NAHONAL SURVEY OF 05:17:50 STATES AIR FORCE DIRECTORSiCHSEFS or sxscum'w POL‘iCE Amruaes PERTAINING T0 USAF sszsumw POUCE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS. Thesis for the Degree mm. 8. MiCHiGAN STATE UNEVE‘RSHY CHARLES H. BAILEY 1968 ‘ -3..me I L I B R A R Y E Michigan State 5 _ University , TfiESlS n: .b nu In Par 83.11001 of NATIONAL SURVEY OF UNITED STATES AIR FORCE DIRECTORS/CHIEFS OF SECURITY POLICE ATTITUDES PERTAINING TO USAF SECURITY POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS BY Charles Ho Bailey An Abstract of a Thesis Submitted to Michigan State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Science School of Police Administration and Public Safety 1968 Approved (T, wfinéu C rman p (Me er) flflQwé/fi (Member) ABSTRACT NATIONAL SURVEY OF UNITED STATES AIR FORCE DIRECTORS/CHIEFS OF SECURITY POLICE ATTITUDES PERTAINING TO USAF SECURITY POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS by Charles H. Bailey In the past few years numerous studies, surveys, and research projects have been undertaken to examine police attitudes toward citizens, police perceptions of citizens' attitudes toward their police agency, and citizens' atti— tudes toward the police. This proliferation of studies has produced a meaningful quantity of knowledge which reflects the existence of the current police-community relations dilemma. However, no comparable research study has been attempted to ascertain the attitudes of the military police toward their communities nor to ascertain their perceptions of their communities' attitudes toward them. The lack of empirical research into this socially significant area of law enforcement has produced a void where there should be knowledge. This national survey attempted to fill the void with meaningful and relevant data pertaining to one segment of the military police establishment--the USAF Secu- rity Police. "4 ff“, SIIEthrs, \.... teen Air For 9" v in f I, (D f? :1 *1 (f (D military pol dglch + .end to in 1‘s Charles H. Bailey This study is a report of a national survey of United States Air Force Directors/Chiefs of Security Police atti- tudes pertaining to USAF Security Police-community relations. To accomplish this survey a mailed self-administering ques- tionnaire was utilized. The survey sample included the Directors/Chiefs of Security Police of one hundred and fif- teen Air Force Bases located within the continental limits of the United States. Ninety-six (83.5%) of the question- naires were returned. The methodology which the author utilized to compile the data necessitated segregating the data into three cate— gories so as to facilitate a meaningful and empirically oriented analysis. The three categories were: (1) the general characteristics of the respondents and their instal- lations; (2) the responses of all the respondents viewed as a distinct and separate statistical population; and (3) the responses of all the respondents according to the major air command to which they were assigned. The resulting data was qualitatively analyzed in order to ascertain the atti- tudes, opinions, and perceptions of the respondents in an attempt to gain an insight into the heretofore vacuum of the military police-community relationship. The survey data produced some significant conclusions which tend to intensify the need for a greater in—depth treatment of Security Police-community relations. The data succinctly indicated the following results: 1. T3? the military hon of the C They also gre the Annual Na 4. The r: fietailed guid‘ m to effect wAationS prr‘c The “'5. tic“ Charles H. Bailey 1. The respondents felt that the Security Police were maintaining good relations with their three communities-- the military community, the civilian community, and the municipal police community. 2. The respondents perceived themselves and their units as being favorably regarded by their communities. 3. The respondents were overwhelmingly unaware of the existence and functions of the National Center on Police and Community Relations. However, they felt that utiliza- tion of the Center's services would benefit the military. They also greatly desired an Opportunity to participate in the Annual National Institute. 4. The reSpondents expressed a need for additional detailed guidance from Headquarters USAF in the area of how to effect and maintain a good Security Police-community relations program. The major conclusions reached regarding the func- tioning of the Security Police in the prevalent atmOSphere of tense police-community relations are that: l. The Air Force Security Police do not feel alienated from their communities to the degree as was initially in- ferred by the author. 2. The survey data substantially refuted the contention that the Security Police, like their municipal police counter- parts, felt themselves to be pariahs. The converse seems Charles H. Bailey abundantly clear--they feel themselves to be an integral part of the communities they serve. The fact that-this national survey is the first such attempt to determine the attitudes, opinions, and per- ceptions of the military police regarding police-community relations is significant in and of itself. The major con- clusions which the author reaches have distinct implications for the police within the military establishment. The author makes the inference that, to a large extent, the expressed Security Police attitudes are equally applicable to the military police within the other branches of the armed forces. He, therefore, hypothesizes that the survey's findings are relevant, meaningful, and that they convey a significant message to all military police administrators, at the staff level and the installation level, and to indi-- vidual military policemen everywhere. However, he cautions that the attitudes reflected by the survey are only those ofthe Directors/Chiefs of Security Police. The attitudes of the individual Security Policeman as well as the public's attitudes-may be significantly different, i.e., holding the police in low regard. NATIONAL SURVEY OF UNITED STATES AIR FORCE DIRECTORS/CHIEFS OF SECURITY POLICE ATTITUDES PERTAINING TO USAF SECURITY POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS BY (\e”) ‘5 \l‘I 5 Charles H. Bailey A Thesis Submitted to Michigan State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Science School of Police Administration and Public Safety 1968 PREFACE To freedom loving men, the Berlin Wall is an ugly welt upon the face of the world. It is probably today's foremost symbol of misunderstanding among men and of brotherhood lost. Almost as impregnable and insurmountable, however, is the invisible wall which separates many police de- partments and the citizens they serve. This wall, although not topped by barbed wire and embedded slivers of glass, still accomplishes the undesirable effect of thwarting communication between police and their com- munities. The principle that the administration of criminal justice, in all of its aspects, is a total community responsibility, cannot exist in an atmosphere of dis- trust between the police and the public. In the demand- ing complexity of modern society, therefore, it is most urgent that effective police--community relations pro- grams be given top priority throughout the service. Quinn Tamm, Executive Director, IACP 1Nelson A. Watson (ed.), Police and the Changing Cbmmunit (Washington, D.C.: International Association of C is s of Police, 1965), p. l. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Role of the Police . . . . . . . . . . The Military Establishment . . . . . . . . USAF Security Police . . . . . . . . . . . Police-Community Relations Defined . . . . Elements and Assumptions of a Community Relations Program . . . . . . . . . . . Why This Survey? . . . . . . . . . . . . . National Survey: Methodology and Assumptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Organization of This Report . . . . . . . II. THE POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS DILEMMA . . . The Dilemma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Police/Public Brutality . . . . . . . . Citizen Review Boards . . . . . . . . . Headlines and Editorials . . . . . . . . Police Criticism . . . . . . . . . . . . "Crime Commission's" Observations . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III. MUNICIPAL POLICE VERSUS USAF SECURITY POLICE Areas of Common Concern . . . . . . . . Nature of the Police Function . . . . . . Feelings of Alienation . . . . . . . . . PAGE ll l3 l6 17 20 20 23 24 25 27 27 28 32 33 39 40 CHAPTER Public Expectations . . . . . The "Pariah" Concept . . . . . A Change in Public Attitudes? Police Adversary Concept . . . . Attitude Development . . . . . Public Ambivalence . . . . . . Gamesmanship . . . . . . . . . Social-Psychological Aspects . Lack of Police Professionalism . Community Involvement . . . . Rigid Police Procedures and the Uncertainty of the Law . . . . Police Organizational Inadequacy Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . IV. THE SURVEY INSTRUMENT . . . . . . The Questionnaire . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . V. SURVEY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS . Survey Limitations . . . . . . General Chracteristics of Respondents Overall Findings . . . . . . . . Status of Relationship with Communities National Center on Police and Community Relations . . . . . . . . . iv PAGE 44 47 52 53 54 59 63 66 67 71 75 77 105 107 107 108 CHAPTER Analysis by Major Air Command Summary . . . . . . . . . . VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . Summary.......... Reason for the Survey . . Survey Findings . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . Need for Further Research BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. Posse Comitatus Act . . . B. Director/Chief of Security on USAF Security Police-Community Relations. Police Survey C. Definitions and Abbreviations . . . . . PAGE 120 126 131 131 134 134 136 136 138 146 147 155 160 TABLE II. III. IV. VI. VII. VIII. IX. XI. XII. LIST OF TABLES Total Number of Respondents by Major Air Command . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Installation Distance From City of 50,000 and 250,000 . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage of Security Police Force Performing Law Enforcement Duties by Major Air Command General Characteristics of Respondents by Their Major Air Command . . . . . . . . Police Association: Existence, Membership, and Encouragement . . . . . . . Need for USAF Guidance . . . . . . . . . . . Perceived Relationship With Communities . . . Perceived Attitudes of Communities Toward The Security Police . . . . . . . . Attitudes Pertaining to the National Center on Police and Community Relations . . . . . Respondents Indicating Conduct of Community Projects During Past Year . . . . Respondents' Expressed Need for USAF Guidance in Security Police-Community Relations . . Responses, by Size of Installation Population, Reflecting a Need for USAF Guidance to Assist Units in Attaining Good Relations with Their Communities . . . . . 0 PAGE 109 110 111 112 112 116 117 118 119 122 122 124 vii TAB LE PAGE XIII. Perceived Relationship with Police Community . . 125 XIV. Perceived Relationship with Military Community . 125 XV. Perceived Relationship with Civilian Community . 126 XVI. Perceived Attitudes of Military Community Toward Security Police . . . . . . . 127 XVII. Perceived Attitudes of Civilian Community Toward Security Police . . . . . . . 127 XVIII. Perceived Attitudes of Police Community Toward Security Police . . . . . . . 128 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author is greatly indebted to Professor Raymond T. Galvin, Michigan State University for his guidance throughout the author's period of study and research. Without his un- derstanding, tolerance, untiring assistance, and critical comments this report would not have been accomplished. Louis Radelet, Professor, Michigan State University and Director of the National Center on Police and Community Relations is equally deserving of the author's sincere appreciation for his assistance and inspiration which served as the catalyst in awakening this concern with police-community relations. Through him, the facilities of the Center and the Brennan Memorial Library were graciously made available and enabled the author to include much more relevant data than perhaps would have been otherwise possible. To the United States Air Force, as my employer and to whom I owe the greatest debts, goes my deepest apprecia- tion for making all of this possible. The author also wishes to express his appreciation to the Security Police officers who participated in the survey and to his many friends and fellow students who periodically offered their advice and constructive criticisms. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION An essential component of the American Criminal Justice System is the law enforcement establishment--the Police. They are often viewed as impersonalized agents of the body politic, i.e., the American society. The police are only one part of the criminal justice system, the sys- tem is only one part of the governmental structure, and in turn, that structure is only one part of the total soci- ety. Thus "insofar as crime is a social phenomenon, crime prevention is the responsibility of every part of society."1 Still the fact remains that: The police--some 420,000 peOple working for approxi- mately 40,000 separate agencies that spend more than $2 1/2 billion a year--are the part of the criminal justice system that is in direct daily contact both with crime and with the public. . . . What is distinc- tive about the responsibility of the police is that they are charged with performing these functions where all eyes are upon them and where the going is roughest, on the street. Since this is a time of increasing crime, increasing social unrest and increasing public sensitivity to both, it is a time when police work is lPresident's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, The Challenge of Crime 12 a Free Society (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 92. peculiarly important, complicated, conSpicious and delicate.2 Numerous writers have traced the origins of today's modern American police forces to ancient times. In 1920 Raymond B. Fosdick published one of the earliest volumes on the American police systems.3 Since 1920 there has been a vast proliferation of commentaries and treatises on the American police with one of the better historical doc- umentaries having been published in 1964.4 Each generation has spawned a police force and a police system with its particular goals and responsibilities. Today, the police have their goals and their responsibilities which they and society say must be achieved. This fact was appropriately recognized by the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice as it commented: The police mission involves, however, more than the ""general public."" 80 does the matter of police-— community relations. The ""public"" actually consists of congeries of 'publics' organized in different fash- ions according to a multitude of geographic, economic, ethnic, racial, political, and social interests. Con- flicts or poor relationships between the police and any one of these interest groups, publics or ""sub- cultures”'can dilute the effectiveness of the police in dealing with and serving the general public. 2Ibid., p. 91. 3See Raymond B. Fosdick, American Police Systems (New York: Century Books, 1920). 4See James Cramer, The World's Police (London: Cassell, Limited, 1964). The police may very well be considered by the general public to be different and helpful while at the same time they may be considered to be punitive and harass— ing by numerically smaller groups. Police--community relations consists of more than simply the accumulation of votes for or against the police. The Role of the Police Policemen within municipal police agencies and policemen within the military establishment are confronted with essentially identical law enforcement goals. Each might appropriately claim their basic law enforcement role to be the maintenance of order in society for the safety, preservation, and benefit of that society. However rudi- mentary this definition might be, it brings forth the important concept of the role of police in any society. A recent report which was submitted to the Presi- dent's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice conceived the role of the police in the adminis- tration of criminal justice as being divided into six basic parts: 1. The prevention of crime. 2. The detection of crimes which have been committed. 3. Identification of the person or persons responsible for crimes. 4. Apprehension of the person or persons responsible. 5President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, The Police and the Community (Volume I, Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, October, 1966), p. 176. Detention of the person for processing by the judi- ciary and Presentation of the evidence to the prosecutor.6 The basic nature and functioning of police embodies several principles which imply service to society, adherence to the basic precepts inherent within the criminal justice system, and equality of justice for all. These elemental principles are: Police are sworn to enforce and uphold the law. The law must be applied impartially to one and all. Police must take appropriate action to prevent crime. Police may not generally interfere with a citizen's pursuit of his goals unless the citizen's actions violate the law. When a violator must be apprehended, police are required to effect an arrest and only such physical force as is necessary to consummate the action may be employed. Police, as enforcers of the law, must not themselves break the law. Police must act within the restrictions placed on them by the law as interpreted by the courts. Police have no choice as to which laws shall be enforced nor when except that discretion residing in the intelligent and trained judgment of the indi- vidual officer as he interprets the situation.7 Concern and confusion on the part of the police and their publics regarding the question of the role of the police in American society is a prevalent and exacerbating phenomenon today. However, the continuously changing Amer- ican society, along with the resulting complexity of problems 61bid., p. 133. 71bid., p. 149. which now face police organizations, are not matters solely for the concern of municipal police agencies. "In many respects, much the same problems apply to our military . . - "8 police organizations. Police within the military establishment experience similar problems on a daily basis as do municipal police agencies. When the comparison between municipal police and military police is made it can be viewed as a comparison of the role of the police in two distinct societies. The Military Establishment This concept of the military comprising a separate society within the greater American society is perhaps what prompted Janowitz to say that: The intimate social solidarity of the military profes- sion, which civilians often both envy and resent, is grounded in a peculiar occupational fact. Separation between place of work and place of residence, charac- teristic of urban occupations, is absent. Instead, the military community is a relatively closed commu- nity where professional and residential life have been completely intermingled. The sharp segregation between work and private life has been minimized in the mili- tary occupation. The organization revolution in the military establish- ment has gradually altered social relations within the military community. A combination of developments has enlarged the military community . . . there is an 8T. J. Newnam, Lt. Col. (USAF) and T. A. Fleek, Lt. Col. (USAF), "The Air Force Approach to Professional Police Management," The Police Chief, 34:31, May, 1967. increasing trend toward the civilian pattern of separa- tion of work and residence, because the militar base is no longer able to accommodate all personnel. This increasing trend which Janowitz referred to in 1960 has developed to the extent that involvement of military personnel and their dependents, in their capacity as private citizens, in the affairs of civilian communities adjacent to military installations is a common place occur- rence today. Changes in military life and changes in the society from which the military policeman comes are closely linked. The military policeman and the municipal police- man are both products of the same social system. To effec- tively understand the relevancy of this observation it is important to realize that: It is a fundamental error to assume that the military establishment is some sort of self-contained organism which digests and assimilates foreign bodies. Such an image implies that the military is a vestigial appen- dage rather than an organ of contemporary society. The sociological perspective does not deny the unique char- acteristics of the military establishment, nor does it overlook the respects in which the military may lag behind civilian society. It does, however, affirm that the orientation which the civilian society gives to recruits--officers and enlisted men--wi11 either assist or retard their assimilation of military roles. It affirms also that the professional cadres who have the responsibility of training new per- sonnel have a definition of their job which comes from the basic value of civilian society.10 9Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960?: pp. 177-178. 10Morris Janowitz, Sociology and the Military Estab- lishment (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1959), p. 45. The military establishment of today is vastly dif- ferent from that of yesteryear. It has undergone an exten- sive metamorphosis. Despite the significant changes, ". . . membership in the military means participation in an organizational community which regulates behavior both '"11 In the United States Air Force on and off the 'job. it is the Security Police who are given the task of for- mally regulating much of the overt behavior of military personnel—-both "on and off the job." USAF Security Police The sc0pe of the Security Police mission in the Air Force varies at different installations. However, the basic mission requires the Security police: a. To protect the Air Force combat capability. . . . b. To provide security for Air Force installations and resources. c. To maintain military law and order. d. To Operate and administer installation confinement and retraining facilities. e. To assure the safeguarding of classified informa— tion and material in the custody of military units and DOD contractors. llIbid., p. 44. f. To provide for personnel security, classification management, and censorship requirements.12 This study concerns itself with only one portion of the Security Police mission, that of enforcement of laws and regulations. The law enforcement mission of the Secu- rity Police is closely identifiable with the duties and responsibilities of their civilian counterparts--the munic- ipal police. There are some differences in the law enforce- ment orientation of these two agencies, but each can be viewed as the chief social control agency within their society. That both have numerous problems which continue to confront them cannot be denied. One such problem is that of effectuating and maintaining a good relationship between themselves and the communities they serve. This is a problem of mutual concern and interest. The state of the relationship of the municipal police with their commu- nities is of greater concern and has more serious implica- tions for them than does the situation which besets the Security Police. However: Community relations, even on an Air Force Base, are of continuing concern--emphasizing the helpful, protective role of the Security Police rather than the possible image of public persecutors. And then there is a con- tinuing variety of nuisance assignments——de1ivering messages, picking up stray dogs, running errands--the routine community service duties generally expected of leir Force Regulation 125-1,"Functions and Organi- zation of the USAF Security Police Activities," Washington, D.C.: Department of the Air Force, 29 May, 1967): P. 1. any police force and never provided for in the manning authorizations.l3 The police-community relations dilemma which exists today throughout American society has serious implications for the continued orderly administration of justice. The implications are pertinent to the military community as well as to the civilian community. Consequently, this study is concerned with USAF Security Police-community relations and not merely police "and" community relations. (Nuahyphenizationof the term police-community relations implies a relationship and a dynamic pattern ofiinter- action between the police and the community. No single pattern of interaction is possible when there are a multitude of individual and collective ""actors"" in SUCh a dynamic relationship. In such a process, there is diversity not only in the individuals and groups involved, but also in the roles which each of these may assume in a given situation. That there are ""problem areas"" or ""points of irritation"" in such a process of interactions is, of course, obvious.l4 Police-Community Relations Defined Generally defined, police-community relations means "the sum total of the many and varied ways in which it may be emphasized that the police are part of and not apart l3Newnam and Fleek, gp. cit., p. 43. 