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ABSTRACT

CULTURAL INTEGRATION OF THE KWAYKER INDIANS,
COLOMBIA: A GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS

BY

Luis Eduardo Aragon

Economic, social and demographic pressures are
forcing Colombians to explore remote areas of their
national territory. Such lands are covered largely by
heavy forest. The two major forested regions in the
nation are the Amazonia in the southeast and the Pacific
coast in the west. People moving to these areas are called
colonos.l They are essentially mestizos, Spanish-speaking
people and with a high degree of Spanish-based culture.
Although the largest number of colonos come from the high-
lands, some of them migrate from the plains and valleys
as well.

The remote areas are not totally unpOpulated, as
there have been native Indians living there since time im-
memorial. The colonos, or outsiders, represent a markedly
distinct culture in comparison with the local aboriginal
groups in terms of economy, language and religion.

The Kwaykeres are a group of Indians living in

southwestern Colombia and are suffering the continuing

Luis Eduardo Aragon

effects of one of the earliest colonization penetrations in
Colombia. They Speak a Chibcha dialect and have been con-

sidered by anthropologists as "full-blood Indians" closely

related to Eastern Asians.2

The purpose of this study is twofold: first, to
delimit and calculate the present population of the Kwayker
Indians and, second, to explain how the colonization pro-
cess, by reducing the Kwayker geographical Space, forces
Indians to abandon their own cultural patterns in order to
integrate with those of the new and dominant colonists.

A historical review and statistical analysis of
data collected during the field work, in Colombia and
Ecuador, show that as colonization increases, the cultural
integration of Kwaykeres into the national life likewise
increases. Because endogamy is a typical characteristic
among the Kwaykeres, they were classified operationally by
their surnames. Numerical taxonomy was used to differen-
tiate the Kwayker names from non-Kwayker names. The sur-
names, Bisbicfis (BI), Canticfis (CA), Cuasalusan (CU),
Gwanga (GW), Nastacuas (NA), Pai (PA), Paskal (PS), and
Taicfis (TA), were taken as belonging to Kwaykeres. Other
surnames, except Garcia (GA), were taken as belonging to
colonos. People with the surname Garcia or with one
Kwayker and another colono surname, were taken as €22l233
Relationships through marriage, baptism, and land trans-

actions were analyzed in relation to the surnames. The

Luis Eduardo Aragén

Kwayker cultural area was delimited on the basis of five
factors: 1) existing maps and descriptions of the Kwayker
area, 2) the Kwayker surnames, 3) the Kwayker language,

4) land elevation above sea level, and 5) places visited
by the author, other writers, and missionaries in the
Kwayker area.

After a century of glory, the Kwaykeres began
their decline as a cultural entity around 1630. Today,
they are reduced to no more than 6,500 peOple in an area
of 10,000 square kilometers. The colonization by non-
Kwaykeres, a geographical-Space-reduction process, has
increased sporadically and strongly since 1960. It has
disintegrated the Kwaykeres as a culturally homogeneous
group within a contiguous territory. The Kwaykeres mani-
fest a different material culture, social structure and
way of thought as they settle sites farther from the
frontier of colonization. The main activity of the Kway-
keres, today, is the clearing of forest to sell the cleared
land to colonos. Colonos and Kwaykeres together are de-
foresting the land at an increasing pace. Therefore,
within a few years the Kwaykeres will have no forested
area remaining. They are changing their primitive subsis-
tence agriculture for an economy based essentially on wage
earnings and before long will be completely absorbed by

the colonizer's culture.

Luis Eduardo Aragon

1Colonos are Operationally defined in this study
as people with surnames different than Bisbicus, Canticus,
Cuasalusan, Gwanga, Nastacuas, Pai, Paskal or Taicfis.
According to this distinction, mestizo and black people
are taken as colonos, who are referred to several times
as outsiders.

2Sergio Elias Ortiz, "The Modern Quillacinga,
Pasto and Coaiquer," Handbook of South American Indians,
Vol. II (1946), 961-968, and Henri Lehmann, Alberto Ceballos
Araujo y Milciades Chaves, "Grupos sanguineos entre los
indios Kwaiker," Boletin de Argueologia, II, No. 3 (Julio-
Septiembre, 1946), 227-230.

 

 

3Cholo is a term used locally to express the
mixture between a Kwayker Indian and a colono (either
mestizo or black). Methodologically, tHE_EEEm refers to
those persons with a Kwayker and colono surname. It is
important to understand that the term is only a metho-
dological reference because in the Department of Chocé,
north of the Kwayker area, another Indian group is called
cholos, and in the southern part of the Kwayker area the
coIono-Kwayker people are called criollos.

CULTURAL INTEGRATION OF THE KWAYKER INDIANS,

COLOMBIA: A GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS

BY

Luis Eduardo Aragén

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Geography

1974

J
3

“3

09

To the Kwaykeres

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The list of acknowledgments is necessarily long
and incomplete. The encouragement and recommendation of
Dr. J. A. Blanco 8., Chairman, Department of Geography, and
Dr. Ernesto Ramirez, former Dean of the Faculty of Human
Sciences at the National University, Bogota, Colombia, made
possible my acceptance to the graduate program at Michigan
State University. Dr. C. W. Minkel, Acting Dean of the
Graduate School, Michigan State University, as my advisor
gave invaluable assistance. Dr. Minkel's encouragement,
patience, and understanding motivated the selection of a
Master of Arts program within the Department of Geography
to learn the theory and methodology needed to conduct
geographical research. His revision of the final draft of
this thesis and guidance during my course work will always
be appreciated. I am also grateful to all of my professors,
especially Dr. Robert N. Thomas and Dr. Daniel Jacobson,
for introducing me to the profession of geography. I would
also like to thank the Graduate School for financial support
throughout my academic program.

During the field work, the Servicio de Erradicacién

de la Malaria provided its statistical and cartographic

iii

files at Pasto and Tumaco, Colombia. The Instituto
Colombiano de la Reforma Agraria furnished all the avail-
able data on colonization in Narifio Department. Dr. A.
Gonzalez F., Director of the Instituto Geografico Agustin
Codazzi, provided cartoqraphy and publications on coloniza-
tion in Colombia. Dr. Ernesto Parra Lleras, Chairman of

the Taxation Office, permitted the use of various taxation
lists of Narifio Department. Dr. Rodrigo Marin Rojas, Acting
Director of the National Division of Notary Supervision,
allowed access to various documents in the Notary Offices

in Narifio. The Instituto Colombiano Agropecuario and the
Instituto de Desarrollo de los Recursos Naturales Renovables
provided the regional plans for socio-economic development.
Dr. Jaime Valencia, Director of the Division Operativa de
Asuntos Indigenas, Direccién General de Integracion y
Desarrollo de la Communidad, willingly discussed this pro—
ject and its relationship to government programs and
possible legislation affecting the Kwayker Indians.

The Centro Panamericano de Estudios e Investiga-
ciones Geogréficas at the Instituto Geografico Militar in
Quito, Ecuador, made available Ecuadorian cartography and
data for this project. Dr. Alfredo Costales Samaniego,
Director of the Instituto Ecuatoriano de Antropologia y
Geografia, provided a helpful bibliography and willingly
discussed this thesis project. Dr. Carlos Grijalva,

Justice of the Ecuadorian Supreme Court and the historian

iv

J. C. Mejia y Mejia permitted the use of their private
libraries. The personnel of the Municipal Library in
Quito and the University Library in Pasto gave extensive
help in researching this thesis.

Lic. Benhur Cerdn, my undergraduate thesis co-
author, hosted me during my field work in Pasto and con-
tributed a conscientious analysis of the socio-economic
conditions of Narifio, his own department. The colonos and
missionaries gave all possible assistance. Don Sergio
Portilla very kindly hosted me during my researches in the
field.

If this study helps in part to solve the problems
of the Kwayker Indians, I will have been greatly rewarded.

My debt, of course, to the Kwayker knows no bounds.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . .

Chapter

I.

II.

III.

IV.

Pre-Columbian Invasions . . . .
The Spanish Conquest . . . . .
Present Colonization . . . . .
Land Occupation Since 1960 . . .

vi

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . .
The Problem . . . . . . . . .
Theoretical Considerations . . . . .
Findings 0 O O O O O O O O O O

METHODOLOGY 0 O O O O O O O O 0
Maps and Descriptions of the Area . .
The Kwayker Surnames . . . . . . .
The Language 0 O O I O O O O O
Altitude . . . . . . . .
Other Visits to the Area . . . .
Boundaries of the Kwayker Cultural Area
The Present Kwayker Population . . .

THE HABITAT . . . . . . . . . .
Physical Features . . . . . . .
Climate I O O O O O O O O O O
Vegetation . . . . . . . . . .
Population Distribution and Settlement .

THE COLONO-INDIAN CONTACT . . . . . .

Page

viii

14

15
17
31
36
38
38
39

48

48
51
53
56

61

63
67
73
78

Chapter

V. EXISTING CULTURAL STAGES AMONG THE
KWAYKERES: ADAPTATION OF THE
D. W. MEINIG MODEL . . . . . .

Kwaykeres in Permanent Contact:

The Sphere . . . . . . . .
Kwaykeres in Intermittent Contact:

The Domain . . . . . . . .
Kwaykeres in Sporadic Contact:

The Core . . . . . . . .

VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS . .
APPENDICES
A.' Field Work Sheets . . . . . . .

B. Settlements with Kwayker Names in the
Kwayker Area . . . . . . . .

C. Indigenous Groups in Various Stages
of Integration, in Relation to
the Distribution of the Same Groups
in 1900 (Brazil). . . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O 0

vii

Page

92

93
95
98

103

109

115

118

119

Table

l.

10.

LIST OF TABLES

All Possible Combinations of Surnames in
Baptism Records, Kwayker Area,
1960-1973 (Percentages) . . . . . .

All Possible Combinations of Surnames in
Marriage Records, Kwayker Area,
1960-1973 (Percentages) . . . . . .

Degree of Relationship Among All Surnames
in Baptisms, Kwayker Area, 1960-1973 .

Degree of Relationship Among All Surnames in

in Marriages, Kwayker Area, 1960-1973 .

Existent and Possible Combinations of
Surnames in Baptism and Marriage Records
in the Kwayker Area, 1960-1973 (Grouped
Data) . . . . . . . . . . . .

Percentages of All Possible Combinations
and Degree of Relationship Among All
Surnames in Baptism and Marriage Records
in the Kwayker Area, 1960-1973
(Grouped Data) . . . . . . . .

Number of People Baptized and Married
in the Kwayker Area, 1960-1973 . . .

Distribution of Kwaykeres, Cholos and
Colonos According to Marriage and
BapEism Records of Each Parroquia
in the Kwayker Area, 1960-1973 . . .

 

Distribution of Kwayker-Named Settlements
per Parroquia, 1973 . . . . . . .

 

The Kwayker Population in 1946 . . . .

viii

Page

23

24

25

26

28

29

30

32

37

41

Table Page

11. Kwayker, Cholo and Colono Population,
1973 O O O I O O O O O O O O O 0 43

12. Comparison of the Ranks of Each Parroquia
as Derived from Church Records and’the
Malaria Census . . . . . . . . . . 47

 

13. Properties Registered According to
Kwayker Surnames, Effective to 1973 . . . 80

14. Land Transactions Among Kwaykeres
and Colonos, 1960-1973, in Hectares . . . 83

15. Average of Land Transactions Among Kwaykeres
and Colonos, Per Year, 1960-1973 . . . . 87

16. Transaction of the PrOperty Titles Among
Kwaykeres and Colonos, 1960-1973:
Percentages (in Hectares) . . . . . . . 87

17. Land Transactions: Sales by Kwaykeres
to Kwaykeres, 1960-1973 . . . . . . . 88

18. Land Transactions: Sales by Kwaykeres
to Colonos, 1960-1973 . . . . . . . . 89

19. Land Transactions: Sales by Colonos to
Kwaykeres, 1960-1973 . . . . . . . . 90

20. Transactions of Land Property Titles
Among Kwaykeres and Colonos, 1960-1973 . . 91

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Present Location of Colombian Indian
Groups 0 O O O O O O O O O O I O 4

2. Geographical-Space-Reduction-Process

(after D. W. Meinig) . . . . . . . . ll
3. Locational Map . . . . . . . . . . . 21
4. Kwayker, Cholo and Colono Names in

Church Records . . . . . . . . . . 33
S. The Present Kwayker Area . . . . . . . 40

6. Department of Narifio: Pacific Coast

Physiographic Region . . . . . . . . 50

7. Rainforest Vegetation . . . . . . . . 57
8. The Cinchona Tree . . . . . . . . . . 57
9. Kwayker House . . . . . . . . . . . 57
10. The Kwayker Area: 1500's-l630's . . . . . 68

11. Land Transactions Among Kwaykeres
and (20101103, 1960-1973 0 o o o o o o 82

12. Transaction of Property Titles Among
Kwaykeres and Colonos, 1960-1973 . . . . 84

13. Cultural Stages Among the Kwaykeres . . . . 101
14. Kwayker of the Sphere . . . . . . . . 102
15. Kwayker of the Domain . . . . . . . . 102

16. Kwayker of the Core . . . . . . . . . 102

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Colombia, a South American country with 23,700,000
people, was inhabited by 850,000 aborigenes when Columbus
first reached the American continent.1 Today, about
300,000 Indians are estimated to be living in the same
area. Of these, some 150,000 are considered "primitive" by

anthrOpologists, while the remainder are called campesinos

 

indigenas, or Indians with an aboriginal historical and

 

cultural background but highly integrated into Colombian
rural life.2 At national and local levels three major
stages of Indian integration into the national life can be
seen. The first stage is represented by the group of

Indians called campesinos indigenas. They are culturally

 

and ethnically integrated but discriminated against per se

 

lAngel Rosemblat, La oblacién indi ena e1
mestizaje en America, l492-I9E0, T. I., pp. 306-007, as
cited by Hermes ToBar Pinzon, "Estado actual de los
estudios de demografia histdrica en Colombia," Anuario

Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura, V (I970),
65.

2Dari’o Fajardo, "Censo indigena: Primer paso para
la accion," in D.A.N.E., Ayer y hoy de los indf enas
colombianos (Bogota, D.E.: TaIIeres del D.A.N.E., I971),
p. 40.

as Indians in some areas.3 Most of the Indians living in
this stage are located in the high mountains, protected
only by the resguardo institution.4 The second stage of
integration is represented by those Indians bordering the
rural-living mestizo areas. These Indians are assimilating
with varying intensity into the national way of life. The

third stage is comprised of Indians located in the forests,

in only sporadic contact with the national culture, who

basically have not been reached by the colonization
process. The same macro-regional process of integration
can be seen at a micro-regional level among the Kwayker, a
small group of Indians considered in the national con-
science as living in the second stage of integration, or
in intermittent contact with the national life.5
The Kwayker Indians are located in southwestern

Colombia, and overlap the Ecuadorian—Colombian border. In

Ecuador, they are concentrated in the parroquias of

 

 

3Manuel Quintin Lame, Las luchas del indio que
bajo de la montafia a1 valle de la "cIVilizac16n“ (Bogota,
D.E.: Rosca de Investigacidn y Accidn Social, 1973),
pp. 1-50.

 

 

4Fabian Diaz Aristizébal, El resguardo indigena:
§u realidad y la 1ey (Bogota, D.E.: Ministerio de
Gobierno, [n.d.]), pp. 3-146. Resguardo (reservation) is
a type of land tenure system. It is a communal unsalable
and non-transferable Indian landholding.

 

 

 

5Writers spell the word KWAYKER in a variety of
ways, including KUAIKER, KWAIKER, KOAIKER, COAIQUER,
COAIKER, COAYQUER, and QUAYKER. The phonetics of KWAYKER,
as pronounced by the Kwaykeres, is [KWAY-KER].

Maldonado and Tobar Donoso.6 They populate about 10,000
square kilometers between the Telembi and Mira-San Juan
rivers, at an elevation from 100 to 2,000 meters above sea
level. Although some Kwaykeres live beyond these general
boundaries, they rarely make permanent settlements there
(see Figure l).

The Kwaykeres can be culturally divided into three
major stages, according to the distance at which they
reside from the colonization frontier. In the first stage
the Kwaykeres have forgotten their own language or only
Speak it on very special occasions. They have assimilated
the main features of the colonizer's culture. Those Indians
living in the second stage have mixed cultural manifesta-
tions, combining participation in the commercial trade
system with primitive agriculture. A dualism in language
and clothing is another typical cultural feature of this
stage. The third stage includes those Indians who are
located far away from the colonization frontier, and who
leave their settlements only to participate in the main

Kwayker religious celebrations.7 The Indians living in

 

6 O O I I I C 9
The parroquias are minor Civil diViSions in

Ecuador, comparable to municipios in other Latin American
countries. In Colombia arro uias are ecclesiastic-
administrative divisions. THe CoIombian parroquia might
cover more than one municipio, or a municipio might cover
more than one parroquia. In this study the parroquias are
used as methodological subunits, rather than as
administrative divisions.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

7The Kwaykeres hold two great celebrations during
the year, the Fiesta del Pendén on August first, and the
Fiesta de la Virgen de la Lajas on September fifteenth.

 

 

 

 

  

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Source: DANE.

