NEW ENGLAND IN OHIO: CULTURAL TRANSPLANTATION AND PERSISTENCE IN THE WESTERN RESERVE AND HUDSON TOWNSHIP Thesis for the Degree of M‘ A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVE’RSOY JAMES A. SPIRO 1973 ---“w -.‘ . H'onc 8: SUN?" *1 300K SINDEHY LIB IIY B]ND'.P$ .... ABSTRACT NEW ENGLAND IN OHIO: CULTURAL TRANSPLANTATION AND PERSISTENCE IN THE WESTERN RESERVE AND HUDSON TOWNSHIP by James A. Spiro This study is an Investigation and analysis of the New England culture transplantation to the Western Reserve of Ohio. The study has three main emphases: l) to determine the routes, times, and manner of the movement of New England peoples to northeastern Ohio; 2) to identify and analyze the mechanisms of cultural persistence; and 3) to describe and analyze the effect these mechanisms of persistence have had on the cultural landscape of a selected area of the Western Reserve, Hudson, Ohio. The hypothesis is that the factors of cultural persistence, and subsequent landscape preservation, in the Western Reserve in general and Hudson in particular, are the educational and religious mechanisms of the parent New England culture. The evolution of the Western Reserve and Hudson Township as a spatial entity is recounted as are the survey and settlement of the area. Similarly, the role religion and education have played as cultural persistence mechanisms is investigated. Hudson's New England heritage is manifested on the landscape in many ways. Architectural styles, churches, schools, streets and roads, and the village green all are reminiscent of New England at a time long since past. Whereas the transplanted New England culture was, in the past, responsible for the morphology of Hudson's landscape, economic moti- vations today carry on the New England legacy. The thesis is concluded with a discussion of economic motivations for landscape persistence. NEW ENGLAND IN OHIO: CULTURAL TRANSPLANTATION AND PERSISTENCE IN THE WESTERN RESERVE AND HUDSON TOWNSHIP By James A; Spiro A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Geography 1973 Dedicated to my wife, Susan ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express his deep appreciation to Dr. Daniel Jacobson, the writer's thesis advisor, for continual inspiration, en- couragement, and guidance. Appreciation is expressed to Dr. Gary Higgs for many comments and ideas provided during the formulation of this thesis. Special thanks is given to Sherman Hollander for providing ceaseless aid in the preparation of the maps. The writer is also grate- ful to Dr. David Stephenson for helping this writer realign his thinking in the germinal stages of this study. A word of thanks must be expressed to Mr. Thomas Vince for providing access to valuable documents and records in the Hudson Library and Historical Society. Similarly, the librarians of Ohio State University, the University of Akron, and the Western Reserve Historical Society deserve a word of thanks for their help in obtaining rare and valuable manuscripts. The writer is further grateful to the people of Hudson Village and Township for freely providing advice and information without question. The writer is deeply indebted to his parents, Mr. and Mrs. S. J. Spiro, for their unlimited love, faith, and understanding. And finally, the writer is indebted to Ernie, whose ceaseless vocality was responsible for many productive hours at the office. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES . CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION Statement of Problem Methodological Framework Procedures II. EVOLUTION OF THE WESTERN RESERVE . III. IV. Sale of the Western Reserve THE SURVEY AND SETTLEMENT OF THE WESTERN RESERVE New England Settlement in the Western Reserve Routes to the Western Reserve The Township-Community Settlement Pattern Hudson Township RELIGION AND EDUCATION AS CULTURAL PERSISTENCE MECHANISMS . . . . . . . . . . . . Religion and Education in Connecticut Education in the Western Reserve Religion and Higher Education in the Western Reserve Higher Education in Hudson, Ohio Secondary Education in the Western Reserve PERSISTENCE OF A CULTURAL LANDSCAPE: HUDSON, OHIO . Architectural Styles Churches Schools Streets and Roads Hudson Village Village Green Economic Motivations for Landscape Persistence iv Page vi 12 22 45 77 Page CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 LIST OF REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Figure 1. IO. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. LIST OF FIGURES Land Purchases, Survey Tracts, and Land Grants in Ohio . Location of Hudson Township Within the Western Reserve of Ohio Land Claims of Eastern Seaboard States in 1783 Surveyor's Routes to the Western Reserve, 1796 Township Boundaries in Ohio . New England Settlement East of the Mississippi River Prior to 1860. . . . Major Settler Migration Routes to the Western Reserve Seminaries, Institutes and High Schools Chartered in Ohio, 1803-1850 Colleges and Universities in the U.S. Founded Prior to 1800 . Colleges and Universities in Ohio, 1973 . Academies Chartered in Ohio, 1803—1850 Private Academies in Ohio, 1968 House of Georgian—Federal Architecture, Hudson, Ohio House of Georgian-Federal Architecture, Hudson, Ohio Century Home, Hudson, Ohio . . . . . Recently Built Homes, Hudson, Ohio Churches in Hudson Village and Township . Hudson, Ohio, 1938 . Schools in Hudson Village and Township vi Page 16 24 26 29 34 S7 66 67 74 75 79 79 8O 80 82 83 85 Figure Page 20. Western Reserve Academy . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 21. Western Reserve Academy . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 22. Transportation Routes in Hudson, Ohio . . . . . . . 88 23. Tree-lined Street . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 24. Tree-lined Road . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9O 25. Business District, Hudson, Ohio . . . . . . . . . 92 26. Business District, Hudson, Ohio . . . . . . . . . 92 27. Shops Along the Business District, Hudson, Ohio . . . . 93 28. Business District, c. 1900 . . . . . . . . . . . 95 29. Business District, 1973 . _. . . . . . . . . . 95 30. Village Green, Hudson, Ohio . . . . . . . . '. . 96 31. Village Green, Hudson, Ohio . . . . . . . . . . 96 vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The landscape may be said to reveal the social and economic history of a region. Its areal content, however, makes its analysis more properly a geographical than an historical study, though much of the material is drawn from history. The geographer in viewing a landscape retro- 5pectively, appreciates that the past is modified by the present as much as the present is influenced by the past. He must recognize and accept the historical explanations of social and economic factors which have often played the most important role in fashioning the detail of the landscape. Thus, as Houston notes, the cultural landscape may reveal, in its spatial organization, successive stages of historical accretions, in some cases preserved through many years, in other cases obliterated by change. The cultural landscape is a function of man's active imprint on the earth's surface. There are two ways this imprint is expressed on the land, a) the readily apparent material features of the landscape, and b) the non- material features of the culture of the inhabitants. Architectural styles, place names, Spatial arrangement, size, and distribution of visible pheno- mena comprise some of the material cultural components of the landscape. Underlying the visible features of the cultural landscape are the non— material cultural elements, such as the social, religious, political, and educational mechanisms. The investigation of these mechanisms can provide 1Houston wrote this concerning the cultural landscape of Europe. How- ever, the statement holds true for the study of cultural landscapes through- out the world. See Houston, J. M. A Social Geography of Europe, G. Duck- worth and Company, Ltd., (1963) p. 49} 1 clues for the analysis of the changing, or non-changing, character of the cultural landscape. Kyser states: The total learned experience of a group of people equips them to perceive, at a given point in time, cer- tain possibilities for the use of a segment of land, and they must choose from these. Another group of people with a different body of knowledge will perceive differ- ent possibilities for the use of a similar segment of land.2 Salter states that spatial organization is kept relevant to cultural geo- graphy by primary concern with landscape morphology and its genesis rather than the social structure which influences the landscape's creation.3 If cultural geography is "the branch of geography that deals with the pheno- mena of human creation as they vary in time and space over the earth's surface,"4 then the study of man's social structure has a place in the field of cultural geography. Cultural geography seeks to identify and explain the who, where, what, when, and why Of man's activities.5 In an- swering the why of man's activities, social structure must be considered fbr it is these religious, political, social, and educational mechanisms that provide the medium through which man leaves his imprint on the lands- cape.6 2Kyser, F. Dwayne, The Cultural Landgcape of Rural Isabella Count : Variation in Time and Space, Unpublished’Doctoral di§sertation, DEpartment o ograp y. c gan a University, l968, p. 2. 3Salter, C.L. The Cultural Landscape, Duxbury Press, Belmont Cali- fornia, l97l, p. l43. 4Schmieder, A.A. et. al., A Dictionary of Basic Geography, Allyn and Bacon, Inc., Boston, 1970, p. 57: 51bid., p. 57. 6Social institutions are included here to accomodate those institu- tions not related to the religious, political, or educational institu- tions. Exanples of this are attitudes toward the comnunity, social gather- ings, and social groups, such as historical societies. In support of this viewpoint, Salter states: The student of the cultural landscape may no longer be satisfied with scholarly analysis of the genesis, growth, and morphology of a given landscape; he must gonsider the wisdom of man s shaping it in such a fashion. If the cultural landscape is expressed by the material and non-mater— ial elements of man's culture, man's imprint on the earth's surface may be viewed as being derived from two sources. Change, brought about by the work through active transformations, that is, a continual process, is the first source of landscape imprint. The second source of landscape imrpint stems from man's need to preserve the landscape. The elements of the cultural landscape may be seen as manifestations of the human desire to modify the earth's surface. Therefore, these maniféstations represent a fundamental expression of man's need to rearrange (change), organize, or preserve the landscape. The need to maintain the landscape stems from either a conscious attempt according to some ideology, or as a result of other factors which impede change, such as political, religious, or econo- mic oppression. Statement of Problem On this Western Reserve are townships more thoroughly New England in character and spirit than most of the towns of New England today. Cut off from the metropolitan life that has been moulding and changing the spirit of New Eng- land, they have preserved here in the wilderness those char- acteristics of New England as it was when they left it in 7Salter, C.L., The Cultural Landscape, p. 22l. Presumably, Salter is implying that the cultural geographer delve into men's minds to dis- cover the meaning of their actions. This is a quite logical supposition.> the beginning of this century. This has given to the people of the Western Reserve those strongly marked qualities that have always distinguished them. Although these words were expressed by Garfield nearly one hundred years ago, the circumstances motivating them still prevail. Throughout northeastern Ohio are the material and non-material indications of a New England culture transplantation. The basic questions to be answered in this study are: A) By what process did the Western Reserve acquire its New England character?, B) What influence has the transplanted New England culture had in determining the composition and organization of the landscape?, and C) Why are the majority of townships in the Western Reserve's present landscape still reminiscent of New England, rather than Ohio? In answering the last question, the scape of the study will be limited, spatially, in an effort to narrow the problem to a workable scale. Hudson Township has been selected as it is considered to be representa- tive of the majority of townships in the Western Reserve in terms of its New England character. Hudson Township is so thoroughly New England in character that it provides a convenient laboratory for study. Stevens states: Hudson . . . was and is in many respects more New England than many towns of Connecticut and Massachusetts. For its in- habitants were mostly Connecticut people and its white houses and broadly shaded trees still remind one of the traditional quiet and neat New England village.9 8Garfield, James A. "The Northwest Territory and the Western Reserve," An Address delivered to the Geauga County, Ohio, Historical Society, Septem- ber 16, 1873. Boston: Directors of the Old South Work. In Old Scuth Leaf- lets, Volume 2, No. 42 (1893), p. 20. 9Stevens, Emerson 0., "The Western Reserve University," New Eggland Magazine, Vol. XIV, April (1896), p. 164. The purpose of the present study is to trace the New England culture from its Atlantic moorings to its transplanted home in the Western Reserve (Figure 1), and to identify and analyze the factors of culture preserva- tion motivating and persistence of the New England culture in the Western Reserve. The factors of cultural preservation in the Western Reserve in general, and Hudson Township in particular (Figure 2), are the religious and educa- tional mechanisms of the parent New England culture. These mechanisms con- tribute to the persistence of the cultural landscape in the study area. Subordinate to this is the hypothesis that the persistence of the New Eng- land culture in the Western Reserve stems from the particular community type of settlement. Following the Connecticut custom, a method of selling land in the Western Reserve was to induce a group of neighboring families from a single town (in Connecticut or Massachusetts) to purchase an entire township. This township system of purchase and settlement led to a soli- darity and crystalization of the transplanted culture. Lottich notes that even when urbanization and industrialization became amplified in the Reserve, the basic cultural patterns (religious and educational) held firm.10 The study that follows was suggested by the conspicuous New England imprint in northeastern Ohio. The village greens, architectural styles, tree-lined streets and roads, farms, academies, town meeting form of govern- ment, and New England churches all remind one of New England rather than Ohio. 10Lottich, K.V., New England Transplanted, Royal Publishing Company, . Dallas (1965), p. 13. LAND PURCHASES, SURVEY TRACTS AND LAND GRANTS IN OHIO ...... ......... .......... ............ ............ ............. \ J . Erie I1.j.}.';::_3:f:g:?'}ff'i33:33:32}: .................... .' ...'.". "" , _ p -.;'_.;.:.:.;.:.;.:.: jg. .j.;.;.:.:.:.f.:.;.:.; "m". " f' ..:-:-:7;-';.' FINN?“373:".'Eiri3ifi37323z3'i7tl:1 ........................ ........................ ......... .......... .............. :-::~'~' .- .......................... 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' ' ' '2 """""3:2222222221223212121121.‘ZZZZZZIZIIIIIZIIZIIZIZ' O ‘- ;:, Columbus Ft. Jefferson 0 Congressional l and: ‘1; vilioiuui "If-LMILITARY ; PIsTBICTTi-H n. snow 3 '\ - o ITO!r '0 . 'f ' .................... ., “fif'wff . ,.';i:i:-; ' ~ . - . .. (CIDCIMOm-Z-;-f-' . Ft. Flmy \\\ 04'. '. fluid-25:2“! .:"3 ,5 ...... , -......»:-~ -.:.;. .-.-:-. '- ‘9. - - - - - " "3:-.1::\.-'::-'~. In 60mm". ”3+ Mn FRENCH ' GRANT After Brown Figure l N ouamfim " :32» ago» 0 do 05:22: .2 Nx. 2.52:3 . ...o._Lm .8 236.5. N. do c.3254 ... .oo wanted .0. .3 8.3 .o do 2530 a .8 .365 N .8 32.2.6 .0 .8 583 .e do 35: .