AWO AND ZIK:
A STUDY OF AFRICAN ELITE.-

Thesis for flu Doom of M. A.
MlCHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Judith Lynn. Hanna
1962 _

 

Ilflll mmmmmlwmn‘mwnmnm L

3 1293 00859 0501

 

 

ABSTRACT

AWO AND ZIK:
A STUDY OF AFRICAN ELITE

by Judith Lynne Hanna

In order to contribute data for a refined theory of elites and
comparative politics and to provide part of a much needed foundation
for American foreign policy making toward Africa, an attempt is made
to discover elements in the hypothetical operational code of two
prominent members of the new African political elite, Nigerians Chief
Obafemi Awolowo ("Awo") and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe ("Zik"). The opera-
tional code, politically relevant dispositions to actions in the
political arena, includes five segments--demands, expectations, ref-
erence identifications, rules of the game, and strategies--each of
which constitutes a chapter in this exploratory study.

Because personal contact research techniques (e.g., interviewing)
couldnot be employed for this study, Awo and Zik are portrayed through
a "qualitative analysis" of Awo's The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi
Awolowo, I960, and Zik's Selected Speeches of Nnamdi Azikiwe, I96].
Although the fonmer is an autobiography and the latter a collection
of selected speeches or speech excerpts, they are not, considering
their publication context and consequent instrumental factors, signifi-
cantly dissimilar modes of communication.

Awo and Zik--each directly or indirectly a leader of his respective
ethnic group, political party, and federal region--have comparable (not
identical) approaches to political life. Therefore,.£hgl£ operational
code is analyzed. However, Zik's passionate and emotional style differs

from Awo's rational and pragrammatic appeal.

Judith Lynne Hanna

Awo and Zik demand independence--political, economic, and social-
cultural; recognition of Nigerian excellence on the bases of the coun-
try's historical achievement, competition, and model function; Nigerian
unity and civility; and black humanitarianism. Among the more prominent
expectations considered dysfunctional to realizing their demands are
these: traditional rulers with inordinate powers gained through British
rule, some traditional customs and prejudices, the Nigerian inferiority
complex, excrescences of Western civilization, lack of finances for
extensive social welfare programs, and Nigerian inexperience in the art
of diplomacy. Man is assumed both to be an animal and to be resistant
to oppression. These assumptions color expectations about political
life which entails hard knocks, compromises, complications, and disap-
pointments. 0n the positive side, academic education is viewed as
training ground for political life. Awo's and Zik's expectations about
the future are that Africa is destined to become the continent of the
present century; youth is the key to realizing their demands; Nigeria
will most likely succeed in a democratic style and structure; a United
States of Africa is a distant prospect; and world peace will be an un-
reality so long as there are colonial territories.

Awo's and Zik's reference identifications are the "messianic-

patriOt, their respective primary and ethnic groups, intellectuals,

the "white man," and Western nations. Christian-sportsman ethics, with
an emphasis on humanitarianism and labor, and social democracy, with
overtones of salvation and Optimism, are their rules of the game. Their
strategies include persevering, planning, being rationally gradual, de-
veloping secondary socializing institutions, using efficacious pen and

tongue propaganda, securing elite support, securing other support,

maneuvering psychologically, and maneuvering internationally.

Judith Lynne Hanna

From this construction of Awo's and Zik's operational code, one
can tentatively predict such developments as the continuing moderniza-
tion of Nigeria, the prevalence of certain elements of tutelary de-
mocracy until the masses are socialized to modernity, continued striving
toward the democratic model, an increase in unity and civility, and

Nigerian support for rebellious colonial movements in Africa.

AND AND ZIK:

A STUDY OF AFRICAN ELITE

By

Judith Lynne Hanna

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Political Science

l962

PREFACE

Inspiration for this study of modern African political elite--
constructing the operational code of Awo and Zik--comes from Nathan
Leites and William John Hanna. The former developed a model of the
Soviet elite operational code which is presented in two published
monographs, The Operational Code of the Politburo'and A Study of
Bolshevism.2 The model is composed of a set of operational code ele-
ments derived from an examination of the entire recorded verbal output
of Lenin and Stalin and much of the literature which has become part
of what is usually considered traditional Russian culture (e.g., the
works of Dostoevsky, Chekov, and Turgenev); the derivation and inter-
relation of the code elements were guided by hypotheses based upon
psychoanalytic theory.

Hanna first adapted and refined the Leites model, and then tested
it both over time (in order to assess the extent to which a transfor-
mation had taken place in the Soviet elite) and by differential threat
situations (to identify content covariations). The setting for Hanna's
study was the United Nations Security Council, and his data were col-
lected from a content analysis of the speeches of Soviet delegates to
the Security Council.

Hanna is primarily responsible for my current interest in political

science, Africa, and elites. My warm gratitude goes to him and to

 

IThe Qperational Code of the Politburo (New York: McGraw-Hill, 195]).
2A Study of Bolshevism (Glencoe: Free Press, I953).
3"The Operational Code of the Soviet Elite in the United Nations Se-

curity Council" (unpublished Doctoral thesis, The University of California
at Los Angeles, I962).

Daniel Goldrich, head of my Master's committee, and also Frank Pinner
and Ralph Smuckler, who gave me excellent advice and criticism in

writing this study.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Historical Context . . . . . . . . .
Statement of the Problem . . . . . .
Justification of Study .'. . . . . .
Significance of Elites . . . . .
Choice of Elite . . . . . . . .
Social Scientific Significance .
Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Categorizing Guides . . . . . . . .
Demands . . . . . . . . . . . .
Expectations . . . . . . . . . .
Reference Identifications . . .
Rules of the Game . . . . . . .
Strategies . . . . . . . . . . .
II. THE OPERATIONAL CODE: DEMANDS . . . . .
Independence . . . . . . . . . . . .
Recognition for Excellence . . . . .
Historical Achievement . . . . .
Competition . . . . . . . . . .
Nigeria as a Model . . . . . . .
Unity and Civility . . . . . . . . .
Black Humanitarianism . . . . . . .
III. EXPECTATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Traditional Factors Dysfunctional to

Modern Dysfunctional Factors . . . .

Demand Realization.

PAGE

-I="-I="U°

ll
15
15
28
28
28
29
29
29
3i
3]
39

39
h2

#6
1&9
51
51
53

CHAPTER
Assumptions About Man . . . .
Political Life . . . . . . .
Future Prospects . . . . . .
IV. REFERENCE IDENTIFICATIONS . . . .
The "Messianic-Patriot" . . .
Primary and Ethnic Groups . .
Intellectuals . . . . . . . .
The "White Man" . . . . . . .
Western Nations . . . . . . .
V. RULES OF THE GAME . . . . . . . .
"Religionsz" Christianity and
Social Democracy . . . . . .
VI. STRATEGIES . . . . . . . . . . .
Persevere . . . . . . . . . .
Plan . . . . . . . . . . . .
Be Rationally Gradual . . . .

Develop Secondary Socializing

Sportsmanship

Institutions

Use Efficacious Pen and Tongue Propaganda .

Secure Elite Support . . . .
Secure Other Support . . . .
Maneuver Psychologically . .
Maneuver Internationally . .

VII. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . .

PAGE
58
59
61
65
67
71
7h
76
79
82
82
89
92
92
93
95
97

'IO2

th
I05
I06
107

ll2

CHAPTER
The Operational Code . . .
Categories Formulated
Findings Not Foreseen
Implications . . . . .
Future Research . . .

B'BLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O O 0

vi

PAGE
lI3
ll3
llh
IIS
”8

I20

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Africa is rapidly breaking out of the rigid steel grid which a
variegated EurOpean colonialism imposed upon an even more di-
verse aggregation of indigenous societies. In most instances

this great transformation is not occurring within the boun-

daries or the framework of established societies; rather,

entirely new political systems and new societies are in the

process of birth.

The focus of this study is the Operational code of Chief Obafemi
Awolowo and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, members of the African contemporary
political elite-~these elite are the sculptors of current transforma-
tion. Before proceeding to the problem, a brief sketch of the colonial
situation and its legacy, the emergence of the regnant elite, is offered

to give the reader a helpful vantage.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT

With the establishment of European administrations came not only
the introduction of new political units, often obscuring ethnic groupings
and indigenous political division through expediency or ignorance, but
Western initiated social changes which far outstripped European expecta-
tions. Money became a new base value in the process of commercializa-
tion and urbanization. It tended to restratify society and assault
traditional rankings and authorities, also undermined by the colonials.
For self-stabilization and administrative ease the colonials often
bureaucratized indigenous rulers, cursorily overrode traditional decision-

makers, and created local authority without an indigenous basis.

 

lJames 5. Coleman, "The Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa," in
Gabriel A. Almond and James S. Coleman (eds.), The Politics of the
Developing_Argg§ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, I960), p. 3I2.

2

Urbanization created arenas of acculturation, technical and po-
litical innovation, and interaction between diverse groups. Improved
transportation and communication facilities permitted greater mobility
for imaginative, aggressive, and deviant Africans seeking emancipation
from their traditional milieu.

The demand by expatriots (and the prestige and material premium
to Africans) for trained Africans In government and economic enter-
prises, as well as civilizing and missionary endeavors, resulted in
Africans receiving Western education. Provided primarily by Christian
organizations, Western education, with its Christian egalitarian ethic
and European history (with revolutions for independence), was probably
the quintessential aspect of the European legacy. This was particu-
larly the case as educated Africans exceeded the quantitative and quali-
tative colonial need, were excluded from key decision-making in terri-
torial politics, and faced social discrimination by the Europeans. The
very disseminators of Western education (with their ideas and behavior)
germinated revolutionary nationalism and their own political eclipse;
inadvertently they created their immediate successors. As nationalism
and egalitarianism consumed Africans' energies and passions, the new
political elite, whose claim to authority was based upon Western modern
values, tended to replace those whose claim was based upon traditional
values. Political expediency and exigency demanded men versed in Western
skills to vie with Europeans. Most traditional authorities lacked the
essential competence and alertness to regain autonomy; they were humili-
ated by the colonials gnawing at their powers, and/or they were vul-
nerable as "stooges" for the Europeans. Consequently, the new political

elite has for the most part supplanted the traditional rulers, or it has

3

assumed territorial authority and occupied the new positions in the new

African states.
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The present study is heuristic. I attempt to discover elements in
the hypothetical operational code of two prominent members of the new
political elite, Chief Obafemi Awolowo ("Awo") and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
("Zik"). The operational code, politically relevant dispositions to
actions in the political arena, includes five segments, each of which

constitutes a chapter in this study:

(I) Demands - expressions of valuation asked for or called
for nationally or internationally. ,

(2) Expectations - "expectation system includes all matter-
of-fact assertions about past, present, and future
events affecting one's value position." Expectations
provide the foundation for demands.

(3) Reference ldentifications3- social frames of reference
for self-evaluation and attitude formation within
which the individual acts and with which he identifies.
Reference identifications are dynamic, relative and
in response to situations and contexts; they are axial
to other sets of elements.

(h) Rules of the Game - parameters and guideposts prescribed
for strategies and which delimit demands and expectations.

(5) Strategies - actions based on the above which are believed
to provide the means to achieve demands.

 

2Harold D. Lasswell, "Agenda for the Study of Political Elites,"
In Dwaine Marvick (ed.), Political Decision-Makers (Glencoe: Free Press,

I961), p. 227.

3William John and Judith Lynne Hanna, PReference Identifications;
A Note on Reconceptualization in Reference Group Theory" (unpublished
manuscript, I962).

l+

These segments provide a theoretical framework for the construction of

Awo's and Zik's operational code.
JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY

As social models and integrators of their societies, possessors
of diffuse authority, and actors in the international scene, modern po-
litical elites are of utmost significance. Given the character of
emergent African nations, these elites are a gauge toevolving patterns.
Little is known about the new political elites. Consequently, high on
the agenda is the need to ascertain their world view." Each of the
above points will be elaborated.

Significance of Elites. (I) Nadel has written,

The elite influences the conduct of others by merely being

what it is, a body judged to be 'superior' in numerous ways.

It is looked up to, and imitated, because it is credited

with important gifts and desirable attributes. Thus the

elite, by its very manner of acting and thinking, sets the

standards for the whole society, its influence or power

being that of a model accepted and considered worth follow-

ing. It is in this sense that any established elite has

the power to facilitate or hinder new developments and,

generally, to make new ideas acceptable to the group at
large.

For example, the Western education, devotion to progress, and material
possessions (European attributes) of the new leaders have fostered
among the Africans respect for and interest in achieving education and
an involvement in the money economy as a means of Increasing their

purchasing power. The traditional chiefs outdo the new political

 

l‘Lasswell, 23. gig, p. 278.

5S.F. Nadel, "The Concept of Social Elites," International Social

, Science Bulletin, 8(3):hI3-2h, I956, p. hi7.

\

5
elite in Western ways as they drive up to the House of Chiefs (Nigeria)
in long sleek new automobiles.6 It may well be that the Africans emu-
late the new political elite because they have been successful in emu-
lating the Europeans.

The modern political elite, as distinguished from other elites,
includes those in the power group with the capacity, exercised or not,
to influence or make decisions and to manipulate the official machinery
of control and coercion. The decisive pre-eminence of this governing
elite "lies not in its elite character as such, but in its fuller cor-
porate organization and in the measure of coercive power which it wields

7

in virtue of this organization." Emerging during nationalist struggles,
the modern African political elites* are not only the heroes, standard-
setters, and policy promulgators of their own era, but they are also

the socializers of subsequent elites. No comprehensive well-established
tradition exists for a political elite operational code in the indepen-
dence period, for colonial administration restriction precluded ample
trial ground for the Africans, even in politics dominated by the expec-
tation of independence. Generally, the modern political elites are
relatively youthful and secure in power positions; therefore, they are

likely to maintain long influence. Their legacies will make a vital

imprint upon subsequent elites' codes notwithstanding the Iatter's

 

*Hereafter "elite" will be used interchangeably with "modern African
political elite."

6William J. Hanna, personal communication, December, l96l.

7Nadel, 92. g_i_t_., p. li2l.

6
possible rebellion against the former. It may be that rebellion or
"oppositionalism", (a syndrome of orientation to authority) part of the
pre-independence Operational code, carries over to the independence era.
(2) Second, the elite is a fulcrum upon which hinges national
integration and civility. Shils has written that civility is

a sense of affinity with the other human beings who make up
the nation. It entails a sense of 'partness' in a whole, a
sense of sharing a common substance. This feeling of being

a part of the whole is the basis of a sense of concern for its
well-being, and a sense of responsibility to it and for it.

It transcends ineluctable divisions, softening them and ren-
dering them tolerable to civil order, regarding them as less
significantgthan the underlying community Of those who form
the nation.

In Africa a great diversity of ethnic groups exists and the history of
loyalty to the territory is relatively new. Furthermore,
Traditional societies, based on kinship and hierarchy, are
not civil societies. They do not know the phenomenon of
citizenship, since rights and obligations are not functions
of membership in a polity determined by territorial boundaries.
The primordial qualities of traditional societies--kinship,
age, sex1 locality, etc.--are not qualities which define the
citizen.
Eisenstadt's finding-~the identification Of immigrants in Israel
with the new society is largely effected through the mediating function

of the elites--is equally applicable, hypothetically, to the identifi-

cation Of Africans with the "nation."ll Eisenstadt claims the elite's

 

8Edward A. Shils points out that "where it was impossible to share
In the re5ponsible exercise of authority, opposition was in fact the
only alternative." See "The Intellectuals in the Development of the
New States," World Politics, I2:329-68, p. 335.

9Ibid., p. 353.

‘Olbid., p. 35h.

l'S.N. Eisenstadt, "The Place of Elites and Primary Groups in the
Absorption Of Immigrants in Israel," American Journal of Sociology,
57:222-31, I952.

7

mediating function rests for the most part on the close personal rela-
tions between it and the rest of the community, on the closeness of the
former to the main values of the society, and on their readiness or
desire to communicate these values to other people.'2

The identification with elites supplies a feeling of security

within the system and of belonging to it, and any process

which undermines this identification is experienced as defi-

nite frustration.13
The African elite "must teach not only sets of rules and expectations,
but ways Of looking at the world, national ways,"l" declared Wallerstein.
Shils points out,

The new states are fortunate when their first years are spent

under the leadership of one of the great personalities who

led in the struggle for national independence. These charis-

matic personalities are invaluable in binding together such

conglomerations of particularist attachments as form the
societies of the new states.

(3) Only a minute fraction of the pOpulation, the elite's authority
is usually diffuse, "omnicompetent in the tasks facing the society, at

least according to legendary beliefs,‘[Tt7 derives its legitimacy in

part from its comprehensive effectiveness.“6 Having won

 

l2lbid., pp. 226-27, 229-30.

I3Ibid., p. 231.

I"Immanuel Wallerstein, Africa: The Politics Of Independence (New
York: Vintage Books, I96I), p. 9:.

IS"Political Development in the New States (l)," Comparative Studies
in Society and History, 2(3):265-92, April, I960), p. 288.

I6

Shils, "The Intellectuals in the Development of the New States,"
9. 351.

8

leadership in the contests Of enthusiastic movements, they

have taken on heroic stature in the eyes of their followers.

Men like Azikiwe and Awolowo in Nigeria, Nkrumah in Ghana,

Nyerere in Tanganyika, or Sekou Toure in Guinea have the

claim to authority of men whose qualities are thought to

be beyond those of ordinary men.l7

The elite are Often charismatic, and charismatic authority is
not constrained by laws or constitutions. Individuals with charismatic
authority are "set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with
supernational, superhuman or at least superficially exceptional powers
or qualities...regarded as Of divine origin...18 With the attainment
Of self-government (the "utopia" of the nationalist movements) and with-
out reinforcement, the charisma Of the elite might evaporate or wear
thin. TO reinforce it, "new and dramatic external threats can be found,
or the image of an uncompleted mission created."19 Their claims Of the
continuing struggle against residual colonialism and the routinization
or legalization Of infOrmal powers20 help them tO maintain their magical
qualities which are sustained in and congruent with the character of
traditional culture.

Shils explains that "specific, delimited, impersonal, constitutional

authority gives the appearance Of being a weak authority, an unloving

 

17Francis X. Sutton, "Authority and Authoritarianism in the New
Africa," Journal of International Affairg, I5:7-I7, l96l, p. l2.

‘8Max Weber, The Theory Of Social and Economic Orqanization (trans.),
A.M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (New York: Oxford University Press,

1947): PP- 358-59.
I9Coleman,.9.2._c__i_t., p. 297.

0For an elaboration upon the routinization or legalization of infor-
mal powers, see W.J.M. Mackenzie and Kenneth Robinson, Five Elections in
Africa (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, I960), p. h8l; Wallerstein, gg.‘git.,
pp. IOO-l; and Weber, 29. gig, pp. 363-73.

9
one which possesses no inner relationship with the ruled."2] Hence
the charisma of the elites is an asset to their function of integrating
their societies. (See second point.) The charismatic leader "helps
to bridge the gap to a modern state. The citizens can feel an affec-
tion for the hero which they may not have at first for the nation."22

Charisma, in other words, serves as a vehicle for transfering loyalty

 

._.—-—r
H..—
_—.., A a." .,....--.......—.. -Vw .._._,_-. ..._....__..-- ~-""

from the traditional chiefs to the state, with its ideological and geo-

graphical boundaries, which encompasses many traditional systems and

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

for which there Is no traditional basis (with the exception of earlier

-, Us m~._fi%~gg-_‘afim_‘_¥
traditional kingdoms which only vaguely approximate present boundaries).

 

 

 

 

 

 

23

(h) Internationally, the modern political elite's operational
code is significant. For example, it affects the intra- and inter-
territorial distritution of power, demarcations or "rectifications" of
geographical boundaries, territorial Integrations, and Cold War politics.
It is predispositions to actions by the elite and a basis of prediction
for the analyst. It provides insight into the socio-political setting
of which the elite are a part.. Because of the importance Of an Opera-
tional code to an individual's behavior in the political arena, con-
struction of the operational code is high priority. The hypothetical
operational code that I have constructed is not certain to be the Op-~

erational code which is in fact acted upon, nevertheless there is a

 

2'"The Intellectuals in the Development of the New States," p- 352-

22Wallerstein, 92. cit., p. 99.

23David E. Apter, The Gold Coast in Transition (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, I955), p. 296.

l0
certain probability Of its being operative.

The knowledge revealed in this preliminary study will contribute
to a much needed basis for American goal-setting and goal-achieving
policies and enable the United States to avoid the too frequent mis-
takes of acting from rash ad hoc frames Of reference and consequently
evoking adverse responses.2" Five years ago most American leaders
thought of Africa as a geographical extension Of the Middle East and
a political extension of Europe. Today, perhaps from the change in
world affairs and/or a more intelligent view of the world, it is one
of the major foci of American international propaganda and diplomacy.25
Intelligence would help the United States respond to requests for
economic, financial, technical, and other aid. It is damned if it
does, and damned if it doesn't.

Like anxious parents, the western nations are now seeing

African nations go off rather headstrongly by themselves

....Guiding hands will have to be light, deft, and inconspic-

uous to be acceptable. But their absence will be resented

and their ultimate effects not trivial.2
Even without some Of her strategic, economic, humanitarian, and politi-
cal interests, the shrinking character Of the 20th century world pre-

cludes the United States' isolating herself from the effects of the

Africans' developments.

 

2"For examples, see George F. Kennan, American Diplomacy: I900-l950
(New York: Mentor Books, I952).

25See Albert Gore, Philip A. Hart, and Maurine B. Neuberger, Study
Mission to Africa: September-October I96l Report. For use of the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations (Washington: Government Printing Office,

I962).

26Sutton, 22. 515., p. l7.

ll
(5) My fifth reason for engaging in the analysis of African modern
political elites is that by focusing on elites I focus on a key indica-

27

tor of social transformation. The elite are spokesmen for change,

epitomizing beliefs and ideals, and demonstrating any shifts in them.28
Construction of the Operational code is a step toward creating a develop-
mental construct that would more accurately place contemporary Africa

29

in the sequence of past-future events.

Choice of Elites. Awo and Zik of Nigeria have been chosen as the
foci of this study for these main reasons: First, by virtue of its
size, population, relative economic and political viability, Nigeria
has, and should continue to wield, great economic and political influ-
ence relative to other African countries in the world community.

Second, Awo and Zik are probably representative of "first genera-
tion" new African political elites. Along with most leaders in this
group, they received education at home in missionary schools and higher
education abroad, they were involved in the colonial economy, and they
participated in pre-independence and independence politics.30 A brief
biographical outline of these two men is presented; it shows their ex-

periences similar to those of other elites and provides further context

 

27Coleman,.gp. cit., p. 29b,presents another rationale.

28Nadel,‘gg..gjt., p. h2h; Leonard Doob, "The Psychological Pres-
sure Upon Modern Africans," Journal of Human Relations, 8:h65-72,
Spring and Summer I960, p. h68.

29

William J. Hanna, personal communication.

30 See Ronald Segal, Political Africa: A Who's Who Of Personalities
and Parties (New York: Praeger, I96I), for biographical data On the new
political elite.

I2

for their Operational code as I construct it.

Biographical Data

AWO

Age:

Born I909, son of farmer and

sawyer, Ijebu-Remo, W. Nigeria.