 

this stage are the most isolated and preserve most of
their own cultural manifestations. Almost all of the
Kwaykeres, regardless of their stage of integration, are

discriminated against as Indians by the colonizers.8

The Problem

 

The purpose of this study is twofold: first, to
delimit and calculate the present population of the Kwayker
Indians and, second, to explain how the colonization
process, by reducing the Kwayker geographical space, forces
Indians to abandon their own cultural patterns in order to
integrate with those of the new and dominant colonists.
Therefore, answers have been sought for the following
questions:

1. What is the geographical extent of the Kwayker
Indian area today?

2. What is the present pOpulation of the Kwayker
Indians?

3. How much land have the Kwaykeres surrendered to
the colonizers?

4. What has been the process of land occupation in
the Kwayker area?

5. What are the most important geographical relation-
ships between colonizers and Kwaykeres?

6. Has the colonization process disintegrated the
Kwayker Indians as an homogeneous cultural group?

 

8The southern part of the Kwayker area (the parro-
uias of Chiles and Maldonado), should be excluded from
this generalization. Here, by means of migration and
miscegenation the Kwaykeres, called locally Cantincuses,
are not discriminated against.

 

7. What are the official government programs dealing
with these Indians, and how effective are they?

Theoretical Considerations

 

To understand the geographical evolution and the
present spatial organization among the Kwaykeres, it is
important to know whether or not these Indians occupy a
distinct cultural area. The concentration of a group named

Kwaykeres in certain municipios of southwestern Colombia

 

is a nationally accepted fact. Historical documents,
reports, and the author's personal experience prove that
the Kwaykeres themselves are conscious of their cultural
and ethnic differences from other local people. Cultural
features such as language, economy, settlement patterns,
and daily habits distinguish the Kwaykeres within an area
surrounded by people of other cultural backgrounds. Hence,
the questions which must be promptly answered are: 1) what
are the geographical boundaries of the Kwayker area today?,
and 2) has this cultural area changed in size and cultural
intensity through time?
Cultural areas, or regions, can vary in size from
an entire continent to the dwelling and hunting area

of the last two remaining people of an island race
that is dying.9

 

9Peter Wallace DeForth, "The Spatial Evolution of

the German-American Culture Region in Clinton and Ionia
Counties, Michigan" (unpublished master's thesis, Depart-

ment of Geography, Michigan State University, 1970), p. 7.

Given the conditions cited, a regional analysis
may be macro-regional or micro-regional, but the same
procedure and methodology are often used in both. Although
this study deals with a micro-regional case, to understand
the geographic phenomena pertaining to this Indian group
it is important to relate the area to the total culture
surrounding it and also to considerations at the national
level.

Some aspects of methodology used in micro and/or
macro-regional studies in Latin America and other places
are helpful in gaining an understanding of Specific
geographic processes. The most suitable study as a
theoretical guide to understanding the present functioning
of the Kwayker phenomena, and their interrelations with
the outside culture, is D. W. Meinig's analysis of the

Mormon cultural region.10 Meinig points out:

We need to know more precisely just where the
Mormons are and just what is the context of their
situation in each locality, which means knowing some-
thing about when, why and how they got there and
what is their relationship with reference to other
local peOples. . . . If the culture area concept is
to be used by geographers to provide new insights
and interpretations rather than merely new compart-
ments for the assemblage of commonplace data, such

 

10D. W. Meinig, "The Mormon Cultural Region:
Strategies and Patterns in the Geography of American West,
1847-1964," Annals of the Association of American
Geographers, LV lJune, 1965), 191-220.

 

areas must be viewed not as static uniform patterns
but as dynamic areal growths.ll

Meinig proposes a method of geographical analysis
in a cultural area based on the use of certain generic
terms

which can express the areal dimensions of significant
gradations in the content and situation of the culture
under study. . . . the terms core, domain, and sphere
will be defined and used for that purpose. . . . A
core area, as a generic term, is taken to mean a
centralized zone of concentration, displaying the.
greatest density of occupance, intensity of organiza-
tion, strength, and homogeneity of the particular
features characteristic of the culture under study.

. . . It qualifies by all the obvious measures of
density, intensity, and nodality. . . .

The domain refers to those areas in which the
particular culture under study is dominant, but with
markedly less intensity and complexity of development
than in the core, where the bonds of connection are
fewer and more tenuous and where regional peculiarities
are clearly evident. . . . The 3 here of a culture may
be defined as the zone of outer influence and, often,
peripherical acculturation, wherein that culture is
represented only by certain of its elements or where
its peoples reside as minorities among those of a dif-
ferent culture. Sphere boundaries are often less easy
to define because there may be fine gradations of
culture differences and the limits of influence may
be rapidly changing. . . . There is . . . a fourth
category but it is not of the same kind, that is, it
does not represent simply a gradation outward from
the other three. . . . 2

 

In the Kwayker cultural area, it is possible to

see these cultural gradations, but they appear as cultural

 

stages, given the multiple-cultural relations among the

Indians and between the Indians and non-Indians. Meinig

 

llIbid., p. 195.

121bid.’ pp. 214-216.

explains cultural gradations as a cultural diffusion

 

 

process when he states that
Because cultures are areal growths such gradations
are also likely to represent a sequential spread
from a locality of origin or heart. . . . 3

Among the Kwaykeres, the stages core, domain, and Sphere

 

express intensity of contact with the outsiders and not
a diffusional process from the "heart." In Ribeiro's
words the stages reflect various "grades of cultural inte-
gration."14 The stages are "areal growths," but directed
by the outside colonizers from the sphere toward the SEES
in a process of spatial reduction, absorbing first the
peOple living in the domain, and subsequently absorbing
the eggs itself, into their own culture. At this time,
the cultural area reaches its total integration and loses
its identity. Hence, it becomes a part of another cultural
area.

In the geographical-space-reduction process the
people who occupy the sphere are those who receive the

most intensive contact with the outsiders. They are in

permanent contact. Those living in the domain are in

 

less intensive contact or in intermittent contact, and

 

those living in the core may be in Sporadic contact or

 

perhaps totally isolated from outsiders. Today, each

 

lBIbid., p. 214.

l4Darcy Ribeiro, Fronteras indigenas de la
civilizacién (Mexico, D.E.: SigIo XXI Editores, 1971),
pp. 17-13.

 

 

10

Kwayker Indian occupies one of the three stages, but
there are no Kwaykeres who are either totally isolated or

totally integrated (see Figure 2).

There is a direct relationship between the
geographical-Space-reduction process and grades of cultural
integration. The process of Spatial reduction is progres-
sive. It increases in Speed and intensity as it reaches a
new stage frontier. When it reaches the SEES! cultural
integration will be completed within a short time. Ribeiro
found in his analysis of the Brazilian Indian integration

process that:

The isolated Indian groups were reduced from 105

(45.6%) in 1900 to 33 (23%) in 1957; those Indian

groups that maintained intermittent contact from 57

(24.7%) to 27 (18.8%), while those that were living

in permanent contact increased from 39 (16.9%) to

45 (31.4%), and those that were integrated, from

29 (12.6%) to 38 (26.5%). . . . From the 230 tribes

referred, 87 - or 37.8% - disappeared in these

last fifty years. . . . 5

In 1900 the isolated Indians in Brazil comprised

45.6 per cent of the total Indian pOpulation, which made
them the predominant group. The least numerous at that
time were the integrated Indians, 12.6 per cent. In 1957
the figures were almost reversed. The change from one
stage to another expresses the intensity and force with
which the Indian lands were occupied, rather than the

Indians' cultural resistance or their receptivity to

 

15Ibid., pp. 49-50.

ll

.!...9.u.f.5i.9§.,9.91.1.9”

 

Figure 2.--Geographical-Space—Reduction-Process (after
D. W. Meinig)

12

integration.16 The progressive intensity of colonization

(geographical-space-reduction) may be shown by the fact
that only three of the 105 isolated Brazilian Indian
groups existing in 1900 became integrated by 1957. Those
three groups must have passed quickly through the inter-
mediate stages. From the same 105 groups. 31.4 percent
were extinguished completely by 1957, which means they
disappeared as distinct pOpulationS and, of course, as
cultural entities. When colonization (geographical-space-
reduction) reaches a group living in the first stages
(integrated or in permanent contact), the process of
integration is Slower in time. The Indians can thus
remain longer in that stage (see Appendix C). They main-
tain their identity while assimilating the colonizer's
culture. This is one of the explanations for the survival

of campesinos indigenas in Colombia.

 

Findings
An advanced Indian culture existed in the present
province of Esmeraldas (Ecuador) and southwestern depart-
ment of Narifio (Colombia) many years ago. Successive
invasions from the north and east disintegrated the total
body into various sub-groups, many of which developed
their own culture. Three examples of the original group,

called Esmeraldefio, remain yet today: the Colorado, the

 

Cayapa and the Kwayker. The Kwayker group had its golden

 

16Ibid., p. 50.

13

age during the sixteenth century A.D. Since that time the
Kwaykeres have known only retreat. Today, they seem

likely to become another extinct Esmeraldefio group.

 

Colonization is increasing sporadically, and the Kwaykeres
are changing their cultural and social patterns to those
of the colonizers. In response to the penetration in
their cultural area the Kwaykeres manifest three stages
of cultural integration. Each level Shows differences in
material culture, social structure, and way of thought.
The Kwaykeres living in permanent contact with the colo-
nizers are located in the sphere of their area. They are,
generally Speaking, culturally integrated but socially
discriminated against per se as Indians. Indians in
intermittent contact inhabit the domain. The Kwaykeres
living in this stage are involved especially in deforesta-
tion and manifest a mixed culture. The Kwaykeres living
in the pg£g_are those in sporadic contact with the
colonizers, but who still retain their aboriginal
customs.

Colonization is progressing at a faster rate than
ever before. The SEES of the Kwayker area is being
reached, and with it the end of the Kwayker culture as now

organized can be confidently predicted.

CHAPTER II

METHODOLOGY

The research for this thesis was organized in
three steps. The first was to collect bibliographical
data, general information, census reports, cartographic
works and other written materials at Michigan State
University, in Bogota and Pasto, Colombia, and in Quito,
Ecuador. The second involved field work, in two different
time periods, August-September, 1972, and July-September,
1973. In this step some of the most important visits were
those to the Instituto Colombiano de la Reforma Agraria
(INCORA), Instituto de Desarrollo de los Recursos Naturales
Renovables (INDERENA), Servicio Colombiano de Meteoro-
logia e Hidrologfa (SCMH), Division Operativa de Asuntos
Indigenas, Instituto Ligfifstico de Verano, Instituto
Colombiano de Antropologia, Instituto Geogréfico Agustin
Codazzi (IGAC), Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadistica (DANE), Servicio de Erradicacién de la Malaria
(SEM), and Instituto Colombiano AgrOpecuario (ICA), in
Colombia, and the Instituto Ecuatoriano de Antropologia

y Geograffa (IEAG), Planeacién Nacional, Instituto

l4

15

Ecuatoriano de Reforma Agraria y Colonizacion (IERAC),
Servicio Nacional de Meteorologia e Hidrologia, and
Instituto Geografico Militar, in Ecuador. The field work,
step two, was divided into three major activities: collec-
tion of documental data on landholdings, land grants,
taxation, population, baptisms and marriages from the

area; short recorded interviews with Indians and colonizers;
and a period of residence in three areas representing the

three cultural stages: Sphere, domain, and core. The

 

latter experience was necessary to determine co-parenthood
relations among the Indians, make local maps, record
cultural features, learn the native language, record
altitudes, and conduct a local census.

The third main activity in the research procedure
was to process the available data to delineate the
Kwayker cultural area and calculate its extension and
poPulation. Five sources were important in delimiting
the Kwayker area: 1) maps and descriptions concerning the
area, 2) the Kwayker surnames, 3) the Kwayker language,
4) altitude above sea level, and 5) places visited by
the author, other writers and missionaries in the Kwayker

area.

Maps and Descriptions of the Area

 

Written descriptions and both old and modern

maps helped to locate, broadly, the Kwaykeres in

l6

southwestern Colombia, and more Specifically in the south-
western part of the Department of Narifio. No writer,
however, identifies a specific, well-defined area for the
group. Most provide only the name of the group and some
very general indication of the area occupied by the
Kwaykeres. The map "Ethno-Linguistic Distribution of
South American Indians“ places the Kwaykeres (coaiqueres)
in a part of the larger Chibcha area.1 The Aplas

historico-geografico del Ecuador also places the Kwaykeres

 

on a map that represents "Grupos idiomaticos aborigenes
contemporaneos del Ecuador" as part of Colombia and
Ecuador.2 The closest approximation to the correct loca-
tion is, perhaps, the area delineated by Ferdon in his
map of "Ethnic Groups of Ecuador," where the boundaries
coincide with Lehmann's geographical delimitation of the
zone:3

The Kwaiker lives South of a line that goes

from Piedrancha in the East, to the junction
of the Mira and Gfiiza rivers in the West. The

 

lCestmir Loukotka, "Ethno-Linguistic Distribution
of South American Indians," Annals of the Association of
American Geographers, LVII, No. 2 (June, 1967), map
supplement number’B.

2Repfiblica del Ecuador, Ministerio de Educacion
Pfiblica, Atlas_hist6rico-geografico del Ecuador (Quito:
Ediciones M.A.S., 1960), map 11, pf'36.

3Edwin N. Ferdon, Ethnic Map of Ecuador (Quito:
Instituo Ecuatoriano de AntrOpologIa y GeografIa, 1947).

 

 

 

 

17

San Juan or Mayasquer river, which separates
Colombia and Ecuador, limits the expansion in the
South. . . .

The Kwayker Surnames

Studies in Guatemala confirm that surnames are

usually related to geographical location. Horst shows
that in a contact area of two or more cultures it is
possible to differentiate each by family names. Referring
to Ostuncalco, Guatemala, he states:

. . . It became evident that there was a distribution
of names spatially unique to rural political subunits
(aldeas) as well as the village (cabecera) of the
municipio . . . Certain names appeared in the cabecera
rather than in the rural aldeas of the community and
in fact, here too, individual surnames might appear

in one barrio of the cabecera but not in the remaining
three. The localization of names would appear to
identify, as Wagley has suggested, the locale of
kinship groups.

 

Marquez describes endogamy among the Kwaykeres
and Osborn shows how difficult it is for a Kwayker to
marry a member outside of his or her ownkingroup.6 Osborn

explains the phenomenon by the intimate relationship

 

4Henri Lehmann, "Contribution a l'ethnographie
Kwaiker, Colombie," Journal de la Société des Américanistes,
LII (1964), 256.

5Oscar H. Horst, "A Preliminary Report on the
Utility of Surnames as an Investigative Aid in Field
Research," Proceedin s of thg‘Association of American
Ggpgraphers (1970), 3-74. See also, Charles Wagley "The
Social and Religious Life of a Guatemalan Village,"
American Anthropologist, LI, No. 4 (October, 1949), 1—50.

6Marceliano Marquez Rivera, "Diccionario histérico-
geografico del departamento de Narifio: COAIQUER," Cultura
Narifiense, III, No. 27 (Septiembre, 1970), 28, and Ann
OEborn, wNotas informativas de un estudio sobre los
Coaiquer,“ gpp, II (Octubre, 1970), 67.

18

between land possession and religious effects on their
souls.7 According to her:

There is a kin system among the Coaiquer society
called in anthropology alternated generations or
cycles of three generations. . . . In this system
there is a marked identification between the
grandfather and grandson, the basic function of which
is the inheritance and maintenance of land in reserve
for agriculture. . . . The last basic level of this
kin system is that one that divides the community
into two groups: consanguineous and collateral
families; and relating to this system there are
bigger groups that extend out of the community, and
whose function is to maintain social relations

among communities. The Coaiquer have such a kin
system, and there is a considerable number of these
groups, but only eight family names remain among
them. They are: Bisbicus, Cantikus, Cuasalusan
Gwanga, Nastaquas, Pai, Paskal and Taikus. . . .é

Despite the endogamic nature of this society, various
colonizers have entered into some Indian kin groups.
Therefore, today, mixed marriages and co-parenthood
relationships are common.

Lehmann, in his attempt to classify the Sindagua
language, includes a set of surnames from Barbacoas and
vicinity found in a 1635 document. He comments:

These are the nine present Kwaiker names: Taikus,

Kantikus, Bizbikus, Nastakwas, Kwasxalusan, Paskal
. . ., Kwastumal and Wanga. . . .9

 

7Ann Osborn, "Compadrazgo and Patronage: A

Colombian Case," Man, III, No. 4 (December, 1968), 606,
footnote 4.

8Osborn, NotaS informativas, p. 68.

 

9Henri Lehmann, "Les indiens Sindagua
(Colombie)," Journal de la Société des Américanistes,
XXXVIII (1949), 81. Lehmann points out that the surname
Kwastumal is an old Kwayker family name. During the
present study such a name was not so common in the area.

 

19

The two sets of names, one collected in 1635 and
the other in 1970, are the same except for the Spelling.
This coincidence helps to identify which names really
belong to Kwaykeres and which might be a result of the
historical process of miscegenation.

The numerical taxonomy technique is a useful tool
to classify the Kwayker and non—Kwayker surnames. This
technique considers that:

. . . members of a natural taxon are more similar

to the other members of the taxon than they are to
nonmembers. Another way of saying this is to say
that once objects or events are assigned to classes,
the variation among individuals within each class

is minimized and the variation between each group
and members of the other groups is maximized. . .

.10
The technique has been used to classify a wide
variety of things such as soils and diseases, politicians
and plant communities, archeological artifacts and oil-
bearing strata, socio-economic neighborhoods and psycho-
logical types, languages and television programs, to men-

11

tion just a few. In geography, numerous regionalization

schemes and other studies use numerical taxonomy.12 The

 

10Ronald Abler, John S. Adams and Peter Gould,
S atial Organization: The Geographer's View of the World
Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971), p. 158.

