UTE ACCULTURAWOH AN 33- MARY ADAPTATION Thus for tho Dogs-u cf M. A. MICHEGAN STATE COLLEGE 3am‘rico Medicine Gamer 3954- This is to certify that the thesis entitled "Ute Acculturation and Dietary Adaptation" presented by Beatrice P1. Garner has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for MA . degree in Sociology 8: AnthrOpology W Major professor Date March 16, 1955 0-169 UTE ACCUETURATION AND DIETARY'ADmPTATION by Beatrice Medicine garner A THESIS Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements .for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1951: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are many people to whom I am indebted. Dr. Solon T. Kimball of Columbia University first interested me in this area of human relations and has since encouraged my interests in Social Anthropology. Dr. Florence Hauley Ellis of the University of New Mexico provided valuable instruction both in the classroom and in the field in the tech- niques of.Archaeology and Ethnology. Professor Kenneth.Tiedke of Michigan State College has offered pertinent suggestions and a general re-focusing of the problem. Dr. John Useem and Dr. Ruth Hill Useem have been most helpful in discussions relevant to this problem. Dr. Paul A. Miller of Michigan State College gave generously of his time in the direction of the thesis in its final stage. To all these persons, I wish to express my appreciation and my gratitude for their encouragement and guidance. I also wish to thank my husband, James C. Garner, for his under- standing and encouragement. The John Hay'Whitnqy Foundation and the Illinois Federation of Women's Clubs generously contributed financial aid for which I am grate- ffix1, Beatrice Medicine Garner ii 35064 8 .‘dCc‘. _ THESIS ABSTRACT Ute Acculturation and Dietary Adaptation Beatrice Medicine Garner The dietary adaptations of an American Indian tribe, the Ute tribe located at present on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation in the state of Utah, illustrate a general so- culturative process to a new system of values as presented by the dominant White society. The data on which this study is based was gathered during field work among this indigenous group. In addition, a careful perusal of all existent literature and governmental documents was conducted to delineate the types of change agents which enacted adjustments in the aboriginal food habits of this preliterate group of peeple. The data indicated that the type of change was variable with the type of change agents, a. g., missionaries among these Indians were not as effective in changing the food-ways as were governmental agents such as school teachers, agents, farmers and other directly super-or- dinate personnel. A system of federal food-rationing definitely directed the food change of this group. In this little-studied group, the carriers of a gathering- type of aboriginal culture have made distinctive adaptations to a dominant American society. “,17va/7/Z/tms Approved 4.; 4, N' ”mi-31F; V' SOCIAL Crux? [‘PPEWICES A, y. .‘F 3‘ Clo: TABLE OF CONTENT 5 CHAPTER I. II. III. INI'RMXJCI'ION TO THE PROBLEM A. Method of Obtaining Data 8. Discussion of Relevant Theory as Applied to Pro-Literate Societies C. Presentation of Theoretical Approach FEE-CONTACT UTE SOCIETY A. The Life-Way B. Aboriginal Dietary Patterns FACTORS 0F cm NGE A. The Background B. Food Rations and Thetary Change C. The Annuity System D. Farmdng as a Force in the Change of Food Habits E. The School as an Agent in Dietary Change F. Missionaries and Their Effects on Dietary Patterns 0. The Trading Post as an Innovation in Dietary Change mmmmomr DIETARY HABITS: FIELD DATA SOCIAL CHANGE AND DIETARY AMPTATION BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES A. Map of state of Utah, showing the Uintah-Ouray Reservation ' B. Chart of Major Ute Ceremoniale iii PAGE to 145' 55 68 88 99 102 105 126 131 137 138 NUMBER I. II. III. F3 VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. LIST OF TABLES ESTIMATES OF UTE INDIAN POPULATION SUB—DIVISIONS OF THE UTE TRIBE FIRST CROPS GROWN BY THE UTES RATIONS ISSUED TO TIE UTES SOURCES FROM THIGH SUBSISTENCE WAS OBTAINED BY THE UINTAH UIES SELF-SUPPORTING AND NON-SELF SUPPORTING UTE INDIANS, (1912-1920) AWUNTS OF PRODUCE RAISED BI THREE UTE BANDS POPULATION OF TIE UINI'AH-OLRAY RESERVATION MOST PURCHASED ARTICLES AT THE TRADIM‘: POST MST FREQUENTLY PURCHASED ARTICLES, IN DESCENDIM‘: ORDER FOOIB PURCHASED BY THE INDIAN BOARDIM} SCHOOL iv PAGE 28 29 52 58 6h 65 76 82 113 11h 116 CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION TO'THE PROBLEM A. Method of Obtaining Data Data for this thesis was obtained during a field trip among the Ute Indians of the Uintah and Ouray Reservation in Utah during the summer of l9h8. Seven weeks were spent in the field, one of which was spent in western Utah on the Gosiute Reservation. The remainder of the time was spent on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation in the north- eastern section of Utah. Since the population of the Gosiute was a smaller one, it was used as a test case to acquaint those of the field party without previous experience with work in a cross-cultural setting. In addition, it was felt to be advantageous to study a group which in aboriginal times had a culture similar to that possessed by the Utes at that time. These Indians did not receive the large amount of direct influence and consequent acculturation to the Plains Indian pattern that the Utes had received. Even the superficial examination conducted among the Gosiute did, in fact, prove very helpful in en- abling one to make a better evaluation of cultural items found among the Utes. ' As for specific field techniques, as much information as possible was obtained from the literature and from questioning per- sonnel at the Indian Service headquarters. After arrival in the field, the practise became one of each individual worker selecting an area ' for concentrated investigation. He worked with a series of informants but not in the presence of the other workers. These interviews were usually cond: the gathering, of the interv it the surrcuii the purpose (A state. In 36de the trading p03 time. The re 1m °! 311 crexlx Since a nu -\ \ “813, this was“; mm “Quint; A in the Wtsesgié‘ a ‘1‘ .tfih ‘0 39‘.ng um mdl lflYhninxion, L “LDC! “Lb 1.00 Etch “1e Pr F- eg. an the sch. “1081011 tit C, ”an... Ira usually conducted at the trading post or at the informants‘ homes. In the gathering of the material for this paper, the greater proportion of the interviews were conducted in the home of the informant. Trips to the surrounding countrybside were taken with various informants for the purpose of gathering those forms of food collected from a wild state. In addition, material was obtained from records belonging to the trading post and from records on file in the Indian Service Agency office. The records kept by the trading post contained itemized list- ings of all credit purchases with the date and name of the purchaser. Since a vast majority of trading post business is conducted on a credit basis, this was found to be an invaluable source of information on actual acquisitions of new types of foods. The trading post remains in the possession of the original family, who, in turn, were the first family to settle in this immediate area. After the Indians of this group discovered the subject of this investigation, they cooperated fully'- to the extent of providing the author with food on frequent occasions. She was usually invited to watch the preparation of the food or participated in its preparation. A full questionnaire form was not used, but rather, the author used the schedule type of questionnaire which is used by many anthro- Pological field workers. It consisted of an outline about which questions were directed to the informant in an attempt to obtain as cOMpIete material as possible. other than mun; \ getting «um complexes revel , he of th tun is h. Audra 1mm, in a to; ‘\ Eta. lit! Stat; B. Discussion of Relevant Theogz as Applied to Pre-literatg Societiep Due to the paucity of work in the nutritive area among pre-lit- erate peoples, it is possible to outline the major theories of each of the main contributors in this area of human relations. Various theories regarding change in dietary practises of such yrs-literate societies have been advanced by social scientists. However, little has been done other than enumerations of food-gathering techniques and other food- getting activities with slightly less interest in attitudinal and habit complexes revolving around food. One of the persons interested in the nutritional aspects of cul- ture is Dr. Audrey I. Richards, who published a hypothetical statement in 1932, in a book which was entitled Hugger and‘Work in a Savage Com- EEEEEZk Her statement that ”nutrition is a biological process more fundamental than sex'1 is a startling one and this area of the hunger drive is markedly absent from most ethnographic research. Unlike sex, this drive cannot be suppressed; it is an imperative which underlies all human interaction.2 1Richards, Audrey 1., Hunger and Work in a Savage Community (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free-Press, IRBZ), p. 1. 201nm, Douglas L., M c... of A Change in Food mono," 52- plied Anthropology,‘Vol. 1, No. 2,.l9h2, p. 3b. "The activities, in- stitutions, symbols, and appetites derived from the bodily need for sustenance constitutes 5,most, if not 323 most important aspect of Primitive cultures ... Sustained sexual frustration, however, only ru‘Olyreaches a stage beyond bodily tolerance. On the other hand, aerious and sustained frustrations to the satisfaction of food needs can be tolerated by no human organism.“ Of Ill for its fulfil gathering WA: “mm plu. take the 11m A indium“, SC" term tv0 enab; Accordii dimmed in a A stunt. “hen; m’ied gm Corp} the pan, “m n \ “M1192 Of all the biological impulses, the hunger drive is dependent for its fulfillment upon the formation of a habit complex. This food gathering complex requires an adaptation of the individual to the en- vironment plus a workable interaction pattern which is essential to make the individual a functioning member of society. In turn, the individual, society and culture are interrelated in one process which serves to enable the continuance of the group. According to Richards, the ”nutritive impulse...has either been dismissed in a paragraph on infant psychology or split into a number of separate inherited 'urges' expressed in human institutions of the most varied and conplex type."3 Neither is an effective means of analyzing the part that nutrition plays in the structure of human society. Generally speaking, the nutritive practises of pro-literate groups have been less spectacular and therefore, ethnological investi- gators have focused on other parts of the culture, on such things as rites of passage, warfare, kinship, and age-graded societies. Man has the ability to eat a larger variety of food, but actual- ly, his diet is limited - not so much by environmental or biological factors - but by the traditional regulations of the society into which he is born.h Cultural traditions impose restrictions and present con. ditioning processes which may cause an important effect on later re- lfit 10“. e 3Richards, op. cit., p. 6. hCussler, Margaret and DeGive, Mary L. , 'Twixt the C and the BER (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1953). This book deals mainly with feed habits in the United States and especially with the South. Food: to‘ huge providel fectiuly cons'u m.n.mm mt seemingly a, I! | process sta‘fi tux eccnonic st: am in which {A foodogetting hat» Symbolic System % ation of touting, flvidm his VIA K Nth. “I Show Th4 Foods tend to assume a series of values other than those which hunger provides. Food and nutrition in a human society cannot be ef- fectively considered apart from the cultural milieu in which they oper- ate. In a primitive society, the connotations of nutrition are basic and seemingly apparent. Ideally, nutritional factors must be viewed as a process starting from the period of suckling and continuing until full economic status is reached by the adult. This is not the only area in which food habits operate, however. The mechanisms by which food-getting habits are formed are of consequence. Important in man's symbolic system are his primary needs; food is a basic need. The for- mation of sentiment systems may be studied through the medium of in- dividual life cycles in the setting of each particular culture. This is one means of discovering the interrelationships of the functions of the social institutions in a living society. Human relationships of a primitive society, as determined by food needs, may show how hunger and the ways of meeting this need shape the sentiments which determine the operational method of a social group. Beginning with the individual, it may be possible to show'the effects of the suckling relationship on the social tradition and rules of a 5 gr cup e . sMead, Margaret., Sex and Te rament in Three Primitive Socie- tie! (New York: 'Hilliam Marrow and 0., 193 p. 39-BO. *Tfiis line of argument is borne out by Margaret Mead. Referring to the Arapesh, she states, "During its first months, the child is never far from someone'a arms...If the child is fretful and irritable, it is carried in the sling, where it can be given the comforting breast as swiftly as possible. A child's crying is a tragedy to be avoided at all cost, and this attitude The limits of the variations of such customs may be analyzed carefully to grasp the meaning of the individual's life processes plus its effect psychologically. This segment of the whole core of nutritional prac- tises may also be a factor determining the social status of women and their relationship to men, and vice versa. Food, then, may be a deter- minant of attitudes and interactions which are centered in the home.6 Food might be equated with trade in a system of economics, thus it is important to intra- and extra-familial relations; in turn, it places food-getting activities in a larger context dealing with the whole society. is carried over into later life...Suckled whenever they cry, never far distant from some woman who can give them the breast if necessary...the child has a continuous warm sensation of security.” And on page 139, she further states 'Mundugumore women suckle their children standing up, supporting the child with one hand in a position that strains the mother's arm and pinions the arms of the child. here is none of the mother's dallying, senuous pleasure in feeding her child that occurs among the Arapesh. Nor is the child permitted to prolong his meal by any playful fondling of his own or his mother's body. He is kept firmly to his major task of absorbing enough food so that he will stop crying and con- sent to be put back in his basket. The minute he stops suckling he is returned to his prison. Children therefore develop a very definite pur- posive fighting attitude, holding on firmly to the nipple and sucking milk as rapidly and vigorously as possible. They frequently choke from swallowing too fast; the choking angers the mother and infuriates the child, thus further turning the suckling situation into one character- ised by anger and struggle rather than by affection and reassurance.” 6 Richards, Audrey 1., Land Labour and Diet in Northern Rhodesia, (London: Oxford University Press, 19 , p. 6. P‘The habits of eating are very largely fixed and traditions of housecraft correspond to it.” .; ”L .94.; Nut: feed-ohm: mm 231‘ ionship: mom, e! an 1mm tinge: | Nutrition includes the whole schema of regulations by which man's food-obtaining activities are organized and controlled. The whole nut- ritive systen in operation is the ideal to be observed. Its interrela- tionships with other aspects of the system of social organization, re- ligion, economics and values should be noted. Too, the value system of an individual changes as his age and interaction pattern in a group changes and may be more salient in a process of adjustment to new sys- tems of values and sentiments. The formation of family sentiments and the function of the house- hold group as a unit which produces, conserves, consumes and shares its own supply of food varies in divergent cultures. The extension of these family functions to members of the wider kinship group - considering attitudes and reciprocity - may be centered around food getting and food distribution. Dr. Richards considers economic organization relative to this factor but also in relation to the function of ceremonialization in strengthening such bonds. She uses food as a symbol of these complex human relationships. The use of the analysis of food habits may show the growth of human sentiments of one particular gnaup. By taking the individual as a baby and observing his changing biological needs, his increasing age and consequent training throughout his life, this method may give an interesting view of his changing behavior patterns toward other members of the culture of which he is becoming a participant. It must be stressed that the continuity of the child's life is important; rites of passage should not be lifted out of context. The individual should not be studied as an isolated human being, but should be considered in relation to those other persons with whom he comes in contact such as the mother as a conveyor of food who is largely respon- sible for the security which is essential to emotional stability. Through the feeding complex, the child establishes his relationships to the fam- ily, the kin group, and ultimately to the tribe. The native beliefs concerning lactation and its complexities also have sociological impli- cations. The actual changes in the child's life are important, for they are related to such emotions as Jealousy, father-mother (husband- wife) relations and in some cases, may have sexual connotations. In early childhood, the food supply may influence the child's pro-occupations and attitudes. The functioning of the family to obtain food, the ceremonialization of meals, the sentiments involved in taking food from kin - all these elements and many more concerned with eating habits may contribute their share to the socialization of human beings:7 7Ibid. pp. 8-9. "But if social values and nutritional dogmas shape a people's food habits, it is their economic institutions that en- able them to produce their supplies...Agricultural and pastoral activi- ties are governed by cultural rules, some based on empirical knowledge and some on magico—religious beliefs. These vary from tribe to tribe, even in areas where environmental conditions are very similar. Food is everywhere produced by co-operative action and it is on the success of their social organization that different people's diet depend. Man works to produce sufficient or surplus victuals under the urge of a number of economic incentives and these are culturally defined in each tribe. Dis- tribution is a question of the utmost importance among peoples living for the most part on perishable foods and it is their different legal systems and principles of social grouping that enable them to share their supplies between the different members of classes of the community; All these social and economic factors directly affect the production and consump~ tion of food in a native area." This pattern becomes gradually enlarged to include a new system of values which may change with the interaction pattern of the indivi- dual or group.5 Stabilized patterns of behavior develop between in- dividuals as they operate in obtaining, preparing and eating food. This is in actual relation to the status system of a group. In later childhood, the individual's nutritional habits are im- portant, if not a dominant factor, in shaping the kinship sentiment and relationships to other members of the society. New sentiments, e.g., father—son relationships and age-graded societies may be important in this development. Food routine which includes the getting and treating of food, teaches the child his place in a social structure. Ties are reflected and modified in new relationships and roles as the individuals interacts with different age groups and as he assumes different tasks. During the adolescent period, there are urgent and changing nutritive needs. A system of interaction growing in complexity presents new kinship and tribal rights and new and different obligations. This holds true of both sexes. At maturity, the child becomes a transmitter of this com— plex involving nutrition which defines the interrelationships of the people in his society. aRichards, Audrey 1., "A Dietary Study in Northern Rhodesia,“ Africa, Vol. II, No. 2., 1937, p. 11. "Kinship patterns and the inter- play of individual character - are factors that also influence economic co-operation and food distribution." iii the m ' 4 H Y0.v‘,u n 10 The actual values attached to the food-getting activities and the nature of the operations are often the center of the values in- volved in any one culture. There is a definite relationship between the symbolic system (magic and religion), social organization and economic organization? and these factors vary to make each culture a unique entity. The roles of institutions are related to food and the complexity of the social system.10 Economic organizations which may be kinship- determining organs are also transmitters of cultural techniques dealing with the obtainment and distribution of food. The whole complex of marriage, chieftainship, lineage and tribal solidarity .may all achieve a new perspective when viewed from a functional outlook based on nur- ture and nutrition. The integration of rites with certain social roles in the foodpgathering technique is another factor to be considered.11 9Oliver, op. cit., p. 36. "...Food habits are not just appende- cular to the main body of culture. There is a recurrent physiological need for food, and the techniques men use in producing, distributing, and consuming it affects their social interaction and ultimately leads to the organization of many of their institutions. But men do not prize food for its nutritive value alone; they raise it to sylbolic status, endow it with prestige, and use it as one of their most sacred ritual paraphernalia.” 10 Richards, A. I., Eggger and Work in a Savage Community, 0 . cit., p. 11h. ”Hunger is not the only want that shapes human groupings, But it is a very fundamental one; and the isolation of nutritive institutions enables us to see the structure of a primitive society from a new point of view. 11Ibid., p.212,Nutrition in human society cannot be considered as a biological instinct alone,... "it is a biological process in that the constant drive of hunger gives to food-getting an interest and a value quite different from that of any other activity in which man is engaged.“ Food may be symbolic in all phases of everyday living - union, taboo, fertility, and the role of women. To the primitive, food may symbolize his highest spiritual expressions, but in direct parody, it also must meet his immediate pkwaiologicd needs. The psychological aspects of food in a cultural context is important - emotional attitudes, taboos, folklore and other tribal beliefs enter into the complete pic- ture of the nutritive needs of a social group. Of sociological importance (perhaps more so in a culture under- going change) is the fact that the nutritive conditioning of a child and the ceremonialization of food in relation to the social customs of his group regulates his choice of diet.12 This interrelatedness is well-defined and systematizes the individual within his family and withp in other social institutions, (village, peer-group, and political state) but it also systematizes these groups to the environment, technology, division of labor and symbolic system. In his field work among the Nogovisi of Central Bougainville, 13 Douglas Oliver shows the importance of social organization and values held by the members of a culture in a process of change. In this case, the immediate family is the food-producing unit in a gardening economy 12 One such attitude was noted among the Navaho students in an Indian boarding school in the American Southwest. The students re- fused to eat salmon loaf. This presented an extension of a tribal taboo which prohibited the consumption of fish in any form. 13Oliver, op. cit., pp. 3h-36. within a matriarchal society with matrilineal land inheritance. 'While in the northern part of the area women had real authority in gardening activities with the men's Jobs consisting solely of cleaning the garden sites and making the fence, in the southern.part of the area, the men do all the work involved in gardening. This latter innovation was caused by the introduction of pig-raising whose care became a man's Job and the new economic role was used as a device to give a man power and prestige. In this case, gardening assumed a new aspect within the society and be- cause the innovation offered prestige to a certain group, it was accepted and had far-reaching effects on the whole native economy and social or- ganization of this particular group of people. Cora DuBois utilized the idea of hunger at work in a nondwester- nized society in her study of the Atimelangers.on the island of Alor in the Netherland East Indies. She assumes that all human beings have cerb tain "physiologically'determined tensions'lh and considers hunger as one of the most obvious ones. Her orientation to this problem is a little different from the ones previously presented due to the fact that her primary interest is in personality and culture. She attempts to demon- strate that hunger as one of the basic physiological tensions can be "acted upon by disciplines of childhood” in various contextual situations and that ”it is crystallized by (or into) institutional behavior through those personality mechanisms” which she assumes to be universal to man— kind. 1hDuBois, Cora, “Attitudes Toward Food and Hunger in.Alor,' in Haring, Douglas 0., ed. , Personal Character and Cultural Milieu. (Syn- cuse, Syracuse University FFess5 1953), pp. 195:503. 