Education:

Anglican and Methodist schools

in Ikenne; Methodist School

and Boys High School in Abeo-
kuta; Wesley College in Ibadan;
Bachelor Of Commerce Degree,
I9hh; London University,l9hh-
#6 (law).'

Occupations:

Farm laborer, domestic ser-
vant, firewood selling, water-
drawing, teacher, shorthand
typist, money-lending, public
letter-writing, motor trans-
port business, trader (cocoa,
palm kernels, cotton), news-
paper reporter (Nigerian Daily
Times), editor of Nigeriag
Worker, lawyer.

ZIK

Born l90h, son of Ibo Clerk in
Nigerian Regiment, Zungeru, NO.
Nigeria.

Mission schools in Onitsha, Lagos,
Calabar; Storer College, West Vir-
ginia, I925; Howard University (de-
gree in political science); Lincoln
University (instructor); University
of Columbia, University of Pennsyl-
vania (post-graduate degrees).

Government clerk in Treasury at
Lagos, (U.S.) coal miner, casual
laborer, dishwasher, boxer, teacher,
editor Of African Morning Post in
Accra, owner of newspaper chain in
Nigeria (West African Pilot is most
important).

Pre-lndependence Political Activity:

Newsmper reporter, I931I;

Editor of Nigerian Worker,
l939-hh;

Author of 23th to Freeggm,
19W;

Organizer of Nigerian Traders
Association, I930's;

Secretary of Ibadan Branch of

Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM),

l9h0;

Led agitation for reform of
Ibadan Native Authority Ad-
ministrative Council;

Co-founder of Trades Union Con-

gress of Nigeria, l9h3;

Founder of Egbe Omo Oduduwa
(politicized Yoruba cultural
society), Secretary-General
since l9h8;

Author of Liberia in World Affairs,
l93h; .

Editor Of African Morning Post, l93h-37;
Began chain of newspapers, I937 (papers
appeal to workers, youth, artisans

to take up grievances);

Author of Rengscent Africa, I937;

Author of Political Blueprint for
Nigeria, l9h3;

Officer of NYM, I937-hl;

Organizes Nigerian Reconstruction
Group (study circle to investigate
problems Nigeria would face in post-
war period);

Protests in Britain to Colonial Sec-
retary about restriction imposed
upon Nigerian students in Britain,

I943;

l3

Founded and organized Action Submits with seven other journalists

 

 

Group, l950-5l, and won The Atlantic Charter and British
Western Region elections; West Africa;

Minister of Local Government, Founds Nigerian National Council, I9hh
l95l-5h; (This becomes National Council of
Premier of Western Region, Nigeria and the Cameroons and later
l95h-59; the National Congress of Nigerian

Leader of Action Group Oppo- Citizens);
sition in Federal House of Elected to Western Region House of
Representatives, l959-60. Assembly from Lagos, Leader of

Opposition, l95l;

Chief Minister of Eastern Region,
1952-5h;

Led NCNC delegation at the I953
London Conference on the Nigerian
Constitution and again in I957;

Eastern Region Premier, l95h-59;

President of Federal Senate, I960.

Independence Political Activity:

Leader of Action Group Oppo- Governor-General of Nigeria, I960
sition in Federal House of to date.
Representatives, I960 to
date.

Awo and Zik are representative of the new elite not only because of
their similarities in background, but also because, as Doob points out,

"People subjected to similar pressures are likely to deveIOp somewhat

3|

In Africa the similar pressures are "the
"32

similar forms of behavior."
influence Of the colonial, semi-colonial, or para-colonial situation.

By "somewhat similar," Doob means, "Modal tendencies, in brief, are

"33

postulated: exceptions are not denied but must be viewed in perspective.
I shall illustrate the similarity by reference to Pan-Africanism and the

belief in democracy. The new elite are Pan-Africanists; that is, they

3h

subscribe to a program of ideas and action. Legum writes, "Pan-

 

3'92. _c_Lt_., p. #65.

32Aimé Césaire, "Culture and Colonisation," Présence Africaine, Nos. 8,
9, l0, I956, quoted in Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism (New York: Praeger,
I962), p. 2'. .

33O '.£l£-: p. 465.

3hL59um: 22.- Eflv P- 38-

l4
Africanism has produced a language Of its own which conditions the
thinking and the politics Of the entire continent."35 The themes are
the same; however, their development differs. "Rejection of dictator-

ship and belief in the democratic ideal are attitudes common to virtually

36

all African leaders." Legum continues,
All say they believe in democracy, although the need not neces-
sarlly be parliamentary democracy (Abubaker, Nyerere, Olympio,
Nkrumah, Sekou Toure, Modeiba Keita, Mboya). Some, however,
insist on the model of parliamentary democracy, because they
believe in the essential safeguard of an organised Opposition
(Awolowo, Azikiwe). The right of an organised Opposition to
exist is also recognised by those who do not necessarily sub-
scribe tO 'parliamentary democracy'. (Abubaker, Nyerere, Mboya,
Olympio, Senghor, Chisiza, Bourguiba). But not everybody in
this latter category accepts that an organised Opposition is
essential to the working of democracy, at least not in the
early stages Of independence. (Mboya, Nyerere, Olympio). There
is a widespread belief that because of the nature of the cir-
cumstances in which many African States come to their indepen-
dence, a period of national government might be the right
answer (Chisiza, Mboya). A special category of leaders 3
either believe in, or subscribe to, democratic centralism. 7

Although Awo's and Zik‘s operational code will not be identical to any
other elitesl codes, it seems likely that knowledge of the code of the
former will provide insight into the latter.

Awo and Zik are dissimilar from many African political elites because
Of their Nigerian environment. (I) The colonial policy in British West
Africa differed from that in other areas of Africa. For example, in
West Africa the British always envisioned black rule. In East Africa,

European rule, or at best multi-racial rule, was expected. In French

 

35
Ibid., p. III.

36lbid., p. 121.

37Ibid., pp. l26-27.

15
West Africa rule by the French regardless of color was expected to con-
tinue. (2) Since the early'50's the political climate in Nigeria has
been competitive, and Nigeria today is one of the more institutionally
competitive systems in Africa. (3) Because of the relatively high de-
gree of urbanization and relatively large number of Africans educated
abroad, Awo and Zik have had to deal with a different kind of population
and to make different kinds of appeals than those elite in more rural
and illiterate areas.

A third reason for choosing Awo and Zik as the foci of this study
is that few writings by African leaders exist at this time.38
Social Scientific Significance. In the academic realm identifying

an operational code and its implications contributes to and advances the
knowledge and theory of elites and comparative politics in the social
sciences. Although operational codes are important, nothing has explicitly
been written about a modern African political elite Operational code.
IRdUCtions about the stability and potential of the new African life

styles and systems in the process of evolution can be made from such a

code, thus contributing to our knowledge of political transformation.
METHOD

This study can be viewed at two levels.39 First, if one assumes

that a systematic relationship exists between an elite's communication and

 

38Thomas Hodgkin, African Political Parties (London: Penguin Books,
1961):,P' I3‘

39For a similar fonmulatlon see William J. Hanna, "The Operational
Code of the Soviet Elite in the United Nations Security Council" (unpub-
lished Doctoral thesis, The University of California at Los Angeles,
1962), pp. 50-80

16

its Operational code, then an analysis of the former provides the bases
Of insights into the latter. Thus the communications of Awo and Zik
are the product of the operational code and inferences can be made about
the latter from an analysis of the former. Second, if this assumption
is not accepted, the study can be viewed as an analySis of detached
propaganda tactics. These two levels can be described as "representa-
tional and instrumental.""0 Pool states,

We take as 'representational' any content feature which across

the body of text with which we are concerned indexes...some-

thing (anything) about the source. '|nstrumental' we take

to be that which is manipulated (and thus varied in its re-

lation to the thing being indexed so as to achieve the authors

Objectives.)...The crux of the distinction there lies in how

far strategy by the author modifies the indicatfirial value

of the communications feature we are observing. I

I believe that complete detachment cannot be attained during the
production of exoteric communication (i.e., the text represents the
state of the author), and the analyses in this study are cast in these
terms. The assumption is that an author cannot separate himself from
his language even when he uses it instrumentally. "Of all the prisons

man builds for himself, the most escape-proof is his language.""2

Thought and language are interacting. Sapir supports this:

 

"Olthiel de Sola Pool, "Trends in Content Analysis Today: A Summary,"
in Pool (ed.), Trends in Content Analysis (Urbana; University of Illinois
Press, I959» pp. 206;l2.

hl'bidO, p. 207.

"2Martin Mayer, "The More Time We Have, the More We Are Pressed
for Time," New York Times Book Review, July l5, I962, p. 6.

17

Language...powerfully conditions all our thinking about social

problems and processes....Human beings...are very much at the

mercy of the particular language which has become the medium

of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to

imagine that...language is merely an incidental means of 3

solving specific problems of communicatIon or reflection.

Most communications, however, have both representational and instru-
mental aspects."" The constraints in looking for representational be-
havior are, explains Pool, "set by instrumental considerations within
which representation of the communicator can operate.""5 Let me illus-
trate.

My sources of data are Awo's The Autobiography Of Chief Obafemi
Awolowo, I960, and Zik's Selected Speeches of Nnamdi Azikiwe, l96l."6
Both of these books were published by Cambridge University Press. One
should note that (a) although Awo's book is an autobiography and Zik's
is a collection of selected speeches or speech excerpts and (b) they
differ structurally, they are not really dissimilar kinds of communica-
tion (with the exception that Zik does not speak of his family) if their
publication context and consequent instrumental considerations ane
examined. Both authors had their workS' under analysis in the same

British publisher's hands contemporaneously, months preceding Nigerian

independence (October, I960). Both books are political autobiographes.

 

"3Edward Sapir, Culture, Language and Personality (Berkeley and
Los Angeles: University of California Press, I958), pp. 68-9.

till-92. _c_I'It-o, p. 2090
"5mm, p. 210.

"6Obafemi Awolowo, Awo: The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Cambridge: University Press, I960); and Nnamdi Azikiwe, gjk: A Selection
From the Speeches of Nnamdi A2ikiwe (Cambridge: University Press, l96l)
are the sources of data. These are supplemented by other pertinent
writings by and about Awo and Zik and available to this researcher. Re-

counts Of early years are examined because many aspects of the Operational
code are developed and tested during personal maturation.

I8

Instead of writing something especially for the occasion, Zik merely
edited previously delivered speeches. His hope (dated in the preface,
summer, I960) is

that the publication of this selection from my Speeches will

enable critics to appraise more intelligently the role which

I have played in many spheres of activity over three decades.

It will, I hope, enable my compatriots to appreciate my unre-

lenting stand on issues of fundamental importance. It will,

I am sure, provide a source of information for t ose who are

interested in the study of Nigerian development. 7
Awo claims he first was approached to write an autobiography in I957.
He accepted the Cambridge University Press offer in I960 with this pur-
pose:

I believe that some of the things which I have to say in my

autobIOQraphy will help to refresh the memories of my contem-

poraries, and supply to the younger generation some facts

about our political evolution....l also believe that certain

events in my life and the manner in which I have faced them

may serve ashg source of inspiration and hope to some strug-

gling youth.
There is a lack of significant inconsistency and conflict in each of the
books and between them. This is probably due to the similar instrumental
considerations and representational bases.)+9 Undoubtedly Awo and Zik
were constrained by the fact that their books were published before in-
dependence. Thus they were still members of a dependent people, and
they desired tO create positive images which would not impede the inde-

pendence process and would foster favorably mutual post-independence

relationships.

 

M70

. cit., p. vii.

"893. _c__i_t_., p. ix.

"9See Alexander L. George, Propaganda Analysis: A Study of Inferences
Made From Nazi Propaganda in World War II (Evanston: Row, Peterson, I959),
pp. vii, III, on situational and behavioral contexts.

'9
The final answer to the question of whether a communication is
actually representational or instrumental (or what proportion of each)
lies in a comparison of the constructed code with actual behavior.
This comparison has not been attempted herein,and therefore a factor of

50

uncertainty pervades this study. However, it is possible to accept

my representational premises and reject my portrait of Awo and Zik or
to reject them and find my portrait acceptable.51

Inasmuch as personal contact research techniques (e.g., interviewing)
could not be employed for this study, I have chosen to portray Awo and
Zik with my construction of their operational code through a "qualitative
analysis," by some considered a form of content analysis, by others, a
preanalytlc stage. Cartwright states that a

major approach to content analysis consists of the attempt to

learn something about the nature of the producer or, more

generally, the causes of the symbolic material itself....

Where the researcher has access only to the communicated ma-

terial and cannot study the communicator directly, this method

is used as a matter of expediency.52

At the outset let me emphasize that the intent of this study is to
approximate the method Nathan Leites used in his A Study_of Bolshevism.S3

Leites attempts to portray the spirit of the Bolshevik elite through what

he calls the Operational code, "the conceptions of political 'strategy.'"5"

 

50For a similar formulation see Nathan Leites, A Studygof Bolshevism
(Glencoe: Free Press, I953), p. l7.

5'Ibid., p. 22.

52Dorwin P. Cartwright, "Analysis of Qualitative Material," in Leon
Festinger and Daniel Katz (eds.), Research Methods in the Behavioral

Sciences (New York: Dryden, I953), p. #29.

5392. cit.

51‘IpIcI., p. I5.

20

He writes,

In offering the construction which is the main content of this
book I have set down 'categories' for a possible future content
analysis [by which he means a uantitative content analysis] of
the Bolshevik operation [Sic.;? code. But I have not myself
made such an analysis. I could, therefore, not refute a

critic who may contend that a different selection of...passages
would produce a different code. I could only suggest that he
try, and that both of us wait for the verdict of a content
analysis--if one is ever to be undertaken.

What I propose, then are, strictly Speaking, merely
hypotheses, and the data cited are merely illustrations.
My reason for advancing the statements I make is, of course,
my confidence that they woulg6be confirmed by the fullest
testing devices practicable.

Similarly in this study, I have "set down 'categories' for a possible
future [quantitativg7 content analysis" of the hypothetical operational
code Of Awo and Zik. These categories represent elements of the ope-
rational code and are clustered on the basis of the five segments Of
the operational code discussed above.

I call my approach a "qualitative analysis" and not "qualitative

content analysis,‘ and so evade the controversy among proponents of con-

57

tent analysis. George points out,
Researchers have long debated the respective merits and uses
of 'quantitative' and 'qualitative' approaches to content
analysis. Yet in their technical and theoretical discussions

 

55IbidU p. 20.

56lbido, pp. 20-] o

57"It seems preferable not to resort to a term so open to misin-
terpretation," writes George, 93. cit., p. 79.

2]

they have given léttle attention generally to the quali-
tative approach.5

As a matter of fact, most writers on content analysis have

made quantification a component of their definition of con-

tent analysis. In effect, therefore, they exclude the quali-

tative approach as being something other than content analy-

sis.
In the following paragraphs I will explicate the methods used in this
study. The reader is encouraged to bear in mind that thissxudy consti-
tutes exploratory research. As Lazarsfeld and Barton have written,
"The immediate problem is to get the raw data classified in some reason-
able preliminary way, so that it can be communicated, cross-tabulated,
and thought about."60

This study was carried out in seven stages. (I) First was the de-
velopment of a theoretical orientation. My operationallzed definition

of the "Operational code" differs from that Of Leitessl and Hanna?2 the

two investigators who have previously focused upon this problem. For

 

58Alexander L. George, "Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches to
Content Analysis," in Ithiel de Sola Pool (ed.), Trends in Content Analy:
.gjg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, I959), p. 7. See also Propa-

ganda Analysis, pp. 77-8.

59Ibid.,.p. 8. For further discussion of the qualitative and quanti-
tative content analysis issue see Bernard Berelson, Content Analysis in
Commgniggtion Research (Glencoe: Free Press, I952); Cartwright, gg.|git.,
Harold D. Lasswell, Nathan Leites and Associates, Langgaqe of Politics
(New York: Stewart, l9h9); and Pool,‘gg..git.

60Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Allen H. Barton, "Qualitative Measurement
In the Social Sciences: Classification, TypOlOgies, and Indices," in
Daniel Lerner and Harold D. Lasswell (eds.), The Policy Sciences; Recent
Developments in Scope and Method (Stanford: Stanford University Press,

195'): P° 1560
6l

0
I?
n
3.
e

62

O
I?
0
:g
0

22
g "63

the former "operation code" means "conceptions of political 'strategy;

For the latter, it is "perspectives relevant to success in the political

6h

arena." In this study "operational code" is defined as politically

relevant demands, expectations, identification, rules of the game, and
strategies. This conceptualization is more inclusive of an elite's po-
litical life and thus more useful for the problem at hand. Furthermore,
these five segments relate to the data "on the basis of inspection of
the data, practical experience, and theoretical consideration."65
(2) An attempt was made to standardize the Operational code seg-
ments by specifying indicators of each. "Objectivity," writes Cartwright,
"requires...explicit Specification of the variables (sometimes referred
to as 'dimensions' or types of'attributes') in terms of which descriptions

66

are to be made." The author continues, "Unfortunately, most categories

with which social scientists deal cannot be defined in actual practice

"67

by an exhaustive listing of indicators. Lazarsfeld and Barton declare,
The first advance beyond impressionistic judgment as a research
instrument is the specification Of the indicators upon which
the classlfier's decision is to be based. In this way we trans-

 

63Leites, 99. £13., p. l5.

"Hanna, gg.‘gjt., p. 9. See also Harold D. Lasswell and Abraham
Kaplan, Power and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, I950), p. 25;
"a perSpective is a pattern of identifications, demands, and expectations."
Also see pp. ll, l7, 2|.

65Lazarsfeld and Barton,‘gg.‘gj£,, p. I65.

6622. g_i_t_., p. l+36.

67Ibid., p. #37.

23

late a concept into a set of instructions to the researcher,
telligg him what to look for as a basis Of judgment in each
case.

Here is a suggestive list of indicators for each segment of the Opera-

tional code:

Demands:
Statements of Volition and Preference.

Explicit examples include such verbs as--
must, refuse, determine, wish, support, Oppose;
such phrases as--
burn with ardour for, under no circumstances,
what matters is, it is my hope.

When volition or preference was implicit, it was
included, e.g., '
It is a challenge to..., this is an attempt to...

Expectations:
Statements which the author believes to be factual. E.g.,
Tribal divisions hinder nation-building.
The colonial powers made the Africans feel inferior.

Reference Identifications:

(l) a "symbolization Of the individual in terms of a
more inclusive self"69 which provides norms and
bases for behavior and self-evaluation. E.g.,

We Africans will unite against colonialism.

(2) x likes (speaks of, respects, etc.) y, and x's
behavior occurs in conformity with y. E.g.,
TechnOIOgy has enabled the EuroEeans to be power-
ful; let us establish an institute of technology.

 

6ggg.'gl£., p. I66.

69Lasswell and Kaplan, gg.‘glt., p. l3l.

2h

(3) x compares self with y for self-evaluation. E.g.,
As a teacher I am not successful in life;
lawyers earn more money and have more leisure.

Rules of the Game:
Statements such as

(I) assertion of belief in religious and/or secular
creeds which establish the boundaries of behavior.
E.g.,

Because I am a Christian, I cannot kill him.
(Christianity)

(2) allusion to, reference, and/or exposition of a
creed, or part of it, in a context which implies
acceptance. E.g.,

We will follow the philosophy Of to each
according to his need, from each according
to his ability. (Communism)

Strategies:
Statements of

(l) action to achieve demand. E.g.,
We are uniting to force them to leave our ter-
ritory.

(2) behavior disposition to achieve demand. E.g.,

Without alertness we will fail to prevent peace-
ful settlement of this issue.

(3) As the researcher and user of the Ctmmunicators' language,
I used the indicators to judge the lexical forms which convey segments
Of the operational code. This might appear to be a highly subjective
process, however, as Pool has written, "with a certain amount of care,

reliability can be achieved between coders who are ordinary users Of

25

70

the language." He goes on to say, "His common sense enables him to

recognize, for example, that the phrases 'a man of courage,’ 'a brave

"71

man,‘ and a 'guy with guts' all mean the same thing.

My unit of analysis is a theme, "an assertion about subject-

72

There is "no immediate compulsion to describe explicitly

n73

matter."

the bounds of the single meaningful context. Berelson believes,

The theme is among the most useful units of content analysis
...because it takes the form in which issues and attitudes
are usually discussed. But it is at the same time among

the most difficult units of analysis, from the standpoint

of reliability, especially if it is at all complicated (i.e.,
more than just a simple sentence).7

Some themes are explictly stated by the leaders; some are implied. In
coding themes I am concerned with their presence or absence for the pur-

pose of drawing inferences about elements in Awo's and Zik‘s hypothetical

 

7i

Idem.

728erelson,‘gg..git., p. I38.

73George, Propaganda Analysis, p. IO2.

7"Q2:.£i£°: P0 I39-

26

operational code. All themes conforming with the operational code seg-
ments were recorded and later analyzed.

(h) Guides based on my general knowledge of Africa, elites, and
Africans were formulated75 to facilitate organizing the extracted data
into categories and seeing the interconnections between statements Awo
and Zik make. Lazarsfeld and Barton point out that "in most exploratory
research...the investigator will have to develop his own categories."76
My set of categories was not, however, limited by the guides which were
formulated. As Pool has written,

If one is struck by the predominance of a certain kind of

symbolic behavior in a text, it seems an abnegation of one's

critical intelligence to refuse to note that behavior as a

category because one has not started out realizing its sig-

nificance or because it has not been identified in other

social theories or pieces of social research.77

(5) Each set of elements was examined and those elements which
appeared to be most politically relevant and most frequent are the ones
set forth in the body of the text. Each element is discussed in political
and/or historical context.

(6) The books were reread to check the original coding and analysis.
In several cases original errors of omission were discovered and recti-
fied. Regarding the question of circular reasoning or bias in analysis

(e.g., the guides to facilitate data organization determining what is

subsequently seen and considered as significant), George writes,

 

7SFor sources consulted see the bibliography.
160 o ELL.) PI 159'

77O . gl£., p. 2lh.

27

The disciplined analyst guards against it in several ways.

He does not read through the...materials just once but re-

reads as many times as necessary to satisfy himself that

the inference he favors is consonant with all of the rele-

vant portions and characteristics of the original...material;

he considers not just one inferential hypothesis in reading

and rereading the...materials but also many alternatives to

it; and he systematically weighs the available egidence for

and against each of the alternative inferences.7

(7) In the final chapter politically relevant propositions about
the behavior of Awo and Zik are stated, and implications for American
foreign pOIicy making toward Africa are considered.

The above description of my research procedure reveals several
limitations: In the first place, for the rigor of quantification is
substituted the researcher's intuition. However, because this study
is exploratory, the limitations may appear less as shortcomings and
more as inevitables. A qualitative analysis must proceed quantification.
The intent of this study is a preliminary qualitative analysis to dis-
cover and describe operational code elements which can be employed as
hypotheses in future research. Rigorous quantitative analysis might
well bring forth insights (e.g., intensities, priorities, interrelation-
ships) the qualitative analysis failed to elicit, and it tests the hy-
potheses stated. Second, there is danger of cultural bias and inaccurate
intercultural communication. Nevertheless, this study, to some degree,
does have the four characteristics Cartwright claims scientific data
must display: "(I) objectivity and reproducibility, (2) susceptibility
to measurement and quantification, (3) significance for systematic theory,

"79

either 'pure or applied,‘ and (h) generalizability.

 

78Propaganda Analysis, p. 93.