11Robert R. Sokal, "Numerical Taxonomy,"
Scientific American, CCXV, No. 6 (December, 1966), 116.

12P. J. Taylor, "The Location Variable in
Taxonomy," Geographical Analysis, I (1969), 181-195.

 

 

 

20

technique, moreover, is being improved to be more
applicable to many other disciplines.13
Given the tendency of endogamy among the Kwayker
Indians, their surnames should be more related to each
other than with other surnames in the area. Since the
missionaries keep records of marriages and baptisms within
the Kwayker zone, a high correlation among the Kwayker
surnames in such records should be found. The present
study includes a review of all of the records of baptisms
and marriages from 1960 to 1973 in the thirteen existing
churches where the Kwaykeres could be living according to

the maps and descriptions reported earlier. The churches,

each of which serves a parroquia, are: Altaquer, Barba-

 

coas, Candelillas, Cumbal, Chiles, ESpriella, Guachavez,
Guachucal, Maldonado, Mallama, Ricaurte, Samaniego and
Tumaco (see Figure 3).14 A previous study of these archives
indicates that eleven surnames are common in the area.
Therefore, the following family names were taken to identify
groupings: Bisbicfis (BI), Canticfis (CA), Cuasalusan (CU),
Gwanga (GW), Nastacuas (NA), Pai (PA), Paskal (PS), Taicfis
(TA), Garcia (GA), Enriquez (EN), Ortiz (OR), and all

other surnames (WW).

 

13Robert R. Sokal and Peter H. A. Sneath,
Principles of Numerical Taxonomy (London: W. H. Freeman
and Company, 1963), pp. 123-215.

14Data for Mallama and Maldonado are taken from
the records kept by the local alcalde (mayor) and
teniente politico (mayor), respEEETGEIy.

21

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The percentages in Tables 1 and 2 illustrate the
extent to which a surname relates viz-z-viz another. In
some cases, such as in the baptisms CA and PS (12.8/12.8),
the two percentages are equal. In this case 12.8 percent
of the Canticfis children have Paskal as their other family
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as their other family name. In other cases there is an un-
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first eight surnames are highly concentrated, demonstrating
the endogamous character among them. EN and OR are almost
completely unilaterally related with WW, in baptisms as
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to itself (Baptism: 94.9, marriages: 93.6).

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combination reaches even 100.0.

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27

both tables the relationships among the first eight sur-
names are almost equal. Therefore, those surnames should
constitute only one group. EN and OR are highly related
with WW and therefore belong to the WW group. GA is almost
equally related with WW, and with the others, in baptisms
and marriages. Therefore, this surname Should constitute
a distinct group. Table 5 Shows the new groups taking the
first eight surnames as one group (K), GA as another, and
EN, OR and WW as yet another (C). Following the same
procedure, Table 6 shows that in baptisms the degree of
relationship of GA with K is 63.1, against 50.9 with C,
while in marriages the relationship is essentially re-
versed, 51.2 with K, against 61.4 with C. In both cases
the degree of relationship maintained by GA with itself

is very low, indicating that this family name is common
among K and among C. Therefore, the name is considered
mixgd but given less weight in the analysis, because in

some parroquias GA is highly related with K, but in others

 

it is highly related with C.

The final groups are K, C, and GA. The K group
includes the surnames Bisbicus, Canticfis, Cuasalusan,
Gwanga, Nastacuas, Paf, Paskal and Taicfis. The people
having two of these family names Should be considered pure
Kwayker. The C category contains all of the other surnames
except GA (Garcia). The people with two of these names

should be considered as colono, or not belonging to the

28

TABLE 5

EXISTENT AND POSSIBLE COMBINATIONS OF SURNAMES IN
BAPTISM AND MARRIAGE RECORDS IN THE KWAYKER
AREA, 1960-1973 (GROUPED DATA)*

 

Baptisms

 

Mother's Name

 

 

Father's Name K GA C TOTAL
K 2,731 311 459 3,501
GA 359 29 369 759
C 591 324 59,718 60,633
TOTAL 3,681 664 60,546 64,891

All Possible Combinations

 

 

K GA C T.P.C. COMBINATIONS
K 2,731 670 1,050 4,451 [(K&K)+(K&GA)+(K&C)]
GA 29 693 1,392 [(GA&GA)+(GA&K)+(GA&C)]
C 59,718 61,461 [(C&C)+(C&GA)+(C&K)]
Marriages

 

Wife's Name

 

 

Husband's Name K GA C TOTAL
K 293 25 62 380
GA 33 2 48 83
C 84 50 7,915 8,049
TOTAL 410 77 8,025 8,512

All Possible Combinations

 

K GA C T.P.C. COMBINATIONS
K 293 58 146 497 [(K&K)+(K&GA)+(K&C)]
GA 2 98 158 [(GA&GA)+(GA&K)+(GA&C)]
C 7,915 8,159 [(C&C)+(C&GA)+(C&K)]

 

Source: Baptism and marriage records: Parroquias of Altaquer,
Barbacoas, Candelillas, ESpriella, Chiles, Cumbal, Guachavez,
Guachucal, Maldonado, Mallama, Ricaurte, Samaniego and
Tumaco. Colombia-Ecuador, 1960—1973.

*16,949 "baptized" were excluded from the calculation because
they had just one family name.

29

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

.m manna «mousom

o.~m v.Ho n.om o o.OOH 0.5m o

H.H N.Hm 4o o.OOH H.H \N.oo H.H «o

«.mm s o.OOH m.H \m.m~ o.mm\s.~H «.mm s
mmoaHmmaz

m.hm m.om m.m~ o o.ooH ~.Sm o

H.H H.mo so o.OOH H.H \m.mw H.H mo

0.Ho s o.OOH S.H \o.m~ H.mv\o.mH 0.Ho s

0 so s .o.m.a o «o x
manmcowumHmm mo ooumoo mcoaumcflnsoo oHnHmmom

mzmHsmam

 

Assad ammoomov

manuoomH .«mma mmxsazx

mmB ZH mamoumm mwflHmm¢Z 92¢ ZmHEmdm zH mm242m5m Add UZOZd
mHmmZOHadflmm m0 mmmwma 62¢ mZOHB<ZHm£OU mamHmmOm 44¢ m0 mmodfizmummm

m manta

3O

Kwayker group, and GA contains the surname Garcia. The
people having Garcia as one or both of their family names
should be considered 92213, or mixed Kwayker and colono.l6
The people with one Kwayker family name and the other
colono should also be considered as 22213. Of the 81,915
names registered in marriages and baptisms in the thirteen

churches from 1960 to 1973, 4.3 percent were Kwaykeres,

3.1 percent cholos, and 92.6 percent colonos (Table 7).

TABLE 7

NUMBER OF PEOPLE BAPTIZED AND MARRIED IN THE
KWAYKER AREA: 1960-1973*

 

#—

 

 

Baptisms Marriages Total %
Kwaykeres 2,731 790 3,521 4.3
Cholos 2,400 160 2,560 3.1
Colonos 59,760 16,074 75,834 92.6
Total 64,891 17,024 81,915 100.0

 

Source: Baptism and marriage records: Parroquias of
Altaquer, Barbacoas, Candelillas, Chiles, Cumbal,
ESpriella, Guachavez, Guachucal, Maldonado,
Mallama, Ricaurte, Samaniego and Tumaco.
Colombia-Ecuador, 1960-1973.

*16,949 "baptized" were excluded from the calcula-
tion because they had just one family name.

 

16The term cholo, suggested by Osborn and the

interpretation here ascribed to it, has to be taken with
precaution. It is used as a methodological aid, but cholo
does not have the same meaning in the whole area. In tEe
southern part of the study area, for example, the people
of mixed ancestry are called criollo. Cholo also refers
to another group located in soutHwestern Cfiocé Departament
north of the Kwayker area.

31

Table 8 and Figure 4 show a higher concentration

of Kwaykeres in the parroquias of Altaquer, Espriella and

 

Ricaurte, while the parroquias surrounding these three

 

have concentrations of cholos and colonos. Some (e.g.,
Guachucal) Show concentrations of colonos almost exclu-

sively in their records.

The Language

 

A number of minor studies refer to the Kwayker
language. Walter Lehmann reproduced a vocabulary which

was published by Triana in 1906 after a trip from Barbacoas

17

to Altaquer. Andree gives twelve words collected in

Barbacoas in 1881.18 Hidalgo lists thirteen words collec-

19

ted in Muellamués in 1894. Gutierrez, in his trip to

Tumaco in 1893, noted some Kwayker words spoken in

Altaquer.20 Caldas published in 1946 a vocabulary col-

21

1ected in Ricaurte. Henri Lehmann includes some Kwayker

 

l7Walter Lehmann, Zentral Amerika, Vol. I (Berlin:

Dietrich Reimer, 1920), p. 33; and Miguel Triana, Por e1
sur de Colombia: Una excursion pintoresca y cientIfica
a1 Putumayg (Bogota, D.E.: Ministerio de Educacién
Nacional, 1950), pp. 73-75.

18E. Andree, "L'Amerique Equinoxiale," La Tour du
Monde, XLV (1883), 344.

19Tomas Hidalgo, "La historia del Ecuador por el
Doctor Gonzalez Suarez," La Revista Ecuatoriana, IV (1894),
295-299. Hidalgo believed there was a different language
spoken in Muellamués, but his vocabulary shows only Six
Kwayker words, five of Quechua origin and two Spanish.

20Rufino Gutierrez, "Monografias," Biblioteca de
Historia Nacional, XXVIII (1920), 153-155.

21A. J. Caldas, "Palabras del idioma Kuaiquer,"
Revista de Historia, VII-VIII (1946), 136-137.

 

 

 

 

 

32

.oomH mocwm cho oHanHm>m one: msmfiummm mo mouoomm«

.mnmalooma .HocmsomsmHQEOHOU 1000899
paw omoacmsmm .muusmowm .MEMHHMZ .oomconamz .Hmossomso .No>mzomsw .maaoaummm .moHHnU

 

 

 

 

 

 

.Hmnfisu .mmaHHHopcmu .mmoomnumm .uosvmuad mo mmwdwouumm “ocuoomu omMHHHME can Emwummm “mousom
o.OOH mHm.Hm o.mm umm.ms H.m oom.~ m.¢ Hmm.m Hasos
o.OOH mov.oH m.mm mmH.oH m.H mam N. Hm 000509 .HH
o.o0H msm.m m.mm mmm.m N. mH o. m omchESMm .NH
o.OOH mvm.m H.os moo.” ~.m mmm s.mH mmm mausmOHm .HH
o.OOH vms.H m.mm mHS.H m. oH m. m msmHHmz .OH
o.OOH boo m.sm Hmm o.s o0 m.v cm .oomcooHaz .m
o.OOH mmm.v m.mm 0mm.v m. m o. o Hmossumso .m
o.OOH omo.v m.om Hom.m S.H mo m.H Ho nm>mnomso .s
o.OOH moo.s m.mn moo.o H.m omo H.HH wvm «HHmHummm .o
o.ooH som.~ m.mm ona.~ o.m mm s.~ on mHHno .m
o.OOH HmH.n 5.0m mmH.R m. mH H. m Hansso .v
o.OOH mos.m o.mm moo.m S.H mo m. m mMHHHHmocmo .m
o.OOH mam.oH m.sm mHm.mH H.H mmm a. so mmoomnumm .m
o.OOH omm.v «.mv oom.H m.mH mmo S.Hv «mm.H uwsomuHm .H

m Hmuoa w ocoaoo w oaonu w Hothsz waswouumm

 

msmHuoomH .mmma mmxsazx use 2H «Hooommsm moan mo momoomm zmHsmmm
ozm moaHmmaz os ozHomoooa mozoqoo ozm moaomo .mmmmusazs mo onsomHmsmHo

m wand?

33

.mpuooou cousnu

 

 

npuooom nouzno :H moaaz ocoHou use oHoso .umxhuzxnu.v

n OOOOO

sham

m

Hm

 

mGIOUuu 208330 I.
mu1<z OZOJOU 02¢
OaOIU ¢w¥><s>x

201...... ...-3.3350.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

34

words in his ethnographical study in 1946, and gives a
considerable number of surnames in his research on the

Sindagua Indians in 1949.22

More recent sources, including
Osborn, 1970, Cortes, 1971, and the author's own records
(1969, 1970, 1972 and 1973), indicate that all of the
vocabularies belong to a unique language.23 In addition
to the language records a list of surnames of Muellamués
reported by Rosero in 1914, plus an 1843 list of names from
Mayasquer and Maldonado, help to delineate the boundaries
of the Kwayker culture.24
Three important studies on the Kwayker language
suggest the present distribution of the Kwayker population.
Lehmann's "Les indiens Sindagua (Colombie)," based on sur-
names listed in archives dated in the seventeenth and
eighteenth century A.D., indicates that when the Spaniards
arrived there was a common language from the Telembi to San
Juan rivers and from the Pacific coast to the Cordillera
Occidental of Colombia. According to Lehmann the Kwayker

25

is the only language remaining from the Sindagua. Ortfz'

 

22Lehmann, Contribution, pp. 255-270, and Lehmann,

Les indiens, pp. 67-69.

23Osborn, Notas, p. 72, and Cortés Moreno, Gerardo,
La comunidad Kuayker (Pasto [n.d.], 1971), pp. 32—34.

24Dario Alcfdes Rosero, San Diego de Muellamués,
Manuscript, 1914, p. l3,and José Benjamin Arteaga,
gpuntamientos sobre Mayasquer y Cumbal, 1910. A manuscript
rom the original by Alfredo Rosero Andrade, Chiles, 1948.

25

 

 

 

Lehmann, Les indiens, p. 80.

 

35

"La lengua Malla" suggests that the Sindagua language,
which he calls Malla, is closely related to the Maya
of Central America. According to him, on the Pacific
coast there are some linguistic islands related to Poly-
nesian and Central American languages.26 An example is the
Yurumangui language Spoken until the eighteenth century in
an area north of the Kwayker area. It belongs to the Hoka
family, which includes both the Hawaiian of the Pacific
and the Chontal of southern South America.27 The exten-
sively documented study on the Sindaguas and the author's
own archival research in Barbacoas suggest that the
Sindagua or an old Kwayker was the language Spoken in the
entire province of Barbacoas when the Spaniards arrived in
the area.28
The third and most important study is Jij6n y
Caamafio's "La lengua Coayquer."29 It is a detailed analysis

based on most of the vocabularies collected up to 1940.

It includes phonetics, grammar, vocabulary, origin, and

 

. 2éSergio Elias OrtiZ, "La lengua Malla," in Sergio
E1138 Ortiz," Estudips sobre lingfiistica aborigen de
Colombia (Bogota, D.E.: EditoriaI’Kelly, 1954), pp. 19-35.

27Paul Rivet, "Un dialecto Hoka Colombien: Le
Yurumangui," Journal de la Société des Américanistes,
XXXIV (1942),*IF59.

28Many names given by Lehmann were found in
marriage and baptism records in the archives of the
church of Barbacoas dating from 1772.

29Jacinto Jij6n y Caamafio, "La lengua Coayquer,"
in Jacinto Jij6n y Caamafio, E1 Ecuador interandino y
gggidental antes de la conquIsta castellana (Quito:
Editorial Ecuatoriana, 19407] V.I., pp. 1525234.

 

36

similarities with other languages. Caamaho classifies
the Kwayker (Coayquer) as a dialect belonging to the

30 From this

Pasto, which belongs to the Chibcha family.
study it is possible to identify the most important
phonetics. The phonetics, words and entire phrases, given
by Caamaho are very closely related with modern records.
Further studies, however, reveal that the phonetics KER
and AL belong to another dialect and that these were
introduced to the Kwayker language through early invasions
by other Indians.31

Having a list of phonetics and the names of the
present settlements in the Kwayker area, one can identify
which settlements have a Kwayker name and compare their
distribution with the Kwayker concentration indicated by
marriage and Baptism records. Settlements with Kwayker

names are listed in Appendix B. Their distribution by

parroquia is shown in Table 9.

 

Comparing the concentration of present day Kway-
keres and Indian-named settlements, it is not difficult to

determine the general pattern of Kwayker distribution.

111.21.21.42
As altitude increases the concentration of Kway-

keres decreases. But, near the coast, where the lowest

 

30Jacinto Jijon y Caamafio, E1 Ecuador interandino,
V.I., pp. 150-151.

31Luis T. Paz y Mifio, "La lengua Pasto," in Luis T.
Paz y Mifio, Egnguas aborigenes del Ecuador (Quito:
LitOgrafia e Imprenta Romero, 1940), pp. 1-18.

 

DISTRIBUTION OF KWAYKER-NAMED SETTLEMENTS
BY PARROQUIA, 1973

37

TABLE 9

 

 

 

 

Parroquias Number of Settlements Percent
Altaquer 18 7.1
Barbacoas 116 45.4
Candelillas 14 5.5
Cumbal -- --
Chiles 4 1.6
Espriella 25 9.7
Guachavez 4 1.6
Guachucal -- --
Maldonado 5 2.0*
Mallama 4 1.6
Ricaurte 26 10.2
Samaniego 3 1.2
Tumaco 36 14.1

TOTAL 255 100.0

 

Source: Servicio de Erradicacién de la Malaria, Map, Zona
Jacinto Jijon y Caamafio, La lengua

Coayquer, 1940.