~ .8 8.3: a do 32:3 .n .8 arm ._ 6; .... ..l_.. ....... ml .. ..M. _ _ I _ _ __ Sea . 1..LIL._.-_.. _ L . Qfiwekek _l _ . ...ozcoz . u “632$ LIIEIL _. l ...IL LII _r u _ _ .._ ozfiufid I ._ 3.43m. min—1 ..M. 0.10 mkath txssuéx: 0.10 no m>mmmmm ZKMFmUB MIL. 2.1.5; EImZBOL. zomoDI LO 29.—.400... Methodological Framework. Many geographers have held in theory and practice that an adequate interpretation of the phenomena or areas of the earth's surface require a consideration of past processes that have brought about the present pattern. Specifically, Sauer has emphasized the deve10pmental approach to the study of landscapes and the material elements that make up that landscape.11 This is frequently known as the cultural—historical approach to geOgraphic study. As proposed by Sauer, the cultural-historical approach is genetic in nature and stresses the origin and diffusion of cultural land- scape features. Tracing the cultural features of the landscape from their New England origin and its diffusion to Ohio is certainly genetic in nature. This study investigates a cultural geographic problem in an his- torical context, hence the cultural-historical approach is utilized. Demonstrating this developmental approach, Sauer states: The most serious work to date has concerned itself not. with present culture areas, but with earlier cultures, since these are the foundations of the present and provide in com- bination the only basis for a dynamic view of the culture area. If cultural geOgraphy, sired by geomorphology, has one fixed attitude, it is the developmental orientation of the subject. An additional method is therefore of necessity introduced, the Specifically historical method, by which available historical data are often used directly in the field: in the reconstruc- tion of former conditions of settlement.1 Cultural geography, then, as Sauer notes: rests largely on direct field observation based on the tech- nique of morphological analysis first developed in physical 11Hartshorne, Richard, The Nature of Geo ra h , The Association of American Geographers, Ann Arbor, Michigan (I939 , p. 177. 12Sauer, Carl 0., "Cultural Geography," in E.R.A. Seligman, Ed., Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 6 (1931), pp. 623-624. geography. Its method is developmental, specifically in so far as the material permits, and it therefore seeks to deter- mine pge successsion of cultures that have taken place in an area. Given this supposition by Sauer, the geographer's task would then be to -investigate the appraisals and values of the culture, the settlement pat- tern, and the cultural traits the group borrowed, originated, or preserved. Such study of culture is historical geography. The quality of understanding sought is that of analysis of origins and processes. The all-inclusive objective is spatial differentation of culture. Dealing with man and being genetic in its analysis the subject is of neces- sity concerned with sequences in time.I4 Broek, with a similar approach, cites the value of keeping the des- cription of the geographically important features of the landscape con- ceptually distinct from the explanation of their significance and origin: Many of the elements of the landscape today cannot be understood without knowing the past utilization of the land, and also the processes that determined this use. Therefore, geography has not only a chorological aspect, but a chronolo- gic as well. The geographer has to start his explanation from the given facts, i.e., the present landscape; the search for' explanation of these facts leads him into the past. The study of the origin and transmutation of landscape elements is so intertwined with past processes and land patterns that an ap- plication of their significance becomes igpossible if they are isolated from their earlier assemblages. ‘3Ibid., p. 624. 14Sauer, Carl 0., "Forward to Historical Geography," Annals of the Association of American Geggraphers, Vol. 31 (l941), pp. l#21 I5Broek, Jan O.M., The Santa Clara Valle , California: A Study in Landscape Chagges, Utrecht: A. Uosffioeck, (IU32), p. 9. , 10 Broek concludes: Thus, the intricate complex of forces, which may be indicated here as the socio-economic determinants, active in and characteristic for each time span must be analyzed and its areal reflection, the landscape, reconstructed in its main aspects. Later generations may alter the habitat, but they build upon and never can obliterate entirely the former regional character.16 These approaches by Sauer and Broek differ slightly in their technique. Sauer emphasizes the culture area in his studies; he seeks answers to its. development through time. Broek places emphasis upon the "intricate com- plex of forces" that are involved in the development of the culture area. This study utilizes the cultural-historical approach to geographic study as outlined by Sauer and Broek. The social, political, religious, and educational mechanisms (intricate complex of forces) are examined to de- termine the degree of cultural persistence in the Western Reserve and Hudson Township. Procedures Central to this study is the device of comparison by means of which the transplanted culture of the Western Reserve and Hudson Township can be seen and studied in proper perspective against the background.of the parent New England culture. It would be less meaningful to study the transplanted culture of Hudson or the Western Reserve alone fbr to so limit the investigation would remove the basis for judging the degree of cultural preservation in the study area. Accordingly, throughout the study an evaluation is made of the parent New England-Connecticut culture ele- ments in relation to that same element in the Reserve. The result is a 16mm, p. 9. 11 running comparison of parent New England and Western Reserve culture ele- ments. Documentation concerning both New England and Western Reserve social, economic, and political history is used. Through the combined use of these historical and sociological works, as well as contemporary accounts, traveler's accounts, letters, reminiscences, diaries, public records, newspapers, and maps, the cultural-historical geographical strands woven into the fabric of the Western Reserve and Hudson Township will be bonded together more completely. CHAPTER II EVOLUTION OF THE WESTERN RESERVE The Council of Plymouth, England,1 was granted and confirmed in 1606 all the lands in North America lying from 40 to 48 degrees north latitude and from "sea to sea.”2 James I was to receive one-fourth of all gold and silver found in return for the grant. James further desired these lands to be known as "New England." In the year 1630, the Council, in turn, granted to Robert, Earl of Warwick, All that part of New England, in America, which lies and extends itself from a river there called Narragansett River, the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore towards southwest, west, and by south, or west, as the coast lieth, towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league, all and singular, the lands and hereditaments whatever, lying and being within the bounds aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude, and within all the breadth aforesaid throughout all main lands there from the western ocean (Atlantic) to the South Seas."3 In other words, the grant lay between 41 and 42 degrees, two minutes north latitude and from the Atlantic coast west to the "South Seas."4 1The Council of Plymouth was a corporation of courtiers with extensive political and personal privileges under the dispensation of King James I. See Hindsdale, B.A. The Old Northwest, Townsend MacCoun, New York (1888), p. 75. 2Presumably, "sea to sea" meant from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, however, as there was little knowledge of American geography in England in 1606, the phrase "sea to sea" could have meant from the Atlantic to the Mississippi River. - 3Whittlesey, Charles,Earl Histor of Cleveland, Ohio, Fairbanks, Bene-' dict, and Co., Cleveland (1867I, p. 145. 4See Johnston, Alexander, "Connecticut in the Commonwealth Series and a Century of the Constitution." The New Princeton Review, (Sept., 1887), p. 281. 12 13 A year later, in March, 1631, the Earl of Warwick in turn granted to Lord Say and Sele Brook and associates the "Patent of Connecticut." Lord Brook sold his claim to the Colony of Connecticut which was organized under the Connecticut Company.5 The claim was confirmed in its title by the Charter of Charles II in 1662. The Charter that cons ituted the Connecticut "Company gave the following limits, We. . . do grant and confirm unto the said Governor and Company, and their successors, all that part of our Dominions in New England in America bounded on the east by Narragansett River, commonly called Narragansett Bay, where the said river falleth into the Sea, and on the North by the Line of the Mas- sachusetts Plantation; and on the South by the sea; and in Longi- tude as the line of the Massachusetts Colony, running from east to west, that is to say, from the said Narragansett Bay on the East to the Soutg Sea on the West Part, with the islands there- unto adjoining." It was from these lands extending to the west that Connecticut's Western Reserve was derived.7 Prior to 1680, it is unlikely that there were white men in the area of the Western Reserve. In 1680, the first occupations by white men (French traders) in northeastern Ohio are recorded.8 The first appearance of Eng- lish traders in the Western Reserve occurred in 1699-1700. From 1699-1700 until 1763, the English and French trappers and traders competed with each 5Osborn, Norris G., History of Connecticut, Vol. I, The State History Co., NY, (1925), pp. 45-52. 6Hinsdale, B.A., The Old Northwest, p. 87. 7The result of granting to the Connecticut Company this parallel strip of land by Charles II was that Connecticut's territory cut across that of Pennsylvania and New York. Legal battles and much confusion was created as to who owned what land. See Hinsdale, B.A., The Old Northwest, pi 192-279, for an account of land claims and cessions by eastern seaboard s a es. . 8Upton, Harriet T., History of the Western Reserve, The Lewis Publish- ing Company, Chicago and NEw York (1910), p. 13. 14 other for Indian furs and hides. After the French and Indian War and the Treaty of Paris of 1763, the French were eliminated from active competi- tion with the English south of the forty-ninth parallel in North America.9 In September, 1780, the Continental Congress of the United States passed a resolution calling upon all states to cede their western claims to the Federal government.10 The resolution was passed by Congress in 1781 and the State of New York was the first to cede its western claim. Virginia followed later that year but kept what was to be termed the Virginia Military Land Tract in Ohio. Perhaps it was because Virginia retained part of her western lands that the Connecticut General Assembly in October, 1783, pasSed a re- solution which reasserted ownership of its western lands. The initial sub- ordinate clause states: Where this state has undoubted and exclusive right of jurisdiction and preemption of all lands lying west of the western limits of Pennsylvania and east of the river Missis- sippi, and extending throughout from latitude fbrty-one de- grees to latitude fbrty-two degrees and two minutes north by virtue of the charter granted by King Charles the Second. . . 11 The reason for the reassertion of claim to these lands west of the west- ern boundary of Pennsylvania stemmed from bitterness on Connecticut's part in being deprived of the Susquehanna Valley in Pennsylvania. 9Williams, Harry T., Current, R.N., and Friedel, F., A Histor of the United States to 1877, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, (1966), pp. ||4-l|5. 10Lowrie, Walter and St. Clair, Matthew eds., American State Papers, Documents Le islative and Executive of the Con ressIGf“tfie united States, March 3, l789 to MarEfi 3, 1815f‘ Washington,(l , o . , p. . HIbi ., p. 97. 15 Connecticut had believed, under the Charter granted by Charles II, that all the land lying between 41 degrees and 42 degrees, two minutes north latitude the rightful prOperty of the State of Connecticut. Pennsylvania also claimed these lands in the west, therefore, conflict was inevitable (Figure 3). Colonists from Connecticut had settled the Susquehanna Valley of Pennsylvania in the 1750's and 1760's with the firm belief that it was Connecticut territory. So much did the settlers believe it to be their property that it prompted one Connecticut man to write: The sordid, grasping, long-leashing policy of the Penns had never been able to stand a moment before the oncoming wave of Connecticut democracy, with its individual land ownership, its liberal local government, and the personal incentive offered to individuals by its town meeting system. So far as the Penns were concerned, the Connecticut town system simply swept over them and hardly thought of them as it went. But for the Revo- lution, the check occasioned by the massacre, and the appearance of a popular government in place of the Penns, nothing could have prevented the establishment of Connecticut's aupaority over all the regions embraced in her Western claims. However, on July 3, 1778, the Pennsylvanians along with the British and Indians adopted a course of action that led to the massacre of the Wyoming Colony on the banks of the Susquehanna River.13 Pennsylvania by this action had reasserted its ownership of the Susquehanna Valley. Ar- ticle Nine of the Articles of Confederation stated that Congress had the power to settle disputes between the states.14 Therefore, on December 30, 1782, a Federal Court at Trenton, New Jersey met and gave the following decision, 12 10 Hatcher, Harlan, The Western ReServe, Bobbs Merrill, New York (1949), p. . 13See Mathews, Alfred, Ohio and Her Western'ReServe, D. Appleton and Company, New York (1902), pp. 53-151, for a finely detailed account of the events leading up the Wyoming massacre. l4 . . . Journals of the American CoggresS'from 1774 to 1788, Washin ton D.C. Voiume 171332). p. 211. g ' __——1 16 m pL=m_L 3:2... NM 2033 g 05.88 5:8 I 05.88 552 E 2595 E Sozowccoo E 2885382 B not 2. mmL.<._.m omo=oz cove: 3.6a Siam 3:... v ousumm wmt 6.8.0520 cone: Econ Siam III. 2nd .Bozgtoz Ea «...... .9335: "353 88 - ..m . ‘u‘.‘o‘ L L . .Z a o 1 ., L. /./. 0.. . . u ..Am. \.. m.» u o . . ......zrl éfi M.,..." .. s as ..."...us esteemed”... ...... .4 . . a .. l .11. .- ....I. ck. ........ .... . Rb. .... .. Hill .L $3.6 o). (III! . . . . .. o .L 3250...... c6....w:.aw.owo: . W . ./ .12 .r ..exfl... ..rZO . ru .. «LL ..L' > L l.» . L _ . L. L L \Irli .II‘. (Q .MLmmmum 255m; “...: E 8.32. 9333.8 25 The western boundary of Pennsylvania was designated to be the prin- cipal meridian line of the survey, the 4lst parallel to be the base line. Townships were to be counted consecutively westward from the meridian to the number 24, making a distance of 120 miles.5 Courses north and south are called "ranges," east and west, "townships." Given this type of grid system, Hudson's coordinates are Township 4, Range 10; Cleveland's, Township 7, Range 12. The townships of the Western Reserve are five miles square. The only other area in Ohio that exhibits the five mile township is the United States Military Reserve. Elsewhere in Ohio, the six-mile square township predominates except for the Virginia Military District, where civil, ir- regular townships predominate (Figure 5). Thomas Jefferson, in a proposed land ordinance 1784, had promoted the scheme whereby the township ("hundred" to use Jefferson's term) was to contain 100 square miles.6 In a debate before Congress in 1790, Jefferson's ten-mile townships were reexamined.7 Also brought up in debate was a plan which offered some of the con- venience of Jefferson's decimal system. The plan called for five-mile townships which were to be quartered into parcels of fOur thousand acres and these to be quartered further into one thousand acre tracts. The idea of widespread application of the five-mile township was, at the time of the debate, rejected. Shortly thereafter, the five-mile plan was adopted fer the United States Military Reserve and the Western Reserve. Why these two 5 bid., p. 374. 