79o . 213., p. 1.66.

28

CATEGORIZING GUIDES

The following are guides, the product of my general knowledge of
Africa, elites, and Africans, which were formulated to facilitate organiz-
ing the extracted data.

Demands. Awo and Zik fervidly desire to lead Nigeria toward national
maturity-~controlling its own destiny, surpassing the accomplishments of
Europeans in Africa, and receiving deference internally and in the inter-
national community. This national maturity is demanded in order to
extirpate inferiority sentiment and humiliation, derived fran political
dependency, economic underdevelopment, and identity retarded by the
colonial situation. High resolve exists to acquire the allegiance and
civility of subjects whose interests vary and to integrate the country
federally and regionally. A welfare state is essential for economic and
social progress; neutrality or African bloc action is advisable in order
to avoid entanglements detrimental to Western, or perhaps Communist,
assistance. Liquidation of imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism
in Africa everywhere is also a high priority demand.

Expectations. With loyalty to the nation a relatively new concept
in Nigeria, Awo and Zik view the creation of an integrated regime sup-
ported by individual and group attitudes as difficult. Pre-independence
anti-government sentiment, opposition behavior, and particularism still
prevail. The elite see obstacles to realizing their demands in both the
indigenous traditional systems and the superimposed modern Western complex.
The former are believed to impede the development of a modern nation
state. The arbitrary regional divisions imposed by the British and the

resultant federal compromise are believed to have introduced inequitable

29
distribution of funds and allocation of power. Fear and suspicion of
neo-colonialism prevail with external capital and assistance paramount
to national growth.

Reference Identification. Awo and Zik identify with their respec-
tive ethnic groups, the intellectual class, Nigeria, underdeveloped
countries, black Africa, and perhaps Negroes everywhere. Identification
Is also with the Western political elite as conformity with it was seen
to produce increased education, a higher standard of living and social
status, and political independence. Individuals or groups successful
in emancipating peoples are also reference identifications. The Commu-
nists take on the model function to the extent that they succeed in
achieving the same goals the elite have.

Rules of the Game. Awo's and Zik's precepts which set the limits
to political behavior are in good measure Christian because of educational
experiences in primary and secondary schools which have been primarily
under the auspices of Western religious organizations dating from the
colonial period. Beside the imperatives of the Christian ethic is
zealous belief in a Puritanical hard work doctrine. Political commit-
ment is to representative government with Western style accoutrements,
with, however, an individual African interpretation Of democracy.

Strategies. Elite strategies are wide open; flexibility, opportun-
ism, self-discipline, perseverance, and alertness are essential. Secon-
dary socializing institutions (e.g., schools, government institutions,
political parties, media, etc.) are developed to inculcate right loyal-

ties and patriotism and along with other socializing agents are guarded

 

80See Legum, gp.'gl£., pp. I26-27, for discussion of African demo-
cratic styles.

30
with the efficacious pen and tongue. Only the educated are employed in
all significant posts. Awo and Zik firmly grip their respective politi-
cal parties. Opposition is denigrated and fiercely fought. Popular
support, crucial to representative government, is aroused by vilifica-
tion of colonial powers and political opponents and glorification of
specific groups, Nigeria, and Africa; traditional beliefs believed to
be mere superstitions are indulged for political expediency. Awo and
Zik solicit foreign investment, accept, but regulate it to preclude
national sovereignty infringement. Participation In African and neu-
tralist conferences and associations, world organizations, and United
Nations forums on behalf of Nigerian and African peoples is the path
to recognition and leadership in intra-African and international rela-
tions.

In this chapter I have sketched the historical context of the rise
of the new African political elite, stated the problem Of constructing
the operational code of two of its members, suggested its justification,
explained the method, and presented guides to ordering the data. In the
next chapters I shall present my construction of Awo's and Zik's Opera-

tional code.

1"
- u

u)

CHAPTER II
THE OPERATIONAL CODE: DEMANDS*

In a speech pressing for the independence of the Federation of
Nigeria, Awo stated, "After all, it was the immortal Aggrey who said:
'Ask for what you want; get what you are given; keep what you have
got, and ask for more.'"1 Awo and Zik have asked for (I) independence
--political, economic, and social-cultural. They have regained their
political independence from the British. This they try to maintain and
they ask for more. They want (2) recognition of Nigeria for its excel-
lence, (3) Nigerian unity and civility, and (A) black humanitarianism.
Demands are expressions of valuation asked for or called for nationally
or internationally,ie., the "outcomes and effects sought by elites as
a whole or Individuals. Those preferred events are the values which

elites seek to maximize by acting in and through the decision processes."2
INDEPENDENCE

In The Autobiography Awo wrote,

It is Aristotle who says that courage is the facing of a known
danger for a noble purpose. I admit that independence for
Nigeria involves many risks and that all the citizens of the
country must be prepared to meet those risks....0ur govern-
ment might be good and benevolent or it might be bad and

 

*Indicators are statements of volition and preference. See "Method"
in Chapter I for discussion of indicators.

lObafemi Awolowo, Awo: The Autobiggraphy of Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Cambridge: University Press, I960), p. 2M5.

2Harold D. Lasswell, "Agenda for the Study of Political Elites,"
in Dwaine Marvick (ed.), Political Decision-Makers (Glencoe: Free Press,

l96l, p. 276.

3|

32
tyrannical. In all the circumstances of a new and independent
Nigeria, we must be prepared to fend for ourselves. It would
be idle, and a negation of our sovereignty, for us as a nation
or as individual citizens to look to Britain or to any O her
country for succour or for the solution to our problems.

That the umbilical cord be cut and political independence guarded--
in spite of handicaps and dangers--is Illustrated in elite foreign
policy statements. Awo said, "A realistic foreign policy for Nigeria
should be governed by a close and conscientious friendship with
Britain...the kind that exists between Britain on the one hand and
the countries of Canada, Australia and New Zealand on the other."

He emphasizes,

Under no circumstances...must we do or say anything at any

time which would make us seem the docile satellite of the

British or any government. We are a sister country to

Britain and it is as such that we should behave and expect

to be treated.5

Zik also summons Nigeria to be independent and to make independent
decisions in the world community, for he views independence as instru-
mental to political power, which is the key to happiness. He is not
as committal as Awo in choosing between world power ideology blocs.

The answer is obvious for Awo--in the Western bloc "a man can freely

exercise his natural right to hold and express any opinion, subject to

 

3920 E—E” p. ‘97.

hlbido, p. 308.

5lbid., p. 309.

6Nnamdi Azikiwe, gjk: A Selection From the Speeches of Nnamdi
Azikiwe (Cambridge: University Press, I96I), p. l5h-l62. See James S.
Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University Of California Press, I958), p. 3A2.

33

such restrictions as may be laid down by laws enacted by the freely
elected parfiament of the land."7 As evidence he points out that Nigeria
with "the support of many Britons" won its freedom "mainly as a result
of unrestrained organised public opinion against the continuance Of
British rule."8 Zik said at an NCNC party convention,

In our foreign policy we have made our stand clear and we
shall not align ourselves with any particular bloc. We
shall not be partisan and we shall not be neutral; but we
shall be independent in order to be in a position to main-
tain friendly relations with the nations of the world who
are friendily disposed towards us.9

Political independence is demanded and resentment is displayed when it
is besmirched. For example, Zik In a New York speech appealed to

the Press and journalists, particularly of the Western democra-
cies to display statesmanship and be more objective in analyzing

ourIZNigeria's internal problems and not to exaggerate them,
since these differences are not unique or peculiar to us

.[Nigerig7 bUt also exist among peoples of other continents

who have ultimately resolved them and forged themselves into

one nation....to my knowledge, the Press and journalists of

the Soviet bloc have neither exploited our differences to

their advantage nor used them in order to mislead the outside

world or to knock our hands together as the former had done

and are still doing. 0

Nigerianization of the civil service, a corollary of political in-
-dependence, is demanded and steps are necessary to eliminate the ves-
tlges of dependence upon British administration. In I957 Zik said over

the Nigeria Broadcasting Corporation,

 

7o . 935,, p. 3IO.

8Ibid.

90 . cit., p. 202.

lolbid., p. l9.

3h

We want our expatriate friends to give us the benefit of their

expert knowledge, to help to formulate and implement our

policies, and we want them to work gjgh us and not for us.

It is my hope that a great number of expatriate officials

will stay with us especially during the difficult transitional

period that lies ahead.I
Under Awo's auspices the 'frigidaire policy' to accelerate the pace of
Nigerianization was instituted in the Western Region and called for in
other regions. Expatriation pay, the inducement allowance in addition
to salary paid to overseas officers, was frozen for all new and vacant
posts. "The amount of money thus frozen would be released by the
Western Region Government only after it had been satisfied that there
were no Nigerians with the requisite qualifications to fill the posts
Ito which the pay was attached.“2

The elite recognize the interrelationship between politics and
economics. Order was established by the British during the colonial
period to facilitate their economic interests. This in turn led to a
British monopoly of large-scale commercial activities. Awo and Zik
both had rather trying business experiences during this era and were
restrained by the British who also monopolized the new money; British
economic control stultified many Nigerian entrepreneurs. The l9h8
inauguration of the African Continental Bank Limited is exemplification
Of personal economic difficulties generalized to the national economy
and fostering economic independence. Zik explained,

The African Continental Bank...was founded because prosperity

had made one of the big banks so haughty and over-confident

that it needed a great deal of shaking up to realize that the
old order must change and yield place to new.

 

llIbid., p. I38.

'2Awolowo, 9g. git” p. 261+.

I3o . 213., p. 2”.

35

That a bank which had been used as a depository for my pri-
vate and business funds for seven years should regard me as an
extraneous factor made me ruminate on the fate of other less
fortunate Africans who made use of the banking facilities
made available by non-Nigerian business organizations. I

felt that other things being equal, it was morally wrong for
Europeans to establish banks in Nigeria and then make it dif-
ficult for Nigerians to use them to the mutual advantage of
both parties. Then it dawned on me that political freedom was
not enough; economic freedom must be won also. This is a

bold attempt to do for our people what others have denied
them.

Eleven years later at the opening of a new building of the bank]5 he
averred,

The opening of this six-storey building is a solemn reminder
to all who fight for a better standard of living for our
people that banking is the sheet-anchor of contemporary so-
ciety. It is also a challenge to all who love this country
to appreciate that whosoever controls the banking operations
of any cogntry ultimately controls the economy of that
country.1

The demand for economic independence is further evidenced by a ten-

dency to avoid the label of economic systems. "I refuse to be wedded

l7

Donning an "ism" is seen as hanging

to any particular ism," wrote Awo.
on to the coattails of one of the major world power-blocs and thus sur-

rendering g2 facto independence. "One of our guiding principles should

 

'"Ibid., p. 2I2.

lsThis bank caused a crisis in Zik's career and a postponement of
the scheduled I956 constitutional conference when the British appointed
a commission of inquiry to investigate allegations of Zik's improper con-
duct in permitting Eastern Region funds to be invested where he had an
interest. (Coleman,lgg.‘glt., p. A73.) The Foster-Sutton Commission
published January l6, I957, censored Zik, whereupon he transferred his
bank rights and interests to the Eastern Region Government, and scheduled
new elections which returned him and his NCNC to power. (ngg., pp. 37h-5).

'622. 2.1.: p. 231+.

'70 . 215., p. 283.

36

be the total abolition of want by means of any economic policy which is
both expedient and effective,'" Awo continued. Economic independence is,
however, demanded as instrumental to producing wealth for social welfare.
"What matters is not the label...our future is not to be mortgaged for
the satisfaction Of present needs."]8

Political and economic independence are not enough--the European
charge of a non-existent Nigerian culture must be refuted. Awo and Zik,
nationalist-crusader members Of the new elite, came to realize a federated
independent Nigeria and to parturiate a new Nigerian culture. This cul-
ture must not be dependent on Western heritage but freely and selectively
borrow from it, fusing it with selective aspects of traditional culture.
Awo and Zik epitomize the marginal man, the individual caught between
demands and goals originating in diverse groups which not infrequently
call for contradictory adjustment of experience and behavior, "a personali-
ty type that arises at a time and a place where, out of the conflict of
races and cultures, new societies, new peoples and cultures are coming
into existence."]9 Afnican political, economic, and social anticipatory
socialization to the European coveted positions and groups usually met
closure which in turn contributed to the European eclipse in Nigeria, as
noted in the background discussion. Awo and Zik, in the anomalous position
of belonging fully neither to the traditional or modern, were not demor-

alized but challenged to find a self identity.

 

Ibld.

19E.V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man (New York: Scribner, I937):
p. XVII.

37

The practical efforts of the marginal person to solve his own
problem lead him consciously or unconsciously to change the
situation itself. His interest may shift from himself to the
objective social conditions and launch him upon the career of
nationalist, conciliator, interpreter, reformer or teacher.
In these roles he inevitably promotes acculturation either
upon a basis of larger political and cdtural unity, or in
terms of a modified political and cultural differentiation.

Pye points to elite identity as the fountainhead of national identity
in emergent states.
These are societies whose peoples, in spite of their sIOQans
of nationalism, lack a sense of identity....Before the nation
can develop, leaders must emerge who have found integrity in

their own quests for identity, and who can therefore speak
In terms that will bring meaning to other people's search for

identity.21

Awo recalls what his college principal told the student body--
that it should be proud of anything that was indigenous to them.

It was believed that Mr. Nightingale fostered these policies

In order to slow down our progress in the Western sense. I

shared this view then, but I now think that he was a great

pioneer. Practically all his critics egg today doing pre-

cisely what he preached many years ago.
With the express purpose of developing Nigerian culture the University
of Nigeria, based on the United States land grant philOsophy, was estab-
lished with Zik's impetus and is developing with American administrative
guidance and academic substance modified to meet Nigerian needs. Such
a university will eliminate the necessity to send many Nigerians abroad
to receive "foreign" higher education. Here is an excerpt from one of

Zik's addresses to the Eastern House of Assembly with regard to this

issue:

 

20Ibid., p. l2h.

2'Lucian W. Pye, "Personal Identity and Political Ideology", in
Dwaine Marvick (ed.), Political Decision-Makers (Glencoe: Free Press,

196]): P. 309-

22Awolowo,.gg. cit., p. 2i.

38

I do not mean that it is a bad thing to know how the Others
live nor do I say that we should not allow ourselves to be
influenced by the knowledge so acquired. Indeed we must,

in order to keep abreast with modern trends, adopt the tech-
niques and borrow the experiences of other nations. It is
nevertheless imperative that we must have education which

is fundamentally Nigerian in content. gnly in a University
of our own can our culture shine forth. 3

Stonequist's statement on the marginal man as the key personality in
the contact Of cultures is relevant here: "It is in his mind that the
cultures come together, conflict, and eventually work out some kind of
mutual adjustment and interpenetration. He is the crucible of cultural
fusion."2" Another example of the attempt at cultural fusion is in
Zik's plea to the Methodist Boys' High School in Lagos, l93h:

Heirs and heiresses of the New Africa must now consecrate

themselves for scholarly research into all the aspects of

world society in general and African society in particular

...Z;cholars in past havg7 taught that the African race hasn't

shown any capacity for civilisation....[zhus there is need for

a new African trutfi7 If he is competent, and if his contri-

butions are accepted by the confraternity of scholars, then

his opinions are just as valid and acceptable as those of
his colleagues.

Africans need to be scholars. We need to be creative.
We must emulate and not imitate. %n the end, we shall find
that there is joy in scholarship.2
In the Western Region the Egbe Omo Oduduwa was formed as an organization
to foster Yoruba culture. (The Yoruba is the majority ethnic group in

the West.) However, the organization, in fostering traditional insti-

tutions, is concerned with Westernizing them. Awo, among the prominent

 

2392. 53., p. 286.
21+92° gig, p. I25.

259.2. $3., pp. 23-h.

39

founders, declared, "The new organisation pledged itself...to recognize
and maintain the monarchical and other similar institutions of Yoruba-
land, to plan for their complete enlightenment and democratisation."26
At an annual assembly of the Ibo State Union in the Eastern Region
(the Ibo predominate in the East) Zik offered advice as a fellow patriot
to his people who have sought their livelihood in the West and North
where they are a minority:
Obey the laws of those with whom you share the blessings of
life, if fortune steers you to unknown lands. Respect the
traditions of those in whose homeland you sojourn, but do
not lose your social identity. Discharge your civic respon-
sibilities without complaint. Exercise your political rights
without apology. Never accept an inferior status in the
scheme of things...Do not seek to dominate others and do not
allow others to dominate you.
Zik seems to be well aware of the problems of marginallty; social-

cultural independence is demanded among Nigerians as between Nigerians

and other peoples.

RECOGNITION FOR EXCELLENCE

I posited the expectation that Awo and Zik demand deference nationally
and internationally. The study reveals they want Nigerians and nationals
elsewhere to respect their wishes in acknowledgement of leadership excel-
lence on the bases of (l) Nigerian historical achievement, (2) competi-
tion, and (3) Nigeria's model function.

flfigtgrical Achievement. Perhaps It is Awo's and Zik's Western edu-

cational experiences during the colonial era that have made them so

 

zégg.lglt., p. l7l.

2793. 513., p. 251.

MO
sensitive to their personal and national pedestals in history. They
studied the glorious historical achievements of Great Britain and EurOpe
and the beauty of Christianity, on the one hand (both factors used as
justification for British rule), and learned of the "negative" or "non-
existant" Nigerian history and the "evil" of indigenous religions, on
the other. These teachings were reinforced by Western media then, and
some still are reinforced today.

Thus Africa must have a recOgnized history and Awo and Zik must
reach the zenith within it. Zik's self-image seems to be more godlike
than is Awo's. Zik claimed,

I believe that if I am obliged to pay the price Of leadership

in the cause of African freedom, no matter how extreme and

severe are the penalties, the prosperity Of the black people

Of Africa shall enshéine my memory for ever in the national

pantheon of Africa.2
As a schOIar, he asserted,

It is the scholar who makes or unmakes society. He may not be

appreciated by his generation, or even by generations after

him. But time Offers reward to schOIars who lay foundations for 9

the society of tomorrow, by immortalizing them In human history.

And Zik published selections from his speeches to "enable critics to
appraise more intelligently the role which I have played in many Spheres
of activity over three decades," and to "enable my compatriots to appreci-

3o

ate...my unrelenting stand on issues of fundamental importance."

 

28Ibid., pp. 59-60.

29Ibid., p. 23.

3Olbid., p. vii.

hl
Awo in his autobiography lays claim to recognition:

During my eight years of office, apart from being Leader of
the Party in power from February I952 to September l95h and
Premier from October l95h to December I959, I also held spe-
cific portfolios at different times...The achievements of
the Western Region Government during these eight years are
truly phenomenal and remain the Object of emulation by the
other governments in the Federation, as well as the subject
of special mention and constant praise by overseas visitors
to Nigeria.3

When Awo's Action Group won the Western Region elections in l95l with
a platfonn of specific planks, it resolved to fulfill them. "The race
before us was a historic and epoch-making one, and regardless of many

Obvious hazards we literally burnt with unquenchable ardour and enthu-

n32

siasm to run it. His conscious desire to make a mark in history

permeates Awo's work. Here are a few of many illustrations: "It is
to this party that history will attribute the credit for setting Nigeria's

feet on the path to freedom through carefully planned constitutional and

"33 II

constructive means; We, alone of all the Regions in Nigeria, have

produced a revised Statute Book for our Region and we have also intro-

duced a system of law reporting;"3" "Undoubtedly, this [Eourt jurisdic-

tion conferral7...development is the first step Of its kind in British

n35

territories in Africa; and "It was the Action Group that for the first

 

3h

35Ibid., p. 280.

M2

time in the history of Nigeria carried party politics and political con-
sciousness to the rural areas and to the country's peasantry....the
Action Group was the only party that published policy papers as well as
a manifesto."36 Zik, too, talks about excelling precedents. For instance,

The African Continental Bank will make history because it will

be the first time in the economic annals of Nigeria that an

indigenous banking organization has survived all attempts to

destroy it and emerged to be a signpost in the struggle of our

people to expand their economy by means of active Government

participation in the ownership and control of this most potent

medium of commerce and industry.3

The African must get his just due in the annals of history. The
Action Group consciously determined to demonstrate that "given the oppor-
tunity the African hold his own in the art of efficient and stable govern-
ment."38 "I submit that 8h years of political autonomy are not sufficient
to pass a final judgment on the political incapacity of the Liberian
Negro," said Zik in l93l. He paraphrased Dr. Woodson that Liberia's
first century compares favourably with that of the Virginia colony and
quoted Commander A.H. Foote who presented this case:

'Let then the black men be judged fairly, and not presumed

to have become all at once and by a miracle, of a higher

order than historic nations through many generations of whom

the political organization of the World has been slowly de-
veloping itself.'39

Competition. Awo and Zik flourished on competition, most notably as
winning challengers of British rule and each other's rivals (as indivi-
duals or larger "self-systems," e.g., ethnic groups, political parties)

In their demand-recognition for excellence--the element of competition

 

36'bld., pp. 22h-25.

3722- sit. p. 231+.
38Awolowo, gp.‘git., p. 253.

39Azikiwe, 93. _g_i_t_., p. 2.

113
is characteristic. Awo wrote about the regional competition:

Above all, the level at which we had to start to provide for

our people those modern amenities which we had promised them

was very low indeed-~much lower in many cases than in the

Eastern Region with which the Western Region had always

engaged in healthy competition in such matters.

As a youth, Awo, encouraged by his father, strove to be equal. For
example, "I...resolved never to pay another visit to Ikenne until I felt
able to hold my own, and resume my former stature educationally amOng
my classmates,""l and "I...resolved not to enter any employment in which
I would find myself in-a position of inferiority to my former classmates
at Wesley College.""2 Awo and Zik want the Nigerian education system

to equal if not surpass the education systems of Britain and other na-

tions. Awo voiced this in l93h:

It [Taba Higher Collegg7 was inferior in status to a British
university; and under no circumstance would an institution
of higher learning which bore the stamp of inferiority be
tolerated by Nigerians. 3

Zik praised the teaching profession because

the introduction of universal primary education has increased
the number of our primary schools, the population of our
school-going children, and the number of our teacher-training
institutions. These achievements have enabled Nigeria not
only to lead every other country in the whole continent of
Africa, but also tfihbe among the leading nations of the world

In these respects.
In regard to athletic competition, Zik expressed hope for Nigerians

to equal if not surpass the outstanding performers.

 

hOOJ. Lit.’ p. 262.

Ibld., p. #3.
Ibld., p. #7.

"3lbid., p. 115.

""Azikiwe, pp. 233., p. 1.1.

4.5"

v o u .“ I. ~ .
' — — ~— _
__ 3. 3'! m.w:.:zm,%;fi,r -,-.,,

 

 

1.2,

After attending the...0lympic Games at Helsinki, and basing

my judgment on the observation of the Nigerian participants

there, I felt proud that, although Nigeria did not win any

medals, yet in this competition against the best athletes in

the world we were not the worst performers and we had gained

supreme confidence in ourselves. 5
Youth are given the opportunity to develop physically through athletics
in order to excell in competitive sports and intellectual endeavors.