*Author's records.

IX, 1973.

 

38

altitudes are registered, the Kwayker concentration also

decreases. This means that the Indians inhabit primarily

the hill zone of the Llanura del Pacifico.32

 

Other Visits to the Area

 

The missionaries kept records of the places they
visited and the names of people they married or baptized
in each place. The places where the missionaries married
or baptized cholos and/or Kwaykeres tend to be located in
the central part of the area. The settlements visited by
writers such as Lehmann, Gutiérrez and Andree, who reported

concentrations of Kwaykeres, are also centrally located.

Boundaries of the Kwayker Cultural Area

The various factors studied reflect collectively
a central concentration of Kwaykeres. These exclude the
parroquias of Guachucal and Cumbal and the eastern portions
of Mallama, Guachavez and Samaniego, plus the northern
part of Barbacoas and western Candelillas and Tumaco, as
part of the present Kwayker cultural area. Thus, the
Kwayker settlements are distributed from the Telembi-
Saundé-Saspf rivers in the north to the Mataje-Mira rivers

and the southern limits of the parroquias of Tobar Donoso

 

and Maldonado, Ecuador, in the south. On the west the

 

32The Llanura del Pacifico refers to the entire
Pacific area, ffom the coast to the western slopes of
the Cordillera Occidental and Ecuadorian Andes (see
Chapter III).

 

39

boundary includes the headwaters of the Rosario, Mexicano
and Guelmambi rivers, while the 2,000 meter contour line
marks the eastern boundary. The area thus delimited covers

an area of about 10,000 square kilometers (see Figure 5).

The Present Kwayker Population

The exact population of a forest people, or even a
good approximation, is not easy to ascertain. Difficulties
such as cultural rules of the group, scattered settlements,
and the lack of penetration roads make the collection of
accurate data almost impossible. Estimates of the Kwayker
population, therefore, differ widely. Ortiz calculated
2,000 in 1936, and West cited the same figure in 1957, but
noted the possibility of other Indians inhabiting "the
headwaters of the Guelmambi and its tributaries south of
Barbacoas and the upper reaches of the Rio Rosario to the

west."33

Lehmann counted the Kwaykeres in 1946, obtaining
the results indicated in Table 10.
Lehmann, considering possible migration and
uncounted houses, concluded:
. . . It seems that the figure of 3,000 Kwaiker

Indians is closer to reality than the figure
prOposed by Ortiz. . . .34

 

33Sergio Elias Ortiz, "Notas sobre los indios
Koaikeres," Idearium, I, No. l (1937), 25, and Robert C.
West, The Pacific Lowlands of Colombia: A Negroid Area
of the American Tro iCS (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, , p. 96.

34

 

Lehmann, Contribution, p. 259.

 

4O

 

(uI( a<¢3=30 nua>(’n tun-Ia a

(=( unl>(lu 928(Ixua .ul.

n-.I(ZO;=I >n Our-u.)
nuluigtuu OHOSUI-UI>(’I O

325.. 3: 5 2:2» 22.135. I
3.8.. 32.02.: .353- Q

nut-Iudhp-u n.1(2Ilul>¢3l .

22.! z. :3. <3 :0: 33:... fl

<w¢< ¢u¥><3¥
plumuzm mt...

. 011.42 2.223253

/. r. i //
x . . .../ //
@ ..-/W «WV //V/fi//fl/w¢WV/////V/V/ . x
9 //,/./y./ , -
z . I
o ..

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

41

TABLE 10

THE KWAYKER POPULATION IN 1946

 

 

 

Region Settlement Houses People
Rio Vegas Chimbusa 2 8
Kwasker 8 50
Karlambi 4 15
Kelbi l 8
Chanul 4 25
Guadual 10 8O
mebas 15 9O
Imbina 10 6O
Arrayan 8 50
Aguacate 5 20
SUBTOTAL 67 406
Rio Nulpi Nulpe Medio 24 + 12 160
Nulpe Arriba 5 + 5 60
Yaslambi 6 30
Kembi 7 30
Mayasquer 2 10
Chicandina ll 60
Kembi 4 15 to 20
SUBTOTAL 76 365 to 370
Kwaskwabi 15
Kwezbi and Paldubi 40
55 275 (5
people per
house)
Vegas 9 45
Pialapi 100 500
SUBTOTAL 164 820
TOTAL 307 1,591 to
1,596

 

Source: Henri Lehmann, "Contribution a l'ethnographie Kwaiker,
Colombie," Journal de la Société des Américanistes, LII
(1964), 258.

 

42

Unfortunately such a population estimate covers just part
of the region. Therefore, a greater Kwayker population
probably exists today. Osborn, in taking the rural popula-
tion of the area, estimated 3,500 Kwayker Indians in 1962,

while Cortés Moreno estimated 10,000 for 1971.35

Knowing
the present total population of the area, and of each p337
roquia in particular, it may be valid to calculate the per-
centage of Kwaykeres, cholos and colonos, according to their

concentration in each parroquia, as recorded in church mar-

 

riage and baptism records during the past fourteen years.

The formula to calculate the Kwayker population should be:

Pk = Pt - (Pch + Pc)
Where,
Pk = Kwayker pOpulation
Pt = Total population
Pch = Percentage of cholo population
Pc = Percentage of colono population

In this way a total of 6,500 people with Indian heritage

36 Table 11

(Kwaykeres and cholos) is estimated for 1973.
shows the Kwayker, ghglg and colono population calculated
to be living in the Kwayker area today.

The statistical method used has certain limita-

tions and Should be tested to be accepted as valid. In

this case no complex computations are needed to show that

 

35Osborn, Compadrazqo, p. 594, and Cortés Moreno,
La comunidad Kuayker, p. 25.

36The exact calculated figure is 6,971, but because
the name Garcia was included as cholo the figure should be
somewhat reduced.

 

 

43

.mnma

 

.mnma .mwsmonumm umnu no AHOMMEV coauwaom1oucowcou 050 ha cm>flm ousmwmo

.onomm vmn topmoflpca Hogans on» ha wouosuaoo madmmuumm was» SH mamcoo Hmooa m

 

a

.popsaoxo muoz Hmosnomsu can HMQESU mo moasvouumm ones

 

 

 

 

 

 

.m oHnt can .man .oomsseloummm .mmoflumwvmumm .maumamz ma on cmfiomowomuum op oHoH>Hom “mousom
Nmm.NvH mNm.m NqH.m nmm.meH Hayes
omN.ns o.Nm mNH.H m.H an N. oHo.wN oomsss
NON.R m.mm «H, N. -u o. MNN.N omoHcm50m
NNH.0 H.on ovv N.m 0mm n.mH smv.m mumsmon
voN.N m.mm mN m. m m. mm».N «SmHHmz
mNo.N m.sm mNN o.N SSH m.q oooo.m oomcoonz
msv.H m.om oN N.H mN m.H mNm.H uw>mnomso
omH.s m.ms on H.N mam H.HH mom.m .HHmHummm
NHo m.mm mH o.N NH N.N ano mmHHno
4mm.0H o.Nm omH S.H 4m m. NON.HH mMHHHHmocmo
4mm.SN m.sm mom H.N NHH 0. mmo.mN mmoomnumm
mom v.Nv mom m.mH «on R.H4 mom.H uosomuHa

cowumacmom mpuooom coHDMHsmom mpuooom coHHMHsmom mouooom .
ocoHoo nousno aHanu nonuno umxsmzs gousno coHumHsmom mmaaoouumm
woumadoamo OCOHOU m nonmasoamu :H dddnu w woumasoamu SH uox>m3x w acommum .

 

mman .onsaHvom ozoqoo oz¢ 0Homo .mmssazs

HA mqmda

44

6,500 is a close approximation to the current Kwayker popu-
lation. Several assumptions must be granted to accept the
method. The first and most important is that the records
kept in the churches are accurate enough to estimate sur-
name groupings.37 To calculate a population without having
essential coefficients such as natural increase and
migration is to risk a low degree of validity. In the
calculations of this study it is assumed that all of the
people are Catholic.38 In some settlements there may be

no registration in the churches because the distances and
lack of penetration roads have thus far precluded the
entrance of missionaries. Despite this inconvenience the
6,500 figure seems to be logical and is supported by other
sources. Lehmann calculated 3,000 "Indians" in the
southern part of the Kwayker area. In his calculations

he presumably included the ghglg population, and so have
other writers. The figure calculated in the present study

is not much at variance with theirs, but has been more

 

37The missionaries Spell names differently, but

the body of the whole name never changes. The name
Gwanga, for example, was Spelled Wanga, Huanga, Guanga
and Gwanga; Canticfis was spelled Kantikuz and Cantincfis.
Bisbicfis was Spelled Bibicfis, Bishbikuz; Taikfis was
Spelled Jaicfis and Taicfis; Cuasalusan as Cuasalusano,
Casaluzan and Cuazaluzan; and Pai as Paib, Pai and Pay.

38There are only Catholic missionaries in the
area, and a Concordato (agreement) exists between the
Colombian government and the Vatican limiting evangelism
to Catholic missionaries. See, D.A.N.E., Ayer y hoy de
los indigenas, pp. 55-58.

 

 

 

45

objectively obtained. An estimate of the present total
population was made by the Servicio de Erradicacién de la
Malaria, including every settlement below an elevation of
2,500 meters. The Kwayker area as previously defined is
completely covered in that estimate. Thus, some areas not
reached by priests may have been included in the Malaria
Service census, and some areas with peOple living above
2,500 meters should not have been included. But, only
Samaniego, Guachavez, Mallama, and Chiles include land
higher than 2,500 meters. Some other areas such as the
Pacific litoral and northern Barbacoas, where there are no
Indians, were included.

Using the formula, Pk Pt - (Pch + Pc), to cal-

culate the total population, with the total percentages
based on church records, the figure is different than
that calculated by adding the percentages obtained for

each Single parroquia.

 

Pk = Pt - (Pch + PC)
9E Pk = 149,357 - (3.1% + 92.6%)
Pk = 149,357 - (4,630 + 138,305)

Pk — 6,422 = 4.3%

The difference between the total Kwayker pOpulation cal-

culated from the percentages in each parroquia (3,142)

 

and that calculated from regional church records as a
whole (6,422) indicates different conclusions in each

parroquia. The ranks for church registration do not always

46

coincide with the ranks for the present population in each

parroquia as shown in Table 12. If the same area were

 

included, the natural increases were the same in each

parroqgia, and the people did not migrate, the parroquias

 

 

Should rank the same in both the church records and the
present population, and the percentages would likewise be
equal. However, such is not the case. The Servicio de
Erradicacién de la Malaria census did not include the areas
of altitudes above 2,500 meters, but these areas are in-
cluded in the church records. In addition, people regis-
tered in other churches, even in areas not included in

this research, could migrate into the area and increase

the population of these parroquias more than the proportion

 

related to the people registered in them. Also, the
natural increase is not necessarily equal in each

parroquia.

 

AS the population figure derived in this study
was based on the Kwayker area specifically, and the
Kwaykeres do not have permanent settlements above 2,000
meters, the calculation obtained by adding the percentages

calculated for each parroquia should be more accurate than

 

the one based on taking the total population of those

parroquias in which some Kwaykeres are known to live.

 

.oEmcMsm oco aaco mcfl>mg omonu co>o .UovsaocH mum onomm Hadw

. .mnmalomma
.mouooom womauuwz cam Emflummm can .man .mHHmHmz 0H op cmwomoflomuum op 0H0H>uom ”moucom

 

47

 

mmo.meH omo.vm Hoses
HH New mmHHao oomcoonz Hos HH
0H mNm.H N0>mnomso msmHHmz woo.N 0H
m mom.H HosomuHe mmHHno 40m.m m
m mmS.N «SNHHmz munsmon mHo.0 m
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o qu.m mausmon umsomuHa mon.v o
m NNN.N omchmSmm nm>mnomao omo.m m
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m moN.NH mMHHHHmocmo omchmsmm mNN.OH N
N mmo.mN mmoomnumm confine moo.oN N
H oHo.ms confide mmoomnumm MNv.ON H

 

msmcou saunas:
Scum Um>Huoo xcmm

 

mpuooom nouszu
Scum pm>flumo xcnm

mafinwouumm

 

mszmU 4HM¢A¢Z mmB 02¢ mnmoumm mumnmu
20mm Qm>HmmO mi dHDOOMMdm mU4m m0 mMde mm? m0 ZOmHm<m200

NH mdmde

CHAPTER III

THE HABITAT

The Kwayker area is just one part of the Llanura
del Pacifico, which extends from Darién in Panama to
Esmeraldas, Ecuador, and from the Pacific coast to the
western slope of the Andean Cordillera Occidental, thus
measuring 600 miles long and fifty to 100 miles wide.1 All
of the features that characterize the region are seen in

the Kwayker micro-region.

Physical Features

 

The Department of Narifio (32,473 square kilometers)
can be divided roughly into two major physical units: the

Pacific coastal plain (Llanura del Pacifico) in the west

 

and the Andean region (Regifin Andina) in the east. The

 

Andean region extends from the western foothills of the
Cordillera Occidental at 5,000 feet above sea level to the
same level in the Amazonian forest to the east. The
Kwayker group inhabits a substantial part of the Pacific
coastal plain, and a Special analysis is therefore appro—

priate for this physical unit.

 

1West, The Pacific Lowlands, p. l.

 

48

49

The Pacific coastal plain in Narifio is the
southern extension of a longer structural depression known
as the "Bolivar geosyncline," which extends about 900 miles
from the Gulf of Uraba in northwestern Colombia to the Gulf
of Guayaquil in southern Ecuador.2 According to geologic
composition and surface features the plain may be divided
into three main longitudinal zones: (1) flattish plains
of recent alluvium, (2) a hill section formed by recent
stream dissection of Tertiary and Pleistocene elements,
and (3) a transitional zone between the plain and the Andes
Mountains, which has a basic Mesozoic formation. The
plains extend inland from the coast about five to thirty—
five miles, the latter at the Rio Patia delta. The Quater-
nary sediments carried by the rivers characterize the
geologic composition of this zone. The hills, however,
present a different geomorphology. Terraces are common
here, where human settlements, primitive agriculture, and
heavier rainfall continuously exhaust the fertility of the
soils. In the transitional zone, there are higher alti-
tudes and heavier precipitation than in the hill section.
Frequent landslides and subsequent impoverishment of the
soils often occur in this section, due to torrential
streams descending from the snow-covered Andes (see

Figure 6).3

 

21bid., p. 5.

3Ibid., pp. 20-21, see also Ministerio del Trabajo,
Estudio soc1o-econ6mico de Narifio (Bogota, D.E.: Editorial
Agra, 1959), p. 31.

 

50

 

     
  

o o
hid-d9 "" COLOMBIA

 

 

....... a
......

.3 .....

 

DEPARTMENT OF IIIAIII IFIO:
PACIFIC COAST
PHYSIOGIIAPIIIC REGION

IF

 

 

PLAINS

 

 

HILLS

- TRANSITION
W
A KWAYKSR AREA
0

. 1 1 L__A I.

 

 

 

 

Figure 6.--Department of Narifio: Pacific Coast Physio-
graphic Region

Source: Instituto Agropecuario Colombiano

51

Although an immense evergreen rain forest pre-
vails in the region, the Pacific coastal plain possesses
only small areas with good soils for agriculture. With
the exception of 113,000 hectares, mainly along the
Rio Mira, where the soils are rich for "intensive
agriculture and cattle," the plain is covered by latasol
soils and mangrove. Alluvial soils cover those Spots
where migratory agriculture and settlements are

concentrated.4

Climate

The Pacific coastal plain includes the tierra

caliente and the lower parts of the tierra templada, and

is one of the wettest areas in the world.5 Heavy

 

precipitation and high temperature throughout the year
are the essential characteristics of the Af-tropical
rainforest climate regime in this Colombian region.
Tumaco, nearby, experiences a short dry season from

September to November, making a moderate Am-tropical

 

4Informacién basica del departamento de Narifio
para programas deresarrollo agropecuario, Documento
ICA-DP-T-019 (RegIOnal 5: Unidad Téénico Administrativa
Obonuco, 1971), pp. 7-8.

5Ernesto Guhl, Colombia: Bosqpejo de su
geografia trOpical (BogotE, D.E.: Departamento de
Geografia, Universidad Nacional de Colombia [n.d.]),
pp. 114-122.

 

52

rainforest climate, monsoon type.6 The differences in
precipitation at all other places of the region can be
generalized as "wet" and "wetter" months:

The high precipitation of the central portion of
the lowlands appears to be associated with the
presence of the zone of equatorial convergence,
which extends across the Pacific Ocean at S'N.
latitude to Southeast Asia. Being a zone of
convergence with moist, unstable air rising over the
warm equatorial counter current, the entire zone

is one of the heavy oceanic rainfall. The Pacific
lowlands of Colombia lie at the eastern end of this
zone and form its rainiest section. . . . The
greater precipitation of the Colombian section is
due probably to local conditions, among which the
most significant is the highly heated land surface
(leading to strong convection) combined with an
orographic rise of air up the lower slopes of the
western cordillera . . .

 

6" . . . most of the area falls under Koeppen's
Af classification . . . Two periods of minimum rainfall,
however, usually prevail, although they are hardly dis-
cernible . . . South of 2°N the two minimum seasons are
reversed [from north of 2°N], indicating the influence
of the southern hemisphere climatic regime. Beginning
around Tumaco the least rainy period corresponds to the
months of September, October and November, while the
second minimum period comes in February and March. . . ."
Notwithstanding these minimum rainfall periods, the
evergreen forest continues without any changes-~a basic
characteristic of the Am climate.

