-square analysis.28

A word of caution is indicated. Coefficient of mean
square contingency (C) values are not comparable between
variables sinceits maximum value varies with the number of
cells in the table. However, Appendix B provides a table
of C values for rough comparison of variables found to be
significant in our study. For the purposes of that table
the dependent variable of the L—C response range was combined
into just the two (Local and Cosmo) categories, and the
independent variables were also dichotomized as noted in
each case. Chi—square values needed for significance also
vary with the number of cells in the table and obtained
values may not be directly compared between variables unless
the tables contain the same number of cells.

In testing the hypothetical correlate B-2, it was
found that the relationship between length of residence in
the community and the L—C dimension of value orientation is
in the predicted direction and is large enough to make it
extremely unlikely that it would occur by change. Table IV
presents this relationship between length of residence and
Localistic and Cosmopolitan value orientations. The chi-

square value given for this table has combined the strong

 

28Dixon and Massey; Introduction to Statistical Analysis;
McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.; 1957; ppgs. 224-226.

51

and intermediate categories in order to assure 5 frequencies
in each cell.

It is obvious, of course, that the older the respondent
the greater his opportunity to have resided longer in the
community. To test the independence of the relationship of
both age and length of residence, each was held constant while

Table IV

Length of Residence and L-C Responses
(percentages)

 

 

 

 

 

Length of % of sample
residence (years) SL IL IC SC in this category
0 to 5 5.7 1935 33.6 42.9 24.2
6 to 20 42.9 29.6 33.6 35.7 32.7
21 or more 37.1 30.8 20.2 7.1 26.6
Whole life 14.3 20.1 12.6 14.3 16.5
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=35 n=159 n=ll9 n=l4 n=327
x2 = 17.30
C = .22

the other was varied. It was found that age is correlated
with L-C regardless of length of residence (x2=20.4, P3>.05).
Conversely, length of residence was found to be associated
significantly with L-C in the predicted direction regardless
of age (x2: 17.3, P:>.05). In other words, the older the
reSpondent the more local he was apt to be, independent of
how long he had resided in the community, and the longer a
respondent had lived in the community the more Local he was.
0f the two variables, age was clearly most strongly related

to the L-C dimension of value orientation. Table V indicates

52

the relationship between length of residence and L-C
value orientations when age is held constant.

Hypothesis B-2 also postulates a relationship between
the L-C dimension of value orientation and length of
residence in communities similar to or smaller than the one

under study. The original data asked of all respondents who

 

Table V
L-C Responses by Age and Length of Residence
(percentages
Age SL IL IC SC
19-36
20 yrs. or less 63.6 81.5 73.9 90.0
21 yrs or more 36.4 18.5 26 1 10.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=ll n=54 n=69 n=10
37-64
20 yrs. or less 41.7 32.4 58 0 50.0
21 yrs. or more 58.3 67.6 42.0 50.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=24 n=105 n=50 =4

had not lived in the community for their whole lives, "Would
you say that most of your life has been Spent: l) on a farm;
2) in a small town; 3) in a medium-sized city; or 4) in a
big city?". It might appear reasonable, in light of social
structural theory, to suggest that these individuals who
have the majority of their lived on a farm or in a small
town would be more Local than those who have spent the

majority of their lives in larger cities, but no such

53

relationship was found in our study. As we have postulated
earlier, an explanation for this finding lies in the
quite logical possibility that individuals may be more
or less ego-involved with a community and in its values;
and the high mobility patterns found in our contemporary
society indicate that people with similar value orient-
ations are attracted to, or remain in, the social system
which appeals most to their own interests. Thus, the
individual who holds a Cosmopolitan value orientation, and
is neutral to or dissatisfied with a local community with
a relatively closed structure, may simply move. Conversely,
an individual who holds a Localistic value orientation, and
is dissatisfied with a larger or more open social system,
may seek out a smaller community of which he may come to
feel more an integral part. In a medium sized community of
the sort in which this study was conducted, both of these
processes may occur. The size of the community per se,
of which an individual has longest been a member, apparently
has no significant bearing on his propensity toward Local
or Cosmopolitan value orientations, at least among these
like our respondents who have left one community for another.

This finding, and the previous one concerning length
of residence and L—C value orientations, lend at least
oblique support to our theoretical consideration that with-
out ego-involvement on the part of individual members, the
social system is powerless to impose what we have called

conditions of action. Thus, a relatively undifferentiated

54
and structurally closed social systnn,such as a farm
community or small town, may nevertheless be experienced
as an open system by any given individual who resides there.
We have shown that age is far more important in determing
L—C value orientations than is any consideration of how
long an individual has been a resident of a particular
sized community or social system.