12 13 She states that "it must be stressed again that no single tension like hunger and habits associated with its gratification will explain either the totality of culture or the dominant and stressed personality traits of its bearers."ls Her synthesis shows the differences in the sexual roles within this culture in which the girls are trained as pro- viders and have no major adjustment to make to the adult role; whereas, the boy has a sudden adjustment to make to the fact that there are no crisis rites to help him become ready to achieve an adult status in the society. Although aboriginal food patterns are frequently discussed in monographs of ethnographic nature, the problem of food change has re- ceived little attention among the American Indian groups. Some of the work which has been done remains in unpublished form.16 Flora Bailey's article17 concerned with Navaho dietary is pri- marily one which stresses cooking methods, culinary equipment, etiquette 15Ibid., p. 20h. 16Watson, J. B., Hopi Foodways - A Study of the Cultural, Nut- ritional and Environmental actors in the Diet or the'Ho 1 Fe ls, (Washington, D. 6., U. 5. Office of Indian Affairs, 1952; also Hatson, J. B. and Michel Pijoan,.M. D., A Casual In 1 into Ho 1 Foodw s, (Washington, D. C., U. 8. Office SI Indian §%fairs, 1953;. it was not possible to obtain these manuscripts, as they were not in the Indian Service files in Washington. As the Hopi also belong to the Uto-Astecan linguistic group and have evolved an entirely different type to culture, it would have been interesting to note their mode of dietary adaptation. 17Bailey, Flora, 'Navaho Foods and Cooking Methods,” American Anthropologist, n. s., Vol. h2, No. 2., l9h0, pp. 270-290. of eating a: imcmnt 0: going cult: the availat fifference' I‘M ‘me a nth '17:; u f 9.3-“.ng 3T . ,' A: flitm a. v “‘Y‘Ai vu“ -_4 L‘ of eating and native recipes. She has noted several factors which are important ones for consideration in studying native aggregates under- going cultural change. These are the financial status of the family, the availability of native food-stuffs in a rapidlyberoding land, the differences between the cooking methods and diet utilized by the women who have attended school in contrast to those who have had less contact with white American culture. Folk belief and practises concerning eating are also points she considers in the study. Another study whith a different focus is the work done by Hawley, Pijoan and Elkin.18 Their problem was to determine the degree of de- culturation process in the dietary of the Zia Indians, and if such a process existed, to correlate these findings with certain physical con— ditions which prevailed among the children in the pueblo. Their con- clusion was that certain sub-clinical and threshold avitaminosis exist among the children of school age. They attributed.this condition to an inadequate intake of specific food as part of this deculturation pattern which is another way of saying that the findings indicated an.insuffi- cient intake of certain food elements which in turn was related to Zia economy. This study combined the talents of’a medical doctor and two cultural anthropologists . 18Hawley, Florence, Michel Pijoan, and P. Elkin, ”An Inquiry into Food Economy and Body Econonw in Zia Pueblo,“ American Anttro- pglogist, n.s., Vol. h3, No. b, 19h3, pp. Sh8-557. 15 As an outgrowth of the program instituted by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 19h1 which initiated a program for the study of food habits and nutrition among the Southwestern Indian and Spanish-American populations, Pijoan and Eggan published another paper which dealt principally with the problems encountered in such a study in cross- cultural situations. Unique among the monographs which treat the problem of food change is Trinita Rivera's study in which chemical analyses were made of the various forms of aboriginal types of food in an effort to deter— mine their nutritive value in a Coast Salish diet. She states: "The results are of more positive value than we had dared to hope and indicate that modern knowledge of nutrition might benefit through further exploration of such mater- ials. . The material presented here would seem to indicate that the Indians of the Pacific Northwest show very good sense about their diet. Although they are certainly as ignorant of nutritional values as the average citizen of Canada and the United States, their cultural habits and preferences have apparently furnished them with valuable dietary criteria. At least one aboriginal method of dry- ing salmon for storage is shown by these investigations to be excellent according to modern nutritional stan- dards. It is also well to point out that these good cul- tural food habits were developed within a food-gathering economy with neither agriculture nor domesticated food animals. It is suggested, therefore, that there is no necessary correlation between good ood habits and the basic methods of food production.”1 LA A‘ ___A u —-_ 19zlivera, Trinita, "Diet of a Food Gathering People with Analysis of Salmon and Saskatoons," in Smith, Mariam W., ed., Indians of the_grban Northgest, (New York: Columbia University Press, 191.9). pp. 3‘36. This approach should prove singularly invaluable for it elimin- .ates the necessity for value judgments about the relative merits of native versus ”White" foods. DeCastro20 reinforces this view on a somewhat generalized level. 20 DeCastro, J03“0: The Geo a of H er, (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1952) p. O, ' he energy supply of these populations is somewhat higher than the statistics indicate, since the more primi- tive population groups make habitual use of various food substances the composition of which is virtually unknown to the outside world.“ Still speaking of hunger in the New'Harld, he continues on page 90, "The restricted quantity of the diet as a whole, and also, to a certain degree, the wide consumption of various spices and sauces made from native plants, serve to forestall the more acute states of deficiency.” 16 17 C. Pmsentation of Theoretical Approach This thesis seeks to investigate the changes which have occurred - in the dietary habits of the Uintah Utes, one group of the Ute Indians, who reside at present in northeastern Utah. In so far as is possible, the author hopes to trace alterations of the diet through the various change agents which have had influence on this indigenous society and to follow the. modifications of the dietary habits of this native tribe in their contact with a dominant society. In contrast to other cultures whose entire social and religious institutions and subsistence econorw were based on one natural pheno- menon, as for example, the Plains aggregates, what means of adaptation does a loosely integrated society utilize in making an adjustment to a new and imposed way of life? It is theorized that such'a social unit which is acquisitive in most of its cultural embellishments will show little resistence to new ideas and hence, such new innovations will likely be accepted by then with comparative ease. The reverberations of the accepted items, mater- ial or otherwise, may not become apparent for some time. It is possible that When the new cultural elements do, if they do, become obvious to the Brow, these elene nts may have already become such an intrinsic 9‘” 0f the culture that they are not rejected without considerable imm'enience to the human group. It is possible that this may be especially pertinent in a society “hero fundamentally the pattern has been one of borrowing and adding - 18 with little or no alteration in making the borrowed traits uniquely their own. What is involved in the processes of adaptation when new foods and the related techniques of preparation are introduced and accepted in such an acquiring type of culture? A cultural tradition of selecting elements from other systems may have augmented comparative ease in the transference of Ute society from its aboriginal state to the mcre pre- dominate one of white American culture. What effects did the aboriginal food getting complex have on this type of a transfer? In an effort to trace the effects of a variety of change agents and their impact on the target culture, the type of superimposed human relationships which were established to introduce the items involved in the case of food rations and their distribution to a subordinate Pimple is of great saliency. Tangentially, the type of social structure of the administering group and its relationship to the type of existing social organization is crucial in this type of cultural adaptation. It is further theorized that the influence of cultural compul- 31'" from an exterml source which in this instance was overlaid upon ‘ native culture has had tremendous influence on the changing food and f°°d habits of this tribe of American natives. The problem at hand is to deal with the socio-cultural factors 19 involved in a process of acculturationzl in the area of food and the obtainment and consumption patterns revolving around it. Food habits, in this aspect, are taken to be those standardized sets of behaviors and attitudes which are manifested by the individuals who are raised in this particular cultural tradition. This set of culturally deter- mined ways of behavior regarding food and related activities are to be considered an interrelated part of the total standardized systems of Ute Indian culture. 21Many definitions of the term acculturation are presented in the literature. For example, the intermingling or cultures as mentioned is Herskovitts, Melville J. , Acculturation: The Stucbr of Culture Con- ta'ct, (New York: J. J. August'i'n,‘l'§§83 pp. lo-Ihf'lcculturation com- prehend: those phenomenon which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first—hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either 01‘ both groups...“ The. author feels, however, that in this area of human relations, when much of the articles of change were of a material nature, Malinowski's phrase ”culture contact and change” is the most 'Pplicable. His consideration of culture change in which the exisiting order of a society such as its beliefs and knowledge, its crganisation, tools and consumer goods is transformed seems more appropriate to this tips of study. Malinowski, fi'onislaw, The DLnamics of Culture Cha e: An I 111 into Race Relations in Africa, (New Haven: 181s University Press, 19%;}. furthermore, the term as used by Stout in which he states " . .. it is used to refer to the phenomena resulting from more or less continuous contact of two or more cultures. It refers, than, to diffulion on a rather large scale between the cultures immediately in- '°1'ed. its logical conclusion is assimilation, though in actuality, the latter state is not always reached but instead the societies arrive ‘t ‘ DOint. of adjustment and thereafter retain their cultural unique- ness.“ Stout, D. B., "San Blas Cuna Acculturation,‘ Social Forces, Vol. 21, October, 19112, p. 87. The author feels that this latter point is Capecially relevant to culture contact as applied to the American Indian, Where despite decades of superordinate administration and plan— nod 500331 change, may facets of traditional culture still persist. 20 This thesis is an attempt to explore the ramifications of food habits in a culttral setting which has undergone change from its native state to one which, symbiotically, approximates "‘wlhite'I American culture in some ways. This form of adaptation will be analyzed within the con- text of the cultural areas surrounding it. In this endeavor to delineate the process of becoming adapted to a new type of dietary, it seems that my group of human beings may be compelled to operate in accordance with several factors - the geograp- hic and economic availability of food, the social usage of the group which would include their own specially-acquired and traditionally- defined tastes, and the patterned behavior of human relationships in- volved in the food-getting activities. These factors are all operative in the area of choice. The original food pattern may become more difficult to obtain, and thus, may lose its desirability in the area of social acceptance. 0n the other hand, the new foods, because of their availability may tend to become socially esteemed and hence enter into the dietary pat- terns of the social group. It would appear that the degree to which the new foods replaced the traditional diet depends to a large extent on the simultaneous din- inishing of the use of the native diet and an ever-increasing utiliza- tion of the new foods. Other factors as the emergence of new patterns 01' obtaining food by working for it (trading labor for food) and the ”(3111186 of money for foodstuffs are relevant. 21 The author feels that the recording and collection of native food recipes and the observation of the cooking and eating patterns emcfi‘fild constitute only a fraction of the data necessary for an anthro- pological study of nutritive systems. In so far as.is possible, a critical examination of the social and economic institutions in neces- any in order to see the problem in a context of social change. There are certain factors which must be taken into consideration in a study concerned with pro-literate or so-called "primitive" or “peasant" societies. one of these is the linguistic factor. In most cases of the present day American Indian groups, it is possible to find bi-linguals who may be used as interviewees or as interpreters. This factor is especially pertinent in a nutritional study, for many of the native foodsare referred to in the mother tongue. Other factors are such things as eating patterns which may not follow the conventional mttem of three meals a day; the feeding of children; the preparation of food; the rationalization of the foods utilised. It is obvious that ' study designed for a nutritional stuck in modern American society might be irrelevant in its entirity to such a problem as will be pre- sented hen, In an effort to delineate the role of the charge agelts within “‘13 one area, it is necessary to investigate all possible written lit- erature to isolate the agents of change which were paramount in the de‘floment of new attitudes and values regarding this one phase of Ute Indian acculturation. 22 II. AK’RIGINAL UTE CULTURE A. The Li fe-Way It has been only until very recent years that ethnologists22 have turned their interests to the Great Basin area in which the Utes, Paints, and the other very similar Shoshonean tribes of American Indians lived. Previous to this time, the area had been virtually ignored by the an- thropologists except for some instances in which linguistical and music- a1 data were collected.23 With the exception of some very cursory re- ports by travelers and surveyors through this area, little information has been published. There seems to be evidence, from both the secondary sources and the field data, that the Uintah Utes have undergone two steps incul- tural adaptation. Originally, they were part of the basic Basin-Plateau cultural pattern. It seems that the first transfer was to a Plains-type, culture. This proliferation was achieved largely by the addition of Quasi-Plains type material traits after the-acquisition of the horse. More recently, the other cultural clunge has been centered around the Processes of acculturation to a predominantly White American society. Both of these adaptations have involved certain processes and in or d” to understand the whole cultural components related to the culture Change of the Ute Indians, it may be necessary to reconstruct the simple hunting and gathering type of culture which was theirs prior to their obtainment. of the horse. ‘— A— 22Anthropological workers who have been most well-known for in- Vestigation in this area are Julian Steward (1931-33). Elmer Smith (191l0’h1) and Florence Hawley (191.8). Various archaeological recon- naisanc. expeditions have been in the region. 23Kroeber (1908), Lewis (1909), Demon (191m and Lovi- (1919). 23 These generalizations are based on analyses of such cultureth in the Great Basin as the Paiute (both Northern and Southern) and the Gosiute Indians. These tribal aggregates have often been referred to in the literature as ”Digger" Indians. This word might be termed an index as to their type of cultural achievement. Such groups show how human institutions operate within the framework of geographical pos- sibilities. This is an anthropological truism and in these cases, in- dicate that even in such simple cultures, there my be some social traits which are not directly geographically and economically inspired. The basic pattern of the people in the Great Basin area was in aboriginal times one of comparative simplicity in social organization, religion, econony and material culture. It appears that the tribes of the Inner Basin retained much of this simle cultural pattern into the historic period. Early travelers to this area described the Indians as living in cultural and economic poverty. They lived in brush shel— ters which were made with brush slats without roofs, their clothing was or rabbit skins, shredded bark, .or of buckskin. The bow and arrow and clubs constituted their weapons of war and the hunt. One of their most °ut3t3nding material artifact was basketry of which they made both the coiled and twined variety. Social organization was predominantly a g U thelly, Isabel T., Ethnograprl of the Surprise Valley Riggs, “iveraity of California Publications in American Archaeology and 2th- n°1°EYo Vol. 31, No. 3, (Berkely: University of California Press, 1932), PD. 67-210, Lowie, Robert H., Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography, (New $10“: American Museum of Natural History Anthropological Papers, 19211), tO- 20. Part 3, pp. 187-3114. Park, Willard 2., "Cultural Succession in he Great, Basin," in Spier, L., S. Newman and I. Hallowell, OdS-i ___gLan ‘ ua e Culture and Personalit , (Menasha: George Bants publishing 00,, 19%), pp. 180.203. 2h biological family grouping which offered the most effective means of ex- ploitinfi the environment in a gathering culture. This was extended to a loosely organized body when the families wished to hunt larger game, such as the antelope and deer. This was done at infrequent intervals, 25 however a szeals, Ralph L., Ethnolo of Roc Mountain National Park, United States Department of the nterior, ieldfifiivision of Education, "dmsraphed. (Berkely: 1935). Also Park, Willard z., "Paviotso Sha- manism," in American Anthropologist, n. s., Vol. 36, 1931:, pp. 108-109. 25 A. The Aboriginal Way of Life The Ute Indians are one of the Shoshonean groups which in ab- original times occupied the entire central and western portions of the present states of Colorado and the eastern portion of Utah. It seems apparent. however, that bands of the Utes ranged over southern Wyoming. The southernmost extension of their territory was in New mxico, includ- ing much of the upper drainage of the San Juan River.26 Early writers have assigned various territorial areas to the Ute Indians. "The coun- try of the Utaws is situated to the east and southeast of the Shoshones, at the sources of the Rio Colorado, "27 and the Utes were designated as those who "...inhabit the vicinity of the lakes and streams"28 in this region. In general, the writers agree on the aforementioned territory as the range of the pre-contact Ute habitat. When the Spaniards who were the first Europeans to encounter them, met them, the Utes were in area. Fray Sflvestre Velez de Escalante, who traversed their country in 1776. mentions them in his diary.29 ..— 2 6Hodge. Frederick Webb, ed. . Handbook of American Indians North Of Mexico Era—.... (Washington: United States Government Printing Office. 19105, eport Number 30, Part 2. p. 87h. Pie d27DeSmet, Father Pierre-Jean. Life Letters and Travels of Father rre p 39 9 Smet. Edited by Chittendon and Richardson. blew York: 1905). G Stansbury, Howard. Elploration and Survey of the Valley of the We of flatly includng a Reconnaissance of a New figute through W. U. 5. Senate Ea. Doc.. No. 3. Special Session, ”I" 1851- Phil-dolphins Lippincott. Grambo and Co., 1853) p. lue. 2 Di 9Escalante, Fray Silvestre Velez de. in Duro, Cesares F.. 93:; 1832‘; ‘19 Penalosa su descubrimiento del reino de ivira. (Madrid. 26 The word Ute. as applied to this particular group of North American Indians is of debatable origin. The native term used when referring to themselves is Mtge, the plural being MPG The name Utes or Utahs is usually restricted to the Ute proper. Part of the word has been used to refer to the Pa-utes which includes both the northern and southern Paiute groups. Stansbury31 indicates that the word. gap. in their lang- uage signifies water. The term Qt; also figures into the name of the Weber Ute and the Gosiute (Goshute) which are also two groups of the Shoshonean division.32 Prior to 1859. in the early treaties with the United States government and in reports by Commissioners of Indian Affairs. the Utes were known also as the Utahs. Linguistic affiliation of this group is to the Shoshonean division of the Uto-Aztecan linguage stock. The Ute language is related to those of the Paiute. Kawsiisu. Chemehuevi and Bannock.33 Following the linguis- tic map of North American Indian tribes?“ this dialectic distribution extends from Colorado to southern California and constitutes the Plateau branch of the Shoshonean sub-family. The Plateau branch is the largest of the four branches as it exceeds in territory and number the Kern River. “When! California and Pueblo branches. is in other native American ¥ —— 30 Densmore. Frances. Northern Ute Music, (Washington: U. S. Gov. Prmtmgagffice. 1922) Bureau of American Ethnolog Bulletin 75. P- 18- 3 Stansbury. op. git" p. 1%. 2 Gm“ Steward. Julian 11.. sin Plateau bori inal Socio-Politica -—-—-P-£- ggshington: v.5. Govt. Printing Office. 19383 Bulletin 120. p.264. Hodge. 92, cit., Part 2. p. 875. Also Swanton. John., The Indig 8:31:23 o No Ame 1 (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing 0ffice. 1952)’ u °§h41nerican Ethnology Bulletin No. 1’6. Po 373- % Voegelin. C.F. and Voegelin. E.W.. Ma of North eric °3~ (Publication No. 20, American Ethnological Society, n.d.g. 27 language stocks. dialectical differences exist in the language? There does not appear to be a great difference however. and probably did not present a great hindrance to interaction between the several groups or geographical bodies of the Shoshonean division?6 It is possible that in the western part of their area in Utah they could have become interning- led by marriage with the Shoshoni. Bannock and Paints. and possibly with their southern neighbors, the J icarilla Apache.37 Steward38 has shown that inter-tribal marriage occurred with the Gosiute to the west and is not an uncommon phenomenon where two groups are in proximity and especial- ly when linguistic barriers are negligible. Various estimates of the population of the Utes have been given (See Table 1). This fact is also true of the band numbers and member- ship and leadership of the bands.39 References to other early writers 35Kroeber. A. L., I'Notes on the Ute Language." American Antgzg-e We n.s. Vol. 10. 1908), pp. £0-87. Kroeber lists Marikadj as the Ute term for American. This was verified in the field (19%). Hereafter. this name will be used to indicate White American culture. 6Kroeber. A. L. . W» (”“h- 1n8t°n= U . .3. Government Printing Office. 1925). Bureau of American Eth- n°1°g¥ Bulletin No. 78. p. 577. "They are all bout equally distinct from 0’13 mother. except that the speech of the Hopi; the Pueblo tribe. who are 13'31‘1i'1tnria11y as well as culturally isolated from the others, is some- "‘1“ 11110 Most diverse." 3? 388m90 M's V010 2. P- 875. gsteward. 1938, op, cit., p. 133. 1865) W (Washington; U.S. Govt. Printing Office. Re ' p. 163. “The Utahs are divided into three bands." Indian Affair; ”e ‘ (Washington: U. S. Govt. Printing Office. 185“) p. 178. "The Utahs Ssparnte and distinct tribe of Indians, divided into six bands. the Ci th a chief as follows: the Menaches. the Capotes. the Tabenaches. baritshes. the Tempanahgres. the Puiches.‘ 28 regarding the population, division and locations of the Ute bands are cited in Bancroft)” TABLE 1 ESTIMATES OF UTE INDIAN POPULATION but generally. they seem unreliable. Tear Population Other groups Author Source __ Egthnates included Pre— A11 in Great Bureau of Amer. Contact 10.000 Basin Area Hodge Eth. Bull. 30 1845 u. 500 Gosiute Mooney 13.1. E.* Bulletin 145 1859 1,644 to Shoshoni Bands Steward Basin-Plateau 5.800 East of Salt Socio-Political Lake Groups 1870 1+. 000 None Mooney B. A. E. Bulletin 30 1885 3.391 None Swanton B. A. E. Bulletin 1145 1909 2 . 0141 None Swanton " 1909 l, 209 None Hrdlicka B. A. E. Bulletin 30 1910 2.244 None Swanton U. S. Census 1923 1.922 Including some U. 3. Office of Paiute Indian Affairs 1937 2.163 All Ute groups Swanton * 1950 1,332" U. 3. Office of Indian Affairs N it *B.A.E. refers to the Bureau of American I s number includes 1. 588 Uintah Utes. \ 100 America. . . 5751“ r Bfincroft. Hubert Howe. Bancroft's Works (San Francisco: A. L. -w thmlogy Bulletins. . Native Races in North- Bancroft and Co. , 1882, Vol. 1., pp. 1161 29 TABLE II SUB-DIVISIONS OF THE UTE TRIBE* Geographical Area Oceania The Tierra Amarilla and Chama River Southwestern Colorado and north— Name of Band Capote in northwestern New Mexico Kosunats The Uintah Reservation (1873) Moache western New Mexico Pahvant Pavo'gowunsin Pikakwanarats Sampits or Sanpet Seuvarits or Sheberetch Tabequache Tumpanogots or Timpaiavats Uintah Wiminuche Tampa ‘ The lower portion of Sevier Lake and River, Utah The upper portion of the Sevier River. south of the Salina River The Uintah Reservation in 1873 Around San Pitch Creek with winter headquarters on Sevier River, Utah In the Castle valley country and on headwaters of San Rafael River. east central Utah In southwestern Colorado. around Los Pinos About Utah Lake. Utah Northwestern Utah Southwestern Colorado, in the valley of the San Juan and its northern tributaries Around the Green and Colorado Rivers in eastern Utah *Based on information in Swanton. John R.. The Indian IhPibes of North America, (washington: United States Government Printing Office. 1952 B.A.E. Bulletin No. 115. pp. 373-37u m HOdge. 02: Cite. Pp. 87“. 30 A few other bands of uncertain status included the Cumumbah. the Kwiump‘”: Nauwanatats. and Unkapanukints. Two former bands were the So- gup which ranged in or near New Mexico and the Yubuincariri whose area was west of the Green River in Utah. Mam of the authorities who have worked with Ute material. among them Hrdlicka. Densmore. Steward and Swanton are agreed that there are three divisions recognized by the Utes themselves. These tribal divis— ions aro the Tabeguache (Uncompahgre). the Kaviawach (White River). and the Yoovte (Uintah or Uinta). The Ute name for the White River band is Ya'mpatika (Yampa-eaters)?1 the formor being a name designating geographical residence. The Uintah band derives its name from the native work W (1132 meaning "at the edge“ and m or pine).l+2 This would seem to indicate that the dwelling place (possibly the winter abode) of this groups was at the edg- 01‘ a. pine-timbered area. The other recognized Ute band was the Un- camber» This is a corruption of the native word ankapagarits (m- M- "K1 m - lake).