14President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, The Police and the Community (Volume II, Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, October, 1966), p. 87. 10 from the communities which they serve."15 Many different sociological definitions of the term "community" have been given in the past.16 However, for purposes of this study, the definition given by Coates and Pellegrin will be uti— lized. To them, the term "community" may be defined as: . . . territorial groupings within which most if not all of the goods and services necessary for the main- tenance of life are to be found. So defined, a com- munity consists of a relatively large number of peOple who reside in an area and who carry out their day by day activities within the context of community groups, institutions, and organizations. Their needs for shel- ter, clothing, food, water, medical care, spiritual guidance, intellectual improvement, justice, and so forth are all normally met without having to leave the confines of the community. Stated otherwise, a community consists of a territorial grouping within which all of the usual institutional functions are performed. The following list enumerates the institutional functions ordinarily existing in a community. . Domestic or familial functions. Economic functions. Governmental functions. . Educational functions. . Religious functions. . Recreational functions. . Health and welfare functions. \IONU'I-bOJNH If a territorial group is a community, all of these types of functions will be performed within its boundaries. 15Nelson A. Watsen (ed.), Police and the Changing Community (Washington, D.C.: International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1965), p. 122. 16For a discussion of several of these definitions see George A. Hillery Jr., "Definitions of Community: Areas of Agreement," Rural Sociology, 20:111-123, June, 1955. 11 It would therefore be possible for an individual to live out his life without ever leaving its confines. There is a second way in which the concept of community is frequently employed. A community is not only a col- lection of individuals, groups, and organizations which perform institutional functions, but in a sense it is alsoai""state ofmind."" Within a community, people ordinarily share a common culture or practice a common way of life. There exists a kind of ""community of fatem'among community residents, since certain things may benefit, and other things may harm, them all.17 Elements and Assumptions of a Community Relations Program Accepting this detailed definition of a community one must next turn to the elements of a community relations program. The Dictionarygf United States Army Terms con- tains a definition of what constitutes a community relations program which is equally applicable to defining what con- stitutes a municipal police—community relations program as well as a USAF Security Police-community relations program. According to the philosophy of the United States Army, a community relations program is: . . . that command function which evaluates public attitudes, identifies the mission of a military orga— nization with the public interest, and executes a pro- gram of action to earn public understanding and accep- tance.18 17Charles H. Coates and Roland J. Pellegrin, Mili- tary Sociology: A Stud of American MilitaryInstitutions and Military Life (University Park, Maryland: The Social SEience Press, 1965), p. 373. 18United States Army Regulation 320-5, Dictionary of United States Army Terms (Washington, D.C.: Department 5? the Army, April, 1965). 12 The failure of the police and those communities they police to support each other and to effect a harmoni- ous and effective police-community relations program has created the present day dilemma. In recent years greater emphasis has been placed upon the develOpment of effective police-community relationships. According to Professor Louis Radelet, Director of the National Center on Police and Community Relations, these recent developments include several key assumptions. Foremost among these assumptions are the following:19 1. The law enforcement officer plays a crucial role in the survival of our system of government by law and in the maintenance of orderly social relations, ideally expressed in the phrase "ordered liberty with justice." Equal protection of the law is an extension of this prin- ciple, with its implication of respect for the rights of individuals as individuals. 2. Professional law enforcement work requires special skills and knowledge, and demands exceptional standards of personal conduct and attitude. 3. The unprecedented pace of social change in our time, particularly as it affects peOple-to-people relation- ships in the urban complex with its growing concentration 19Comments derived from a series of lectures given by Professor Radelet to students in a graduate course on Police and Community Relations at Michigan State University during the Fall term 1967. 13 of people, has created numerous problems in community rela- tions which have great impact on law enforcement policies and practices. 4. The administration of justice is the responsibility of the total community. Citizen involvement, with a sense of vital social and moral consequence, is a significant by-product of the dialogue engendered in police and com- munity relations programs. Individuals learn from one another as they develop respect for those who are in some ways different from themselves. 5. The improvement of the relationship between the police and the community is not an end in itself. The police and community relations concept can be directed to programs in crime prevention, delinquency prevention and control, traffic safety, the control of vice and organized crime, or a variety of other matters in which the police and other administration of justice entities, along with other community services and organizations, share a common cause and concern. Why This Survey? Hand in hand with the emergence of these develop- ments have come the proliferation of surveys and research projects which have studied police attitudes toward citi- zens, police perceptions of citizen attitudes toward their 14 police, and vice versa. These studies have been undertaken on behalf of the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice and under the sponsorship of federal grants, various foundations, numerous universities, and many other agencies. However, no comparable research study has been undertaken to ascertain the attitudes of the military police toward their communities and their per- ception of their communities' attitude toward them. Perhaps the lack of empirical research into this area of the law enforcement establishment is because the military police and the municipal police share a common law enforcement goal and a common police image. As has previously been suggested, these two agencies can be viewed as the chief social control agency of two distinct soci- eties or of a central society and its "sub-society." Con- sequently, researchers may have assumed that every aspect of their findings applied equally as well to the law enforce- ment functions of the military police. As a result of this lack of empirical research into such a socially significant area, there exists a void where there should be knowledge of military police attitudes and perceptions pertaining to the communities serviced by the military. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to attempt to fill this void with some meaningful and relevant data relating to the attitudes of the military police. This study concerns itself with 15 the attitudes of United States Air Force Directors/Chiefs20 of Security Police in regard to USAF Security Police- Community relations. Throughtout this study reference is made inter- changeably to "military police" and "Security Police." The reader should regard all references to the military police as a specific reference to the United States Air Force Security Police. The law enforcement responsibili— ties of the United States Army Military Police and the mil- itary police units of the other branches of the armed forces are essentially identical. They vary only as the pecularities of the respective policies, practices, and "missions" of the branches of the armed forces vary. The symbiotic relationship of this study of Air Force Security Police attitudes to the attitudes which may prevail within the United States Army Military Policy Corps or within the military police units in the other branches of the armed forces can only be subjected to conjecture and theoretical assimilation. The most relevant aspects of this study rests upon the fact that it is an initial attempt to obtain a national sample of military police attitudes and percep- tions and upon the significance, if any, of the survey's findings. 0See Appendix C for definition of term. 16 National Survey: Methodology and Assumptions This national survey was conducted utilizing a mailed, self-administering questionnaire. The question- naire was mailed to the Director/Chief of Security Police of every Air Force installation located within the conti- nential limits of the United States and designated as an Air Force Base.21 The underlying assumptions which permeated the conduct of the survey and influenced its formulation are twofold. First, that there are similarities between the functions of the municipal police establishment and the police within the military, Specifically the United States Air Force Security Police, and that one such functional similarity and area of mutual concern is police-community relations. Second, that the Security Police, unlike their civilian counterparts, the municipal police, have a much more complex "police-community" responsibility. The USAF Security Police-community relations spectrum is conceived as a three legged stool with each leg being a separate "community" supporting a cushion upon which rests the 21Within the Air Force organizational structure the Director/Chief of Security Police is the senior Secu- rity Police officer assigned to the installation. In this regard, he is equivalent to the Chief of Police of a munic— ipal police department. scales of justice embodied in the precepts of the American Criminal Justice System. Were one leg to collapse, the resulting malfunctioning of the police establishment would place this system in a precarious situation and would threaten the dispensing of equal justice to all. These three "communities" are: (1) the military community which is composed of married military personnel and their depen- dents who live in the installation family housing areas and single military personnel who are quartered in the enlisted barracks or the bachelor officer's quarters; (2) the civilian police community--the local municipal police agencies; and (3) the civilian community which is composed of those non-military personnel who visit the installation or those whom the Security Police encounter in situations where there are Security Policemen assigned "town patrol" duties within the civilian community to assist the munici- pal police in controlling military personnel. Organization of This Report The presentation of the results of this national 17 survey is the reason for this report. In order to establish an adequate background and to lend credibility and signif- icance to the survey's findings, the material in Chapter II is included as a brief documentation of the existence of the police-community relations dilemma that now faces the law enforcement establishment throughout this nation. 18 Chapter III is a comparison of the mutual interest and responsibility of the municipal police and the Security Police as they pertain to the current police-community relations dilemma. Chapter IV discusses the survey instrument: the mailed, self-administering questionnaire. The purpose of the survey and the rationale supporting the individual questionnaire items are discussed in-depth as a prelude to the analysis of the data generated by the survey. In Chapter V the results of the national survey are qualitively and correlatively presented. The signif- icance of the findings and conclusions are discussed and the implications of the current status of the United States Air Force Security Police-community relations are fully explored. The symbiotic inference of the relationship of these findings to the entire military police establishment of the armed forces is also discussed. The final chapter is a brief summary of the perti- nent aspects of the previous chapters. The significance of the national survey as the first step in filling the void created by the heretofore lack of empirical research into the attitudes and perceptions of military police is stressed. The conclusion is logically drawn that, to pro- vide the basis for meaningful action by the United States Air Force or the other branches of the armed forces, 19 further research is needed. A more extensive in-depth study needs to be undertaken which will consider the attitudes of all military policemen, i.e.,, officers who are not Direc- tors/Chiefs, enlisted personnel, and those military police within the other branches of the armed forces. CHAPTER II THE POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS DILEMMA Within the spectrum of police-community relations there are countless components. Any of these components are capable of rupturing the delicate balance existing between the police and the society policed or are capable of reinforcing the cohesion which binds a community together. This chapter is not an attempt to treat in detail the many facets of the dilemma which now faces communities of all sizes and police departments everywhere. Rather, this chapter simply documents the existence of the dilemma by highlighting those aSpects which, over the past few years, appear to have had the greatest impact upon the police and their communities. I. THE DILEMMA The essential objective of justice and the American Criminal Justice System is: "fair treatment of every indi- vidual--fair in fact and also perceived to be fair by those 1 II affected. . . . Despite the presence and general accep- tance of these objectives, the police, both municipal and 1President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Admin- istration of Justice, The Challenge 2: Crime i2_g_Free Soci— iet (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing 0 ice, 1967), p. viii. 21 military, and their local and national communities have not been able to develop and maintain a good relationship. The truth of this police-community relations dilemma is that: The relations between police, public, and press are one of those intangibles of democratic government which are, nevertheless, one of its essential ingredients. . . . They form a reciprocally influencing system.2 These reciprocally influencing systems are now at odds with each other. As a result of many incidents, riots, allegations, misunderstandings, and all too often, the lack of adequate communication with their communities, the police today are struggling to improve their relation- ship with the communities they serve. Thus far, the strug— gle has been characterized by conflict and frustration. When the policeman's goals are thwarted he becomes frustrated and seeks a convenient scapegoat or cause of his problems. Too often, though sometimes correctly charged, the public is held responsible. Likewise, when police responsibilities are not fulfilled, the hue and cry of the public resounds throughout the community. This situation has caused some police administrators to remark that: "Fortunate are the police who have the support and coop- eration of the public."3 2John Coatman, C.I.E. Police (London: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 1959), p. 152. 3Institute For Training In Municipal Administration, Municipal Police Administration (Fifth edition; Chicago, Illinois: International City Managers' Association, 1961), p. 457. 22 Today there is a conflict between the police and the public they serve. Many citizens do not understand police problems, authority, and limitations. On the other hand, police themselves do not clearly understand their role in the community. Faulty communication, or the lack of communication, between the police and the community they serve becomes the ultimate result of this dilemma. Unfortunately, this problem is not restricted to the large metropolitan communities with their "professional" police departments. Even the smaller communities with their "traditional" and community oriented police depart- ments are embraced by a hostile environment. The signif- icance of this situation can perhaps be better understood when one realizes that within many American cities which proudly boast of their professional police departments there exists at least as serious problems in the area of police-community relations as there exists in the smaller communities and cities with less "professional" police departments. Why is this happening? To answer that ques- tion one scholar hypothesizes that: The reasons appears to be because professional depart- ments have emphasized efficiency over closer relations with the people they are policing. For example, tra— ditionally, police officers have patrolled on foot until they saw or were notified of a crime or other occurrence needing their services. Such officers would talk to residents, and human relationships would naturally develop. Professional police departments, in contrast, have almost entirely replaced foot with 23 motorized patrols, as the latter can cover much more area. Anyone interested in determining the extent of the problem existing between the police and their communities need only pick up any newspaper and he will undoubtedly find some headline or editorial proclaiming that the police are failing to do their job. Police/Public Brutality One peculiar sociological problem, that of police. brutality, is often cited by the public and used as fuel for the fire of dissatisfaction and poor police-community relations. Adding fuel to this fire is the increasingly occurring counter-charge of public brutality which the police, or those sympathetic to the police, levy against society. To them, the public is brutal because it fails to understand the true nature and function of the police. However, charges and counter-charges and actual practices of police brutality are not recent. Kimball Young and Raymond W. Mack have reported that brutality and the third degree have long been identified with the municipal police 4Bruce J. Terris, "The Role of the Police," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and SociaI SCience, 374:63, November, 1967?— 24 of the United States since their inauguration in 1844.5 These aspects of police activity have been subject to exag- geration, repeated exposure, and virulent criticism. Citizen Review Boards The recently raging controversaries over the desire of the public to institute external control over municipal police departments through creation of citizen review boards and the strong protest and resentment to such boards on the part of the police has further intensified the poor relationship which exists between the police and their com- munities. This aspect of the police-community relations dilemma has not plagued the military police establishment. Since their inception, the military police have had a com- parable citizen review board within their military organi- zation. In the military, the Inspector General is charged with the duty and responsibility to review all complaints levied against commanders and/or military organizations. In this regard, the Inspector General has actually served as an Ombudsman for the military since he has the power vested in him to handle all complaints made by military 5Kimball Young and Raymond W. Mack, Principles 2: Sociology (New York: American Book Company, 1965), p. 257. 25 personnel or civilian personnel against any organizational e1ement--be it the military police or a maintenance unit.6 The public is now demanding that they be given greater control over their police agencies and the police are more and more developing the view that they are isolated from their communities and that the public has failed to understand them. Yet the fire of misunderstanding and distrust continues to rage seemingly out of control. Headlines and Editorials In March, 1965 an editorial appeared in Th§_§322£7 dgy_Evening §2§E_which succinctly expressed the existence of the problem and suggested one of its many causes. The editorial proclaimed that: Every time there is a fall from grace, it is the more shocking because it is the law itself that has fallen. If a shoe salesman or a basketball player joins the John Birch Society, we pay no heed, but there are head- lines when policemen in New York, Pennsylvania, and California are found to belong. . . . When it is a policeman who accidentally shoots a bystander on a 6For a more thorough discussion of the Ombudsman concept see Walter B. Gellhorn, When Americans Eomplain (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Ufiiversity Press, 1966); Charles S. Archer, "The Grievance Man or Ombudsmania," P327 lic Administration Review, 27:174-178; P. K. Whisenand and GT_T. Felkenes, "An OmEudsman For Police," Th3 Police Chief, 34:18-27, November, 1967; and Larry J. Runge, " He Ombuds- man--Solution to the External Review Controversy," unpub- lished "B" paper presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Science Degree in Police Administration at Michigan State University, August, 1967. 26 city street, we feel the more threatened because the wound was inflicted by a man we expected to protect us. And when police announce that a confessed murderer is""the right guy;”'and then we learn almost a year later that the confession was false, we feel the truth has been violated by the men sworn to determine and uphold that truth.7 It is just such editorials and banner headlines which enlarge the gulf between the police and their commu— nities. Other books, articles, and editorials highlight each and every scandal or act of misconduct of policemen or police departments. This tends to lower their esteem in the eyes of the community. Still other articles report the results of poor police-community relations. One such article, a Timg editorial, reported that: Philadelphia and Detroit (along with New York City) reported an alarming increase in the number of attacks against policemen. In Los Angeles, where such assaults have almost tripled in recent years, some 300 cop fight- ers were prosecuted in the past year; their weapons ranged from nail-studded boards to soggy garbage and (in a home for delinquent girls) bedpans. . . . Police expect occasional resistance from persons under arrest-- but nothing like this. ""The police cannot fight crime and the public at the same timefl" protests New York Police Commissioner Michael J. Murphy. And New York Magistrate Aaron Goldstein says in shocked bewilder- ment: ""I don't know what kind of animals we have in this town. Is there no respect? Is there no decency?