It was suggested earlier in this discussion that the
ontological dynamics of changes in latent roles associated
with varying levels of age, educational achievement, income,
and occupration must be considered as agents of influence
in the development of an individual's value orientations.
Hypothesis B—3 postulates as a significant difference among
Locals and Cosmos on the latent role variable of level of
formal educational achievement. Both Merton and Dobriner
found no significant relationship between level of educat-
ional achievement and L-C value orientations. However, such
was definitely not the case in our study. It should be noted,
in weighing this discrepancy, that both Merton and Dobriner
were concerned with different types of populations than
is our study. Merton's research is limited to 30
individuals who ranked as community "influentials" while
Dobriner's sample of 275 residents of a suburban New York
village were selected only on the basis of Newcomes vs. 01d—
timers. Our sample, divided into occupational categories,

quite naturally provides for greater emphasis on differences

55

in levels of educational achievement.

Our theoretical position suggests the importance of
the ontological dynamics of changes in levels of formal
educational achievement. We have postulated also that the
intensity and extensity of the relationship between member's
psychological value orientation and a given social system's
structure is delimited in part by the social unit's ability
to influence the socialization of the individual. In the
years since Merton's original study, there has developed
a sharply increased and continuing emphasis on formal
educational achievement, on commitment to Specialized skills,
and to a concern for the larger social sphere. In practice
this emphasis means college training received, in most cases,
elsewhere than in the social unit of which the individual
is a member, and exposure to differing ideas and values -
thus reducing the direct influence of any social unit on
the socialization and value orientations of its college
trained members. Considering, for the moment, only the
extreme groups, we found that only 28.6% of the Strong Locals
had been to college, while 64.3% of the Strong Cosmopolitans
had had at least some college training. Among the Strong
Locals only 8.6% held advanced degrees, while among the
Strong Cosmos 28.6% held such degrees.

Even when the full range of the L-C dimension is
taken into account there is a clear and significant relation—
ship between the level of formal educational achievement

and L-C value orientations, and in the predicted direction.

56

In short, the more highly educated the individual the
more apt he is to be Cosmopolitan in personal outlook.
Table VI illustrates this relationship.

Table VI
L-C Responses by Formal Educational Achievement*

(percentages)
% of sample in

 

 

 

 

 

Education SL IL IC SC this category
8th or less 28.6 13.8 7.6 0.0 12.5
Some high
school 8.6 15.7 7.6 7.1 11.6
High school
graduate 34.3 34.0 25.2 28.6 30.6
Some college 8.6 16.4 17.6 14.3 15.9
College grad 11.4 17.6 26.9 21.4 20.5
M.S., M.A.,
or Ph.D. 8.6 2.5 15.1 28.6 8.9
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=35 n=159 n=119 n=14 n=327

* Significant beyond the .05 level

When formal educational achievement levels are con-
sidered in relation to either the extreme groups only, or to
the whole L-C range, the degree of the relationship is
high. Tables VII and VIII graphically illustrate the
strong relationship between educational achievement and L-C
value orientations.

Merton also disclaimed the determing role of occupat-
ional status in its relationship to L—C value orientations.
Dobriner, in his study, found that at least among his
Jewish sample professionals tended to be more Cosmopolitan
than did non-professionals. Our study offers refutation of

the former and much stronger evidence for the latter. Faunce's

57

Table VII
Education and Extreme L-C Value
Orientations
)percentages(

 

 

 

SL SC

High school or less 71.4 35.7
Some college or more 28.6 64.3
Total 100.0 100.0

n=35 n=14

2 — O —
(x95 — 3.84, d.f.—1)

3.96
.275

x
C

Table VIII
Locals and Cosmos by Educational Categories
(percentages)

 

 

 

Locals Cosmos
High school or less 64.9 39.8
Some college or more 35.1 60.2
Total 100.0 100.0
n=194 n=133
2— .—
(395 _ 3.84, d.f. _ 1)
x2 = 19.01
C = - .235

emphasis on professionalization as an important influence

on the character of contemporary social structures, suggests
that the latent value orientations associated with occup-
ational status are an area worthy of attention. While the
subjects in Gouldner's study were all professionals in a

technical sense, he found nevertheless that they varied in

58

their degree of commitment to Specialized Skills —
with Cosmos being the most highly committed.

Our research shows significant differences between the
three occupational categories in the L-C dimension of value
orientation. Furthermore, the differences were in the
direction hypothesized in B-4. Table IX summarized the
relationship between occupational status and the full
range of the L—C dimension of value orientation.

These relationships are even more apparent when cat-
egories are collapsed. The fact of professional status, as
Opposed to non-professional, clearly distinguishes between
Locals and Cosmos at a statistically significant level.

Table IX
Occupation and L-C Responses*

(percentages)
%of sample

 

 

 

 

 

Occupation SL IL 10 SC in this category
Professional 28.6 19.5 40.3 42.9 29.1
Technician 14.3 27.0 34.5 42.9 29.1
Hourly-paid
Worker 57.1 53.5 25.2 14.3 41.9
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=35 n=159 n=1l9 n=14 n=327

*Statistically significant
beyond the .05 level

Among the variables considered in this study, occupational
status is one of those most highly correlated with L-C value
orientations. This correlation lies in the expected direct-
ion, that is, the higher the individual's occupational status,

the more Cosmopolitan he is apt to be. Table X presents

59

further evidence of this relationship.