“3 This may well have been terminology desig- hating locale of the band as this is a fairly common practise among some American Indian tribes.“ ......k 1+1 is a 1 Hodge. gp_. git... Part 2. p. 987. I'The Yampa (carum gairdneri) regiop 3111: whose roots were much used for food by Indians of the Oregon this n - the Klamath. Umatilla. Ute and others; from Ia'mpg. the name of Pkg: in the Ute dialect of Shoshoneah.‘ Densmore. op. cit., p. 18. "This is said to refer to a dwelling angle his band. located where two mountain streams came together at an was tLOMIJ‘Eing a point of land between two streams. On this point of land tain 81d ofier edge of the pine timber. as it extended down from the moun- pl‘C. of t Ml‘bid. . p. 19. "leans ,, For example. flunecogjou is a corruption of a Dakota term which 11‘,e beihey who plant near the water" and Hunkpapa which means "those who 0"" and are terms which are used to designate bands of the Sioux. 31 It may be assumed. then, that the various bands of the Ute tribe underwent something of a cultural revolution by the incorporation of the horse into their way of life by the time of the contact period. The horse seemingly made it possible for them to travel. hunt and fightns in large groups under the control of chiefs. The horse also gave them an accessibility to the bison and as buffalo hunting entails a degree of cooperation. a type of loosely organized band leadership evolved. It ap— pears. however. that there was seasonal dispersement of the band”6 (for the gathering of certain foods) so it might be safe to surmise that polit- ical organization under such leadership was largely determined by the function of the activities. such as periodic hunting for large game and occasions of warfare. Fundamentally. these comparatively stable types of band groupings allowed for a certain amount of fixed kinship groupings which were not ‘3 rigid as. for example. a Dakota tio‘s’pga. Certain secondary embellish- ments. e.g.. the age-graded societies which were common on the Plains appear to be absent here. Steward holds that "there was a bare sugges- . 1+7 tion" of such organizations. On the other hand. Densmore was told N 5Hodge, op, pi .. p. 871+. "They appear to have always been a peeple and early came into the possession of horses which in. their aggressive character." Also Swanton. op. cit.. p. 375. U110 shared with the Shoshoni the reputation of being the strongest Ost warlike of the Plateau people.“ war-11ke "The and m p. “35 Steward. pp, cit.. p. 236. And Bancroft. op. cit.. Vol. 1. 11m t ° ”Although each tribe had an obstensible chief. his power is tribe“ to giving advice. and although his opinion may influence the h. 111.: Yet, he cannot compel obedience to his wishes. Every man does as deriv 93. . .Chieftainship is hereditary in some tribes; in others it is Ehone from prestige.” His remarks are concerned with the entire Sho- an Egoups of the Basin—Plateau area. StWCrd. 02p Cite. pe 237e 32 pgpeatedly that no such societies existed.“8 Her informants stated that the only divisions of the tribe were bands which in turn were led by chiefs. As far as the property rights of the various bands for the ter— ritory exploited for subsistence purposes. it is exceedingly difficult to make a positive statement. Apparently, there was some conception of band ownership of certain areas!"9 which might possibly suggest band ow- nership of these areas. However. there was. it seems. much overlapping of bands in the territory which was exploited.5o Definitely undetermin- able is the extent to which this uncertain concept of land ownership per. tained to seeds. animals. or to both. The direct relationship which it bore to gathering and hunting activities has never fully been delineated. Within the historic period. however. groups of the Ute bands have been observed travelling over most of the aforementioned territory on hunting Oxpeditions.51 It appears that the great majority of their hun- ting °Xpeditions were to the east in the Great Plains where the bison were more numerous. Warfare. too. consisted mainly of skirmishes with tribes in this eastern section of their domain?2 DensmOI'C, OE: Cite. pe 21‘s ‘ C Dale. H. C.. e s LSmi lora ons and th Discove o WE“ ‘1 R023 to the Pacifip. Cleveland: 1918 p. 151. The Utes win.— ng on Green River above the Yampa River claimed an area of 150 miles 10% and the Uin 100 miles wide in the Uintah Valley. These, apparently. were UtC'e 50 slsteward. pp, cit.. p. 237. W". this Fremont. Harris and other early chroniclers place the Utes all ‘r.‘ e or Shogh Steward. pp. cit.. p. 222. 'So far as is known. different groups "1&1 0131 nere never at war with one another. Between Shoshoni and Ute. on; were generally peaceable. though warfare broke out occasionally. " 33 Harris53 writes that the Ute had left their valley area for fear of the Comanche and at about #10 north latitude. Comance warriors had pursued Ute bison hunters. It is very probably that the other tribes in the area east of the Rocky Mountains. as the Crow. Cheyenne. Comanche and other Plains aggregates whose cultures placed a high value on warfare did find the Utes an easy prey. and. eSpecially since all groups concerned were in search of the same subsistence commodity essential to group sur- vival . Contiguous cultural contact (through hunting and warfare) with the Plains tribes introduced many prominent Plains traits such as the tigi. the use of buffalo skins and rawhide. horse paraphernalia. and equipment for war. These artifacts were much in evidence when Powell made his expedition to this region in 1869.5“ The 11.2; was used by the Utes. and when tipig could not be built. a conical type house which was similar to the brush shelters of the Pai- ute were used.” Thus. it appears that the older type of dwdlings for the groups in the Plateau area persisted in this culture until this 56 period. Densmore states that elk hides were said to be used for the 53Harris. w. 11.. 11;. Catholic Church in Utah. (Salt Lake City: 1909). p. “172. 5“Powell. John W" loration of and Its :gibutagieg. (Hashington: 1875 . House lat sess. 5p. 12 . 55$teward. op. cit. . p. 222. "The Ashley-Smith narrative stated that in 1822-1829. several thousand Indians. thought to be Ute. were win- tering in conical. grass-covered lodges near the Green River in Wyoming." 56 Densmore. Q, cit.. p. 25. Misc. Doc. 300. lad Cong. 31+ I‘m-type dwellings; buffalo hides were used when they were available. She states that "thatched durellings were used by those too poor to have £224.! and appear to have been used by all the tribe during the summer?7 It is likely that dwellings of this latter type were used on foraging expeditions for the obtaiment of seeds. fruit. ani the like. In dealing with the material artifacts of the Ute Indians. it has never been determined satisfactorily whether they had in pre-horse times depended more upon seed-gathering than upon the hunting of small game. There is evidence that they had the full range of basketry types and techniques which were common to the other Shoshonean groups.58 It seems logical that a change in their economy would have a similar effect on the techniques of food-getting in the previous scheme of subsistence. It appears that the two techniques of basketry - the coiled and the twined variety - was known to them and that basketry as a technique is 59 a highly developed art in a gathering technolog. Ollag of tightly 57M-. P- 25s 58Muon. Otis ‘1'.. Indian Basketm. (London: 1905) Vol. 2.. p.439. 593mroft. 22. g 3.. Vol. 1. p. 1434. Writing of their material objects. Bancroft states. "The only tools used before iron and steel were introduced by the whites were of flint. bone. or horn. The flint knife had no regular form. and had a sharp edge bout three or four inches long. which was renewed when it became dull. Elkhorn hatchets. or rather wed- ges. were used to fell trees. They made water-proof baskets of plaited grasses and others of wicker work covered with hides. The Snakes and some of the Utahs were versed in the art of pottery. and made very good vessels from baked clay. These were not merely open dishes. but often took the form of jars with narrow necks. having stoppers.“ woven. pitch-covered basketry were essential in the gathering life of these people. for in their travels in search of food in an arid country. water had to be transported. The articles of the hunt probably included the rabbit stick. the rodent stick. clubs. knives and bows and arrows, which may have been a later addition. From the above description of the types of material traits which were a common part of a gathering group of people. it is difficult to say with positiveness that the Ute abandoned all of the technology of a food-gathering group when they assimilated the techniques of a culture based on hunting with seasonal forays into the country side for the pur— poses of gathering seeds. fruit and vegetables.60 It may be reasonable to assume. however. that the type of change - mobility due to the hunt and warring. may have caused them to abandon some of the material arti- facts. such as pottery. which were connected with a food-gathering econ.- osy of their previous cultural heritage. Among the Uintah Ute. the trappings of a hunting and mobile type of life style is noticeable to a greater degree. Horse gear and hunting paraphernalia is all very much like the Plains groups?1 The clothing of the peeple is much the same style. also. Dresses of the Ute women more This is a Plains-type pattern of subsistence. Among the Dakota such vegetable plants as the timpsig (a kind of wild turnip) and the an Xi (a type of tuber) plus other vegetables in season were utilized. The drying and storing of such items are the function of the women. 1 Steward. Julian H.. Notes on Hiller's Photographs of the Paiute Indians ake n th wel 1 ion f 18 . (Washington. U.S. Government Printing Office. 1939 . BAE Publication 3543. Vol. 98. No. 18. pp. 1-“0- 35 36 closely approximate the pattern set in the Plains. with the sewing of two skins down the sides and decoration with bands. floral designs and fringes being the style. The usual objects made from skins. such as rawhide ropes. quirts. Eggflechg bags and other pazflechg objects were predominant. The design elements on these articles followed the pattern of most of the Northern Plains Indian tribes. such as geometric designs on the saddle bags and floral designs on the rest of the horse trappings. Of interest is the fact that the cradle board used hy the Ute which followed the Plains style - a board covered with buckskin with appropriate design. This particular type is common in the areas east of the Intenmontane region. but has never spread beyond the Northern Ute and the Northern Shoshoni.62 When the material traits and technology of the Northern Ute is considered. there is a great overlay of influence from the Plains. Cul— tural borrowing extends to non~material elements as well. For example. the SunrDance. the Round Dance. and later. the Peyote Cult.63 As far as could be determined by the secondary material. there seems to have been no great social ritual connected with marriage within 6“ aboriginal Ute society. Bancroft writes that a woman was generally _ 62l§$§.. p. 19. 6 3Park. op, cit.. pp. 180-203. Also Park. Willard 2.. "Tribal Distribution in the Great Basin.” in American Agthropglogis . 1938. Vol. MD Pp. 622-638)e 6h Bancroft. op. cit.. Vol. 1. p. 435. 37 bought from her parents and there were instances in which girls were fre— quently betrothed in childhood. He states further that though polng was common. it was not a universal practise. Patrilocality and matri- locality were not determining factors in the placement of the newly mar- ried couple. as the biological family was the most effective means of exe ploiting the environment. One early writer states that residence at the home of the wife's parents for a short period was the accepted manner of setting up a household. Concerning the burial practises of the Utes. disposal of the dead consisted of putting the body in graves which were "high up in the kan- yons usually in clefts of rocks. "6) In general. the property of the de— ceased was destroyed at his burial place. His possessions. and in some cases. his horse was killed over his grave. Densmore writes. "It is said that Ouray. the Ute chief. was buried as far as could be ascertained. in a rock fissure or cave. 0n the burial places were the lines of horses and dogs. which. it was said. had been slain at the death of their owners. Clothing was hung above the graves. and in one instance. a quanti of corn was suspended from the branch of a tree. " Apparently. there was little ceremony connected with this type of burial. The roles of shamans. medicine men. and the like seem to be 5 Burton. Richard F.. The City of the Saints and Across the R095: Mountains to California. (London: Longman. Green. Longman and Roberts. 1862). p. 150. 66Densmore. op, cit.. p. 3. 38 absent from this ceremony. their main function centering on curing. A burial. from all evidences. seems to have been a family affair. Ban. croft related the type of mourning practised by these people in their grief which ranged from very severe lamentations including lacerations. shrieking and crying to times when they were not engaged in this behavior and were rather indifferent to their loss.67 There are several cultural items which are recurring statements in much of the literature concerning the Ute. These are the use of slaves and the statement that the Utb devoured the heart of slain enemies in order to obtain some of the brave qualities of the slain. Whether the Utes did or did not sell their own wives and child- ren into slavery is a moot point. however. there may be no doubt that they did have some part in this traffic.68 Bancroft further states that the Utes “did not hesitate to sell their wives and children into slavery for a few trinkets."69 Further testimow to this might be borne out by the fact that the Ute slaves are mentioned in a Navaho life history?0 It is a matter of historical record that in 1852. the legislature of Utah passed an act in which slavery was legalized in an effort to stop 67Bancroft. M'- p. (+39. 68M" p. 435-436. Also. Simpson. J. 8.. Report of wgzagons across the Grea Bas of the Territo of Utah for a Direct W on Rents frgg gm Floyd to GenoaI in Carson Vallgy. in 18:2. (Washington: 1876). U. 5. Amy Engineering Department. p. 1&5. 69 Bancroft. op, cit.. p. 435. 7QDyk. Walter. . §Qn of Old Man flat. (New York: Harcourt. Brace and Comparu. 1938) p. 11. the abusesin It was made legal for a probate judge to apportion native women and children to appropriate Marikadj persons. The time of tenure was not to exceed twenty years. The actual break-down of the tribes who had a part in this trade and the tribes to which the captives belonged is a very tenuous type of thing. as there are no statistics relating to this phase of Ute history. 7J’Bancroft. op. cit.. p. 435-435- ho B. Aboriginal Dietary Patterns 'Within the framework of this type of culture, the Ute Indians ZLived a more or less nomadic life with increasing dependence on hunting and with seasonal foraging of the terrain for plains and animals which were then used in the traditional manner. This is. in part, similar to a Plains-type economy in which, though the diet was predominantly fresh meat, fruits and vegetables were used in their fresh state during their availability and some were dried and otherwise prepared and stored for 'winter use. The dietary of the Utes during this time is very aptly summarized by the statement of one of Densmore's‘informants! "When we lived farther east, we ate berries, roots and meat. ‘We dried the meat of the deer, elk. and buffalo."72 Since the Utes occupied the western fringe of the buffalo range, it is possible that the bison in this region were not sufficient 73 to be their main source of sustenance. ‘The Basin-Plateau pattern of setting 72Densmore, op. cit.. p. 30. 73Beals, Ral h L. Ethnolog; of Rocky Mountain National Park (Berkely: 1935, U. E. Depa men 0 the Interior, Field Division‘ol‘, Education). p. S. ”The principal animal foods of the Ute were buffalo. elk, deer and rabbits. The buffalo were chased on horses, The small part that buffalo played in the diet is attested by the fact that when a buffalo was killed, the meat was divided into small pieces among all the band. There was no buffalo drive, apparently, such as was common in the Plains. Instead this technique was used on deer. The deer were driven into deep pits between the wings of a sage brush enclosure. Rab- bits played a considerable part in the economy of the Ute. They were hunted communally; The Uintah band had rabbit nets made from bark fiber. Sometimes jackrabbits were hunted on horseback.“ The latter two sen- tences illustrates the intermediate type of culture of the Utes, the former shows Basin-Plateau.traits and the latter shows Plains traits of food-getting. hi fire to a brush enclosure and then killing the animals as they emerged was followed by the Utes. In addition to this, other native foods consumed were pinon nuts, wild vegetables, and fish.7h There is some indication that corn was eaten by the Utes.75 Data from the early chronicles add that ‘ths Utahs eat the cactus leaf, pinon nuts, and various barks; the seed of the bunch grass, and of the wheat, or yellow grass, somewhat resembling rye, the rabbit-brush twigs, which are chewed, and various roots and tubers; the soft sego bulb, the rootlet of the cat-tail flag, and of the tule, which when sun-dried and powdered to flour, keeps through the winter and is palatable even to white men.“ Various substances such as berries, grass seeds, sunflower seeds and roots were dug. Many of these foodstuffs were dried and placed in baskets which were then stored in pits dug in the ground, which were then covered with earth. Chokecherries were mashed and sunpdried while the ,sunflower seeds were often ground and cooked and then dried for storage. 7thid., p. 5-6. "Fish weirs were made of willow. Fish were also caught by the Uintah Utes by shooting them with barbed arrows from a raft nude of grass. Fish were eaten fresh, or cut up and split open by the Hemen,'boned, dried on a frame and stored for fall and winter foods in caches." 75Densmore, op. cit., p. 30. ”The pifion nuts even at the present time, are parched in hot ashes, after which the shells are removed and the nuts grown by placing it on a broad flat stone and rolling over it a rather long, round stone. The resultant meal is mixed with water and baked on heated earth, from which the ashes of a fire have been removed.” 76Burton, op. cit., p. 581. 142 Long conical baskets were used by the women for gathering seeds and for carrying burdens. Powell writes that in gathering seeds, roots and other vegetables, ”they have large, conical baskets, suspended from their foreheads by broad straps, and with a snaller one in the left hand and a willow woven fan in the right (seed beater), they walk among the grasses, and sweep the seed into the smaller basket, which is emptied, now and then, into the larger, until it is full of seeds and chaff..."77 Among the Shoshonean tribes of the Great Basin area (and in the California area), basketry hats were part of women's dress. Apparently, the hats served two purposes: (1) to protect the head from the band or carrying straps fastened to the burden basket, and (2) to protect the head from pitch when gathering pines nuts.78 A special technique was used to separate the seeds from the chaff by the use of a winnowing basket (a flat fan-shaped or circular tray), the seeds were poured from one receptacle to another until all the chaff was removed by the wind. After the seeds were ground on a £12.... and a 531.52} 9 the coarser particles were removed in a similar manner. The winnowing basket was also used for roasting the seeds. Powell further explains a cooking method - ”they put the seeds with a quantity of red 77P°well, OEe Cite, p. 127. 78Muen, pp, cit. , p. 301. 'The Ute Indians make use of manv kinds of seeds in their dietary. 79Powell, op. cit., p. 127. Seeds and nuts were also prepared for consumption by this method of grinding. ’43 hot coals, into a willow tray and, by rapidly and dexterously shaking and tossing then, keep the coals aglow, and the seeds and tray from burning. is if by magic, so skilled are the crenes in this work, they roll the seeds to one side of the tray, as they are roasted and the coals to the other."80 Various methods of treating poisonous roots and plants were evolved. One common one being the placing of roots in a hole in the ground and building a large fire on the dirt piled above them.81 Chamberlain lists some thirty plants which were utilized in the Ute dietary either directly as a food or as a medicine. He says that "the Ute proper held the richer game portions of Utah and adjacent parts and were to a much greater degree hunters, and more warlike, than most of the relative tribes. Their dependence upon the vegetable kingdon was, naturally, less intimate than with such tribes as the desert-dwelling 82 6°81.th e e o” It would not be overstating the case to say that the reliance on hunting for the Ute was greater than in the situation of the adjacent tribes of the Great Basin. Though Clark states that they did ”... not make a practise of eating dog meat, but do so in times of famine or great 8 scarcity of other more palatable provisions," 3 it is not unlikely that -‘ oPowell, op. cit., p. 127. 81 , Cha-berlain, Ralph I, "Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians,” Alllel‘ican Anthro olo ist, n. I. Vol. 11, 1909. pp. 27-110. He lists Ute names for watermelon (than-ti-kut) and potato (tsin); the latter ten: was a transference from the name of a native plant. 82 Ibid., p. 27. 83 Clark, W. P. Indian Sigp Langpgge, (Philadelphia: L. R. Hemor- 31! and Ce., 1885) p. 391. hh this condition would reduce any group of people to eat amthing avail- able. Since the Utes were of a traditional gathering culture, the ob- ‘taixnment of any food in such a situation would be consumed. The only instance in which any form of ceremonialization was fol- lowed was during parturition, when the mother was forbidden to eat meat.8h The time allocated for the abstinence of meat consumed by the mother ex- tended te one month during which time, she was lodged in a hut away from the rest of the family. Bealsas notes that the father could not eat meat or drink cold water for four days. He was allowed to run in the hills but hunting was taboo for this period. Both parents were required to use sticks to scratch themselves and they were not to scratch their eyes. A glance at the chart (Appendix B) shows the main ceremonials of the Ute Indians and reinstates the fact that there was relatively little ritualistic development revolving around feed. The abundance of of food and its availability or non-availability was the determining factor in the holding of social dancing which was the main recreational and ritualistic behavior of this group of aborigines. Bthid" p..391. His statement reads ”...her principal diet being bread and large draughts of water.” 8580318, .Ee Cite, p. 6e 115 CHAPTER III. FACTORS OF CHANGE A . The Backgroufld In any work dealing with the American Indian, it is an almost im— possible task not to get involved with the multitudinous treaties, agree- ments and disagreements concerning the particular tribal group under study and the United States government and its representatives. Since this thesis deals only with one aspect of acculturation as seen in Ute-Marikadj relations, it was felt that only the data pertinent to the problem be in- cluded. Heretofore, concentration will be upon n particular band of the Northern Utes, namely the Uintah, who were placed on their present reser- vat ion (the Uintah-Ouray) in 18 82. Julian Steward gives a very reasonable summary of the periods of contact with the increasingly Marikadj society which the Ute86 encountered. It would seem that the early period of contact had comparatively little effect on the food and eating habits of the Utes as a whole. However, trade may have existed with the eastern tribes and with the Marikadj. Early writers mention this particular group of Indians in such a manner. The trappers and traders who were early in this section adopted the eating habits of the Indian groups whom they met in order to survive in their expeditions. One finds, however, that the expeditions of recon- naisance did have some effects on the natives. Stanbury relates that in the vicinity of the Utah Valley, mam members of the native groups A A nu“ Steward, Basin-Plateau Socio-Political Group‘s, p. 5‘. For the pur- poses of his study which deals with all the Indian groups in the Basin-Pla- teau area, he divides the Indian-Marikadj contacts into four periods: ”(1) EIpIoration and penetration of the terr tory by trappers, approximately 1776-18110, (2) Imigration which usually passed on through the country to more fertile lands on the coast, but settled Utah and the Humboldt Valley, 18’40-1860, (3) Settlement by miners and agriculturalists and the climax of strife between Whites and Indians, 1860-1870. (1;) Removal of may Indians to reservations where they still remain.” hung around the camp and awaited the ”least scrap that might be thrown away. which they devoured with avidity and without the least preparation.“ His reference group were the Paiutes. however. Apparently. the Indians availed themselves of the cattle which often accompanied the later expeditions. for Stansbury also mentions that after Sweral cows had disappeared. one "fine fat ox came into camp with an ”To“ buried in his side. which perfectly accounted for the disappear- ance 01' the others."88 Besides the surreptitious methods employed by the Indians in ob- taining meat, by raiding the herds of the explorers and immigrants who tun-mg.“ their area. one finds that m of the early explorers con- trlbutgd to the change of dietary by introducing new foods. From other accounts de‘ling with tribes in the path of the westward migration of W settlers.89 it seems likely that this pattern was pretty well es taibli$hed in this phase of Indian-Margy interaction. However. this t ype or contact was more or less a sporadic affair. The early traders uti 112": beads and other trinkets more extensively than articles of food whi ch presented a triple problem of storage. ability to keep without \ 87Stansbury. op, cit.. p. 148. 88M" 9. 148. 89Ibid.. p. 255. In his trip across the Northern Plains. Stane- floub'hntions a meeting with a band of Dakota and remarks. "Some coffee. I con. and sugar were served out to then. together with all the tobacco or .. 