6Truesdall, W.A. "The Rectangular System of Surveying,"Journal of the Association of Engineering SOcieties, XLI (November, 1908), p. 210. 7American'State Papers: 'Documents jLegislative‘an IExecutive,_of the Con ress'ofithe.UnitedTStates. 38 VOls. Washihgton: Gales and Seaton, lSSg-thl. 'PUblic Lands, VOT. I, p. 8. 26 TOWNSHIP BOUNDARIES IN OHIO Source: Thrower, Norman. Qr_igi_rla_l 3, , 5,0 Surverand Land Subdivision. Rand McNaiiy 8: Co., l966, p.135. r0 § Figure 5 27 Reserves in Ohio had the five-mile township system adopted for them is not clear. After the Porter, Pease, Holley party re-surveyed the western boundary of Pennsylvania, the remainder of the party rendezvoused with them at the base line (the 4lst parallel). The party then separated into four groups, five miles apart and ran lines north toward Lake Erie. Holley traversed the first range line, Spafford the second, Warren the third, and Pease the fourth range. Due to poor quality surveying instruments and lack of skill by some of the surveryors, some survey lines were as much as one- half mile off course. Whittlesey notes: The earlier surveys of the United States were conducted in a like manner-errors led to the corregtion of each town- ship line before proceeding to the next. But the survey party of 1796 had little time to re-survey its work. On October 17, 1796, the surveyors discontinued their operations in the Western Reserve due to approaching winter. Only the fourth range line was completed after $14,000 and four months had been spent. All the territory lying be- tween the Cuyahoga River and Range line four had been untouched. ‘The fel- lowing year, survey operations began again. This time, all of the land east of the Cuyahoga River was surveyed. It was not until 1804 that the entire Western Reserve survey was completed. The reason was that the Con- necticut Land Company had decided to allow the Indian claims to run out before completing the survey. The survey of the Western Reserve was marked by order and common sense. The later surveys of the American West were characterized by fraudulent survey methods and frequently broken treaties with indigenous Indian tribes. The survey of the Western Reserve, on the 8Whittlesey, Charles, op. cit., p. 202 28 other hand, was conducted with relative honesty. The answer lies in the men chosen for the survey. Moses Cleaveland, Seth Pease, Augustus Porter and John Holley were men noted for their adherence to the Puritan ideals of law observance, morality, and justice. New England Settlement in the Western Reserve There is no State in the Union that has colonized so many other communities as Connecticut.9 The Western Reserve was not the only area settled by Connecticut people (Figure 6). As early as 1660, settlers from Connecticut had migrated to New Jersey and Long Island.10 Western Vermont, western New Hampshire, and western Massachusetts were settled almost exclusively by Connecticut people in the 1760's and 1770's. The Delaware Company of Connecticut pur- chased and settled on land along the Connecticut River in Connecticut during the early 1760's. The Susquehanna Company, likewise, purchased and settled on land in northeastern Pennsylvania along the Susquehanna River. In New York, large numbers of Connecticut people inigrated to Columbia, Dutchess, Oneida, Ontario, and Steuben counties in the 1760's.11 By 1781, New Englanders had migrated as far as Mississippi, Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina. The first New England settlement in the Old Northwest occurred at Marietta, Ohio, in 1786. Ten years later, the majority of New Englanders migrating to the Old Northwest settled in the Western Reserve. 9Fisher, Sydney G., The Makingof Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Press, 1896, p. 239. See map on following page. 11Field, David 0., Statistical Account of the County of Middlesex in Connecticut, Middletown, Connecticut, I819; p. 39. 29 NEW ENGLAND SETTLEM ENT EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER PRIOR TO I860 //// D ..... rahhm I ‘\ ~es du Chien W\ww \ \\\N\\ ;\\\\\\\s Chico \ I \ \ h s <\\ \ S ...... ; \ Cleveland \\\ \\\\ \ \\ \V \ \\ . z" \\ .\\\I \\\\\ ST N: ....................... \ '\\\\\ \\\ ‘ S“ \w ”m". " KT s2..9‘.“.°.‘n'.‘5“3~ -,‘\\ \ Evansville gyro .................. Scone Greek New Garden 9 1', Lyman .\\\ Colony N I W New England settlement Q . MI. . 300 Affair Rosenberr/ Figure 6 30 Why did people leave New England in such large numbers during the l760's, 1770's, and later during the first quarter of the nineteenth cen- tury? The reasons that drove Connecticut and Massachusetts people westward are closely related to the persistence of the New England culture. New Englanders, dissatisfied with conditions at home, emigrated, and took those favored elements of their culture with them. Settling in rela- tive isolation for the first few years, these transplanted culture ele- ments were crystalized and strengthened. Rosenberry states: . thousands of New Englanders had carried their ideals and their transitions into the wilderness. There, time after time, they had organized church and school side by side, in a community where each settler had a voice in the control of local affairs, and might impress his individuality upon a new commonwealéh in such measure as was possible from his training and ability. The impetus for westward migration stemmed from a variety of sources. Purcell notes that emigration from New England was caused partly by "the knowledge that lands, cheap, fertile, and abundant, were available on the frontier".13 Some emigrants were people who were discontented with the narrow religious system of the state church, others were those who objected to the forced payment of tithes.14 Many settlers stated the reason far their migration was dissatisfaction with the oppressive ministerial influence that 12Rosenberry, Lois K.M., The Expansion of NeW'England, Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston and New York, 1909, p. T26. 13Purcell, Richard J., Connecticut in Transition:’ 1775—1818, Wesleyan University Press, 1963, p. 921 14Payment in agricultural produce or money paid directly to the church. 31 permeated the whole atmosphere of the church.15 To those pe0p1e engrossed in social entanglements, emigration to the west served as an escape. To those people with frustrated political ambitions, emigration to the west gave a chance to fulfill those ambitions. To the poor, emigration to the west offered new hope. New England emigration was influenced to a large degree by the poor condition of the soil in Connecticut and Massachusetts. After many decades of tillage, the rocky soils of New England were depleted to a degree where agricultural activities suffered. The elimination of the Indian danger in the Western Reserve as a result of the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1795 also eliminated many fears in peoples minds of moving west. The aftereffects of the War of 1812 also prompted many to seek new homes in the west. Many towns and fields along the coast of Connecticut and Massachusetts were burned, sacked, or otherwise destroyed by British troops. With their homes gone, the western lands offered the chance of a new start. 16 Due to late Another influence to migrate was the "Cold Summer of 1816." spring and summer frosts and an unprecedented series of cold waves, the summer of 1816 was abnormally cold. The cold spell started in May of 1816 and lasted, with intermittent warming, until early September. Crops such as corn, hay, and fruit trees did not have a chance to grow. With their fOOd gone, many people had no other choice than to move or starve. 15Purcell,‘Connecticut in Transition, p. 92. ‘5Hoyt, Joseph H., "The Cold Summer of 1816,? Annals of the Associa- tion of American Geographers, 48 (1958), pp. 118-131. 32 Lottich noted that: The economic urge towards transmontane migration was nation- alistic and social as well as religious. The Connecticut of 1796 was still dominated by class influences and ideas; the possibili- ties in the Western Reserve were social as well as economic. This does not mean, however, that the Connecticut men sought to imitate old forms of local government that may have been established on some frontiers, a "New Connecticut" was in the making. The old hierarchigs, under new leadership, arose on the shores of Lake Erie. . . Purcell observed that the lure of the west was strong. He states: The Western Reserve drew with magnetic force the emigrant. He knew that he was merely going to New Connecticut, where the advantages of the old state in the way of people, schools, and churches were to be found in conjunction with cheap lands and western freedom. And Perkins recalled: The years of 1815-1816 saw hundreds of families setting off for the Ohio and Kentucky country afflicted with the Ohio fever. . . After the Peace of Ghent in 1815, Ohio developed more rapidly than before, but along lines determined before the war, to the north and west on a New England foundation, to the south on Virginia, New Jersey, and New England lines, while all these elements met in the center, with Pennsylvanians and New Yorkers added. 9 Routes to the Western Reserve Among frontier regions, the Reserve was exceptional in its accessabil- ity from the source areas of settlement.20 Overland routes to the western Reserve were facilitated by numerous river valleys and by the low divides separating Lake Erie drainage from Ohio River tributaries.2] 17Lottich, op. cit., p. 23. 18Purcell, Connecticut in Transition:‘ 177541818. ‘9Perkins, J.H., Annals of the WeSt, Cincinnati Press, Cincinnati, Ohio, 1846, p. l83. 20Brown, Ralph H, Historical Geography of the United States, Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., New York, 1948, p. 226. lebid. 33 A major settlement route to the Western Reserve from Connecticut fol- lowed the route the surveyors had taken in 1796. This route, it is re- called, followed the Hudson River to Schnectady, ascended the Mohawk River to Oneida Lake, and descended the Oswego River to Lake Ontario. The set— tlers would then proceed to Buffalo, New York, travel westward along the southern shore of Lake Erie, and into the Western Reserve. A second major route to the Western Reserve started in Connecticut, proceeded west- ward across Pennsylvania to Pittsburgh, northeast to the Beaver River, and north into the Western Reserve (Figure 7). Brown notes that the settlement of the Western Reserve ranged from east to west. He further notes that the advance was from heavily timbered country into mixed forest and prairie, and finally into open prairie on the Sandusky Plains.22 Actually, the settlement of the Western Reserve did not proceed from any one direction. Prospective settlers purchased townships prior to moving westward. Settlements were scattered and iso- lated. As previously noted it was this isolation that fostered the per- sistence of the New England culture. Lottich states: The method of settlement did not lead to the development of a regular frontier with a "cutting edge", but rather fos- tered the creation of pockets of population within the island, "New Connecticut," on 539 design of the township and district system of New England. He notes further that: a hundred nuclei were thus established, from which the Connecticut pattern of town development could be dissiminated. ZZIbid. 23Lottich, Op. cit., p. 48. 24Ibid., p. 11. 34 n ouzufim o>cumom chemo; V\\\\\ Zh— nmnd .5353: 20 2:. .2235: 32:8 u>¢mmmm zmu...mw3 wt... 0... muhaom 29.2122 mmnfizrum «03¢! Howe, referring to the isolated settlements of the Western Reserve states: Here perhaps fifteen to twenty miles from any other habitation they made a clearing and began life according to the familiar pattern of the mother state. There was no "ever receeding frontier" in the Western Reserve as that envisioned by Turner.26 No "cutting edge" of settlement ever existed in the Western Reserve. The Township-Community Settlement Pattern The township-community pattern of settlement was, in part, reSponsible for the persistence of the New England culture and culture landscape of the Western Reserve. Garfield notes that the Connecticut system of town- ship organization was responsible for the success with which the Reserve was settled.27 The township-community settlement pattern of the Western Reserve had its origin in New England. So necessary to the New Englander's social, educational, and religious well being was community living, that he propagated the village type of settlement in the outlying regions to which he migrated.28 In writing of the township-community settlement pat- tern in New England, Turner states: 25Howe, Henry, Historical Collections of Ohio (in 2 Vols.), C.J. Krehbiel and Co. Cincinnati, Vol. II, (1904), pp. 628-683. 26Turner, Frederick Jackson, The Frontier in American History, Henry Holt 8 Co., New York, 1920, p. 721 27 Garfield, Op. cit., p. 20. 28Trewartha, Glenn T., "Types of Rural Settlement in Colonial America," Geographical Review, Vol. 36, 1946, p. 568. 36 Whatever may be the real value of the community type of settlement, it's intimately connected with both the Congrega- tional religious organization and with the land system of the colonies of that section, under which the colonial governments made grants--not to individuals, but in townships to groups of preprietors, who in turn assigned lands to individuals.29 As to the "real value" of the community type of settlement, Waite reports: Such a settlement by old friends and neighbors gave a de- sirable solidarity to the new community, diminishing somewhat the nostalgia of living far away from their homeland.30 Pertaining to this group solidarity fostered by the township-community pattern of settlement, Turner states: This Yankee stock carried with it a habit of community life in contrast with the individualistic democracy of the Southern element. The colonizing land companies, the town, the church, the feeling of local unity, Sgrnished the evi- dences of this instinct for communities. The propensity for community living, inherent to so many New England emi- grants, was expressed by Garfield: In many instances, a township organization was completed and their minister chosen before they left home. Thus they planted -the institutions and opinions of Old Connecticut in their new wilderness homes. . . These pioneers knew well that the three great forces that constituted the strength and glory of free government are the family, the school, and the church. These three they planted here and they nourished and cherished them with an energy and devotion scarcely equalled in any other quarter of the world.32 29Turner, The Frontier in American History, p. 74. 30Waite, Frederick, Western Reserve Universit The HudSon Era, Western Reserve University Press,‘Cleveland, Ohio, I943, pp. I5-l6. 3(Turner, The Frontier in American Histogy, p. 72. 32Garfield, op. cit., p. 20. 37 As to the persistence fostered by the township-community pattern of set- tlement, Trewartha states: When once the village community had been established, the centripetal forces generated by Puritan ideals of religion and education, and the New Englanders appreciation of the amenities of civilization, tended to hold the settlement together and re- tarded disintegration into isolated farmsteads.33 As previously noted, it was the township-community pattern of settlement that encouraged from the start the persistence of the transplanted New England culture. Along with the pattern of settlement, the social organ— ization of the emigrants contributed to the persistence of the culture. The social structure was transplanted bodily and set down as a going con- cern without a break in continuity from New England. According to Lottich, the aim was not to destroy the institutions, but to reinvigorate and re- establish them in a new setting.34 Fish analyzes the power of the social organization of the New Englander and maintains: Like bees they (New Englanders) lived in many communities, but the laws of the different hives were much the same-penetrating laws affecting deeply the individual in the innermost recesses of his soul. Perhaps 2000 such communities, villages, towns, or small cities, each complete with its own social gradations, and to a large extent economically independent also, dotted New England, western New York, and northeastern Ohio--the Western Reserve.35 So strong was the transplanted social organization of the New Englanders, that even when people other than New Englanders migrated to the Western Reserve, the basic patterns remained intact. Hatcher observes 33Trewartha, "Types of Rural Settlement in Rural America," p. 574. 