Of course, not all professionals are Cosmos nor all
non-professionals Locals. An individual's occupational
status does not perfectly predict his value orientations.
This is true, in part, for reasons of differences in what
Gouldner calls "commitment", and we have termed ego-involve-
ment, in value orientations usually associated with a
particular occupational status. Nevertheless, occupational
status was found to be a highly important determinate of

L—C value orientations among the individuals in our sample.

Table X

Locals and Cosmos by Occupation
(percentages)

Locals (SL and IL) Cosmos (IC and SL)

 

 

Professionals 21.1 40.6
Technicians 24.7 35.3
Hourly-paid
Workers 54.2 24.1
Total 100.0 100.0
n=l94 n=133
(X2 : 5°99, def. = 2)
.95 2
x = 30.24
C = .30

It is true, of course, that the level of formal education-
al achievement and occupational status of an individual in
contemporary United States are apt to be closely correlated.

This relationship was very apparent in our study. Out of a

60

sample of 327, no single professional was less than a

high school graduate and 80% of the professionals had had

at least some college training. Conversely, no single
hourly-paid-production worker was a college graduate and

only 10% had had any college training at all. The technicians,
as might be expected, fell into the middle range, with

none holding advanced college degrees while only one indiv-
idual had not graduated from high school.

It was found, however, that even with occupation held
constant the L—C dimension of value orientation varied
significantly in the expected direction with the level of
formal educational achievement. The reverse was also indicated,
i.e. with educational achievement level held constant,
where possible ( in the "high school graduate" and "some college
categories), the L-C dimension of value orientation tended to
vary with occupational status. The latter could not be
tested for statistical significance because of the small
numbers involved in the comparable categories. Table XI
presents the data on the combined relationship of occupat—
ional status, level of educational achievement, and the
L-C dimension of indimdual value orientation.

Our data indicates that professionals are apt to be
Cosmopolitans in value orientation regardless of educational
achievement level and, conversely, hourly-paid workers are more
apt to be Locals regardless of educational level. For
technicians there is a tendency for education to be the

decisive factor, i.e., those who have had some college

61

training are somewhat more Cosmopolitan than those
technicians who have not been to college.

Income is another variable generally found to be close-
ly related with both occupational status and the level of
educational achievement. However, in our sample, 90% of
all the individuals had incomes of $6,000 or more, regardless
of occupation, and more than 50% of ggghIL-C category fell
within the $6,000 to $7,999 range. Thus, incomes were not
highly related to occupational status in our sample.
Although this may be a result of the broad occupational
categories used.

Table XI

Locals and Cosmos by Occupation and Education
(percentages)

 

% of sample (% of sample
Locals in thisgroup) Cosmos in this group)
Professionals 21.1 40.5
High school or less 4.9 1.9
Some college
or more 95.1 98.1
Total 100 0 100 0
n=41 n=54
Technicians 24.8 35.4
High school
or less 56.2 48.9
Some college
or more 43.8 51.1
Total 100 O 100 0
n=48 n=47
Hourly-paid
Workers 54.1 24.1
High school
or less 92.4 90.6
Some college
or more 7.6 9.4
_ " — Total _ — " 100.0 ———————— 1'0'0"0 ________
n=105 n=32
Sample Total 100.0 100.0

n=l94 n=133

62

We have hypothesized in B-4 that Cosmopolitan value
orientations will rise with the level of income, but this
was not borne out by our study (x2e 1.10, P<.05). While
individuals with incomes of less than $8,000 tended to be
relatively more Localistic than did those with higher
incomes, there was no statistical support for this hypothe-
sis. Level of income, at least for our sample, bears no
significant relationship to L-C value orientations.

We suggest, in hypothesis B-5 that family size might
play an important part in determing an individuals value
orientations. Since more than twice as many individuals
responded "family" than to any other category of central
life interest, it was assumed that family related concerns
were important. We theorized that the larger the family
the more the individual concerned with them would be Local
in his value orientation; on the assumption that in his
role as "interested father" the larger the family the
more apt was he to be directly involved in local issues of
one sort or another. Furthermore, since more than 95% of
our total samples were married at the time of the study,
we presumed "number of children" to be the deciding factor.
We found that while 62.9% of the Strong Locals had 3 or
more children only 35.7% of the Strong Cosmos had families
of that size. However, when the Strong and Intermediate
categories of both Locals and Cosmos are combined there
is no significant support for our hypothesis that Cosmos

would tend to have smaller families. While it is true that

63
there is a slight tendency in that direction, it is also
true that Cosmos tend to be significantly younger than
Locals and this fact may account for the relatively smaller
number of children among Cosmos.