1:] spare." In a visit to their camp the followim day. he speaks her t. aquaw busily engaged over a few coals. endeavoring to fry. or rat- l°°lc1° boil. in a pan nearly filled with grease. some very suspicious f:- “g lumps of dough. made doubtless from the flour they had received Inst; ‘18 yesterday." Describing a meal which was served to them by their hosts. he continues (it) "...consisted of a tin pan containing a Dire “iutl of dried buffalo meat. which had been boiled in simple water. Out salt. and suffered to get cold." 47 spoilage and mobility of trade goods from one Indian group to another. In addition to beads and guns, other material objects such as mirrors. knives. needles and fabric were the common trade objects. Although Stansbury reports trading horses with the Uintah Utes. he does not. mention the articles of barter which were in the invoice of goods Which his men took to this band. Bartering for horses presents an. other factor in the way in which new goods of any type was introduced among the native groups of North America. Immigration trains which passed through the Plateau-Basin region “mute to California and the Pacific Northwest had some effect on the eating habits of the groups in this area. In contrast to the earlier tum-3° 1‘8 and "mountain men" who more or less adapted to the native habits of th, Indiana. the immigrants were much larger mmerically and had a defmt. definite objective in their migrations (as the California gold thld’e or in the case of the Mormons. religious freedom). Of course. th. itmluence of these groups varied in relation to the tribes they met. comum‘ittantly. the increasing conflict between the Indians and the M- m- “Orig the paths of migration was important. The extent of the contact between the Utes and the immigrants is 81¢.”le hard to determine due to the fact that scareely no mention 1° “‘19 of them in the published literature. Furthermore. 'Burton states that they were very independent.9O There is some indication that nary \ , Ont, 0 90Burton. w" p. 578. "Uinta Yutas are the most independ. 1‘ White settlers.“ of the Basin groups visited immigrant trains and asked for food. es- pecially bread. and articles of clothing.91 As many of the early his- torians seldom.mention groups by tribes. it is difficult to generalize from these sources. However. one may generalize from the more nomadic groups in the Plains and state that contact with immigrant trains was more one of enmity which resulted in either observation by the scouts or attack or both. In the case of attack. the Spoils were utilized ac- cording to the‘whflm of the tribe. One does not find much in the litera- ture to supplement this as far as the Uintah Utes are concerned. Other bands of the Utes. as the White River and Uncompahgre. seem to have been the more aggressive in Indian—Hagikagj strife. as witnessed by the Meeker Massacre. Undoubtedly one of the most singular factors which had a great consequence on the Ute Indians was the settlement of Utah by the Mormon groups which began coming into the region by 18h7. Beginning in the valley of the Great Salt Lake and subsequently branching out into other habitable valleys. the Mbrmons'began building homes and settlements and cultivating farms at an amazing speed. Interestinglr. the Mormon settlements utilized native foods to a great extent during this period of establishing colonies. Stansbury relates conditions in the winter and spring of 18h9 when "the inhabit- ants were straitened for food. and game being very scarce in the country. ‘Uuw were reduced to the necessity of digging roots from the ground. and Living upon the hides of animals which they had previously made use of 91 _ Burton, 02. Cite, PP. 578.579e 92 for roofing their cabins. but which were now torn off for food. There was much trading for food between the two groups of people. Record of a trade between an Indian woman (a member of the Walker band of Utes ) and a Mormon woman: The former traded three trout for three pints of flour.93 The Ute woman's husband. not satisfied with the bar- ter. beat her. Upon seeing this. the Mormon woman called her husband who interfered. In the skirmish which i'oilowed. the Indian man and his male companion were killed?“ 92S’talnsbury. op. cit.. p. 126. Also Chamberlain, Ralph V., "The Ethno—Botm of the Gosiute Indians of Utah. " American Mthropglogist. n. 3-. Vol. ll. Part 5. 1911. pp. 329-l+05. p. 330. "Of the plants that furnished food to the Gosiute in the form of roots. root-stocks. tubers. and bulbs. none is popularly so well known as the beautiful Echortus nutjgallii - si'go of the Indians. and hence, "sego" the comon name among the white residents of Utah. It is the state flower. The bulbs of this lily were formerly gathered and used for food. Not “‘1? Were they eaten in season. but they were preserved in quantity for winter use by being dried and placed in pits...from which they were taken as needed, and were then most commonly cooked with meat in the 1‘0"! 01‘ stews. When the Mormons first arrived in Utah and the struggle for food was so severe with them. they learned from the Indians the value of this article; and the digging of sego bulbs in the spring did much in many families to ward off starvation." 93 Hoopes. Alban W... Indian Affairs and Their dmi stratio . W. . (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 19325. 9“ and th _, This began a period of hostilities between this band of Utes ° ”billions which lasted until the spring of 18514. Events of a sini- nat an .mgiro led to the Gunnison Massacre - when a party of Indians visited Clothingant train headed by Hillsworth. where they asked for bread and part of One Indian was killed; his son swore revenge and later killed th' sun-ring party of Capt. J. W. Gunnison. 50 After the Mormon settlement of Utah in 181-69. John Wilson was ap- pointed to the Indian Agency at Salt Lake. Writing from Fort Bridger. he stated : "The Mormon settlement in the Salt Lake Valley has not only greatly diminished their (the Indians') formerly very great resource of obtaining fish out of Utah Lake and its sources...but their (the Mor- mons') settlement. with the great emigration there and to California. has already driven away all the game."95 A treaty ratified in 1850 provided. among other things. that the government of the United States "will grant to said Indians such donations. presents. and implements...as said Government may deem meet and proper."96 This year also saw the Utah Territorial Act approved which stipu- lated that the territorial governor was also ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs. In 1851. he ordered the territory divided into three districts. Stephen B. Rose. a Mormon. was assigned as agent to the Uin- tah district which included the Shoshone. the Uintah and Tampa Utes. Un— fortunately. there is little material on the administration of the Uintah 95l-Ioopes. op, git... p. 131. 6Revision of Indian beaties Com i ion of all e T ea ies Between the United States and the Min; Tribes" (Washington; United States Government Printing Office. 1873). p. 981-987. Article 12 of this treaty stipulates that not more than $30,000 per annum to supply the wants of said Indians for food and the Secretary of the Interior was to "supply said Indians with beef. mutton. wheat. flour. beans. and potatoes until such times as said Indians shall be found capable of sustaining themselves. " Furthermore. the treaty states that "for the purposes of inducing said Indians to adOpt habits of civilized life and become self sustaining. " a Bum of $115,000 was set aside to "provide each lodge or head of family in said confederated bands with 1 gentle American cow as distinguished from the ordinary Mexican or Texas breed. and 5 head of sheep." This article ‘PPlied to the Ute bands. rs Utes under the Mormons.9/ They considered the Indians to be the lost tribe of Israel and recruited many of them to their faith.98 Their in- fluence was mainly on the Uncompahgre band of the Utes and the Mormons exerted this influence later in the period of the 1800's when relations between the Mormons and the United States Indian Service became a little strained. Thus began a system of administered human relations which char- acterized Indian-Marikadj relationships from then until the present. In 1855. the administrators in this area began a period of inculcation of the Indians into farming practises. Three farms were established at Payson. Nephi. and Fillmore near the Mormon capitol and much farther west of the Uintah country. Burton makes reference to the Uintah Utes whom he places in the mountains south of Fort Bridger and in the country around the Green River. The population was estimated at about 1000 and he states further that "a band of 500. under # chiefs. lately settled on the Indian Reservations at Spanish Fork."99 If this is the case. it marks the beginning of agri- Hoopes. op cit.. p. 135. Holeman was appointed Indian agent in 1851 and left 'Salt Lake City in 1853. In a letter to Lea. dated March 29. 1852. he wrote. “In the settlement of this city. and the adjoining country by the Mormons. they at first conciliated the Indians by kind treatment. but when they once got a foothold. they began to force their way. the con. sequence was a war with the Indians. and in many instances. a most brutal butchery of the Indians.” 98 Burton. op. cit.. p. 580. "In the vicinity of the Mermons. many savages have become baptized. and have become nominal Saints.” They seem to have categorized Marigggj into Shwap or Americans and Mormons. 99 1325-1.“ . p. 577e 51 52 cultural pursuits by this band of Indians. In 1857. as shown in Table III. the Indian farm at Spanish Fork produced a variety of crops on a total of 336 acres.100 TABLE III FIRST CROPS GROWN BY THE UTES Bushels Crop 11.155 Wheat 3.360 Corn 2.000 Oats 150 Barley no Buckwheat 5.500 Potatoes In addition. 12.800 squashes and beets. melons. and peas. beans and other vegetables in quantities not listed were grown. By 1860. the yield at the Indian farm at Spanish Fork was the following: three or four thousand bushels of wheat. one thousand bushels of potatoes. and some turnips and other vegetables. Since. as the later .reports indicate. much of the farming was done by Indian Department en. ployees rather than the Indians. it seems that there were too many farms in Utah and the inefficiency of the farm personnel caused abandonment of the rim e 101 100Hoopes. op, cit.. p. 156. 101Ibid.. p. 159. ”The other farms had gone to ruin; the Indians who had once lived upon them had wandered off and returned to their moun. thin homes e 53 The group which is the topic of this thesis. the Uintah Utes. were placed on a part of land set aside for them.by executive order of October 3. 1861. in the Uintah ValleyiozThey were Joined by the White River band in 1880. It appears also. that other minor bands of the Utes were absorbed into the Uintah-Ouray Reservation during this time. Since. in the consideration of social change. the agency which undoubtedly is the most effective in the introduction of new items to Ute society was the United States government which administered the Ute Indians and their affairs. a careful perusal of all the Commissioners of Indian Affairs Reports were scrutinized for any material dealing with the Uintah Utes. It should be borne in mind. however. that the early period of American Indian administration was one of corruption and polit- ical favors. These reports are valuable for their presentation of trends within the indigenous society. and for the fact that in an attempt to gain more appropriations for their wards. great detail is given. in some cases. to the work of the Indian agents and their coawonkers. The afore—men- tioned treatylo3 stipulated that in addition to the Indian agent. a car- :nmter. farmer. miller and a blacksmith were to be assigned to the Ute jurisdiction. The theme underlying the policy decision during this phase of 102Kappler. Charles.. Indian Laws and reaties. (Washington. D.C. U. Se GOVt. Printing Office. 1903 ' V01. 1.. ppe 151-152. loBRevision of Indian Treatise. o_2_.__c__1t.. p. 981- 54 Indian administration was one of inducing the Indians to accept the habits of a civilized life. This asswmption was of utmost importance in the strategy of the change agents. And. as most policy decisions in the Indian affairs of this time were more or less a "blanket" decision to cover all the tribal groups under the jurisdiction of the Office of Indian Affairs. little attention was given to the decisionamaking pro- cesses in the target system. Rather. the policy followed was to make farmers out of all the Indians. despite the fact that poor land and previous native economies and work habits were pertinent factors and may have dictated other conp siderations had they been taken into account. 55 11 Food Rations 2nd Dietary Chggge By executive order of 186b, the Uintah Utes were placed on a re- servation of 2.039.040 acres in what was described as "some of the best 104 farming land in Utah and of sufficient extent to maintain all Indians." Paramount in the policy regarding the civilization of all Indians. in. eluding the Uintah Utes. was an attempt to make then leave their native way of life and to settle down into the occupations of farmers and stock— raisers. During this time. all governmental programs were directed to- ward the eradication of old habits and tastes and the superimposition of new ones. The programs of action directed toward the ut'V te fulfillment of these goals were: (1) a restriction on the mobility of the Indians within the confines of the prescribed borders of the reservation. (2) a system of rationing foods which were provided by the treaties105 made by the Indian tribes as payment for the lands and hunting rights which the Indians had forfeited. (3) the use of Marikadj employees to farm lands on the reservations and thus to provide models for the Indians to follow loubnited States Indian Comiss oner's Re rt (Washington: 186“). 105 . Chief. Elizabeth. "The End of the Ration System." in Indians At‘Work.‘Vol. XII. No. 5. Jan.aFeb.. 1945. p. 23-2h. The actual amounts of the food rations were often specified in the treaties made between the Indian tribes and the United States government. One may cite the Black Hills.Agreement of 1875 made with the Sioux.Indians which stipulated these staples as rations for each individual - "one pound and a half of beef (or in lieu thereof. one half pound of bacon). one half pound of flour. and one half pound of corn. and for every 100 rations. four pounds of coffee. eight Emmnds of sugar. and three pounds of beans. or in lisu of the said articles the equivalent thereof. in the discretion of the Commissioner of Indian Af- fairs. Such rations. or so much thereof as may be necessary. to be con- tinned until the Indians are able to support themselves." p. 56. 56 as we11.as to serve as consultants when the Indians achieved such skills. and (“J a general over-all program of education into the contemporary American society of the time. The latter goal was hoped to be accomp- lished by the introduction of schools and a general enculturation process of the Indian children into a new way of life as presented by such change agents as the government farmers. teachers. agents. matrons and other governmental employees. A restriction of the territoriality of a hunting and gathering people practically eliminates the previous means of obtaining sustenance from natural sources. In almost all cases of nomadic peoples. this dim- inution of their pro-contact range of mobility has dire effects on their eating habits. Concommitantly. the settlement of the country with its consequent scarcity of game plus the depletion of bison herds by the Marikagj hunters who used only the skins and left the remaining carcass to rot. were other factors which made adjustments to a limited territory difficult in terms of the hunt. It has been noted that by 1885. wild game was disappearing from the reservation as the settlements around the reservation increased. By far of greatest impetus in the alteration of the eating habits of aboriginal American natives was the ration system which oftentimes pre— ceded the organized agencies which regulated the resultant superordinate- Subordinate human relationships which was the outcome of the reservation System. In many cases. the military issued rations after the Indians were confined on their prescribed areas. 57 The distribution of new foods to Indian wards performed several functions. It served as a system of rewards for obtaining desired habits among the Indian charges. For example. rations were used in bargaining with the Indians to subdue hostile groups and also to control the actions of the hostile groups after they were placed on the reserves. As case in point is the issue of 1881. in which the'White River Band of the Utes were issued five or six times the amount of the Uintah Utes' ration as a.device for keeping the former from their marauding activities. In ad- dition.to supplying subsistence needs during much of the transitional period of the beginnings of life on the reservations. the rations were also used to stop inter-tribal skirmishes. to substitute the newer types of food for the gains of the hunt (an important factor in the restriction on hand mobility) and. later. the foods were used to provide an incentive to make the Indians work or to induce them to send their children to school. Various views regarding the effects of the rationing system on Indian.morals and morale have been evidenced by various agents dealing vdth the Uintah Utes. In 1875. the agent of the Uintah reserve made this observation; "The indiscriminate distribution of supplies to all in. dustrious and idle alike. I have always regarded as de- moralizing in its effect. tending rather to encourage indolence over industry."10 A —_ 106United States Indian Commissioner's Repgrt. (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1875). p. 56. 58 Additional attitudes were manifest concerning the rationing of food. In 188#. thriftiness on the part of the Uintah Utes was equated by the Marikad] administrators with persistence in drawing supplies. During the year of 1875. not more than three-eighths of the Uin- tah subsisted on the issue of government rations while five-eighths of them subsisted on food secured through their own efforts by hunting and gathering and the use of other native food-securing techniques. The rations which were set up as being sufficient for the Uintah Utes consisted of the apportionments found in Table IV. TABLE IV RATIONS ISSUED T0 UTES Item* Amount in Pounds Coffee. Green Bean % Salt Pork 2 Bulk Lard 2 Flour 10 Navy Beans 2 Sugar 2 Salt :3,- Fresh Beef** 10 Bulk Soap t I"Tea. in an undisclosed amount. was added to this 113‘} in 1893s I”Beef was issued on a monthly basis. This list of supplies was issued to every Ute family on a weekly basis until 1918. There were several exceptions in the amounts issued. however. for there were many shortages in the amount of supplies brought 59 into the agency. From 1887 to 1892. half—rations of flour. sugar. beef and coffee were distributed to the Uintah. In 1891. there were regular issues of the weekly amounts of flour and beef. However. irregular is- sues of sugar. salt. baking powder. coffee. soap and occasionally. bacon on a one-half subsistence ration were given. In most of these instances when the new foods were sent to the Indians for distribution. no effort was made to instruct the natives in the preparation and utilization of the staples.107 The new foods were often prepared by the trial-andoerror method and in many cases. new tech- niques for the preparation of certain items seemed to diffuse with great rapidity. An example of this is the "fried" or "fny" bread of many of the Indian tribes of the Plains and adjacent areas. Prior to 1875. the rations and annuities which were issued to the Uintah Utes were more or less viewed by the agents involved as payment for lands and these payments were accounted for in the treaties. This year marked.a change in the attitude toward the issuance of these articles of food ..the policy-making level of the administration made labor a con. dition precedent to receiving such supplies. An instance to illustrate this may be found among the Dakota. "hm not knowing how te prepare the highly valued coffee when they received it in th- form of a green bean. often used the green bean without roasting it. A. case cited in a personal narrative states that because no use was known for flour. it was emptied out and the sacks used for boy's shirts. See Standing Bear. Luther” E! People. the Sioux.. (New Yorké Houghton. Mifflin. 1928). pp. 71-71;. 60 The Comissioner of Indian Affairs Report for 1876 yield the in- 1‘Olf'fluation that there were 350 Uintah Utes of a total of 639 Indian pre- sent for the weekly issues. It is noted that there were some Colorado Utes and a few Shoshone present, and at the request of the Uintah Utes. they were included in the ration list. Another factor occurring at this time and pertinent to the de- molishmant of native ways of food obtainment was the passage of an act or Congress (1876) which prohibited the sale of guns and ammunition te the Uintshs. By this time. they had a complete reliance on the use of firearms in the hunt. it seems. and obviously. this would leave them “‘1! one recourse as far as the native food-getting habits were concerned Which would have been the continuance of gathering practises and the hunting for small game such as rabbits and rodents. Of great signific- ance'at this period was their decision (under pressure by the agents) te ‘10 “01‘. hunting and to try their hand at farming. I Despite the fact that the amounts ef foods to be rationed to the 0t” wfire stated in the various treaties. conditions often determined what would be issued. Amounts of issues were cut indiscriminately when 1m“ iciont amounts were sent. In 1878. there is evidence that only one-fmrth of a pound of flour and one—third pound of meat W0!" 1351195 to th. Uintah Utes. During this time. they used the wheat seed given te them for planting for food during the ration shortage. In an attempt t0 increase their dietary intake. they began to concentrate on hunting and to venture to the settlements for flour. This is among the first "idem” 61 in Which the Ute interacted with the surrounding Marikadj element in an .ffort to get some new foodstuffs to supplement the rationed foods and the native econonv. The procedure established for the distributien of the supplies was that on a prescribed day. the staples were issued to those Uintahs who were present at the agency headquarters. This often necessitated a 1°n8 ride from their camps into the agency for a great may of the Utes. Once a month. a herd of cattle were turned loose and the mounted Indians “‘1‘. allowed to sheot and dress them in the traditional manner. This last ves tige of a hunting culture was abolished in 1891 when the cattle were butchered once a week in a specially-built slaughter heuse. the car- cass hung over night. cut the next day. and then issued from the block. This imposed. scheduled standard of food distributien seemingly ostablisl'ied a pattern of recipiency which in turn became an expectancy- Situation in UteJiarikagJ relations in this early period of reservation ldministration. This paternalistic attitude on the part of the policy- More in the Indian administration of the time undoubtedly did much te Oatabli th habits ef attitude and work which characterized much ef the "eryday life of the Uintah Utes. Then. too. the Utes were a loosely-organized band. whose leader. as far "*3 the Uintah band were concered. did cooperate admirably with the administrators. Reports from the Indian agent stationed on the Uintah I'°3m"‘t--'I.¢zn'a to the Comissioner of Indian Affairs has verified this at f retht. intervala. In 1873. Agent Crutchlow praised Chief Taiwi (the 62 native name which was anglecized to Tabby and thereafter referred to as Tabby) as being an "example and counsel most salutary."108 Though the ration issue may have been short more often that it was sufficient to cover the complete roster of the Uintah. there appears to have been a certain amount of security manifest in the ration system. This attitude is shown by the statement of one Ute as late as 1908. when he said that "work was all right for the Sioux Indians. but the Utes were 'government people' and the government could support then."109 A.schedu1e of receiving rationed foods did much to create habits of food consumption based on the items issued to the members of Ute society. Reports of 1901 indicate that the older Utes were still trying to live on their rations and annuity money while the younger and more xnpgressive Utes were entering farming and stockraising as a means of livelihood. The following year. the ration rell was reduced as an added in- ducement to make the Uintahs work for their issue for when the Indians reported their hunger. the agent offered them work. Rations were issued once a month rather than on a weekly schedule. These facts enabled the agent to reduce the beef and fleur contract by twenty-five percent. Throughout the affairs of the Ute administration (and this is ap- Plicable to the well-established system of Indian administration in general) the interpretations of the policy decisions made in the central agency may b9 Variant with the agent in charge of the local Indian agency on small ~ 108United Sta s Commissiener ef IndianrAffairs R 109 Report of the Ute agent to the Commissioner‘in U. 8. Commissioner 1.313.“ ian Affaigg Repgrt. 1908, p. 94. fl‘ 1873. pe 260e 63 items of administration. This can be illustrated with the rationing sys- tem. In 1903. and under a new agent. the beef and flour contract was cut off completely and the monay used for wages for labor. This instituted a.system of weekly payments which the Uintah then used to purchase sub- sistence items. By 1904. the ration list included only the old and'infinm and those persons incapable of gaining their own livelihood. The report states that the people suffered from insufficient food during the winter. It is exceedingly difficult to trace the various changes in the distribution of food from this time until after 1910. The following tables110 show the percentage of subsistence received by the Utes from 'rations and from other means. the total number of Indians receiving the issued:toods. and the number of able-bodied Indians entirely self-sup- POrting during the early period of Ute-Marikadlj relations. The only facts dealing specifically with food issues after 1910 were for the year 1912 when ninety-one adults and seventy-six.minors were given rations in Payment for labor performed while the total number of adults receiving ration was four hundred and seventy-eight with one hundred and eighty— lile miners on the ratien list. 110These tables are the compilation of relevant data found in th° Sporadic mention of the Uintah Utes in the United States Commissioner 22.;ndian Affairs Reports. (Washington: 1875 through 19h8). SOURCES FROM WHICH SUB-SISTENCE WAS OBTAINED BY THE UNITAH UTES TABLE V A Indian Labor Fishing. Hunt- Issue of Cash Lease 'Year in Civilized ing and Root. Government Annuity Money Pursuits Gathering Ration: 1876 25% 13% 621 - - 1877 34 33 33 - - 1878 3” 33 33 - - 1879 50 25 25 - - 1880 50 25 25 - - 1881 50 25 25 - - 1882 33 33 34 - - 1883 33 33 3" - - 1881+ 331/3 331/3 331/3 - - 1885 33 34 33 - - 1886 25 15 6O - - 1887 25 25 50 - - 1888 35 25 no - .. 