“’ 7"The Policeman," The Saturday Evening Post, 238:100, March 13, 1965. 8 "Is There No Respect?," Time, 78:24-25, September 8, 1961. 27 Police Criticism Criticism of the police and of police tactics has not been limited to the average citizen or the press or the scholarly. Lawyers and judges, who themselves are com- ponents of the American Criminal Justice System, would restrict the police. David L. Bazelon, Chief Judge of the . United States Court of Appeals for Washington, D. C. is typical of the legal Opposition directed against the police. In a letter to the United States Attorney General, Judge Bazelon took exception to police tactics, particularly detention of citizens. In excerpts of the letter which were published in U.S. News and World Report, he would restrict such practices in order to insure that "the admin- istration of criminal justice should avoid invidious dis- crimination. . . ."9 The public tends to View such criti- cism by lawyers and judges as a reinforcement of their belief that the police are inept and/or poorly organized. "Crime Commission's" Observations Recognizing the implications of continued poor police-community relations, the report by the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice states that: 9"U.S. Judge Would Restrict Police," U.S. News and World Report, 59:66, August 16, 1965. 28 Despite the seriousness of the problem today and the increasing challenge in the years ahead, the central conclusion of the commission is that a significant reduction in crime is possible if the following objec- tives are vigorously pursued: . . . Third, the system of criminal justice must eliminate existing injustices if it is to achieve its ideals and win the respect and cooperation of all citizens. . . . Seventh, individual citizens, civic and business orga- nizations, religious institution, and all levels of government must take responsibility for planning and implementing the changes that must be made in the criminal justice system if crime is to be reduced.10 That the police must "win" the respect of the citizenry and the citizenry must realize that they have a responsi- bility toward the police is a challenge which has not been fully met either by the municipal police, the military police, or the publics they serve. In order to accept the commission's challenge the police, as well as the public, must first attempt to under- stand the nature and origin of some of the causes of their mutual distrust and hostility. This last decade is replete with documentation to show how much of a dilemma really exists within the police-community relations spectrum. II . SUMMARY The current status of the police-community relations dilemma aptly points out that too often citizens do not 10President's Commission, 9p. cit., p. vi. 29 understand police problems, authority, and limitations and that, at the same time, police themselves do not clearly understand their role in the community. This situation is at the heart of the current dilemma. In documenting the existence of this dilemma the following highlights were discussed: 1. The charges and counter-charges of police/public brutality. 2. The citizen review board controversy. 3. Editorials and banner headlines in the press which have enlarged the gulf between the police and their commu- nities. 4. The prevalence of criticism of the police by aver- age citizens, the press, the scholarly, lawyers, and judges. 5. The report of the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice which pointed out the seriousness of the problem and challenged the police to "win" the respect of the public and challenged the pub- lic to realize its responsibilities toward the police. What Quinn Tamm, Executive Director of the Inter- national Association of Chiefs of Police, had to say in 1965 can still be said today and perhaps with even more dismay. When referring to the prevalence of charges of police brutality and the poor public image of the police, he is reported to have said: 30 I know of no period in recent history when the police have been the subject of so many unjustified charges of brutality, harassment and ineptness. It almost seems that the better we do our job Of enforcing the law the more we are attacked. The more professional we become, the more effective we become and the more effective we are, the more we impinge upon the mis‘ behavior of society. If the municipal police agencies and if the mili- tary police establishment are to become an integral part of the communities they serve, they and the community must recognize the existence of this dilemma for what it is-- a most serious threat to the achievement of their goal of maintaining order in society for the safety, preservation, and benefit of society--and attempt to eradicate their problems. NO greater summary of the current problem could be given than to repeat what the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice had to say about the status of the nation's police and community rela- tions. The commission said: This is the problem that is usually--and politely-- referred to as ""police-community relations.” It is overwhelmingly a problem of the relations between the police and minority-group community, between the police and Negroes, Puerto Ricans, and Mexican-Americans. It is as serious as any problem the police have today.12 llDavid Stahl, Frederick B. Sussman, and Neil J. Bloomfield, The Community and Racial Crises (New York: Practicing Law Institute, 1966), p. 120. 12 President's Commission, pp. cit., p. 99. 31 This dilemma faces communities of all types and sizes. The heterogeneity of American society has produced many different social groups, classes, and communities. There is really not "one" community but many communities which the police serve on one hand and contain on the other.13 The police themselves constitute many types. Regardless of their differences, the police share a common concern with the status of their relationship with the com- munities they serve. One type of policeman is the military policeman. To be sure, he is different from most municipal police officers. But, at the same time, the military police establishment and the municipal police are affected by the current police—community relations dilemma and are equally concerned over the status of their relationship with their communities. l3See Marvin E. Wolfgang, "The Police and Their Problems," Police, 10:52, March-April, 1966. CHAPTER III MUNICIPAL POLICE VERSUS USAF SECURITY POLICE In order to adequately understand the ensuing com- parison of the mutual interest and responsibilities of the municipal police and the military police establishments as they pertain to the current police-community relations dilemma, it is first necessary to point out that despite the difference in their law enforcement orientation, the municipal police agencies and the police within the mili- tary establishment share a common law enforcement goal. They, of necessity, also share a common concern pertaining to their maintenance of a good relationship with the com- munities they serve. Municipal police agencies are given the responsi- bility to function as the chief social control agency within the communities they serve. Their task is the main- tenance of order within their community for the safety, preservation, and benefit of that community. The police within the United States Air Force also function as the chief social control agency and have a similar goal even though their law enforcement orientation differs from that of the municipal police. Although their power and authority 33 is limited by Federal statue, the military police must also maintain order within the confines of the military instal- lation--their immediate community-—for the safety, preser- vation, and benefit of the installation.1 The military installation represents a different sort of community from that which municipal police agencies normally encounter. The installation is a "community" which exists along side the larger civilian community. Being adjacent to each other, these two communities develop a symbiotic relationship--each are dependent upon the other, in the police sense, to preserve order in society. The Security Police, unlike the municipal police, perform several functions in addition to their law enforce- ment responsibilities. However, this study is only con- cerned with their mutual law enforcement duties and respon- sibilities. Areas of Common Concern In maintaining law and order within the military community a Security Policeman: Enforces standards of conduct and adherence to laws and regulations. Apprehends violators of military regulations and accepts custody of military personnel apprehended by civil police or other law enforcement agencies. Conducts investigations of minor offenses, 1See Appendix A, "The Posse Comitatus Act," p.147. 34 and traffic accidents and reports findings. Guards scenes of disaster. Directs and routes pedestrian and vehicular traffic at congested points and enforces traffic regulations. Performs off base patrols and quells disturbances involving military personnel. Con- trols spectators at special events. The similarity of the Security Policeman's law enforcement duties and responsibilities to those of the municipal police are readily discernible from the above description and should aptly point out that they indeed do share a common goal. The municipal police and the military police addi- tionally share a common concern pertaining to their main- tenance of a good relationship with the communities they serve. In many cases the community serviced by a municipal police agency includes military personnel. Municipal police agencies in communities adjacent to a military installation primarily regard military personnel as part of the community they serve; although in many cases the jurisdiction of the municipal police does not extend beyond the boundary of the installation. Military personnel, though living more or less in a "closed community," become a concern of the munic- ipal police when they leave the confines of the military installation and intermingle within the civilian community. Therefore, to effectively accomplish their goal, it is 2Air Force Manual 39—1M, Airman Classification Man— ual (Volume II, Washington, D.C.: Department of The Air Force, 1 July 1967). p. 81-7. 35 essential that the municipal police effectuate and maintain a good relationship with the overall community as well as with each segment comprising the community. Military personnel sometimes pose problems of a special nature because of their military communal environ- ment. Most of the military man's needs can be adequately satisfied on the military base. Consequently: . . . his activities in the civilian community revolve mainly around his search for off-duty recreation. It is worthy of note that he is often not only in search of diversion, but seeking liberation from the restric- tive controls Of military living. This fact underlies much of the tension between military personnel and com- munity residents.3 The task confronting the Security Police as they function within the police-community relations dilemma is compounded by the uniqueness of the "community" with which they must deal. The problem is threefold because, in essence, the Security Police have three "communities" which they must serve and with which they must effectuate a good relationship. First, the Security Police have a responsi- bility to the military community--those individuals living within the confines of the installation and residing in the military housing areas. Married personnel and their dependents live in the family housing areas and single 3Charles H. Coates and Roland J. Pellegrin, Military Sociology: A Stud pf American Military Institutions and Military Life (University Park, Maryland: The Sociai Science Press, 1965). p. 390. 36 personnel are quartered in the enlisted barracks and the bachelor officer's quarters. Because military peOple share a common culture and practice a common style of life, and because there is a certain social solidarity which exist within the mil- itary group, it is possible to consider the base a com- munity in the psychological sense as well as in terms of the functions it performs . . . isolation of the military community in the past had the effect of devel- Oping among military men and their families a distinc- tive way of life and a feeling of community.4 Second, the Security Police have a responsibility to effectuate a good relationship with the civilian law enforcement "community"--the municipal police agencies. Third, the Security Police have a responsibility to effec- tuate a good relationship with the non-military citizens of the neighboring communities which constitute their civilian "community." These are the civilians who visit the military installation and those whom the Security Police may encounter in situations where a military "town patrol" exists to assist the municipal police in controlling the activities of military personnel within the civilian community. In each case it is essential that the Security Police also effectuate and maintain a good relationship with each segment of the communities they serve. In light of the above comments, it should be evident to the reader that the municipal police and the Security 41bid., p. 378. 37 Police do, in fact, share a common law enforcement goal and a common "police image." This common goal causes them to have a common concern with the current police-community relations dilemma. It concurrently causes them to realize the necessity of establishing and maintaining a good rela- tionship with the communities each serves. To discuss this dilemma in the context of municipal police concern and Security Police concern calls for an a priori conceptual design and an empirically oriented meth- odological approach. The design and approach which will be utilized will be that of a comparative analysis of these two police establishments as they function within the cur- rent police-community relations dilemma. It is an acknowledged fact that the police are continuously thrust into the eyes of the public today more- so than at any other time in the history of this nation. This phenomena can partly be attributed to the fact that public attitudes toward all public service institutions have intensified. This fact, along with the significant technological progress in law enforcement, the headlining of police activities by the press, and the changing social climate of society brought about by its increased mobility has helped to create the current problem between the police and their communities. 38 For purposes of this study, five of the more sig- nificant "reasons" why the police and the communities policed are at odds with each other are presented as cat- egories in which municipal police concern and Security Police concern with the police-community relations dilemma can be comparatively analyzed. This conceptual approach provides relevant and meaningful categories for the anal- ysis of the police-community morphology and the municipal and Security Police dynamics. The formulation of these "reasons" is the product of an intensive analysis of the numerous Opinions that have been postulated by law enforce- ment officials, scholars, and the public in the many books, articles,anuistatements that have been issued concerning the subject. The extensiveness and dynamics underlying each of these categories are such that a complete and thorough treatment would require numerous volumes. Consequently, only a limited analysis of these reasons are discussed. In no way can these oversimplified reasons be regarded as all inclusive or as the only reasons. These categories include: (1) the nature of the police function and the lack of public understanding of that function; (2) the police adversary concept: that the police and those policed are natural enemies; (3) the lack of police profes— sionalism; (4) rigid police procedures and the uncertainity 39 of the law; and (5) police organizational inadequacy to deal with the problem. These five reasons accounting for the police- community problems are only a few of the many and varied reasons. In Municipal Police Administration an excellent summary of other reasons causing poor police-community relations is given. The authors say that: There is a combination of: (1) hostility toward author- ity; (2) suspicion of policemen and police methods; and (3) disrespect for policemen's abilities and integrity. This is why the public, in general, tends to be sym- pathetic tO anyone apprehended by the police. . . . Public hostility is an unhappy heritage for today's police departments, the good ones as much as the bad. One of the barriers to improved police units has been low public expectations, in terms Of integrity and ability, from their policemen. This expectation is reinforced each time there is a public relations fail- ure by the policeman or his department5 I. NATURE OF THE POLICE FUNCTION It has been said that there has been an appalling lack of information on the part of the public concerning the caliber of their police and the condition under which the police have been Operating.6 A comparable situation 5Institute for Training in Municipal Adminstration, Municipal Police Administration (Fifth edition; Chicago, Illinois: International City Managers Association, 1961), p. 476. 6G. Douglas Gourley, Public Relations and the Police (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C Thomas, 1953), p. 105. 40 has often occurred where the police have perceived a sec- tion of the population as not belonging to their own par- ticular society. Where this has been the case in either instance, the communication process has been extremely dif- ficult because a common frame of reference and similar attitude has been lacking.7 This lack of communication has produced feelings of alienation on the part of the police; public expectations of the police which are at variance with the police function; and the police conceiving themselves as pariahs. Feelings of Alienation Throughout American society today there has arisen a problem of tremendous importance. This is the problem of alienation, where large segments in our pOpulation feel that they have been cut Off from the mainstream of American life. By the very nature of their policing function and compounded by the lack of public understanding of that function, the police are fast becoming one of those segments of the American pOpulation that feels alienated from the mainstream of American life. The character of the policeman's work has more and more led him to become less desirable as a friend, since 7Michael Banton, The Policeman and the Community (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1964), p. 172. 41 norms of friendship normally would tend to indicate or involve others in his work. Accordingly, the omnipresence of danger has isolated the policeman socially from the seg- ment of the citizenry which he has come to regard as sym- bolically dangerous. It has also tended to isolate the policeman from the conventional law-abiding citizenry with whom he identifies. The element of the policeman's authority reinforces the measure of danger inherent in isolating the policeman. The fact that he considers the whole world his audience intensifies the need for isolation. A recent survey reflects that police encounter considerable difficulty in making friends outside the police force. The survey also revealed that most police felt that the public was reserved, suspi- cious, and constrained in conversation.8 Another researcher has identified the following four reasons why police feel isolated: (1) heavy incident of violent crime; (2) high proportion of "cop haters"; (3) shoot first, ask questions afterwards tactics police have to use on occasion; and (4) low prestige of police work. He also remarks that to the extent that policemen share the same experiences of receiving hostility from 8Jerome H. Skolnick, Justice Without Trial (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966), pp. 44-50. accord solida attain and 'i :.ea:e SCnnel lattel. (1- (D i V 7S“, '? g7] » n / H (D "T H L . 42 the public, they tend to be drawn closer together and to become dependent upon each other. Thus the police usually, according to this study, show a high degree of occupational solidarity. But "the solidarity appears to have been attained at the expense of good police-community relations and 'intercommunication.'"9 This feeling of alienation has not failed to per- meate a significant part of the military establishment. In the past, military personnel were characterized as being "outside the main currents of American life."10 Yet another characterization recalled that: . . . except for some inevitable contacts with outside agencies and persons, life was circumscribed by mili- tary duties customs, rituals, and social activities. 'They lived apart in their tiny seculed garrisons much after the manner of military monks and they rarely came into contact with the mass of our citizens.‘ In short, our armed forces became in peace time highly organized and artificial communities set apart from civilian society. The present day situation has not significantly altered the feeling of alienation even though military per- sonnel now intermingle within the civilian community as a matter of daily routine. Yet, as recently as 1959 and 1960 9Banton, pp. cit., pp. 52-58. 10Burton M. Sapin and Richard C. Snyder, The Role p£ the Military in American Foreign Police (Garden City, New York: Doublaay and Co., 1954Y. p. 20. ll Coates and Pellegrin, pp, cit., p. 379. schola: ation 1 of sec nent, manure 5011: re 531 T? O: ta on it ce tr a: 0t To thi 43 scholars were still writing about the isolation and alien- ation of the military. In writing about the applicability of sociological methodology within the military establish- ment, Morris Janowitz, as in somewhat of a prelude to his monumental research into the phenomena of the professional solider, commented about the alienation of the military. He said: The relatively low prestige of the military in the eyes of civilians conditions the conception that the mili- tary profession holds of itself. The military takes over this civilian image, with the result that the mil- itary exhibits extreme status sensitivity. The con- cern with status of the military professional is to be traced not only to the hierarchial organization of the armed forces. The military behaves very much like any other minority or low—status group. TO this lament Professor Mansfield adds: At the bottom of the hierarchy, soldiers in uniform are sharply segregated from the rest of society. The uniform itself accomplishes this in part. Housing and employment on military bases surrounded by wire fences and monitored by sentries reinforce the separation. (No modern commander would want to violate the prohi- bition embodied in the Third Amendment to the Consti- tution, that'”fiu>soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner. . . . "")Most of all, the system of discipline that vests in his commanding officer the disposal of all his waking and sleeping hours sets the soldier apart. The government must accordingly provide . . . for virtually everything.13 12Morris Janowitz, Sociology and the Military Estab- lishment (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1959), p. 35. l3Harvey C. Mansfield, "Civil-Military Relations in the United States," Current Histogy, 38:23, April, 1960. 