34Lottich, op. cit., p. 125. 35Fish, Carl Russell, The Rise of the Common Man, 1830-1850, The MacMillan Co., New York, 1927, pp. 21-22. 38 The massive migrations of European peoples into the Reserve far over-shadowing the number of the original migra- tion from Connecticut threatened to bring about significant changes in the character of the region. But these too were contained, absorbed ang conditioned by the firm holding of the earlier tradition. 5 Hatcher continues: If (the Western Reserve) was Connecticut and New England long enough and exclusively enough to establish a distinct atmosphere and style of living and culture that set it apart from other regions of Ohio. When the flood of in-migrations from Europe and other portions of America swept over it, its basic patterns held finm.37 Hudson Township Hudson Township is exemplary of the township-community pattern of settlement. Township four in range ten was purchased by David Hudson and a small group of co-investors in 1798. The township's 16,000 acres were purchased for $8,320. The township was originally classified by the Connecticut Land Company as a "swamp" township, therefOre 10,000 acres from two adjoining townships were added for equalization.38 Starting at Goshen, Connecticut in April, 1799, the settlers followed basically the same route the surveyors had fallowed three years before. Guided by what Hudson termed "the four basic controlling ideals of religion, morality, law observance, and education," the settlers arrived in the Reserve in June, 1799.39 David Hudson's motive for migrating to the Western Reserve 36Hatcher, op. cit., p. 339. 37Ihid., p. 16. 38The cost of the township had been 52 cents per acre, but after the 10,000 acre addition from Norton and Chester Townships the cost per acre was reduced to 32 cents. 39Hudson, David, "Some Account of the Religious Exercises of David Hudson written by himself,"The Western Missionary Magazine and Re ositor ’of Religious Intelligence, Washington, Pennsylvania (1 o . , pp. -167. 39 stemmed from a series of religious experiences. Purcell notes that the era 1775-1818 in Connecticut was marked by a breaking down of the old religious order and the rapid spread of dissension.4o Hudson cited the breaking down of the old religious order in Connecticut as the motive for migration . The settlement at Hudson was isolated for the first years of its existence. Perrin states poetically: The little settlement thus dropped in the woods like a pebble in the ocean, seemed lost in the vast expanse of wilderness that stretched, with interminable pr0portions, from the xpontiers of western New York along the lakes to the great West. Immediately after arriving and re-surveying the western boundary of the township, Hudson instructed members of the party to divide the township into one hundred lots. According to Perrin, the settlers fallowed the plan of other New England villages in laying out the town.42 It is necessary to discern, at this point, some of the characteristics of a "typical" New England village. This must be done so that Hudson's cultural land- scape can be viewed against the background of its New England heritage. Rosenberry points out that, Of prime significance in understanding the importance of the farm village of seventeenth- -century New England (and later the Western Reserve) is the fact Egat settlement was organized by groups and not by individuals. 40Purcell, Connecticut in Transition, p. 8. 41Perrin, William H, History_of Summit County, (Baskin and Battey Historical Publishers, Chicago, 1881),p. 421. 421bid. 43Rosenberry, The Expansion of New England, p. 573. 40 A common feature of many New England towns is the village green. Brodeur could have been writing of Hudson in stating: The typical rural southern New England town common (or green) is an irregular grassy plot flanked by a tall, steepled church or two, and an aging Victorian-style town hall.44 Scofield, writing of the origin of the settlement pattern of rural New England, could also have been writing of Hudson Township when she states: Villages of this type represent as a rule the first settle- ments to be established in the townships where they are found; and the isolated farms are in the outlying parts of such townships are still subsidary to the villages, which gaminate the landscape and . give it a definitely old world flavor. Scofield continues as if writing specifically of Hudson: . the origin of New England towns was that the compact villages of colonial New England were a direct expression of the cultural heritage of the settlers, who being familiar with a com- pact agricultural community in England, established 13 more or less unconsciously when they settledirlthis country. Scofield notes that the house lots granted within the towns were generally fairfiy small and were laid out rather squarely on both sides of a main street of the town or around the village green.47 Rosenberry also notes the ubiquity of this pattern of town organization, As a fairly standard village pattern, there fronted on the common the church, the school, and the burylgg ground and the home lots of some of the original settlers. 44Brodeur, David B., "Evolotion of the New England Town Common, 1630- 1966," The Professional Geogr_pher, Vol.19,No.6 (1967), p. 313. 45Scofield, Edna, "The Origin of Settlement Patterns in Rural New England," The Gepgrpphical Review, Vol. 28 (1938), p. 652. 451hid. 47Scofie1d, "The Origin of Settlement Patterns in Rural New England," p. 654. 48Rosenberry, The Expansion of New England, p. 569. 41 In Goshen, Connecticut on January 28, 1800, David Hudson and five co- proprietors outlined the "Constitution of the Town of Hudson." Of prime importance to the early proprietors was that land be set aside for use as a public square. According to the Constitution: . . . and Reserving fer public use farty rod square in the Centre of the Township.4 It was the design of the proprietors that the village green be situated about the geographical center of the township. As the land to the south and west in the township was low and swampy, the town early began to ex- tend to the north and east to higher ground. According to Perrin: As early as 1812, the Township Trustees took steps to50 modify the "public green" to suit the new order of things. The modification resulted in the exchanging of portions of the original green with land to the north. The result was the village green that exists today. What is important from this is that the village green, although modified, persisted. Education also was of prime importance to the early proprietors. According to the Constitution of 1800; We the subscribers the promotion of the Township of Hudson in New Connecticut do mentally and severally each one for him- self agree that the following shall be the principles whereon (the) Township shall be divided. In the first place, Lot No. Ninety-one shall be appropriated forever to the use of Schools in the Township, which land shall never be transfered, but the 49Constitution of the Town of Hudson, Goshen, Connecticut, January 28, 1800; Forty rods square equals ten acres, p. l. 50Perrin, Historx_0f Summit Countx. P. 439- 42 rent of the land shall be forever applied to the use of schooling the Children of the Township.51 The educational provisions of the Constitution of the Town of Hudson followed closely the initiation of the principles upon which David Hudson founded the early settlement.52 The first school in the township was established in 1801 at the southwest corner of lot 56, near the geOgraphical center of the township. Shortly thereafter, Hudson sent a petition to the territorial legislature asking for a charter for a college to be estab- lished in the Western Reserve.53 There were less than 2000 people in the Western Reserve in 1801. The charter was deferred until Ohio was admitted to the Union in 1803. Hudson petitioned the legislature a second time. On April 16, 1803, a charter for Erie Literary Society was granted to Hudson and 13 others. The trustees were empowered to hold property, receive endowments, appoint a president, professors, tutors, and instruc- tors, and ”confer all the degrees and honors usually granted by similar institutions."S4 Waite points out that this charter was the first carrying collegiate powers granted by the legislature of any state formed from the old North- west Territory.55 The emphasis upon education began very early in Hudson. 51Constitution of the Town of Hudson, p. 1. 52Hudson, op. cit., pp. 166-167. 53Pitkin, Caleb, et al., An Address to the Public, the Patrons of Literature and Religion, on the subject of Establishing a Literary, and Theological Institution in the Connecticut Western Reserve (Pittsburgh, 1822), pp. l—16. 54"An Act Incorporating the Trustees of the Erie Literary Society," Acts of the State of Ohio, First Session (Chillicothe, 1803, p. 118. 55Waite, Western Reserve University, p. 25. 43 Subsequent results of this educational emphasis will be examined in a later chapter. Hudson's principle of religion was outlined also by the Constitution of 1800. According to the document: Lot No. forty eight and two acres and a half upon the South East Corner of Lot No. fifty-six in a Square form shall be for- ever reserved to the use of a regular Christian Minister of the Gospel in (the) Township-~which land shall in no way be sold or transpferred but the whole entire use of the land shall be applied to the use of the Ministry fgg the use of the Minister of the Township for the time being. The first church services in the township were held at the school house until 1802 when the Congregational Church of Hudson was established. Eleven of thirteen founders of the church were from Goshen, Connecticut. The first minister, Joseph Bodger, was also from Connecticut. By 1846, Hudson Township had two Congregational Churches, one Methodist, and one Episcopal Church. Religion and education were of great importance to the early settlers of Hudson Township. Religion and education were viewed by the early in- habitants as culture control mechanisms. Living in an isolated community for the first years of their existence, the people placed great emphasis upon those elements of the culture that would bind the community together. Religion and education served to remind the settlers and future inhabitants of their cultural heritage. In a letter dated September 8, 1831, a Moses Lyman acted as spokesman for the fellow New Englanders on the matter of religion and education in Connecticut and the Western Reserve. To David Hudson, Lyman wrote: 56Constitution of the Town of Hudson, p. l. 44 . I fully agree with you in opinion that immense responsibility rests on the first settlers of a new country, for in those places where the first settlers were moral and re- ligious men their influence will deem to ages yet unborn and I believe a greater degree of happiness and prosperity will at- tend their descendents, than will be enjoyed by the descen- dents of those places first settled by loose and immoral men. Many, very many, in our country felt the importance of send- ing the influence of our holy religion into the vast regions of the Mississippi, to send Missionarys, teachers, and es- tablish schools and colleges and have them taught and managed by competent and religious men. This many of us feel as neces- sary to the consistence of our present mode of government, as well as a duty we owe to our God and our bretheren of the west.57 Implications of the emphasis upon religion and education as culture control mechanisms will be examined more fully in subsequent sections. 57Letter from Moses Lyman to David Hudson, Goshen, Connecticut, September 8, 1831. Courtesy of Hudson Library and Historical Society, Hudson, Ohio. CHAPTER IV RELIGION AND EDUCATION AS CULTURAL PERSISTENCE MECHANISMS The extensions have been so stupendous that the original stamp of Connecticut may seem to have grown somewhat dim. It is like one of the ancient parchments where a new composition has been written over the old letters without destroying them, and the original may be read. . . . Much has happened on these three million acres since the first mass migration of Connecticut people into Ohio. But they did remain homogeneous long enough and their culture was firm enough to make a permanent impress u on the region that no amount of time has been able to erase. In this statement, Hatcher alludes to the persistence of the trans- planted New England culture in the Western Reserve. One of the mechanisms of that persistence in the Reserve was, and is, education. Education served as an instrument of class control in Connecticut and later as an instrument of culture preservation in the west. Education in New England and the Western Reserve was viewed by the people as the general carrier of the culture. Only be educating the young to the ideals and traditions of the culture could that culture be perpetuated and preserved. According to Lottich: The New Englander realized that his cultural system would exist only so long as it was perpetuated and protected by the agency of education. ‘ The persistence of the culture in the Western Reserve was, in part, fostered by the transplanted educational system. The persistence of the culture, in turn, promoted the persistence of the cultural landscape of the Western Reserve and Hudson Township. If the culture of the indigeneous lHatcher, op. cit., p. 339. 2Lottich, op. cit., p. 26. 45 46 people is responsible for the composition of the cultural landscape, then changes in the culture are likely to cause changes in the cultural land- scape. If the indigeneous culture, through conscious effort, does not change, then the cultural landscape should reveal the lack of change. Thus the analysis of a cultural persistence mechanism, like the educa- tional system, should reveal clues to the persistence of the cultural landscape. Religion and Education in Connecticut Steiner, writing of the history of education in Connecticut, notes: The reputation of Connecticut in education is an enviable one. Founding one of the first public school systems in the World's history, before the stumps of trees had been cleared from the "homelots" and the houses built to shelter the set- tlers, she has continued to be zealous in giving all her child- ren a common school education till a man of Connecticut birth who cannot read or write has long been hard to find.3 The requirement of education among Connecticut people stemmed from a desire to establish their culture to the fullest extent possible. Mead, speaking of the early development of schools in Connecticut, notes that: . . there was a continual insistence that schools should be provided in each and every community in the colony. . . The belief in the universal need of an elementary education, and the demand that school facilities should be supplied are basic to the free schools of today. Lottich points out that the requirement of education in the early 3Steiner, Bernard C. The History of Education in Connecticut, In the United States Department ofTInterior Circular ofTInformat1on, (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1893),p p. 13. 4Mead, Arthur R. The Development of Free Schools in the United States, (Columbia University PressiTNeinork, 1818), p. 8. 