1889 50 10 no - - 1890 50 10 no - - 1891 50 10 no - - 1892 50 10 no - - 1893 33 17 50 - - 1894 30 10 6O - - 1895 30 10 60 - - 1896 30 10 60 - - 1897 no 10 50 - - 1898 20 10 65 - - 1899 20 10 65 10 5 1900 22 8 60 - 10 1901* 31 7 #2 20 - 1902 40 7 33 10 10 1903 #0 7 33 10 10 1901+ 11-0 7 33 10 10 k *In this year. the Uintah band was combined with the Uncempahgre and the White River bands of the Ute tribe. 65 TABLE VI SELF—SUPPORTING AND NON-SELF SUPPORTING UTE INDIANS. 1912 to 1920 Ratiens Issued fer Number of able-bodied Ute Year Population which no labor was Indians who were entirely performed self-supporting fl 1912 1.183 500 - § 1913 1.1.85 457 73 '3 191k 1.172 #03 65 . 1915 1.161 - - i 1916 1.16» zoo 68 5f 191? 1 . 155 “90 70 2 1918 1.162 500 85 . 1919 1.110 500 86 g 1920 1.118 - 86 * The evidence in the tables presented shows that there was a de- creasing dependence upon the rationed foods as the degree of accultura- tion to Marikadj values and sentiments began to supersede the native way of life. It is apparent that the limitation of a geographical area here- tofore exploited by a hunting and gathering people gave the group little opportunity to refuse the rationed food in order to maintain existence. and. as they acquired means of operating in an increasingly predominant M2£1§291 cultural context. they utilized such mechanisms as wage—earning. Inluity payments. sale of natural resources. and other means for the puecurement of foods which they had learned to incorporate inte their dietary pattern. 66 c. The Annuity System Annuity goods have always played an important part in the agree- ments and treaties made between the Indian tribes and the United States government. In some instances. the annuities took the form of such tech- nological innovations as plows. wagons and other agricultural equipment. There are records which indicate that this type of technology was distri- buted to the Ute Indians. ‘wagons. oSpecially, were given to them as a reward for the disposal of their little ponies which were considered in- practical by the administrators who advocated the use of heavy draught horses or oxen. In addition to this type of implements. household articles such as kettles. knives. dishes. and pots and pans were also included in the annuity list. Cook stoves were given to the Utes in 1883. The agent in his fiscal report for that year wrote. "Many Indians live in 'wickiups' and cook their food in the most primitive ways.”111 He also mentioned that the cooking stoves were abandoned after a short time and the Ute Indians reverted to their traditional means of food preparation. Cooking utensils were re-issued in 1893. and this was undoubtedly the second dis- tribution. By far. the most common articles which made up the bulk of the annuity lists were articles of clothing such as blankets. shawls. boots. readyamade clothing as hose. vests. coats. overcoats. socks. duck-suits. 11¥Q9132g_§t§tgg_lggian Commissioner's Report. (Wishington: 1883). In 140. 67 and ginghams were distributed yearly. 11.2; cloth was also issued. Beginning in 1887. the sum of $1u.36 was given in go; 9.1212 Payment to the Uintah Utes as was specified in the treaty. This sum Varied in amount from 1888 to 1920 and ranged from $12.89 to approxi- mately $20.00. with an average of $17.70 for the thirty-three year Period. Presumably this was an additional source for the purchasing of food- Indirectly, the annuities provided a further source of income for some of the Uintahs who were allowed to freight the goods from the city Of Salt Lake to the agency headquarters and thus served as a income making device. This period of freighting goods lasted from approximate- 1y 1880 until 1910. It was by these methods that the concept of money became an established factor and provided means by which the Uintah Ute Indians were able to exchange money for foodstuffs and other necessities. 68 D. Farming as a Force jig the Change of Food Habits The early reports of the Indian Affairs Commissioners show that the Uintah Utes were exposed to agriculture as a planned recourse as early as 1872. At this time. they showed no interest in agriculture but much preferred the chase to labor. During this consciously-planned era 0f making land-based farmers out of tho Uintahs. much of the early far:- ing was done on the reservation by governmental employees who cultivated seventy—five sores during that year. The general plan seems to have been the use of M farmers to till the land and thus set an example for the Uintahs to follow. As With most cases of administered human relations. the stress on the aSIT-cultural activities and the effectiveness of the new policy varied With the agents in charge of the reservation. Generally. it may be said that for a period beginning in 1872 until 1888. the model was being set for the Uintah to copy. Statistics dealing with this period indicate this trend. The acreage cultivated 'XClusively by government men dwindled to five acres while the land cul— tivated by the Uintah - under the guidance of the farm agents — increased t° one thousand five hundred acres in 1888. The program of persuasion is an interesting phase of Uintah Ute and W interaction. In the early 1870's. the agent persuaded fifty lode” ‘30 follow agricultural pursuits. He advocated rewards for "special 112 excellence or efficiency in W department of agricultural work." BY \ p. 260. WW. (Washington: 1873). 69 187.5. the products of the farms were becoming a more important element in the Ute pattern of subsistence. Though the Uintah planted crops under the supervision of the government "farmer". they continued to leave on hunting and visiting trips among the other bands of the Utes. In some instances. they made Plans for others. notably the "farmer" to care for their crops in their absencos. Much to the consternation of the administrators, these tra- ditiona]. roving habits were exceedingly detrimental to the general plan of teaching the Uintah Utes to farm. The Utes were given seeds for planting. but there is evidence that. they used the wheat seed for food as they needed it. The use of seeds for sustenance at am time of the year. but especially during the Winter, was an aboriginal food habit. The use of seeds for food con- tinued from about 1877 to 1880. During this early period of administration of tho Uintah Utes (1871-1875). influences from other Ute bands who had contact with the 1“)““3153 was felt. During this time. Douglas. a White River chief. told th’ Uintahs that Washington did not intend that the Utes should work and induced some Uintahs to leave withhim on a visit to the south. To but- tress hia persuasions. he called the men who fanned ”women". These forces which counteracted the governmental programs of farming were of great importance in this early period of Ute administ- ration. They affected the main objective which was making the nomadic Ut e Indians into stabilized farmers. 70 The roster of governmental employees whose duties were to instruct and supervise included the agent. a carpenter. a head farmer. a herder. one laborer. an interpreter and a teacher. The values of warfare and nomadism were still evident in 1876 when thirty of the best farmers answered the government's call to can- Paign against the Sioux Indians. The following year. the agent refused to give the Uintahs the annuities unless they decided to farm. which they eventually did. 01‘ the crops which were sown and harvested by them. the Utes favored wheat which they threshed in their native way. Simultaneouslywith the emphasis on farming. stock—raising was introducod. The year 1879 showed a greater dependence on cattle for subsistence purposes than was formerly the case and this continued until 1881. At this time in Ute history. four or five of the Uintah Utes owned nearly all the cattle. hence the percentage of the populace obtaining sustenance from this source was not great. A system of bartering ponies 1P01‘ cattle was apparent. The year of 1881 marked the effects of the influences exerted up. '1‘ “‘9 Uintahs in an effort to make them agriculturalists. The report of the agent included this information - "The Indians make no pretensions at raising corn except for summer use. seldom or never allowing it to matuu. unless it be a small portion preserved principally for seed."n \ 11 1881) 3 United States ndian Commissioner's Re (Washington. D. C. ' P. 156. 71 Another agent at a later date (1883) noted that the season was too short for maturing corn. at this elevation of 6.300 feet above sea level.114 This report also mentioned the use of early vegetables among the Ute - the total bushels of produce included 2.000 bushels of wheat, 150 bushels of corn. h20 bushels of rye and barley and 552 bushels of other vegetables including potatoes. peas. beans. beets and watermelons. Delineation of the amounts raised by the Indians themselves and those products raised by governmental employees is difficult to determine. Four years later. the Uintahs were doing farm work with their own teams with the farmers supervising the work. A total of 243 acres were being cultivated by the Indians with an additional #0 acres newly broken that year. The harvest yielded 1.900 bushels of wheat. 6.000 bushels of oats. 1.800 bushels of potatoes. 50 bushels of turnips. 30 bushels of beans and 6.000 melons. It may be noted that, in any acculturative process. all areas of the process do not proceed at the same rate. The Uintah Utes still lived in their wickiups and 512;; and used the government-built leg houses for granarios and storehouses. In 1889. the head of every family was com- pelled to build a log house. New technological methods were making their entrance into Uintah life. They began cutting their own grains by the use of scythes. sold veEstables to the governmental employees and utilized the large irriga- ting ditch which was built on the reservation. u 11 United States Indian Commissioner's Repgr$.(washington. D. C. 1883). Po 156o 72 ‘With this impetus in agriculture. two assistant "farmers" were requested ”not to work for Indians. but to teach them how to do it them- selves. to help them select good places for their fields. to show them how to fence the same. and to break their land. and plant. irrigate. cul- tivate. and harvest their crops.'115 These new change agents assumed their positions in 1889. The Uintah and White River bands of the Ute tribe were consoli- dated with the Tabequache or Uncompahgro band in 1886 - the population being respectively #81. 575. and 1.087. This factor had several effects on the acculturation process of the Uintahs. for although the Uncompahgre band had been very predatory. they. apparently for this reason. gained many more rewards and added advantages which the other two bands were not able to obtain. These advantages included a greater amount of an- rmity goods and food rations and the less tangible benefits of freedom of mobility and lack of pressure from the governmental agents regarding pressurgd participation in farming. schools. and other areas of change. fflfls occurred despite the fact that tho Uintahs had been the most pro- gressive and industrious according to Marikadj standards and the differ- ential treatment affected their agricultural and other "progressive" ton- dencies. 115United States Indian Commissioner's Ropgrt. (washington. D. C. 1886). p. 226. It must be added. however. that throughout the whole era of ad- ministered relations with most Indian groups. various systems of rewards were presented to them. The Utes were no exception. In 1888. six hun— dred head of cattle were issued as an incentive for them to work at farming. Domestic fowls were also introduced to all the Ute bands with the Uintah receiving two hundred. After this period. and as a direct result of their efforts under the guidance of the government agents. the Uintahs produced 50.000 pounds of cats which were then purchased by the government. Throughout the period of increasing cultivation which the Utes were undergoing at this time. new and different crops were grown and gar- den vegetables sufficient for family use and a small excess for sale were grown. The government distribution of seed for 1891 included 10.000 pounds of wheat. 21.000 pounds of eats. 2,000 pounds of lucerne. 200 pounds of timothy. and 10.000 pounds of potatoes. Unstated amounts of garden seeds were also distributed. This year marked the high point in the increasing tendency for the introduction of new items into the cultivation pattern en the Uintah- Ourqy reservation. One hundred apple. cherry. pear. plum. apricot. crab- ‘Pplfi. grape. gooseberry. currant. blackberry and raspberry trees were planted by the government farmers. A decided change in Ute-Marikaga relations occurred about this time as evidenced in a quote from the Commissioner's report which states that the Ute seem "to realize that civilization or eventual annihilation 73 1"?! 74 116 is the question that confronts them." An increased interest in agri- cultural pursuits resulted. Farm products for the year of 1892 showed 2.290 acres tilled and 60 more broken by the 101 Uintah families engaged in agriculture. They raised 1.050 bushels of wheat. b.8h0 bushels of oats and barley. 130 bushels of corn and 1.853 bushels of other veget- .L“‘ -f - » ables. This year also saw a re-vitalization in corn production which had not been practised by the Uintahs since 1881. although it had been planted 117 by the other two bands. The pattern of crop consumption during the wt A Ana‘a—J-u-“cu‘n o growing period seemed a recurring trait with many crops being partly and ' some largely consumed before harvesting time. Again. 1200 fruit trees were distributed to all the Ute bands with fifteen native families set- ting them out. The allottment system was instituted in 189M with land being ap- portioned to the Confederated bands of the Ute tribe. Although the White River band was opposed to the division of land, the Uintahs accepted it 118 and were making "fine progress in farming." Because of the practise of the government supplying the garden and field seeds. much of the utilization of the land for cultivation during each growing season depended upon their availability for the Utes continued their habit of utilizing the seeds for sustaining themselves. v 11 hi e ' . 1892. p. “82. 117 As further evidence to justify the writer's contention that [Hm culture was an extremely adaptive one. the tendency of the Uncompah- 81‘. band toward cultivation of corn and the accumulation of sheep might anSSOSt a Southwestern influence. 118 Qnited_Statss_Indian_Qnmmissionerls_Bepgrt. 1896. p. 618. 75 This often disrupted the plans made by the local farmers for oftentimes. the seed requisitioned from the central agency did not arrive and thus the ultimate scheme of making the Uintahs a self-supporting tribe was postponed. Native attitudes toward the introduction of new foods may be summarized as follows: I'These Indians are fond of potatoes and all vegetables. and those who farm. with few exceptions. are not suf- ficiently advanced in husbandry to be able properly to care for the keeping of seeds...Some of these farms compare favorably with the best owned by'Whites in this vicinity. All crops are raised by irrigation. with its attended difficulties which are hard to over- come. even with experienced white labor. Not an In- dian. however. has given up a farm that has been pro- vided for him. '11 Potatoes seem to have been a staple crop while a noticeable inclination toward melons of all sorts predominated in this era. Chamber1a%§o notes that of the many new foods introduced to the Utes, and although they had native names for all. (e.g.. watermelon - shan-ti-kut). the only one transferred from the name of a native plant was the term. gain. for Potato. Concerning the work habits of the Indians in the agricultural pursuits was the observation by the agent in 1897 that it was not so much disinclination to work as a lack of sustained effort on the part of the Utes in general. llgUnited States Commissioner of Indian Affairs Report. (washing- ton. 1897), p. 286. 120 Chamberlain "Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians. " American Anthro 1. is n.s.. 'v.1. n. 1909, p. 38. 76 The Utes employed Marikadj men to assist them in farming in 1898; this action was sanctioned by the reservation agent. But. and this illustrates the inconsistencies in dealing with the Indians. the next agent abolished this practise the following year and presented a new policy which allowed the Marika men to clear the sagebrush and level the ground. plant the crops. and return for the use of the land. seed, which the agent. in turn. would loan to the Utes who would be required to repay a similar quantity each fall and then re-borrow it in the spring. The practise of allowing Marikadj farmers to use Indian land was justi- fied as being a good object lesson. The turn of the century saw the Uintah Utes doing better on their farms and taking more interest in farming. A total of three hundred and sixty Uintahs and two hundred and twenty four‘White River Utes were fern- in 3.545 acres as compared to the Uncompahgre band which totaled eight hundred and ninety members who were farming 501 acres. This trend is shown in Table VI which compares the amount of produce raised by the Ute bands. TABLE VII AMOUNTS OF PRODUCE RAISED BY THREE* UTE BANDS. (1900) Band ‘ -- ’ Prod_uce in M _1 Wheat Oats and Barley Corn Vegetables Uintah and White River 1.200 15.000 -- l4-80 Uncompahgro 50 3.000 150 5&7 I"This year marked the consolidation of facts dealing with the Uintah and White River bands. 77 In early 1902. as an outcome of the allotment system which took effect in 1891+. the Uintahs wanted more farms assigned to then. Although they had not entirely overcome their difficulty in not saving seed for spring planting. they had established a pattern of land eultivatien. Per— haps an indication of this pattern was a reduction in the ration rolls. With a new direction in Ute society. there appeared a willingness to ac- ¢°Pt employment in such activities as repairing roads. cleaning and main- taining irrigation ditches. re-building dams. gates. and other activities allied with the support of an agricultural-stock raising ocononw. With the inaugeration of weekly payments for this labor. an increase in pur- chasing subsistence was shown. Though there seems to have been an oc- casional selling of wood. hay and farm products. this means of obtaining monetary gain took additional impetus. This era coincided with the re- duction of twenty-five percent in the beef and flour contracts which was let for rations. Throughout this whole acculturation process. certain basic pre- contact habits seem to have persisted. Most noticeable among these were th. tendencies for horse-raising and the resultant value placed on owning llrge herds of horses. and a continued interest in gambling. This latter diversion. plus social dancing. were mentioned most frequently in all the Indian Commissioners' reports. A strong aboriginal trait of Ute culture centered on curing and was salient at this time with the function of the mclicine men still persisting. In spite of this apparent advancement in farming technology. by 1905. reports to the effect that the results from agricultural enterprises were not commensurate with the amount of assistance rendered by the agency farmers were noted. During this year. a re-adjustment in Ute society was apparent for lands were alloted to all the members of the Ute bands121 on the Uintah-Ouray reservation with each head of the family receiving eighty acres and each individual receiving forty acres. Thus a new con- cept of individual land ownership was introduced into the indigenous society. At the same time. the reservation was thrown open to settlement under the Homestead Act and 1.004.286 acres were divided into 6.277 clains. By this latter act. all bands of the Utes were thrown into proximity with Marikagj society. The allotment system created many disturbances in the inter-per- sonal relations between the members of the various bands. In 1906. a group of the "non-progressive" Utes. mainly of the White River and Uncon- gre bands. left the reservation and departed for the Sioux reserve at Pine Ridge. The Utes spent the majority of the time at the Cheyenne River Agency and returned to the Uintah-Ouray jurisdiction on their own volition in 1908. The re-distribution of the land seemingly was not sufficient to make the Utes into a self-reliant group. Using a different frame of re- ference. the administrators thought that the concept of individual owner- ship was sufficient to motivate the Utes to continue the farming practises which had been functioning under the constant guidance of the governmental 12 United States Indian Commissioner's Repgrt. (washington. D. C.. 1905 ) e we S-ne 78 ‘ anmamrxfsm: l\en1 . n _. r TL 'I‘n 79 farmers. It seemed to bring into focus the fact that any change in an indigenous society often precipitates a now need for financial or tech- nical aid of a type suited to the new development. Hence. it is not surprising to read in the Commissioner's report that the ”Utes do not take to farming readily."122 Consequently. the duties of the government farmers were re-defined and oriented toward an re—instigation of concentrated farming procedures and to supplement his duties. a female counterpart123 was advocated in order to reach all segments of Ute society to encourage more effective methods to facilitate change. 122United States Indian Commissioner's Report.(washington. D. C. 1908) . pp. 57.58e 123United Stgtes Indian Commissioner's Report. (washingtoh. D. C. 1909). PD. 8-9. At this point. a statement of the duties of the change agents dealing direct 1y with the Indians as defined on the policy-making levels is in order. 'Tho duties of the Indian farmer are manifold. Pri- marily. his work is to show the Indians how to improve their allotments and to utilize the soil to the best advantage. He instructs the Indians as to the care of their stock. assists them in marketing their surplus crops. supervises the investment of the proceeds or of any funds to their credit. oversees the construction of their houses. settles their disputes. and protects their rights - in fact. he stands ready at all times to serve their interest as the occasion demands. His duties. therefore like those of a conscientious teacher. are without boundary. although he does not lose sight of the fact that he is to instruct and encourage the Indians in a specific direction and arouse them to independent effort. At such of the smaller agencies as are not provided for with a farmer. these duties form an important part of the work of the Superintendent. What the farmer does for the Indian men. the field matron accomp— lishes for the Indian women. She visits the Indian women in their homes. EiVing them counsel and encouragement. showing then.how to keep their houses clean and orderly and make them more attractive; how to prepare and Serve1mea1s. make butter. care for milk..etc.; mend garments; how to wash and iron. and do the innumerable other things which present themselves in the life of a housewife. Besides. she is expected to exert her influence t0 improve their moral welfare and to impress upon the parents the impor- tance of educating their children and training them.te lives of industry. The industrial training of the farmer and the field matron are the chummos. togcther with the stocknan. the carpenter. the blacksmith and W 0th0r8 e 80 By 1912. after the new approach by the change agents. the index of adaptation included these figures of the total population of the com- bined bands of the Ute as 1.183. Of all the able—bodied men on the re- servation. 266 had been given alloted land with the sum of 85.150 acres being allotted and 179.19b acres unalloted of the lands suitable for ag- '6'— ricultural purposes. Of this acreage. 5.691 were cultivated by the Ute n Indians.14 A percentage of 2.15 of all the cultivable and was in use. 3'77 .fiT—Vr _ This gives an average acreage per Indian as 32.34 acres with the number of Indians who were farming for themselves as one hundred and seventy- \iT‘TT “*' ‘ “‘ ii ;_-—~ ‘ six. The largest farm under cultivation by one Indian was 125 acres. The major part of this farming was grain and vegetables. By 1917. following the trend of the rest of the country in a war measure. emphasis was placed on the growing of wheat. beans. potatoes. corn. and livestock for meat. A corresponding increase in cultivated acreage was noted.. 8.770 acres. Added stimulus was given to this campaign by the re-instit— ution of farming programs in the school. Of note is the fact that though the Ute bands were a segment of the total population. much of the external happenings had an effect on their native mode of life. They rallied to the call of growing more food and in the following year (1919). they. too. suffered from the influenza epidemic and the total acreage under cultivation feel to 7.545. Then. in an effort to raise more livestock. they began a system of irrigated pas- tures which further reduced areas for cultivation. IZhAcreage under cultivation during these years were as follows: 1914 - 5.997 acres; 1915 - 7.138 acres: 1916 - 7.13“ acres; and in 1918 - 8.908 acres. 