Af climate, in Koeppen's classification corresponds
to those areas with an average temperature of every month
above 64.6°F and no month averages less than 2.4 inches
of rainfall. In the Pacific coastal plain, the monthly
average temperature is above 64.4°F everywhere, annual
average rainfall goes from 121 inches in Tumaco to 314
inches in Mongdn. No place in the Pacific plains has a
monthly average lower than 2.4 inches of rainfall. In the
whole plain the mean temperature range never exceeds 3°F.
See West, The Pacific Lowlands, pp. 22-39, and Arthur N.
Strahler, Introduction to Pfiysical Geo ra h (New York:
John Wiley & Sons, Ihc., 1973), pp. 16 - .

7West, The Pacific Lowlands, p. 28.

 

 

53

Relative humidity in the zone is "depressingly
excessive. Dampness prevails even on clear, sunny days."8
Percentages show that humidity is higher during the
mornings (91 percent), decreases at noon (83 percent), and

rises again during the nights (87 percent).9

Vegetation

 

AS a result of the two basic conditions, high
temperature and excessive precipitation throughout the
year, a varied vegetation grows on the Pacific coastal
plain. A study of the Tumaco-Barbacoas-Guapi area,
which includes most of Narifio department's Pacific coastal
plain, reveals a vegetation pattern of longitudinal zones,
corresponding broadly to the physiographic zones pre-
viously described.10 The plains zone covers the cinturén

del mangle, or mangrove belt (Rhizophora mangle), along

 

 

the coast. Within the zone, several palm trees (Euterpre

sp.) and Sajo (Campnosperma panamensis) prevail in the

 

areas with less drainage. The area most important to the

timber industry lies in the alluvial zone. The species

 

81bid., p. 25.

9Instituto Colombiano Agropecuario, I.C.A., Proy-
ecto de desarrollo rural de la llanura del Pacifico-
Narifio (Tn.p.]: DirecciOn de planeacidn, 1972), pp. 18-19.

0Gerardus Sicco Smit, Aplicaciones de las imagenes
de radar en la fotointerpretacidn de bosgueS‘hfimedos
tropicales: Regidn de Tumaco-Barbacoas-Guapi, departa-
mento de Narifio (Bogota, D.E.: Centro Interamericano de
FotoIhterpretaciOn, 1971), pp. 5-8.

 

 

54

Cungare (Iryanthera jouruensis), Sajo (CampnOSperma

 

panamensis), tangare (Carapa guianensis), virola (Virola

 

Sp.) and numerous kinds of palm trees correspond to the
alluvial zone. In the low Patia and Telembi rivers,
however, few commercial trees grow, e-g- Sande (Brosimun

utile), Chanun (Humeria procera), chaquiro (Phillanthus

 

sp.) and chaviande (Virola Sp.). The transitional zone
includes, but in smaller volume, the same species as the

alluvial zone. However, it has higher concentrations 0f

cedar or mahogany (Cedrela odorata), oak (Terminalia

 

 

amazonia Excell.), and the medical-industrial Cinchona
(Cinchona calisaya, Cinchona pillayenses, and Cinchona

barbacoensis).

 

Stratigraphically, the Pacific coastal plain pre-
sents three broad vegetational strata. The tallest strata
comprises gigantic evergreen broadleaf trees of numerous
Species, sixty to 100 feet high. The major Species belong

to the Lauracecae family (Chachajo: Aniba perutilis;

 

jigua: Nectandar, sp.), the Bombacaceae family (Ceibo:

 

Ceiba pentandra), the Moraceae family (Sande: Brosimum

 

utile; higuerones: Ficus, spp.; Majagua: Poulsenia

 

armata), the Bignonaceae family (Guayacana: Tabebuia,

spp.); and the Meliaceae or mahOgany family (Cedro:

Cedrela odorata).ll

 

 

11West, The Pacific Lowlands, pp. 40-43.

 

55

A second stratum often occurs in a rainforest as
an intermediate link between the highest and lowest
strata, but is extremely difficult to define in the
Pacific coastal plain. "Richard states that in most
normal primary rain forest communities three strata
exist, though they are often ill-defined."12

The lowest stratum is formed by a considerable
variety of scattered Slender trees, including palms
shorter than those in the upper stratum. In this Stratum,
trees twenty and thirty feet high are encountered. The
most important Species belong to the Piperaceae and

Rubiceae families. The palms, milpeso (Jessenia polycarpa)

and palma amarga (Welfia regia) are the most common. In

 

the southern part of Tumaco and in Esmeraldas the indus-

trial tagua (Phytelphas, Spp.) is commonly found, while

 

in the southeastern part coca (Erythroxillum coca) is

 

significant.

Within the forest, "a luxuriant array of shade-
tolerant climbing vines (lianas) and epiphytic shrubs that
grow on the trunks and branches of the taller trees" com-

13 Orchids

plement the tall stratified vegetation.
(Orchidaceae) and pineapple plants (Bromeliaceae) are
the most visible epiphytes. Some lianas are poisonous,

but most of them are used as rope for tying all kinds

 

12P. W. Richard, The Tropical Forest: An Ecolggi-
cal Study, as cited by West, The Pacific Lowlands, p. 43.

13

 

 

 

West, The Pacific Lowlands, p. 43.

 

56

of things. They are especially used in the construction
of houses and bridges (see Figures 7-9).

The region's natural vegetation has suffered from
the actions of nature and from cultural factors through
time. Erosion and landslides swiftly destroy considerable
areas of primary vegetation. Migratory aboriginal agri-
culture, the adaptation of land to extensive agriculture,
the cattle of the colonizers, and intensive timber ex-
ploitation during recent years are the most important
cultural factors in the replacement of primary vegetation
by secondary and cultural types. Only in the very remote
areas far from rivers has the rain forest remained free
from human influence. Therefore, much of the so-called
original vegetation of the Pacific coastal plain is now

"a man-made secondary forest."14

Population Distribution and Settlement
Within the Pacific coastal plain a close relation-
ship has existed between population distribution and
physical conditions Since time immemorial. The 200,000
persons inhabiting the region today are concentrated in
a riverine pattern.15 Such settlement patterns differen-

tiate, culturally, the plains region from the Andean region

 

1411310., p. 50.

15The exact figure in the Erradicacidn de la
Malaria records is 206,348, for 1973.

 

ooua aconocHu onaII.m ousmHm

coHumummm> umOHOMCHmmII . N. mujwuu

mono: uoxmsszI.¢ ouson

 

58

where Spanish and feudal settlements characterize the
landscape. The rivers are the highways of the plains
region, and the terraces are the most suitable places to
settle. Large isolated areas exist between the streams,
where it is impossible to communicate by foot. Therefore,
close socio-anthrOpological relationships exist within
each of the settlements.16 The settlement pattern can be
defined as a long line of houses along each side of the
rivers. As agricultural land can be found just on the
terraces, the river banks are densely pOpulated. Some
other areas such as near Tumaco and the Rio Mira have
better living conditions and a more prOSperous economy,
based on extensive agriculture and cattle, and therefore
include larger centers of population. The settlements
located on the coast are based on the exploitation of

tanin from the mangrove and sea fishing. The occurrence

of gold is another important factor in population distri-
bution. Barbacoas has been since the seventeenth cen-
tury one of the main areas of gold exploitation in the
entire country.17 The opening of new routes of penetra-

tion is today yet another factor of population distri-

bution. Construction of the road connecting Pasto and

 

16West, The Pacific Lowlands, p. 50.

17Ibid., p. 95.

59

Barbacoas, during the 1920's, converted the eastern part

of the region into a new highly populated zone.18
Along the San Juan, Mira and Mataje rivers, a

new colonization frontier is being Opened by the road

that connects the Ecuadorian towns of Tulcan and Maldonado

and the few lateral Colombian roads adjoining the Rio Mira.

The road just completed on the Ecuadorian-Colombian

border will have a major impact, given the abundant

timber in the area and easy adaptability of the land for

agriculture and cattle. The colonization frontier began

slowly here toward the end of the past century.19

At least three ethnic groups compose the population
of Narino department's Pacific coastal plain. The Negroid
group, the mestizo group (locally called "B1ancos"), and
the Indian group (cholos and Kwaykeres). Percentage
records of ethnic concentration are extremely limited. An
estimate for 1958 for Narifio department's coastal plain
gives .3 percent Indians, 17.2 percent Mestizos, 3.1 per-

20

cent Whites and 79.4 percent Blacks. The Negroid

 

18José Rafael Zarama, Geo rafia del departamento
de Narifio (Repfiblica de Colombia Pasto: Imprenta del
Departamento, 1927), pp. 18-22.

 

19Manuel Burbano Rueda, Folklore correSpondiente
a las parroquias Maldonado y Tobar DonosoI Municipio de
Tu c n Prov1nc1a Carc 1, ex 1 1 o por e exp031tor Sr.
Manue Burbano Rueda en la feria nacional de 1948 -
EEfiador de hoy y del mafiana, organizada por la U.N.P.,
verificada en Quito, Manuscript, 1949, pp. 1-11.
20Percentages calculated from the absolute figures

given by Ministerio del Trabajo, Estudio socio-econOmico,
Table "Pablacién y Trabajo," between pp. 185-186.

 

60

population, mostly associated with gold and timber exploi-
tation, is found along the large streams and where gold is
located. The mestizo population is composed largely of
persons coming from the mountains as colonos who settle
along the penetration routes and on land being adapted for
agriculture and cattle. The 6,500 Kwaykeres and cholos
live near the headwaters of the rivers.

The Kwaykeres are located on the latosol soils,
surrounded by the black and mestizo pOpulation with its
stronger economy of cattle, extensive agriculture, and
forestry. With these conditions, plus the sparse pOpula-
tion and increasing level of miscegenation, the Kwaykeres
are rapidly losing their identity as a cultural and

demographic group.

CHAPTER IV

THE COLONO-INDIAN CONTACT

It is difficult to determine when the first
stranger arrived in the Kwayker area. The question relates
to the origin of the Indians themselves, and this is as yet
unknown. Nevertheless, some attempts at explanation can
be made to help solve the problem. Physically, the Kway-
keres represent an old group in Colombia. Blood and
somatic samples differentiate them from other Colombian
Indians and show closer relationships with Asiatic peOple.1
The Yurumanguies behaved in many ways as the Tahitians,
Maoris and Samoans.2 The present Kwaykeres manifest some
Yurumangui customs, although their language is quite
different.3 Folkloric and religious similarities between

the groups of Eastern Asia and the aborigines living in

 

lPaulette Marquer et Henri Lehmann, "Les indiens
Kwaiker du sud-ouest de la Colombie," Journal de la
Société des Américanistes, LII (1964), 297.

 

2Sergio Elias Ortiz, "Los indios Yurumanguies,"
Acta Americana, IV, Nos. 1-2 (Enero-Junio, 1964), 24.

 

3Rivet, Un dialecto Hoka, pp. 1-59.

 

61

62

the Pacific lowlands of Colombia support to some extent

the theory of trans-oceanic migrations.4 These first
groups developed so slowly on the Colombian Pacific coast
that the primitive settlers were easily conquered by the
Chibchas, who had a superior culture and came from the
north imposing their language over a considerable part of
the present Colombian territory.5 Archeology offers little
information about the area. Similarities in grave mounds,

or tolas, built along the river banks and old beaches;

 

experiencially molded clay figures; and well-made pottery
and fine gold, cOpper and platinum metal work suggest a
homogeneous culture living in the provinces of Esmeraldas
(Ecuador), and Barbacoas (Colombia).6 Grammar, vocabulary
and word structure of the language among modern aborigines
living in the same area reveal a common old pattern, that

Jij6n y Caamafio calls the Grupo Esmeraldefio.7

 

4Edward Norbeck, "Trans-Pacific Similarities in

Folklore: A Research Lead." Kroeber AnthrOpological
Society Papers, XII (1955), 62-69.

5Jacinto JijOn y Caamafio, "Una gran marea cultural
en el noroeste de Sud America," Journal de la Société des
Américanistes, XXII (1930), 107-l 8.

 

 

6Raoul d'Harcourt, "Archeologie de la province
d'Esmeraldas," Journal de la Société des Americanistes,
XXXIV (1942), 62-200, and HenryQReichlen, "COntribution
a l'etude de la metallurgie precolombienne de la prov1nce
d'Esmeraldas (Equateur)," Journal de la Société des
Américanistes, XXXIV (1942)} 201-223,

7Jacinto JijOn y Caamafio, Antro olo ia prehispanica
del Ecuador (Quito: La Prensa Catalica, I951), pp. 94-95.

 

 

 

63

Successive invasions from the north by Chibchas
and from the east by Tukanos disorganized the first cul-
turally higher group. After that, numerous independent
groups develOped their own cultures.8 Some of these groups
migrated south and eastward, such as the Karankis who
reached the Ecuadorian Andes around the ninth century
A.D.9 A long period of dispersion and frequent contacts
with other peoples differentiate such groups in language
and customs. Today, only three groups remain of the old

Esmeraldefio: the Cayapa, the Colorado and the Kwayker.lo

 

Many contacts characterized the Kwaykeres as a different
group from their brothers the Cayapa and Colorado. Their
culture and language amalgamate, today, features of

several extinct groups.

Pre-Columbian Invasions
Two basic pre-Columbian invasions shaped the
present Kwayker culture and geographical area, that of the

Pastos and the Incas. The Pastos, a Chibchan-speaking

 

8H. Beauchet et P. Rivet, "La famille Betoya ou

Tucano," Memories de la Société de Linguistique de Paris,
XXII (l91l), Il7-l36, l622-I690, and Pail Rivet, l'Les
familles linguistiques du nord-ouest de L' Amerique du
Sud, " Extrait de L' Anee Linguistique, IV (1912), 117-154.

9Luis T. Paz y Mifio, "La lengua Kara," in Luis T.
Paz y Mifio, Lenguas indigenas del Ecuador (Quito: Lito-
grafia e Imprenta Romero, 1940), p. 24.

10Jijdn y Caamano, El Ecuador interandino,
pp. 154- 234.

 

 

 

 

64

group, dominated the primitive highlanders in about the
second century B.C., in the present department of Narifio.l
Strongly warlike, they began quickly an expansion to the
south and west. Some centuries after they arrived, their
territory extended from the Cordillera Central of Colombia
on the east, to the Pacific Ocean on the west; and from
the Patia river in the north to Imbabura and the Gulf of
Guayaquil (Ecuador) on the south.12 No one, except
some Tukanos, contested their conquests until the Inca

13

invasion of the sixteenth century A.D. The Pasto accul-

turated several groups from the original Esmeraldefio and

 

introduced their language and customs to those survival
groups during the long centuries of dependence. The
Kwayker language is more closely related today to the
Pasto than that of the Cayapa and Colorado. The Colorado
and the Cayapa are more closely related with each other
than with the Kwayker and Pasto.l4 The name Kwayker, by
which the group is known nowadays, was probably inherited
from the Pastos. The Kwaykeres do not know why they are

so called, and insist to be termed AWA, which means

GENTE or people. The name Kwayker suggests it was given

 

llPaz y Mifio, La lengua Pasto, p. 17.

 

12JijOn y Caamafio, El Ecuador interandino, Map V.

 

l3Beauchet et Rivet, Betoya ou Tucano, pp. 117-136,
162-190.

14

 

JijOn y Caamafio, La lengua Coayquer, p. 177.

 

65

by someone other than themselves. The phonetic structure
may be compounded of a Kwayker and a Pasto character to
mean PUEBLO ALTO, or town in the hills; from 5W3},

5122, or hill, in Kwayker; and KER, pueblo, or town, in

Pasto.15

 

The Incas coming from the south halted the Pasto
conquests. After seventeen years of war the Inca
Huayana-Capac dominated the Pastos at the Yahualcocha
lake, northern Ecuador, around 1510.16 Huayana-Capac
reached the Patia river and limited his empire at the
Angasmayo (present Guaitara) river to the north. The
Inca, however, stayed only a short time in the Pasto-
Kwayker lands. Viewing "the lack of importance and war-
like character of the Pastos, after he ordered the con-
struction of a fort at Guaca, he returned to Quito."l7

There, he learned about Pizarro's arrival in Lima, but

when he started his return to the heart of his empire, a

 

15Authors have interpreted the word KWAYKER in
different ways. Marquez, COAIQUER: Pueblo Fuerte, or
strong people. JijOn y Caamafio, Koaiker: Kua-jh-ke-r,
"Ser haciendo de continuo ejecutando lo varonil," or
Where men are always working as men.

16Eduardo N. Martinez, Carchi: Problema
posibilidad (Quito: "Vida Catélica," I970), p. 4%.

17Sergio Elias Ortiz, "Familia lingfiistica Kechua
o Runa-Simi," in Sergio Elias Ortiz, Estudios sobre
lingfiistica abori en de Colombia (Bogota, D.E.: Editorial
KEIIy, 1954), p. 53.