47 settlements of Connecticut and Massachusetts, "is nothing more than the complete desire of the Puritan to establish his culture totally; to pro- vide for its continuity."5 The earliest educational efforts among the New England colonists were in the home, yet the efforts were ernest and reflected a strong desire for an educated citizenry. John Eliot expressed the New Englanders emphasis on education by stating: After God had carried us safe to New England, and we had built our houses, provided necessaries for our livelihood, raised convenient places for Gods' worship, and settled the civil government, one of the next things we longed for and looked after was to advance learning and perpetuate it to posterity6 dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the churches. As early as 1641, town treasury funds in Connecticut were earmarked for the support of schools.7 With the Connecticut Code of 1650, ideas con- cerning education were put into legal form, For as much as the good education of children is of singular behoofe and benefit to any commonwealth; and whereas many parents and masters are too incumbent and negligent in their duty in tgat kinde. It is therefore ordered by this courte . . . The clause continues with provisions for the inclusion of language and religious instruction and the setting up of professional and trade schools. 5Lottich, op. cit., p. 32. 6Eliot, John, "A College Proposed for Massachusetts Bay," In The Annals of America, 1493-1754, Vol. I (Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., Chicago, 1968), p. 130. 7Mead, The DevelOpment of Free Schools in America, p. 8. 8the Code of 1650, (Hartford: 5. Andrus and Sons, 1822), pp. 38-39. Also in Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut to 1665, (J. Hammond Trumbull, Ed}, Hartford: IBrown and Parsons, 1850). 48 Hinsdale observed that education in Connecticut very early had top priority. He notes: Connecticut was the first to act. At the very time that Governor Berkeley thanked God that Virginia had no printing presses and no public schools. . . the governor of Connecticut said, "one-fourth of the annual revenue of the colony is laid out i3 maintaining free schools for the education of our child- ren." By what process did education become a cultural persistence mechanism? The answer to this question lies in the political and social background of the New Englander. It was primarily Puritanism that pervaded New England's social and political atmosphere. For over one hundred and fifty years, Puritanisms' oligarchical theocracy shaped the social, political, and economic climate of New England. According to Wertenbaker: . . . it is to New England we must turn if we are to study the true Puritan State with all its distinctive features--con- gregations whose autonomy was derived from a covenant with God, a civil government in which only church members participated and an educational system designed to butress the orthodox religion. . . Moreover, Wertenbaker continues: . . . the founders of the Massachusetts Bible State con- fidently expected it to endure forever. To them it was no so- cial and religious experiment, but the carrying out of God's commands. . . The belief that the Puritans came to the New World in the cause of religious freedom is, of course, com- pletely erroneous. . . but it is to the everlasting credit of the founders of New England that they kept it alive in an infant America and the fires of scholarship. . .10 The Puritans strictness in moral and religious issues was expressed by Perry. Puritanism, says Perry: 9Hinsdale, B.A., Education in the State Constitutions, (Akron, Ohio no publisher, 1889), p. 10. IOWertenbaker, T.J., "The Puritan Oligarchy," The Founding of American Civilization, Schribners, New York, (1947), p. 339. 49 . . tended to theocracy. It was intolerant of other creeds in this resembling its God, who might be merciful but pervasive, and to perfect, after the scriptural model, all the aspects and social relationships of life. To achieve this end it did not scruple to employ the full force of the civil authorities, to limit citizenship to members of the church,]and to identify its religious ideal with the public policy. The Puritan prescription that every individual be able to read the Bible had two notable results: first, an emphasis on education that made New England foremost among the colonies in the number of schools and col- leges; second, numerous disputes concerning interpretations of the Bible, and a subsequent flow of dissenters toward the west. To the Puritan mind, the best method of perpetuating his system was by education. By educating the young to the ideals of Puritanism, the "religio-economic totalism" of Puritanism would persist.12 Threatened by the rise of capitalism in the eighteenth century, the Puritan influence declined in importance in New England. Puritanism gave way to Unitarianism and a refined version of Puritanism, Congregationalism, took root in Con- necticut. It was Congregationalism that was eventually transplanted to the Western Reserve, but it was Puritanism that shaped Congregationalism. Edu- cation served as a persistence mechanism for the Congregationalists as it did for the Puritans. The very polity of old Connecticut Congregationalism became, for the elect, a refined Puritanism, in which the church was equated 13 with the state. Bridgeman believed that New Englanders possessed a nPerry, Ralph 8., Puritanism and Democrapy, (The Vanguard Press, New York, 1944), p. 115. 12Lottich., op. cit., p. 19. ”mo. 50 certain "inner dynamic” or spirit which was responsible for much of the drive and vigor of the New England people. He insists: The Pilgrims themselves were responsible for the placing of this dynamic in the New England heart. . . and passed on this dynamic to their successors . . . Thus apart from what the New England dynamic enabled those who were energized by it to do, its reactions on them was constant and wholesome. It made thgie men and women resourceful, persistent, coura- geous. . . Supporting Bridgeman, Cubberley views the "Connecticut Spirit" as, the natural resultant of the peculiar social structure based upon the interrelationship of family, school, and church.15 Mathews, speaking of the ”Connecticut Spirit," notes that: . . wherever the trail led to the frontier, thither the emigrant from Connecticut, sometimes alone, but more often with his wife and children plodded to a new home. If the "wanderlust" was in his fibre, on he went again, and perhaps again. But if the fire of youth had died down he chinked his cabin permanently, and became an early settler. Thus, was the Connectgcut tradition woven into the fabric of the nation. Waite identified this family, school, and church complex as the Connecti- cut "Tripod." It was, Waite maintains, the "Connecticut Tripod" that was responsible for the tenacity of the New England culture in the Western Reserve.17 By 1775, and the American Revolution, education as a culture control mechanism was firmly rooted in New England society. John Adams, writing in 1775 of the "virtue of New England” states: 14Bridgeman, Howard A., New England in the Life of the World, The Pilgrim Press, Boston (1920), pp. 6-7. 15Cubberley, Ellwood P., Public Education in the United States, Houghton- Mifflin, Boston, (1934), p. 1061 16Mathews, op. cit., p. 36. 17Waite, op. cit,, pp. 5-6. 51 The public institutions in New England for the support of education of youth, supporting colleges at the public expense, and obliging towns to maintain grammar schools, are not equalled and never were in any part of the world.18 The Ordinance of 1787 finalized by law the importance of education in New England. Article three of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 states: Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools, and the means of education shall forever be encouraged.19 Education in the Western Reserve The New Englanders emphasis on education as a culture regulating me- chanism accompanied the settlers on their migration to the Western Reserve after providing for their own immediate needs and establishing public worship, the settlers then established means of educating the young. Prior to examining concrete evidences of a New England educational transplanta- tion to the Western Reserve, literary evidence of the role education has played as a culture control mechanism will be reviewed. Hutchins, writing of the transplantation of New England ideas to the Western Reserve notes: These people had brought with them from their far-off Eastern homes the New England ideas of religion and educa- tion and wherever they went in sufficient number, the church and school houge followed as soon as a clearing could be made for them. 0 18Adams, John, "The Virtue of New England," The Adams Papgrs, L.H. Butterfield, Ed., Cambridge, (1963), p. 9. 19The Northwest Ordinance of 1787, The Federal and State Constitutions, ColoniaT Charters, and other Organic Laws of the United States,fiBiP.iP00re, Ed., Washington, 2nd ed., Vol. I, (1877), pp. 431-432. 20Hutchins, F.E., "The Western Reserve," Ohio Archaeological'and His- torical Quarterly, Vol. 14 (1905), p. 270. 52 He continues: Ideas of religion and education were as deeply rooted in the minds and hearts of these people as was their love for liberty and independence and to this we owe the fact that nowhere in a large and thickly settled country are the people generally so moral and well behaved as on the Reserve and no place where education is so general among the people.21 That the transplanted New Englanders placed education among their primary concerns upon settling in the Reserve has much support. Much of what has been written of the people of the Western Reserve contains re- ference to the adherence of New England educational ideas. Stevens says that the educational drive of the founders of the Western Reserve was 2 responsible for its later successes.2 He states: These men, endowed with the pioneer qualities of energy, self-reliance, and perserverence yet retained the sober and prudent character of Connecticut people. With them they brought Connecticut ideas of religion and education; and almost before the smoke of the first clearing had vanished, school-houses and meeting-houses began to nestle under the protecting shadows of the forest giants.23 Griffiths, touring the Western Reserve in the early 1830's and captivated by the educational drive of the New England settlers in the Reserve, states: . . If but half a dozen families settle inatownship, they build themselves a School- house in the centre. This School- house on the Sabbath is used for religious worship; in the week it is occupied statedly for a school and occasionally for all kinds of meetings.24 lebid. 22Presumably, Stevens means successes in terms of the founding of quality schools, industrialization, and political stability. 23Stevens, Emerson 0., "The Western Reserve University," New England Magazine, Vol. 14, (April, 1896), p. 168. 24Griffiths, P.D., Two Years in the New Settlements of Ohio, London: Wesley and Davis,(1835), pp. 83-84. Also in University Microfilms, Inc., Early American Reprints, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1966. 53 Perrin notes that the Western Reserve was a second New England in all her interests and aspirations especially as pertaining to education and Christianity.25 Along that same line Brogan states: Wherever the New England emigrants went, they took with them that high estimation of the importance of literacy that marked all of the Puritan colonies. The requirement that educational facilities be established as soon as pos- sible upon arriving in the new settlements stemmed from a desire to esta- blish their (the New Englander's) culture to the fullest extent possible. Mead, writing of the develOpment of free schools in the United States, mentions: . . as a result of this belief (that education was neces- sary) there was a continual insistance that schools should be provided in each and every community in the new colony. . . The belief in the universal need of an elementary education, and the demand that school facilitges should be supplied are basic to the free schools of today. 7 The characteristic New England self-reliance to which Stevens previously has made mention is suggested by Shepard. He states: Settlers, especially those coming from New England were anxious that their children should have the advantages of at least a common school training. The early settlements in the Connecticut Western Reserve were obliged to build or improvise their own school houses and hire their own teachers with no outside help.28 25Perrin, op. cit., p. 451. 26Brogan, D.W., U.S.A. (The Oxford University Press, New York, 1947), pp. 83—84. 27Mead, The Development of Free Schools in the United States, p. 8. 28Shepard, Claude L., "The Western Reserve, The Connecticut Land Company, and Accompanying Oocunents," Western Reserve Historical Society Tracts, No. 96, Cleveland, Ohio (1916), p. 84. 54 There could be no outside help during the first years of settlement as the settlements were isolated for the most part. This isolation strength- ened the settlers need for something to hold the settlement together, and education and religion served as a bonding agent in that capacity. The emphasis on education among the transplanted New Englanders is related to the township-community pattern of settlement. According to Lottich: the existence of these nuclei, from which the Connecticut pattern of township organization, the Congregational method of church government, the drive for education and schools might be imparted served as a powerful stimulus to the developing of the connmn culture of the Reserve along the New England model.29 Clark, writing of the role the "American West" has played in the history of the United States, notes that education became a necessity to the areas settled by New England peoples. He maintains that: Those regions which received large numbers of settlers from New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, were the first to lay adequate fbundations for a system of education.3 Cutler, delivering a sermon at Marietta, Ohio in 1788, describes poetically the spirit of the New Englanders' educational drive: The sun, the glorious luminary of day, comes forth. . . In like manner divine truth, useful knowledge, and improvement, appears to proceed in the same direction (the West) until the bright light of science, virtue, pure religion, and free govern- ment shall pervade the Western hemisphere. . . To promote the civil and social happiness of a new settlement too early atten- tion cannot be paid to the cultivation of the principles of religion and virtue. . . An early attention to the instruction 29Lottich, op. cit., p. 98. 30Clark, Daniel E., The West in American History, (Thomas Y. Crowell Co., New York, 1938), p. 386TT 55 of youth is of the greatest importance to a new settlement. It will lay the foundations for a well-regulated society.31 Boyd, commenting on the homogeneityof the people of the Western Reserve and their emphasis on education, states: They believed in education as a means of development. They wanted freedom and believed in the subjection of individual ideas to the common ideal only. . . the suc- cess of Ohio in its first half-century became an object lesson for the making of a new republic beyond the Alleghenies. . . the development of education as one of the agencies in the fusion of the various classes of settlers.32 Describing some of the qualities of the transplanted New Englanders, Mathews notes: Yet the people were probably a more homogeneous and truly democratic one than was to be found then or since anywhere on the frontier. A fair education was almost universal. Culture was not uncommon. There was a con- siderable number of college graduates, and not alone among these but among the common people it is probable that there existed more knowledge of literature and that more books were to be found than in the midst of any pe0ple who had ever journeyed as gar as they into the wilds and by as primitive means.3 Cubberley noted the relationship between the township-community pattern of settlement and education in the Western Reserve. He states: The history of these migrations often repeated the old story of the Puritan migrations to New England. Congregations, with their ministers, frequently migrated to the West in a body. A new Granville, or Plymouth, or Norwalk, or Greenwich in the wilderness was a child of the old town of that name in New England. . . Wherever the New Englander went he took his New England institutions with him. Congregational churches 31Cutler, William P., LifeJHJournalsL and Correspondence of Rev. Manessah Cutler, (Robert Clarke and Company, Cincinnati, 1888),’Vo1. I., pp. 344-315. 