44 Even though these comments were made a few years ago, they can be repeated today with as near veracity. When this general military feeling of alienation is consid— ered in reference to the Security Police, perhaps one can then imagine how much more alienated from the mainstream of American life the Security Policeman feels. The impli- cations Of this comment can be better understood when one realizes that in many respects the military constitute a "closed community." And within this closed community mil? itary personnel tend to regard their Security Policemen, or at least those who perform law enforcement duties, much the same as civilians regard their municipal policemen. Consequently, the Security Policeman feels doubly alienated from society--alienated from the greater American society by virtue of the fact that he is in the military and alien- ated from the military society because he is a Security Policeman. Public Expectations An editorial which recently appeared in The Satur- day Evening Post highlighted the public expectations of the police and the apparent lack of understanding the pub- lic has concerning the problems facing the police. The editorial laments that: 45 There is none of whom we ask more ill-paid acceptance of danger and hardship than the policeman. We ask not only that he protect us from every danger and avenge every transgression, but that he symbolize the integ- rity, and security of society itself. . . . There has been some feeling, of late that we ask too much of our police, more specifically that recent Supreme Court rulings have made it difficult if not impossible for the police to punish the guilty and protect the inno- cent. . . . To the trained and dedicated policeman, the limitations of the law are not an insurmountable Obsta- cle. . . . It is hard and harrowing work, and the afflu- ent of the Great Society own him a larger debt than they realize. Although this editorial dealt with public expecta- tions of the municipal police, these same expectations apply to what might also be expressed by the military "public." This is because the Security Policeman often represents the first and lasting impression that the civilian public gets of the military. The public does not make a highly signif- icant distinction between the Security Policeman and the municipal policeman. However, the military "public" tends to regard the Security Policeman with an even more critical eye. To them, he is THE symbol of integrity, security, and military discipline. Indeed, the Security Policeman is somewhat surrepticiously trained to fulfill this role. The nature of the police function, in and of itself, causes tension between the police and the elements of the society being policed. As such, it has a definite effect 14"The Policeman," The Saturd_y Evening Post, 238: 100, March 13, 1965. ‘I A. U. 46 upon the quality of police-community relations. This is certainly not a new revelation since as early as 1940 it was pointed out that: The sc0pe of the police function is a question of the first magnitude. It not only affects the routine func- tioning of the force, but also profoundly influences that close adjustment of the police machine to the popular will without which no police body can ever suc- ceed. Public expectations and police expectations create a dichotomous perplexity. Neither side has been able to convey its attitudes, frustrations, and needs to the other in a manner in which they can be objectively viewed. Although both the municipal police and the military police must somehow reconcile this perplexity there does not appear to be a ready solution other than increased communi- cation between the public and their police. Perhaps it is a valid assumption that: Altough police are traditionally responsible for enforc- ing the law and protecting the legal rights of citizens, a changing society is demanding more than enforcement and protection. . . . It is the expectations of society for police that has been changing. Society is looking for more than just protection, maintenance of order and enforcement of laws. Society is asking--in fact, demanding--that police provide social leadership as well as social surveillance.l6 15Bruch Smith, Police Systems ip the United States (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949), p. 19. 16Todd W. Woolery, "Management in Community Rela- 'tions--Police Leadership," The Police Chief, 34:24, May, 1967. 47 The "Pariah" Concept The sociologist William A. Westley published one Of the earlier studies on the sociology of the police. In describing what he found within the police force of a mid- western city of about 150,000 pOpulation, Westley reports that the policeman: . . . regards the public as his enemy, feels his occu- pation to be in conflict with the community, and regards himself to be a pariah. The experience and the feelings give rise to a collective emphasis on secrecy, an attempt to coerce respect from the public, and a belief that almost any mpans are legitimate in completing an impor- tant arrest. 7 This study was only of one midwestern town; however, the intervening years since its completion have given rise to the conclusion that its findings were accurate and that many, many policemen today--municipa1 police as well as Security Police--have the pariah feeling. All too many policemen feel that the esteem accorded the police is much lower than the goals he is to enforce or achieve. This feeling, in turn, tends to adversely affect the morale and competency of the police and fosters a low level of police self respect. Despite some recent trends away from the age Old stereotypes, the prevalent police image portrayed on the theatre screen, on television, and in books and articles 17William A. Westley, "Violence and the Police," American Journal p: Sociology, 59:35, July, 1953. 48 compounds the lack of public understanding of police func- tions. To the general public the police still manifest the characteristics of "jacks of all trades and masters of none." According to Webster's Third New International Dic- tionary, an image is "a mental conception held in common by members of a group and being symbolic of a basic attitude 18 Thus an image is a and orientation toward something." mental representation of something that need not necessarily exist. What is important is that it is believed to exist. As such, an image is capable of living and breathing in the "mind's eye" of the individual beholder--the policeman. It is truly a montage of contacts, impressions, etc. which the policeman acquires. Furthermore, an image is a dynamic relationship between a public and an object or institution (the police establishment). It most often develops specific qualities that persist through time which in turn determines how participants in the relationship (the police and their com- munities) will behave toward each other. What people or the public know of an institution is always, of necessity, an abstraction of the true function of that institution. 18Webster's Third New International Dictionary, UnabridgediTVOlume II, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1966), p. 1128. 49 However, this does not mean that a public's image or a policeman's image is a false invented projection on a 19 screen. In this respect, Bruce Smith has commented that: The problem of morale, or self-respect is created by at least two aspects of the policeman's role. First, the policeman is frequently in an adversary relation with his public. Unlike firemen (who save homes, res- cue babies, and retrive treed cats), the policeman in the routine case is Often (though not always) dealing with his clientele as an antagonist: he issues sum- monses, makes arrests, conducts inquiries, searches homes, stops cars, testifies in court, and keeps a jail. Second, powerful demands are made on the policeman to serve incompatible ends. This happens both because his public cannot make up its mind what it wants and because it wants certain ends to be only symbolically served (e.g.,'”%fluacommunity shall not tolerate gam- bling”) while other, contradictory, ends are actually served (""citizens should be allowed to place bets with honest bookies” . The officer is confronted with many such dilemmas. Municipal police agencies as well as the military police establishment are concerned with the image of police within the American society. Much has been said regarding this aspect of the police-community relations dilemma. Yet, in the final analysis, much is to be said for Smith's condemnation of society. The pariah feeling is reinforced when one considers that: 19See Leo P. Crispi, "Some Observations on the Con- cept of Image," Public Opinion Quarterly, 25:115-120, Spring, 1961. 20Thomas F. Adams, Law Enforcement: Ag Introduction pp the Police Role in the Community (Englewood Ciiffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hail, Inc., 1968), p. 276. 50 Low salaries, along with inadequate equipment, run down buldings, poor uniform allowances, and depressing squad rooms are obstacles in the way of effective police work mainly because they are interpreted by policemen as palpable evidence of the contempt in whiph the police are held by the public and the politicians. 1 Despite this lack of public understanding, the police remain charged with the enforcing of the law and the maintenance of order. The distinctive aspect of this respon- sibility is that the police, unlike the courts, corrections, or other components of the American Criminal Justice System, are: . . . charged with performing these functions where all eyes are upon them and where the going is roughest on the street. Since this is a time of increasing crime, increasing social unrest and increasing public sensi- tivity to both, it is a time when police work is pecu- liarl important, complicated, conspicuous, and deli- cate. A Change in Public Attitudes? Perhaps, as the report of the President's Commis- sion on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice indi- cates, the public may be beginning to acquire a better under- standing Of the nature and functioning of the police. The police task force indicated that, contrary to the belief of 21Smith, pp, cit., p. 9. 22President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, Task Force Report: The Police (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967). p. 1. 51 (any policemen, the public, or at least a good majority of ;he public, now has a higher Opinion of the work of the )olice. This is a distinct change from a few years ago. ‘he task force further indicated that a national survey con- Lucted by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) for :he Comission obtained these answers to the following ques- :ions:23 Do you think that the police here do an excellent, [OOd, fair, or a poor job of enforcing the laws? 22% Excel- .ent, 45% Good, 24% Fair, 8% Poor. How good a job do the police do on giving protec- :ion to peOple in the neighborhood? 42% Very Good, 35% >retty'Good, 9% Not So Good, 14% No Opinion. A similar poll was conducted in 1966 by Louis Har- ris. This poll reported that 76% of the public rated Fed- eral agents as "Good" or "Excellent" in law enforcement. fhe comparable figures for the state and local agencies Jere 70% and 65% respectively.24 If this is indeed a trend then perhaps one of the 'reasons" for the current dilemma may eventually cease to exist. However, to achieve this the municipal police must 23Ibid., p. 145. 24Ibid. 52 receive the same advice as was given the Security Police several months ago in an article that appeared in the Secu- rity Police Digest. In this article the writer might well have been referring to a way that all policemen can elimi— nate that pariah feeling as he said: "For our purposes the Security Police image is the way in which our appearance, attitude, and performance compares with what our military and civilian public expects of us."25 II. POLICE ADVERSARY CONCEPT The develOpment and all encompassing influence of what has been labeled the police adversary concept within the spectrum of the police-community relations dilemma can be viewed as a "natural" offshoot of the American Criminal Justice System. Inherent within this system is the philos- Ophy of justice rendered after the battle of two or more adversaries (the prosecution and the defense) has been fought. The police are an integral component of the system. Thus it is not hard to conceive of the transferrence of the adver- sary relationship from the judiciary process-the courts—-to the court's champion and the public's opponent--the police. The fact that the police are viewed as an adversary of their 25"Security Police Image," Security Police Digest, Fall edition, 1967, p. 11. 11L 4_1 k_____.____mm -=u:. 53 communities creates a virtually insurmountable Obstacle for the police to hurdle. To the chagrin of many professional police administrators and career Security Policemen, this situation must ultimately be traced not to the adults of today's society because their attitudes were formed long ago, but to the primeval development of the attitudes of children toward authority which become ingrained and shaped as they grow into adulthood. In addition, the public ambiv- alence toward the police; their gamesmanship attitude toward crime; as well as the many social-psychological aspects, have all contributed to the perpetuation of the adversary concept. Attitude Development According to Claudine Wirths, ". . . specific atti- tudes toward law enforcement are made up of the interplay of society, family culture and personality. The picture is 26 She remarks that the uniformed policeman is complex." hallowed as the ultimate visible symbol of authority in the lives of most citizens. The question of utmost importance to the police establishment concerns the development of attitudes toward the police. 26Claudine Gibson Wirths, "The Development of Atti- tudes Toward Law Enforcement," The Police, 3:51, November- December, 1958. 54 Since the continued influence of the adversary role which exists within the police-community relations dilemma is of concern to municipal and Security Policemen it is essential that the two significant Observations made by Wirths be prostilized as basic to the formulation of atti- tudes toward the police and all authority figures. Perhaps in this manner a keener insight into the perplexing aspects of the dilemma can be Obtained. Wirths Observes that: the way that this early life and death authority is imposed upon the child sets the pattern for how the child will view all people in authority later in life. The second observation is that the child is molded first by parents and second by the culture in which he lives. But his parents and the views they hold reflect their culture and their parents, etc. back to the beginning of time. Public Ambivalence Another horn of the police—community relations dilemma which concerns the municipal police and the Security Police is that of public ambivalence toward the police. In order for the police to fulfill their public service respon- sibilities there must be a congruence between the goals of the police and the public expectations and mores of those policed. There is no such congruence in America today. 27Ibid. 55 In many respects it would appear as though two incompatible ends are being sought. Of the numerous studies which recently have attempted to obtain attitudes of the public toward the police, ambiv- alence has characterized the responses. The studies con- ducted by the Bureau of Social Science Research (herein- after referred to as the BSSR Study) and the National Opin- ion Research Center (hereinafter referred to as the NORC Study) and reported to the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice are typical Of the public's ambivalence toward the police. The BSSR Study surveyed Washington, D.C.28 Seventy- three per cent of those interviewed agreed that the police ought to have leeway to act tough when they have to. Fifty- six per cent agreed that there should be more use Of police dogs while less than one third of those interviewed dis- greed. However, very few of the respondents consistently endorsed either enlarging or restricting the power of the police. In analyzing the results of this survey there is clear evidence reflecting that many persons take a permissive 28Bureau of Social Research, Re ort on a Pilot Study in the District of Columbia on Victimization and Attitudes Toward Law Enforcement, U.S. President 5 Commission on Law Enforcement and Admifiistration Of Justice. Field Survey I (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967)! p0 1460 56 or laissezfaire attitude on one issue and refuse to do so on another issue. "The greatest significance of this study "29 The overall pertains to police-community relations. results indicated that most of the respondents held ambiv- alent attitudes yet were "more or less" favorable toward the police based upon their responses to a six-item scale. As an example, of those who did not favor police toughness forty-seven per cent did indicate a strong respect and sympathy for the police. Much similar results demonstrating the ambivalence of the public was Observed in the results of the NORC Study. The NORC Study was a national study of a cross section of 30 This study reflected that forty- the American public. five per cent of the respondents favored civilian review boards, thirty-five per cent Opposed them, and twenty per cent were uncertain. At the same time, fifty-two per cent believed that the police should have more power; forty-two per cent that the police should risk arresting an innocent person rather than risk missing a criminal; and sixty-five per cent favored the United States Supreme Court's ruling 29Ibid. 30University of Chicago, Criminal Victimization ip the United States: A Report p£_p National Survey, U. S. Presidenth Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, Field Survey II (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 59. 57 that the police may not question a suspect without his law- yer being present unless the suspect knowlingly waived his rights. These studies are cited as examples of the wide— spread public ambivalence toward the police. Although a comparable survey has not been taken of the attitudes of the military public, it is assumed that to a large extent the results would at least be similar, if not more ambiv- alent, toward their two police agencies--the municipal police and their military police. With such ambivalence surrounding him, it is no wonder that the police officer can never be sure of the public he serves. Still another study, which was conducted by Albert J. Reiss Jr. of the University of Michigan on behalf of the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, speaks Of the prevalence of ambivalent attitudes toward the police and offers two possible reasons for its existence. Reiss theorizes that: One reason is the Americans never have accepted in the English or European sense the full necessity and respon- sibility of the police for the public welfare. They fail to grant status honor to the police and are deeply ambivalent about whether policing is congruent with democratic institutions. So deep seated is this ambiv- alence in many Americans, that one senses they have an uneasy ""truce"" with the police to grant them as little power as necessary. . . . A second major reason why Americans are ambivalent stems from their more immediate experiences today. Many Americans today are upset by their experiences as victims 58 of crime or at least by their perception that there is a ""crime problem"" in the United States. They also per- ceive that the police are the main source of immediate protection against crime--their most obvious ""safeguard"" so to speak. They see law enforcement and strengthening of it as the most obvious solution to the inconvenience, losses, and anxiety they experience from crime. They are in a kind of ""double bind"". They are sceptical, if not distrustful, of police power, yet they see police power as the most, obvious solution to their problem. They respect the police function but are distrustful of them in some ways. They are sympathetic with them in the difficulty of their job but seem afraid to allow them discre ion. They fear the police but they fear crime more. But ambivalence and the way in which such attitudes are developed are not the only influencing elements which interact within the police-public adversary confrontation. All too often the public acts as through society is a Roman Collesium and instead of the lions and the Christians pro- viding the afternoon's entertainment, it is the police and their communities that play the game. Gamesmanship The public's attitudes toward authority and crime-- a crime is committed only if you're caught--creates a per- petual "game" between the police and the public. This game is a part of the police adversary concept: that the police 31University of Michigan, Studies ip Crime and Law Enforcement ip_Major Metrppolitan Areas, President's Commis- Sion on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, (Volume I; Washington, D. C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967), Section II, pp. 35-36. 59 and those policed are "natural" enemies. The general pub- lic and the police themselves tend to exacerbate the sit- uation: the public by their attitudes and by "acting out" and voicing the statement that the less contact with the police the better; and the police by their lack of profes- sionalism and lack of application of many pertinent human relations principles. At the same time: . . . law enforcement is hampered by the related prob- lems of public antagonism to the police, public apathy to law enforcement problems, and widespread public indulgence toward such forms of prescribed conduct as gambling and vice. Failure to enforce law breeds cor- ruption, yet it is the public which does not wish to have the law enforced.3 In addition to the ambivalency, attitude develop- ment, and gamesmanship components of the police adversary concept other aspects must also be briefly discussed. These are even more intangible and fleeting, yet sociologically and psychologically they may be the most important. Social—Psychological Aspects Doctor Chester M. Pierce, Professor of psychiatry at the University of Oklahoma School of Medicine and Chief, Psychiatry Service, Veterans Administration Hospital, Oklahoma City addressed a Police-Community Relations Insti- tute held at Xavier University in Cincinnati, Ohio in 32Jacob W. Landynski, Search and Seizure and the Supreme Court (Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press, 1966), PO 1840 60 April, 1960 and presented a distillate of his clinical experience concerning police-community attitudes. He pos— tulated that the friction between the police and those policed may result because: The policeman comes to stand for conservation of the status quo, while the citizen comes to cherish a mobil- ity which is anti-status quo. As a result of this, core conflicts in which the policeman has trouble expres- sing hostility and in which the citizen has trouble with the expression of dependency, causes far reapging fric- tion between the citizens and the policeman. He further professed that in each citizen-police interac- tion there develops a "lock-key" arrangement. This arrange- ment recognizes that both the policeman and the citizen have deep seated social and psychological needs which must be fulfilled and their accompanying problems resolved. Consequently, the policeman, on the one hand, finds citizens to harass, "stop and frisk," etc., whose personal problems will partially facilitate the solution of his own problems and needs. On the other hand, Pierce hypothesized that, in the same lock-key arrangement, the citizen tends to invite his own personal catastrophy in his confrontation with the policeman by using the policeman to facilitate the solution of his problems and needs. And if this lock-key arrangement occurs in a large metropolitan area or on some 33Chester M. Pierce, "Psychiatric Aspects of Police- Community Relations," Mental Hygiene, 46:114, January, 1962. 