"We want them to worship their bodies and to preserve them as a symbol

of perfection, because only in such a healthy temple can a healthy

#6

mind thrive successfully."
When Ghana and not Nigeria received an invitation to the I955
Bandung Conference, Zik implored his party not to feel out of the com-
petition for recognition, not to feel hurt; "when we have arrived, in-
stead of demanding respect, we shall command it. Moreover, there is
nothing to prevent us from convening a Pan-African Conference or a Pan-Afro-
Asian Conference when the time comes.""'7
Nigeria as a Model. The idea of commanding respect leads to another
aspect of the "Recognition for Excellence" demand element of the Opera-
tional code. Nigerian Regions and the Federation must be recOgnized for
excellence in order to serve as models for other governments and peoples.

Recounting the achievements of the Western Region Government under his

leadership, Awo declared that they "remain the object of emulation by

 

"5Ibid., p. 3l.
"6Ibid., p. #5.

"7Ibid., p. 6h.

115
the other governments in the Federation.""8 He also considers himself
a worthy standard, e.g., "I preferred Local Government which portfolio
I held for three years. In this regard it is pertinent to point out
that the Sardauna followed my example a few weeks later and Dr. Azikiwe
did likewise two years later.""9
In I955 Zik said, "The Government of this Region [Easterg7 is de-

termined to transform Eastern Nigeria into a model of parliamentary de-

50 Focusing on the development of

mocracy In the continent of Africa."
the Federation of Nigeria, he contrasted the European with the Nigerian
pattern in a I952 address to party members. "The continent of Europe
set a pattern for bloodshed in the attainment of Iiberty....But we in

"5' In light Of the Congo

forgotten and neglected Africa know better.
strife, it seems Zik would probably consider Nigeria now as a more impor-
tant example for imitation. Nigeria Is called upon to weave the pattern
for other nations and exert a wholesome influence in world politics by
spearheading and associating actively in progressive movements to raise
the stature of the Negro and to abolish racial inequality everywhere.52
Zik proclaimed, "Today Nigeria is free...to show the light to the peoples

n53

of Africa, everywhere. Illustration of the demand to prOvide an arch-

etype Is found in Zik's welcome to Nkrumah before the Eastern House of

 

"8an ELL. p- 277.
"939351., p. 229.
‘ . 5.33., p. 161.
512.51» p. 53-
52M” p. 70.

53|bid., p. viii.

A6

of Assembly In reference to a Federation of West African States.

These African States may yet achieve what the independent and
warring States of EurOpe and the volatile and sometimes un-
democratic States of the Americas have never yet accomplished,
that Is, a unity undreamt-of; and become models of honest and
democratic government, which will give hope £0 all Africa and
offer a challenge to the rest of the world.5

UNITY AND CIVILITY

Awo and Zik demand unity and civility in Nigeria as well as in-
dependence and recognition for excellence. Unity is viewed in terms of
federation.

We'ZNCNg7 believe In the creation of one country and we will al-

ways eschew the idea of breaking Nigeria permanently into three

or more divided and weak units, which would be innocuous as a

factor to be reckoned with either in Africa or in the community

Of free nations. 5
Thus spoke Zik to the NAACP In New York in I959. Although he earlier
Opposed the artificial division of Nigeria into three regions and feared
inevitable Balkanization and chronic minority problems,56 he later modi-
fied this view. In the I958 Legislative Council at Kaduna he stated,

It is essential that ill-will be not created in order to en-

courage a Pakistan in this country. The North and the South

are one, whether we wish it or not. The forces of history

have made it so. We have a common destgpy; so, too, have the

East and the WestIZFegions of Nigerig7.

Awo still favors the division of Nigeria according to the main ethnic and

linguistic groups.

 

5"Ibid., p. 1.3.

55'bid.’ pp. 19-20.

56mm, p. 108.

571131.1” p. 102.

A7

I argued, there were differing standards of civilization as
well as uneven stages in the adoption of western education
and the emulation of western civilization...division of the
country into regions along ethnic lines would enable each
linguistic group not only to develop its own peculiar cul-
ture and institutions but to move forward at its own pace,
without being unnecegsarily pushed or annoyingly slowed
down by the Others.

During the colonial period the Minorities Commission expressed the
fear that such states as Awo advocated would emphasize tribal feelings.
Awo's own comment on this was, "The groups to whom the Commission refer-
red were not tribes at all. The English, Scots or Welsh will resent
being described as tribes. They are ethnic units in Britain."59 To
the charge of wanting more states for merely political advantage Awo
answered,

I have been accused by my political Opponents of supporting

the creation of new states in order to catch votes from the

minority areas with a view to winning the last federal elec-

tions. I make no apologies for aspiring to win the federal

elections. This is a legitimate objective...But a long-

standing and a deep-rooted conviction, With me, federa ism

and the creation of more states is an article of faith.

Probably Awo's stand on federalism is a reflection of his realization
that it is difficult to develop civility within large territories when
the inhabitants vary so greatly--"A sense of civic responsibility on
the part of the generality of our peOple is still to be cultivated."61

Zik's position on civility is manifest in this passage from an address

to the NAACP in New York, I959: "We [members of the NCN§7 shall continue

 

58

Awolowo, op. cit., p. I6h.

59Ipid., p. 209.

6Olbldo, p. 198-99.

6'1pic1., p. 31h.

AB

the difficult task of inculcating a sense of one-ness in our people so

as to crystallize common nationality."62
Underdeveloped civility in Nigeria and the regions (the Nigerian

population has yet to be transformed from subjects to citizens with

moral consensus and mutual Identification) has probably caused Awo and

Zik to emphasize loyalty and discipline from their followers in the

elite. This is surrogate civility instrumental in nation-building; it

also satisfies personality needs of the elite. For example, Awo mentioned

as an important asset of his "charge" of the Western Region his team of

Ministers, "unexcelled...a well-knit, highly disciplined and fanatically

..63

loyal team. When he left Regional politics to enter the federal

ring he paid public tribute to his cabinet and Parliamentary colleagues
"for their patriotism, public-spiritedness and devotion to duty; and

for their unwavering loyalty to the noble cause of our great party and

6h

to my leadership." Zik also testified to the loyalty of his Cabinet

to himself, and to the Public Service for their loyalty to the Government
of the day.65 The following Illustrates the weight placed upon party
civility or conformity:

Any party member who deviates from the norm of party policy
must be seriously censured ... I do not intend to imply the
cultivation of servility or clannishness which generate
friction of an acrimonious nature, but within the bounds of
reason one can be a party man without ggcessarily being re-
garded as chauvinistic or unpatriotic.

 

620i. c_'t0, p. '9.

630 ' 2.12: P0 2590

6"Ibld., p. 292.

65$. cit., p. M2.

66Ibid., p. 88.

#9

BLACK HUMANITARIANISM

For a humanitarian world Zik's hope and imperative lie in youth,
"the spring of life."

Let It be a challenge to our youth to dedicate their lives

to the service of their country, and let them learn to be

good citizens by being good sportsmen and -women so that,

in victory or In defeat, they may be more determiged to

make the world a better place than they found it. 7
Cooperation among "people of colour" and support for the cause of colonial
and dependent people is a high priority demand for Zik and Awo. In I9h7
Zik said of Liberia,

Whilst the republic may be proud that, in the last hundred

years, she has been the 'Lone Star' in the firmament of

Africa, she should not rest on her oars, but she should

make it possible for other African communities to join6ger

as free and sovereign States in the family of nations.
At the African Summit held in Lagos fifteen years later he said, "Today
is no longer an era of anti-colonialist harangues"--positive action and
consolidation are demanded.69 Pan-Africanism limited to those Afrioans
who believe in racial equality, among Awo's demands, should'Eim at giving
active support to all dependent African paoples in their struggles for
liberation."7O

It is apparent from many of their statements that the humanitarian

world for these elite members is a parochial one. A European friend of

Azikiwe's noted that "most of Zik's music is played on the black keys

 

6?;g1g., p. #7. See also Coleman, gg.‘glt., p. 3&2, on Zik's be-
lief "that In a renascent Africa the young must displace the old."

68Ibid., p. 6i.
69Henry Tanner, "20 African States to Fonn New Body," New York
Times, January 3i, I962, p. 6.

 

70o . _¢_:_i_§., p. 312.

50

and it is sweet, exciting, and stirring in African ears;...the white

n7l

keys when used are often employed to stress a contrast or a disharmony.
Both Awo and Zik subscribe to Pan-Africanism, a pro-Africa "egocentric

2 . . .
approach."7 Legum ertes, "Deep at Its quivering, sensitIve centre,

n73

Pan-Africanism rests on colour-consciousness. It recognizes "the

E

 

unique historical position of black peoples as the universal bottom-dog;"
its "nge-consciousness" is a "positive statement of one's race; but it
does not seek to elevate that race above other races."7"
To review the analysis presented thus far, Awo's and Zik's set of
Operational code demand elements include (I) independence--political,
economic, and social-cultural, (2) rec09nition for Nigerian excellence
on the bases of the country's historical achievement, competition, and
model function, (3) Nigerian unity and civility, and (A) black humani-

tarianism. The next chapter focuses on Awo's and Zik's expectations;'

these provide the foundation for these demands.

 

7IW.J. Fox, in West African Pilot, March 22, l9h7, as quoted in
Coleman,.gg.‘gi£., p. 223.

72Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism (New York: Praeger, I962), p. l3l.

73lbid., p. 33.

71leem.

CHAPTER III
EXPECTATIONS*

Assumptions about past, present, and future events affecting Awo's
and Zik's value position provide the foundation for their demands. I
have analyzed the expectation set of elements into (I) traditional fac-
tors dysfunctional to demand realization, (2) modern dysfunctional fac-
tors, (3) assumptions about man, (A) political life, and (5) future
prospects.

TRADITIONAL FACTORS DYSFUNCTIONAL TO DEMAND REALIZATION

Many traditional leaders subject to pOpular approval in the pre-
colonial period were vested with inordinate privileges, prestige, and
powers through British rule, and now they often resist diminution of
their gains.I Awo has had to reckon with Obas and Chiefs.

In spite of agitation here and there agains this or that Oba

or Chief, the institution...was still held in high esteem by

the people. But the traditional rights and privileges which

the Obas and Chiefs wished to preserve were antithetic to

democraéic concepts and the yearnings and aspirations of the

people.
In response to the British creation of indigenous authority with a non-
existent traditional basis, Zik argued before the Eastern House of

Assembly in I956;

The Bill [Under debat§7 is an assurance to the Chiefs of this
Region and other parts of the country that this Government is

 

*Indicators are statements which the author believes to be factual.
See "Method" in Chapter I for discussion of indicators.

lObafemi Awolowo, Awo: The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Cambridge: University Press, I960), pp. 6, 8. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Zik: A
Selection From the Speeches of Nnamdi Azikiwe (Cambridge: University Press,

196]): PP. 75'6-

2222 2.1.: p. 261. 5,

52

not antagonistic to the institution of chieftaincy, where
it is established tradition and custom of the people.3

The traditions of extended family and inheritance are seen as

detrimental to individual upward mobility and territorial economic

growth. About the extended family, Awo wrote,

With

the human soul and destroys human virtues."

In my childhood days, I saw in this unfailing concourse of
relations staying in our house an excellent social arrange-
ment. I enjoyed their company because they all tried to
pamper me. But as I grew older, and still more as I write
now, I have come torefilise that it is an excessively bur-
densome social system.

regard to the inheritance tradition, he said,

Mother and we her children were left destitute immediately
after father's death.. We were the victims of a native
law and custom which gives precedence to the deceased's
younger brothers and sisters, and to the children of his
older brothers and sisters in the disposal of inheritance.5

And those who had inherited my6father's properties were
indifferent to our privations.

Zik rallied against the Osu System, "a tradition which enslaves

7

The Osu system includes any social way of living which implies
that any person who is deemed to be an Osu or Oru or Ohu is
subject to certain prescribed social disability and social
stigma. An Osu may be a person who has been dedicated to a
shrine or a deity and that person and his descendants are
therefore regarded as social pariahs with no social rights
which non-Oru are bound to respect. An Osu may be a person
who is descended or can be proved to be descended from a

slave and that person and his descendants are forever pre-
scribed as social pariahs.

 

“_2. 915,, p. BI.
22, cit., p. I6.
51616., p. 33.
Ibld., p. 35.
793. _c_i_g_., p. 92.

albido, pp. 92-3.

53

"Chains of psychological slavery" are the cul-de-sac of many demands.
At the Ibadan University Students' Union Zik reminded his audience that
"the greatest task facing our generation is the salvaging of our people
from the thraldom of intolerance, prejudice and superstition, which
stems from ignorance and poverty."9

The Northern Region is the subject of much deprecation because of
its deeply entrenched feudal aristocracy and its "psychological slavery."
Compared with the Western and Eastern Regions it is relatively indif-
ferent to prOgress and consequently hinders the Federation's forging
ahead.IO Furthermore, its domination of the Federation is feared.H
In Kano, Zik presented before the NCNC the impediments, "the scourge,"
to political development:

Because our people are just emerging from the darkness of

ignorance into the light of knowledge, it has not been pos-

sible to inculcate discipline in the rank and file of our

organization. Consequently, a lack of sense of proportion

has been evident in their activities and has given rise to

unnecessary squabbles and a scramble for leadership, irrewr

Spective of the fitness or othennise of the ambitious ones.

The result has been a dissipation of energy into ghannels
which led to separatist tendencies and egomania.l

MODERN DYSFUNCTIONAL FACTORS

Stemming from British legacy, the most sensitive matter confronting
Awo and Zik is a natural outgrowth of Western civilization as imposed by

the British--the Nigerian inferiority complex.‘3 The EurOpeans through

 

9Ibid., p. 29.
10 .
Awolowo, 93. _g._1_t_., pp. I20, 268.

”Ibld., p. 200.

1292. £13., p. '7].

13Leonard W. Doob, "The Psychological Pressure Upon Modern Africans,"
Jogrnal of Human Relations, 8:A65-72, Spring and Summer, I960, p. A67.

5A
all media labored to socialize peoples everywhere to the myth of "white
man's superiority"--the white man has culture, the black man, none. Zik

called for "mental emancipation" from the colonial indoctrination and

IA

servility in his Renascent Africa (I937). In I9A7 Zik responded to

the myth; an African was victim of racial prejudice.

Why was this African so victimized? I will say it was

due to the education of non-Africans with regard to the
place of Africa in world society. Through the various
media of education--the film, the radio, the press, the
school, etc., the world has been mis-educated to regard
people of African descent as backward, primitive, uncouth,
boisterous, and ignorant. Consequently, the language of
science has been prostituted to rationalize the myth of the
racial inferiority of the African. The natural consequence
was the creation of stereotypes of African personality and
character....Those Africans who did not conform to such
stereotypes were branded as 'the irresponsible intelligent-
sia', 'agitator', 'know-all niggers', etc. The resultant
effect is seen in the diverse ways In which the member

of the master-race proceeds to justify his racial attitude
in order to guarantee social control....segregation and
discrimination.‘5

Zik strongly resents prominent American Negroes in the entertainment
world who for money foster instead of fight the fallacy of racial in-
feriority.‘6 "We have relentlessly fought any attempt to foist upon
us the horrible stigma of racial inferiority,"l7 he told the NAACP in
I959-

Awo's writings are futther documentation to the root and manifes-

tation of the inferiority complex. He described his birthplace which is

 

I"Azikiwe, Renascent Africa (Accra, I937), p. 25. Also A Selection,
13- I35.

l5A Selection, p. IA7.

I6Ibid., p. l52.

”Ibld., p. 18.

55

characteristic of other areas beset with institutionalization of the
white manIs "superiority."

Notwithstanding its ostensible mirth, peace and tranquillity,
the society into which I was born was one which was riddled
with fear, uncertainty and suppression. There was the fear
of the white man who was the supreme lord of any area placed
under his jurisdiction. His word was law, and his actions
would never be called in question by any member of the com-
munity...The barriers between the people and the white offi-
cial were language, and the latter's undisguised aloofness.
The sources of the peOple's fear of him were his strange
colour, his uncanny power to shoot people down at long range,
and his obviously unimpeachable authority. There was a

fear of the white man's carriers and messengers who were a
law unto themselves.1

As a child Awo thought the white man was a superman. "To me his colour
symbolised delicacy, innocence and purity, because it resembled very
much the colour of Ikenne children at birth. Why he remained white and
we grew black beat my little imagination."l9

Awo scorned to be a teacher or a civil servant in his early manhood.
Passivity toward the superman was denigrated; "teachers appeared to me
to be a race of meek and easy-going people, extremely Obsequlous in the
presence of a white man."20 Here is how he viewed Africans working in
the British administration:

African 'yes-men'...would run when called by a white man...put

their hands behind their backs in his presence...not dare to

see anything wrong in anything the white man said or did, and

punctuatglevery sentence they uttered before him with innumerable

'Sir's.’

Awo aspired to be a shorthand typist, for such persons were said to "look

 

Ibld., p. 63.

Ibld., p. 7A; see also p. 2A9.

56
any white man in the face."22 In I928 Awo started work as a teacher and
drifted into "the company of gay young men." The group resolved to
demonstrate contempt for and equality with the white man whenever "the

rare" opportunity Offered itself refusing the customary "Sir" or hat

23

gesture or refusing to fraternize or dine with him. Awo confessed,
Ineffective though it was when it was made, the resolution had
made a much deeper impression upon my mind than I realised at
the time. It was not until I953, a year after I had been in
office as Minister of Local Government and Leader of Govern-
ment Business In the Western Region of Nigeria, that I sincerely
felt free to fraternise and eat with white Officials.

Zik attributes African victimization to the stereotyped content of
Western education; Awo identifies another more recent cause of Injustice
and persistence of the inferiority complex.

There is a newfangled theory now being propounded with erudition
and gusto in the countries of the so-called Western democracies.
The proponents of this theory hold the view that it is inap-
propriate and hardly fair to expect a newly emergent African
nation to practise democracy as it is known and practised in

the countries of Western Europe and the United States of America.
Every mortal blow that isstruck by an independent African nation
at the vitals of democracy is rationalised by these theorists as
the African's peculiar method of adapting democratic usages to
his barbaric and primitive environment...25

The nationals of these imperial powers, for a number of reasons
which are well known, have always had a feeling Of superiority

towards the peoples of their former colonial territories. When
these colonial peoples attain to freedom, though they are dis-

charged from the bondage of political subjection and inferiori-
ty, they are regarded as nominally equal in status to their
former masters....For it would appear that in their heart of
hearts the white peoples, especially those of the Western world
still regard an African society as a group of inferior races...

26

 

25Ibid., p. 302.

Ibid., p. 303.

57
The ideal of democracy is not liable to modification or dis-
tortion, even though mankind has invented different methods

for its realisation...lt is an affront to the African race
to suggest that they are incapable of applying...[§emocracy7.

27
Democracy and a one-party system of government are mutually exculsive
in Awo's and Zik's expectations.2

Other modern dysfunctional factors are (I) excrescences of Western
civilization (artificial necessities and excessive materialist motiva-
tion) and consequent disruption of formerly tranquil societies; Awo and
Zik criticize the pretensions of the worldly and urban.29 (2) There is
a lack of finances to produce the wealth which is instrumental for ex-
tensive social welfare programs.30 In I959 Zik told the NAACP that the
greatest of Nigeria's problems is to raise the standard of living of her

3I

peOple. (3) Nigerian inexperience in the art of diplomacy is another

problem. With regard to diplomacy and the I957 Constitutional Conference
Zik declared,

The Nigerian delegations demonstrated their immaturity...He
'[The Colonial Secretary7 and his galaxy of experts spared no
effort to play on the vanity of the Nigerian delegations, whose
gullibility in swallowing the soothing opium of flattery ad-
ministered by ex erts in this branch of 'White Magic' beats

the imagination.

 

27Ibld., p. 30A.
28

Loc. cit., Azikiwe, A Selection, p. 87.

w”

2
9Awolowo,l22.lgjt., pp. 6, 289, 25l, 2A2; Azikiwe, passim.

391p1g., pp. 98, 262; A Selection, p. 2i.

3|Azikiwe, loc. cit.

32Ibid., p. 135.

58

For Awo there emerges another factor portending doom for his conception

of and desire for a united and happy Nigeria. This factor is Dr. Azikiwe

himself. Awo wrote,

Indeed he is a believer in many good causes. The only puzzling
thing about Dr. Azikiwe is that more often than not there is

a wide gap between what he believes and what he greaches, and
between what he preaches and what he practices.3

It was clear...from the general political and journalistic
manoeuvres of Dr. Azikiwe over the years that his great ob-

jective was to set himself up as a dictator fiver Nigeria
and to make the Ibo nation the master race.3

ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT MAN

As each historical period in all its fruition reflects the prevailing

concept of man, so too does Awo's and Zik's operational code evidence

their evaluation of man. To Zik "man is still a wolf to man."35 Speak-

ing in Dr. Frank Buchman's home in support of Moral Re-Armament in I952,

he expressed the belief that changing human nature was not difficult.

36

However, seven years later before the NAACP, his position had changed.

sees

As students of human relations we know the fundamental social
problems which confront those who are privileged to rule
others. We also realize the impossibility of changing human
nature in particular areas of social activities.

Awo also assumes man on earth is an animal, and for this reason

the beauty of democracy with its checks and balances.

 

330 . .c_i_t., p. '8].

3"Ibid., p. 172.

.35A Selection; P- 255-

36lbid., p. 256.

371bid., p. 16.

59

If he [5657 is elevated to a position where he could feel un-
fettered by and above the sanction and conventions jointly
imposed by his fellow-men, he would prove to be the savagest
of savage animals. It goes without saying, therefore, that
if absolute power is vested in any man, the chances are ten
to one that he will use it to the detéiment of his fellowmen
and for his personal aggrandisement.3

Nevertheless, these elite members view man as a noble animal. On
the basis of what history has taught, Awo believes "however repressed it
may be, mankind cannot permanently attune itself to the base and inhuman
conditions of a dictatorship."39 "Human nature is not susceptible to
mass regimentation.""0 Zik quotes Tacitus, "'A desire to resist oppres-

,"Al

sion is implanted in the nature of man.
.POLITICAL LIFE

Expectations about political life follow from assumptions about

man. As man is a wolf to man, Zik sees man a target of his fellow man

in the political arena.

I know that in any form of political control of human beings,
man's acquisitive instinct, man's love of power, and the
vanity of human wishes must make man a target of his fellow
man, especially when the spoils of politics constitute the
issue which confronts them.

 

38Ibid., p. 271.

3992' Sign: P0 30‘-

"Olbid., p. 30A.

"'A Selection, p. 83.

"2Ibid., p. 58.

60
In the same vein Awo realizes the function of his opponents' acrobatic

A . .
displays of changing positions. 3 He perceives a politIcaI career In a

democracy inevitably to entail hard knocks."" Courage,"S timing,

stoic self-restraing and discipline, and an objective appreciation of
historical and contemporary trends are considered requisites.1L7 "All
sorts of compromises, complications and disappointments," he frankly
admitted, "are concomitants of political life,""8 as are political par-

A9 50

ties singing their own praise. and requiring money.

Zik assumes the university is a training ground for political leader-
ship and followership; Awo implicitly agrees. Zik's expectation is that
"student self-government" develops these qualities.

Leadership Is infused into the elected ones with the native
ability and inculcates in them a sense of duty and respon-
sibility. Student leaders are thus co-opted in making and
enforcing by-laws of the university, which enable them to
gain rich experience from the interplay of social forces
which prevail in their miniature world. On the other hand,

 

"3O . 913., pp. 2AA, I72.
""Ibid., p. 253.