3ZBoyd, W.W., "Secondary Education in Ohio Previous to the Year 1840," Ohio Archaeolo ical and Historicalgguarterly, Vol. XXV, No. 1., January_ (|9|6), pp. Ilg-ll9. 33Mathews, op. cit., pp. 160-161. 56 were established, new Yales and Dartmouths were founded, com- mon schools and the New England district system were intro- duced and the town form of government and the town meeting were organized. The contrast between the New Englanders' educational drive and those of people of other states was in the eighteenth century in Ohio, sub- stantial. Of the secondary educational institutions founded in Ohio from 1803 to 1850, the Western Reserve far outstrips any other section of the state in the number of these institutions (Figure 8).35 Mathews contrasting the New Englanders educational ideas with those of people of other states, notes: Into the new West the school, the church, and the town meeting had been carried; they were changed fbr here the ‘ man from Massachusetts or Connecticut had been forced to comprimise with his neighbor from Pennsylvania or Virginia whose ideas or institutions differed from those of the Puritans. But the change had not cancelled the original type nor oggcurred the ideal which underlay the founda- tions. . . Cohen maintains that, "the early settlers of Ohio brought with them to their new homes ideas prevailing in the old State from which they came."37 Therefbre, he states: if religion and education were considered of primary impor- tance by the people of any one State, the sons and daughters were sure to carry these ideas with Shem and swift to prove their early teachings by their acts. 8 34Cubberley, Public Education 1n the United States, p. 106. 35Mmer, Edward A., The Histo of Educational Legislation in Ohio from 1803 to 1850, (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1W0), p. 57. 35Mathews, op. cit., p. 101. 37Cohen, Jessie, "Early Education in Ohio," Mggazine of Western History, Vol. III, No. 3, Jan (1886), p. 218. 33Ibid. 57 SEMINARIES, INSTITUTES AND HIGH SCHOOLS CHARTERED IN OHIO, 1803-4850 o . o . o o o o o . . o . e o . o ‘ e o o ‘ e ' o o e 9— "!” :9 Source: Miller, E.A., l920. p.80. Figure 8 58 If the individual settlers carried their own ideas concerning edu— cation to their new homes in the west, then as Cohen maintains: . .in the various settlements as established before Ohio came into the Union, the educational aspect is widely different. In parts settled by the former class (Connecti- cut and Massachusetts) intelligence became universal, while in those parts settled by the latter class (Virginia and Pennsylvania) the evil results 8; the settler's indifference remained discernible for years. Burns agrees with Cohen: . . A brighter picture presents itself when we consider the state of educational sentiment in that section of Ohio peopled with settlers from New England. They were not obli— vious to the value of education in the utilitarian sense, but their notions of utility were broader and more compre- hensive than those entertained by their southern neighbors. 40 Those settlers from the South settling in Ohio brought traditions of the private school and parental responsibility for education. In contrast, the New Englanders brought with them the idea of the public-school system with the taxation and public support. The debt the Western Reserve owes to the New Englander in terms of its educational system is a large one. There are three aspects of New England educational transplantation in the Western Reserve that were later transferred to the rest of Ohio. The first is the use of public lands for the support and aid of schools, the second is the idea of a state-wide system of schools, and third is the idea fbr state-wide taxation fbr schools. The use of public lands for the support of’ education had its origin in New England and was institutionalized in the Western Reserve. When Ohio was admitted as a state in 1803, Section 16 in each township, 39151d. 408urns, J.J., Educational History‘Of Ohio (Historical Publishing Co., Columbus, 1905), p. 21. 59 or an equal amount of land in those areas not belong to the United States was set aside fer the use of schools. The Ohio Enabling Act of 1802 states: That the section, number sixteen, in every township, and where such section has been sold, granted, or disposed of, other lands equivalent thereto and most contiguous to the same, shall be granted 3p the inhabitants of such townships fer the use of schools. The preceeding clause was accepted by the Ohio Constitutional Convention, but there was an important condition: . . a like donation equal to one- -sixth of the United States Military District, and the Western Reserve should be granted f0r the support of schools in those tracts. Commenting of this educational clause, Mathews states: The educational clause is directly traceable to the influence of the New England group who were most actively interested in the settlement of the new territory, the generosity of Congress mo- tivated in part at least by the desire to make the conditions of settlement in the new lands attractive to hose who were leaving behind them the advantage of schools. 3 Ohio was the stage f0r two American inventions; the state-wide grant of school lands and the rectangular method of survey into six-mile square townships. There were in a township, thirty six sections of one mile square each. Miller points out that Ohio was not only the first state to receive Section 16 as a school grant, it was the first state to have 4“An Act to enable the people of the Eastern division of the ter- ritory northwest of the river Ohio to f0rm a constitdtion and state govern- ment. . . ," Public Statutes at La e of the United States of America, (Little Brown and’Co. , Boston,18£8), VoTTEI. ., April , p. 42Randall E. O. and Ryan, 0.0., History of Ohio (The Century Company, New York, 1912), Vol. III, pp. 170-171. 43Mathews, op. cit., pp. 339-340. 60 - any Section 16.44 But the Western Reserve was divided into five-mile townships instead of six and the townships were subdivided into 100 lots, with four lots to every square mile section. In Ohio, outside of the Western Reserve, the policy of selling school lands was adopted in 1827.45 The money from the sale of the school lands was to be paid to the state treasury and applied to the credit of the particular township where the school lands were located. On the Western Reserve, as with other dis- tricts in Ohio not belonging to the United States Government,46 money from the sale of school lands did not go to the State Treasury, but to the district itself. The reason f0r this was that the school lands had not been given to the individual townships but to the district as a whole, like the Western Reserve. Under the provisions of the Land Ordinance of 1787 concerning school lands, Section 16 in each township was set aside fer the support of schools. The provisions of the Land Ordinance of 1787 did not apply to those areas not owned by the United States, like the Western Reserve. Therefore, it was not in the power of Congress to grant Section 16 for school support in those areas. Another method of setting aside one thirty-sixth of the land fur the support of schools was needed for the Western Reserve. Fourteen quarter-townships were selected for 44Miller, Edward A., The History of Educational Le islation in Ohio from 1803 to 1850, (The University of Chicagol’ress, Chicago, I920), p. 57. 45Acts of a Local Nature Passed at the TWenty-Fifth General'Assembly, Ohio, Vol. XXV, (Columfius, Ohio, George Nashee, state printer, January 23, 1827), n.p. 46Included here are the U.S. Military District and the Virginia Military District. 61 Western Reserve school support. These lands were not located in the West- ern Reserve, but in the United States Military District. In 1834, Con- gress added 37,758 acres f0r school support to be taken from lands to date unlocated within Ohio by quarter-section, half-section, and full- section.47 The addition of 1834 was in place of one thirty-sixth of the land in the Western Reserve belonging to Indian tribes when Ohio was admitted as a state in 1803.48 Religion and Higher Education in the Western Reserve The development of early institutions of higher education in the Western Reserve, as in New England, closely fOllowed the polities of the Congregational church. Congregationalism is characterized by church organization in which each church and congregation is self-governing.) In areas settled by New Englanders, like the Western Reserve and the area around Marietta, Ohio, the Congregational Church prevailed.49 There had been few churches other than the Congregational in New England prior to 1705. Several Baptist and Presbyterian churches were founded before 1750, but the Congregationalists far outnumbered any other denomination. In those areas of the Old Northwest not settled exclusively by New Englanders, the Baptist, Presbyterian, and Methodist churches were dominant. 47"An Act to grant to the state of Ohio certain lands f0r the support of achools in the Connecticut Western Reserve," (June 19, 1934), Public Statutes at Lar e of the United States of America (Little, Brown, and Comany, Boston, 1860), Vol._IV, p. 679. ‘ 431h1d. 49Fisher Sydne G , y ., The Makin of Penns lvania Philadel hia Press, 1896), pp. 262-268. g y ( p 62 The Congregationalists emphasis upon education began early. In 1636, the Congregational churches of Massachusetts collectively proposed to establish a college. The result was the founding of Harvard in 1638 and later Yale in 1718. The Congregational church f0unded and supported Harvard and, in turn, Harvard supplied ministers and educated laymen to conduct the church. As Waite points out, "the relation was complimentary and correlated,"50 By 1647, the Massachusetts Legislature had ordered: every township in this jurisdiction, after the Lord hath increased it to number 50 house-holders, shall then forthwith appoint one within their town to teach all such children to write and reade;. . .8. . . yet where any towne shall in- crease to number 100 families or householders, they shall set up a gramme; schoole,so farr as they may be fitted for the university. According to Waite, the provisions for free public schools in the Massa- chusetts and Connecticut constitutions were among the earliest in the world.52 One of the reasons f0r free public education stated at the time was that "the understanding of the scriptures might not be clouded with false glosses of saint-seeming deceivers."53 Education played an indispensable role in the functioning of the Congregational Church. Walker comments: 50Waite, op. cit., p. 5. 511n Walker, Williston, A History of the Con re ational'Churches in the United States, (The Christian Literaturetotfinawg‘vmm. 52Waite, op. cit., p. 4. 53Connecticut Code of 1650, (Hartford, Conn., 1822), pp. 93-94. 63 New England Congregationalism believed that education was one of the chief safeguards of the Christian life. Such a con- ception was the natural outcome 0f the importance it attached to the Bible, and especially of the method by which the truth contained therein were thought to be discernable. The Puritan had no sympathy with the doctrine that ignorance is the mother of faith; to his thinking, education is the road to knowledge in divine things. The New Englanders of the seventeenth cen- tury, judged by the modern standards, were not a reading peo- ple; but compared with the common people of the land from which they had come forth, they were educated; and their miniEXry was from the first a conspicuously learned body of men. The New England Congregationalists believed that a learned ministry was the only permanently successful nfinistry. This sense of the essen- tial character of the necessity of education led the Congregationalists to plant schools and colleges from its first generation in New England to . its ufissionary endeavors in the Western Reserve. Concerning the denominational college, Tewksbury is of the opinion that: the movement for the founding of colleges befOre the Civil War cannot be studied, much less appreciated at its full value, without recognizing at the outset the service rendered by the perpetuation of culture as gell as religion on the advancing frontier of American life.5 Of the relationship of Congregationalism to education and college found- ing, Tewksbury states: In the expansion of New England population to the West during the early part of the nineteenth century, the Western “Walker, A History of the Corgreggtional Church, p. 152. 55Tewksbury, Donald G., The Founding of American Colle es and Uni- versities Before the Civil War, "Teachers college Contribut ons to Edu- cation," No. 543, (Neerork, 1932), p. 56. 64 Reserve and its adjacent territory became the first area of more or less perminent Congregational settlgpent and of Con- gregational initiative in college building. Thus, the primary impetus for the development of institutions of higher learning in the Western Reserve prior to 1850 was the need of educated ministers f0r the Congregational churches. There was a lack of educated ministers in New England to supply the many churches of the Western Reserve well into the 1830's. In 1820, the American Education Society reported: In Portage County, which is better supplied than any other county of the Western Reserve, there are f0urteen churches and six ministers. . . in this presbytery there are thirty-three churches and eight ministers. We need the attention of twenty active ministers.57 The increase in the number of educated ministers had not kept up with the growth of the number of churches. Waite reports that by 1821, less than one-third of the churches of the Western Reserve had settled minis- ters.58 As a result of the deficiency of ministers, the Portage Missionary Society, on September 4, 1821, in its Third Annual Report, appealed to New England to send more educated ministers. In the same report, the Society called upon, "the residents of the Reserve to use their endeavors to raise up a respectable literary institution in this vicinity,"59 56 57Fifth Annual Rgport of the American Education Society (Boston, October, 1820), p. 35. Ibid., p. 124. 58Waite, op. cit., p. 32. 59"Portage, Ohio Missionary Society, Extracts from the Third Annual Report." Boston Recorder VI, (Boston, Massachusetts, November 10, 1822), 1821?2. also Western Reserve Chronicle, (Warren, Ohio, November 10, 17, . P- - l 65 In response, a Congregational minister in Maine who read the appeal stated that New England colleges and churches had all they could do to supply the pulpits of their own region and that if the Western Reserve continued to rely upon New England to furnish ministers, it must be satis— fied with less able men. He argued that the more capable ministers would stay in New England where conditions and pay were better.60 The letter had great impact upon the Presbyteries of the Western Reserve.61 The Presbyteries of the Western Reserve redoubled their ef- forts to f0und a college that could supply the region with ministers. The desire fer more educated ministers was the primary impetus fer the f0und- ing of institutions of higher learning in the Western Reserve. Of twenty-eight American colleges chartered in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, nine were in New England (Figure 9). Of 16,000 degree of all kinds granted prior to 1800, 12,000 were granted by New England'colleges.62 Of the ministry of the Congregational Church in Connecticut to 1832, 96% were college graduates.63 Similarly in contrast- ing the number and Spatial location of institutions of higher learning in the Western Reserve to the State of Ohio, it is evident that the Western Reserve far outnumbered any other section of the state (Figure 10). Of 60Waite, op. cit., p. 33. 61A "Presbytery" was a joining of interests of the Congregational and Presbyterian churches in the Western Reserve. There were three Presbyteries . in the Western Reserve, the Grand River Presbytery, the Hartford Pres- bytery, and the Portage Presbytery. 