61 areas of military installations it becomes a virtual 34 and intensifies the adversary "contra-cultural conflict" process. Psychologically speaking, the police adversary concept is further emphasized when one considers that the police represent a father figure in American society. This alone is not significant. However, when one considers that to a large extent American society is a matriarchial society then it is not difficult to envision the resulting ripe atmosphere for conflict between those two elements--the police and the public. Additionally, it is not hard to envision this ripe atmosphere within the military. To an even larger extent than the general public, the military family relationship is matriarchial. Based upon his extensive psychiatric interviews, Dr. Pierce reports that. policemen are usually seen as a special sort of father symbol. He further states that based upon his dream research, policemen are more frequently depicted in an inhibiting and restricting capacity than in a protecting capacity. This inhibiting and restricting role coincides with the father image. To this is added 34Mel Ravitz, "Contra-Cultural Conflict in the Metropolitan Community," a paper presented before the Ninth Annual National Institute on Police and Community Relations, Michigan State University, May, 1963. 62 the lessening influence of the father in American society. Thus according to Pierce: Troubles extant between the police and community reflect an ongoing modification which is secondary to the ema- ncipation of women. This continuing revolution in American civilization has resulted in the diminution Of the importance of father in the family prestige system. In this way the emancipation of womanhood has had among its far-reaching positive and negative rami- fications the incessant revisions of public attitudes toward police authority, since, dynamically, the police- man is a father equivalent. Earlier it was stated that to an even larger extent than the general public, the military family relationship is matriarchial. This aspect of military life results from the frequent separation of the father and husband from his wife and children. Isolated overseas assignments, duty on "alerts," temporary duty away from his home base, and mili- tary training maneuvers frequently disrupt family relations. As a result, the military wife and mother must be ever ready to bear the burden of raising her family without any assis- tance from her spouse. When the military man is at home the same community involvements which precipitate his civilian counterpart's absence from his family also act upon military personnel. 35Pierce, Op. cit., p. 108. 63 III. LACK OF POLICE PROFESSIONALISM In their report, the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice indirectly indicted the police for having poor training programs and for lacking the needed professionalism. Within this indictment is the suggestiontflun:poor police training or the lack of training causes a great deal of the strife existing between the police and the community. The Commission's report empha- sizes that: Since police action is so Often personal, it is inev- itable that the public is of two minds about the police: most men both welcome Official protection and resent official interference. Upon the way the police perform their duties depends to a large extent which state of mind predominates, whether the police are thought of as protectors or Oppressors, as friends or enemies. Yet policemen, who as a rule have been well trained to perform such procedures as searching . . . taking fin— gerprints . . . writing arrest reports, and testifying in court, have received little guidance from legisla- tures, city administrations, or their own superiors, in handling these intricate, intimate human relations. The organization of police departments and the train- ing of policemen are focused almost entirely on the apprehension and prosecution of criminals. . . . The peace keeping and service activities, which consume the majority of police time, receive too little con- sideration. 6 The attainment of professional standards has been viewed as an extremely important goal which still eludes 36President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, The Challenge p£_Crime ip_p Free Societ (Washington, D. C.: United States Government Printing 0 fice, 1967), p. 92. 64 the police. The contention is that such attainment would promote self respect among the police, and respect for others which has been directly linked to respect for self.37 As it stands today, American law enforcement cannot be classified as a true profession. There exist too many diversely developed police departments throughout the nation. However slowly, the police service is advancing toward the status of a profession. Even now there are some individuals and some police agencies that can be classed as professionals. Why is it that police professionalism is so difficult to achieve? One scholar has attemped to answer this most difficult question by remarking that: Policemen do not become professionals by proclamation. The prerequisites are a common body of knowledge, pre— entry education, free exchange of information, careful and rigid pre-employment screening, a code of ethics, and recognition by the public as professionals. Police professionalization involves mutual responsibil- ity of the agency to the officer and of the officer to the agency. It is a two-way street, and a long jour- ney to the final destination. To the extent that the police still are not con- sidered by the public as true professionals, they have thrust upon them another stumbling block on the path toward 37Louis Radelet, "Implications of Professionalism in Law Enforcement for Police-Community Relations, Police, 10:84, July-August, 1966. 38Adams, pp. cit., p. 236. 65 effectuating a good relationship with the communities they serve. As professionals or semi-professionals, which ever may be the true case, the police may never be able to achieve the same status as a lawyer or a doctor simply because, unlike those professionals, they cannot choose their clients nor can they achieve self regulation. In one sense the police are a service without clients. They serve the public as a collectivity rather than distribu- tively or selectively. Often they must initiate enforce- ment where there is no personal victim or complainant. Couple this with the lack of guidelines from the public as clients or from a specific victim as a client, and the police do become, in effect, their own clients. Even so, the public has not afforded the police the luxury of self regulation. The public has reserved this unto itself. Perhaps this is why the police are sometimes accused of developing a supermoralistic perspective and a view espous- ing their "private" war on crime. Possibly the most fundamental requisite for a good police-community relationship is the very Obvious need for good police work and a strong, clear and enforced policy of equal treatment for all members of the community. Granted this is a high professional goal, but it must be achieved if police work is to result in an effective job of policing. However, in terms of sheer volume, it is the 66 thousands upon thousands of police-citizen contacts that are made every day by police with citizens on the streets that provide the potential for developing or shattering a good police-community relationship. CommunityrInvolvement A 1963 study conducted under the sponsorhip of the International Association of Chiefs of Police which dealt with the attitudes of several thousand policemen strongly supported positive police participation in community affairs.39 Municipal police agencies are attempting to counteract this aspect of the police-community relations dilemma by estab- lishing community relations units within their departments at an ever increasing rate. However, the police within the military establishment have not been authorized personnel to perform this vital function. Whether or not such autho- rization will be forthcoming remains to be seen. That the Security Police and the communities they serve could benefit from an organizational authorization permitting the estab- lishment of a military police-community relations section cannot be convincingly disputed. Within the military, virtually sole reliance is placed upon the installation 39George W. O'Connor and Nelson A. Watson, Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime (Washington, D. C.:_ Interna- tional Association of Chiefs of Police, 1963, mimeograph). 67 information and community relations officer and thus far little official policy has been promulgated in the realm of military police-community relations. Yet as Major Epstein succinctly proclaims: The problem of Military Police public relations is far too basic, complex and important to be left exclusively up to local information and community relations officers. Only the Military Policemen are capable of creating the proper image to the civilian and military community. No one else can do it. Good Military Police public relations is dependent more on the M P job performance than any other single factor. If we offer the community dedicated, sincere, courteous, honest, and efficient professional police services then we will have won a large part (but certainly not all) for the battle of acceptance, appreciation, and support with most of the public. IV. RIGID POLICE PROCEDURES AND THE UNCERTAINITY OF THE LAW One of the major sources of tension between the police and their communities centers around the lack of clarity within many of our laws. The authors of Municipal Police Administration support this contention as they lament that "the source of many difficulties in law enforce- ment is not in the police department at all, but in the 40David Epstein, Major, "Good Public Relations . . . A Challenge to All," Military Police Journal, Novem- ber, 1967, p. 11. 68 laws which they are expected to enforce."41 As a conse- quence the police are often uncertain about the legality of some of their actions. In a broad generalized sense police organization and function inheres in the place given the police within the legal system and in the organizational structure of the community. Basically, the police mediate between these two systems. On the one hand the police are the primary representative of the legal system within and to a community. At the same time, they are the major source of cases that are processed in the criminal justice system. On the other hand, the police adapt the""universalistic"" demands on the law to what the citizens of the community require through a variety of formal and informal means. Some of the recent United States Supreme Court decisions which have criticized the police have further intensified the public's belief that the police are inept and unconcerned about the rights of citizens.43 What the public has failed to realize is that the actions of the police that were criticized were Often legal at the time. In essence, the criticism by the United States Supreme Court was not directed explicitly toward the police for 41Institute for Training in Municipal Administration, Municipal Police Administration (Fifth edition, Chicago, IllinOis: International City Managers Association, 1961), p. 9. 42See Albert J. Reiss Jr. and David J. Bordua, "Environment and Organization: A Perspective on Police," in Bordua, (ed.), The Police: Six Sociological Essays (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1967), pp. 25-55. 43"Courts too SOft on Criminals? A Warning by Attorney General," U.S. News and World Report, 59:67, August 16, 1965. 69 enforcing an unconstitutional law but rather toward the legislatures for passing such laws. Thus "as a result, policemen, district attorneys, and trial-court judges have become increasingly unsure of the law . . . Often differing vigorously among themselves."44 The military police establishment has been equally affected by this ambiguity in some of our laws. The Secu— rity Policeman must cope with the Uniform Code of Military Justice, Federal statues, and State and local statues-- through the Assimilative Crimes Act. He encounters crimes and purely military Offenses and like his counterpart, the municipal policeman, the Security Policeman is concerned with lessening the possible areas of conflict and distrust between the police and their communities. Inbau and Reid, though writing about criminal inter- rogations and confessions, have commented about the uncer- tainty of the law and its effect upon police practices. With so much of the law today being reinterpreted by the United States Supreme Court, the police agencies must con- tinuously revamp their procedures. The vaccillation of the Supreme Court has not assisted law enforcement and 44See Escobedo v. Illinois (1964), 374 us 478, Miranda v. Arizona (1966), 16 L ed. 2d 694, and Katz v. United States (1967), 389 US 347 as specific examples which typlify the Court's criticism of police practices. 70 there, no doubt, are many policemen who would join Inbau and Reid in looking forward: . . . hopefully to the future when perhaps a change in the composition of the Court may result in a return to its earlier interpretation of the pertinent constitu- tional provisions. Such changes of interpretation have occurred, before, even in the interrogation-- confession area itself. For instance, in the 1958 decision in Crooker v. California, the Court held five to four, that there was no constitutional right to a lawyer in the police station, whereas in the 1964 case Of Escobedo v. Illinois, the Court held, again y a five to four margin, that the right did exist. The rigidity of police procedures eliminates much of the decision making and discretionary powers of the indi- vidual policeman. In the Specific case of the Security Policeman, he, too, finds his discretionary powers circum- scribed by traditional police procedures as well as by those regulations and policies peculiar to the military. This lack of adequate discretionary power or the individual policeman's fear to exercise his limited power has tended to intensify the already polarized police-community rela- tions dilemma. The police want an increase in their discretionary powers while the public clamors for greater "surfacing" of such powers so as to subject them to public review and regulations. Consequently, this dilemma has become another 45Fred E. Inbau and John E. Reid, Criminal Inter- rogations and Confessions (Second edition; Baltimore, Maryland: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1967), p. 2. 71 "cause" of the ever widening gulf between the police and their communities. The police failure to efficiently "organize" itself to effectively counteract this dilemma and other aspects of its problems has, in itself, serious implications for their ever becoming an integral part of their local and national communities without the needed changes. V. POLICE ORGANIZATIONAL INADEQUACY Public antagonism toward the efforts of the police to effect good relations with those whom they police has increased to the extent that the general public now appears to be antagonistic toward the entire police apparatus. The basic problem is not that the police do not have the capa- bility to deal effectively with problems arising between their organization and the communities they serve, but rather that they have failed to do so. In a paper presented at the Thirteenth Annual National Institute on Police and Community Relations in May, 1967, Harry G. Fox, Chief Inspector of the Philadelphia Police Department made the observation that: A recent study by the International Association of Chiefs of Police, in collaboration with the United States Conference of Mayors, covered cities with 30,000 to 6,000,000 citizens. They discovered the Chiefs of over one-half of the police departments participating in the study admitted 72 freely their departments have been 'under fire' from citizen groups. Charges of biased and preferential treatment, plus accusations of 'police brutality' have been leveled by citizens again and again. Yet less than one-third of these Police Chiefs have even attempted to develop a formal police-community relations program. The need for police leadership in community relations is rapidly becoming the number one administrative chal- lenge to law enforcement officials.46 It is quite evident by the above comments that much more emphasis needs to be placed upon "organizing" to coun- teract the police—community relations dilemma. Some may lament that the police are already "too" organized in their VI”— efforts to counteract everything else deemed reprehensible or unacceptable by society. Still the fact remains that until a concerted effort is made by the police and the pub- lic, this dilemma will not only remain but will undoubtedly worsen. Attaining an efficient and effective organization is always a problem for an administrator. When an elusive problem like the police—community relations dilemma threatens, an administrator becomes all the more frustrated. Organizing to combat this dilemma becomes a critical man- agement problem for the municipal police as well as the Security police. The basic management and procedural 46Harry G. Fox, "Preparing for Police Leadership in Community Relations," Proceedings of Thirteenth Annual National Institute on Police and Community Relations (East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University, May, 1967), pp. J-l-J-12. 73 problems of municipal police agencies are fairly well known and appreciated by policemen and police scholars everywhere. The same cannot be said of the Security Police management problems. In writing about the basic elements of the Secu- rity Police management problems, Lieutenant Colonels Newnam and Fleek presented, in broadly simplified form, a concise description of the components and variability of the USAF Security Police establishment. According to them, and rightly so, in order to understand the Security Police establishment one must first begin with a force of 45,000 men--one of the largest police operations existing in the world today—-and then: Assign it responsibility for all the normal law enforce- ment duties plus prison operations. Add all the duties normally performed by special police, or contract guard, or private protective agencies. Develop on top of that, a capability for actual ground combat Operations against an armed enemy. Station your men from Alaska to Panama and from Bangkok to Berlin. Assign them to the direct Operational con- trol of a variety of ""mayors"" and ""chiefs of police At the same time, require that they work in close coor- dination and cooperation with other local and national police agencies around the world. Next, to further complicate the Operation from the per- sonnel standpoint, assume that about 25 per cent of your men will have to be replaced each year. Annually you will have about 10,000 rookies to train, equip and assign. At the same time, every three or four years, you will have a complete reshuffle of all your person- nel, from patrolmen to Chiefs, not only from one assign- ment to another, but also from city to city, and country to country. . . . 74 The mission of this force ranges from actual combat, in battle areas, to rounding up stray dogs on U. S. installations. In between these two extremes lies a far-ranging variety of tasks and responsibilities.47 Despite their organizational complexities the Secu- rity Police and the municipal police somehow must "organize" to combat this dilemma. As was pointed out earlier, many municipal police agencies have begun this organizing by Phi creating police-community relations units within their . departments. However, the Security Police have not been E able to organize such a section nor even to delegate a L: g? single full time policeman to this area due to the inabil- ity of many Directors/Chiefs of Security Police to convince their higher headquarters of the validity of such positions. One can only surmise the reasoning which has stymied the Security Police thus far. Their need is not as great as the municipal policeman's need. Yet, it is a need which, if fulfilled, could aid in uplifting the image and subse- quently improving the capability and competence of the Secu- rity Police. 47T. J. Newnam, Lt. Col. and T. A. Fleek, Lt. Col., "The Air Force Approach to Professional Police Management," The Police Chief, 34:32, May, 1967. 75 VI. SUMMARY Despite the difference in their law enforcement orientation, it is evident that municipal police agencies and the police within the military establishment share a common law enforcement goal, a common "police image," and, of necessity, a common concern pertaining to their main— i tenance of a good relationship with the communities they serve. The uniqueness of the Security Police's "communi- ties"--the military community, the municipal police "com- ‘F' "was: _ munity," and the civilian community-~further complicates this dilemma as it pertains to the Security police. To discuss this police-community relations dilemma in the context of municipal police concern and Security Police concern required the formulation of an a priori conceptual design and an empirically oriented methodological approach. The design and approach was in the form of a comparative analysis of these two police establishments as they function within the current dilemma. In order to bring the analysis into sharper focus, five of the more significant "reasons" why the police and the communities policed are at odds with each other were presented as cat- egories in which municipal police concern and Security Police concern with the current police-community relations dilemma could be comparatively analyzed. These categories were: (1) the nature and function of the police task and 76 the lack of public understanding of that function; (2) the police adversary concept: that the police and those policed are natural enemies; (3) the lack of police profes- sionalism; (4) rigid police procedures and the uncertainty of the law; and (5) police organizational inadequacy to deal with the problem. The task remaining for the municipal police and the Security Police as they ponder over the police-community relations dilemma is for each to realize that: The extent to which it is possible for the local police to associate with and to support the philosophy of the community is a measure of its good relations with the public which it serves. Good relations cannot exit where there is substantial dissonance between the com- munity and the police. The concept of the ""general community” must be viewed within our democratic frame- work as the will of the majority expressed without detriment to the rights of the minority. Hence the problem of attaining a good relationship is not one alone of modifying the structure of the police to meet the needs of the local community, but also the necessity of achieving a police-community consensus through com- munication and effective interaction among all the seg- ments of the community and the police. 48University of California, The Police and the Com- munit , President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Admin- istration of Justice, Survey IV (Volume I, Washington, D. C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1966), p. 176. CHAPTER IV THE SURVEY INSTRUMENT The purpose of the survey instrument was to obtain information relating to the attitudes, Opinions, and per- ceptions of United States Air Force Directors/Chiefs of Security Police pertaining to USAF Security Police—Community relations. The survey was to be a national survey of their attitudes. The respondents were asked not to sign their names nor the names of their Air Force Base. It was felt that the absence of a requirement to sign his name or to identify his military installation would result in the respondent answering each item according to his personal views rather than according to what he might feel to be the “expected" answer. This was an important consideration since several of the items requested an evaluation of Air Force policy. 1 How to gather the required data was the next con- sideration. The use of a mailed self-administering ques- tionnaire was subsequently selected as the most apprOpriate research method. The decision to use a questionnaire as the survey instrument rather than an interview schedule or guide was based upon the impracticality of conducting per- sonal interviews due to the scope of the survey, time, and financial limitations. 