Merton found, in his study, that Locals characteristi-
cally did not wish to move from Revere, whereas Cosmopol-
itans typically had no such feelings of "loyalty" to or
"rootedness" in the community. One of the questions in
the study which forms the basis for our research concerned
the individual's plans to stay in that community at least
until retirement. Taking a "Yes" answer as a rough measure
of community loyalty and a "No" or "Don't Know" as a lack
of such commitment to the particular community, we hypo-
thesized in B—6 that Locals would be more apt to have difinite
plans to stay than would Cosmos. This was shown to be
supported by our data at well above the .05 level of signi-
ficance. Table XII illustrates graphically the relationship
between L—C and plans to stay in the community.

Table XII

L-C Responses by Plans to Stay in the Community
(percentages)

 

 

 

Plans to % of sample
stay SL IL 10 SC in this category
Yes 91.4 76.1 58.8 50.0 70.3
No or
Don't know 8.6 23.9 41.2 50.0 29.7
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=35 n=159 n=1l9 n=14 n=327

When the Local and Cosmo categories are combined,

64

chi-square value of 18.71 is obtained, with a 0 value of
.23. It seems apparent that, whatever degree of loyalty

Locals hold, it is directed toward the particular community

 

in which they reside and not toward communities of similar
types. This finding is in keeping with our earlier one

that length of residence in smaller or Similar communities
did not differentiate between Locals and Cosmos. This
bringsus to a more direct consideration of attitudes as

they correlate with the L—C dimension of value orientations.
We say "more direct" because, of course, it is assumed

that each of the latent roles that we have discussed has an
associated syndrome of attitudes that are typically held
by persons playing them.

In hypothesis C we have postulated that individual
outlook, as relected in attitudinal variables, is the
single most important criterion for differentiating between
the Local and Cosmopolitan dimension of value orientation.
In all of the foregoing discussion of our findings we have
been showing, of course, that Localism and Cosmopolitanism
are, in themselves, outlooks or attitudes of individuals
to the extent that "value orientation" implies, as one of
its dimensions, a tendency to respond positively or

negatively to specific situations, ideas, etc.. However,

 

we see "value orientation" as a more generic term than
"attitude" since it also implies a generalized and pervasive
orientation involving criteria or evaluation. Our concern

to this point has been with the status correlates of these

65

two broad value orientations. In short, we have seen that
the value orientations of Localism and Cosmopolitanism are
closely associated with an individual's occupation,
educational achievement level, loyalty to community, etc..
We have shown that the ontological dynamics of latent roles,
such as age, d3 pervasively affect value orientations and,
presumably, behavior. The latter is, of course, an empir-
ical question which merits further study. The question of
the relationship between attitudes and behavior is often
difficult to test and predict. However, in support of this
view Gouldner found that being a Local or a Cosmopolitan
made a significant difference in the individual's organ-
izationally relevant behavior — and we are concerned with
the implications of our study for organizational research.
Having found a number of statistically Significant
status correlates, we now turn to an attempt to analyze
attitudes which might reasonably be expected to correlate
with the value orientations of Localism and Cosmopolitanism.
One such attitude we presumed to be correlated with
L-C was that of general "community satisfaction". The
original questionnaire included a series of Likert-type
questions (see Appendix A) concerning how well particular
things in the community were liked, e.g., schools, health
facilities, cultural facilities, etc. Possible low score
was 22 (for "very dissatisfied" responses to each question),

and the highest possible score was 55 (for a "very satisfied"

66

response to each question). Other responses included
"somewhat satisfied" and "somewhat dissatisfied". N0
effort was made to assign different weights to particular
questions. Distribution quartiles and their relationship
to the L-C dimension of value orientation are presented in
Table XIII. We expected that the higher the community
satisfaction score the more Local the individual would be,
and this was generally supported by our data—particularly
among the Strong Cosmos. It Should be noted that there
was a general trend among all the respondents to avoid the
extreme responses and, particularly, expressions of dissatis—
faction. The median score obtained was well above the mid-
point (37) of the possible range of scores on this measure.
Table XIII

L-C Responses by Community Satisfaction Score
.(percentages)

 

 

Community Satis— % of sample
faction score SL IL IC SC in this grogp
(49 or more) 31.4 19.5 18.5 7.1 19.9
(46-48) 11.4 30.8 19.3 21.4 24.1
(43-45) 34.3 22.6 34.5 50.0 29.4
(42 or less) 22.9 26.4 26.9 21.4 26.0
No answer .6 .8 .6
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=35 n=159 n=1l9 n=14 n=327

Among the Strong Locals 42.8% were satisfied with the
community at least to some degree, while only 28.5% of the

Strong Cosmos fell into either of the upper quartiles. When

IIII. Ill an"

.I.‘ All .3 ll!

67

the distribution was dichotomized and correlated with the
combined Local and Cosmo categories for chi-aquare analysis,
the relationship was found to be significant, in the expected
direction, at more than the .05 level. Table XIV presents
this data.