 

66

smallpox epidemic killed about 200,000 people, including
himself.18
Quechua words are deeply ingrained among the

Narifienses today. A Quechua-Speaking group still lives

 

in the eastern part of Narifio Department.19 Words such

as Egipg (father), churta (hat) and SEES (unbaptized),

plus some Kwayker-Quechua geographical names, reveal the
Inca influence on the Kwayker group. How could such in-
fluence be so strong if the Incas lived here such a short
time? The Incas had a custom of imposing their language

as soon as they conquered a new group. They sent yanakonas
or trainers to teach the Quechua and Inca customs among

the new groups.20 Although it is not yet known for certain,

several yanakonas may have taught Quechua in the Pasto-

 

Kwayker area. The Spanish conquerors and missionaries
learned how to speak Quechua and introduced that language
among the groups even partially conquered or not conquered
at all by the Incas, following the same method used by the
yanakonas. Missionaries and conquerors reached the Pasto
territory during the 1530's and started Christianizing

the Indians using the Incas' language.21 Geographical

 

18Ibid., p. 354.

19Ibid., pp. 349-372.

2°Ibid., pp. 349-372.

211010., pp. 354-355.

67

conditions isolated the Kwaykeres in places where neither
the Incas nor the Spaniards were encouraged to come early.
During this time of Inca and Spanish occupation of the
Pasto territory, the Kwaykeres as a Sindagua group expanded
greatly their area. From the 1500's to the 1630's
Sindaguas and Kwaykeres occupied the area from the Pacific
Ocean on the west to the Cordillera Occidental on the

east, and from the Patia in the north to the southern side

of the Rio San Juan on the south (see Figure 10).22

The Spanish Conquest

At the beginning of the Seventeenth century, when
the Kwayker-Sindaguas came into their golden age, the
Spaniards conquered the surrounding areas. Although
breakthroughs in the north were the first, they were not
the most definitive ones relative to the Kwayker decline.
Pizarro and Almagro report serious difficulties and defeats
in the province of Barbacoas during the 1500's.23 Never-
theless, the continuous battles weakened the Kwayker-
4

Sindaguas, who started a migration to the east and south.2

By 1535 Diego de Tapia reached the Carchi river in the

 

22Lehmann, Les indiens Sindagua, pp. 67-89.

23Kathleen Romoli, "Apuntes sobre los pueblos

autdctonos del litoral colombiano del Pacifico en la
época de la conquista Espafiola," Revista Colombiana
de AntrOpologia, XII (1965) 259-292.

24Lehmann, Les indiens Sindagua, pp. 67-89.

 

68

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69

south and dominated the already weakened Pasto.25 As a

consequence the Kwaykeres left the Cordillera Occidental and
penetrated the most rainy areas in the middle of the forest.
Only for a short time were the Kwaykeres secure. Garcia
Tulcanaza, a Pasto working for the Spaniards, conquered

the whole province at the end of his cacigaZgo (chiefdom).

 

In 1587, he [Tulcanaza] made his first journey to
the Western region. As a result the caci ues of

the Malabas and Esmeraldefios, and some otger

Indians came to Tulcén to be baptized. . . . Because
of this the Real Audiencia de Quito knew, for the
first time, about the Barbacoas, who later yielded
to the king of Mallama, . . . as well as other
Indian groups, facilitating the Spanish foundation
of townstxthose areas. . . .25

In 1599 Hernén Gonzalez de Saa, Garcia Tulcanaza,
the priest of Tulcan, and 100 Indians journeyed westward
in their second effort to find the Pacific Ocean. During
this time they established San Felipe de Mayasquer, Todos
los Santos de Huntal, San Juan de Tasombi, and Chucos.27
By 1601 Garcia Tulcanaza controlled politically and relig-
iously the southern and eastern part of the entire province
of Barbacoas, with headquarters in Mallama, Abades and

Guacal. His last annexations were San Felipe de Mayasquer

(present Mayasquer), San Juan de Tasombi (present

 

25Gregorio Hernandez de Alba, "The Highland Tribes
of Southern Colombia," Handbook of South American Indians,
II (1946), 923, 931.

26Martinez, Carchi, pp. 50-51.

27Carlos Emilio Grijalva, Datos biograficos del
capitan Hernan Gonzalez de Saa, as cited by Martinez,
Carchi, p. 52.

 

70

San Juan), Los Santos de Huntal (present Untal), Santiago
de Chical (present Chical), La Natividad de Nuestra Sefiora
de Quinchul (present Quinyul), Nuestra Senora de Cuaiquer
(present Kwayker Viejo), Cocales (not yet identified),
Abades (with Don Juan Childipaz as cacique), and Guacal
(present San Gabriel?, where Don Diego Nastaquezén
[Nastacuas?] was the cacique).28 By 1767 San Juan de
Mayasquer and Untal figured as resguardos of the Provincia

de los Pastos.29 By the end of the eighteenth century all

 

 

of the eastern area, from Mayasquer to Yascual was devoted

to various resguardos, private Spanish properties, or to

the Church.30 The Kwaykeres were, however, not included

 

 

as part of any resguardo (see Figure 10, page 68).

External pressures pushed the Kwaykeres to the
west, the only land yet untouched by Spaniards. Here, with
the Sindaguas, they started their last attempt to reconquer
their territory, but during the 1630's the Spaniards

entered officially to exploit gold from the Telembi

 

28Joel J. Monroy, "El convento de la Merced de

Quito, 1537-1611," Boletin de la Academia Nacional de
Historia, XI (1930), 205.

29Manuel Fernando Zarama, Cartaquenda, 1767, as
cited by Sergio Elias Ortiz, "Sobre 1a antigua provincia
de los Pastos," Idearium, I (1937), 260-263.

30J. C. Mejia y Mejia, Geografia pastusa de la
Fé (Bogota, D.E.: Editorial Pax, Limitada, I961), 1-152.

71

31

river. With a series of Spanish towns founded during

this time along the Telembi river, and in the northeastern
part of the region, the Sindaguas were completely destroyed
as a cultural group and as a political power.32 Some of
them migrated southward, still living there in the most
remote Spot of the forest. They are the present Kway-
keres. The extinction of the Indians in the exploitation
of gold obligated the introduction of Negro slaves into
the area. By 1684:

. . . numerous Indian and Negro labor gangs were

working gold in twenty-eight camps strung along

the Telembi above Santa Maria del Puerto

[Barbacoas] and along the Magui, Telpi, and

Tembi rivers. . . .3

Until the seventeenth century the Kwaykeres

approached the Pacific but, because of the increasing
Spanish ocean traffic between Panama and Peru, they sub—
sequently preferred to stay away from the coast. The
Spanish contacts increased when the missionary Francisco
Rugi moved Santa Barbara, near Barbacoas, to the present

site of Tumaco in 1640.34 He brought there 1,900 people

 

31Lehmann, Les indiens, p. 69.

 

321bid., pp. 67-89.

33Robert C. West, Colonial Placer Mining in
Colombia (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
I952}, p. 18.

34Lehmann identifies Santa Barbara with the
present Isla del Gallo.

 

72

whom he "caught in the forest . . ."35 The same missionary

started a shipyard in 1644 which increased the importance

36

of Tumaco as a Spanish port. Rugi intended to join

Tumaco and Ibarra (Ecuador), through a trail connecting
the Mira, the Coaiquer (present Gfiiza) and other smaller
rivers. He commented to his superior:

Now, I surely can refer to you about the trail from
this river of Mira to the village of San Miguel de
Ibarra, because on the 15th of October, 1644, . . .
we met each other, those that were ascending by
this river, and those that were coming from that
village, who entered by Lita [present Lita, Ecuador].
We ascended with the assistant Juan de Molina and
the Sargent Rodrigo de Quifiones with his Indians;
and other twenty Sindaguas and guides; and I with
some of my friends. Coming were Juan Silva, Embipe
[Kwayker name], the Indian most skilled of the
Indians of Telembi in the mountains, and other
guides. . . . With them came seven Indians of the
most skilled in these lands. . . .37

Such a trail was, however, never completed. In
1651 the Spanish government conferred the job to
Justiniani de Chavarri for two terms of government in the
province of Esmeraldas, but his death impeded completion

of the project.38

 

35Letter, Padre Francisco Rugi a su superior P.
Rodrigo Barnuevo, Santa Barbara, 13 de Julio, 1644,
Archivo Provincial de Quito, leg. 3.

36Letter, Padre Francisco Rugi a su superior P.
Rodrigo Barnuevo, Santa Barbara, 10 de Septiembre, 1644,
Archivo Provincial de Quito, leg. 3.

37Letter, Padre Francisco Rugi a su superior P.
Rodrigo Barnuevo, Rio Mira, l6 Octubre, 1644. Archivo
Provincial de Quito, leg. 3.

38Neftali Zfifiiga, "El camino de Quito a tierra
firme," Revista de Indias, VIII (1948), 903-904.

 

73

Never again did the Kwaykeres expand their terri-
tory, except by the reoccupation of some of their old
lands in Mayasquer and Maldonado, in the southeast, around

39

1832. Here, the Kwaykeres experienced friendly relations

and miscegenation with the Pastos and Spaniards still

40 The Contincuses have continued the process.

living there.
A new migration of Kwaykeres into this area was reported

during the 1900's. In 1946 Lehmann saw a migratory trend
to the south, and in 1962 Osborn described a spatial dis-

tribution of the Kwayker generations, explaining the

tendency of a continuous southward migration.41

Present Colonization

 

The Spanish Pasto-Barbacoas trail initiated the
present colonization. In 1644 Rugi describes the trail
as follows:

This, although Opened, is not traversable by mules.
If something must be tranSported it is done on the
back of Indians. It is a steep hill, full of mud,
in some parts to the belt; it lacks of pure water
and stops bgt has abundant precipices that go to
hell . . .

 

39Arteaga, Apuntamientos, p. 8.

40Paul Rivet, "Les indiens de Mallasquer,"
Bulletin et Memoires de la Société d'Anthropologie, V
' (1904), 145-148.

41Lehmann, Contribution, p. 258; and Osborn,
Compadrazgo, p. 603.

42Letter, Padre Francisco Rugi a su superior,
13 de Julio, 1644, Santa Barbara, Archivo Provincial
de Quito, Leg. 3.

 

74

Despite such conditions, the trail served to bring goods

and tools for the exploitation of gold at Barbacoas.

During the 1850's slaves were emancipated and spontaneously
moved over the northern and western parts of the Kwayker
country. Today, very sporadic Indian settlements, if any,
remain in this area. The Kwaykeres visited the Pacific
coast until the eighteenth century. Malespino reported then
that the tip of Ostiones, south of Tumaco, was "inhabited by

43

Indians." The extermination and isolation of Kwaykeres

were so drastic during the nineteenth century that Andree
counted only 300 along the Rio Telembi in 1881.44

By the middle of the nineteenth century Barbacoas
was still the main attraction for the colonos who used
the same trail, which was in the same condition as in

1644. In 1854, colonos walked from San Pablo (present

Ricaurte) to Barbacoas

. . . in back of cargueros coaiqueres [Kwayker porters],
through a jungle infested with snakes and repugnant
frogs, crossing muddy swamps, deep precipices and
incredible bridges. . . . under a terribly hot and
incessant rain. . . .

 

43Pedro MaleSpino, Nave acion fregte a las costas

del Cauca, as cited by Ignac1o Rodriguez Guerrero,
Estudios eggraficos sobre el departamento de Narifio
(Basic: mprenta Departamental, 1959), p. 160.

44Andree, L'Amerique, p. 344.

 

45José Maria Cordovez Maure, Reminicencias de

Santa Fégy Bogota, as cited by Rodriguez Guerrero,
Estudios geograficos, p. 269.

 

75

For many years the Kwaykeres were employed as

cargueros for those first colonos. The Indians were

 

appreciated as skilled guides and careful assistants in
the journeys by those incredible roads. How many Kway-
keres died in this traverse we do not know, but one
assumes many.

The importance of Barbacoas and Tumaco increased
by the end of the nineteenth century and the government,
seeing to some extent the possibilities of the region,
ordered by law in 1863 the adaptation of the old Pasto-
Barbacoas trail to be used by mules. But it was not
until 1891 that the first horse traversed the road.46
Large numbers of Kwaykeres were employed to build the road.
therefore, a considerable number of them became accustomed
to this new situation of salary and never returned to the
forest. Their descendants are working as peons for the
colonos along the road today.

Another trail from Chiles to Altaquer, in the
south, was long ago reported. Arteaga suspects that even
in 1600 Indians from Mayasquer and Altaquer traveled by

a road that crossed Quinyul.47

Such a road, however, was
not highly used until the 1900's when the first colonos
came into this area. At that time a trail for foot travel

was open to Tallambi and later adapted for oxen. Today,

 

46Rodriguez Guerrero, Estudios geograficos, p. 271.

 

47Arteaga, Apuntamientos, p. 18.

 

76

horses can reach this point. Ecuadorians, as well as
Colombians, expanded the agricultural exploitation of the
zone. This resulted in the foundation of Maldonado and
Tobar Donoso on the Ecuadorian side, during the first two

decades of the present century.48

By the same time three
Kwayker families, the Canticuses, the Gwangas and the
Paskales, came from the north pushed by colonization there.
They were dispossessed of land in the settlements of
Yacula, Cuesbi and Altaquer and decided to explore these
empty lands. A miscegenation process between these Kway-
keres and the colonizers coming from the mountains at the
same time, produces today an equality of opportunities and
social conditions among Kwaykeres (called locally
Cantincuses) and colonos here. They, Indians and colonos,
legalized their lands by official grants and private pur-
chases during the 1930's and 1950's (see Figure 3, page 21).
More recent trails now connect some previously
very isolated Indian settlements with the main roads and
towns. The Ricaurte-Ramos-Gualcalé trail was built during
the 1940's. During 1972-73 this trail was being adapted
for mules and oxen to exploit timber along the route.
Another trail connected Saundé and other settlements in the
northwest with the railroad during the 1940's. Consider-

able Indian pOpulation is now migrating southward, using

this trail,because of the pressure of timber exploitation

 

48Burbano Rueda, Folklore, p. 5.

77

by blacks in the western part. The northeast was opened
at the same time. During the 1940's many colonos were
working in agriculture and lumbering at E1 Sande, where
Indians were used as peons. The Kwayker families, Pai
(called locally Paib), Gwanga (called locally Huanga),
and Nastacuas are common here.

Roads for trucks have continued the movement
toward extinction of Kwaykeres during the present century.
The Pasto-Barbacoas trail was adapted for trucks during
the 1920's.49 This road was the only one between the
Pacific Ocean and the highlands, hence, its importance and
use. People coming from Tumaco had to navigate along the
coast, then into the Rio Patia, and arrived in Barbacoas
to take the road to Pasto. A plan to connect Tumaco and
Pasto by train was designed by Daniel F. Wright in 1920.50
The railroad was built only to E1 Diviso, a distance of
ninety kilometers. In 1950 the government decided to
convert this segment to a road for trucks, which was
opened during the 1960's.51

Also during the 1920's, construction of the Tulcan-

Tufifio-Maldonado road near the Ecuadorian border was

 

9Zarama, Geografia, p. 19.

 

50Rodriguez Guerrero, Estudios geograficos, p. 296.

 

SlIbid., p. 316.

78

begun. After many interruptions, the road reached
Maldonado in September, 1973. Since completion of this
road, the old Colombian trail between Chiles and Mayasquer
has been almost abandoned. Given its physical conditions
and natural resources, this region seems to be potentially

one of the most prOSperous in the whole Pacific coastal

plain.

Land Occupation Since 1960

Triana projected in 1906 that:

The Pacific will be the first coast that peOple
from overpopulated towns, anxious for fertile
lands, discover. The empty forest of coconuts,
taguales, rubber, and other fine and colorful
trees, will be crowded by intelligent colonos

from everywhere. . . . The fertile and over-
pOpulated cool plateau will have to multiply its
agriculture, using scientific methods to supply
the demand for those products here. The trains
will be routed in order to reach quickly those food
provisions. . . . In a word, the imagination can
not view the benefits that the reality promises to
these regions, so prepared as they are to receive
the vivid spirit of life. This department before

forgotten or unknown . . . possesses in fact all
of the advantages to receive the next visit of
progress.

Triana foresaw the progress that would ensue
when automobiles would reach the lowlands. He understood
that colonization would exterminate the Indian population,
slowly or rapidly, according to the intensity of the

occupance and penetration of this empty land. From the

 

52Triana, Por el sur, p. 45.

79

huge area that the Kwaykeres had at one time, they now
own no more than 6,800 hectares, located in the south
and northwestern part of the Kwayker area (see Table

13).52

Land is cheap but rich in timber and cattle,
major incentives for migration from the highlands. PeOple

from all the various municipios of Narifio and from other

 

departments come to exploit these lands. The Kwaykeres,
reduced in population, cannot now occupy effectively nor
exploit the forest where they live. Thus, they prefer
to sell it to colonos who, aided by some extra Indian
labor, continue the exploitation of both forest and Indians.
Few land transactions have been registered in the Kwayker
area since 1960, but even fewer were registered before
that date.

Analysis of land transactions in which Indians
are involved (1960-1973 period) shows that at the be-
ginning colonos bought more land from Indians than the
amount Indians bought from them. Later the process was
reversed, colonos selling more land to Indians than
they bought from them. Some time after, the process
was again reversed, in that Indians sold more land to
colonos than colonos to Indians, and the process seems to
continue at present. This indicates that colonos buy land

from the Indians and then sell it back again, while

 

53Oficina de Catastro, Estadisticas,.Pasto, Cumbal,
Tulcan, 1973.

80

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81

deforestation continues by both groups. During the period
1960-1973 the Indians sold more land to colonos than was
transacted among themselves. But more land was bought and
sold among the Indians than was purchased from colonos.
For a short time the transactions among the Indians were
on the increase, but after the aforementioned time period,
such transactions began to decline and the tendency was
for the decline to continue. This means that Indians
entered into land transactions with each other in order to
sell it to the colonos (see Figure 11 and Table 14).