3.. d 14‘)": v". . WL'E. 78 In constructing the questionnaire careful considera- tion was given to the analysis of the police-community rela- tions dilemma as it exists today. The fact that the assump- tions were initially made that the Security Police and the municipal police share a common law enforcement goal, a common police image, and are mutually concerned with the quality of their community relations served as the environ- ment in which the questionnaire items were conceived. I . THE QUESTIONNAIRE The questionnaire contained twenty-three items re- quiring short fill-in answers, the selection of one answer from a choice of several, and the selection of a yes or no answer.1 It was so designed and structured as to allow for completion in less than fifteen minutes. Each questionnaire item was specifically constructed so as to permit its cor- relation with several other items. The first seven ques- tions were to provide general background information about each respondent and his particular Air Force Base. Thus providing an area for correlating the remaining items by Inajor air command, installation population, size of neigh- boring city, etc. 1See Appendix B for the exact questionnaire which was utilized. ITEM 1: The Major Air Command to which this installation is assigned is . Every organization, large or small, civilian or military, is made up of elements that are required to func- tion interdependently to meet a common goal. In the United States Air Force each of the numerous Operational elements must function efficiently as a part of a unified effort to accomplish the mission or goal which is shared by all eche- lons. The present command structure of the Air Force con- sists of the Chief of Staff, the Air Staff or Headquarters USAF, Major Air Commands, and separate operating agencies. Through its major air commands, the Air Force is organized primarily on a functional basis. All commands are inter- related and complementary, thus providing integrated offen- sive, defensive, and support elements. Because the Air Force assigns specific missions to its major commands and allows commanders organizational and policy flexibility most commands have develOped an image or personality of their own. The policies and procedures pecul- iar to each command affects the personnel that are assigned to the command and in turn affects the law enforcement within the command. Air Force Security Policemen do not comprise a separate major air command. They are assigned to every command throughout the Air Force. Consequently, the data 79 \r g 80 received from all respondents who are assigned to the same command provides a basis for correlating, for exmpale, whether the Directors/Chiefs of Security Police of a par- ticular command feel that they are accepted by their com- munities to a degree which is statistically significant when compared to all other commands. r7 ITEM 2: The approximate pOpulation (military personnel, de- pendents, and civilian employees) of this installation is thousand. The data reflecting installation population will be placed in five groups: (1) under 4,000; (2) 4,000—8,000; (3) 8,000-12,000; (4) 12,000-16,000; and (5) over 16,000. All of the data coming from installations in each group will comprise a separate statistical population whose char- acteristics and attitudes can be determined and compared with all other groups. As an illustration, when all data coming from the respondents who indicate that their instal- lation population is over sixteen thousand is compiled a comparison of each item can be made with the data coming from installations with a population under four thousand to determine if there is a statistically significant set of attitudes toward USAF Security Police-community relations which can be said to characterize Air Force installations based upon their population size. 81 ITEM 3: The approximate size of the city NEAREST this in- stallation is thousand. The data reflecting the size of the city will be placed in four groups: (1) under 25,000; (2) 25,000-50,000; (3) 50,000-250,000; and (4) over 250,000. This will permit _‘ comparison and correlation Of the responses with all other i items within each of the four groups. The size Of'a city tends to indicate, generally speaking, what it has to Offer its citizens in the way of ii diversion, entertainment, recreation, etc. to attract the military personnel away from the installation, i.e., met- ropolitan city versus a rural village. As a general rule, the larger the city the more professional and sophisticated will be its municipal police. The presence Of a military installation near a city affects the state of order of that community as well as other aspects of the community's life--economically, socially, and culturally. As an ex- ample, if the city is small and the military installation is large the potential exists that the military personnel will be a financial asset. In such cases efforts normally would be made to maintain a good relationship with the in- stallation. When the city is considered to be a large met- ropolitan area, it has that much more to offer military personnel and gives the military member an opportunity to 82 lose his military identity in the civilian community and to temporarily escape military regimentation. ITEM 4: This installation is located approximately miles from the nearest city with a population of 50,000 and approximately miles from a city with a population ‘V ‘1" {I} Of over 250,000. The answers to this item will be placed in three groups: (1) under ten miles; (2) ten to fifty miles; and i'~..w.c-. (3) over fifty miles. Based upon the nearness of the in- L stallation to the city an analysis can be made to determine whether the attitudes of the Directors/Chiefs support greater community involvement. The frequency of military- civilian interaction is directly related to the distance between the military installation and the city. As pre- viously discussed, the larger the city the more inducements it has for the military member and his dependents to visit it. On weekends and holidays most military installations become bare skeletons of their normal existence. Military members particularly those enlisted personnel living in the barracks areas, like their civilian counterparts, leave their homes and visit other communities. The significance of the distance between the installation and the neighbor- ing city which would require an automobile drive of an hour or longer rests upon the assumption that the frequency 83 of military personnel visiting that city would be primarily limited to weekends and holidays. It also signifies that the possibility for the military community, especially the younger enlisted men and the teenage dependents of married military personnel, coming into contact with the municipal police would be greater-—particularly via a traffic violation in the rush to and from the city and the installation. ITEM 5: There are approximately _ Security Policemen assigned to this unit. ITEM 6: Approximately _____Security Policement are perform- ing a law enforcement function (base patrol, gate guard, pass and registration, etc.). The information to be derived from these two items is self-explanatory--size of the police force and the per- centage of the force performing law enforcement duties. Item six is a necessary part of the questionnaire because the overwhelming majority of Security Policemen perform security duties rather than law enforcement duties. Thus Security Police acquire a security image as well as a law enforcement or "normal" police image. These two images combine to form the overall security Police image in the eyes of other military personnel. However, to the 84 dependents of military personnel and to the civilians who come into contact with the Security Policemen, the image which they perceive and help create is that of the law enforcement or "normal" police image. This is because civilians and dependents Of military personnel are not normally permitted entrance into areas where they would PW encounter the Security Policeman performing his security duties. g The data from these two items will permit analysis of the percentage size of the police force and its correla- ;J tion with other questionnaire items may reflect whether or not Directors/Chiefs on installations having a greater law enforcement mission have more favorable attitudes toward police-community relations than do their counterparts who might have a smaller mission. In this instance, the higher percentage of Security Policemen assigned to law enforce- ment duties would be indicative of a greater law enforce- ment mission. ITEM 7: I have been in the Security Police career field for years. For purposes of analysis and correlation with all other questionnaire items, the respondents' answers will be placed in three groups: (1) under four years; (2) four to ten years; and (3) over ten years. Each group possesses 85 degrees of experience and police expertise and one might assume that their answers will support either end of the polarized continuum--that those with less experience will have attitudes which are favorable to police-community relations and those Directors/Chiefs with greater experi- ence will have the most unfavorable attitudes. The exact converse might also be assumed. In expecting the answers to support one or the other end of this continuum, one might reason any of the following contentions. 1. Those with less experience would be recent arrivals into the Air Force from the civilian communities and they would hold the prevalent civilian citizen attitudes toward the police which would affect their personal attitudes. 2. That those with less experience would be recent arrivals into the Air Force and would have had to have a college degree in sociology, police science, psychology, or similar social science related areas in order to be assigned to the Security Police career field. This would precipitate the View that those younger, less experienced men would be much more aware of the current law enforcement dilemmas and would be more (or less?) inclined toward establishing favorable police-community relations. 3. That the Directors/Chiefs with the greatest experi- ence (over ten years) would have more favorable attitudes toward their communities due to their extensive experience 86 which would have ingrained in them an appreciation for the necessity for a good relationship with the communities if the law enforcement job is to be successfully accomplished. Along with his greater police experience, each Director/ Chief would possess more senior military rank and, theoreti- cally, greater military wisdom and experience in dealing re with the purely military matters which confront the Security ; Police establishment. E 4. That those.Directors/Chiefs with the greater number of years experience would not have attitudes favorable toward L; police-community relations.' This feeling might be predicated on a belief that the more senior Director/Chief would be of the "old provost marshal" type--rigid disciplinarian without professional police expertise and holding the view that any means justifies the end if the end is the successful accom- plishment of the mission. Such a feeling would further at- tribute attitudes to these senior Directors/Chiefs which» do not take cognizance of many human relations principles and which demonstrate a lack of concern for the individual Security Policeman, the individual citizen, and/or the over— all community being served. Which end of this polarized continuum will be exhib- ited can only be determined once the questionnaires have been completed, returned, and analyzed. 87 ITEM 8: List any Police Association, other than the Military Police Association, to which you belong and indicate whether it is a local, state, national, etc. association. ITEM 9: Do you encourage your officer and/or airmen-person- nel to join and participate in a police association? yes no . i ITEM 10: ii A Is there some type of police association in exist— ence in the communities near your installation? yes no If yes: a. Are you a member? yes no b. Have you encouraged your Officer and/or airmen per- sonnel to join? yes no The responses to items 8, 9, and 10 will serve as a reflection of the extent of Security Police participation 1J1 police associations as an aspect of police professionalism. 'Ehe joining of a police association and the encouragement of subordinate personnel to join such associations exemplifies an: attitude which is favorable toward Security Police per- scnmal involvement with the municipal police community. It Shows concern for the effectuation and maintenance Of a 88 good Security Police-community relationship with the munici— pal police community. Police association membership increases the contacts between all elements Of the police community. It provides an opportunity for mutual assistance, professional growth, and social enjoyment. It fosters mutual respect and under- pm standing for the similarities and differences between indi- . vidual municipal police agencies and between the Security Police and municipal police establishments. Additionally, the responses to item 10 will aid in L5 determining whether or not there is an inconsistency in the attitudes diSplayed in regard to the expressed value of participating in a police association, the encouragement of others to join, and the actual participation of the Director/Chief. If such an inconsistency exists, it might be indicative of an unexpressed negative attitude toward involvement with the neighboring police community while on the surface giving "lip service" to the value of such mem- bership. ITEM 11: During the past year has your Security Police unit initiated any projects or drives designed to benefit the military or civilian community or parts thereof? yes no 89 The armed forces participate in many regularly sched- uled fund drives and campaigns such as the United Fund, Red Cross, Air Force Aid Society, etc. The USAF Security Police unit on most installations, perhaps more than any other mili- tary organizational element, strives for one hundred percent participation (contributions) in every drive as an outward display of unit pride and cohesiveness, and concern for others. However, the initiation of a special drive or fund project, such as "adoption" Of an orphanage or a village in an overseas area, or projects to aid needy families, or to improve recreational areas for youth, represents a greater service to the communities and reflects an awareness of the need for community involvement. At the same time, such additional, unrequired and often unsolicited assistance, creates a more favorable image of the Security Police in the eyes of those whom he serves. Yet, the multitude of noncriminal services and assistance which police agencies provide the public is often unseen or easily forgotten when an evaluation of the police is called for or when the assessment of attitudes toward the police are under- taken. 2For a study of noncriminal services provided by metropolitan police see Elaine Cumming, Ian Cumming, and Laura Edell, "Policeman as Philosopher, Guide and Friend," Social Problems, 12:276-286, 1965. 90 ITEM 12: Do you feel that USAF has sufficient detailed guid- ance available in current directives to assist you (or re- quire of you) to effect good relations with: a. The military community i.e., personnel living in the base housing and barracks area? yes no F’ b. The civilian community i.e., installation visitors or civilians encountered by the town patrol? yes no c. Local civilian police? yes no “~21- lo: .7 '.. . . Space was provided for those respondents answering no to any of the parts of item 12 to briefly explain the policies and/or procedures which they developed and imple- mented in their Security Police unit in order to establish and maintain an acceptable relationship with the communities being served. The responses to these items represent a critical evaluation of current Air Force policy dealing with police-community relations. The purpose of this item was to determine whether or not there is a need, as expressed by the top Security Police personnel on the various installations, for additional Air Force guidance in this area. Correlation of the re- sponses on this item with the items reflecting the size of the installation, number of years experience and the size of the Security Police units as reflected in the responses 91 of all respondents will provide a significant indication of the attitudes of the Directors/Chiefs who must implement the policies and procedures established by the Air Force. One fact of particular importance, as previously discussed, is the apparent lack of detailed guidance (regulations, manuals, or required procedures) available within the Air Force which specifically deal with USAF Security Police-community rela- tions. ITEM 13: Have you ever participated in a local or state in- stitute on police-community relations? yes no ITEM 14: Have you participated in a local or state institute on police-community relations within the past twelve months? yes no Here again, the responses to these items would serve to indicate the respondents' degree of concern with the police-community relations dilemma. Participation in local, state, or national institutes is indicative of an attempt to increase one's professionalization thereby gaining a greater expertise to effectively work with and for the pub- lic. Such participation is also an attempt to find ways to improve the police image, to serve the communities being policed, and to prevent the breakdown of communication be- tween the police and their communities. 92 For items fifteen through twenty the respondents were asked to indicate the intensity of their agreement with each item by selecting one of five choices: (1) srongly agree; (2) agree; (3) do not know; (4) disagree; and (5) strongly disagree. ITEM 15: it My Security Police unit has a poor relationship : with the civilian police. 1 ITEM 16: g Err My Security Police unit maintains frequent contact with the local civilian police. ITEM 17: The local civilian police in the city/town NEAREST this installation are highly professional in their law en— forcement and treatment of military personnel. Municipal police and Security Police cooperation and respect for each other are influenced by their inter— relationships with each other. Their actions and conduct toward each other are determined by their own attitudes ‘which, in turn, influence the attitude and conduct of the other. In a speech before the Sixty-ninth Annual Inter- national Association Of Chiefs of Police Conference in October, 1962 Major General Butchers, then the Provost 93 Marshal General, United States Army, poignantly emphasized the necessity for municipal police and military police co- operation if crime is to be effectively combated. In this speech General Butcher remarked that: To combat such crime effectively every police agency must foster harmonious relationships within its juris- diction and between all other law enforcement and kin- dred agencies to secure and render maximum assistance. Items fifteen and sixteen call for an analysis of the Security Police unit's relationship with the municipal police and for an analysis of the frequency of their inter- action. The resulting data will allow for an assessment of the Security Police involvement with the municipal police community and will permit an evaluation of the responses on these two items as they relate to responses on item seven- teen. Item seventeen calls for a professional police opinion of another police agency. Correlation of the re- sponses to this item with all responses to items fifteen and sixteen as well as to the item dealing with the self- conception of how the municipal police feel toward the Security Police will be the foundation upon which an assess- ment of the status of municipal police-Security Police relations will be made. 3R. J. Butchers, Major General (USA), "Military and Civilian Police," The Police Chief, 29:24, November, 1962. 94 ITEM 18: My Security Police unit's relationship with the military community (personnel living in the base housing area and the barracks areas) is highly UNsatisfactory. There is a multitude of types and compositions of military communities. Despite these variations, the follow— ing quotation taken from a study of Air Force bases will serve as a general description of the essential nature of the military base community. Each base resembles a small city in many respects. There are hundreds of buildings: barracks, houses, hospital, schools, churches, offices, stores, theatres, clubs, bowling alleys, tennis courts, swimming pools, dining halls, shops and hangars, fire and police sta— tions. Few buildings are more than two stories high, and none are more than four. Most are of frame con- struction and, however euphemistically, these are called ""temporary."" Others are built of concrete, stucco, brick, or metal, some with red tiled roofs and large porches. Occasionally one sees a splash of archi- tectural uniformity in the Spanish colonial tradition or, more often, the drab sameness of World War II ""GI"" design, like that seen on many Army posts. Head- quarters office buildings are distinguishable by their flag and flagpole. Shops and hangars are identified by the fences and sentries which protect them, and by their location on the ""flight line"" on the edge of the aircraft parking and runway area--the ""airfield"" in the strict sense of the term. Family housing areas are characterized by the presence of young children and young mothers, lawns and shrubbery shaven according to regulation and the usual accounter- ments of American middle class households. Here live some of the families of officers and senior sergeants, but the majority are housed off the base. The fathers commute with a regularity that is set by the eight-to- five work day and upset by frequent temporary duty assignments away from their permanent duty station often in another country. Barracks, housing the major- ity of single men, are like barracks elsewhere, except 95 for an occasional new dormitory in which well-decorated private or semi-private bedrooms and baths and well- furnished lounges have been built into handsome struc- tures of good contemporary design. Streets are paved, guttered, and laid out principally in gridiron fashion. To reduce accidents, traffic moves at a carefully po- 1iced 20 miles per hours rate. . . . No more than one-tenth of the base population is female, including members of the Women's Air Force, civilian employees, wives, and children. Yet the female element is of such cultural and psychological magnitude that one can scarecely term the air base a ""male community."" Similarly, the civilian component is such, psychologi- cally and culturally, that neither is the air base an all military community. Within the military community, the single enlisted men who live in the barracks require a separate considera- tion. In many respects these residents of the barracks form a distinctive sub-culture or sub-community within the over- all military community. Coates and Pellegrin, in their study of American military installations and military life, pointed out some of the distinct aspects of the "barracks community." They said that: For members of the barracks pOpulation, the base approx- imates a ""total community"" to an even greater extent than is the case for the military family. While living on the base, the barracks resident belongs to residen- tial or other friendship groups which replace the family as a primary membership group. Furthermore, if we think in terms of other institutional functions, it can be readily seen that the military base provides the bar- racks resident with a host of facilities and services 4Air Force Base Project Staff, The Organization and Performance pi Bomb Wings: Studies pi Complex Social Systems ifi Action. Technical Report No. 25. Institute for Research i5 SociaI Science (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1954): Pp. 32-34. 