62Waite, op. cit., p. 6. 63Ripley, George and Dana, Charles A., eds., The American'Enqyclo- pedia, Volume V, (New York, 1874), p. 246. 66 a deemed .m:._-mot .ee .mmm. ....o» 32 .3863 9.2...an 2.5; 523205 2.6; .32 {2303 883m 931 h ct oat. comm. out n St - 39/, .0: a pot net , ...e m or s t «at $“t‘ 00¢: no, 00.02 c on: no: a: not 6: «at 000. 0... coin. own—230m .m.: 9:. z. murtmmmZz: 024 mMOMJJOo 67 COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES IN OHIO I973 I , . o e o 5. . o .0 . o u .1 9 ll"- 99 Source: ' Mobsters New World Dictionar , pp. 1703- |7|5 Figure 10 68 nineteen colleges and universities established in Ohio prior to 1838, five were located in the Western Reserve. Higher Education in Hudson, Ohio Higher education in Hudson is embodied in the establishment of Western Reserve College. There were two main reasons for f0unding the college at Hudson. The first was the desire for an institution of higher leaning as a result of the deficiency of ministers and educated laymen in the Western Reserve. The second reason f0r the f0unding at Hudson was Hudson's acces- sability and geographic location within the Western Reserve. The Erie Literary Society, it is recalled, was established in 1803 for the purpose of fOunding an institution of higher learning within the Reserve. The Society, after fostering the establishment of the Burton Academy in 1804, lay, more or less, dormant to the task of founding a college. In 1822, the Society formed a committee to direct the preliminary , measures for the f00nding of a college in the Reserve. The committee argued that the establishment of a college was necessary to promote and maintain educational, social, economic, moral, and religious interests in the West- ern Reserve. They also argued for founding a college because of the lack of support from New England in terms of money and manpower. Also empha- sized in the committee report was the importance of a college for edu- cating teachers, lawyers, doctors, and Civil service personnel.64 The committee of the Erie Literary Society looked to the Burton Academy as a possible college site. The committee desired to establish a theo1ogica1 professorship that could later serve as a feundation for a _.k 64Pitkin, op. cit., pp. 10~14. 69 seminary. Burton had been centrally located in terms of population con- centration in 1804, but in 1822, the population center had moved farther west. Indian claims had not been extinguished west of the Cuyahoga River until 1805. After 1805 and as a result of the War of 1812, people began settling west of the Cuyahoga River. This, along with Burton's poor ac- cessability and lack of local financial support led the committee to seek a new site for the college. It was in the interests of the committee to centrally locate the new college within the Western Reserve. Cleveland and Hudson were named as possible sites. Cleveland lost the bid for two reasons. The first was that it was a port town and it was the opinion of the committee that the presence of sailors would corrupt the morals of the students. The second reason for eliminating Cleveland as a college site was the presence of the "ague" or malaria. Hudson was thus chosen because there was no fever; it was centrally located, geographically as well as in terms of population; Hudson was only five miles from the Lake Erie-Chillicothe road; Hudson would be near the projected canal from Lake Erie to the Ohio River; and the people of Hudson donated freely f0r the construction of the college.65 All of these reasons were perhaps inciden- tal to the fact that David Hudson was president of the committee. The charter far the establishment of Western Reserve College was signed on February 7, 1826.66 The incorporators consisted of five ministers and 65Waite, op. cit., p. 44. 66"An Act to incorporate the Trustees of Western Reserve College, Acts of a Local Nature Passed by the First Session of'the'Twent'efourth gpneraTAssembly aflthe State of Ohio, lColfifiEus, Ohio, 1826), pp. 93- 70 seven laymen, all from New England.67 Seven of the twelve were graduates of New England colleges. Due to acute competition from other colleges near Hudson during the 1870's it was decided that the college should be moved. Cleveland was chosen and Western Reserve College located there in 1880. Secondary Education in the Western Reserve In the latter part of the 17th century an advanced type of public school known as the grammar school or academie appeared in New England. These were, at first, usually under control of the church and were con- ducted by a minister. The impetus for founding academies in New England was the desire to provide tax—supported education to prepare students for the university.68 According to Graves: The ideal of a tax-supported education open to all, which had started in New England, was beginning to spread. . . Town and district schools were coming to take the place of those organized under private or church authority, and the cities were laying the f0undation of a democratic system of education through schools maintained bg quasi-public societies or even through local taxation. 9 The emphasis on locally tax-supported, education accompanied the settlers to the Western Reserve from New England. Boyd maintains that "in sections of New England people, the classical and literary ideal found expression in the academy course.70 That the academy as a form of higher 671bid. 58Connecticut Code of 1650, pp. 93-94. 59Graves, Frank P., A Student's History of Education, (Macmillan Company, New York, 1915), p. 274. 7oBoyd, op. cit., p. 119. ‘v in 'uxi-_, 71 education was established in the Western Reserve as early as 1803 supports the premise of a New England cultural transplantation. As to the reason fer the "rise of the academy“ in the Western Reserve, Washburn states: . . a reason fer the rise of the academy can be found in the source and character of the immigrants to Ohio. For the first two or three decades after its founding the leaders of the new commonwealth wers still imbued with the inherent cultural ideas of the East. The academy movement flourished in Ohio and the Western Reserve. Shoemaker recorded llO academies eatablished in Ohio from 1832 to 1841.72 From 1803 to 1851, Shoemaker reported a total of 210 academy charters granted.73 The establishment of there academies stemmed from three situa- tions. Firstly, the church fostered the founding of many academies and seminaries to supply ministers and educated laymen fer the church. Se- condly, the private schools were often established by itinerant preachers. Boyd points out that these itinerant preachers were usually well educated and took an interest in higher education.74 Thirdly, during the 1830's it was in vogue for wealthy citizens to establish an academy and donate large sums for its operation.75 71washburn, Carl Dewitt, Rise of the Hi h School in Ohio, Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, (Ohio State University, Columbus, 1932), p. 41. 72$hoemaker, Forest L. Public Secondary‘Education in Ohio 1875- 1933, Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Tthio Siate University,CoTfim- Bus, 1935), pp. 14-15. 73Ibid. 74Boyd., op. cit., pp. 119-120. 75Ibid. 72 Fish states of the establishment of academies in Ohio: It was in the 1830‘s and 1840's that in most of the country the Rise of the Common Man began. Education along with other elements of the culture, social and political, reflected the great change from class education to, for the time, "mass education. " The most 7aignificant organ of population education was the academy.7 The transplanted New Englander was responsible fur fOunding many of the academfles in Ohio. Boyd notes the difference in terms of educational 1 emphasis between the New Englander and those settlers from other states. He states: In the settlements of New England people the classical and literary ideal found expression in the academy course. In set- tlements of Pennsylvania and New Jersey people the Ben Franklin ideal of a practical education took shape. In settlements of Southern citizens the ideal of the finishing school, furnishing culture and manners asserted itself. 77 {~15 I ‘. y: The academy was usually a locally supported institution characterized by a small, but advanced curricula. The high school, on the other hand, was publicly controlled, offered a wider curricula and stressed dividing students into groups according to their ability. The high school came into prominence in Ohio between 1850 and 1870. The rise in importance of a state-supported, public secondary school has been attributed to the sec- tional differences between the North and South at this time. The high school was reviewed, according to Lottich, as, . . an instrument indirectly calculated to further de- veloping industrial ideology that of a fpge, relatively un- stratified, and individualistic society. 75Fish, op. cit., p. 10. 77Boyd, op. cit., p. 119. 78Lottich, op. cit., p. 297. 73 Inglis, writing of the decline of the academy and the rise of the high school, states: . The Academy, however well suited it may have been to the frontier conditions of the early democracy and to the laissez-faire policy of our early government, was not well suited to our later democratic ideals or to later govern- mental pplicy. It therefore gave way to the public high school. The academy as a form of educational institution did not yield com- pletely or rapidly to the high school. Bent and Kronenberg offer a rea- son fbr the persistence of the academy. They state: . .That the high school had a slow growth fer the first 50 years of its existence affirms the fact that the great masses of people were not yet ready to accept the new philosophy. It is doubtful if any who lived during the content between the high school, a free public school, and the academy, a semi-public tuition school, knew which finally be accepted as the American type. Many believed that the United States could not affbrd to give secondary education to the masses at public expense, and othergodid not believe education was the function of the state. Of 93 private academies established in Ohio from 1803 to 1850 (Figure 11), 29 were located in the Western Reserve.81 In 1968, of the 25 pri- vate academies left in Ohio, 12 are located in the Western Reserve (Fi- gure 12).82 Thus, the academy, a New England institution, has survived in the Western Reserve by a greater percentage than in the rest of Ohio. 79Inglis, Alexander, Principles of Secondary Education, (Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1918), p. 161. . 80Bent, Rudyard and Kronenberg, Henry, Principles of SecondaryrEdu- £35325, (McGraw-Hill, New York, 1941), p. 91. 8"Miller, The History of Educatidnal Legislation in Ohio, p. 80. 82"Elementary and Secondary Schools, 1965- 1966, " Non Public Schdol Directorp63(United States Government Printing Office, Washington, T1968 ) r1.“ ..“--‘3‘“: rl v. ‘1' .. .3 i?! _ _k m, 74 ACADEMIES CHARTERED IN OHIO 1803-1850 O o 9 o O O . . ' e o e 0 . O . . . . g 0 O O O O O O L til- _59 Source: Miller, E.A., 1920. p. 80 Figure 11 t“ I.“ 4 «lo.— 75 PRIVATE ACADEMIES IN OHIO, 1968 Source: Non-Public School Directory, Elementary and Secondpry' Schools, 1966. U.S. Gov 1. Printing Office, Wash. D.C. M168. Figure 12 76 The Western Reserve, with approximately 11 percent of the land area and 29 percent of the population, has nearly half of the private academies in Ohio. Of the 825 non-public schools of all types in Ohio, 321 or 39 percent are located in the Western Reserve.83 The ubiquity of the high school prohibits comparison between the Western Reserve and the rest of the state. 3Non-public schools identify themselves as academies, seminaries, elementary schools, high schools, and just "school." 1" ‘4' j - CHAPTER V PERSISTENCE OF A CULTURAL LANDSCAPE: HUDSON, OHIO The purpose of this section is to examine the Spatial expression of the transplanted New England culture traits specifically in Hudson Village and Township. These New England culture traits have been identified as an emphasis upon church, school, family, community, and an appreciation for the amenities of civilization. The elements of Hudson's New England cultural landscape are a manifestation of the resident's desire to main- tain the legacies of the past. In Hudson, the decision to perpetuate the New England landscape heritage stems from two basic sources, the cultural background of the pe0p1e and more recent economic motivations. Five elements of Hudson's cultural landscape were chosen fer analysis in this section: a) architectural styles, b) churches, c) schools, d) roads and streets, and e) the business district-village green area. By examining the spatial composition and characteristics of these cultural landscape elements, the intensity of the New England imprint in Hudson will be seen. Architectural Styles The form and constructional composition of buildings frequently offer an excellent indication of cultural diffusion and persistence. Architectural styles were among the cultural baggage the New Englanders brought with them to the Western Reserve. In Hudson, as with other communities of the Western Reserve, the existing architectural styles 77 fp' AA ..“..J _ _ ‘I”..’ ' 78 are reminiscent of New England. A majority of the homes in Hudson Village are of the Federal-Georgian style. Federal architecture superseded Georgian and characterizes many homes built in the United States between 1780 and 1820. The earlier Georgian style characterizes many homes built in the United States, between 1760 and 1780. There are no sharp distinc- tions between the Federal and Georgian styles. Some of the major external, visual earmarks identifying houses of the Georgian style are a balanced facade, doorways with sidelights and fanlights above, and a portico above the front door. Visual earmarks of the Federal style are identified by a quiet, dignified design, flat-fronted facade, window shutters, clapboard or brick exterior, and low-pitched roofs.1 There is much overlapping of the two styles, in terms of appearance and many homes in Hudson exhibit the transition from Georgian to Federal styles (Figures 13 and 14). The architectural styles of many hemes in Hudson's older section are quite subtle. The individual structural components of the buildings not as important as is the total composite image of the features. There are more than 200 homes in Hudson Village over 100 years old. These are termed "Century homes" and many have been renovated to their original appearance (Figure 15). The New England architectural features combined with the even distribution of the buildings, uneven setbacks, and tree-lined streets and roads yields a pleasing aesthetic experience to the viewer. While there has been a great deal of recent building and developing in Hudson Village and Township, the old has not been replaced by the new. Recently-built homes have been designed to accentuate the New England character of the community (Figure 16). While there are no codes restricting the building lWilliams, L. w. and Williams, 0. K. A Guide to Old American Houses, 1700-1900. A. S. Barnes and Co., New York, 1962, pp. 146-147. We”- Figure 13. House of Georgian-Federal Architecture, Hudson, Ohio. Figure 14. House of Georgian-Federal Architecture, Hudson, Ohio. Figure 15. Figure 16. Century Home, Hudson, Ohio. Recently Built Home, Hudson, Ohio 81 of houses to the New England style only, the Hudson Architectural Board of Review has the rights to offer advice and give counsel to guard against out-of—place buildings. The reason for controlled growth is to guard against fluctuating land values. Unsightly buildings and misplaced industrial sites would lower land values and add to the deterioration of the New England character. Thus, cultural landscape persistence is an on-going process in Hudson. It is fostered by economic motivations on the one hand, and cultural motivations on the other. Churches Of the seven churches within the Village boundaries (Figure 17), two front the Village green. They are the Christ Church Episcopal on the north and St. Mary's Catholic Church on the south. The first church in the Village and Township was the First Congregational Church of Hudson. The church was formed on September 4, 1802, and attests to the early settlers' religious determination. The church underwent early location changes until 1865 and is now located on Aurora Road, one block northeast of the Village green. Other churches within the Village today are the First Christian Church of Hudson, the Hudson Assembly of God, the Covenant Church of Hudson, and New St. Mary's Catholic Church. The original St. Mary's Catholic Church, located just south of the Village, is used today by Baptists, Quakers, as well as Catholics. An interesting aside of the Episcopal Church is that when the church way rebuilt in 1932 (it was originally built in 1841) it was built on the same exact pattern as the original and even today uses the original pews.2 Figure 18 shows the prominence of the churches on the landscape of Hudson. 