The original data included an open question concerning
the individual's central life interests. It was felt that

Table XIV

Locals and Cosmos by Community Satisfaction
(percentages)

 

 

Locals Cosmos
More satisfied 7
(46 or more) 48.2 57.1
Less satisfied
(45 or less) 51.8 62.9
Total 100.0 100.0
n=193 n=132
(x2 .95 = 3.84, d.f. =1)
x2 = 4.17
C = .10

the responses to this question would differ significantly
between Locals and Cosmos. However, this was not supported
by our data since we found no differences that were stat-
istically significant. Only in one response category (non-
economic aSpects of job) did we find a difference greater
than 2% between the combined Local and Cosmo categories,
and this difference was only 2.7% (P<(.05). Nevertheless,
Table XV suggests certain tendencies toward differences in

attitudes related to central life interests between Locals

68

and Cosmos.

Table XV
Central Life Interests and L-C Responses
(percentages)

SL IL 10 so %Of sample
in this group

 

 

 

Family 35.3 37.6 36.6 30.6 36.5
Job-non-economic20.0 15.8 18.9 22.2 17.7
Standard of

Living 15.3 17.0 14.3 19.4 15.9
Health 11.8 6.4 7.7 5.6 7.5
Religion 8.2 7.9 7.7 11.1 8.0
Social thns. 2.4 3.9 3.9 3.5
Community 3.5 3.9 3.9 2.8 3.8
Leisure 3.5 7.6 7.3 8.3 7.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

n=85 n=330 n=259 n=36 n=710*

*Totals to more than sample N=327
because first three responses were
tabulated.

Our data indicates that Cosmos were somewhat more likely
to be centrally concerned with their jobs (non-economic
aspects) than were Locals in our sample. It is also indi-
cated that Locals were somewhat more likely to be centrally
concerned with their families than were Cosmos. Strong
Cosmos were also inclined to be more interested in their
standard of living, including income and material possess-
ions than were Strong Locals — although there was virtually
no difference between Locals and Cosmos generally on this
variable.

Strong Cosmos were also somewhat interested in leisure,
ihcluding recreational and cultural activities than were

Strong Locals, while the Strong Locals tended to be more

69
interested in their health. It may be worthy of note that
not a single Strong Cosmo considered social relations to be
a central life interest!

It was also presumed that an individual's definition of
"success" is an attitude closely associated with his central
life interests - on the assumption that most contemporary
Americans are concerned with success, however they define it.
The original data included the responses to the open
question "What would you have to do to feel that you had
gotten ahead or were a success?" The responses to this
question were hypothesized to be correlated with Local and
Cosmopolitan value orientations. It was further hypothesized,
in keeping with known research findings, that an individual's
definition of success was also apt to be closely associated
with his occupational status. Table XVI presents our
findings of the relationship between occupational status,
definition of success, and the L—C dimension of value
orientation. While we found a significant relationship
between occupational status and the definition of success,
we also found a statistically significant (beyond the .05
level) relationship between definitions of success and
the L-C dimension of value orientation even when occupat-
ional status was held constant.

With occupational status held constant, Locals were
significantly more apt to evaluate success in terms of
security than were Cosmos. Professional Cosmos significantly

more often evaluated success in terms of high achievement in

70
job or field than did professional Locals. Gouldner's
findings, as noted earlier, concerning differences in
commitment to specialized skills and "outside" reference
groups among Local and Cosmopolitan professionals suggests
an explanation for our findings.

Holding occupational status constant, both professional
and technical Cosmos more often evaluated success in terms
of a better position or promotion than did professional
and technical Locals.

While professionals were considerably more altruistic
and more interested generally in status and honor in the
community than were either technicians or hourly-paid
workers, it was found that professional Locals and Cosmos
differed. Professional Cosmos who responded in these
categories most often evaluated success in terms of altru—
istic motives while professional Locals more often evaluated
success in terms of status and honor in the-community.

Gouldner's study pointed to the influence of reference
groups on Local and Cosmopolitan value orientations, and
Dobriner's analysis suggested much the same thing. Our
study included the question "What types of people do you
group yourself with?" It was hypothesized that reference
group identification would be significantly different
between individuals who held Local value orientations and
those who held Cosmopolitan outlooks. None of the categories
of reSponses successfully differentiated between the total

sample of Locals and Cosmos at the .05 level of significance

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72

but three response categories did indicate trends, i.e.,
"young people" (x2 = 2.27), "social class" (x2: 2.02),

and "specific common interest groups" (x2 = 1.84). However,
again it was assumed that occupational status would also

be influential in determining reference group attitudes and
in an effort to control for this variable Table XVII was
prepared. Our data indicate some significant differences
among Locals and Cosmos when occupational status is held
constant.

The most frequent responses given among the total
sample were, in order, occupational categories (38.8%),
"average person", (15.1%), and class categories (12.0%).
Less than 10% of the total sample responded with any other
single reference group identification. The least frequent
response regarding reference group identification was
"young people".