96 provided in the civilian community by a wide variety of separate organizations. The military base takes care of the basic economic, religious, educational, health, recreational, and other needs of the individual, and it performs the usual functions of government. The barracks population is, therefore, more dependent on the military base for the satisfaction of individual needs than are servicemen who live in the civilian~ community. On the other hand, the resident of the barracks has less freedom of choice in satisfying his needs than off-base residents. While the serviceman living with his family may have considerable choice of housing, schools, stores, churches, and other facili- ties and services needed by his family, it is usual for the barracks resident to avail himself of the serv- ices and facilities provided by the base itself. This does not imply that he is unable to patronize facilities or to make use of services that exist in the civilian community if he wishes to do so. The point is, rather, that the circumstances under which he lives and works are quite conducive to his reliance on the base for the satisfaction of most of his needs. In terms of the time factor, the barracks resident remains on the installation more hours per day than the other com- ponents of the military community. This fact is significant for several reasons: the bar- racks population is easily available for extra duty. . . . the individual is under military control and supervision longer and more completely than the non- base resident. . . .6 Part of this increased control and supervision is the watchful eye of the Security Police establishment. 5Charles H. Coates and Roland J. Pellegrin, Mili- 352M Sociology: A Stud of American Military Institutions ta Life (UniverSity Park, Maryland: The SociaI SEience Press, I965), p. 389. 6Ibid., p. 390. 97 In correlating all responses to this item with the responses to the item requesting the analysis of how the military community feels toward the Security Police the resulting analysis will establish whether or not there is convergence of the type of relationship felt to exist be- tween the Security Police and the conceived attitude of the military community toward the Security Police. This correlation, when coupled with the responses to the initia- tion or noninitiation of drives to benefit the community, will give an indication of the status of the Security 11““ Police-military community relationship within the Air Force. ITEM 19: My Security Police unit's relationship with the civilian community (installation visitors, civilians en- countered by town patrol, etc.) is highly UNsatisfactory. The Security Policeman is the catalyst in the Security Police-civilian community relations. Their assist- ance to other military personnel, dependents, and to civil- ians is similar to the assistance which the municipal police renders the general public. The unit's relationship with the civilian community helps to formulate the civilian's image of the Security Police and, in turn, it is affected by that image. 98 The responses to this item, when correlated with the items relating to the initiation of drives to assist the various communities and the respondents' analysis of how he feels the civilian community looks upon the Security Police, will be utilized to formulate an opinion as to the status of Security Police-civilian community relations within the Air Force. Furthermore, correlating the re- sponses to this item solely with the responses to the item relating to the respondents' analysis of how the civilian community feels toward the Security Police will indicate whether or not there is a convergence of the type of rela- tionship felt to exist and the conceived attitude of the civilian community toward the Security Police. ITEM 20: Good Security Police-community relations is essen- tial to the effective accomplishment of my Security Police unit's law enforcement mission. This item constitutes the core of the survey. The response indicated, i.e., strongly agree all the way to strongly disagree, should permeate the attitudes reflected by the responses to all other items. Based upon the preva- lence of which end of the response continuum is indicated an overall analysis of the USAF Security Police-community relations spectrum can be developed and its implications enunciated. An in-depth correlative emphasis between the 99 responses to this item and its relationship (or lack thereof) to the responses given to items fifteen through nineteen and item twenty—one should prove to be an invaluable asset in determining/assessing the significance of the responses to the item relating to whether or not it is felt that the Air Force currently has sufficient detailed guidance available pant to assist Directors/Chiefs of Security Police in their Secu- ' rity Police-community relations efforts with all three of their communities (item 10). ; I g_ ITEM 21: 4:9 Place an X by the phrase which BEST describes how YOU feel your Security Police unit is regarded by: a. The Military Community: ___Unprofessional. .One Of the worse career fields in USAF. __pNot too competent. ___As good as any other career field. A good and impartial law enforcement unit. Highly competent and professional. b. The Civilian Community: Worse than the local civilian police. I As good as the local civilian police. Better than the local civilian police. 100 Different from, but still worse as good as better than the local civilian police. 0. Local Civilian Police Community: ___Unprofessional. ___Not too competent as a law enforcement unit. ___As good as any other military police unit. ‘__pA good law enforcement unit. , Highly competent and professional. The responses to this item call for a self-analysis of the internalized police feelings toward the communities served as well as an evaluation Of the "feelings" and "im- pressions" developed through the interaction or lack of interaction of the Security Police with their three com- munities. These results can be correlated with Westley's 7 to determine the degree of alienation from their study communities as felt by the respondents; thus examining the applicability of the pariah concept to the USAF Security Police. This analysis, when viewed in light of the re- sponses to the other questionnaire items relating to the attitudes and relationship of the Security Police to their communities, will contribute to the final conclusions . 7William A. Westley, "Violence and The Police," American Journal pi Sociology, 59:35-43, July, 1953. 4 . d‘ .3 '1 E 1 n4” . w—_.~ - p 1. 101 regarding the overall status of the effectiveness and demon- strated concern Of the Security Police with the police- community relations dilemma which continues to plaque law enforcement establishments everywhere. ITEM 22: The following questions refer to the National Center on Police and Community relations located at Michigan State University: a. Are you aware of its existence and functions? ___Never heard of the Center. __pVaguely aware of its existence and functions. ___Aware of the Center but never used it services. ___I have used the services of the Center. Intimately familiar with the Center. b. Even if you are not familiar with the Center, by virtue of its name "National" Center on Police and Community relations, do you feel that the military could profit by using its services and contributing the viewpoints and ideas of those inthe Security Police career field? definitely no no questionable yes definitely yes The National Center on Police and Community relations is located at Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michi- gan, and is a vital part of the School of Police Administra— tion and Public Safety. It was established in July, 1960, 102 on the basis of a substantial grant from the Field Founda- tion, Inc., and has continued to exist up until the present time on the basis of this grant and the support from other foundations and social and private agencies. According to Professor Louis A. Radelet, the Center's Director,8 the Center has from its earliest inception dedi- cated its existence to the proposition that the police are an important part pi, not ppart from the communities they serve. To support this proposition on a daily basis, the Center's functional operations revolve around the provision of the following five services to all communities and all police agencies: 1. Undertaking action-related research projects. 2. Preparing, publishing and circulating reports, manuals, pamphlets, booklets and other literature in the field of its interest. 3. DevelOping and conducting educational and training programs. 4. Providing direct consultative service to interested police and community agencies and organizations. 8The material on the purposes and operation of the Center was derived from notes taken in a series Of lectures given by Professor Radelet in a graduate course on police and community relations at Michigan State University during the Fall term of 1967 and through subsequent consultations with Professor Radelet and his staff. 103 5, Training young professionals for work in the field of police and community relations. The Center's purposes which underlie all of its services and which yearly are highlighted, intensified, and sensitized at the Annual National Institute on Police and Community Relations are: “H To offer an opportunity for police and others involved in the administration of criminal justice, along with the public and private agencies and individiauls in the community, to recognize the needs, opportunities and responsibilites to work together, for the common good. Attention is given to the perfecting of the means and resources by which this end is to be achieved. More specifically the purposes may be enumerated as follows: 1. To foster and improve communication, and--hope- fully--mutual understanding in the relationship of the police and the total community. 2. To promote interprofessional (teamwork) approaches to the solution of community problems. 3. To enhance cooperation in the relationship of police with prosecution, the courts and corrections. 4.!fl3 assist police and other community leaders in an understanding of the nature and causes of complex problems in people-to-people relations, thereby to en- courage intelligent and prudent handling of these prob- lems. 5. To further the professional development of law enforcement personnel, with particular regard to the implications Of professionalism in equal protection of the law for all persons, and respect for their rights as persons. 6. To lend stress to the principle that the administa- tion of criminal justice, in all its ramifications, is a total community responsibility.9 The director of the Center firmly believes that the fundamental philosophy of all those concerned with the police- 9Nelson A. Watson (ed.), Police and the Changipg Community (Washington, D.C.: International AssociatiOn of CHiefs of Police, 1965), p. 122. 104 community relations dilemma, especially the Center, must of necessity, be expressed in the belief that the keystone Of modern progressive law enforcement is professional Ob- jectivity, based upon a keen appreciation of the relation- ship between man and the law and the impact of the law upon community relations. However, he warns that preventing up; crime, preserving the peace, and enforcing the laws have I come to imply a great deal more than merely the rigid regu- 10 lation of people. ; Item twenty-two was designed to produce relevant 4 data which will aid in determining to what degree respondents were aware of the existence and furnctions of the Center and to elicit their opinion regarding the value and worth of Security Police personnel's use of the Center's services and participation in the annual national institute. The sub- sequent analysis Of the data will succinctly lead the way to a continuation of the absence of participation of military police leaders in the annual institute or will become the catalytic agent which will foster a closer relationship be— tween the Center and military police of the Air Force and the Army (if the results can be validly assumed to apply equally to the Army Military Police Corps). 0Series of Radelet lectures, pp. cit. 105 ITEM 23: Often it is the "little" unrequired services given the military and/or civilian community which influences the image these communities have of the Security Police. Please explain BRIEFLY any services or procedures which your unit utilizes that have proven to be of value in creating a favorable Security Police image. 3?” The purpose of this item is to obtain data which S will permit an analysis and compilation of the efforts the individual Security Police units exert in order to enhance i'? it; their image in the eyes of the communities they serve. The resulting evaluation might tend to show a consistency of innovation on the part of the respondents which could be of meaningful assistance to the Department of the Air Force should it decide to establish more detailed and specific guidelines in the area of Security Police-community rela- tions. II . SUMMARY The purpose of the questionnaire, through its struc- ture and design, was to accomplish the goal of this research study--to qualitatively and correlatively present the results of a national survey of United States Air Force Directors/ Chiefs of Security Police attitudes pertaining to USAF Secu- rity Police-community relations. In constructing the 106 questionnaire careful consideration was given to the analysis of the police-community relations dilemma as it exists today. Thus the fact that the military police and the municipal po- lice share a common law enforcement goal, a common police image, and are mutually concerned with the quality of their community relations served as the environment in which the questionnaire items were conceived. I Each item comprising the questionnaire was discussed 3 along with the rationale underlying its relevancy and pre- 4 cipitating its inclusion. What remains now is the presenta- ‘“ efi tion and analysis of the data which the questionnaire elic- ited. It is to this analysis that we now turn. CHAPTER V SURVEY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS The self-administering questionnaire referred to in Chapter IV was mailed to the Director/Chief of Security Police at 115 Air Force Bases located within the continental rm. limits of the United States. Ninety-six (83.5%) question- I naires were returned. However, only 94 (81.7%) were utilized due to incomplete responses and/or late arrivals. The data Obtained from the survey will be presented in three cate- .5 p, gories in order to analyze the results in a more meaningful and understandable form. These three categories include: (1) the general characteristics of the respondents and their installatiOns; (2) the overall findings of the survey based upon the responses of all respondents to the questionnaire items; and (3) the responses of all respondents according to the major air command to which they are assigned.‘ Survey Limitations Before the data is presented, however, it is impor- tant to emphasize that these evaluations and attitudes arise from a distinctly limited perspective—-that of Air Force "Chiefs of Police." As such, this constituted a limitation upon the survey's findings. Were the survey to have in- cluded an attempt to ascertain the attitudes of individual 108 Security Policemen as well as the public's view of the Secu— rity Police perhaps a picture Of USAF Security Police-- (mommunity relations vastly different from that obtained by'this survey would have resulted. I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS up— As Table I depicts, the respondents were assigned i to eleven major air commands. The approximate population caf the installations were reported as: under 4,000--20.2%; 4.000-8,000--27.7%: 8,000-12,000--l6%; 12,000-16,000--7.4%; L, cover l6,000--21.3%; and those failing to indicate the size (of their installation constituted 7.4% of the respondents. Twenty-nine (30.9%) installations were located adja- cent to a town with a pOpulation under 25,000. Nineteen (20.2%) installations were near a city with a population kxetween 25,000 and 50,000. Cities with a population between 50,000 and 250,000 were close to thirty installations (31.9%). FRDurteen (15%) of the installations were adjacent to large nustropolitan areas--population over 250,000. Two (2%) of tile respondents failed to answer this item. Table II graphically portrays the responses to item tllree of the questionnaire. As noted, the majority of the ixistallations were within ten miles of a city with a popula- txion of 50,000 and were over fifty miles away from a city of 2 5 0 , 000 population . 109 TABLE I TOTAL NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS BY MAJOR AIR COMMAND* 32 30 28 26 24 22 20 18 16 14 10 16 7 15 6 26 14 4 {08me 2 1 ADC AFLC AFSC ATC AU CAC HQ CMD MAC SAC TAC USAFSS *See Appendix C for command abbreviations. In answer to items five and six the respondents indi— cated that the number of Security Policemen assigned was in excess of 16,500 and of that number more than 5,500 (32.2%) were performing law enforcement duties. Additionally, accord- ing to the estimate of the overall number of men comprising the USAF Security Police force as given by Lieutenant Colonels 110 TABLE II INSTALLATION DISTANCE FROM CITY OF: 50,000 250,000 45.6% 60.2% q 9‘ ‘ 25.5% 18.2% 21.6% 41 26 23 16 19 53 under 10 10-50 over 50 under 10 10-50 over 50 Miles Miles Newnam and Fleek,l the respondents, as Directors/Chiefs, con- trolled approximately 34.4% of the total USAF Security Police Strength. As such, the significance of the remaining data is enhanced as one realizes that the attitudes revealed by this national survey affects such a large percentage of the Security Police throughout the Air Force. The percentage of the Security Police Force, by major air command, is further depicted in Table III. The average respondent had 8.8 years experinece in the Security Police career field. The experience level of the respondents ranged from slightly less than one year to twenty-nine years experience. lSee T. J. Newnam, Lt. Col. and T. A. Fleek, Lt. Col., "The Air Force Approach to Professional Police Manage- ment," The Police Chief, 34: 31- 43, May, 1967. PERCENT 111 TABLE III PERCENTAGE OF SECURITY POLICE FORCE PERFORMING LAW ENFORCEMENT DUTIES-- BY MAJOR AIR COMMANDS 90 89.4 86.0 70 ~67o9. 66.7 50 40.8 42“3 30 28.3 20 ‘13.2 ADC AFLC AFSC ATC MAC SAC TAC OTHERS Table IV depicts several additional general charac- teristics of the survey respondents. The average number of years experience in the Security Police career field; the average pOpulation of the respondents' installations; and the respondents'attitudes reflecting the essentiality of good Security Police-community relations to the accomplish- ment of their law mission are graphically portrayed. These characteristics are presented as they relate to all the respondents collectively and as they relate to the respond- ents when grouped according to their major air command. II. OVERALL FINDINGS Table V reflects that seventy—four (78.7%) of the respondents indicated that they encouraged their subordinates TABLE IV 112 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS BY THEIR MAJOR AIR COMMAND Avg. # Yrs. Avg. Base Good Relations Total experience pOpulation Essential ADC 6.9 under 4,000 15 (93.8%) 16 AFLC 17.1 over 16,000 7 (100.0%) 7 AFSC 10.5 8-12,000 3 (75.0%) 4 ATC 7.4 over 16,000 15 (100.0%) 15 MAC 4.8 over 16,000 5 (83.3%) 6 SAC 10.8 8-12,000 22 (84.6%) 26 TAC 6.5 4-8,000 11 (78.5%) 14 TOTAL 8.8 4-8,000 83 (89.2%) 94 TABLE V POLICE ASSOCIATION: EXISTENCE, MEMBERSHIP, AND ENCOURAGEMENT Do you encourage your men to join? Yes 78.7% (N=94) Is there a local association? Yes 71.3% (N=94) If Yes: Do you belong? Yes 64.1% (N=67) Do you encourage your men to join? Yes 77.6% (N=67) to join and participate in a police association. However, only'sixty-seven (71.3%) indicated that there was a police (association in existence in the communities near their 113 installation. Of those sixty—seven, only forty-three (64.1%) were themselves members of the local police associa— tion° Despite this low frequency of membership, fifty-two (77.6%) respondents did encourage their subordinates to join the local association. Thus the data indicates a favorable attitude of the respondents toward joining a police associa- tion and encouraging their subordinates to join. However, there was a greater trend on the part of the respondents to encourage their subordinates to join such associations even when they were not members themselves. The data does por- tray a slight inconsistency in the attitudes displayed in regard to the expressed value of participating in a police association, and the actual participation of the respondents. Reflecting an awareness of the need for community involvement and a concern for others, sixty-eight (72.3%) of the respondents indicated that within the past year their unit had initiated a project Or drive designed to benefit either the military community or the civilian community. The data also indicated that the respondents overwhelmingly (89.2%) believed that good Security Police-community rela- tions were essential to the effective accomplishment of their law enforcement mission (Table IV). This served to validate this researcher's initial assumption that the Security Police were concerned with the maintenance of a good relationship between themselves and the communities 114 they serve. Even so, only fifty (53.2%) respondents had ever participated in a local or state institute on police- community relations; and of that number, only thirty-one (62%) had participated within the past twelve months. Status of Relationship_ with Communities The responses to the items relating to Security Police relationships with their three communities revealed that the Security Police feel that they have a good rela- tionship with their communities. The respondents perceived themselves as being favorably regarded by their communities. They expressed only a slight need for additional detailed guidance from Headquarters USAF in this area. The major conclusion reached regarding Security Police-community relations is that the Directors/Chiefs of Security Police do not feel that they or their men are alienated from their communities to the degree as was initially inferred by this researcher. In fact, the survey data substantially refutes the contention that Westley's pariah concept is equally ap- plicable to the Security Police.2 The basis for this con— clusion rests upon the analysis of the responses to ques- tionnaire items twelve through twenty—one. 2See William A. Westley, "Violence and the Police," American Journal of Sociology, 59:35-43, July, 1953. 