"Slbid., p. 120.

l‘6Ibid., p. 220.
"7Ibid., p. 26A.
1"311nm, p. 185.

"9Ibid., p. 26A.

Ibld., p. 220.

6|

through followership students learn to appreciate what
obedience, loyalty, faithfulness, reliability and other
forms of social co-operation connote in the conflict of
emotions which animates human activities. Thus equipped,

they leave the precincts of the university to take their
places in the arena of life as future leaders, since it

becomes patent that it is only a good follower who ulti-

mately developes into a good leader.

Because the Eastern Region was traditionally governed, for the
most part, by elected councils, Zik does not concern himself with po-
litical training for traditional rulers. Zik believes indigenous tra-
ditional rulers should continue to rule culturally and spiritually.
Awo, on the other hand, is politically active in the Western Region
where the Obas (High Chiefs) and Chiefs were and still are very influ-
ential at the local level. Consequently, he speaks of local govern-
ment as a training ground for political leadership and followerShip for
the traditional rulers so that they will be "the agents of their own
people and answerable to them." About local government Awo writes,

It is the foundation on which the massive and magnificent

super-structure of state, Regional or central government is

erected. It is the training ground in political awareness

and civic responsibility for a much larger number of public-

spirited citizens than can ever have room to operate on the
Regional or national levels.52

FUTURE PROSPECTS

"Africa is destined to become the continent of the present century,"

declared Zik.53 Future prospects for demand realization lie with Nigerian

 

5IAziklwe, A Selection, p. 28.

5292' £13.” P- 2780

53A Selection, p. l0.

62
"51"

and African youth of "steeled spirit. Evidence of this abounds in

the behavior of Awo and Zik with regard to education. On March 27, I958,
Zik broadcast over the NBC, "henceforth, this day shall be reserved as
one set apart to glorify the daring and enterprise of Youth-~that stage
in the physical growth of man which is known as thespring of life."55
On another occasion he asked why members of the older generation'have
the audacity to misinterpret the yearnings and desires" of their youth.
One of Awo's reasons for writing his autobiography is his belief that
certain of his experiences "may serve as a source of inspiration and
hope to some struggling youth."56

"Will Nigeria succeed in the realm of democratic concepts and prac-

tices?" asked Awo. The answer, he replied, "is in the womb of the un-

57

known and unfathomable future." ‘His expectation, however, is that

Nigeria's heterogeneous peoples are "a potential check on the emergence

n 58

of a totalitarian form of government. He believes that in Nigeria
there is no need for the charismatic leader, the single national hero

revered and loved by the masses, required "to infuse a sense of oneness

and of common nationality in the peOples of Nigeria" and thus to sub-

55lglg., pp. 5], 58. See James S. Coleman, Nigeria: Backgroundto

Nationalism (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press,

1958): P0 3h20

55A Selection, p. #5.

560 . _c_l_t_., p. ix.

57M” p. 206.

58Loc. cit.,

63
stantiate the future solidarity of Nigeria.

Our struggles for independence have produced no martyr--no

single national hero...Nigeria has won her independence with-

out...simply because the manner in which Britain has handled

our agitation for freedom is totally different from her cold

and contemptuous attitude...[zoward other people§7 l have no

doubt that the good sense with which we attained independence

will keep us together as a free and united peOple....all the

leaders of opinion in Nigeria are unanimous in the determing-

tion to keep the constituent units in the country together. 9
Perhaps Awo rejects the charismatic leader because (I) Zik has more
personal popularity than he does, and (2) Awo relies upon his own and
his elite followers organizational skill and the charisma not of the
charismatic leader but of the traditional charismatic leaders.

An indication of Awo's belief in the groundwork acts and model
function of the elite leaders is in this sentence: "As for the younger
generation, they just cannot contemplate a Nigeria different in boun-
daries and smaller in size than the one which Britain bequeathes to us
on independence."60

The outlook for a United States of Africa is viewed by both men as
distant and visionary. ‘Assoclations in which nationals retain political
sovereignty, e.g., a Federation of West Africa or a Pan-African organiza-
tion with membership confined to believers in racial equality, appears

to them more logical.61

 

59|b ‘do, pp. 299-300.

6Olbid., p. 300.

6lAwolowo,glg.. cit., p. 312.

6h

It is unrealistic in the extreme to expect that African

nations which have only recently won their independence

from foreign rule would be willing to surrender or even

diminish their sovereignty in gge pursuit of what is

quite plainly an jgnls fatuus.

What are the prospects for peace? "You may succeed in averting
war between the two great blocs, but yours will be a hollow victory so
long as any part of the world remains a colonial territory,"63 Zik told
the British Peace Congress in l9h9. The Cold War is acknowledged but
focus is upon the African continent and its descendants in other parts
of the world. Africa is the parochial referent in Zik's declaration
that "in the interest of world peace...one-half of the world cannot be
democratic and the other half undemocratic."6h The strictures of world
opinion against imperialism are viewed as promoting peace. "The advo-
cates of...[;nti-imperialiqm7 are growing larger in number and stronger
in influence every day, with the result that colonial rule is fast be-

"65

coming anathema to the imperialists, wrote Awo.
To this point of the discussion of my constructed hypothetical
operational code of Awo and Zik, l have presented their demands and their
expectations. The latter include traditional factors dysfunctional to
demand realization, modern dysfunctional factors, assumptions about man,

political life, and future prospects. These provide the foundation for

their demands. Next, their reference identifications will be analyzed.

 

2Awolowo,‘gp_. 313., p. 312.
63A Selection, p. 63.
61Llbid., p. 83.

650 . 513., p. 296.

CHAPTER IV
REFERENCE IDENTIFICATIONS*

Because the reference identification segment plays an axial role
in the operational code--they are sources of elite demands, expecta-
tions, rules of the game, and strategies--they merit special attention.
The concept of reference identifications centers on process through
which an individual relates himself to another individual, a group, or
an abstraction and refers his behavior to the values of that individual,
group, or abstraction. Reference identifications are relative to situ-
ations and contexts; in other words, they have boundaries which are
dynamic in response to specifiable situational contexts. This concept
is important because of man's conceptual level of functioning, which
makes possible the regulation of experience and behavior in relation to
values and norms at times beyond the immediate individual, group, or
abstraction situation.' The underlying assumption is that human beha-
vior is to a great extent organized and directed,2 and that this direc-
tion comes primarily from reference identifications.

Reference identifications are defined as social frames of reference

for self-evaluation and attitude formation within which the individual

 

*Indicators are discussed in "Method," Chapter I.

IMuzafer Sherif, "The Concept of Reference Groups in Human Rela-
tions," in Muzafer Sherif and M.O. Wilson (eds.), Group Relations at
the Crossroads (New York: Harper, I953), p. 206 and pp. 203-3l.

2Manford H. Kuhn and Thomas S. McPartland, "An Empirical Investi-
gation of Self-attitudes," American Sociological Review, l9z68-76, p. 68.

65

66
acts and with which he identifies. A frame of reference, according to
Sherif, denotes
the functional relatedness of all factors, external and in-
ternal, that are Operative at a given time. All these exter-
nal and internal factors enter jointly in determining psy-
chOIOQical organization, perceptual or otherwise. Observed
behavior is a consequence of organization thus produced. The
external factors are the stimulus factors...lnternal factors
include motive both biogenic and sociogenic, attitudes, ego-
attitudes, concepts, and other products of past experience.
Within this frame of reference are external or internal anchorages, i.e.,
salient reference points which have more influence than others, which
contribute heavily and at times decisively to the organiza-
tion of experience and behavior. The properties of other
parts in a frame of reference become defined and re ulated
in terms of their relation to the anchoring points.
Reference identifications functionally serve as these major anchorings
(social frames of reference) within the general frame of reference.
These may be negative reference identifications, i.e., there is moti-
vated rejection of the individual, group, or abstraction norms and for-
mation of counter-nonns.
Reference identifications are axial to the other sets of elements
in the operational code. They may be though of as a set of cords which
pass through other code segments and on which the segments revolve.

Thus, demands may stem directly from reference identifications or indi-

rectly from expectations. When the individual realistically wants in

 

3o . 53., pp. 210-11.

1+Muzafer Sherif and Carolyn W. Sherif, An Ogtline of Social Psy-
chology (New York: Harper, l956), p. 50.

5Muzafer Sherif,[gp.Ԥj_., pp. 2I3-lh.

67
accord with facts he perceives affecting his value position, the facts
are generally perceived through a selective process determined by
reference identifications. Reference identifications are the source
of rules of the game which delimit strategies. Strategies may also be

influenced directly by reference identifications. Here is the model:

Awo's and Zik's analyzed reference identifications are (l) the

 

 

"messianic-patriot," (2) their respective primary and ethnic groups,
(3) intellectuals, (h) the "white man," and (5) Western nations. It
is not my intent to discuss the situational factors, a problem for

another paper.
THE "MESSIANIC-PATRIOT"

Awo wrote, "'When the disciples are ready, the master will appear'
says the mystic: an eternal truth which is applicable to politics as it

is to mysticism."6 He and Zik both identify themselves with an ideal

fl

"messianic-patriot, the divine agent to rectify injustice and to de-

liver his territory to natia1hood. In l9h9 Zik Spoke in this tradition:
"I have chosen to exist as a dormant volcano, and to erupt at the appro-

7

priate time." This identification is perhaps interrelated with Awo's

and Zik's espousal of Christianity, especially its tale of an Oppressed

 

6Obafemi Awolowo, Awo: The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Cambridge: University Press, I960), p. 27].

7Nnamdi Azikiwe, Zik: A Selection From the Speeches of Nnamdi
Azikiwe (Cambridge: University Press, I96I), p. I67.

68
people from the ranks of which comes a leader under God's guidance to
lead the chosen people to independence. Scriptural support from the Old
Testament has been used by other Negro leaders, e.g., Jamaican leaders
used it to justify their revolutions and give divine sanction to their
activities;8 Pan-Africanism is said to have begun "in the diaspora."9
Awo's and Zik's use of divine sanction is not an alien kind of sanction
in Nigeria, since, as previously discussed, the traditional societies
are usually sacral.

Rebellious in his Wesley College experience (which included a
highly Unjust seniority and fagging system) Awo recalled his early cru-
sader self-image.l0 Later, with regard to his first experience in
Western Region internal self-government, he declared, "We [Awo and

'II In

follower§7 regarded ourselves as crusaders in a new cause...’
his autobiography a Jewish proverb is quoted: "'When the tally of
bricks is too heavy, then comes Moses.'"l2 It seems that the Old Tes-
tament prophecy which Moses fulfilled in biblical times, Awo and Zik

Ibelieve believe they are destined to fulfill in modern times. The Bible

was written to preserve and communicate the "truth"; Awo and Zik each

 

8Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism (New York: Praeger, I962), p. 39.

9Ibid., p. Hi.

IOOJ. c—it.’ p. 614”.

llIbld., p. 256.

l2Ibld., p. 272.

6%?
13

present for this generation and posterity their respective publications.
The biblical concept appears as a social frame of reference for Awo's
and Zik‘s self-evaluation and attitude formation, and their behavior (as
they describe it) occurs in conformity.

"If God spares me to return home alive," said Zik in I928, "I pledge
that I will join crusaders for human freedom anywhere in the world and
we shall intensify the struggle for democracy in Africa."“+ Although
the patriot reference identification implies fervent involvement with

one's own country, Awo's and Zik's scope often includes Black Africa and

'5

Negroes everywhere. Throughout his career Zik has had an "expansive,

0 0 O o e e '6
universalist, racnalist.orientation,' according to Coleman. Before

the NAACP in I959 Zik said,

Your kindness in inviting me to speak today underlines the
basic community of feeling between coloured Americans and
their brothers in Africa. We struggle towardsthe same ul-
timate objective; to revive the stature of man so that man's
inhumanity to man shall cease. Your success shall be our
success and your failure shall be our failure. In this basic
unity lies the pronise of great advancement for the black
race throughout the entire world. 7

Martyrdom, typical of many religious remedial and nationalist enter-
prises, is expressed by Zik after his conviction for seditious libel in
1937-

If because I am an instrument of destiny through which imperi-

alism in West Africa is to be challenged and liquidated, and

if in this mission I am compelled to pay the supreme penalty,
then there is no need for me to quake or to quiver..,.At this

 

l3lbid., pp. ix, ll3. Azikiwe, Qp.‘gjt., p. vii.

“+93. _c__i_t_., p. 2.

‘5Ibid., p. 309.

l6James S. Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California Press, I958), p. 222.

I70 .clt., p. 22, also p. 90.

70

stage of my life, I cannot be mere flesh. I cannot be part

of the corruptible phase of man's organism. I am a living

spirit of an idea--the idea of a New Africa. I am a living

spirit of an ideology--the ideology of the effacement of man's

inhumanity to man.

Happily for the gospel according to the New Africa, there

exist today on this continent Renascent Africans: literate

and illiterate, poor and wealthy, high and low; and they

have expressed to me by their words and deeds, during the

last few days of the crucial moments of the existence 0 my

flesh on this earth that the New Africa is born to me.
In conformity with martyrdom Zik claimed he was willing to give up his
position of command, to sacrifice his political career. "I relinquished
leadership to another patriot...in order to demonstrate my good faith,"
he declared in a speech rescinding his decision to retire from active
politics upon request of party leaders.‘9 A comparable situation occurred
after the second attempt on Zik's life; "[if7 I have outlived my useful-
ness to the country I should step down."20 During British rule Zik
asserted that he had little concern for his future role in Nigerian po-
litical history; rather, he stressed his desire to be a "messianic-
patriot", and a martyr if necessary, associated with others in the non-
violent crusade against colonialism under sanction of, in his phrase,
the "God of Africa."2|

Prescience, another characteristic trait of the "messianic-patriot"

reference identification,appears in both men's conception of themselves

 

'8Ibid., p. 57, also p. A8. See Coleman,.92..gj;., pp. 296-97.

I9o ..gig., p. I68.

20Ibid., pp. 19A-96.

2]Ibid., p. 256 gt passim.

7i

as visionary; their image of others is that of the easily beguiled.22
Zik described himself as a young man in this way:

I saw visions: visions of Nigeria becoming a great country

in the emerging continent of Africa; visions of Nigeria

offering freedom to those in bondage, and securing the demo-

cratic way of life to those who had been éulled into an

illusion of security under colonial rule. 3
Evidence that Awo foresaw his eminence in Nigeria is found in this ex-
cerpt from a letter boldly asking a wealthy man for a large sum of money
to finance his legal education in Britain: "You stand to gain absolutely
NOTHING in the whole transaction, except the satisfaction that by helping
me to aghieve my gmbition you are indirectly_or even directly_helping

"2h

Nigerig or even Africa. It is noteworthy that Awo became a fanatical
admirer of the Indian National Congress and of Gandhi, Nehru, and Bose.
His hero-worship may have led him to advocate non-violence, linguistic

25

provincial boundaries, and federalism.
PRIMARY AND ETHNIC GROUPS

The primary group as used here is (l) a group characterized by a
high degree of solidarity, (2) its rules autonomously created and main-

tained In the regulation of the behavior of its members, and (3) physical

 

22Awolowo,‘9_2. cit., p. 200.
23o . 913., p. 200.
2"Qp..glg., p. 103.

25lbid., pp. 160-62.

72

proximity or face-to-face relations among its members.2 In the soci-
alization of the individual it is a potent reference identification, par-
ticularly in the traditional and transitional society where the relative
weight of loyalty and the relative degree to which political functions
are performed is greater in the primary group than in the modern society
where the secondary group norms and attitudes are more significant.27

Awo strongly identifies with his Christian father, who he believes
impressed upon him to shun anything connected with paganism and to aspire
to be among the new elite.28‘ He makes many references to his fathers
and granny's (granny and his mother were pagans) encouragement against
retreating from a fight, and he relates them to what he describes as his
tough, fearless, and defiant behavior.29 The format of Zik's book may
account for his not speaking of his fanilial reference group.

Both men, however, make statements which indicate that they identify

with their respective ethnic groups. Exemplification can be found in

selections from Zik's address to the Ibo State Assembly in l9h9.

 

26Edward A. Shils, "The Study of the Primary Group," in Harold D.
Lasswell and Daniel Lerner (eds.), The Policy Sciences, Recent Develop-
ments in Scope and Method (Stanford: Stanford University Press, l95l),
pp. hh-69; Sidney Verba, Small Groups and Political Behavior: A Study
of Leadership (Princeton: Princeton University Press, l96l).

27Verba, ibid., p. A7. The primary group was thought to lose in
strength to secondary structure in various realms in response to a modern
society. Recent findings, however, show that in such a society the pri-
mary group has a "potentiality for influencing individual opinion that
larger, more specifically goal-oriented organizations do not have, "
because of the 'diffuseness,‘ coupled with greater 'presence!" (p. 36)

28Awolowo,‘22.ugj£., pp. ll, 20, 27, 30, #9, SI.

29lbid., passim.

73

It would appear that God has specially created the Ibo people
to suffer persecution and be victimized because of their reso-
lute will to live. Since suffering is the label of our tribe,
we can afford to be sacrificed for the ultimate redemption of
the children of Africa.30

In spite of...natural advantages, which illustrate without
doubt the potential wealth of the Ibo, we are among the
least developed in Nigeria, economically, and we are so
ostracized socially that we have befome extraneous in the
political institutions of Nigeria.3

The only worthwhile stand we can make as a nation is to
assert our right to self-determination, as a unit of a pro-
spective Federal Commonwealth of Nigeria and the Cameroons,
where our rights will be respected and safeguarded.

The above quotations also reflect Zik's messianic-patriot identifica-
tion. Herethe reference is to his ethnic group as well as to himself.
Although martyrdom is accepted, inequitable abnegation is rejected.
Since an ethnic union comparable to that of the Ibos did not exist

for the Yorubas (Awo's ethnic group), Awo thought one should be foun-
ded "in the interest of the federal unity of Nigeria." His expression

is less emotional than Zik's.

The Yorubas were a highly progressive but badly disunited
group. They paid lip-service to a spiritual union and affinity
in a common ancestor--Oduduwa. But in all their long history
they had waged wars against one another....They had something
which was all their own to contribute to the common pool of
Nigerian nationalism and nationhood. I decided, therefore,

to do all that was in my power to infuse solidarity into the
disjointed tribes that constitute the Yoruba ethnic group,

to raise their morale, to rehabilitate their self-respect, and
to imbue them with the confidence that they are an important
factor in the forging of the federal unity of Nigeria.3

 

3°92. _c_i_t_., p. 212.
3'Ibid., p. 21.3.
32Ibid., p. ens.

33Awolowo, 22. £15., p. I66.

7h

Out of expediency Awo worked both with Yoruba Obas and Yoruba bourgeois

to achieve his objectives.
INTELLECTUALS

Awo and Zik as intellectuals identify with individuals of a com-
parable bent. These intellectuals are those who received Western uni-
versity training, particularly in the pre-independence period in the
"hot-beds" of London and Paris where the coals of nationalism were
fanned. The values, attitudes, and standards of this group have and
are making a positive contribution to Africa; they have led to the es-

tablishment of schools and universities, and rational planning for

3h

social and economic development) They also have an elitist mentality,

or special calling. As Coleman points out,

Virtually the whole acculturative process-~conscious indoc-
trination as well as unconscious imitation--has been directed
toward stimulating a consciousness among educated Africans

that they are superior and more advanced than their compatri-
ots....This strand in colonialism is responsible for the neces-
sary link believed to exist between Western education and the
legitimacy of claims to political authority which has furthered
the belief common among educated Africans that it is inevitable,
if not a divine right that the educated few should rule.35

36

As Zik asserted, "It is the scholar who makes or unmakes society."
Furthermore, because many traditional societies are sacral in which
power and authority are equated with magical qualities, as education is
seen to lead to power and authority, it too takes on magical qualities

and reinforces the belief that the educated should rule.

 

3"See Chapter II and Chapter VI.

35James S. Coleman, "The Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa," in Gabriel
A. Almond and James 5. Coleman (eds.), The Politics of Developing Areas
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, I960), p. 329. Awolowo concedes
some local rule to the traditional rulers who are powerful.

36Ibid., passim.

75

The following are illustrations of how intellectuals have acted as
reference identifications for Awo and Zik. Zik, though active in politics

and government, is not distantly removed from an earlier professorial

37

role. His speech circuit includes innumerable institutions of learning,
and he played the determining role in founding the University of Nigeria.
On the basis of Zik's "manner which was both charming and disarming" and

his ability to "subtly and implictly" lay "claims to fields of learning
38

which were truly catholic and almost limitless," he is admired by Awo
who fears Zik may become a Hitler.

Awo, using the phrase "we of the fraternity of the pen," indicates

39

his identification with writers. "My interest in journalism and asso-

ciation with newspapers did not cease with the severance of my connection

#0

with the Nigerian Daily Times...'Once a journalist always a journalist.'"
He bestows the highest praise on his colleagues in the legal profession.

For example,

Chief Thomas...had a rare gift of intuition which bordered
on the prophetic....He was a brilliant lawyer with a quick
and acute perception of abstruse legal technicalities....
Chief S.L. Akintola...is a breezy, affable character who
cannot be ruffled easily, if at all. His peculiar gift
consists in his capability to argue and defend two opposing

 

37

lbid.,,passim.
38Awolowo,‘gg.‘gj£., p. 87.
39lbid., p. 81.

"Olbidq p. 88.

76
points of view with equal competence and plausibility.
This quality backed by his sense of humour and his ca-

pacity for nuances made him an insoluble puzzle to our
opponents. I

THE "WHITE MAN"

As a result of the African colonial experience--the Europeans were
the prestige and privileged group in Africa by virtue of their power,
skills, and material possessions--the "white man" has provided for Awo
and Zik a source of norms and a frame of comparison for making judg-
ments and perceiving self-identity. Reward for conformity with the
white man's values, standards, and behavior patterns was forthcoming in
increased education, a higher standard of living and social status, and
political independence concomitant with a minimization of the sting of
inferiority. The white man appears as a reference identification through-
out Awo's and Zik's books suggesting that he may be their most important
reference identification. This identification is diffuse; it appears to
encompass the political realm. Although all fonns of independence--
political, economic, cultural-~are demanded from the white man, and he
is soundly and repeatedly criticized, Legum points out that "rejection
of the white man and all his works is never wholehearted." He continues,
"Blacks are in a hopelessly ambivalent love-hatred relationship with

A2

whites." The Europeans have Independent nations; so too the Africans

 

l”Ibld., pp. 258-59. See "Action Group Rift Reopens in Nigeria,"
Africa Re rt, May, I962, p. l8, for personal and ideological controversy
between Awo, AG national leader, and Akintola, deputy leader of the party
and Western Region Premier.

"209.. m... p. 34.
"3Qg, 913,, p. 53; see also p. #3.

77
must have them. However, attaining independence through violence in the
European pattern is rejected. Zik states, "The continent of Europe set
a pattern for bloodshed in the attainment of liberty....But we...know
better.""3
Awo attests to the urbanized Nigerian intelligentsia's identification
with the white man: "To a large extent, the British way of life was imi-

“5

tated and emulated.""" His self-description and attempts to develop
specific qualities in his person provide warrant for the proposition
that Awo identifies with Lord Chandos about whom he wrote,

Lord Chandos was a Colonial Secretary very much after my

heart: businesslike, clear-headed, firm and precise. He did

not suffer fools gladly....He was big and courageous enough

to make up his own mind on any issue however vital and deli-

cate. I adored him for his many good qualities...