An examination of the transfer of property titles
suggests that the lands Indians sell to colonos are those
they clear, inherit or receive as grants, while the lands
colonos sell to Indians are those mainly obtained by pur-
chases among Indians themselves is almost exclusively
obtained by clearing the forest. If Indians trade among
themselves the land which they clear from the forest and
sell a high percentage of it (plus that inherited and
granted to them by the governmenfl to colonos, they are
losing their land (see Figure 12 and Tables 15 and 16).

The land that Indians purchased from other Indians
was sold either to still other Indians or to colonos. How-
ever, the quantity of land transacted among Indians was
greater than that sold to the colonos. This statement

holds true for the case of cleared forest land. Therefore,

82

 

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83

 

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84

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85

the land that Indians trade among themselves is presumably
located in the remote areas. When the colonos approach
these areas, the Indians probably will sell the land to
them, while they continue to exploit the remaining forest,
and the process will continue. Most of the land that
colonos sell to Indians is obtained by purchases from other
colonos or from Indians, rather than being land they ob—
tained from clearing the forest. This indicates that the
land colonos sell to the Indians is located in already
cleared areas.

Indians sell land to colonos simply because the
latter pay more for it than do other Indians. Indians can
sell to the colonos smaller plots for more money. The
average plot sold by Indians to colonos during the 1960-
1973 period was 16.2 hectares for 1,508 pesos, while the
average plot the Indians sold to other Indians was 18.4
hectares for 1,334 pesos. Indians paid to other Indians
78 pesos per hectare, while colonos paid 105 pesos per
hectare. Indians sold to other Indians, on the average,
more hectares than they sold to colonos. The Indians
divided the land that they sold to other Indians into more
plots than they did with the land sold to colonos. In
other words, Indians exploit the forest and sell the land
in low cost plots to other Indians. The latter Indians,
in turn, combine their newly-purchased land with that which
they themselves obtained by clearing the forest and sell all

of it to the colonos in smaller and more expensive plots.

86

Colonos sold to Indians little land from 1960 to
1973. On the average, 70.4 hectares were sold by colonos
to Indians at 27.8 hectares per plot. Similarly, Indians
had to pay 134 pesos per hectare or 2,004 pesos per plot
(see Tables 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 and 20).

Since the Indians have to pay higher prices for
the land bought from colonos than from other Indians,
and this land is located in the cleared areas, Indians
who buy such land must have been living here long enough
to save the money, perhaps as salaried workers.

In summary, when the colonization process
approaches a new cultural stage (the domain here), the
Indians will sell the land to colonos. The Indians now
have two choices--either labor as salaried workers for the
colonos or continue deforesting--but as the forest is be-
coming completely cleared, Indians will have to work as
salaried laborers only, because they do not have the money
to buy land from the colonos.

Colonization soon will extend beyond the second
stage and reach the real heart of the only Indian area
now free from the colonization process. Colonos as well
as Indians from the domain will take these yet uncleared
lands, and the Indians living there, who are older and
few in number, will have to work for colonos. They lack
both the money to buy land from colonos and the technique

to exploit their own plots.

87

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monom mommm moumuoom

 

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88

 

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89

 

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91

TABLE 20

TRANSACTIONS OF LAND PROPERTY TITLES AMONG KWAYKERES

AND comnos, 1960-1973

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Unknown Purchase Purchase
Years Purchase From From Inheritance Deforested Grants Other Total
Colono Kwayker
1960 - - 4o 70 4 - - 114 ‘5
1961 33 - - - 32 - - 65 2
1962 - - - 3 16 - - 19 g
1963 22 20 — - 122 - - 164
1964 - - - - 91 - - 91 8
1965 - 9o - - 235 - - 331 a"
1966 - - - - 133 - - 133 a
1967 - 14 160 - 284 - - 458 m
1968 - 35 33 28 209 - - 305
1969 - - - - 237 - - 237 E
1970 30 - 72 30 170 - - 302 E
1971 3 - 30 12 140 - - 185
1972 - - 50 - 42 - - 92 n
1973 - - 15 - 13 - - 28 i
SUBTOTAL 88 153 406 143 1,728 - - 2,524
PERCENT 3.5 6.3 16.1 5.6 68.5 - - 100.0
1960 .5 11 8.5 - - 200 - 220 g
1961 - 1 8 - 8 — - 17 S
1962 - - 12 - 12 - - 24 8
1963 - 12 2 60 119 - - 193
1964 - 6 - 19 117 - - 142 8
1965 - 111 - 4 116 - - 231 m
1966 - - 4 - 9o - - 94 a
1967 3 10 3 100 38 — - 154
1968 - 38 - 6 135 - - 179
1969 - - 18 - 57 20 - 95 E
1970 - - 8 - 3 80 3 94 2
1971 - 30 - - 33 - - 63
1972 - - - 20 e - - 28 ..
1973 - 10 - — - - - 10 g
SUBTOTAL 3. 229.0 63.5 209.0 736.0 300.0 3. 1.544
PERCENT . 15.0 4.1 13.5 47.6 19.4 .2 100.0
m
1960 ~ 2 - - - - - 2 E
1961 46 25 - - -- - - 71 '
1962 3 10 - - - - - 13 E
1963 - 10 10 - 15 - - 35
1964 - 24 6 - 74 - - 104 8
1965 20 68 36 — 10 - - 134 m
1966 - 30 20 - 6 - - 56 g
1967 40 5 20 - 24 - - 89 W
1968 - 73 100 - 4 - - 177 O
1969 40 - - - - - 3 43 §
1970 - - 4 - 30 - - - 34 8
1971 - 65 3 - - - - 58
1972 - 28 45 20 - 6 60 159 ~
1973 - - - - _ _ - - 5
SUBTOTAL 149.0 340.0 244.0 20.0 163.0 6.0 63.0 985
PERCENT 15.1 34.5 24.8 2.0 16.5 .6 6.4 100.0
TOTAL 240.5 728.0 713.5 377.0 2,627.0 306.0 66.0 5,053
PERCENT 4.8 14.4 14.1 9.4 52.0 6.0 1.3 100.0
Source: NOtGIiGB 0f Ricaurte, Samaniego, Tfiquerres, Cumbal, Barbacoas, Tumaco and Tulcin,

Colombia-Ecuador, 1960-1973.

 

CHAPTER V

EXISTING CULTURAL STAGES AMONG THE KWAYKERES:

ADAPTATION OF THE D. W. MEINIG MODEL

The previous chapters depict a changing cultural
distribution, by gradation, among the Kwaykeres. Their
gradual retreat to their present settlements modified in
different intensity their original cultural patterns. The
process is increasing in tempo and holds tragic conse-
quences for the Indians. To better explain the present
situation and identify some possible consequences, it is
necessary to see the gradation of culture which occurs
among the Indians in relation to distance from the
colonization frontiers.

The present situation and relationships between
the two basic groups in contact, the Kwaykeres and the
colonos, result from the gradual, but constant, reduction
of the Kwayker geographical Space. After the Spanish
conquest, the Kwayker territory was invaded by various
other people. As a result, the Kwaykeres were reduced
to living not in a continuous territory but in scattered

settlements. Such successive penetrations caused changes

92

93

in the Kwayker economy based on agriculture and hunting to
an economy based on commerce and labor. When the Indians

were employed as cargueros, they began preparing them-

 

selves as skilled guides on the roads. Therefore, new
elements came to the Kwayker culture: Spanish was indis-
pensable, new practical clothes were needed, and new
technology was develOped. They had to produce more than
they needed to supply the market with pigs, chickens and
agricultural products. At the turn of the nineteenth
century explorers reported differences in clothing, labor,
family structure and technology among the Kwaykeres as
they penetrated into the forest.

As colonization increased, more Indians were
needed to work on the roads and to deforest, so the Kway-
keres were beginning to live more as salaried peOple than
as primitive agriculturalists. This progressive reduction
of their geographical space has divided the Kwaykeres into
three visible cultural stages. Each stage reflects dif-
ferent degrees of change in material culture, social

structure, and way of thought.

Kwaykeres in Permanent Contact: The Sphere

Those Kwaykeres descendant from cargueros, plus

 

those who prefer to work for colonos rather than retreat
to the forest, comprise the sphere of the Kwayker cultural
area. Small numbers of Indians among a large population

of colonos is the most common feature in this stage.

94

Because the Indians do not have enough money to buy land
from the colonos, few transactions with them occur here.
Indians just work for the colonos. Mixed marriages are
common. Indians are adopting the colono's culture as
quickly as possible. The Indian language is not spoken any
more in this stage. Clothing is the same as that used by
the colonos, except for quality. Material culture is the
same as that of the colonos, but social structure is dif-
ferent. Generally speaking, the Indians are culturally
integrated but socially they are discriminated against and
occupy the lowest social class in this new society. It
seems that as colono cultural features become accepted by
the Kwaykeres, they are increasingly discriminated against
by the colonos. They cannot return to the forest because
they no longer retain their old cultural patterns. Their
work is mainly agricultural and domestic service, but the
products are not theirs. They receive only a salary.
Indians are, nevertheless, so accustomed to this economy
that they prefer to live here rather than return to clearing
the rainforest. Kwayker generations have lived with this
way of thought, and their perceptions and ambitions are not
merely to hunt and gather. They have visited larger towns
and have met different people. They demand schools,
medical care and better treatment.

According to land transactions, marriages and

baptism registrations, and land declared in tax records,

95

the sphere covers the areas around the main penetration
roads, the whole eastern part of the region, and large
areas in the north. Population reaches 2,500 Kwaykeres
and cholos, a considerable number relative to the total
Kwayker pOpulation but a very small minority compared with
the colonos living in this stage.

Kwaykeres in!Intermittent Contact:
The Domain

 

 

Kwaykeres living farther from the colonization
frontier behave as their ancestors did in 1893, when
Rufino Gutiérrez walked from Altaquer to Barbacoas. There
are Indians in permanent contact along this road today.
The same road was populated by Indians in intermittent
contact during the first decades of the present century.

Those Indians living in Ramos, Vegas, Kwayker
Viejo, Tefi, or Cuescuabi, still reveal their old customs
when they are among themselves. Here,

. . . the most important industry is to grow pigs
(Cuyu), whose fat they bottled in containers

of uadfia . . . to sell in Barbacoas, and

chic ens (Arall); and in some plots they
maintain some cattle. . . .1

Today the market places are concentrated in the
middle of the region, in the settlements of Ricaurte,

Altaquer and La Guayacana, and Barbacoas has been left

permanently. Indians visit the market weekly to sell

 

1Gutierrez, Monografias, p. 319.

 

96

their goods, and buy indispensable things, such as salt
and panela.2 Spanish is essential to them. Mixed material
manifestations are seen when they are in town, such as
colono clothes, liquor, bags, and many others. Land
transactions with colonos are the most numerous here. The
main activity of the Indians is cutting the forest and
selling the cleared land to colonos or to other Indians.
After colonos reach these settlements, Indians move in

or out of this stage. This movement confirms or changes
their culture. They will continue living their ancestors'
customs and moral patterns, or they integrate the

colono's culture. Inside the forest their own language

is the more often Spoken, but as they come in contact
with colonos the Kwayker customs seem to be forgotten

or at least unused. Their "clothes are for the jungle

not for the town," they say. Socially they are even in
worse condition than the Indians living in the sphere.
They are just waiting for the colono's arrival to give the
land to them, and some land has been already sold. They
live in the same geographical conditions as did the Indians
living in the domain during the eighteenth century. They
concentrate along the trails, which in most cases are in
conditions similar to those described by Triana, Cordovez

and Gutierrez. Victims of innumerable intimidations, they

 

2A type of brown sugar.

97

leave the domain, through acculturation or migration.
Their aspirations cannot go farther than to exploit the
forest and feed their animals, selling some small surpluses
in the town. Many migrate to work for colonos before they
reach their land, but others wait for them to arrive.
Resentment against colonos is a peculiar psycho-
lOgical manifestation in the domain:
"Blanquito ["White"] cheats native [Indian]; Fajardo
gave a dead, rotten cow to Taikus to clear the forest
to grow two ‘quintales' of corn," says Teodoro Pascal,
a Cuaiquer, explaining in his limited Spanish the

situation of the Indians living in the south of
the country. . . .3

 

Cases like this are quite common among the Indians
living in the domain, and often among those living in the
sphere too, except that, in the sphere, Indians are more
aware of their rights.

Kwaykeres, living in the domain are waiting for
colonos, who are quickly reaching these lands. Trails
are now being adapted for mules and oxen, and very soon
roads will be opened to that area too. Sick from alcohol,
malnutrition and dependency, the Indians of the domain
are seeing the final line of their existence. Population
in this stage is still predominantly Kwayker. Although
the Indians are more numerous than the colonos living

here, culturally and politically they are enormously

 

3Pilar Lozano de Aguilera, "Los Cuaiqueres, fin
de una raza," El Tiempp, 11 de Diciembre, 1972, p. 10A.

98

weaker. The Kwayker-cholo population of this area

totals about 3,000 persons.

Kwaykeres in Sporadic Contact: The Core

 

Indians living in the gp£g_stage are those who
still retain their primitive customs, moral rules and
social structure. In agriculture they keep the same
techniques as in 1893.

. . . they clear the forest, spread the grain, and
then cut the bigger trees with machetes, but never
burn . . . they don't take care of the cultivation
again . . . until the harvest after eight or nine
months. . . .

In settlements such as Gualcalé, La Babosa,
Telpi, La Turbia, or Chicandina, the Indians do not know
any other technique for agriculture. Hunting and gather-
ing are also important economic activities. They rule
their lives according to their own moral laws and family
traditions. They do not understand why they must register
the land as their own. They believe they were born joined
to their land and that it is impossible to separate them
from it. The person who seeks to separate them, or
invade their prOperties, will be terribly punished after
they die. Land takes care of them and their family with
its products, but they must live on it and take care

of it. They have to defend their lands to avoid punish-

ments. They cannot separate themselves from their land,

 

4Gutierrez, Monografias, p. 318.

 

99

but cannot exploit someone else's land either. Even

when they die, they have to be buried in their own lands,
in the ground under their own homes. Economic, social
and moral structures are organized according to this
natural law, for the mutual dependency of land and life.
They speak their own language and wear their own clothes
everywhere. This is true when they are in contact with
colonos, as during celebrations in their old settlements,
even in areas entirely populated by colonos or Indians

of the sphere. In the celebrations, the three stages

can be easily differentiated by the clothing and language.
There isaacomplete gradation in the fluency of Spanish
among the Kwaykeres during the celebrations. In cloth,
Indians from the Sp£e_keep their ancestral white short
pants and white shirt, while those from the domain put on
the colono's cloth of intensive colors. Indians from the
Sphere cannot be differentiated from the colonos by
clothes or language, but purely by physical features and
discrimination.

Land transactions among Kwaykeres themselves are
frequent in the domain, while the percentage of trans-
actions with colonos is low. They purchase land obtained
from the forest, to buy some necessary things during the
celebrations. Indians and colonos living in the domain

are today reaching this stage. The core itself, and with

 

100

it the last vestige of the Kwayker culture, will dis-
appear. Old people are living in this stage, which
includes no more than 1,000 people (see Figures l3, 14,

15 and 16).

101

nouoxmuax ecu vac-.2 conflum amuSuHsUuléa ouamam

 

 

I v.99 .8-

bU¢hIOU sad-0: :- nugfl’l

g 8.1.2. 2.—

rUCbIOU blank-Il-bl. :- nil-I>C’I

D ...-.5: no:

h9¢b8°0 Satin-t 8— nut-lb‘:

mm¢m¥><3¥ my: OZOX<
mw0<bm a<¢Dp.—DU

n0¢.¢(l Il-unuylpaun

 

 

 

Solace I. all]

 

A.)
grue>cl

[lg

    
              

.(1C4441 .
...t

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...AV...

fiasco).

 

. T .r
L.om".4¢5¢:vaoau
0 0‘0“)
.01>Il¥
.u5-D<U.-
3:01;.
. ......x.....
31w...» .
...... .
( _ o 1 O L

 

 

muou on»

we umx>o3x|n.oH ousmam

 

chosen on» no u0x>o3xnn.ma ousoam

 

0002mm 0:» Lo umxxmaxuu.va magma;

 

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Another Esmeraldefio Indian group is close to ex-

 

tinction. The reduced Kwayker population cannot retreat
any further. The geographical Space reduction process has
reached the core of the culture. The last chapter of
Kwayker history is reduced to:

. . . move with their children . . . penetrate

into the jungle, clear the forest again and again,

build a rustic house . . . from which they will

run as soon as they perceive the presence of

blancos ["whites"]. . . .

Today, both Indians and colonos are clearing the
forest, but Indians sell the land to colonos, while
colonos keep it for themselves. If the process continues,
as seems likely, the Kwaykeres will eventually be only
servants to the colonos.

This thesis constitutes a case study, difficult to

generalize to other Situations. Nevertheless, monographs

report Similarities with other groups living on

 

1Lozano de Aguilera, Los Cuaiqueres, p. 10A.

103

104

colonization frontiers in Colombia.2 Many groups have
disappeared and others, like the Kwaykeres, are in the
process of disappearing. Still others, living in the

core of their culture, will eventually disappear. Mixed

 

marriages, co-parenthood relations and other social ways
of integration prepare the groups to leave their cultures
and fit into new cultural areas. Among the Kwaykeres, the
gp£g_does not include more than 1,000 people. Coloniza-
tion is reaching this stage for the first time. The
Pastos, the Incas, and the Spaniards were not here. Today,
the last refuge is disappearing. Official programs
dealing with these kinds of Indians are far short in
practicality.3 People ignore the Kwaykeres' culture and
future. Colonos ignore the Kwaykeres or keep them working
because the Indians lack sufficient official assistance
to better exploit the forest.