The least frequent response among professionals was
"average person". The three most frequent response categor—
ies for professionals were occupational categories, educa—
tional categories, and categories or groups having Specific
common interests or values. Each showed significant diff-
erences between Locals and Cosmos. Cosmos were less likely
to refer to educational categories than were Locals in the
same status. However, Locals significantly more often
identified with specific common interest groups than did
Cosmos. Among professional Locals and Cosmos the greatest

difference was found among those who identified themselves

73

with "young people". Professional Cosmos referred to
themselves in this manner twice as often as did professional
Locals. Of course, it must be remembered that Cosmos gr;
significantly younger than Locals - though we doubt that

the difference is large enough to fully account for this
propensity of professional Cosmos to hold "young people"

as a reference group. We can only guess that perhaps "young
pe0ple" has connotations of young ideas, up-and-coming,
even-brighter-future, or some such thing for the profess—
ional Cosmo. Since only 3.5% of the total responses fell
into this category, we do not feel however, that the

finding has much overall significance.

For technicians the least frequently mentioned resp-
onse was in educational categories. The three most frequent
responses for this group were occupational categories,
"average person", and broad reference groups (other than
those specified in seperate categories). Only within the
group of technicians whose identification was with broad
reference groups was there a Significant difference between
Locals and Cosmos, in the direction that Cosmos were more
apt to give this raponse than were Locals.

For hourly-paid workers the least frequently given
response was "young people" — no single hourly worker res-
ponded in that category! The three most frequently given
responses among the hourly workers were occupational cat-
egories, "average worker", and social class categories. Since

54.2% (see Table X) of all Locals are hourly production

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75

workers, the number of hourly workers who were Cosmopolitan
in value orientation was so small as to make it impossible
to test for statistical significance between Locals and
Cosmos in this occupational status. It is interesting to
note, however, that of the 58 social class preference group
responses, 33 (56.9%) of them were made by hourly workers.
Within thi§_group there is a significant difference bet-
ween Locals and Cosmos, in that nearly three times as

many hourly-paid Locals reSponded that they identified
with social class as did hourly—paid Cosmos.

The overall direct support for hypothesis C is somewhat
in doubt. However, we have seen in this consideration of the
role played by attitudes and indiVidual outlook, that att-
itudinal variables can and do correlate significantly with
Localism and Cosmopolitanism in some cases, even when
social structural and status variables hare held constant.
And, furthermore, we have postulated syndromes of typical
attitudes to be associated with these structural and status
variables — as witness the association of Localistic and
Cosmopolitan attitudinal outlooks themselves to status and
role! Certainly these latent attitudes combined with diff-
erential central life interests, and differential refer-
ence group identification are clearly associated with
individual L—C value orientations.

VI. Summary and Conclusions

Sociological theory has suggested a continuum of social

76

structural types, with extreme poles labled "machanical-
organic", "Gemeinschaft—Gesellschaft", and similar terms.
Toennies' formulation of Gemeinschaft—Gesellschaft, trans-
lated by Zimmerman as Local and Cosmopolitan respectively,
includes a discussion of personal outlooks characteristic of
individuals who are members of these types of social systems.
We have postulated that as social systems become more com-
plex, or evolve from a relatively closed toward a more

open structure, concomitant changes will occur in the per-
ception of the system's openness by members of that social
unit. We suggest that it is apt the social structure per

se but, rather, the system's ability to successfully impose
conditions of action and membership upon its members that
determines the "openness" or "closedness" of the system.

We further suggest that the effectiveness of the social
system in imposing these conditions is largely a matter

of ego—involvement on the part of the individual members
and, therefore, the ggmg social system may be perceived as
Open by some and closed by others.

A variation in perception of, and ego-involvement with,
the goals and values of the system implies variation in
value sub—systems - Localistic and Cosmopolitan value
orientations being the phenomenological equivalents of
closed and open social structures reSpectively. Thus, we
would expect to find variations of personal value orient-

ation along a Localism-Cosmopolitanism (L-C) dimension within

77

a single social system.

Furthermore, we have postulated that variations in
the L-C dimension of individual value orientation implies,
in each case, a syndrome of characteristics. A few social
scientists have utilized the concepts of Localism and
Cosmopolitanism as dichotomous types of individual outlook
and found them useful for research analysis, but there has
been no general agreement concerning the correlates of
these two broad "latent roles". Our study has concerned
itself with a search for such correlates. We have tried
to simultaneously take into account social structural,
status and role, and related attitudinal variables.

Our data are drawn from a larger research project, con-
ducted by William Faunce in a middle western community. Se-
lecting certain questions from the original research, we
utilize the responses to test three broad hypotheses and
six subsidiary ones related to Localism-Cosmopolitanism.