81 This period saw a number of new innovations in the dietary pat- 125 18 terns of the Ute Indians as evidenced by the fact that in 1917. ndlch cows were used by Ute families. the following year - twenty, and the next year saw a decline to only two. This decline may be equated with the change in the method of caring for livestock. As an indication of the viable nature of the native culture. it is not uncommon to find such statements as these in the literature deal- ing with the Utes: I"I‘he Indians upon reservations are not as a general thing_tillers of the soil...it is only in the most exceptional cases that one will see a chicken or a pig around the premises. The Indians visit one an- other for days at a time and hence will not burden themselves with the care of fowls or pigs which need constant attention. This is mentioned simply as in- dicative of the fact that as yet the average Indian is not fitted to lead a sedentary agricultural life." 126 At this time. rations were still being supplied to some of the indigent and dependent Indians. During this decade, the program designed for the whole generalized American Indian problem included the improvement of health conditions. bet- ter living. extension of practical education and encouragement of agricul- ture. During this phase of administration of native peoples. the superin— tendent of the reservation with his field staff of an Indian Service farm- er,-a field matron. and a physician visited all the homes in their juris- diction. Their aim was to improve domestic conditions. organize the work 125No information prior to 1917 and after 1919 was found which was concerned with this particular phase of Ute dietary adaptation. 6 United States Secretary of the Interior Repeat. (Wishington: 1921). p9. 14.15. 82 so that each individual family could best utilize their resources. This was part of an attempt to fulfill their ultimate goal which included the harvesting of better crops and gardens and improved homes with an awaken- ing interest among the Indians in these vital areas of life. The aim to nuke the Indian a self-supporting citizen gained impetus. It must be ruded.‘however. that all of these aims were chosen and inflicted upon a subordinate people. Boys and girls clubs were formed in 1924 with the main concent- ration on the areas of poultry-raising. sewing. bread—making. canning and gardening (corn and potatoes were the main crops). Data dealing directly with the Uintah-Curry reservation is prac- tically non-existent during this time. hence. it is exceedingly difficult to demarcate the areas of sociological implications for the one particu- lar band which is the topic of this thesis. The following material is but one indication of the adaptive process which they were undergoing at this time. Table VIIIshows the population of the various Ute bands in this period. I TABLE VIII POPULATION or THE UINTAIL-OURAY RESERVATION , (1927) Mixed-Bloods Ute Full- More Less Bands Total Males Females Minors Blood than than 1/2 1/2 Uintah 499 266 233 216 332 90 77 White River 245 141 104 155 241 4 0 Uncompahgre 4 2 £12. 21 g2;_ 420 2 1.173 620 35% 602 1.003 53 filo 83 127 The Meriam Survey caused much re-evaluation on the part of the policymakers in the Indian Service for it brought to light great inef- ficiencies and misinterpretations in the field. As a direct result of this survey, six agricultural directors were set up on a Service-wide basis with each reservation being assigned "expert" farmers who were to be on a par with the county agricultural agent in contemporary American soc- iety. The new agent had as his objective an efficient cultivation of moderate—sized tracts of land with crops of vegetables and furthermore. a milch cow for each family to own and care for properly. The policy of offering practical assistance and encouragement in agricultural pursuits was predominant in this approach to an old problem. Concentration on the production and storage of food based on subsistence gardening was fostered. The facts gathered from this survey revealed that the Indians on the Uintah-Ouray reservation were doing more farming than any Indians on any other reservation. They cultivated a total of 15.243 acres. Three new home demonstration agents were appointed to the Indian SeMce and this marks the initial appearance of such an occupational group.128 Their work consisted of assisting Indian women in all that was entailed in the maintainence of a modern. well-kept home. Projects in. cluded poultry-raising. cheese-making. pest eradication. tribal arts and 1'27Meriam, L. , The Problem of Indian Administration. The Brooki s Institute. for Government Research, (Baltimore: Lord Baltimore Press, 192 ) 3 . In 1931. personnel in this new division included one director. four supervisors of Extension. twenty-three agricultural extension agents. ten Home Demonstration agents, two hundred and twenty-one farm agents and farmers, sixty—two stockmsn and forty dairymen. crafts. food conservation and storage, improvement of bedding. home care and related activities. The report showed a significant fact in that a large share of gar- dening activities were done by women. This apparently was the justific- ation for the inclusion of specially trained agents to work with the In. dian women. In the early 1930's. nutrition work was stressed.129 Food preservation including canning and drying were fostered at the "self- help" centers on many of the reservations. Canning of fruits was out. standing but drying. especially meat. showed great stability as a method of food preservation throughout this period. As most of the data regard- ing this facet of dietary was issued on a Serviceawide basis. it is very difficult to ascertain the actual embellishments practised by the Utes. Indications showed that throughout all the areas. the familiar food pro- servation habits. nest notably drying. were the most practised. The period of the depression had a definite effect on the Indian tribes. The Red Cross came to the rescue with 5.000 pounds of flour. and almost the same time. stock reduction programs among the Navaho furnished mutton to many of the tribes of the Northern Plains and other areas. 0f great significance. however. was what was ten-ed the Indian Emergency Conservation works. which later became the Civilian Conservation C0398 - Indian Division. These work camps operated on the reservations and allowed $30.00 a month for each family head and $45.00 if he provided hue own subsistence and living quarters. Tent camps immediately sprung k 129Reports for 1933 and 1936 stated that as a result of the in- creased work in nutrition. 1.649 and 1.633 Indian homes had adopted in. Proved nutritional practises. - arr-”- *1“ . ,. V up around the areas where work was being done. In many instances. camps where food was served to the working men.were set up. An evaluation of this type of dietary readsas follows: "The health of the Indians has been enormously benefitted. a natural consequence of healthy outdoor work and good food. At the start. the expense of feeding the Indians was quite high. but we made no effort to check it. re- alizing that sooner or later the Indian appetite would adjust itself. From many reservations we have had ro- perts that the average weight increase was from.5 to 8 pounds per man. solid flesh and muscle. due to good food and healthful occupation. 0n the Osage Reservation in Oklahoma. an amusing contrast is shown - many of the Indians actually lost weight and benefitted by it.'130 0f immediate interest to our problem is the fact that this pro- gram did have some consequence upon the Uintah-Ourqy groups of natives: ”As a leisure time training project at Hidden Camp. oper- ated by the Indian CCC organization at Fort Duschesne. Utah. under the UintahBOuray reservation. 100 Hampshire Red baby chicks were purchased. Of this number. 80 pul- lets are now beginning to produce. A recent monthly re- port showed that the ca-p was supplied with 738 eggs. The enrollees also maintained a subsistence garden near the camp which supplied new potatoes. The camp was also supplied with sweet corn. cucwmbers. beets and beans. As this camp is situated.nore than 100 miles from the nearest railway. the raising of these fresh vegetables and camp supplies is greatly appreciated.'131 A re—introduction of poultry production. increased utilization Of eggs. and gardening of the standard vegetable items were stimulated in.this phase of Ute acculturation. 1'BOSecret of the Interior Ro‘ (washington, D. 0.: United States Government Printing Office. 1934 . p. 104. 13 dians At wor vol. VIII. No. 9.. may. 1940. pp. 33-34. 85 The establishment of community subsistence gardens and the buil- ding of’community root-cellars began in 1935. Families of the Indian communities and members of the 4-H Clubs were assigned plots in these gardens. Three years later. 98 such gardens with a total of 1.600 fami— lies pazticipating'were noted in a Serviceawide summary. This latter concept of the establishment of communities was a part of the se-called "New Deal"132 for the Indians and when the progrfla was inaugerated in 1933. it attempted to give a certain cohesiveness to native life and was based as much as possible upon the social organiza- tion of the groups as it existed at the time of contact. However. and in.most cases. it involved practically a whole re-organization and re- orientation within the indigenous society. ‘With the Uintah Utes and allied bands of the reservation. it was another superimposed policy which was readin adopted. The new administrative policy also provided for research studies to be conducted among Indian tribes in an effort to ascertain various factors in dietary habits. Such studies as the investigation of infec- tious dysentary among Pueblo infants and childrbn and the relationship 132Annual Report of the Secretggx of the Interior. (washington: 191:0). p. 380. ”In the belief that it is neither necessary nor desirable to change the dietary habits of Indian children simply because these do not coincide with our own.tastes. studies of native foods and native ways of preparing food have been made in certain areas. Indian schools have then included these foods on their menus. thus giving dignity to native customs and encouraging children to evaluate their own practises before discarding them for new ways. Because of the high infant mortality among Indians. instruction in infant care is given in high schools. the class often adopting an infant and giving it full care." This paragraph in- dicates the degree to which the administration re—oriented its approach in an attempt to reavitalize native Indian life. 87 between dental caries and dietary habits among a group of Indians in 133 Alaska were instigated. Other dietary studies were conducted among such tribes as the Pima and Papago. Hopi and other Southwestern Indian communities}?+ Unfortunately. such studies were not attempted among the Utes or allied groups in the Basin-Plateau area. 1 33;2i§,. p. 383. According to the investigators. the use of re- fined sugar was the main factor in promoting dental caries among the ab- origines in Alaska. ' 13“An Indian Service physician had found a serious nutritional de— ficiency in the diet of western Shoshone children. who. greatly improved after needed vitamins were added to their school lunches. made progress in school. Their dietary had been high in carbohydrates and fat but low in proteins. In his later studies in the Southwest. he found that certain nut- rltive values were deficient in this area. He noted that certain pine needles and a fonm of cactus contained the desired food values. This research led t0 OXPerimentatien with bean sprouts and to stocking fish ponds in the Pueblo area. Fred Eggan and Michel Pijoan. "Some Problems in the Study of Food and Nutrition.” America Indigena. Vol. III. No. l. 19h3. pp. 15-16. 88 E. The School as an Agent in maxim The school ranked closely with farming as an instituted factor in changing the eating habits of the indigenous Ute society. The first school which was in operation on the Uintah-Ouray reservation was begun in 187“ with a total enrollment of twentyafive boys. It followed a day- school type of arrangement which was unsatisfactory because of the mob_ ility of the Ute parents and hence. a boarding-typo school was advocated by the administrators. Due to the shortage of funds. teachers. and a suitable building to house the school. the institution operated on a very precarious schedule until about five years later when the longest school term of seven months was completed. .A mid-day meal was served to the students as an added attraction to induce school attendance. This year also saw the attendance of girls. for until then. the Utes felt that the education of girls was a useless venture. The general feeling of govern. mental agencies concerned with the Utes is illustrated by the statement that "the culture of the young is the only hope of this or any other band of Indians.'135 The history of the Uintah school was one of disparate attendance on both the part of the teacher and the Uintah children. For example. in 1881. school was in session for only two months with only thirteen pupils in attendance of the twentyafive who were enrolled. During this year. the school personnel was provided by the Board of Presbyterian.Missions. k ~— 1. 135United States India Commissioners' Romrt. (Washington. D. C. 1879). p. 138o 89 While the government provided the buildings. rations and clothing for the children and paid the Board $10.50 per child per quarter. The following year, a teacher. a matron and a cook were the per- sonnel of the school with an operating cost of $105.71!» per student. Al- though the medicine men were opposed to the government-sponsored school. there was a slight increase in attendance. The belief that ”Indians are not as bright as white students but they possess a fair degree of intelligence. "136 was reflected in the type of educational program which was basic to the philosophy of educating the Indians. The civilizing agencies were considered by the administrators to be in their order of importance. first the school and then. farming. This PhilosoPhy was reflected in the course of study which besides teach- ing the Indian student to become bi-lingual. also taught the boys to cut “Gd and to garden while the girls were taught sewing. washing. cooking. 111d general housework. In addition. "habits of industry and carefulness"137 "”9 e““Ph'tsized. In. most cases. "kindergarten" methods were used when- ever pggsibl.. Interesting patterns of attendance were noticed in various re— port; "1131" an increased participation during the winter and absenteeism on the part of the boys during the fall and spring months. This truancy Was explain“ by the need of their assistance for farming purposes on th. Ht. farm‘s Girls attended throu bout the ea with few absences. . g _ Y r This trend "1113' have been a reflection of a weighted curriculum in favor \ _ 136 137W. (Washington. 1882). p. 140. is p p. 138o 90 of teaching newer skills to the girls while the boys were used mainly to keep the school plant in running order. Frequently. because of irregular attendance and other factors. off-reservation training to "make a permanent improvement among then" (the Uintah) was advocated. Various forms of rewards were offered to parents whose children were in school. In 1888. a gratuity of $1,500.00 was divided among the Uintah Utes who sent their children to school. A new system of recruit- ment of students was initiated with the teacher going from W to "-333.22 Persuading the parents to let their children attend school. The Uintah adults were very careful to see that the recruiter left nothing "Sefllbling a "medicine bag" was left behind. Forty-four students were recruited and this largest enrollment at the Uintah school during this early period included fifteen girls. An industrial teacher was hired and the 130378 were taught the rudiments of farming by planting five acres u ”"9 POt-‘toes. nelons and garden truck. This was the first type of Such training- on record for the Uintah Utes which took place in a school ”tun“ A division of $1. 235.65 among the I'industrious"' Indians who sent their children to school was accomplished. 0f the three bands. the Uintahs ““9 the most inclined to send their children to school and so were considerod the most industrious. Later rewards included log houses with brick chi-an. d shi l e f domesti a emalia ther ys an ng e r o s. e par ph and o material 300(13 A pl”W‘Qntly. the Utes were quite adept at using the threat of not e:- __ ._--—- 91 bringing their children to school as a means of gaining their way in dealing with the Marikadj superordinates. In 1892. in opposition to the Ute Saw-a-wich and in support of Saw-ne-cuts to represent them. the Utes refused to bring their children into school. After the latter was chosen. enrollment at the school increased to seventy-six. The Uintah boarding school which was housed in two buildings built in 1891. had, by 189“. an enrollment of eighty and an average of fifty- seven students. The boys harvested 230 bushels of potatoes. several loads ‘31 'Cluash. seven bushels of beans and other vegetables. The girls con- tinued their curricula of sewing. cooking and comments on the latter in- dicate a ”quality and variety of dishes prepared from the materials fur- nished. "138 Generally. it may be said that the' Ute boys were trained in manual lab" Vhieh included the care and keeping of tools. care of stabled ani- Ials. cutting wood. hauling water. milking the school cows and feeding th. s'h°’1 Pigs and fowl. The girls were trained to cook. mend. make their own garments. wash and iron. The laundry was not equipped with Power ”chin.” (1895) as it was ”considered of greater importance that the girl. 811.1113 be taught to wash and iron in the manner suited to their res . pectiy, mture circumstances in life."139 -_\ 13 1895). p. :gxnited States Indign Commissioner's agar}. (Washington. D. C. 139 o. p. Buo 92 A system of “daily details" was established in which one-half of ‘the school day was spent by the student at work in maintaining the school plant. The girls were permitted to take yeast to their homes on Saturday and when the parents brought the children back to school on Monday. they often brought samples of the bread made by the girl in her home. Later oments by the agent were "These girls are the best cooks of am Indian 140 girls I have ever seen.” There were two schools on the reservation in 1897. with enroll- ment at the Uintah school being fifty-three boys and forty-seven girls. The school farm was discontinued and the boys assigned to the laundry and kitchen and to cutting wood. They bitterly opposed this typo of curricula while the girls continued in the same one which was built upon the learn- ing 01‘ household arts. School had become an accepted institution although the "backward- he” °f the parents and their determination to take than (the students) home at eyery imaginable excus.nlul still prevailed. Various attitudes ar ' o refl'ctfid in the reports concerning the Uintah Utes at this P911“1 in t heir acculturative process.lu2 \ 140 . . I D. c. 190°)Lniggg States ngnissioner of IMian Affairs Report, (Washington. D. 390s lie]. lit-2‘Un1ted States Connissioner of Indian Affairs Remrt.(1897) p. 287. 311 ch statements as the "natural dislike of students to mental ap— ‘nd necessary confinement" and statements regarding the role of their SubTI.l in "trying to impresm the older Indians with the idea that througho‘utmimto possition is due to the lack of education” are rampant the early reports dealing with Ute Indian education. 93 Because the enrollment of the school did not meet the expectations of the Washington office. a new recruitment system was begun with the In- dian police bringing the Ute children to the school. and further means were the with-holding of rations until the children (mainly of the Uncompah- gre band) were put into the school. The Uintah personnel of the school were discharged and all favors were refused for those who with-held the children. At the turn of the century and as a result of the use of force in recmitment. sixty—five children enrolled at the Uintah school. Un— fortunately . one-half of the children came down with measles. one died. and the parents removed all the children and threatened to burn the school plant. After school was resumed. a revival of gardening at the Uintah SChool was undertaken with the sewing of Income and oats and the plant- ing of potatoes and other vegetables. The instigation of a new type of industrial training for the girls was presented with a "family" —-- three ”Winger children were assigned to the care of an older girl. She washed. ironed ”‘d mended for her "family". Cooking classes were also organized apart from the general work of the schoolr This gave the Uintah girl ‘ first chance to learn the arts of cookery. l8 PmViGUSJ-Jv h” work con- sisted mnly of assiSting the kitchen staff in food preparation for the entire 31nd eht body. wit’h~holding rations and other rewards from the Utes had its ef- fect, f or in 1903. the school enrollment was one hundred and six students 91+ with five boys being sent to the off-reservation school at Carlislo. Penn- sylvanin. This latter trend heralded a new era in Ute-Haggai“) relations. The organized forays to collect Ute children for school enrollment con- tinued. However. Uintah children filled the school for the Uncompahgro band went on hunting trips when the schools opened and their children could not be found. A new water system at the school eliminated much of the drudgery the Ute boys experienced. In place of carrying water. they were taught carpentering. farming. stock-raising and garden practises. Data concer- ning the agricultural pursuits followed by the school for the year of 1912 indicate this trend. Of the 788 acres cultivated as the school farm. 108 acres were irrigated. The value of the produce raised was estimated at $1-031.00 with the value of $921.00 consumed by the school. $85-00 301d and $25.00 on hand for that year. Increased production continued through the "‘1‘ yours. A 8yhthesis of data for 1912 indicated that the total number of children of cchgol age was three hundred and seven of which forty—nine “I" 1“eligible for attendance because of illness. deformity. or other physical rea“Jone. This left two hundred and fifty-eight children who were eligibl. for school attendance. Of this number. seven were in non- resorvation 3911.031. seventy in the reservation boarding school. twenty- “. in Public schools. and none in the reservation day school or mission or private schools. The total school enrollment totaled ninety-eight. I n °°htrast. the school census for 1919 stated the total number 95 of children of school age as three hundred and twenty-three. of which twenty—nine were ineligible and two hundred and ninety-four were eligible. Thirty—one children were in non-reservation schools. one hundred and six in the reservation boarding school and forty-two in public schools. As in 1912. none were in either a reservation day school. a mission. or a Private school. There were one hundred and seventy-nine children in school in 1919 as compared to eighty—nine seven years previously. Throughout all the data concerning the education of the Ute In— dians. there was a great variation from year to year in the numbers of students enrolled in schools. The decade ending in 192° 31" 9 ”301‘ chang. in other areas of Ute life for of 1.118 Utes. 130 were able to road. Writ. and speak English while 320 were able to speak English and 600 were what was termed "citizen's clothing.” Education personnel (from 1912-1919) included two academic teac- hers, bin. \ .gricultursl and stocknen. seven persons working in mechanical ‘1'“. (including upkeep .f the school) and five persons in Domestic Science (incl “dine cook. matrons. and other kitchen help). hiring the post-war period. much of the curricula remained un- cha “9“ In 1927. however. sixty Home Economics teachers were hired in 1’43 schools. Small homes were built at some of the schools which hny‘rC-u r were 1h -h to serve as a standard for the reservations. Most of the model 1101].. w The general over-all 1“ built at the non-reservation schools. \ ll... Id 1.1 krill, .1... ,op..-cit., ,p. .610. .This report gave great impetus in n ian t; he of persons to improve home and community life in the various I‘Zlbes. 96 I’d-icy of pertinence to the home was "the development of desirable food and clothing standards which may pass to the everyday life of the Indian girls and of the Indian home." As part of this period or setting stan- dardg the Home Economics teachers were encouraged to spend at least one “011th of the school vacation visiting the Indian homes in order to plan the future teaching to more closely meet the needs of the local groups of Indians. The well-established boarding school type of Indian education °°ntinuod without evaluation until 1928 when the Merriam Survey found that tho diet of Indian children in such schools were grossly inadequate. "The diet is deficient in quantity. quality and - variety. The great protective foods are milk and fruit and vegetables. particularly fresh green vegetables. The diet of the Indian child- ren in boarding schools is generally notably lacking in these protective foods.” 1“" T. f“rill-"Aer verify the fact that malnutrition was generally the keynote 1“ ”St boarding schools. the Comxissioner's report for 1929 included this statement: ”As to diet. the average per pupil per day. even under the last allowances available. was consid- Orably below the 37.8 cents found to be the mini- mum requirement set by a carefully selected con- lnittee of physicians and specialists. In 22 Schools. the average figures for per pupil per day was 20 cents of which 114 cents represented feed puifilsiases and 6 cents represented food pro- duced." \ # 1M Merriam. P.. op. cit..pp. 11.12. 1‘6 D. c., IL United States Segretag of the Interior Regen. (Washington. 929). p. 15e 97 As schools were the main contact which the Ute Indian students had With the dominant society. and since this contact was sifted through Several change agents. it is highly probable that their eating habits reflected this influence in their adult 1ife.ll'l'6 Several new agents were introduced into the general picture of UtO-Marikagj interaction in 1928 when public health nurses and trained ‘8I‘ic'ultura1 farmers were added to the roster of employees. Their effect on Uintah Ute dietary change was not traceable. however. During the administration beginning in 1933. the general direc- tifin in Indian education was toward the Day School rather than boarding schools in many of the areas where this was feasible. Vocational in- s‘bI'uctors attached to boarding schools which were converted to day school- typ. institutions worked with Indian adults in their homes. This adult pr 'EI‘a-Ia. also a part of the "New Deal" for Indians was carried on in this manner. In 1933. the population of the Uintah-0hr” reservation was 1.228 “1°“ included 652 males. 576 females and 332 children. or the 332 child- ren, the school census for this year revealed this trend in Ute accultur- ‘tion ‘ 6’4 were in a local public school. 18 in a federal day school. 157 war“ in the reservation boarding school. 23 in a non-reservation beaming school. 