Awo's political behavior, as he describes it, conforms with that of Lord
Chandos. For example, Awo stresses his organizational qualities, courage,
and refusal to be anyone's puppet.

Perhaps identification with the British stereotype in Africa--
persons preoccupied with cleanliness and meticulous toilet--leads Awo also
to be preoccupied with these traits. This is just one of many interesting
examples of the "white man" reference identification. Emphasis on clean-

liness was the European reaction to the filthy conditions of the early

industrial revolutions. The British came to exploit the Niger Delta's

 

"3O . 315,, p. 53; see also p. #3.

h’I'IOJ. c—it0, p. 1'7.

lF5Ibid., passim.

l"6|bid., p. 2M3.

78
and Oil Rivers' yield of high grade palm oil, because oil had to be
added to tallow, the basic ingredient of soap, to make it lather. War-
rant for speculation about Awo's identification with the stereotyped
white man is found in Awo's frequent mention of cleanliness, especially
with respect to persons admired. Describing his paternal grandmother,

"#7

the first adjective about her he uses is "clean. About his father,

he said,
Father was a handsome and well-dressed person. He loved clean
surroundings and always had a bath every day after the day's
work (an unusual thing in those days in Ikenne Community)....

Fatheflés chief quarrel with me was that I was extremely un-
tidy.

The headmaster of Wesley College was "a very clean and handsome man, with
superb sartorial taste,"h9 he stated, and then, "Shortly after my arrival
...I cultivated the habit of having a bath daily. I washed my own
clothes--and pressed them by folding them, wrapping them up carefully,

and using them as a pillow."50

 

79

WESTERN NATIONS

In addition to their "messianic-patriot, primary and ethnic groups,

intellectuals, and the "white man" reference identifications, Awo and
Zik express strong affinity with Western nations as a reference identifi-
cation. Their conformity to Western nation values is vound most notably

in their belief in democracy, discussed below in the chapter on rules of

the game.

Awo argues for federation in Nigeria, pointing to Western examples

51

of Western-type federations--the constitutional pattern of India, the

52

cantons of Switzerland, and the Provinces of Canada.53 In I955, con-

fronted with no one political party possessing a clear majority over the
others, Zik explained to his Party Leaders,

The question of whether...a hybrid government can be stable
has been answered in the United States, whose Constitution,
by the way is partially our model, and where the Republican
and Democratic Parties have bridged the gulf of their dif-
ferences by establishing an accord based on bi-partisanship.
That...is a lamp to guide our feet towards the building of
goodwill and understanding in Nigeria, in spite of our poll-
tical differences.5

Zik recognizes that the problems of higher education which faced the
United States in the nineteenth century are comparable to those before

Nigeria and thus he seeks to profit from the lessons of the former by

 

5'1b1d., p. 162.
52Ibid., p. 171+.
53Ibid., p. 175. Azikiwe, 22. 23., p. 19.

93. 213., p. I29.

80

promoting a land grant philosophy for Nigeria's universities.55
Many times Zik felt "that although United States fed him with bread

of bitterness and sank into his flesh its tiger's tooth, yet he loved

this 'cultured Hell.'"56

He has a positive identification with the
United States. He professes faith in it as a bastion of democracy, for
in spite of hardships (e.g., "the full impact of the discrimination and
economic insecurity that befell the average American Negro"),57 he was

58

able to forge ahead and realize his dreams. . He explains why "every
act of injustice based on such extraneous factors as race, colour, creed
or station in life" in the United States has been severely attacked and
has evoked negative identification with the United States. "Because of...
high esteem, the outside world expects the United States, like Caesar's
wife, to be beyond reproach, so far as respect for human dignity is con-
cerned, bearing in mind 'the spirit of l776.'"59
Although Awo and Zik show no signs of positive identification with
the Soviet Union in their recently published books, Coleman points out

that during World War II "Nigerian readers of Azikiwe's publications in

Nigeria, had Russia presented to them as an ideal, as the unique foreign

 

55lbid., p. 295.

56Ibid., p. In.

57

Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, p. 222.

58Azikiwe, 22. .c_i_t_., pp. “4-, h.

59Ibid., p. 16.

BI
60

country whose experience and techniques Nigerian might well emulate."
Coleman claims the fascination with Soviet Russia was based on

the alleged absence of color discrimination within Soviet

Russia and among Communists...the rapid social, educational,

and economic transformation of primitive and backward areas

which Communists have claimed was brought about in the

Soviet Union...[3ng7 the political and economic unity im-

posed upon a large and culturally heterogeneous mass of

peoples.
However, with postwar developments imperial policy was pressured toward
constitutional reform in Nigeria which in turn caused Nigerians to focus
upon Western countries as models for their national evolution, rather than
to focus upon the Soviet Union as a model.62

Awo's and Zik's reference identifications, revealed through analysis
of their writings, were discussed in this chapter. These social frames
of reference for self-evaluation and attitude formation are the "messianic-
patriot," Awo's and Zik's respective primary and ethnic groups, intellec-
tuals, the'hhite man" and Western nations. Now I turn to the rules of

the game which derive from reference identifications and delimit demands,

expectations, and strategies.

 

6gfljgeri§;;B§gkground to Nationalism, p. 2&8.

6llbid., p. 2A9.

62Ibid., p. 250.

CHAPTER V
RULES OF THE GAME*

Rules of the game are the parameters and guideposts prescribed for
political strategies, i.e., ideology which delimits demands, expecta-
tions, and is derived from reference identifications. Awo and Zik pro-
fess Christian-sportsman ethics with an emphasis on humanitarianism and
labor. Social democracy, with the overtone of salvation or optimism,

is their ideology.
"RELIGIONS:" CHRISTIANITY AND SPORTSMANSHIP

Awo recounts his boyhood realization that Christianity, his father's
faith, was "of a surety, superior In many respects to paganism;"I he
succeeded in getting his mother "to break her mother's vow to the river
god, and become a baptized Christian."2 Later, however, he became an
agnostic. "But," he declared, "I vehemently disavowed the legends and
fictions which the Israelites and their successors in dogma have woven

3

round Him." During his l9hh-h6 stay in Britain,Awo attended some of

the Sunday meetings of the South Place Ethical Society at Conway Hall.

 

*lndicators are assertions of belief in religious and/or secular
creeds which establish the boundaries of behavior; also allusions to,
reference to, and/or exposition of a creed, or part of it, in a context
which implies acceptance.

lObafemi Awolowo, Awo: The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Cambridge: University Press, I960), pp. l, 109.

82

83
He recalls his intellectual disturbance that "each meeting followed the
pattern of a prayer service, with some minor variations."

'Why this imperfect and irrational imitation of the Christian
mode of worship?‘ It dawned upon me, more than ever before,
that human beings naturally love rituals and ceremonies.
Whether they believe in God or not, they always like to wor-
ship and venerate something: a flag, or a shrine; the tomb
or effigy of a dead hero or the person and presence of a
living one; and so on and so forth. I sincerely thought
that something was missing at the Conway Hall meetings of
the South Place Ethical Society, and a process of re-
evaluation of Christian ideals and practices as compared
with agnostic, rationalist or atheistic concepts was gene-
rated within me.

After espousing Christianity and then moving away from it, Awo
eventually "returned to the Holy Bible and to the Christian fold."5
Of the three factors to which he confesses he owes his success in life,
Christianity is placed first; a spartan self-discipline is second, his
wife, third.6 Whitaker reports Awo "a keen Methodist" and also "a
strict teetotaler" which "inclines some Muslims in all parts of the
Region to his party."7

The concluding chapter in Zik's Selected Speeches is devoted to

praise of the Church Missionary Society, particularly for its Nigerian-

ization work (e.g., translating Christian literature into African

 

h

Ibid., p. 77.
?_2£°.£J_n
6

7Philip Whitaker, "The Western Region of Nigeria, May I956," in
W.J.M. Mackenzie and Kenneth Robinson (eds.), Five Elections in Africa
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, I960), p. 25.

8h

languages and appointing African bishops). For example,

The Society has been sending evangelists, teachers and

physicians to teach us, to preach to us, to heal our

physical infirmities, and to baptize us so that we may

experience a new life in a new society that would be

Christocentric. The seed which these evangelists with

a mission had sown has yielded fruits of which the So-

ciety should be proud.
Noteworthy is Zik's recurring reference to a divinity as "the God of
Africa"9 in his political speeches. Expressing Christian conviction
with Biblical quotations, using Christian symbols in areas where mis-
sions were established in order to communicate to peOple in a language
they understand, he does nevertheless universalize "God" In public
articulation to include other than the Christian divinity--"We need to
pray to God to show us the way to a peaceful and united country..."IO
Hodgkin reports that Zik's "NCNC and its subsidiary, the National Church
of Nigeria and the Cameroons, at one time made use of a large collection
of nationalist hymns and prayers especially composed for...[parti7

all

purpose.

The political relevance of Awo's and Zik's espousal of Christian
moral values is apparent from the strategies they use to achieve their
demands. These are discussed in the subsequent chapter. Internaliza-

tion of such ethics, as seems to be the case for Awo and Zik, precludes

their use of strategies of rapid political, economic, and cultural de-

 

8Nnamdi Azikiwe, gik: A Selection From the Speeches of Nnamdi
Azikiwe (Cambridge: University Press, I96I), p. 343.

9Ibld., passim.

lolbid., p. 199.

llThomas Hodgkin, Africen Political Perties (London: Penguin Books,

I96I), p. l36..

85
velopment at the cost of individual depersonalization, as has been the

case in totalitarian states.

Sportsmanship appears as a parallel ethic for Zik through his
continual reference to and emphasis upon it. He "has all through his
life been interested in sport," stated Whitaker.‘2 Awo is also a sports

enthusiast but on a lesser scale.l3 To the students at University College

Ibadan Zik said,

Naturally, sportsmanship enters into the activities of student
self-government....As a laboratory of leadership, student self-
government must encourage the cultivation of the spirit of
sportsmanship because through it the university students will
better appreciate the practical meaning attached to the expres-
sion noblesse oblige.I

At the All-Nigerian Athletic Championships in l95h, Zik alluded to the

Greek ideal.

A good sportsman will always be a person of exemplary charac-
ter on and off the field of sport. In the battle of life,
where the combative and competitive instincts are given free
play, a good sportsman will not resort to foul tactics, no
matter how tempting in order to gain success which, in the
final analysis, is bound to be ephemeral....the spirit of
sportsmanship...among other lessons of life, athletes ab-
sorb in youth to make their beautiful bodies a hallowed
temple for beautiful minds to inhabit.l5

Belief in the Christian love-mercy-justice tenets is exemplified

by the following illustrations: "Non sibi sed glliis--not for us alone,

 

l2Whitaker,‘gp._g__i_t_., p. 32.

lBSee loc. cit., on the use of sports in political organizations.

I"Qg..glt., p. 28.

”Ibid., p. 32.

86
but for others as well," is the motto of Zik's secondary school which
he repeated in endorsing Moral Re-Armament "to contribute constructively
to the progress of the world."'6 Before the Eastern House of Assembly
he declared,

Aware of the foibles of humanity, we must not allow the mis-
takes and disappointments of the past to act as a stumbling-
block to the hOpes and achievements of the future. There must
not be any scope for disintegrating forces to decoy us into

a situation where we shall point an accusing finger at our
fellow man, whilst we cannot claim to be without blemish.

Nor should we encourage the exploitation of the ignorance

and poverty of our people in order to satisfy the mercenary
natures of the more privileged ones.

Zik told the NCNC Annual Convention, "The sublimation of our ego-

centric desires for the welfare of our people is the supreme test today

for Nigerian politicians,’ and "We should be imbued with the love of our

I8 . .
fellow man." He entreated the representatives to observe Sixteen

I9

canons of rectitude in public life, i.e., a modified "Ten Commandments."
In line with these his government condemned the practice of fIOgging as

" "one of the relics of the medieval system of penology."2O

"bestial,
"To laugh at infirmity or deformity is enormity," Awo was taught by
his father.21 He appears to have learned his lessons as witness these
remarks to an Action Group meeting:
It is...evidence of weakness and utter demerit, for any group

of people to attempt to commend themselves to the public by
the negative process of belittling and condemning others.2

 

16Ibid., p. 257.

I?lblg., p. 89.
Ibid., p. 261.
lgjbjgp, p. 90.
2OIbid., p. 55.

2lAwolowo,22. cit., p. 32.

 

22Ibid., p. 226.

87

Our line of action is therefore clear. Whilst our enemies

and detractors busy themselves with abusing and decrying us,

we should direct all the machinery of our publicity towards

the propaganda of the excellence and the relative superiority

of our programmes and the suitability of the man who will be

put forward to execute them.

Awo, looking back upon his college life thinks the menial and do-
mestic jobs students performed were "immensely admirable, and worthy of
emulation not only by similar institutions but by all those who aspire
to a position of leadership in any sphere of life." He believes this
experience instills in a person "a sense of understanding and sympathy...
a sense of humility, and...a belief in the dignity of all forms of
legitimate labour."2"

A corollary of the two men's Christian-sportsman morality is their
belief in labor--hard work to reach one's goals. It is somewhat reminis-
cent of the Puritan belief in predestination and election. Those blessed
by God would reveal His grace in their good works and success. Awo
stated this essential ingredient in his recipe for success: "Those who
desire to reach, and keep their places at the top in any calling must
be prepared to do so the hard way."‘?5 This philosophy might be traced
to experiences in Awo's youth. At that time he read The Human Machine
and It's Up to You, an excerpt of which he quotes in his autobi09raphy:

'Nobody can fool the jar of life.‘ The gjge‘gug.ggg for anyone

who wants to get to the top, therefore, is to increase his

size and weight in his particular calling--that is mentally,
professionally, morally, and spiritually. Getting to the

 

231b1d., p. 227.

2"Ibid., p. 6n.

25Ibid., pp. ix, 69.

88

top is one thing and remaining there is another. To main-

tain your place at the top you must make sure that you do

not at any time shrink in size or lose in weight. But evapo-

ration as well as wear and tear takes place all the time;

and unless these are constantly replaced, the man who gets

to the top by dint of his own specific size and weight is

also sure to rattle.2
The discussion of strategy elements of the operational code show how
this belief manifests itself empirically. Awo believes the essence of
the above-mentioned philosophy is applicable to political or economic
organizations as well as to the individual.27

For Zik the concept of hard work is expressed in terms of athletics
and sportsmanship. "Shorter running events enable us to be more expe-
ditious and determined in what we do," he said, continuing, "The longer
running events make it possible for us to develop our stamina and a
spirit which knows no defeat....The spirit of sportsmanship means studied
resistance to the bitter end."28~ He hopes that indigent university stu-
dents will be encouraged to work in order to meet their educational ex-
penses: "The experience gained thereby will stand them in good stead
in the struggle for survival in life. By making sacrifices, by being
thrifty, and by working hard, such students will cultivate self-reliance

1:29

and confidence. Zik speaks fromaexperience, for as a poor student, he

was "compelled to work as a dishwasher, a steward, a coal miner, and even

30

a boxer."

 

27Ibld., p. 72.
2§Q2.'§jt., p. #6.
29Ibid., p. 28h.

30James S. Coleman, Nigeria: Backgroungrto Nationalism (Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California, I958), p. 222.

85?
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

Awo believes, "It is when...[aemocratig7 freedom exists that man
can grow into the self-reliant and fearless creature that God intends

him to be."3| Thus democracy is man's redemption. Zik has also voiced

this belief, e.g., on his fifty-fourth birthday in I958:

When I ruminate over the events of the last 2l years, I have

every reason to be thankful to God for sparing my life to

survive this historic struggle. Like Simeon of the New

Testament, I am happy because I am a living witness of our

imminent salvation. I can now see the Nigerian not appearing

like a drooping spineless slave, but a freeman who stands

erect and commands respect. And I am satisfied.32

Awo asserts that he and most of his colleagues are "democratic by
nature, and socialists by conviction."33 Even though in his opinion
there is no satisfactory alternative to "a Nigerian adminiiration by
Nigerians...erected on the general consent and the united goodwill of
the majority of the people," he recognizes that the existence of such a
government also requires the existence of an enlightened community dedi-
cated to democratic fonn and style.3" This requisite has not yet been
met in Nigeria. Awo presents his view on this problem.

It has been said that democracy is liable to abuse, especially

in an unsophisticated society; and that through the instrumen-

tality of democracy the wrong type of people may be thrown up
as the government of the day. The question is: who are to judge

 

gp. g_1_t., p. 272.
_2. gig, p. lhl.

__2. 313,, p. 255.

90

the type of persons who should be appointed to rule a par-
ticular people? The answer is: the people themselves. If
their estimation of what is good does not accord with that
of the minority elements among them, the latter groqn can
only wait and hope, and continue to advocate what they be-
lieve to be good until, if they are indeed right, the ma-
jority swing to their side. I fervently prefer the incon-
veniences of democracy to the inarticulate and fearful
material comfort of a dictatorship, even granting that
such comfort ever comes the way of the majority under a
totalitarian system.

And Zik, with a chaismatic orientation, said, "We must not betray

the masses. They are our backbone....Blessed are the common people.

36

God loves them, that is why he made millions of them." Consequently,

a good government must be concerned with the welfare of all its citizens
and, according to Awo, "it must display special concern for the
afflicted and those whose talents are in the danger of being buried or
destroyed....the poorer or less fortunate the citizen, the greater the
attention he requires from the government; and the richer or more fortu-

n37

nate the citizen the less. Accepting his election as President of

the Senate, Zik appealed to the legislative body to bear constantly in
38

mind "that the welfare of the people is the supreme law." Two years

earlier, as Premier of the Eastern Region, he announced the intention
of his government to use local government councils as instruments of

39

policy in the hope that Government be brought closer to the people.

 

35O . 313., p. 270; see also pp. 266-67.

3633. 333., p; 166.

37.2- _c_i.t_-. pp. 268-69.
38
92. c_it.’ p. IMO

3?l§l§-: PP-278'79- See p. ll2, Zik's attack on the electoral college.

 

III. l|l rill}! .‘

91

Their belief in social democracy is related to pOpulism, "a denial
that the 'nation' could be found in existing authoritative institutions
and an assertion that the root of the future lay in the 'folk.'" "0
Awo and Zik were alienated from the indigenous authorities of their
society and also the foreign British rulers. Thus, the "people" become,
Shils writes, "supports in the search for the salvation of their own
souls and their own society.""l

Awo's and Zik's rules of the game, as I have constructed them,
are, generally speaking, the Christian-sportsman ethic and social de-
mocracy. These rules, derived from reference identifications, delineate

the universe for the men's actions which are structured by their demands

and expectations. Let us now turn to these strategies.

 

"OEdward A. Shils, "The Intellectuals in the Development of the
New States," World Politics, I2:329-68, April, I960.

MIbid., p. 3A9.

CHAPTER VI
STRATEGIES*

Awo's and Zik's demands, expectations, reference identifications,
and rules of the game have been analyzed, and I now present Operational
code elements classified as "strategies," i.e., intellectual programs
believed to provide the means for success. Nine elements will be
analyzed: (l) persevere, (2) plan, (3) be rational and gradual,

(h) develop secondary socializing institutions, (5) use efficacious pen
and tongue, (6) secure elite support, (7) secure other support, (8)

maneuver psychOIOgically, and (9) maneuver internationally.

PERSEVERE

'" stated Awo. His strategy for success is

"'Per ardua ad astra,
"a single-minded definiteness about One's object in life; an intense
concentration of all the energies of one's body and of all the forces of
one's brain and mind on the attainment of one's chosen objective, and
finally in the pursuit of one's aim, perseverance."‘ For example, know-
ing discretion lay in extricatlng himself from a hostile crowd, he stood
his ground in perseverance of his objectives.2 When he preached fonnation

of the Egbe (a Yoruba cultural society) and people responded with indif-

ference or undisguised boredom," he persisted in this as he did in

 

*lndicators are statements of actions or behavioral dispositions
to achieve demands. See "Method," Chapter I for discussion of indicators.

IObafemi Awolowo, Awo: The Autobioqraphy of Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Cambridge: University Press, I960), pp. I, l09.

2Ibid., p. 151.
92

93

comparable situations.3 Nevertheless, he did learn first tofeel sure
he had the capacity to work for his goals." Another example of perse-
verance is Awo's and the Action Group's determination that in spite of
counter influences they would move as fast as they could towards their
"ramified, variegated and complex goals." On this point Awo wrote, "we
were inflexibly resolved that nothing on earth should deter us."5 With
reference to obtaining self-government for Nigeria in l956, Awo, con-
sidering the North's obstruction, declared, "To us...it did not matter
whose horse was gored, so long as the path of our great objective was
indefectibly pursued."6 That perseverance is Zik's strategem is sum-
marized in his Sportsman's statement, "The spirit of sportsmanship means
studied resistance to the bitter end."7 (See above discussion of Zik's

Sportsman and Christian ethic which limits demands and strategies.)
PLAN

Planning as a strategem is closely related to these two Nigerian
leaders' sense of history and faith in themselves to play decisive roles

therein. Awo had this sequential program for the main episodes of his

 

3|bid., p. I70.

"Ibid., p. 69.

5|bid., p. 2H9.

6Ibid., p. 250.

7Nnamdi Azikiwe, gjk: A Selection From the Speeches of Nnamdi
Azikiwe (Cambridge: University Press, I96I), p. #6.

9A

life: (I) become "formidable intellectually," (2) become "morally invul-
nerable," (3)'make all the money that is possible for a man with my
brains and brawn to make in Nigeria," (A) "acquire a profession," (5)
"make more money," and then (6) "start a new offensive," i.e., publicly
inaugurate the Action Group. The entire sequential program was accomplished.

Here is further illustration of Awo's planning strategy: In the
colonial period, when his criticism of the condition of the Ibadan library
angered the British administrator and chiefs, he executed thoughtful pre-
paratory measures before meeting the chiefs who were to deal with him as
they pleased.

I...took certain steps to forestall them, or at best to make

sure that those who mattered in the enlightened politics of

the country knew what had happened and was going to happen

to me...I wrote the full story of the incident, sent a copy

to the Resident himself, and sent copies to the editors of

all the Nigerian newspapers, to legislators in Lagos, to

Sir William Geary, Bart., a popular British lawyer who was

a strong critic of British rule in Nigeria, to Oba Samuel

Akisanya, then General Secretary of the Lagos Youth Movement.

— I telegraphed a summary of the story to the newspapers and

to the same people, and urged them to view the matter with

grave and urgent concern...9
Awo acknowledged the British had never "spurned or contemptuously turned
down" properly organized country-wide demands for independence; conse-
quently, "methods of approach were meticulously devised" to "mobilize

. 0
public opinion."l Awo makes plans temporally for the future, situationally

for emergencies, and substantively in politics and government.I His

 

8Awolowo,gp_. cit., p. IO2.

9Ibid., p. 119.

lolbid., p. 252.

IIIbld., p. 8].