The group under study numbers 327, and represents three sam-
ples of employees of a chemical company in occupational
categories which are rapidly changing as to proportion of
the labor force. In his larger study, Faunce has shown

that increasing "professionalization" has profound impli—
cations for contemporary social structural change. We

have given, therefore, particular emphasis to the individual
value orientations, and their correlates, among the pro-

fessionals in our sample.

We found that our sample, while all manifestly members

78

of a single social system, did display a variation in

latent value orientation along an L—C dimension. The
individuals were divided on the basisof their responses to

a series of L-C questions into four groups - Strong Locals,
Intermediate Locals, Intermediate Cosmos, and Strong Cosmos -
allowing for analysis of a range of responses.

To briefly summarize, our data have shown that Locals
and Cosmos may be clearly differentiated in terms of
their characteristic value orientations. In seeking those
factors, both social structural and attitudinal, which
correlate specifically with Localism and Cosmopolitanism
we have found significant differences between individuals
holding these value orientations.

Many of our findings are at odds with Merton's original
work with Localism-Cosmopolitanism, while others support
his findings. Perhaps this is explained, at least in part,
by the years that have elapsed since his study was conducted.
These years have brought increased emphasis on formal educa-
tional achievement, on commitment to Specialized skills, and
to a concern for the larger social sphere.

Our research has shown that the individual who is in
his late thirties or older, has never been to college, has
resided in a particular community for five or more years,
is satisfied with that community and plans to stay at
least until he retires, and is employed in a non-professional
occupation is most apt to be Local in value orientation.

Furthermore, a Local has a somewhat greater tendency to

79

consider his family and health to be among his central

life interests.

The Local who is employed in a ppofessional occupation

 

is inclined to evaluate his own "success" in terms of
security and status and honor in the community. He is also
more apt to find reference group identification among
educational categories and Specific common interest groups
than is his CosmOpolitan counterpart.

Chitin other hand, the individual who is no older than
his middle thirties, has had at least some college training,
is a relative newcomer to the community, is not particularly
satisfied with the community and has no definite plans to
stay, and is employed as a professional is most apt to be
Cosmopolitan in value orientation. As a Cosmo he has a
somewhat greater tendency to consider the non—economic as-
pects of his job and leisure, including recreational and
cultural activities, to be among his central life interests.

The professional Cosmo is inclined to evaluate person-
al "success" in terms of high achievement in his job, a
better position or promotion, and altruistic participation
in the community. He is more apt to find reference group
identification within his occupational status or among
"young people", than is the professional man who holds Local
value orientations.

In keeping with Yinger's exhortation we have tried to
simultaneously take into account individual attitudes and

outlook as well as social structural influences on the L-C

80

dimension of value orientation. We have found the relat-
ionship to be a highly complex one, with many variables
closely associated with each other. We have postulated that
individual outlook, as reflected in attitudinal variables,
is the single most important criterion for differentiating
between Locals and Cosmos, and have found only scant evidence
to support such a hypothesis. While we have found no sign—
ificant support for our hypothesis that attitudinal variables
are of relatively greater importance than are social
structural variables in their association with value orien-
tation, we cannot conclude that psychological variables are
of little or no importance. Some indirect substantiation
for the importance of individual outlook variables may be
found in the fact that one dimension of an L-C value orien—
tation itself may be termed attitudinal insofar as it re-
flects decisions made toward specific ideas and situations.
Furthermore, it is assumed that each of the status and role
variables we have discussed has a syndrome of attitudes

that are typically associated with it. As evidence for

this assumption we have shown that the ontological dynamics
of latent roles, such as age, do pervasively affect value
orientations. So, too, do status' such as those of pro-
fessional occupation and "highly educated man". These
latent attitudes, combined with the more directly evident
attitudes of central life interest, community satisfactions,
and reference group identification, are clearly associated

with L-C value orientations.

81

Our data have yielded support for Gouldner's conten-
tion that individuals performing the same manifest role may
hold distinctly different latent roles and, conversely,
individuals in similar latent roles may be playing different
manifest roles. We believe, with him, that these concepts
may help to account for some of the observed differences
in behavior and attitude among individuals in similar roles,
or for explaining some of the similarities among those in
differing community or organizational roles. Our findings
would appear to have significant value in future organ-
izational analysis or in analysis of communities in which
the direction of social change, particularly increasing
professionalization of the labor force, is an important
factor. Seldom is any systematic attention given to the
functioning of either latent status' or roles, such as
those of Locals and Cosmos. Focus is more often limited
to the more evident formal and manifest status' and roles
assigned by the organization or community. The assumption
appears to be that latent roles, and their associated
syndromes of characteristic value orientations, are irrel-
evant to the purposes of the study. The fact seems to be,
however, that individuals playing these latent roles do
differ, and knowledge of the variation is value orientation
associated with them might well prove valuable if taken into
account when studying behavior.