2 in mission and private schools. and 28 children were not 9%-11ed. These figures show that despite administrative tendencies \ boa . 1%The writer. while teaching foods and nutrition at an Indian Real he school. managed to visit families of Indian employees during rimmiriods in an attempt to observe their eating habits and found a 1% pattern of ”Indian-type" food prepared and consumed. 98 toward day school education. many nere Ute Indian children were centinu- ing their education in the traditional manner by spending the majority of their femtive years in a boarding school situation. Eating habits were still being fer-ed in such a manner. and since day schools often served neon lunches. their effect on dietary habits were undoubtedly of some consequence. Essentially. the education of the Uintah Utes followed the pat- tern previously described as late as 1948. with an increasing emphasis on the teaching of cooking methods. nutrition. and other skills advocated by “War trends in Home Economics as opposed to other handicrafts such M embroidering. knitting and other skills concerned with the maintain- one. Of the school kitchen. As the school curricula included only the ninth grade. only the rudiments of cooking and sewing could be accomp— lished. Vocational work for the boys included farming. range-ridinlo and other types of manual skills. 99 F. Missionaries and Their Effects on DietarJLPatterns Missionaries were not as numerous nor as early among the Utes as they were among the tribes of the Northern Plains. Undoubtedly. the first missionaries among the Utes were the Mormons and though they bap- tised some of the Utes. the latter were seldom very strong converts. Some of the Indian agents attributed a conversion of about half of the Ute population to Mormonism.lu7 this is not to be taken as a complete indication of the extent to which the Utes became converted to this new faith nor is it to be taken as an index of the prosyletizing of the ab- °rigines by the Saints. for though the Mormons at times tried to influ- ence the Indians in their dealing with their administrators. it might well have been their own vested interests in Ute lands or water rights or other factors which may have caused this action. The Mormons were frequently mentioned in the early reports dealing with the Ute Indians. It seems that they, unlike most early missionaries among the Indians. did not Count the number of natives present at the religious services but more 01" less let the Utes come and go as they pleased. I The next group of missionaries on the Ute reserve were the repre- s entatives of the Board of Presbyterian Missions which contracted with \\ 11+? half of th The Commissioner of Indian Affairs stated that in 1882. one- to curry re Utes belonged to the Mormon Church and that the Mormons tried reports thavor with the Indians. Furthermore. in 18814. the same agent Were attraat the Indians were hearty sympathizers with the Mormons and .13 evidenc;cted by the practise of polygamy. Much anti-Mormon sentiments cing the I in his reports. but he does credit the Mormons with influen- ‘ nciians to pursue agriculture as a means of livelihood. 100 the United States government in 1881 to provide an industrial boarding school. The extent of their participation. which apparently did not in- clude direct conversions. was to supply the personnel for the school which they did for a period of two months during the same year. The teacher left the reservation. Missions and clergy were not provided by this group. Various agents (administrators) held church services in their homes on the reservation. mainly for the governmental personnel. and al- though the Ute Indians drifted to these services. there was never any conscious conversions on the part of the personnel who nevertheless ex— pressed a desire for missionaries among the Utes. The Protestant Episcopal Mission entered the Ute reservation in 1895 and built a church near the Uncompahgre sub—station. The school Children and adults from the surrounding neighborhood attended the ser- vices. Other mission work included the visits of two women missionaries who went into Indian homes to instruct the women and children into "ways of Cleanliness and practical Christianity in home conditions."1’+8 F our years later. this type of missionary activity was extended to the Uintah band of the Utes where a woman administered to their spirit- ual needs. Entrance into the schools was gained in 1903 where Sunday schOOl and Chapel services were held throughout the year. Tw0 years later ' a smfll chapel and a small hospital were constructed among the \ 14-8 1897). p. 2%};ted States Indian Commissioner's Report. (Washington. D. C. 101 Uintah where missionary work. though discouraging, was continued by two women. By 1912. there were two missionaries and three churches among the consolidated bands of the Ute Indians with eighty of the band members professing Christianity. A total of one hundred and sixty—eight Protes- tants were reported by 1920. In all. the total effect of missionaries among this particular group of Indians was not as great as it has been on other Indian tribes. It may be that. originally. the Utes did not have a strong religious developlnent, or strong warrior societies. and thus. when they were placed on a restricted area. they did not find such a period of adjustment as was Presented to other groups of individuals. Furthermore. since curing was a strong point in their aboriginal culture. medicine men continued to function as late as 1915, and during the period following the confine- ment on the reservation. the Ute adopted the Sun Dance and later the Pe- yote Cult-.1149 and centered their religious life around these. The almost un-involv3d affiliations and relationships which exist today between the ”“3 and the organized religious bodies of Marikadj culture may be ex- 1 P ained by these factors. \ 1&9 rado Publi Sterwart. Omer C.. Ute Peyotism. (Boulder: University of Colo— c"if-ions in Anthropology. 1948). 102 G. The TradingL Post as an Innovation in Dietary Adaptation Insofar as could be determined. trading posts seem to have been in operation in areas contiguous to the Uintah-Ouray reservation as early as 1872, with the exception of three years beginning in 1878 when a govern- mental order caused the sale of fire-arms and rifles to the Indians to be discontinued. In 1881. a trader returned to the Uintah and built a new log cabin for his establishment and this family have had exclusive tI‘fidihg rights with this group of Indians ever since. With the growinguse of money as a medium of exchange for labor. sales of native crafts and native resources such as hay. wood. land and With the payment of cash annuities. increased use was made of the trading post. It provided a certain amount of selection of the articles which the Utes desired and was one of the most effective means of introducing . new items into the life of the Utes. The patterns of trading which were esubliShOd then served as a standard for much of the later purchases. Often. the trader would accept hay. wood. or services plus the native crafts as Payment for merchandise. Since most Indian groups have adapted “main clernents of material goods from the Marikggj. e.g.. certain pat- terns of calico. scarves. hats. shoes. and other articles of clothing. trading posts usually catered to this type of trade. Items of foods do- Sired by the Utes were also stocked. Another role which the trader ful- filled was that, of, a Pawnbroker. The trading pattern of accepting and holding personal rt h ' props y. suc as jewelry. shawls. hats. etc.. until the arti cles could be redeemed with money was presumably a standard 103 procedure. This later method of obtaining food was usually used as a last resort in the obtainment of food items. This particular trading post served as the center for most of the Uintah section of the reservation for it was made a Post Office after 1894. It served three main functions: a place to obtain food. a Place to gain information. and a gathering place for the natives. Besides giving valuable information on the ways in which the DatiVe diet may have been supplemented with purchases from the store, the t'Jf'ading post owners often-times served as an outlet for the sales or Indian crafts and Indian arts thus supplying a means of exchange by which the natives could increase their dietary intake of the newer foods and foodstuffs. As many traders have lived for years among the Indians, an - d know the Indians more intimately, than, for example the changing gov ”PI-mental agents, the traders have provided trends in the,accultur- atio Dal processes of many groups of American natives. 10h In summary, it can be said that the dietary habits of the Uintah Utes have changed and it is also apparent that contact with a dominant society is one of the most forceful means by which the food habits of an indigenous group were changed. The influx of wagon trains, traders, lis- sionaries, and finally and most effectively, the governmental agents were the determinative factors in the alteration of the prevailing native 1’oodwaars. As the aboriginal dietary pattern of the Utes seems not to have been one of plenty, they readily accepted the new foods presented by the external agents of change. In much the same manner in which the other Indian tribes obtained new foods, the beginnings of the strange and dif- ferent food-consumption pattern in this Basin-Plateau type culture were the reSult of spasmodic occurrences. The system of administered food diStr'ib‘u‘tion allied with the presentation of new.techniques in its pro- duction in a period of restricted territoriality contributed greatly to the ‘hp‘bation in food habits of the hunting and gathering economy of the Utes - It has been noted throughout this section that Ute Indian culture h“ Qw‘ya been an adaptive one. In addition, it has been a loosely in- tegrated one, as far as religion, curing, social organization and other culturq elements are concerned. Thus, it appears that in the processes of chgl1 8° . , - which this society encountered in the contact with a super or- dinat 9 Que, the dietary pattern shifted to one more closely resembling the 31-, ‘ndardg set by the Marikag] aggregates of change agent! who inter- acted w: 13h the Ute Indians. 105 CHAPTER IV. CONTEMPORARY DIETARY CHANGE: FIELD IMTA Food, food—getting, and allied human actiVities form an important part in a culture - especially one which is undergoing or has undergone change. New foods, taste sensations and means of obtaining the food may neccessitate an interesting reorganization of the social system. A new system of values calculated in a monetary unit, the advent of traders, missionaries, government officials, and the concept of paid labor all form a basis for the interconnectedness of food in present day Ute society. The aboriginal food pattern of the Ute was essentially that of the groups in the Basin Area - wild game supplemented by seasonal vari- ants such as wild potatoes (nogstedt), wild parsnips (m): and other roots and wild fruits. The Indian potatoes obviously constituted a large part of £113 early diet. May and June were the harvest months and during this time, the potatoes were dug with a pointed digging stick. The potatoes were then boiled in the peel and dried. One informnt stressed the fact that one "doesn't peel them, if peel, the rains come.” It 18 ‘Pparent that if the rains did come, they would hinder “1° drying pr°°¢°3 and spoil the storage. An older informant said that these potatoes were often three to four inches in length and were pounded into a 8°“ °f powder from which a gravy or gruel "88 Mde- R°ducing ”‘9 Potatoes to a fine powder decreased the need for storage space, 88 “'10 meal was packed compactly into rawhide containers. This food "‘8 ‘3 i mportant, element in the hunter's pack. 106 Turnips were gathered in the midsummer; they were peeled, the tops braided together and then dried in the sun. This was a valuable means of preparing for the winter supply of food for the wild turnips kept al- most indefinitely and were used in soups. Wild fruits, such as buffalo berries, choke cherries, wild straw- berries, "Halvsonberries' and grapes were important additions to the Utes in the seasonal dietary change. Wild choke cherries were pulverized without the removal of seeds by using stone manos and metates. This was the woman' a job, although both men and women engaged in picking the fruit from the trees. The pulverized mass was then formed into patties and Bun-dried and also served as an excellent winter food. Buffalo berries "”9 gathered by spreading a rush mat beneath the tree and beating the limb” with sticks. The berries were dehydrated. Members or several “Mi-lice participated in this group activity. In both the above in- ane”: water was added to the dehydrated fruit by 50‘1‘138' One of th’ inf ormarrta said that "in the old days, they used wild honey instead of s ”3” Md (:1 nnamon.” Both men and women engaged in these fruit-gatherim activ 11:13.3 , but the women "had more to do.” It is assumed that hunting occupied a greater share of the man's time. Me‘t was by far the most important and most cherished element in the atmortlginal Ute Indian diet. This was perhaps the only foodstuff which had ceremonial connotation - most of the life crises were associated Consumption for it was valued as a means of gaining strengt 0 Meat. getting activities were strictly adhered to by the men. The 800111 107 status of a good hunter and a good provider was notable in Ute society. Venison was by far the most widely used source of protein. The flesh of the deer was cut into strips - either by the men or women - and it was hung 1n the sun to dry. The strips were then stored in this dehydrated state or pounded into pemmican to which was added melted suet and often- times , dried chokecherries. This was also stored in ramide bags. Bear was considered agreater delicacy than venison. Bear-hunting provided a “‘cans for the hunters to leave their dwellings to go into the mountains for several days. The killing of bears was a status-raising device. Sm11 game, such as prairie dog, rabbit, squirrel and chipmunk made up the greater share of the daily intake of food; This activity was engaged in by ‘11 members of the fanflY- F1 sh provided another means of introducing protein into the diet of the U135“ The fish were plentiful in this area and were obtained by the simple expedient of turning a mountain stream and filling a basket. This was defined as a male activity. ‘ It is conceded that late spring, summer, and early fall were times t o comrative plenty in pro-contact Ute society. During this time, kin- ship gI‘OUps and families interacted with no regard to the confines 0f ‘ limited food supply. This period was also a time for these groups to COOPQr‘te in obtaining and storing food for the winter tim. These 00" n r pe 9.1:.in measures were limited primarily to hunting the larger animals and g‘thenng fruits and roots; minor hunting forays were individual OMS ‘voz‘s O 108 In the late fall, families returned to their winter habitats in the foothills of the mountains where fuel was plentiful. Social inter- action was infrequent as a great portion of the time was spent foraging for meat to supplement the dried fruits and roots. The Bear Dance concluded this self-imposed isolation. In the early Spring, after the first thunder storm, the Utes emerged from their winter Shelters and congregated for their then most important ceremorw. This "‘8 not. primarily a religious ceremony, but a major social event. "The People got together and some got married," stated one informant.150 Highly ceremonialized food habits seem to have been lacking in ab- “igim times. This may have been due in part to the scarcity of food “d its immediate consumption when it was acquired. In speaking of the, old dances, the informants did not recall the use of special foods. In the Sun Dance, a relatively recentpart of Ute culture, fasting 1’ a feature but is used only as a device to obtain the dancer's desire. and, in addition, it is optional. The period of fasting is four days. One teem“, speaking of her brother's participation in the dance, said, "He w‘med dried meat, like in the old days.” An elderly man who was “we”:- eyed stated that a certain white clay mixed with water was given to the dancers at the conclusion of the ceremom'. “Then they could at what they want to," he said. \m _ Stm'fir This ceremony is still a part of contemporary Ute culture. pongida J. H. , ”A Uintah Ute Bear Dance, March, 1931' American Anthro- 8t‘, v01. 31], 1932, pp. 263-273. 109 As far as could be ascertained, food delineations on sexual lines was not. followed except during pregnancy and the subsequent lactation Period. Foods rich in protein (this being entirely meat) were considered proper. However, it was not believed that male virility was strengthened by the use of special foods. In fact, as measures of birth Control were Practised, it would be safe to assume that this belief was non-existent. The only time that food assumed other than a mere subsistence func- tion was during the initial and subsequent menstral periods. During "’18 1’- ime, the girl was removed to a brush shelter apart from the family gr cup- It was thought that the eating of flesh during this time was “trim ntal to the health of the girl, and consequently, the correct diet conSisted of dried roots, wild potatoes, and tea made from herbs. Only One "real , day ".3 considered sufficient. Later, in the post-contact 3’” 106. 'the approved bill of fare during this time changed to ”grease- bread" and coffee. The word "towachi" was translated as meaning to be with child. It is interesting to note that the word "nonwach' is used to indicate the summer Season and it means literally, "new born baby“ and, ‘3 ”"10““! mefiiomd’ summer in aboriginal times was a period 01' plenty. M0515 °t th' older informants agreed that special effort was made to supply plen- tiful tom! for the expectant mothers. Parturition in Ute society also involved removal from the site of the resular “9111“? Th" mother "flit t° “ aDenial shelter within the area of the recognized home 81“: "m" more Of ten than not, she delivered her own child. One older woman said, 110 "Sometimes an old lady or her (the expectant woman's) mother helped with the baby. This woman (midwife) cooked for the mother." The diet con- sisted of soups and gruels and foods given to the family in ordinary tines, with the exception of meats. The lactation period was an important one. "19.1223. 92:” is a Ute Phrase meaning being capable of nursing the child which, when translated literally, means "food in the breast”. ”$59333" means the opposite Jae f00d in the breast” - and this state was thought to be directly connected "1th the conduct of the mother. 'Bijewani” means a good mother or one who was able to nurse the child. The weaning process was not begun until the child was one or two year-3 01d. It was believed that nursing the daild as long as possible "‘3 l safeguard against conception. It was customary to let the child ”cry until they don't think about it arw more.” Masticated sage brush was rubbed on the breast to terminate nursing. A common belief was that if the mother was pregnant for four days and continued to nurse the child, the 1&1:th "would get sick, or die, too.” Hunger was associated with death in that the mourners at the ”cry“ “Quid destroy or burn all their possessions when one of the family died. The clothes of the survivors were torn and they were in rags. As one Ute Stated, "It was very hard on those that were left. They would ge hungry-.. During the ”cry" (this is a term which the Utes apply to the public display of emotions after the death of a member of the group), the "IQ urners were expected to think of all their dead ancestors and become greatly saddened. This period of privation lasted almost a year. Now, however, the more acculturated Utes question the function of a ”cry.” Ono Ute woman, a federal employee, said, "We didn't have a cry when my father died. Maybe I should have, but I didn't. I think it is silly.” Undoubtedly the most effective means in the change in the food and “ting habits and other acculturative processes which the Ute Indians en- countered were the superordinant governmental agents. When a reservation W‘s assigned to the Northern Utes, the federal governments were the most instrmnental in presenting these strange foods through the rationing sys- t‘mo After the installation of a government agent, the federal service issued such staples as beans, bean coffee, bulk lard, salt pork or bacon, flour, sugar, salt, beef, and soap on a weekly basis to every Ute adult. This issue];1 was terminated in 1918. With the reservation system, came the ‘11 otment system and this further increased the dependence of the . Utes on this weekly government issue of food. A new concept of lam! ownership was introduced with the allotment of lands and thus, the hunting and g"thoring area of each, family was reduced. A. is the case with other Indian tribes whose food econonv was based “infill: on the government food issue, a staid and monotonous dietary p‘“ e:- 1'1 evolved. The receipt of these staples gave a seemingly richer bill or fare than had previously been known to these peoploe The food ism. was taken as something which was due the Utes. This factor, plus the ‘lltfizmsnt system, completOJ-F changed the cultural pattern. Aft” the first generation had lived a confined existence on allotted land, heir- 1 1 ‘A See Table IV, page 58 which lists the amounts of food issued to t he Ute Indians. 112. ship conflicts arose between individuals in families. (This problem is still evidenced in the present day life of the Utes. Many houses are still vacant, and much of the farming land of the Uintah Basin is not utilized.) This fact compelled migration from the home allotment. Cer- tain members who found no place in this spatial arrangement moved; not baring land, they built one-room log cabins around various Marikadd set- tlements, i.e., Whiterocks, Neola and Ft. Duschene. These factors further threw the Ute Indian male into a new field. He now was neither completely a hunter and gatherer nor a farmer, but a amEta-earner depending almost entirely upon his ability to compete within the Liz-trikgcu society. This element of Marikadj society was comprised mainly of ranchers and farmers, and as might be expected, this force was per- tinerat in shaping the new ideas and values of the Utes in their orienta- tion to Amman society. It was this part of the predominant Marikadj cult‘u-‘G into which the Ute entered, as a hired hand, in most instances. In this capacity, he worked for cash returns, or more often than not, for Such foods that were plentiful in these places. These foods tended to be bgef, milk, eggs and butter. Indirectly, these contacts influenced and h‘lstened the food habits which were already in flux. closer proximity and frequent interaction with Marikadj traders mat.n°d the acculturation process. The same family of traders who 13" at'it'u‘t'fid the trading post are still dealing with the Ute Indians today at one Of the villages in the Uintah Basin. 01d receipt books furnished exce llent material for ascertaining food habits in this post-contact ”‘0 113 Not only did the early trader serve as a food supply house, but he also assumed the role of pawnbroker, banker and oftentimes, financial and/or medical advisor. The records revealed that, in almost every family, cast) teas obtained from the trader at some time or another. In a synthesis of ten accounts in the record books dating from December, 1907 to July, 1908, the following articles, in Table‘IK, were the best sellers. TABLE I! llfifl'FURCHASED.&RTICLES.AT THE'TRADING POST (December, 1907 to July, 1908) STAPLES MEETS zCarbohydrates) (Proteins) Sugar Bacon Flour Beef Baking Powder Beans Crackers Cheese Candy* FRUITS AND‘VEGETABLES BEVERAGES (VitaminET Tea Oranges Coffee Peaches Apples OONDIMENTS Tomatoes “' Salt CLOTHING MISCELLANEOUS Hats, Shawls, Hankerchiefs, Cloth (Yardage), Overalls, Shoes, Hose, Boots, Tents Candles, Beads, Dishpans, "22 Shot“, Cartridges, Rope, Needles, Thread Strap, Matches, th, Tobacco. ‘— ~—-l__——- *Due to the quantity of candy consumed, it can be hardly listed as a confection, but would instead fora an ap- preciative portion of the carbohydrates. 11h Tobacco made an infrequent appearance in this list. Three infer- mants divulged that _K_i_2_ni_-k_i_n_ni_lt_ is not commonly used now, however, it was used to a large extent previously and is now utilized by some of the older men on the reservation. "They used to smoke it in the old “378,” they stated. (The Kinni-kinnik in this area is described as a "Plant about four or five inches long with round leaves that grows in the mountains . " ) Under the caption, "Medical Supplies” were listed ”Salve” and Mbn1ilatalLatum. TABLE I MOST FREQUENTLY PURCHASED ARTICLES (In descending order) ‘1 e 2 0 j. Oranges* Coffee Beans Sugar Salmon Cheese Flour Apples Corn Tea Crackers Baking Powder Candy Beef Peaches Canned Meat Tomatoes Bacon Lard *Before the advent of ice cream and soda pop. The articles listed in Table X show that the items introduced rationing system did much to mold the eating habits of the Utes. led the list. The major items of daily diet which were listed at t, h” agency headquarters of the United States Office of Indian Affairs "leat, bread and tea. 115 The records show that the Ute family visited the trading-pest at least once weekly, purchasing the staple foods, but more often, fruit. The meat supply provided by hunting was supplemented with beef, canned neat, and salmon. The meat constant elements in these accounts were flour, baking powder, and bacon. (These ingredients are essential in the preparation of the so-called "grease" er "fry" bread.) Although coffee was a regular item, in most cases, it was exceeded by tea.152 Monthly totals of feed purchases were net large as contrasted with clothing which eccupied a larger. share ef these records. Another impetus in the processes of feed and dietary change ameng “1‘ Ute Indians was the boarding-type schools which were provided for th. cPlilldren and which are still an important f‘CtOI‘ today . The “0‘3 supply for the school children was mainly Pr°Vid°d I” by th’ federal gwernlnent. These food items, which were mainly staples, were increased by pu—‘E‘Chases made at the trading pest. The staple-type foods which were ”ht b? the government to the Indian bearding schools were very much the 8""6 type of foods which were issued to the Indian adults in the ““flor autumn... .1 foods. The same kinds .r foodstuffs were still being Bent to the schools after the ration system was discontinued. Furt'l".1'=‘lnere, the scheols were expected to be self-IuPPOPtinz in “m. r "p9 eta and much of the diet depended upon the school gardens and the 11v 8t a 00k program. 