93

Action Group, a case in point, was the first political organization to
develop "a definite government program in a series of policy papers
dealing with all aspects of government activity (for example, education,
agriculture, health and local government)."]2 Zik is also a firm advo-
cate of planning. Here is an illustration of how his planning strategy
operates in the area of social change:

Events are moving in Africa at such a cyclonic pace that those

who have been in the vanguard of the struggle for human free-

dom in that continent must plan for constructive leadership,

otherwise the silent revolution which has gripped Africa will

not bring happiness to its teeming millions. The aims of re-

forms should be to bring about healthy and desirable changes

in society, otherwise our struggle for political freedom will

be meaningless, since it would be an avenue to enable power-

seekers and political opportunists to give a false impression

to the outside world that Africans are incapable of making
democracy work as a way of life.I3

BE RATIONALLY GRADUAL

" wrote Zik

"We inched along patiently, tactfully, confidently,
in recounting the national struggle. Employment of constructive agita-
tion (propaganda and constitutional powers) "to encroach and impinge
upon the remaining preserves of British rule with a viewtn forcing it
into retreat and complete surrender" is indicative of the rational-
gradual approach taken both by Zik and Awo. Awo asserted, continuing,
"you achieve the same objective of political liberation whilst you main-

JA

tain at home orderly prOgress and increased prosperity among the citizens.‘

 

leJames S. Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley and
Los Angeles: University of California Press, I958), p. 350.

I3Azikiwe,.9_p.‘g_i__t_., p. 292.
IA

Idem.; Awolowo, 92. cit., p. 298.

I

96
Three years before Independence he told his party:

We are right now on the threshold of paradise, where we will
reign with other members of the Commonwealth of Nations.
After sixty years or so of journeying, we only require three
years to go to arrive there. We must not do anything rash
to send us several years back from the gate of heaven.l5

Desirous of more states in the Federation, Awo exhibited the rational-
gradual strategem in the view that the creation of a Mid-West State
without the COR State would only be a temporary triumph for the NCNC
over the Action Group; "the creation of the Mid-West State was found to
have the effect of sustaining the agitation for and bringing about the
creation of the COR State."l6

Zik, to achieve his demands, beseeched the Ibo people and the Senate
to be rationally gradual. To the former he said,

It is categorically imperative that Ibo people must not allow

themselves to be transformed by the forces of prejudice into

beasts who know only the law of the jungle, that is might is

right. Rather, let knowledge and reason prevail so that they

may agree with others, when they must, and disagree when neces-

sary, and let them do both these things without losing their

bearings.I7
The prevalence of knowledge and reason is a gradual process. To the lat-
ter, "Our main function is to allow time, the healer of all wounds, to
steady but not to arrest the robust hands of the accredited representatives

of the electorate.“8

 

”Ibid., p. 299.

97
Lacking necessary resources, Awo and Zik introduce goal-achieving
schemes on skeletal or stopgap bases in order to maximize realization of

19

their demands. Zik proposed the establishment of a Community Devel0p-
ment Corps in the Armed Forces of Nigeria which will be "used for public
works and also to impart skill, instil discipline and stem unemployment."2O
He rebuked the tendency of University College Ibadan towards "squander-
mania" in proclaiming, "What this country needs is a first-class institu-
tion of learning and not a first-class exhibition of streamlined

buildings..."2] Limited funds, he feels, should be allocated for the

reasonable purpose of education, the glitter can come later.
DEVELOP SECONDARY SOCIALIZING INSTITUTIONS

lnculcating patriotism and the right loyalties by means of the
schools and the political party, predominant socializing institutions,
is viewed as a key strategy. Hence Zik supported a Bill in the Eastern
House of Assembly "to the effect that a full-fledged university should
be established in this [Easterfi7 Region without further delay." This
was done "in order that the foundations of Nigerian leadership shall be
securely laid, to the end that this country shall cease to imitate the
excrescences of a civilization which is not rooted in African life."22

Zik believes that in Northern Nigeria where modern education and other

changes have met resistance, "The average African child should be educated

 

I9Awolowo,'9_p.ig_i_£., p. 276; Azikiwe, gp.lgj£., pp. 20l, 23.

2OAzikiwe,p_p. cit., p. 201.

2'Ibid., p. 23.

221bid., pp. 282-83.

98

to appreciate that the status gyo is not the best of all possible worlds."

In drawing up the NCNC program on education, Zik emphasized "education of
the head, hand, and heart, to enable...children to gain knowledge and
acquire skill and to cultivate a sense of duty to the community."2" To
a special convention of the NCNC in I959 Zik declared, "We shall create
uniform conditions of service for teachers and establish a National Text
Books Committee in order to expurgate from the minds of our youths the
inferiority complexes indoctrinated in them by certain authors."25
Zik realizes how education prepared him to take a place "in the
romance called life...to challenge cant and hypocrisy, to sift the
chaff from the wheat, and to cultivate objectivity in assessing human
situations and problems."26 As Premier of the Eastern Region, he was
instrumental in the provision of university primary education,27 minimum
standards for schools,28 and an expansion of the school system, scholar-

29

ships, and grants-in-aid. In developing the schools Zik appealed to

the Nigerian Union of Teachers for their cooperation without which

 

23jbjg., p. 2A.
3333., p. 258.
233333., p. 20l.
Ibid., l3l.
2?lblg., p. 36.
Ibid., 271.

291hid., p. 36.

23

99

Government programs instituting and accelerating reforms would be seriously
hampered:

Yours is a heritage accumulated from the experience of by-gone

years. But you are now teachers of a new Nigerian society.

Let us work together to face new problems in such a way as

to transform this historic heritage into an imperishable

legacy.3O
His Government extended incentive and security to the teachers to insure
its educational policies. It assumed responsibility for the salaries

3|

and prerequisites of teachers in the Eastern Region. Awo has partici-
pated in comparable activities.

Awo and Zik, as primary exponents of party ideals and prOgrams,
strategically work towards coalescing their respective political par-
ties into organized machines. The political party in Africa is both a
political "organizational weapon" and a socializing institution comparable
to the United States political parties at the turn of the century which
performed a socializing function for immigrants. Awo's plan is that
Action Group members in the Western and Federal Governments "be fully
seized of party policies on specific subjects so that they might be
prOperly guided in their approach to and in their handling of such sub-

32

jects." With regard to developing the Action Group, he wrote,
Only people in whom we could absolutely trust should be
invited to the membership of the new party at the early
stages. I thought three things were indispensable to the
success of the new venture. The first was...action.

 

3OIbid., pp. A2-3.
3'Ibid., p. lio.

32Awolowo,29_. cit., p. 266. (See "Action Group Rift Reopens in
Nigeria," Africa Report, May, I962, p. l8, on controversy over issue of
party supremacy.)

lCO

There had been a good deal of gaseous effusions on the part
of Nigerian politicians in the past, so much so that it had
often been said of them by our white administrators that our
politicians could only bark but never bite....second...there
should be discipline, and consensus of minds on fundamental
principles among those who*were to constitute the foundation
of the new organization...third was secrecy. Any new politi-
cal party that was formed in any part of the country must
reckon with fierce and unbridled hostility from Dr. Azikiwe.33

At Awo's suggestion the Action Group, for maximum unity and strength,

was organized into Local Committees, the smallest units in towns and

villages, which send representatives to Divisional Committees from

which representatives constitute the Regional Body.3"
The "fierce and unbridled hostility" attributed to Zik is inherent

in Zik's concept at the objective of political parties, 115., "conducting

of election campaigns involving the use of every conceivable device for

convincing and persuading the electorate that the policies which its

candidates represent are preferable to those of their rivals."35 The

following excerpts from an address to the National Executive Committee

of the NCNC in I958 convey some aspects of Zik's strategic technique

in developing his party--rallying party Spirit and loyalty with the plu-

' chastisement, and forgiveness:

ral "we,'
I have summoned this meeting...for three reasons: first, to
give every one of us a fair chance to appraise the fortunes
of our great Party; second, to create an atmosphere which
will enable all of us to appreciate that, like lost sheep,
we have forgotten our great Party and have followed the

 

33Ibid., p. 218.
3"Ibid., pp. 218-19.

35Azikiwe, 93. £13., p. 303.

lCl

selfish desires of our own hearts; third, to forgive and
forget the past and re-dedicate ourselves to ghe great task
confronting the nation between now and l960.3

Your central Working Committee met this morning and I am
authorized to announce a general amnesty for all members
of our great Party who were suspended or expelled within
the last year.

I am convinced that if we can establish peace and unity
within our rank and file, it will enable us to marshal
our forces and thus aid others to preserve the corporate
existence of Nigeria.

As I see our internal problems as a Party, we must
go back to essentials. First, we must deveIOp a sense of
humour and be wise enough to appreciate the folly of ex-
pending our energies against ourselves whilst around us
lurk implacable and un-principled enemies. Second, we
must reaffirm that under a unified command our army of
liberation can march forward in unity that is based on
loyalty to one common ideal. Third, we must appreciate
how puny we are in the cosmic scheme of things and humbly
seek for divine guidance through prayer.3

Guidance and direction for government representatives
lies in consultation with party hierarchies in order to
as Zik expresses it "avoid unnecessary embarrassment."3§

Although Awo and Zik strive for disciplined party elites, their respec-
tive parties are what Hodgkin calls "mass parties." They appeal to the
mass for members or at least nominal supporters and "attempt to impose

O O “.0
their own new type of structure on soclety."

 

1212-. P- 197.
37_i_h_i31_., p. 198.
3231-. p- 199.
39i_b_i_g., p. 129.

0Thomas Hodgkin, African Political Parties (London: Penguin Books,

I961): PP- 69'710

IC2

USE EFFICACIOUS PEN AND TONGUE PROPAGANDA

The efficacy and often paralyzing thrust of Zik's articulation, in
many ways comparable to sensationalist, pugnacious American yellow
journalism, is revealed in Awo's "concession" to him:

You only had to disagree with him on any issue, however
minor, and you at once qualified to go on the black-list.
At the same time, he skilfully lauded himself to the very
Skies. Almost every day there were letters to the Editor,
published in the Pilot,fl[§ik's newspapefi7 eulogising Zik....
Some of the writers acclaimed him as the 'Gandhi of Africa',
whilst others declared that certain things that he had said,
written, or done had 'elec-zik‘ified' them....Whatever any
one may say about Dr. Azikiwe, it will be readily conceded
to him that he was the first consummate propagandist that,
Nigeria produced. He observed neither modesty nor reck

in inflating his own ego or in deflating that of his
opponent.

Another of Zik's frequently used propaganda techniques is what might be
termed "the welcome-punch." Witness the l95A federal election campaign
speech over NBC in which Zik broadcast a welcome to the opposition which
would visit the Eastern Region to campaign. It is welcome "so long as‘
it is responsible and constitutional in its methods." Then Zik punched.
It is with regret that we learn of the wave of terrorism which
is now sweeping the Western Regions, due to the forces of in-
tolerance and bigotry which have been unleashed by irresponsi-
ble elements....Whilst the Eastern Region will readily grant
asylum to any political refugee or emi re, yet I must emphasize
the fact that Easterners resent intolerance and bigotry, no
matter from what quarter they stem, and will not allfig their
importation into the Eastern Region without protest.

Such statements as, "Although they parade the slogans, 'Freedom for All',

and 'Life more Abundant', the Action Group do not believe in democracy

 

"IAwolowo,‘gp..gig., p. I37. See pp. I38-AO.

"2Azikiwe,.gp..gj;., pp. 5A-5, also see p. I76.

103
A3

but prefer Fascism for Nigeria," is typical of Zik's denigration of his
opposition.

Beside his use of the combat function of the media, Zik relies upon
the pen and tongue for educational objectives, e.g., explaining that if
the electors unwisely elect their local councils, the councils will not
provide them with the services to which they are entitled and for which
they partially pay.""

Awo's strategy also includes heavy reliance upon the pen and tongue.

A5

Writing incessant newspaper criticism, open letters, and books"6 has
served him well. "To go to town in a big way," he said in The Auto-
bio ra h , was personally to write editorial comments in his paper, the

in

Nigerian Tribune. The Action Group publication of policy papers as
well as a manifesto on regional and federal subjects (the AG was the
first party to do so) was Awo's tactic to utilize the "magic" of the

written word.)+8 In contrast to the opposition's derogatory style-JEVi-

dence of weakness and utter demerit," Awo advocates a positive approach:"9

 

"31bid., p. 173.

l+"Ibid., p. 27l.

"sAwolowo, QB. gj£., pp. 232-33.

"6Ibid., p. I73.

"7Ibid., p. 228.

“Ibid., pp. 22’4-‘25.

"9Ibid., p. 226.

IOA

Whilst our enemies and detractors busy themselves with abusing
and decrying us, we should direct all the machinery of our
publicity towards the propagation of the excellence and the
relative superiority of our programmes and the suitability of
the men who will be put forward to execute them.5O

Nevertheless, Awo does not fully practice what he preaches. For example,
in The Autobiography he attacks Zik, a major opponent, by using the
technique of "guilt by association": "I am implacably Opposed to dic-

tatorship as the doctrine of Herrenvolk whether it was Hitler's or Dr.

5|

Azikiwe's."
SECURE ELITE SUPPORT

"The man who gets to the top by dint of his own Specific size and

"52

weight is...sure to rattle [7h the jar of life7. This statement pro-

vides insight to the personal, political, and economic philosophy which
leads Awo to adopt the strategy of securing a loyal, intrepid, and en-
lightened supportive elite. Awo's comments on his idea for the design
of a Nigerian federal system provide illustration.

By l9A0 I had already made a name for myself, and I knew that

if I spoke my mind in any influential circle, I would command
audience if not support. Nevertheless, I was somewhat hesitant,
because I knew that in the Nigerian context my ideas were novel
and were likely to evoke acrimonious controversy. I decided

to try them on my Intimate friends first, and see how the re-
acted....They though the ideas were bright and ingenious but
highly explosive. AS I could get no further with them, I
drOpped the matter.53

 

p. 227.
5'ihid., p. 172.
521bid., p. 70.

531bid., p. 162-63.

l05
Launching the Action Group, Awo also secured a firm elite core of
peOple for whom he could vouch and whose loyalty to his new party he

5A

could absolutely trust. » Differing from previous Nigerian political
organizations, the Action Group leadership was collegial at Awo's in-
sistence.55 Awo believes that one of the ways to secure and maintain
elite support is by developing well-organized and disciplined political
parties.56
Zik appears to place more emphasis on individual leadership than
Awo. However, his appeals to schOIars, students, influential groups
(e.g., the NCNC Executive Committee, the Nigerian Teachers' Union), and
other intrepid and enlightened supporters indicate a strategy Of utilizing
core elite support to supplement his personal dynamicism. Both Awo's

and Zik's personal ascendencies rest in part on their respective compe-

57

tent supporters.
SECURE OTHER SUPPORT

Other support, ranging from the Obas (Kings) and Chiefs to the com-
58

munity and peasantry is also sought. In the West the new political

elite allied Itself with the Yoruba Obas to build the Action Group.

 

5"lbid., p. 2A7.

55Coleman, 23. §__i_t_:_., p. 350.

56Awolowo,_gg.'§__i_£., p. 222.
57323. cit.

58Ibid., pp. 2l7, 25A. Azikiwe, 23. cit., p. 78.

106
Taking charge in the Western Region, Awo worked "to harness the influence"
of the Obas and Chiefs" for his purposes and at the same time modified
their rights and abrogated "such of their privileges as were considered

repugnant, to an extent that would both satisfy the commonalty and make

the Obas and Chiefs feel secure in their traditional offices."59 Zik

told his party convention,

I cannot parley with those who regard politics as a synonym
of ambition animated by an unbridled quest for leadership
and power. If I did so, then I would be giving support to
OpportunISts and thereby deceiving the masses upon whose
support we have relieg6 and must continue to rely, as a po-
litical organization.

Political expediency and political philosophy have encouraged parties
to enroll the masses to gain their support. For these reasons Awo and
Zik in broadcasts concentrate on and reiterate a few points to make

themselves easier to understand by illiterates.6l
MANEUVER PSYCHOLOGICALLY

Appealing to an opponent's sense of pride is Often an advantageously
employed gambit. For exanple, Awo relates his encounter with Sir John:

I assured Sir John that we had no desire to be unnecessarily
critical of or Obstructive to the new constitution. It must
be borne In mind that the constitution had been named...after
him; and it was in the interest of his own reputation as well
as for the good Of Nigeria that the constitution should work,
and be workable to conscientious nationalists....l likened
him to the manufacturer of the new model of a car....And the
moment the manufacturer was satisfied that the defects com-
plained of were genuine, it would be his urgent duty to put
them right not only in the car of the complaining customer,
but inghose of the other customers who had not yet discovered
them.

 

59Awolowo,gp..g_i_£., p. 262.
60-0-20 Sui—E.” p. 85.
6lPhile Whitaker, "The Western Region of Nigeria, May l956," in

W.J.M. Mackenzie and Kenneth Robinson (eds.), Five Elections In Africa
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, I960), p. 7l.

62n..- rlf-- n- 932:1.

lO7

Social ostracism is another weapon in the arsenal. Awo and his colleagues
also used this on Sir John.

We had passed a resolution forbidding all our members from

fraternising socially with Sir John. The reason we gave for

this action was that we were satisfied that he was wilfully

obstructing the political progress of Nigeria, and that his

mischievous actions in certain matters tended to impair the

unity of the country. Sources close to him indicated that he

was more infuriated and agonised by the reason we gave for

our action, than by the resolution itself. 3

Rituals, celebrations,6" and athletic events are gambits used to
unify and build an ethical code. About athletic events, Zik said, "We
now place enough emphasis on such abstract notions as fair play and
equity as to give them concrete form in our social conventions."65 The
introduction of legislation "to have it clearly written in black and
white in a statute book that any person who lives in this country is
allowed to do so in peace and on a basis of racial and social equality

so that man shall learn to respect his fellow man"66 is illustrative of

one of many psychological maneuvers used to boost morale.
MANEUVER INTERNATIONALLY

The Strategies of Awo and Zik are also operative in the interna-
tional arena. Important code elements are to guide Nigeria in a demo-
cratic political evolution (to provide a prestige model for other nations)67
and to agitate constructively. This latter, Awo believes, is a pragmatic
action which "in the present war-tired and violence-surfeited world has

the knack of evoking considerably sympathy and active support from the

 

633933., p. 239, also see p. 69.

6"Ibid., p. 25].
650 ' ELEM P0 39-
66

Ibid., p. lA9.
67A

wolowo, 22. cit., p. 300.

IC8
nations of the free world."68 Since the United Nations is concerned
with encouraging self-determination of peoples, promoting human rights,

and fostering economic and social development--high priority demands of

69

Awo and Zik--much foreign policy revolves around this organization.
To inspire respect Nigeria associates actively with "progressive move-
ments which are busily engaged not only in demolishing racial bigotry

but.also in Spreading knowledge of the fundamental equality of the races

ll

of mankind, using "its good offices to persuade African States which

practise racial snobbery to mend their ways,' and dissociating itself

"from organizations (e.g., Nigeria imposed a formal ban on trade with

South Africa) which condone the practice of race prejudice by their

70

members."
Cooperation with other independent African States "with the aim Of

establishing unity of outlook and purpose in foreign policy" and adver-

7l

tising "the importance of Africa in world affairs" is advanced with

the rational-gradual approach.72

The prerequisites of political integration in Africa are the
economic and social integration of African peoples....lt would
be capital folly to assume that hard-bargaining politicians
who passed through the ordeal of victimization and the crucible
of persecution to win their political independence will easily

 

68|bid., p. 298.

9See Thomas Hovet, Jr., "African Policies in the United Nations,"
The American Behavioral Scientist, 5(8):28-30, April, I962.

7OAzikiwe, 22. gig, p. 73.
7'ibid., p. 70.

72AWOIOWO,‘22. cit., pp. 3ll-l2.

109

surrender their newly-won political power in the interest of
a political leviathan which is pOpulated by people who are
alien to one another in their social and economic relations.

73

Thus, for these reasons and also for prestige, Nigeria hosted the African
Summit held in Lagos, January 25 to 30, I962, succeeding in moving twenty

nations closer toward formation of a cooperative association comparable

7A

to the Organization of American States.
Awo regards defense and foreign affairs as complementary: "the one
is intended to discourage or resist external aggression, and the other

to cultivate external friendship." Welfare politics are chosen; power

75 76

politics, rejected. Neutrality is also discarded. This is Awo's

view of neutrality:

In the present world context, when atheistic materialism is
threatening to destroy or stifle all that is best and noblest
in man, neutrality in international affairs, whether passive,
positive or independent, is an unmitigated disservice to
humanity....neutrality, as the basis of the foreign policy of
certain nations, is no more and no less than the projection,
conscious or unconscious, of the deep-seated prejudices which
those nations have had towards some of the countries Of the
Western democracies.77

For Nigeria to best practice welfare politics, foreign investment is so-
licited, accepted, but regulated to preclude infringement upon national
sovereignty. "Investment should be made in partnership with indigenous

capital supplied by the government or any of its agencies or by Nigerian

 

73Azikiwe, £9. £13., p. 70.

7"Joseph R.L. Sterne, "The Lagos Conference," Africa Report, 7(2):3-6,
23, February, I962, p.6.

75Awolowo,.gg..£j£., p. 305.

76Ibid., p. 3IO. Azikiwe, _2.I£j£., p. 202.
77o . 333., p. 310.

IlO
78

businessmen." If help is desired from more than one nation, it is

sought, but 1t is immoral to play two opposing forces agsint each other
in the process."79 Awo and Zik, in pursuit of welfare politics, indi-
vidually go abroad on economic missions as well as send their representa-
tives. For example,

The Government of the Eastern Region appointed an Economic
Mission to EurOpe and America with the following objects in
view: to attract investors to Eastern Nigeria for the pur-
pose of economic development; to make more contacts for the
expansion of our trade, commerce and industries; to seek
cooperation in training and recruiting technicians; to make
arrangements for facilitating higher vocational education
in Eastern Nigeria. 0

This was done "irrespective of prejudiced criticism and inspired oppo-
sition to this policy."81 Zik seeks "the co-operation of citizens of
African descent"; "all we need is capital investment, technical and
managerial skills before...resources can be put to their fullest uses
for the benefit of my people and the Investors."82

Awo and Zik attempt to create goodwill through scholarships for
Nigerian Students to study abroad, welcome acceptance of teachers and

83

students from abroad, international athletic meets, and motion picture

censorship. "In these days of much misunderstanding among human beings

in the world,"claims Zik, "athletes have a unique charge to become

 

78Ibid., p. 28A.
79ibid., p. 31.1.

80Azikiwe,£p. cit., p. 22l.

Ill

ambassadors of goodwill between their country and the outside world."8"
"Films which portray the Negro race in a derogatory and humiliating
manner" are censored "because they tend to create a spirit of resent-
ment and bitterness on the part of Africans, thus embarrassing race re-
lations in this part of the world."85

Although Awo and Zik employ the same strategies (these appear to
conform with their rules of the game), they seem to differ in the emphaj
sis they place upon them. Perhaps it is Awo's rejection of the charis-'
matic leader as necessary for Nigeria, and/or his own lack of charisma,

which makes him place more reliance upon planning, an elite following,

and organization. Zik's strategies appear to be more emotional.

 

81"Ibid., p. 32.

85Ibid., p. 153.

CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSION

In this study I have attenpted (l) to contribute data for a refined
theory of elites and comparative politics, and (2) to provide part of
a much needed foundation for American foreign policy making toward
Africa. Relying primarily upon a qualitative analysis of The Auto-
bioggaphy of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Zik's Selected Speeches of Nnamdi
Azikiwe, I have deveIOped the outlines of Awo's and Zik's operational
code. I conclude that Awo and Zik--each directly or indirectly.a leader
of his respective ethnic group, political party, and federal region--
have comparable (although not completely identical) approaches to poli-
tical life. Zik's language is more forceful and passionate than Awo's.I
For example, in their discussions of democracy and the masses cited
earlier in this paper, Awo Speaks of democracy with all its shortcanings,
particularly the illiterate mass, in a rational-graduai manner. Zik, on
the other hand, appears more demogogic in referring to how a leader can
act to benefit the mass. However, it is probable that the differences
are stylistic and not substantive. Therefore, I Speak of £3215 opera-
tional 3933. Because of Zik's reputation as a dynamic and colorful
rhetorician, he has been called the "man of words;" Awo has received the

epithet of "man of action."

 

]A problem of potential Western bias arises here. In Western thought
where moderation constitutes a total style, strong language usually sug-
gests authoritarianism or extremism. (Daniel Goldrich, personal communi-
cation, July, I962). This may not be the case in Tropical Africa.

II2

”3

THE OPERATIONAL CODE

Categories Formulated. In the introductory chapter of this manu-
script, I formulated tentative guides for the organization of content
which was systematically extracted from Awo's and Zik's books. In this
section the categories, or operational code elements, which are based
upon, but not limited by, these guides are summarized. Awo and Zik de-
mand independence--political, economic, and social-cultural; recOgnition
of Nigerian excellence. on the bases of the country’s historical achieve-
ment, competition, and model function; Nigerian unity and civility; and
black humanitarianism.

Among the more prominent expectations considered dysfunctional to
realizing their demands are these: traditional rulers with inordinate
powers gained through British rule, some traditional customs and preju-
dices, the Nigerian inferiority complex, excrescences of Western civili-
zation, lack of finances for extensive social welfare prOQrams, ananigerian
inexperience in the art of diplomacy. Man is assumed both to be an animal
and to be a resistant to oppression. These assumptions color their ex-
pectations about political life which entails hard knocks, compromises,
complications, and disappointments. On the positive Side, academic edu-
cation is viewed as training ground for political life. Awo's and Zik's
expectations about the future are that Africa is destined to become the
continent of the present century; youth is the key to realizing their
demands; Nigeria will most likely succeed in a democratic style and
structure; a United States of Africa is a distant prospect; and world

peace will be an unreality so long as there are colonial territories.

llA
Awo's and Zik's reference identifications are the "messianic-

patriot, their respective primary and ethnic groups, intellectuals, the

' and Western nations. Christian-sportsman ethics, with an

"white man,‘
emphasis on humanitarianism and labor, and social democracy, with over-
tones of salvation and optimism, are their rules of the game. Their
strategies include persevering, planning, being rationally gradual, de-
veloping secondary socializing institutions, using efficacious pen and
tongue propaganda, securing elite support, securing other support, maneu-
vering psychologically, and maneuvering internationally.

Findings Not Foreseen. Awo and Zik have a distaste for and reject
neutrality as a means of fulfilling their demand for national sovereignty
and independence. Awo wrote, "To pretend that neither of two diametri-
cally opposed ideological camps is right or wrong, especially if we occupy
an influential position in the assembly of nations, is to encourage
evil-doing and to damp the ardour for well-doing."2

African bloc action, continental or regional, is perceived as a
dream to be realized in the distant future because each African country
jealously cherishes and guards its independence of action. Racial dis-
sension within and between countries is also viewed as a Gordian knot
which must be unraveled. In spite of these obstacles, however, Awo and
Zik believe they should work toward the African unity.

The Nigerian inferiority complex and elite members' sensitivity to

it loomed unexpectedly as almost the greatest modern factor dysfunctional

to realizing their demands. This seems to be the basis of many elements

 

2Obafemi Awolowo, Awo: The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Cambridge: University Press, I960), p. 3l0.

ll5
of the operational code, particularly with regard to desires to equal
the Europeans (who implanted the complex) and to dispel the myth of
Negro inferiority.

No evidence was found that the elite identify with the communists
who achieved many goals comparable to those of the Nigerians. Perhaps
the explanation for this lies in the conflict between communist identi-
fication and democratic rules of the game. Awo and Zik seem so imbued
with the ideology of denocracy and so committed to the Western model of
representative government, that they feel taunted when Westerners condone
and African interpretation of democracy which clearly violates Western
conceptions and practices; they meet the insult with stricture and rep-
rimands. Awo and Zik identify with black African countries, but not
with all underdeveloped countries. This parallels Awo's and Zik's

parochial "black humanitarianism."
IMPLICATIONS

What are some of the important implicatiais of Awo's and Zik's
operational code? The present study was justified on the grounds that
these men are the social models and integrators of their societies, pos-
sessors of diffuse authority, actors in the international scene, and a
gauge Of evolving patterns. First, their operational code, as discovered
in this study, supports Shils' proposition that the elites of the new
states demand modernity. They mean, as Shils has written,

dynamic, concerned with the people, democratic, and egali-

tarian, scientific, economically advanced, sovereign, and

influential....the 'interests of the people' are the engines
of the dynamic society...the 'people' are not merely objects

Il6

of the care and solicitude of their rulers, but they are,

as the 'nation,?.also alleged to be the source of inspira-

tion of these rulers.3
Awo's and Zik's code includes the Strategy of securing competent (en-
lightened and skilled) elite support. They demand a welfare state,
including the economic and social well-being of their people; indigenous
traditions selectively fused with Western innovation; and a dynamic
independent nation which has influence in the world arena. Their "hard
work" doctrine leads them to exalt all forms of labor which are instru-
mental in realizing their demands.

Second, the operational code supports the proposition that the gap
between the elite and the masses "renders certain elements of 'tutelary
democracy' or oligarchy almost inevitable."" Although Awo and Zik de-
mand and expect the masses to participate in the process of value nego-
tiation sometime in the future, the level of participation presently de-
manded and expected is low, tutorial elite behavior high. This is because
of the contemporary educational status of the masses. With increased
education, there will probably be a concomitant increase in Awo's and
Zik's demand for broadly based political participation.

If my constructed operational code is valid, a third implication is
that the democratic model which has guided Nigeria's movement to inde-
pendence, viz., a "regime of civilian rule through representative insti-

5

tutions in the matrix of public liberties," will continue to influence

the polity and society. The democratic model is an integral part of Awo's

 

3Edward Shils, "Political Development in the New States (l)," Compara-
five Studies in Society and Histogy, 2(3):265-92) April, I960.

"Ibid., p. 28l. See also Nnamdi Azikiwe, Zik: A Selection From the
_§peeches of Nnamdi Azikiwe (Cambridge: University Press, I96I), p. 50.

 

5Edward Shils, "Political Development in the New States (II)," Compara-
_tive Studies in Society and History, 2(A):379-All, July, I960, p. 380.

ll7

and Zik's future demands and expeCtations. Their reference identifica-
tions are with democratic nations. Their belief in social democracy
excludes non-democratic strategies. The post-independence era has
thus far shown that democratic competition is encouraged. Awo's and
Zik's concern for loyalty and discipline from their elite followings
is comparable to the allegiance British political party leaders demand
from their followers. This democratic commitment casts doubt upon the
generalizability of Shils' proposition about elites in underdeveloped
countries--that the"elites' notions are too undifferentiated and the
exigencies of life are too demanding for them to select a single model,
and to strive towards it unswervingly through thick and thin."6 A
corollary to this implication of democratic commitment is Awo's and
Zik's political "distance" from States which have one-party rule, i.e.,
in the former's words, "counterfeit democracy."7

Fourth, their operational code includes identification with their
respective ethnic groups and other individuals and groups. If Eisenstadt's
finding--that Israeli immigrant identification with the new society is
largely effected through the mediating function of the elite--can be
applied to the identification of Nigerians to their State, then Awo and
Zik are helping followers who identify with them (and thus have some
feeling of security within the new system and of belonging to it) to

make the transition from the traditional to the modern as they, the

elite-members, perceive and communicate it. Hence, they are increasing

 

6Ibid., p. 38l.

7

Awolowo, £2. cit., p. 305.

ll8

national integration and civility. The charismatic leadership existing
in the East with Zik and to a lesser extent with Awo in the West (Awo
has utilized the descent myth by organizing descendants of the mythical
founder of the Yoruba peoples) serves as a vehicle for the transfer of
loyalties and legal authority to the territorial authority.8

A sixth implication, based upon Awo's and Zik's belief that it is
man's nature to resist oppression, is that they will tend to avoid Oppres-
sion and to support and demand support from others for those who attempt
to resist it. Thus they expect and will assist, within the parameters
of their operational code, rebellious, "modern" movements in Africa.
They give moral support and economic assistance (usually indirect, e.g.,
applying economic boycotts against Oppressors) rather than the military

training and aid given by such countries as Algeria, Ghana, and Guinea.
FUTURE RESEARCH

In this Study I have outlined the hypothetical operational code of
Awo and Zik. That such a formulation has significance for political
science and public policy is aptly pointed out by Lasswell: "Effective
social and behavioral science depends upon perfecting a continuipg,

9

comprehensive survengj world predispositions." He answers the appro-
priate question of how elite studies will affect elites, recognizing

this as a special case of how the social sciences affect society:

 

8See David E. Apter, The Gold Coast in Transition (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, I955), p. 320, on the function of charisma.

9Harold D. Lasswell, "Agenda for the Study of Political Elites,"
in Dwaine Marvick (ed.), Political Decision-Makers (Glencoe: Free Press,

I96I), p. 280.

ll9

lg the extent that procedures and results £2 pupflg egg £9_r_n_-_-_

petitive, democratic tendencies are favored, since they foster

the Simultgpeous improvement gj.jg§ight and understapgjgg. 0

Thus, necessary future research Includes (l) the further development,
adaptation, and refinement Of the code model, (2) testing the code against
action to assess its validity, (3) testing a refined code over time In
order to assess the extent to which transformation has taken place in
the code and in the elite, and (A) discovering the situations during
which elements of the Operational code are differentially manifested.
Some specific aspects of the Operational code may be worth pursuing.
Here are two examples: What are the consequences of Awo's style as
opposed to Zik's style? Is the farmer's rational and programmatic
approach or the latter's flambouyant and emotional appeal more effica-
cious? What impact does each have on the subsequent elite? the mass?
Another area for investigation is the extent to which the elite project
their operational code In the texts used in schools. A National Text-
book Committee was created to expurgate the doctrine of Negro and African
inferiority. Texts might be examined to see what is emphasized, what
ideas the youth are being socialized to, what symbols are employed.
EurOpean education created the new Nigerian elite-~Awo and Zik--with

a democratic orientation; Nigerian education might create a different

kind of elite.

 

'Oibid., p. 281.

IZO

BIBLIOGRAPHY

="Action Group Rift Reopens in Nigeria," Africa Report, May, I962, p. I8.

Almond, Gabriel A. "Comparative Political Systems," in Heinz Eulau,
Samuel J. Eldersveld, and Morris Janowitz (eds.). Political Beha-
vior. Glencoe: Free Press, l956, pp. 3A-A2.

Apter, David E. The Gold Coast in Transition. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, I955.

~“Awolowo, Obafemi. Awo: The Autobioqraphy of Chief Obafemi Awolowo.
Cambridge: University Press, I960.

Azikiwe, Nnamdi. Renascent Africa. Accra: I937.

. Zik: A Selection from the Speeches of Nnamdi Azikiwe. Cambridge:
University Press, l96l.

Berelson, Bernard. Content Analysis in Communication Research. Glencoe:
Free Press, I952.

Bettelheim, Bruno, and Morris Janowitz. "Ethnic Tolerance: A Function
of Social and Personal Control," in G.E. Swanson, T.M. Newcomb, and
E.L. Hartley (eds.). Readings in Social Psychology. New York:

Holt, 1952, pp. 593~602.

Busla, K.A. "The Present Situation and Aspirations of Elites in the
Gold Coast," International Social Science Bulletin, 8(3):A2A-3l,

1956.

Campbell, Angus. "The Political Implications of Community Identification,"
in Roland Young (ed.). Approaches to the Studypof Politics. Evan-
ston: Northwestern University Press, I958, pp. 3l8-29.

Cartwright, Dorwin P. "Analysis of Qualitative Material," in Leon
Festinger and Daniel Katz (eds.). Research Methods in the Behavioral
Sciences. New York: Dryden, I953, pp. A2l-70.

Coleman, James S. "The character and viability of African political
systems," in Walter Goldschmidt (ed.). The United States and Africa.
New York: The American Assembly, I958, pp. 27462.

. Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press, I958.

. "The Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa," in Gabriel A. Almond and
James S. Coleman (eds.). The Politics of the Developing Areas.
Princeton University Press, I960, pp. 2A7-368.

Doob, Leonard W. Becominngore Civilized. New Haven: Yale University
Press, I960.

l2]

. "The PsyCHOIOgical Pressure Upon Modern Africans," Journal of
Human Relations, 8:A65-72, Spring and Summer, I960.

 

Eisenstadt, S.N. "The Place of Elites and Primary Groups in the Ab-
sorption of Immigrants in Israel," American Journal of Sociology,

57:222-31, 1952.

. "Reference Group Behavior and Social Integration: an Explora-
tive Study," American SociOIOgical Review, l9:l75-85, l95A.

. "Studies in Reference Group Behavior, I: Reference Norms and
Social Structure," Human Relations, 7:l9l-2l6, l95A.
Eulau, Heinz, and Peter Schneider. "Dimensions of Political Involvement,"
Public Opinion Quarterly , 20:l28-A2, I956.

Fallers, Lloyd. "The Predicament of the Modern African Chief: An
Instance from Uganda," in Simon and Phoebe Ottenberg (eds.).
Culture and Societies of Africa. New York: Random House, I960,
pp. 5OA-2I.

Festinger, Leon. "A Theory of Social Comparative Processes, Human

Relations, 7:ll7-A0, l95A.

George, Alexander L. Propaganda Analysis: A Study of Inferences Made
From Nazi Propagenda in World War II. Evanston: Row, Peterson, I959.

. "Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches to Content Analysis,"
in Ithiel de Sola Pool (ed.). Trends in Content Analysis. Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, I959, pp. 7-32.

Gore, Albert, Philip A. Hart, and Maurine B. Neuberger. Study Mission
to Africa: September-October l96l Report. For use of the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations. Washington: Government Printing
Office, I962.

Hanna, Judith Lynne. "Heuristism: Reference Group Theory and Political
Elites." Unpublished manuscript, Michigan State University, February,

1962.

Hanna, William John. "The Operational Code of the Soviet Elite in the
United Nations Security Council." Unpublished Doctoral thesis, The
University of California at Los Angeles, I962.

. "Students and Politics in Nigeria." East Lansing: Michigan
State University, l96l. (Mimeographed.)

. "Tradition...Intervention...Bureaucracy." Unpublished manu-
script, I959.

, and Judith Lynne Hanna. "Reference Identifications; A Note on
Reconceptualization in Reference Group Theory." Unpublished manu-
script, l962. -

122

Hartley, Ruth E. "Relationships Between Perceived Values and Acceptance
of a New Reference Group," Journal of Social Psygholoqy, 5I:l8l-90,
February, I960.

’Hodgkin, Thomas. African Political Parties. London: Penguin Books, l96l.

Hovet, Thomas, Jr. "African Policies in the United Nations," The Ameri-
can Behavioral Scientist, 5(8)28-30, April, I962.

Hyman, Herbert. "The Psychology of Status," Archives of Psychology,
No. 269, 19A2.

. "Reflections on Reference Groups," Public Opinion Quarterly,

2u(3):283-96, Fall, 1960.

Kelley, Harold H. "Two Functions of Reference Groups," in G.E. Swanson,
T.M. Newcomb, and E.L. Hartley (eds.). Readings in Social PsychOIOgy.
New York: Holt, I952, pp. AlO-IA.

Kennan, George F. American Diplomacy: l900-l950. New York: Mentor
Books, I952.

Kuhn, Manford H., and Thomas S. McPartland. "An Empirical Investigation
of Self-attitudes," American Sociological Review, l9z68é76, l95A.

Lasswell, Harold D. "Agenda for the Study of Political Elites," in

Dwaine Marvick (ed.). Political Decision-Makers. Glencoe: Free

Press, l96l, pp. 26A-87.

. "The Selective Effect of Personality on Political Participation,"
in Richard Christie and Marie Jahoda (eds.). Studies in the Scope
and Method of the Authoritarian Personality.' Glencoe: Free Press,

I955: PP- I97'225-

, and Abraham Kaplan. Power and Society. New Haven: Yale Univer-
sity Press, I950.

, Nathan Leites and Associates. Langgaqe of Politics. New York:
Stewart, I9A9.

Lazarsfeld, Paul F. and Allen H. Barton. "Qualitative Measurement In the
Social Sciences: Classification, Typologies, and Indices," in Daniel
Lerner and Harold D. Lasswell (eds.). The Policy Sciences: Recent
Developments in Scope and Method. Stanford: Stanford University Press,

195': PP- 155-92-

 

, Bernard Berelson, and Helen Gaudet. The Peoples Choice. New
York: Columbia University Press, l9A8.

Legum, Colin. Pan-Africanism. New York: Praeger, I962.

Leites, Nathan. The Qperational Code of the Politburo. New York: McGraw-
Hill, l95l.

l23
. A Study of Bolshevism. Glencoe: Free Press, I953.

Lerner, Daniel. The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing3the
Middle East. Glencoe: Free Press, I958.

Lystad, Robert A. "Tentative Thoughts on Basic African Values," in
Africa and the United States: Images and Realities. Boston: US
National Commission for UNESCO, October l96l, pp. l77-90.

«Mackenzie, W.J.M., and Kenneth Robinson (eds.). Five Elections in
AfriCa. Oxford: Clarendon Press, I960.

Mannheim, Karl. Freedom, Power and Democratic Planning. London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, l95l.

Mayer, Martin. "The More Time We Have, the More We are Pressed for
Time," New York Times Book Review, July l5, I962, pp. 6, 29.

Merton, Robert K. Social Theory and Social Structure. Glencoe: Free
Press, I957.

, and Alice S. Kitt. "Contributions to the Theory of Reference
Group Behavior," in G.E. Swanson, T.M. Newcomb, and E.L. Hartley
(eds.). Readings in Social Psychology. New York: Holt, I952,
pp. A30-AA.

. Personality and Social Change. New York: Dryden, I9A3.

Nadel, S.F. "The Concept of Social Elites," International Social Science

Bulletin. 8(3):Al3-21, 1956.

Newcomb, Theodore M. "Attitude Development as a Function of Reference
Groups: The Bennington Study," in G.E. Swanson, T.M. Newcomb, and
E.L. Hartley (eds.). Readings in Social Psychology. New York:
Holt, I952.

Pinner, Frank A. Notes on Method in Social and Political Research.
Michigan State University: Bureau of Social and Political Research,
College of Business and Public Service, Reprint Series No. 3, pp.

183-218.

Pool, Ithiel de Sola. "Trends in Content Analysis Today: A Summary,"
in Pool, (ed.). Trends in Content Analysis. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, I959, pp. l89-233.

Price, J.H. "The Eastern Region of Nigeria, March I957," in W.J.M.
Mackenzie and Kenneth Robinson (eds.). Five Elections in Africa.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, I960, pp. I06-67.

Pye, Lucian W. "Personal Identity and Political Ideology," in Dwaine
Marvick (ed.). Political Decision-Makers: Recruitment and Performance.
Glencoe: Free Press, l96l, pp. 290-3l3.

121.

Rush, Myron. "Esoteric Communication in Soviet Politics," World Politics,

11(A):61A-2o, July, 1959.

Sapir, Edward. Culture, Language and Personality. Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, I958.

V Segal, Ronald. Political Africa: A Who's Who of Personalities and
Parties. New York: Praeger, l96l.

Sherif, Muzafer. "The Concept of Reference Groups in Human Relations,"
in Muzafer Sherif and M.0. Wilson (eds.). Grogp Relations at the
Crossroads. New York: Harper, I953, pp. 203-3l.

, and Hadley Cantril. The Psychology of Ego-Involvements, Social
Attitudes and Identifications. New York: John Wiley, I9A7.

, and Carolyn W. Sherif. Groups in Harmony and Tension: An Inte-
gration of Studies on Intergroup Relations. New York: Harper, I953.

, and Carolyn W. Sherif. An Outline of Social Psychology. New
York: Harper, I956.

Shibutani, Tamotsu. "Reference Groups as Perspectives," American Journal
of Sociology, 60:562-69, I955.

Shils, Edward A. "Authoritarianism: 'Right' and 'Left,'" in Richard
Christie and Marie Jahoda (eds.). Studies in the SCOpe and Method
of Authoritarian Personality. Glencoe: Free Press, l95A, pp. 2A-A9.

. "The Concentration and Dispersion of Charisma: Their Bearing
on Economic Policy in Underdeveloped Countries," World Politics
A0(I):I-l9, October, I958.

________ "The Intellectuals in the Development of the New States,"
World Politics, I2:329-68, April, 1960,

. "Political DeveIOpment in the New States (I)," Comparative
Studies in Society and Histopy, 2(3):265-92, April, I960.

. "Political Development In the New States (II)," Comparative
Studies in Society and History, 2(A):379-All, July, I960.

. "The Study of the Primary Group," in Harold D. Lasswell and
Daniel Lerner (eds.). The Policy Sciences, Recent Developments in
Scope and Method. Stanford: Stanford University Press, I95l, pp.

AA-69.

, and Morris Janowitz, "Cohesion and Disintegration of the Wehrmacht
in World War II," Public Opinion Quarterl , l2:280-3l5, l9A8.

Stern, Eric, and Suzanne Keller. "Spontaneous Group References in France,‘
Public Opinion Quarterly, l7:208-l7, I953.

l25

Sterne, Joseph R.L. "The Lagos Conference," Africa Report, 7(2):3-6, 23,
February, I962.

Stonequist, E.V. The Marginal Man. New York: Scribner, I937.

Sutton, Francis X. "Authority and Authoritarianism In the New Africa,"
Journal of International Affairs, l5:7-l7, l96l.

Tanner, Henry. "20 African States to Form New Body," New York Times,
January 3I, I962, p. 6.

Turner, Ralph M. "Reference Groups of Future Oriented Men," Social
Forces, 3A:l30-36, I955.

. "Role-taking, Role Standpoint, and Reference Group Behavior,"
American Journal of Sociology, 6I:3I6-28, I956.

Verba, Sidney. Small Groups and Political Behavior: A Study of Leader-
ship. Princeton: Princeton University Press, l96l.

Wallerstein, Immanuel. Africa: The Politics of Independence. New York:
Vintage Books, I961.

. "Ethnicity and National Integration in West Africa," Cahiers
Qigtudes Africaines, 3:I29-39, October, I960.

Weber, Max. The Theory of Social and Economic Opgenization. (trans.).
A.M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons. New York: Oxford University
Press, l9A7.

Whitaker, Philip. "The Western Region of Nigeria, May l956," in W.J.M.
Mackenzie and Kenneth Robinson (eds.). Five Elections in Africa.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, I960, pp. l8-l05.

Wilson, Godfrey, and Monica Wilson. The Analysis of Social Change.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, l9A5.

Young, Roland. "Political Research in the New African Nations," The
American Behavioral Scientist, 5(8)3-5, April, I962.

J"- Wu;

 

ism we...“

 

 

 

"IIIIIILIIIIIIIILIIII“