2Larry Snyder, interview, November 10, 1973. 82 “I /\/ (nu) .//, O ‘b N ., ~ ‘t‘m‘ h / L Q C S 1 1— ,ur! tum. ”J I' __ m l | _ l O _mn—nui— {U 70'! la- 1.1 1\ TOWNSHIP AND VILLAGE OF HUDSON -~~ W mu new. s'mm :2va mm westerners ...... ‘2 ““"°‘°' . — UITIO m ”VI c H U R c H E s % outfie'f'cwuifhfi'“ - must m I. It! '1’. CA 1: m O. W". INNOOII‘I’ ONION Io. mm m Figure 17 83 Figure 18. Hudson, Ohio, 1938. 84 Within the Township, there are three relatively new churches: a) the Christian Science Church, b) Gloria Dei Missouri Synod Lutheran Church, and c) the United Methodist Church of Hudson. That the current church-going residents of Hudson Village and Township view religion as a form of culture control as did their antecedents, is suggested by the relatively large number of churches and denominations. Schools The emphasis transplanted New Englanders placed upon education as a culture control mechanism has been discussed. Education in Hudson was, and is, for the people, a very important part of their lives. There are currently five public and three private schools in Hudson Village and Township (Figure 19). Education as a culture control mechanism is not as important in Hudson today as in the past. The motivation for educa— tion today lies in that Hudson is basically an upper middle-class "bed- room" community. Of 3,006 employed persons in the Village and Township, nearly 1,700 or 55 percent hold professional, technical, educator, or administrator positions.3 In concordance with this, the mean income for the Village is $20,164 and the Township, $20,403. These figures are nearly twice those of surrounding communities. As might be assumed, the number of school years completed is high; 15.3 years for the Village and 12.9 years for the Township.4 Being educated themselves, many people 3United States Department of Commerce. 1970 Census of Population 551d Housing, Akron, Ohio, SMSA. Bureau of the Census, p. 25. 4Ibid., p. 16. 85 [5AA a. 0.," . ”:9. cm, '2 p r— J— — — —— "' I ‘25:... "I . a W ' L4 2 «Viv/59‘: 1 . .L 7'9 . p. g ‘ 5' Q o . L“ : SIS \ o ' St 5 °' 2: L— T1 — 3 I 111m ___... w St§ x l L—'_'l i 40.7 um G I p I___ s“, \ ‘ as, a T s a 0“ 1| ’v ( “‘ ... T s ‘13-" is ‘t «'- T f t M __ _ T I I I T 1 7 F \ 1 l 1 7011110us mo VILLAGE OF HUDSON W —-.— We L CV‘IIIIII ILIINIITIUIV .CDNIDL " '- TDHIIINIP LOT LHIED .— ‘mlu ELI-mm m -_ “Mt m. I. ma- ELEIEIYMV m “_- muons C. HINDII’I JR. ”1001 SCIICIDL '---' IIIJIII IIIIDI I.I"lD‘IHI NICI1 ICINIDL. IIIIII LJINWIIO lec‘.‘ .IIIIIIV' - M "In s c H O 0 LS . PRIVATE SCHOOLS 0. m7"! m AMI? . "MI I I CLIVILANO ”7. new crew Figure 19 86 feel the importance of education for the young. In 1970, 77.23 percent of the total levied pr0perty tax went for the support of schools.5 By 1973, 77 percent of the property taxes levied went for the support of schools. Appr0priations for Township schools are slightly less than that of the Village. Hudson schools, with the exception of Western Reserve Academy, are neither "New England" in curricula or appearance. Western Reserve Academy remains today the only thoroughly New England style school in Hudson. The Academy today utilizes the buildings once used by the Western Reserve College. When the University moved to Cleveland in 1880, the buildings lingered in semi-use until 1903. In 1916, the College Board of the Pres- byterian Church of the United States accepted title and control of the campus prOperty. There has been a meticulous restoration of the campus as is evidenced by Figures 20 and 21. Streets and Roads Hudson's present street pattern is a result of use rather than design. Of eleven major tranSportation arteries in Hudson Township, five were in use prior to 1810. Boston Mills Road, extending northwest from Hudson Village to Boston Heights, was the earliest road (1801) opening the community to the outside world (Figure 22). The road's original function was to connect Hudson with the boat landing on the Cuyahoga River. Highway 91 runs north-south through the geographical center of the Township. The road was originally known as the Cleveland Road and 5Hudson Library and Historical Society, This is Hudson, Hudson, Ohio, 1970. 87 ...... . x 1 .. «.Jv . :1 / ...a . .3 .r.” sleuth ‘3. w‘gz ..‘.... and- L .LF. . . O: _ Figure 21. Western Reserve Academy. 88 TOWNSHIP AND VILLAGE OF HUDSON —uuonmoc —uunonccululcuun - VIM!” M "(V Figure 22 89 was built in 1801-1802. The road's function was to connect Cleveland with Canton, Ohio. Hudson-Aurora Road (Moran Road) extends from Hudson Village north- east to Aurora, Ohio. The road was laid out in 1802 by Edward Payne and was to link with the Chillicothe Road.6 A fourth road, the Ravenna Road, extends from the Village center southeast to Ravenna, Ohio. The road was laid out in 1802 and has re- tained its name to the present-day. These four roads were all built and being used by 1803. The roads were constructed of dirt and were, according to travelers' accounts, of extremely poor quality.7 The fifth road, present-day Highway 303 (Streetsboro Road), extends east-west through the geographical center of the Township. The road was built prior to 1810 and completed Hudson's accessibility from all directions. It is significant that these roads, all built prior to 1810, are still spatially located as they were laid out. It was not until 1913 that the majority of the streets within the Village were paved. As late as 1925, Routes 91, 303, and Aurora Road were the only paved arteries in the Township outside of the Village. A majority of the streets and roads in the Village and Township are narrow and tree-lined. The aesthetic appearance is reminiscent of many New England towns (Figures 23 and 24). Hudson has a number of transportation problems stemming from the pattern of streets and roads that have evolved. Traffic congestion occurs 6Perrin, o . cit., p. 431. The Chillicothe Road (Highway 306-43) originally connected Paynesville with Chillicothe, then the capital of Ohio. 7Perrin, op. cit., p. 431. 90 Figure 24, Tree-lined road. 91 as a result of the convergence of streets near the village center. Streets that were designed for traffic capacities fifty or sixty years ago now are inadequate. The intersection of State Routes 303 and 91, adjacent to the Village green, have a deleterious effect upon the aesthetic and functional characteristics of the Village center. Hudson Villagg_ Hudson Village is governmentally separate from Hudson Township. The incorporated Village consists of 2,130 acres located at the center of the Township and stretching westward to the township boundary. Incor- poration of the Village occurred in 1837 by an act of the Ohio Legislature and was known thereafter as "the town of Hudson."8 The boundaries originally enclosed an area of 960 acres and has been added to through the years to equal its present dimensions. In Hudson, as with many New England towns, the municipal, business, and religious establishments front the village green. The central business district of Hudson is located adjacent to the western side of the village green (Figure 25 and 26). If beauty can be defined as the perceived harmonious relationship of all the elements, then that portion of Hudson Village surrounding the green, can be classified as beautiful. The shops of the central business district are properly scaled and are, more or '1ess, consistent in height. There are no neoteric store fronts or buildings that are insensitive to the New England character of the community. Many of the shops of the business district have shingles hanging in front that are reminiscent of New England of another time (Figure 27). 8Perrin, 0p. cit., p. 438. -‘ .- hfip. her:— I! our ...‘ . 92 .I-___— _.l Figure 25. Business District, Hudson, Ohio. Figure 26. Business District, Hudson, Ohio. 93 T" E -—‘_ .11 HRS LOi‘l‘ u Figure 27. Shops along the business district, Hudson, Ohio. 94 Figure 28 and 29 compare the main business district c. 1900 and 1973. Although the store fronts have been modified, the buildings are the same. Village Green The aesthetic value of the Village green is considerable. Figures 30 and 31 show the New England character of the green. While the green fig has undergone many changes through the years in terms of size and appear- ance, it exists as a neatly manicured cultural remnant. In 1962, the Hudson Heritage Association was formed. Of its objectives, the "main- '."'.T.I 1‘ tenance of David Hudson's village green and the Hudson public square as Q the central feature of the Village and township," was foremost.9 The Hudson Heritage Association has undergone revitalization recently. Its members are very concerned that development in the Town- ship and Village take place in a logical, orderly manner. If strict planning is not adhered to, according to its President, Harold Tasker, too rapid growth would upset the New England colonial atmosphere and turn Hudson into just another suburb of Cleveland or Akron.10 Economic Motivations for Landscape Persistence The persistence of Hudson's New England landscape is a function of not only aesthetic, non-utilitarian motivations, but economic, utilitarian 9Harold Tasker, interview, November 10, 1973. 10North Summit Times, Hudson, Ohio, Issue of August 3, 1962. 95 Figure 28. Business district, c. 1900. Figure 29. Business district, 1973. 96 Figure 31. Village green, Hudson, Ohio. 97 motivations as well. Economic benefits offer a strong incentive for the restoration and maintenance of features of the cultural landscape. Property values increase sharply as a result of renovation. Some homes have increased in value more than 300% in just two years and a substantial proportion of this increase is attributable to renovation and maintenance. Hudson's real estate agents and owners of older homes are keenly aware of the financial benefits that can be derived from restoring property to its original condition. Hudson's New England appearance is also used as an attraction mechanism by local real estate agents to draw people to live in the community. tuna-3t I... 1- Hudson's aestheticism is economically beneficial to the community in terms of tourist attraction. Many one-day tourists from the surrounding area are drawn to Hudson for its beauty and charm. The traveler is attracted to the quiet, park-like appearance of the Village green and its adjacent shops and New England style homes. The abundance of open space within the Village and Township along with the New England complexion of the landscape provides even the most unobservant person a pleasing visual experience. CONCLUSIONS The central theme of this study has been an analysis of a New England culture transplantation and the reasons for its persistence in northeast Ohio, the Western Reserve. Houston noted that the landscape reveals the social and economic history of a region. The present cultural landscape, then, can be examined to disclose its origin, he and on a larger scale, its diffusion. Examination of.the present cultural landscape is the first step to an analysis of the mechanisms ‘5'..\ I of cultural landscape persistence. Any determination of the degree a cultural landscape has been preserved must begin with an examination H’- of the people who created that landscape. The transplanted New Englanders, in an effort to avoid cultural disintegration, placed emphasis upon those elements of their culture that would stabilize the community and add to the chances of their survival. Religion and education served the New Englander as culture control mechanisms. Wherever the New Englander migrated to, schools and churches were established as soon as a clearing could be made for them. Emphasis upon family and community is represented by the township-community pattern of settlement. Entire congregations or towns in Connecticut and Massachusetts moved en masse to the Western Reserve and brought with them their ideas of religion and education. Settlement occurred in an orderly fashion. Townships or lots were usually purchased prior to migration. There was little of the wild land speculation that was to characterize later settlement in the western United States. 98 99 Landscape imprint is derived from two main sources; change brought about through active transformations, and persistence, either through some conscious effort according to some ideology or as a result of other factors impeding change, such as political, religious, or economic oppression. Changes in a given culture are likely to cause changes in the landscape. Lack of culture change, in turn, will be revealed by a lack of change in the cultural landscape. Components of I—‘ the cultural landscape, such as architectural styles, streets, buildings, 5 and farms, and their spatial arrangement, can be studied in their I entirety as a whole or separately. If“- Hudson Village and Township were chosen for an analysis of the factors of cultural persistence at work in the Western Reserve. Religion and education nurtured the New England culture in Hudson for many years. Gradually, however, the reasons for the preservation of the cultural landscape have shifted from religious and educational motivations to economic motivations. This does not mean that religion and education have lost any importance in the community, but that economic inducements for landscape preservation are overriding in Hudson today. Desirous of keeping land values high, developers and builders in Hudson have elected to maintain the New England atmosphere which acts as a drawing card to bring pe0ple to the community. L I ST 0F REFERENCES LIST OF REFERENCES Articles Adams, John. " The Virtue of New England," The Adams Papers. Edited by L.H. Butterfield. Cambridge,(l963).‘9. Boyd, W.W. " Secondary Education in Ohio Previous to the Year 1840," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, XXV, No. 1 ( Jan- uary, 1916). ITS-1191 Brodeur, David B. " Evolution of the New England Town Common, 1630- 1966," The Professional Geographer, XIX, No. 6(1967). 313. ‘fim—s ...'.“T'T: «r wa—b-mm-t was, Case, Weldon W. " The Business Boom," Sesquicentennial of Hudson, Ohio, June 15, 1950, Arthur Stokes, HudEon, Ohio,(l961). 12. Cohen, Jessie. " Early Education in Ohio," Magazine of Western History, 111, No. 3 ( January, 1886). 218. Eliot, John. " A College Proposed for Massachusetts Bay," Annals of America, 1493-1754, I( 1968). 130. Garfield, James A. " The Northwest Territory and the Western Reserve," Old South Leaflets, II, No. 42(1893). 20. Hart, Albert B. " The Westernization of New En land," Ohio Archaeolog- ical and Historical Quarterly, XVII(1908). 265-266} Hoyt, Joseph H. " The Cold Summer of 1816," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 48(1958). 118-13T} Hudson, David. " Some Account of the Religious Exercises of David Hudson written by Himself,“ The Western Missionary_Ma azine and Re ositor of Reli ious Intelligence, Washington, ennsy1- vania, III8OSI. 166-167. Hutchins, F.E. " The Western Reserve," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, XIV(1905). 270. Johnston, Alexander. "Connecticut in the Commonwealth Series and a Century of the Constitution," The New Princeton Review, ( September, 1887). 281. 100 101 Sauer, Carl 0. " Cultural Geography," Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, VI( 1931). 623-624. . 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