The implications of our findings for the relationship

82

between individual value orientation and the division of
labor in contemporary society is clear - increasing profess—
ionalization is apt to result in increasing Cosmopolitan
value orientations and a decrease in individuals whose
primary concerns are directly related to those of the local
social system of which they are members. This would suggest
an increasing emphasis on flexibility and openness in
communities and organizations, with concomitant decline

in the system's ability to impose conditions of action

or membership and to conserve its form and ideology as a

closed unit.

10.

11.

12.

130

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Durkheim, Emile; The Division of Labor in Society; The
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Riecken and Homans; '"Phychological ASpects of Social
Structure"; in: Lindzey; Handbook of Social
Psychology, Vol. II; Addison-Wesley; 1956.

 

 

83

14.

15.

16.

17.

84

Ryan, B. F. and Strauss, M.A.; "The Integration of
Sinhalese Society"; Research Studies of the State
College of Washington, Vol. 22; 1954.

Simmel, Georg; "The Persistence of Small Groups";
translated by: Albion W. Small; Amggican Journal of
Sociolovl, Vol. 3; and Vol. 4; 1898.

Toennies, Ferdinand; Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft;
translated by Charles P. Loomis; The Michigan State
University Press; 1957.

Yinger, J. M. ; "Research Implications of a Field View
of Social Psychology"; Amaican Journal of Sociology;
March, 1963.

Appendix A

The following are the questions selected from the

original Midland Community Study questionnaire for the

purposes of our research.

1.

First of all, we would like to know how many years a1-

together you have lived in (the community)
1) Whole life 2) Years here

 

Would you say that most of your life has been spent:

1) on a farm, 2) in a small town, 3) in a medium-
sized city 4) or in a big city?

Do you plan to stay here in (the community) at least
until you retire?

1) yes 2) no 3)Don't know or "that depends"

Now we would like to know how you rate some particular
things about (the community) which of these five state-
ments ( NI, VD, SD, SS, VS) best describes how you
feel about:

(a) (The community's) schools.

(b) Sewage disposal in (thecommunity) right now.

 

(c) The efficiency of (the community's) city government -
that is, how well run is it.

(d) The responsiveness of (the community's) city
government to public opinion - that is, whether
they do what the people want.

(e) The amount and the fairness of city taxes.

(f) Goods and services offered by local merchants.

85

22.

44.

45.

49.

56.

86

(g) Relations between labor and management in (the

community).

(h) Health facilities (like doctors, dentists and

hospitals) in (the community).

(i) Playgrounds, parks, Sports and other recreational

facilities in (the community).

(j) Libraries, music, theatre or other cultural

facilities in (the community).

(k) Welfare facilities in (the community).

We have just asked you some questions about p80p1e like
yourself. What types of people would you group your-
self with? (PROBE: What would you mean by the phrase
"people like yourself"?)

Now I would like to shift to another kind of question.
Different people regard different kinds of things as
important in life. When you think about what really
matters to you, what would you say are the central
interests in your life? (PROBE: What else is important
to you?)

The phrase "getting ahead in the world" means different
things to different people. What would you have to do
to feel that you had gotten ahead or were a success.
Now I would like to know a little something about

your work. First, what is your occupation?

Now I have just a few more quick answer questions
which we can go over quite fast. As I ask these
questions, just pick out the answer listed on this

card (SA, A, NAD, D, SD) which most nearly expresses

57.

87

your opinion.

1)

2)

3)

4)

5)

News about (the community) is generally more inter-
esting than national or international news.

The most rewarding organizations a person can belong
to are local organizations serving local needs.

Big-cities may have their place, but when you get

right down to it, the local community is the back-
bone of America.

Meeting and knowing many pe0ple is extremely important
in establishing oneself in a community.

National and international events are important
largely because of the way they effect (the community)

as a community.

Now, to finish up, we need a little more information

about you.

1)

2)
3)

4)

5)

Are you married?

(a) yes (b) no (IF NO) Have you ever been married?
(IF EVER MARRIED) How many children do you have?

What was the highest grade in school that you com-
pleted? What is the highest degree you have completed?

What was your total personal income before taxes in

 

1961?

What is your age?

Appendix B

Comparison of C Values Among Significant Variables
Associated with Localism-Cosmopolitanism.

(Rank order for 2x2 tables)*

 

All Locals and Cosmos by: 0 Value
Age

19-36 and 37-64 ,24
Education

High school or less and some

college or more .235

Plans to stay in the community

Yes and No or Don't Know .215
Occupation
Professional and non-professional .20

Length of residence in the community
20 years or less and 21 years or
more or whole life .19

Definition of success
"Security" mentioned and not mentioned .17

"Achievement in Job" mentioned and
not mentioned .10

Community satisfaction score
More satisfied (46 or above) and
Less satisfied (45 or below) .10

* It must be noted that much is lost by dichotomizing some

of these variables and due caution must be exercized in
comparing them inthis manner. This table, at best, offers
a rough means of comparison of the relative importance of
the variables found to be associated with L—C.

88