1 2 ”free 5 Tea appeared on the ration lists at a much later date than TABLE XI 116 FOODS PURCHASED BY THE INDIAN EARDING SCHOOL (January, 1907 to July, 1908) STAPLES Amounts MEATS Amount s Flour 2 Sacks Bacon 10 Pounds Sugar " Cheese 20 " Soda (not given) Eggs 96 Dozen Salt ” Baking Powder " FATS AND OILS Yeast " Corn Starch " Butter 39 Pounds Rice " Lard (not listed) Macaroni " Tapioca " BEVERAGES Crackers ’45 lbs. Corn Meal h " Tea (Amount not given) Coffee “ " " EEGEI‘ABIES (Cases) FRUITS (Cases) Tomatoes 5 Peaches 6 Corn 2 Pears 3 Sweet Potatoes 3 Raspberries 3 Peas 3 Blackberries 3 Beans S Apricots S Asparagus 2 Plums l Celery (Amount not given) Mincemeat l Onions " (Boxes) Carrots " Cranberries l Citron 2 QQNDIMENI‘S Oranges 1 Currants 1 Jam (Amount not given) Raisins 2 Pickles Lemons 2 Cayenne Pepper Sage MISCELLANEOUS . (Pounds) Maple Syrup Vanilla Extract Candy 10 Lemon Extract Nuts 12 Strawberry Extract Jello 5 \ 117 The preceding table shows that marv sweet foods (as evidenced by the large purchases of canned fruits, flavoringe, and candy) did much in directing the Ute child's taste toward foods rich in sugars. It is "01.1 to keep in mind that the children in school at the time of these Purchases are the parents and grandparents of the children who are in 3611.01 at the present time. Both of these groups were observed in the tr ad1mg post of the village. While these factors have been instrumental in changing the eating hwits of this acculturating group, other changes in the society were occur-ring. The role of the Ute man became increasingly more like that °f the Max-11cm: people in the area. Special emphasis "*3 Plac'd 0“ ranching , but only subsistence farming was practised. Ono informant stated that the crops first planted by the Utes were corn, potatoes, and beans. This form of agriculture was instigated by governmental farm ‘ 301113., The woman's role changed, also. Her duties still centered on the mom had ——1 D‘tt.“ of gardening, cooking, preparing clothing, and caring for h °r r‘mly 1.. the mm» which .... patterned after the model which was .9 however. She attempted to approximate the prevailing Mari- prose nth to her in the government boarding schools. We have seen that a def 3411‘... philosophy of heusecraft was formulated by the policy-makers in In dial“ education. M°Po and more, the elements of Ute society were being molded to fit 1 _ ;.a or at least, approximate in some way the predominant cultural pattern of Marikad society . In this manner, the Ute Indians developed nutritional habits which were, and are still, distinctive. Plains and Pueblo "hospitality“ is noticeably absent in Ute culture with the custom of promptly feeding a Visitor lacking, As far as was determinable, the present Ute diet is greatly stereotyped. Potatoes, bread, and coffee or tea, with meat added when available, is the standard pattern. The bread often takes the form of "grease" bread or a type of baking powder biscuit. This did: Varies with the degree of acculturation, economic status, educa- tional status, end the season of the year. Needless to say, the effect °‘ W culture is noticeable and the effect varies with different individual, and families. Fruits, vegetables and canned meats find ap- pmpri‘lte niches in these food supplies. At the present time, the influence of the trader is far more im- portant than that of either the teachers, ministers or governmental a e g “t3 - The trader of this Ute village stated that the foods purchased nost trQQuently by the Indian customers now are, in order of importance, milk, tomatoes, corn, peaches, and peas. With “‘9 exception of mflk’ therg 1'3 a striking similarity between this group or “'9’” and the pre- dominant ones purchases by the boardirg school in 1907-1908. The 0W” of the trading post remarked that the sale of milk had increases tremen- (“Sly in the last five years. He attributed this fact to the influence of th. Home Economics teacher of the Indian boarding 3Ch°°1° He said. "1'th liked her." (This teacher was from Oklahoma and of Indian descent.) 118 119 It was observed that on two occasions vegetable and fruit juice were on sale at the trading post. Commenting on this, the trader said, "They just don't know how to use them." He stated that the closeness to other trading centers and the ease in reaching them made the charging of ex- orbitant prices unprofitable. The diet of the present-day Ute Indians is still supplemented by "11" Game and wild fruits, though the use of wild roots and vegetables 1‘“ declined. The wild potatoes and turnips are still stored for winter "‘9 as are the domestic potatoes, carrots and turnips. Peaches, beets, gr 991'! beans and pickles are the items which are canned, although only the "10313 acculturated and best educated do any canning “5 311- ”“9”" Packing the wild fruits is the most general way of preserving them now. 1“ ”om instances, the drying method is still used. A few of 15110 "0“!“ nuke preserves and Jellies, but as yet, this has not gained a large numb er of advocates. The use of deer and prairie dog for food is still prevalent. The tr ader thought the name "prairie dog" had unpleasant connotation for he “id. "Some people think it is a dog, but, actually. it 18 some 3°" of 2 3911111.“. It's good. I've eaten it.” It is evident that the summer months are still months of plenty for t. here is a noticeable upsurge in business at the trading posts in th. v‘riOua villages. The men find jobs in the fields, herding, cutting hm and other seasonal work. Observations indicate the ease with which the D $01319 spend their money on soda pop, ice cream and candy. A11 ‘8” 120 indulge in the partaking of these refreshments - from one-year-old child- re- to the very old grandmothers. One elderly woman, about fifty-five years old, was seen to have consumed three bottles of orange soda pop in fifteen minutes. The trader's wife commented, "They make a meal out of pop, candy, and ice cream." (Decayed teeth were much in evidence at the daily gatherings of these people. The ”baby" “0"" °f Child!“ Showed decay, and women in their twenties were toothless.) The role of woman as a provider increases in the winter months for ““3" articles of beadwork come into the store. These are often exchasgfid for food, for cash, or applied to the debit. The trader said that these people had a hard time during the winter. This fact was reiterated by th' Ute informants. Ceremonialization of food in present day U“ “1‘7“!” 1’ “11“ Aft” participating in the Sun Dance (younger male members to gain certain de- Sire; and older men to obtain cures or curing powers), the food eaten mmed iat 61y upon the close of the “"er 15 watermelon. Several of the yo‘mger participant! went to the refreshmnt stand where they drank soda D013 and ate hamburgeI'S- Undoubtedly, the only ceremonialization of food in present day Ute 8001“? occurs in the Peyote cult. Here the food 1‘ Ollows the standards set in Oklahoma: corn, canned fruits, (usually peaches ) ’ and boiled meat. A feast following a dance or ceremony is not pr‘c‘tised, except in the Sun Thrice where it took the form of the distribut ion of food furnished by the Tribal Council and consisted of 190119 d m eat, bread, potato salad, and coffee. The food was given to all. 121 Food has found a place in their daily social gathering which con- sists of playing monte at the village gambling grounds. In this in- stance, each individual player purchases his snack at the trading post. Olly women were observed to consume these foods which consisted mostly 9f candy, cookies and fruit, while the game was in progress. One en- to1“SJJ:‘:i_sing woman (a California Indian married to a Ute man) sells home- baked bread, rells, pies and cakes at this gathering every week. The only other case of food being associated with a present day “Fem-” was the furnishing of foodstuff by the minister after the Sunday morning church (Episcopal) service. This refreshment consisted ‘f coffee and cake or sandwiches. During the summer, an ade was sub- stituted for coffee. However, the serving of food is not a drawing card for the highest total of Utes attending the church services during the $111'71'1'ler was five persons. The influence of teachers, doctors, nurses, and other governmental POrSan.1 seems to have had some effect en present food habits. One Ut. Woman, the mother ef six children, remarked that some of the nurses and t-‘chers attempted te "teach us how to eat milk and not too much swee t 3t 11ft, but vegetables, and net to eat tee much.” Then, speaking ef h or childrgg, she said, *3.” people say, 'Den't have any more child- res ’ do Something” but I don’t do anything. It is just like murdering. Some DQQDle de. The whites do.” She said that the Utes do not express W 13er Orence as to the sex ef the child. They were happy with either a 321» l 91" a bey. She theught that the beys were "bigger esters and mere fussy than the girls." in their eating habits. She also thought they were ”meaner, rough and can't mind. We have to get after them or ceax then. If they are te be geod and have geod manners, the father has te spank them." This informant felt that birth entailed a good deal of surf-ring. She said that most women walked until they felt the pain. "Some don't. netice and some scream. Now all of them go to the hospital. It is clean, better place, and the right food,” she said. She felt that an expectant mother should ". . . eat a lot of neat and drink a lot or milk, like the decter says." It is interesting te see marw values of the dominant Marikadj seciety reflected in these statements. The weaning process ef the Ute child begins when it is nine months “1‘1: in most cases, but some of the methers do net begin until the child is ene or two years eld. The procedure is one ef simply net letting the child nurse. one mether said, "They den't ask because they den't how." The general practise is te let the child cry until he dees I“ think ab.“ it amorg, It is definitely net geod pelicy to tell the child "It. 1. net geod" but te keep the child firm ”“30 Th. aborigin- s1 method .f putting sagebrush en the breast is still knewn, but in leiu 'f 'agebrush, black pepper has been substituted. As is true in my Cultxmes, "Same are hard and some are easy” te wean. The belief thlt the nursing .f a child while the mether is pregnant Will 0811” the Child to be ill 15 31:11.1 prevalent. It is believed that a geod Ute mether will nurse her child, but if 3 h. 1' unable te nurse the child, a standard fermula is used by all. l ") 2 l?3 Canned milk is always used; the favorite being "Sege" er "Merning" brands of milk. (This may explain in part the large increase in the sale of canned milk noted previously in the sales of the trading post.) Most of the mothers agree that so marry ounces of liquids "one-half water and one-half milk" is used. Oftentimes, white syrup is added to the formula. The milk is net boiled, and frequently, net heated, for it is a general belief that boiled milk makes the baby constipated. Manv ef the infer- Milt. had no idea of what the causes of diarrhea were. The answers varied from "they had something in their stomachs" to "they eat some- thing green." The food pattern of today indicates that a large amount of "grease" bread, a type of baking powder biscuit, potatoes, coffee, sugar, and meat, are consumed. During the summer months, carrots, cabbage, turnips, peas, and onions are welcome additions to the diet. Most of the infer- manta said that if they had these vegetable! during the winter, they "On-Id be able to economize, or at least improve their dietary intake during the winter months. Many of the Ute Indians spend most of their “til income for £0 0d, May of the people interviewed stated that during the winter, the children did not have sufficient clothing for during this ting, all the income was spent for food. We have 803“ th‘t the role ef woman as a provider becomes increasingly important during this time. on. informant, nearly seventy years eld, advised that it is best to drink a. good deal of water, as it is filling and one does not feel se 12b hungry. When asked what she considered the best food, she answered, "Heat, and then something sweet." The interpreter said, ”She means dessert, like peaches or syrup.” Most of the people who lived on an apparently lower economic level concluded that "it is hard to live like Whites" and "hard to educate Children because the Indian way was the natural way." Varied answers weer. given to the question regarding their relations to the Marikagj ”We lived on this earth the way God put New elements of the reservatiel. "' On earth - in our own way - to eat deer, berries, and things. “ can't live like the old timel.“, said one elderly ml- inferlm‘o One seemingly more acculturated woman said, "We get a1038 111 right, but Bountimos, we don't understand the laws, schools, and things lik- that." Perhaps this would indicate that a well-planned educational pro- cess. which included nutrition, food preservation, hygiene and math Measures, child care, home nursing, and budgeting and planned use d R.n.y based on their economy would be beneficial to these people. At present, none of the traditional foods are consumed in an l‘rge quantity in Ute society. A revival and evalmtien of the tradi- tional roux. Might be helpful. Many of the “ti" 500‘” 1““ 1”" “r" 80‘3th by the younger gemratign of the Ute, and the older generation, "h. “91‘9 indoctrinated in the earlier governmental 130116? 0f 1001““ “\3 e n Qisfaver and scorn at native ways, have an ambivalent attitude tau ‘rd traditional feedways. 125 The dietary patterns of the Ute Indians have adapted to changing conditions due to a supervised reservation era of administered human relations which included controlled food rationing, the presentation of models in the role of farmers, stockmen, school teachers, and other governmental agents. Increasing contact with traders, missionaries and other members of a dominant society has introduced new items into ‘ traditional gathering econom'. It appears that the use of wild vegetables has declined, or in some cases, disappeared from the diet of the Ute Indian families, a1- fl"Oi-lgh wild game and wild fruit remain important in the contemporary eating habits. Except for a slight increase in the use of canned milk, the diet has become more or less stabilized despite the many components of eating-complexes presented by increased interaction in Marikag social institutions. Recent changes have been comparatively insignificant with the continuance of the dietary pattern which had been established in the ea Ply Ute-Marikadj contact period. 126 CHAPTER V. SOCIAL CHANGE AND DIETARY ADAPTATION In a process of social change, especially one dealing with the North American Indians, it is exceedingly hard to focus on end-points or objectives because the goals in the acculturational processes of these groups vary with each external group in the policy-making area and have rarely, if at all, been completely agreed upon within any 3‘10?! group. Such end-points are variable with the policy-makers and My fluctuate from the general policy of preservation to assimilation or to abandonment of these native peoples. Therefore, it is quite difficult to postulate a theory or theories 011 social change in dietary adaptation which might hold true in the cul- tux-:11 Contexts of the various indigenous societifllo On the other hand, several postulates (based on “‘9 U“ Indian dat‘) May be presented to serve mainly ‘5 8“““11393 in ‘ study dealing With dietary adaptation and social change. 1. Dietary change takes place as part of an acculturative Pm" ce 38. Within the area of acculturation, marw processes are interrelated and haVQ effects upon each other. 2. Those change agents which function in the general accultura- tiv. 1:‘I‘CDcess may or may not function in the area of dietary change. 3. The mere introduction of new foods to an indigenous non- er'nzed society does not insure that these foods will be utilized. 197 )4. Foods which are not contradictory to the cultural values may tend to be more quickly accepted than types of foods which carry a cul- tural stigma. There may be an affinity to foods which are of a sweet type. Salt also may be accepted with comparative ease as most human groups rely on this foodstuff to maintain a dietary balance. In some groups, such as the Indi an group studied, there seem S. to be fewer deep-seated values built up around food than around other Cultural phenomenon (i. e., curing ceremonies, child-training practises, and religion) and therefore, changes in food habits may be expected to take place sooner than oranges in other areas. The data 8118838138 ”1“ ‘ gathering culture which has operated within a narrow margin of food obtainment may have evolved fewer food taboos. On the other hand: ‘ plentif 11]. supply of food may tend to allow for a greater proliferation 0f Values centered around food and its obtainment. 6. The preparation techniques involved in the introduction of new food. are often taken for granted on the part of the administrators, henCQ, native societies often must evolve their own unique ways of pre- paring food common to the dominant society. This not infrequently leads to ineffective utilization of the introduced foods. Moreover, though techniques of food preparation may have been pre- Ber-ated in a second socialization process (as in a board:i.r18"t')'pe 3°h°°1 Betting) , it may be economically impossible to put the techniques into operat ion in a reservation-home setting. This 180$ may be (3‘19 to in- EMS tfL'P-I’Lent means of transporting desirable goods to the 1801““: "3°" 128 vation community or the lack of transportation to go to the trading centers where modern technology provides refrigeration to enable the sale of fresh vegetables and fruits and other perishables. Furthermore, though food preparation techniques may have been presented, the methods of obtaining equipment and the skills involved in the upkeep of such equipment may not have been presented along with the initial food preparation techniques. Thus, it may be possible to have knowledge of the techniques but no means of implementation on a daY-to-day basis. These factors may hold true for food preservation methods. New techniques and technologies in the dominant society often do not create aw new activities on the part of the members of an in- digenous society. 7. As changes in the dietary patterns of pre-literate societies Often precede changes in other areas of native life (for example, child nutrit ion and child care, re—orientations of eating schedules and the r Glee of individuals in new and non-traditional economic pursuits). t he superimposition of systems of values and sentiments, rewards and sanctions and/or punishments in the dietary area are of pertinence in the acculturational processes. 8. The aims and objectives and the effects of vested-interest groups are important to the native-administrator (sub-superordinate) Pel‘t ionships which exist on many Indian reservations. These relation- 81: 1133 May be either internal or external to the system. 9. The relations of the initiators, innovators or alignors in the subordinate groups with the superordinate segments in the realm of administered human relations has a tremendous effect on the change in native life, and may, in some cases, be a determinant factor in the dietary adaptations. 10. The roles of the initiators, innovators or alignors within the nat ive group may have great implications on the spread of the item introduced throughout the native group. Sex roles are of relevance in the area of dietary change and adaptation. If the male activities (i.e., hinting and warring) were curbed and new roles were lacking, the food habits might change more rapidly. Women become the main agents of Change for later external influences on the male may not be sufficient to re- direct his interest in the food-getting activities. In additions the “Chen may have considerably more influence in food ctnnge in the societies in which they have traditionally played the important role 1“ fbod getting as is typical in a gathering ”"10”- 11. The role of the individual change agent (the teacher. the N f armr" , the administrator) is basic in the acculturation of the in- di gel-10118 society. 12. Native foods may take on an almost ceremonial significance or " ‘t' least, a ceremonial association, after it has been dropped from the d‘ily dietary habits. Thus, one may find an incorporation of tra- 130 ditional foods in recent "nativistic" movements, i. e., the Peyote Cult or a modern "Give-away.'.' 13. The execution of change through the existing native social organizations or the complete destruction of all the existing structures has a definite effect on the social change occurring in any society. Therefore, the type of social boundaries which can be utilized is axio- matic in any phase of planned or unplanned socio—cultural change. 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books and Monographs Bancroft's Works, Native Races in North Americ_a_. Bancroft, Herbert Howe. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft and 00., Vol. I., 1 Mountain National Park. United States Beale, Ralph L. Ethnolo of Rec ield ESL—vision of Education, (mimeo), Department of the nterior, Berkeley: 1935 80113011, Herbert E. Pageant in the Wilderness. Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City: 1950. Burton, Richard F. The City of the Saints and Across the Rocky Mountains to California. London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1862. Clark, w, P. Indian Sign Languag_. Philadelphia: L. R. Hamersly and Companyrme COOK, S. F. , The Mechanism and Extent of Dietary Adaptation Among Certain groups of California and Nevada Indians. University of California Publication in hero-Americana, No. 18: Berkely: 191:1. c “Baler, Margaret and Mary L. DeGive. 'Twixt the Cup and 31111-12. New York: Twayne Publishers, 193}. Dale, H. C, The Ashley-Smith glorations and the DiscoLer’L of a Centrfil flute to the Pacific. evela : 191 e d . e C‘stro, Josue. The 023mm of Hum. .Boston: Little, Brown and Campus. 19 2- de Smet, Father Pierre-Jean. Life. Letters and Travels of Father.Pierre de Smet, S. J .I 1801-1812. 'I vols. 1dited by Chittendon and ichardson. New ork: 1905. Dan m°r9, Frances. Northern Ute fiasic. Bulletin 75. Ethnology. Washington: 1922. by}: ’ Walter. Son of Old Man Hat.. New York: Harcourt Brace and Co. 1933. ‘me, Fray Silvestre Velez de in Duro, Cesareo F., Don Die 0 de flana losal su descubrimiento del reino de Quivira. Madrid, Spain: 1882 . Bureau of American 132 Fremont, John C. The Exploring Eltpedition to the Rocg Mountains. New York: Auburn and Bulfalo, 1851;. Harris,‘w. a. The Catholic Church in Utah. Salt Lake City: 1909. Herskovitta, M. J . A_cculturation: The Sgtugy of Culture Contact. New York: J. 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Anthropological Papers of heTmerican Museum 0 Natural story, Vol. II, Part III, New York: 1921:. Malinowski, Bronislaw. Wes of Culture Chagge: An Inguig into Race Relations in Africa. New Haven: ale niversity ess, 1931. Mason, Otis T. Aboriginal American Basketry: Studies in a Tails Art Without Machine . nited States National MuseumReport or 1902. Washington: 1 9. Indian Basketry. Vol. 2. London: 1905. Head, Margaret. Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies. New York: William Narrow and Co. 193;. 133 Meriam, Lewis.(ed.). The Problem of Indian Administration. Baltimore: The Lord Baltimore Press, 1928. Powell, J. W. E loration of the Colorado River of the West and Its Tributaries. lored in 1869-1872 under the Direction 0 t e Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution). Washington: 1875. Richards, Audrey I. 9313. Labour, and Diet in Northern Rhodesia. London: Oxford University Press, 1939. H er and Work in a Savage Communifl. Glencoe, Illinois: Ea PF The ess, 19h8. Simpson, J. H. 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(ed.), Indians of the Urban Northwest, New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. 136 Steward, Julian H. "A Uintah Bear Dance, March, 1931,” American Anthro- pglogist, Vol, 3b, 193?. pp. 263—273. "Linguistic Distributions and Political Groupings of the Great Basin Shoshoneans,” Amprican Anthropolggist, Vol. 39, 1937, pp. 625-63h. __- "Notes on Hiller's Photographs of the Paiute and Ute Indians ‘Taken on the Powell Expedition of 1873,” Bureau of.American Eth- nology Publication No. 3Sh3, Vol. 98, No. 18, July, 1939, pp. l-hO. Stout, D. B. ”San Blas Cuna Acculturation," Social Forces, Vol. 21, Unpublished Articles watson, J. B. Hopi Foodwa s - A Stugz of the Cultural, Nutritional and Environmental actors in thg_Diet of the pri Pic 1e, ms. United States Office of Indian Affairs, Washington, . .: 19h2. ‘Watson, J. B. and.Michel Pijoan, M. D., "A Casual Inquiry inte Hopi Foodways,' ms. United States Office of Indian Affairs, Washing- ton, De Ce: 19h3e t: It't..t!.ll,a4 I APPENDIX A LWU'JW" UINTM‘ Au: CURRY R23. ”- ngal - t e flunk Buschum GosmTE RES. U .P't“ : i C #5.“, Castle 5" ' D»: 6 72¢“ RIV‘? 5,2,... “crescent sa RNNFIC‘J ‘é‘é ‘5 #9. MOON Koosuam c} mama R“. O PEAK .Lund .cedar Cit? Bldn‘éht SHIVW‘RT“: 5" an ROW; [:1 ‘ ' a eSS-GW'I‘ .Mnst NAVAJO K‘So L-~J 137 Map of the state of Utah, showing the Uintah-Ouray Reser- vation, and its relation to other reservations in the state. APPENDIX B CHART or MAJOR UTE CEREMONIALS. 138 Name of Type of Occurrence Participants Ceremonializa- Dance Dance tion of food Bear Social Early spring Men,‘Women and None, but held (Courting) Singers when food was F1 plentiful. : Scalp ‘War After a war Men,'Women and 3 party - late Singers None 3 afternoon or p. evening L; Sun Curing At time of Male Dancers, Fasting to im- i full moon in Male Singers prove health 1“ early summer ‘Women's chorus (Optional) Turkey’ Social Anytime Men Dancers, None (Jigging) (Popular in Mile Singers 191k) Women ' a Social. Performed Women None with Turkey’ this Singers Dance Lame Social At any time ‘Wbmen only’ None Dragging Social After a Scalp Men and Women None Foot Ihnce danced together Tea Social Ne definite Men and Women After three (Ti'ni'thgp) time songs, dancers (a recent in- sat, smoked a novation) pipe. Tea was then served. Double Social No definite Men and W0men None time and Singers Iron Line Social Any time Both sexes None * From Densmore, F. Northern Ute Music, Bulletin.7§, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington: 1922. Vfig“¢a-¢d— ‘ ¥ 5 I ‘ ‘ r‘ t l.‘ ‘ . I P a y “‘ 7' ‘- J- Y - 1;. X Y I, r (‘7', I . I a s ‘ I a.) ~ »“ ‘ I