This study shows that as Indians integrate into

the colono culture, their awareness of their rights

 

2Antonio Gomez Gémez. Contactos con la civiliza-
cion de 193 indios Yuko de la Sierra de Perijé, Colombia
TTunja: Publicadiones de la Universidad‘Pedagogica y
Tecnologica de Colombia, Ediciones La Rana y El Aguila,
1970), pp. 1-57.

 

3Ministerio de Gobierno, Direccion General de
Integracion y Desarrollo de la Comunidad, Division
Operativa de Asuntos Indigenas. Pros ecto general de los
centros de capacitacién. Bogota, . .: *Ministerio de
Gobierno, 1972, pp. 1-32, and Ministerio de Gobierno,
Marco conceptual para el desarrollo e integracidn de la
comunidad en Colombia: La politica indigenista, Bogota,
BTE.: Direccién General de Integracién y Desarrollo de
la Comunidad, 1971, pp. 1-74.

 

 

 

105

increases. Indians living in the domain labor mainly
deforesting the land to sell it to the colonos, while

those living in the core are waiting for the arrival of

 

the colonization frontier. Indians are exchanging their
primitive agriculture and hunting for an economy based
essentially on wages.

This study reveals that Indians sell to colonos
considerable amounts of the land they receive as grants.
In other words, they are selling all of the land they
obtain by any means to the colonos. If the destiny of the
Indians living in these colonization frontiers is to dis-
appear as cultural entities, it does not necessarily mean
they must disappear as human beings.

Colonization is increasing sporadically. INCORA
(Instituto Colombiano de la Reforma Agraria) and INDERENA
(Instituto de Desarrollo de los Recursos Naturales
Renovables) have been involved in grants and credit
for timber exploitation since the 1960's. Except for
small plots, the Indians have not received any aid from
these institutions. This study has found that Indians
sell the land to colonos because the colonos pay more for
it than do other Indians. Other variables more difficult
to measure, but easier to perceive in the field, have
considerable relationship to land transactions between
Indians and colonos. Social conditions, such as

alcoholism, discrimination and intimidation by colonos

106

against the Indians, facilitate the subjugation of Indians
by colonos.

The conclusions of this thesis do not lend them-
selves to easy solutions. Historical review and statis-
tical analysis can only suggest further studies, complete
enough to devise an operational plan to improve develop-
ment in the Kwayker area, in particular, and in the
frontier areas in general.

The present process of land occupation in the
Kwayker area would be changed if the Indians had their own
plots as official grants. They do not occupy a large
area, and culturally they are accustomed to having their
own individual plots. These legal possessions, however,
must be protected against the colonos, who might intimidate
the Indians into selling their plots. This Should be a
kind of resguardo (or reservation, ruled by the Indian
laws in Colombia).4 Since the Kwaykeres have no central-
ized organization and communal tradition, land has to be
given to each individual family according to how that
family will use it. In the southern part a considerable
area is retained by the government as national property.
Part of it must be reserved for future adjudications to the

Indians. The plots they receive must be under official

 

4Ministerio de Gobierno, Direccion General de
Integracidn y Desarrollo de la Comunidad, Legislacion
nacional sobre indigenas (Bogota, D.E.: Imprenta
Nacional,’1970), pp. 1-133.

 

107

control. The Institute of Colombian Indian Affairs
should decide what to do with plots left by Indians who
migrate or die. These lands might be given to other
Indians, especially to the descendants of the former
family. Careful studies concerning the relationship
between land and Indians must be conducted to decide
which land belongs to each family among the Kwaykeres
living in the 9253. Most of the Indians living in the
domain have their land registered in the tax office. A
careful delimitation of such plots would help considerably
in making the adjudications.

The author concludes that as colonization in-
creases, miscegenation and acculturation increase, as
does the Indians' awareness of their rights. With justice,
Indians can have economic conditions equal to those of the
colonos. Therefore, they as well as colonos can continue
exploiting the forest but in better conditions than they
now enjoy and in any direction.

Equal benefits through education, credit and
technical aid to both Indians and colonos will improve
their social status and develOpment of the zone. AS
individual Indians can increase their plots by exploiting
or purchasing land from their own reservation, they will
be encouraged to exploit more forest. If colonos and
Indians have enough resources, the area can be develOped

for agriculture, cattle-raising and timber exploitation.

108

To promote technical colonization, the adaptation for
trucks of the Chiles-Mayasquer-Numbi-Altaquer trail must
be one of the first priorities. Indian and colono land
will then be connected with the national economy. Schools
and medical care will be introduced to the Indians, as
well as the colonos, via the road.

The adjudications deal with equality in socio-
economic conditions of the Indians in relation to the
colonos. With the officially protected grants to the
Indians, technical colonization and operational education,
Colombians can confidently predict the end of the Kwayker

culture.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

FIELD WORK SHEETS

APPENDIX A
ssccuogsig . NOtltial

NUMERO: 1937

IIPUILICA DI COLOUIIA

 

SUPERINTENDENCIA
DE NOTARIADO Y REGISTRO

BOGOTA. 0.3.. M10 30 d. 1.973

Senor
NOTARIO 20. DEL CIRCULO
mmanss ( manic)

Atentamente solicito a noted facilitar
a1 Doctor Luis E. Arag6n e1 protocolo a an digno cargo
para que adelante su Trabajo de Tesla, sitlgncarlo do -
la tharia. 7%” "”"'

. /

.seguro servidor, g /i-"1.
./ ,r’" / J" l1 ‘ ' '-

  

man/hob.-

 

Note: This letter was given to the notaries of Ricaurte,
Samaniego, Ipiales, Cumbal and Barbacoas.

109

110

;& INSTITUTO GEOGRAFICO “AGUSTIN CODAZZI”
“GE?”

 

f‘"
4’

CATASTRO No. 06—5 2 o .'

Bogota, 13.15:. Julio 3 de 1973

Senor Director
SECCIONAL CATASTRO NARINO
Pesto.-

Por medio de la presente solicito a usted, se sirva dar toda
la informacién existente de catastro, a1 sefior LUIS E. ARAGON,
quien esta haciendo la tésis de grado para obtener el titulo
de Master en Geografia Humana en la Universidad del Estado de
Michigan.

No sobra advertirle que la informacion debe ser tomada dentro
de la Oficina Seccional.

Atentamente,

    
   

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111

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

BAUTISMOS

PARROQU IA

FECHA

 

 

Fecha

No. de
Bautismo

Sexo

 

Mujer Hombre

Apellidos Padrinos
Fecha de (ApellidOS)

 

Nacimiento 1'
Padre Madre Padrino Madrina

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

tomqaxuanwwr-I

 

H
O

 

....-
[.-

 

H
N

 

p.»
w

 

....-
uh

 

P
U"!

 

...
0‘

 

....
\l

 

...:
a)

 

H
‘0

 

 

N
O

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BI s Bisbicfis / CA a Canticfis / CU = Cuasalusén / Gw = Gwanga /
NA = Nastacués / PA = Pai / P8 = Paskal / TA = Taicfis / EN - Enriquez /
GA - Garcia / OR = Ortiz / WW = Otros.

Investigador

 

112

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MATRIMONIOS
PARROQUIA
FECHA
AND TOTAL
Apellidos Lugar de Testigos I
No. Fecha del NaCimient°* (Padrin°3)
Matrimonio Esposo Esposa Esposo Esposa Padrino Madrina]
l
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
ll
12
l3
14
15
l6
17
18
19
20

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BI - Bisbicfis / CA a Canticfis / CU = Cuasalusan / GW 8 Gwanga /
NA - Nastacués / PA = Pai / PS = Paskal / TA = Taicfis / EN - Enriquez /

GA = Garcia / OR = Ortiz / WW = Otros.

*En ausencia de lugar de nacimiento se puede tomar el lugar

de bautismo.

Investigador

 

113

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERS ITY

 

NOTARIAS

NOTARIA

FECHA

AN 0 TOTAL

 

 

NO.

Fecha

Apellidos

Nombre

Valor Extensién Tradici6nl Ubicaci6n

 

vendedor Comprador

Predio

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

\DQOUIb-le-H

 

...-
O

 

I-"
...:

 

H
N

 

...:
w

 

....
b

 

....
U'I

 

..a
0‘

 

..a
\l

 

H
m

 

H
\D

 

20

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BI - Bisbicfis / CA - Canticfis / CU = Cuasalusan / GW - Gwanga /
NA = Nastacufis / PA = Pai / P8 = Paskal / TA = Taicfis / EN - Enriquez /
GA - Garcia / OR = Ortiz / WW - Otros.

Investigador

 

114

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

 

CATASTRO

MUNICIPIO

 

FECHA

TOTAL

 

 

Nfimero Apellido Nombre Ubicacién Extensién Avaluo

N O o e o I
o Predio Declarante Predio Predio Predio Predio

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

\OGJQO‘UIIbU-JNH

 

H
O

 

H
H

 

H
N

 

H
U

 

H
uh

 

H
U'l

 

H
0‘

 

H
\l

 

H
(D

 

H
\O

 

 

20

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BI a Bisbicfis / CA a Canticfis / CU = Cuasalusan / GW 8 Gwanga /
NA = Nastacuis / PA - Pai / PS a Paskal / TA = Taicfis / EN = Enriquez/
GA = Garcia / OR = Ortiz / WW = Otros.

Investigador

APPENDIX B

SETTLEMENTS WITH KWAYKER NAMES IN THE KWAYKER AREA

PARROQUIA

Altaquer

Barbacoas

SETTLEMENTS WITH KWAYKER NAMES IN THE KWAYKER AREA

APPENDIX B
1

NAME OF THE SETTLEMENTS

l) PambI lo, 2) Nembi, 3) Boca de Albf, 4) Pipiguay
5) La Guaha, 6) Pambil 20, 7) Pialux, 8) Chapilar,
9) Nalbfi [Nalbi], 10) Cunguandé, 11) Cuambia,

12) Yaslambi, 13) Albi, 14) Imbapi, 15) Pialquer,
16) Imbapi 2o, 17) Pisdé, 18) Quelbi.

1) papi, 2) Pumoldé, 3) Yalté, 4) Guafiambi lo,

5) Nereté, 6) Pambi, 7) Guafiambi 2o, 8) Laguna
Nereté, 9) Laguna Piti, 10) Boca Telembi, 11) Laguna
Piraimbi, 12) Piscuandé, l3) Guafiambi 30,

14) Guagaipi, 15) Chafaloté, 16) Rio Telembi,

17) Yacfin, 18) Saundé, 19) Alcalbi, 20) Rio Ispi,
21) Isnumbi, 22) Sulldé, 23) Indfin, 24) Boca
Iguambi, 25) Gualpi, 26) Inguambi, 27) Albi 2o,

28) Alto Albi, 29) Cuimbi, 30) Rio Gualpi, 31) Rio
Saundé, 32) Quefalpi, 33) Boca Guelmambi,

34) Yaguapi, 35) Chalalbi, 36)Mullandé', 37) Naispi,
38) Pimbi, 39) Albi Arriba, 40) Yasnumbi,

41) Cuasalbi, 42) Munambi, 43) Indfi 2o, 44) Tepipan,
45) Rio Guelmambi, 46) Palbi, 47) Ulbi,

48) Pilvicito :u:, 49) Guagalpi, 50) Pilvicito,20,
51) Pilcuén, 52) Uli, 53) Alto Ulbi, 54) Alto Nonelbi,
55) E1 Maré, 56) Yaguapi, 57) Chapilar, 58) Nonalbi,
59) Nambi lo, 60) Guimul, 61) Nembi, 62) Tambubi,
63) Cuiambé, 64) El Gualte, 65) Cuilvi, 66) Yacula,

 

lThe spelling is as appears in the Malaria service's files.
AS there are several repeated names they were enumerated, e.g., '
Chile lo, Chilvi 20, or Chilvf 30.

115

Candelillas

Chiles

Espriella

116

67) E1 punaé, 68) Nambi lo, 69) Nambi 2o,

70) Pulgandé, 71) Guapilpi, 72) pefia Bi, 73) Chanul,
74) Quembi, 75) Taimbi, 76) Cumaindé, 77) Pimbi,

78) Pimbi 2o, 79) Teraimbé, 80) Painandé, 81) Isdé,
82) Chalchal, 83) Yasmandé, 84) Pambinal,

85) Peundé, 86) Chilvi, 87) Nambi 305 88) Piagui,
89) Boca Uli, 90) Yalaré, 91) Quesui, 92) Rio Nambi,
93) Rio Telpi, 94) Boca Yacula, 95) Pafiambi,

96) Piaguén, 97) Cusmandé, 98) Guafia, 99) Yalaral,
100) Pianulpi, 101) Pali, 102) Quebrada Guasé,

103) cuasé, 104) Guinulté, 105) Sali, 106) Quebrada
Yaré, 107) Rio Quembi, 108) Chimbildé, 109) Pispién,
110) Rio Yuli, 111) Yalaré 20, 112) Pali,

113) Imbapi, 114) Piscuandé, 115) Pimbi,

116) Nonsalbi.

1) Gualte, 2) Cajapi, 3) Imbili, 4) Pambilar,
5) Imbili 2o, 6) Quebrada Cuespi, 7) Curay,
8) Panambi lo, 9) Paisudero, 10) Sandamia,
ll) Pafiambi 20, 12) Estero Sandé, l3) Pusbi,
l4) Buipi.

1) Tallambi, 2) Numbi, 3) Chucan, 4) Cungupi.

l) Guilpicito, 2) Rio Nulpi, 3) Guapilpi,

4) Chilvi lo, 5) Bajo Pianulpi, 6) Rio Pianulpi,

7) Pianulpi, 8) Cajapi, 9) Pambilar, 10) Rio
Caunapi, ll) Caunapi-Tangareal, 12) Pulgandé,

l3) Gualtal, l4) Caunapi lo, 15) Caunapi 20,

16) Hinda Arriba, 17) Pilvi lo, 18) Hinda, 19) Nueva
Hinda, 20) Pulgandé Abajo, 20) Chimbildé, 21) Palay,
22) Alcalbi, 23) Guacaray-Guacaraycito, 24) Ambupi,
25) Chapilar.

Guachavez

Maldonado

Mallama

Ricaurte

Samaniego

Tumaco

117

1) El Sande, 2) Chapilal lo, 3) Pigualtal,
4) Pambilal.

1) Chical, 2) Quinyul, 3) Imbfi, 4) Gualcambi,
5) Gualte.

l) Guapilar, 2) Pilvales, 3) Chucunés Viejo,

4) Chucunés.

1) Palpis, 2) Chambfi, 3) Pilispi, 4) Piguantis,

5) Planada Cuesbi, 6) Isipfi, 7) Gualtal, 8) Tefi,

9) Ispi. 10) Cuescuabi, 11) Paldubi, 12) Yaré,

13) Chanul, 14) Quembi, 15) Imbina, 16) Nulpe Medio,
17) Guandé, 18) Chical, l9) Quebrada Chical,

20) Telpi, 21) Cuasbi, 22) Palpes, 23) Chicandina,
24) Piguantis, 25) Cumbas, 26) Nulpe alto.

l) Saspi, 2) Carmen del Telembi, 3) Tanamé.

1) Pildé, 2) Quinul, 3) Palay, 4) Guandapi,

5) Quebrada Salisbi, 6) Salisbi, 7) Pilbi, 8) Hindfi,
9) Palambi, 10) Palambicito, 11) Imbilpi,

12) Pilvicito, 13) Pilvi, 14)Guacaray, 15) Estero
Hidfi, 16) Iscuandé, 17) Iscuandecito, 18) Bajo
Chilvi, l9) Chilvi-Linea, 20) Cucupi, 21) Tamillo,
22) Pambilar, 23) Inguapi-Linea, 24) Inguapi del
Carmen, 25) Pindo, 26) El Pindo, 27) Alambique,

28) Inguapi-Guayabo, 29) Inguapi-Tulpas, 30) Iguapi-
Guadual, 31) Chilvi, 32) Pindales, 33) Chilvicito,
34) Selva Palay, 35) Pildé, 36) Chimbuzal.

 

Source :

Servicio de Erradicaci6n de la Malaria. Estadisticas and map,
Zona IX, Tumaco and Pasto, 1973.

APPENDIX C

INDIGENOUS GROUPS IN VARIOUS STAGES OF INTEGRATION,
IN RELATION TO THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE

SAME GROUPS IN 1900 (BRAZIL)

APPENDIX C

INDIGENOUS GROUPS IN VARIOUS STAGES OF INTEGRATION,

IN RELATION TO THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE

SAME GROUPS IN 1900 (BRAZIL)

 

 

 

 

1957
Grades of
Integration Total Inter-
in Isolated mittent Perum’ent Integrated Enid: d
1900 Contact Contact gu s e
Isolated 105 33 23 13 3 33
Intermittent
Contact 57 - 4 29 10 14
Permanent
Contact 39 - - 3 8 28
Integrated 29 - - - 17 12
TOTALS 230 33 27 45 38 87
(1957)

 

Source: Darcy Ribeiro, Fronteras indigenas de la civilizacién,
Mexico, D.E.: Siglo XXI editores, 1971, p. 59.

118

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29

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