115 Tables VI through VIII graphically portray the sur- vey data which formed the basis for the above conclusions. As reflected in Table VI, sixty-six (66.7%) respondents in- dicated that they felt that USAF had sufficient detailed guidance available in current directives to assist them in effectingaadynamically good relationship with their military community. The comparable figures for the civilian community and the local municipal police community were 64.8% and 68.4% respectively. However, the dissenting percentages (33.3%, 35.2%, and 31.6%) constitute a substantial minority and are worthy of some consideration. The implications reflected by this high minority opinion are that many Directors/Chiefs feel themselves in a quandry and desire additional detailed guidance from Headquarters USAF in order to improve/maintain a good relationship with their communities. The respondents were virtually unaminous in disagree- ing with the statements that their unit's relationship with their communities was poor or highly unsatisfactory (items 15, 18, and 19). As Table VII illustrates, the respondents were in complete disagreement (100%) with the statement that their unit had a poor relationship with the local municipal police. The comparable refutations regarding unsatisfactory relationships with the civilian community and the military community were 97.8% and 93.5% respectively. Additionally, ninety-one (97.8%) respondents reported that they had 116 TABLE VI NEED FOR USAF GUIDANCE Military Community Civilian Community Police Community NO 66.7% (N=93) NO 64.8% (N=91) NO 68.4% (N=92) YES 33.3% (N=93) YES 35.2% (N=91) YES 31.6% (N=92) frequent contact with the local municipal police upon which to base their evaluations (item 16). The data also shows a favorable evaluation of the municipal police since seventy- six (81.7%) respondents indicated that the local municipal police in the city nearest their installation were highly professional in their law enforcement and treatment of mili- tary personnel. This high percentage of respondents reflec- ting favorable relations and frequent contact with their communities necessarily leads to the conclusion that the Security Police, except in isolated cases, feel themselves to be an integral part of their communities. They do not consider themselves isolated or alienated because of their occupation as Security Policemen. The data reflects that the Security Police do not feel subservient to the communities they serve. They do not, as a whole, attribute unfavorable attiudes to their communities. The respondents perceived their communities' 117 TABLE VII PERCEIVED RELATIONSHIP WITH COMMUNITIES Disagree/Strongly Do Not Agree/Strongly Disagree Know Agree Total Poor with Police Community 90 (100.0%) 90 Unsatis- factory with Military Community 86 (93.5%) 6 (6.5%) 92 Unsatis- factory with Civilian 91 (97.8%) 2 (2.2%) 93 Community attitude toward the Security Police to be acceptable and generally highly favorable. A look at Table VIII aptly illustrates this situation. Fifteen (16.2%) respondents, and six (7.4%) respondents, however, did attribute negative attitudes to their military and municipal police communities respectively. At the same time, the remaining respondents felt that these communities regarded the Security Police to be "as good as other Air Force jobs" and "as good as other military police units." A substantial number of respondents (70.9%) felt that their military community and their munici- pal police community considered them as a good and impartial law enforcement unit which was highly competent and profes— sional. A likewise substantial number of respondents (75.6%) 118 TABLE VIII PERCEIVED ATTITUDES OF COMMUNITIES TOWARD THE SECURITY POLICE As Good as Good, Impartial, Com- Not Competent Other Jobs petent, &#Profess;ona1 Unprofessional Military Community 12 (12.9%) 66 (70.9%) 15 (16.2%) Municipal Police Community 9 (9.8%) 77 (82.8%) 6 (7.4%) Civilian Community 22 (23.4%) 70 (75.6%) 2 (1.0%) felt that the civilian community regarded the Security Police as being different from their municipal police but still as good as or better than the municipal police. National Center on Police and’Community Relations The survey respondents overwhelmingly (72.1%) were unfamiliar with the existence and functions of the National Center on Police and Community Relations (Table IX). Only 27.9% of the: respondents had ever heard of the Center. Despite the fact that many of the respondents were members of various local, state, and national police associations, they were so overwhelmingly unaware of the Center. This factor prompted the author to research the proceedings of 119 TABLE IX ATTITUDES PERTAINING TO THE NATIONAL CENTER ON POLICE AND COMMUNITY RELATIONS Are you aware of the Center's existence & functions? Never/vaguely heard of it: 72.1% (N=93) Aware but never used its services: 25.8% (N=93) Intimately familiar: 2.1% (N=93) Can the military profit by using the Center and Con- tributing Security Police vieWpoints? Yes/definitely yes 80.2% (N=9l) Questionable 18.7% (N=9l) No/definitely no 1.1% (N=91) the Annual National Institute on Police and Community Rela- tions. The findings were equally disheartening. The avail- able records of the proceedings of the past ten institutes were reviewed to determine whether or not military police personnel have ever participated. Nowhere could military police (Air Force, Army, or otherwise) participation be dis- covered--even though the last few years have heightened the communities' awareness of the military policeman's role in assisting the municipal police during instances of mass civil disobedience. 120 Equally as overwhelming were the responses (80.2%) favoring the value of military participation in the activities of the Center and favoring the resulting opportunity for the Security Police to contribute their vieWpoints as they per- tain to police-community relations. Based upon the above, the obvious conclusion to be reached is that these respond- ents, who represent a substantial majority of the top Secu- rity Police Officers throughout the Air Force, desire a chance to contribute their Security Police experiences and expertise toward solving the police-community relations dilemma. Indeed, based upon the significant findings of this survey, the municipal police might well profit from such an exchange of ideas and perspectives. The conclusion must also be reached that the continued absence of participa- tion of Security Police (yea, even military police of the Army and the other branches of the armed forces) in the annual institutes and the apparent total absence of communi- cation between the Center and the numerous Air Force and Army military police agencies shouldlbe actively repulsed. There is much that municipal and military law enforcement stand to gain if communication and opportunities for mutual exchange of information, techniques, and experiences are increased. There is little to be gained if the present void remains static and empty. 121 III. ANALYSIS BY MAJOR AIR COMMAND The overall analysis of the survey data by the re- spondents' major air command did not produce any significant command characteristics except in regard to the expressed need for additional detailed guidance from Headquarters USAF in the area of Security Police-community relations, and in the perceived attitudes of the military community toward the Security Police. The breakdown of the data by the major air command of the respondents did not otherwise alter the basic findings and conclusions of the survey. A11 respond- ents, collectively as well as by major air command, felt themselves and their units to be an integral part of the communities they served. They neither felt isolated nor alienated from their communities. The grouping of the responses by major air command did not produce any other command characteristics which were at variance with the overall survey results. However, Tables X through XVIII depict command responses to selected questionnaire items which tend to highlight and summarize the prevalent attitudes of the respondents toward Security Police-community relations. Table X highlights the prevalence of Security Police initiated community projects within each command during the past year. Table XI displays the expressed need for ADC AFLC AFSC ATC MAC SAC TAC OTHERS TOTAL RESPONDENTS INDICATING CONDUCT OF COMMUNITY TABLE X PROJECTS DURING PAST YEAR Yes No Total ADC 12 (7.5%) 4 16 AFLC (57.1%) 3 AFSC (75.0%) 1 ATC 12 (80.0%) 2 l4 MAC 3 (50.0%) 3 6 SAC 21 (80.8%) 5 26 TAC 11 (73.3%) 3 14 OTHERS 2 3 (60%) 5 TABLE XI RESPONDENTS' EXPRESSED NEED FOR USAF GUIDANCE IN SECURITY POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS Military Civilian Police Community Community Community Yes No Yes No Yes No 8 10 8 8 4* 4* 4* 2* 2* 2* 3 12 2 l3 2 l3 3* 3 2 4 2* 3 7 l9 9* 17 7 l9 3 11 2 ll 2 12 1 4 1 4 1 4 31* 62 32* 59 28 64 *Represents a substantial minority of command respondents and is considered statistically significant. 122 123 Headquarters USAF guidance in the area of Security Police- community relations. As indicated, many respondents from several of the major air commands revealed a need for addi— tional detailed USAF guidance. Table XII reinforces this expressed need as it depicts the need for USAF guidance to installations of various populations. Although, in neither of the charts are these needs expressed as representing a majority of the respondents, the prevalence of such sub- stantial minorities is considered statistically significant and warrants attention if the Security Police are to effect and/or maintain good relations with the communities they serve. Tables XIII,)CUL and XV depict the relationship of the Security Police to their three communities as perceived by the respondents. Within each major air command, the results remain consistent with the overall survey findings. The near unaminity of the commands in reflecting perceived good relations with their communities again refutes the inferred contention that Security Policemen, like their municipal police counterparts, feel themselves to be pariahs and consequently isolated from their communities. The command—by-command breakdown of the survey responses as portrayed in Tables XVI, XVII, and XVIII in— dicates how the respondents feel themselves and their units are regarded by their three communities. The significant 124 TABLE XII RESPONSES, BY SIZE OF INSTALLATION POPULATION, REFLECTING A NEED FOR USAF GUIDANCE TO ASSIST UNITS IN ATTAINING GOOD RELATIONS WITH THEIR COMMUNITIES Installation Military Civilian Police T t 1 Population Community Community Community 0 a Under 4,000 5 (26.3%) 7 (38.9%) 6 (31.6%) 17 4-8,000 9 (34.6%) 10 (38.5%) 9 (34.6%) 28 8-12,000 6 (40.0%) 4 (28.6%) 3 (21.4%) 13 12-16,000 2 (28.6%) 2 (40.0%) 2 (28.6%) 6 over 16,000 7 (35.0%) 7 (36.8%) 7 (35.0%) 21 Total 29 (33.3%) 30 (37.3%) 27 (31.4%) 86 aspect of the portrayed data reflects that a substantial minority of Aerospace Defense Command respondents and Mili- tary Airlift Command respondents feel that they and their units are not highly regarded by their military communities. They feel that their military communities regard the Secu- rity Police as being not too competent and unprofessional --"one of the worst career fields in the Air Force." Even though the percentage of the respondents indicating per- ceived negative attitudes is small, the size of the minority is regarded as being statistically significant. The implica— tion is clearly presented when considered in light of the previously expressed need for additional USAF guidance in the police-community relations area. As long as even a small minortiy of Security Police personnel feel themselves 125 TABLE XIII PERCEIVED RELATIONSHIP WITH POLICE COMMUNITY Disagree/Strongly Do Not Agree/Strongly Total Disagree Know Agree ADC 16 (100%) 16 AFLC (100%) AFSC (100%) ATC 15 (100%) 15 MAC (100%) SAC 25 (100%) 25 TAC (100%) OTHERS (100%) TOTAL 90 (100%) 90 TABLE XIV PERCEIVED RELATIONSHIP WITH MILITARY COMMUNITY Disagree/gggongly Dgngat Agregégggongly Total ADC 14 (87.5%) 2 (12.5%) 16 AFLC 7 (100.0%) AFSC 3 (75.0%) 1 (25.0%) ATC 15 (100.0%) 15 MAC 4 (80.0%) 1 (20.0%) 5 SAC 26 (100.0%) 26 TAC 12 (85.7%) 2 (14.3%) 14 OTHERS 5 (100.0%) 5 126 TABLE XV PERCEIVED RELATIONSHIP WITH CIVILIAN COMMUNITY Disagree/Strongly Do Not Agree/Strongly Total} Disagree Know Agree ADC 16 (100.0%) 16 AFLC 7 (100.0%) AFSC 3 (75.0%) 1 (25.0%) ATC 15 (100.0%) 15 MAC 6 (100.0%) 6 SAC 26 (100.0%) 26 TAC 13 (92.9%) 1 (7.1%) 14 OTHERS 5 (100.0%) 5' TOTAL 91 (97.8%) 2 (2.2%) 93 isolated and alienated from their communities major air com- mand and Headquarters USAF assistance is needed to effect a change of perceptions and attitudes and to enhance the Secu- rity Police image without jeopardizing the accomplishment of their mission. IV. SUMMARY A caveat about interpretation of this data must be introduced at the end as well as the beginning of the survey analysis. The survey was limited solely to ascertaining the attitudes, perceptions, and opinions of the Air Force "Chiefs of Police" and didxuyt attempt to acquire data from individual Security Policemen or the general public. ADC AFLC AFSC ATC MAC SAC TAC OTHERS TOTAL ADC AFLC AFSC ATC MAC SAC TAC OTHERS TOTAL TABLE XVI PERCEIVED ATTITUDES OF MILITARY COMMUNITY TOWARD SECURITY POLICE 127 As Good As Other Jobs Good, petent & Professional Impartial, Com- Not Competent/ Unprofessional 10 11 20 10 4* 12 66 15 TABLE XVII PERCEIVED ATTITUDES OF CIVILIAN COMMUNITY TOWARD SECURITY POLICE As Good As The Different: As Good Worse Than Muni- Municipal Police As or Better Than cipal Police 1 15 1 13 1 6 23 12 1 5 7 85 2 *Represents a substantial minority of command respondents and is considered statistically significant. 128 TABLE XVIII PERCEIVED ATTITUDES OF POLICE COMMUNITY TOWARD SECURITY POLICE As G°°d,A§ Good, Impartial, Not Competent/ Egggrpgiiég gggggggggnggd Unprofessional ADC 2 14 Fem AFLC AFSC 1 . . ATC l3 2 I MAC 1 5 if 5. SAC 2 23 1 : 1;} TAC 1 11 2 ' OTHERS 1. 3 1 TOTAL 9 77 6 Given the national sample of Air Force Directors/ Chiefs of Security Police from Air Force Bases within the continental limits of the United States, care should be taken in generalizing not only to a universe of all Secu- rity Police officers in the Air Force but to a universe of all Security Police officers assigned to a given Air Force installation. Within this chapter, the survey data was presented in three categories: (1) the general characteristics of the respondents and their installation; (2) the overall findings of the survey based upon the responses of all the 129 respondents; and (3) the responses of all the respondents according to the major air command to which they are as- signed. The survey data produced some significant conclusions which tend to intensify the need for a greater in-depth treat- ment of Security Police-community relations. The data suc- cinctly indicated the following significant results: 1. The respondents felt that the Security Police were maintaining good relations with their three communities-- the military community, the civilian community, and the munic- ipal police community. r“ 2. The respondents perceived themselves and their units as being favorably regarded by their communities. 3. The respondents were overwhelmingly unaware of the existence and functions of the National Cetner on Police and Community Relations. However, they felt that utilization of the Center's services would benefit the military. They also greatly desired an opportunity to participate in the annual national institute. 4. The respondents expressed a need for additional de- tailed guidance from Headquarters USAF in the area of how to effect and maintain a good Security Police-community relations program. The major conclusions reached regarding the func— tioning of the Security Police in the prevalent atmosphere of tense police-community relations are that: 130 1. The Air Force Security Police do not feel alienated from their communities to the degree as was initially in- ferred by this researcher. 2. The survey data substantially refuted the contention that the Security Police, like their municipal police counter— parts, felt themselves to be pariahs. The converse seems abundantly clear--they feel themselves to be an integral part of the communities they serve. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The police are an essential component of the American Criminal Justice System. Their role and basic goal within American society is conceived to be: the maintenance of order in society for the safety, preservation, and benefit of society. The divergent way in which the police and the public expect the police to perform their role and to achieve their basic goal causes a deep concern and perpetuates the confusion which exists to such an extent that the role of the police in American society is an exacerbating phenomenon today. Within this milieu, the law enforcement establishments --municipal police and the police within the military estab- lisrnnent——are confronted with the task of fulfilling two seemingly incompatible ends. These circumstances have pre- cipitated and intensified ill feelings, misunderstandings and an overall set of poor relationships between the police and the communities they serve. / I. SUMMARY The police within the military establishment, though living in a relatively "closed community,‘ are equally con— cerned with effecting and maintaining a good relationship 132 with the communities they serve. The fact that the military police and the municipal police share a common law enforce- ment goal, a common police image, and are mutually concerned with the status of their relationship with their communities was discussed in the first three chapters. Despite the dif- ference in their law enforcement orientation, the mutual con— cern exhibited by these two police agencies, along with their mutual police responsibilities to the public, permitted the analytical comparison. Police-community relations was defined as "the sum total of the many and varied ways in which it may be empha- sized that the police are part of and not apart from the communities they serve."1 Chapters II and III of this report briefly documented the existence of the police—community relations dilemma which now plagues the law enforcement establishments throughout the nation. An a priori conceptual design and an empirically oriented methodological approach was used in comparatively analyzing these two establishments as they function within the environment of the dilemma. The basic premise of these chapters was that the current status of the dilemma aptly points out that too often citizens do not understand police problems, authority, 1Nelson A. Watson (ed.), Police and the Changing Com— munit (Washington, D.C.: International Association of C 1e 3 of Police, 1965), p. 122. ‘):& .1“)?! '2“ ing? -.' r- . h . “I?" 133 and limitations and that, at the same time, police them- selves do not clearly understand their role in the community. The uniqueness of the Security Police's "communities" fur— ther complicates this dilemma. The Security Police were conceived as having three communities with which they must effectuate a good relationship. These communities are: ewe (l) the military "community"--those individuals living within the confines of the installation and residing in the E married housing area, the enlisted personnel barracks area, or in the bachelor officers' quarters; (2) the civilian law 3 9 EH enforcement "community"--the municipal police agencies; and (3) the civilian "community"-—the non-military citizens of the neighboring communities who visit the military instal- lation or who are encountered by the Security Police as they perform town patrol duties. In order to bring the analysis into sharper focus, five of the more significant "reasons" why the police and the communities policed are at odds with each other were presented as categories which permitted comparative analysis between the elements of the dilemma facing both police es- tablishments. These categories were: (1) the nature and function of the police task and the lack of public under- standing of that function; (2) the police adversary concept: that the police and those policed are natural enemies; (3) the lack of police professionalism; (4) rigid police 134 procedures and the uncertainty of the law; and (5) police organizational inadequacy to deal with the problem. Reason for the Survey In recent years numerous studies, surveys, and re— search projects have been undertaken to examine police atti- tudes toward citizens, police perceptions of citizens' atti- tudes toward their police agency, and citizens' attitudes toward the police. The proliferation of these studies have produced a meaninful quantity of knowledge which reflects the existence of the police-community relations dilemma. However, prior to this survey, no comparable research study had ever been undertaken to ascertain the attitudes of the military police toward their communities and their percep- tions of their communities' attitudes toward them. The lack of empirical research into this socially significant area of law enforcement has produced a void where there should be knowledge of military police attitudes and per- ceptions. This national survey was an attempt to fill this void with meaningful and relevant data. Survey Findings The national survey sample included one hundred and fifteen Air Force Bases which were located within the con- tinental limits of the United States. The significance of this survey as a first step in filling the void created by 135 the heretofore lack of empirical research into the attitudes and perceptions of military police cannot be overemphasized. Analysis of the survey data produced four Significant re- sults. First, the data succinctly indicated that the re- spondents felt that the Security Police were maintaining good relations with each of their three communities. PA Second, they perceived themselves and their units : as being favorably regarded by all three of the communities they serve. u; Third, the respondents were overwhelmingly unaware of the existence and functions of the National Center on Police and Community Relations. Despite their unfamiliarity, the respondents felt that utilization of the Center's serv- ices would benefit the military. They also greatly desired an opportunity to participate in the annual national insti- tute. Finally, the data reflected an expressed need for additional guidance from Headquarter USAF in the area of how to effect and maintain a good Security Police-community relations program. These results inevitably led to the formulation of the survey's major conclusions: 1. That the Security Police do not feel isolated and alienated from their communities to the degree as was ini- tially inferred. 136 2. The Security Police, unlike their municipal police counterparts, feel themselves not as pariahs, but rather as integral parts of the communities they serve. II . CONCLUSIONS The fact that this national survey is the first such attempt to determine the attitudes, opinions, and percep- tions of military police regarding police-community rela- tions is significant in and of itself. The major conclu- sions which the survey data precipitated have far reaching implications for the military police establishments. Whether or not the symbiotic relationship between the Air Force Security Police attitudes and those of the military police in the other branches of the armed forces can be validly made may be frought with dissension and dis- belief. Nevertheless, the inference is made that to a large extent the expressed Security Police attitudes are equally applicable to the military police within the other branches of the armed forces. Consequently, the survey's findings should convey a significant message to all military police administrators, at the staff level and the installation level, and to individual military policemen everywhere. Need for Further Research A word of caution must, however, be given before the generalization is made that this survey can form the 137 basis for command action by military police authorities. It is evident that an increased command emphasis is needed in the area of Security Police-community relations. But because this survey only dealt with the attitudes and per- ceptions of the Air Force "Chiefs of Police" and did not include the attitudes and perceptions of individual Security Policemen--"the patrolmen and detectives"--much data was not obtained which would have been significant in forming a firm basis for military police command action. The logical conclusion which must be drawn can be stated thusly: In order to provide the basis for meaningful action by the United States Air Force and/or the other branches of the armed forces, a more extensive, "in-depth" study needs to be undertaken in order to determine the attitudes and perceptions that correctly characterize military policemen. The attitudes, Opinions, and perceptions of Secu- rity Police officers who are not "Chiefs of Police," those of individual Security Policemen, as well as the public's opinion of the Security Police, must be obtained if a true picture of the USAF Security Police-community relations spectrum is to be portrayed.‘ To achieve this true picture further research into this socially significant area of law enforcement is needed. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS Adams, Thomas F. Law Enforcment: An Introduction to the Role in the Community. EngIEwood Cliffs, New Jersey: PrentiEe-Hall, Inc., 1968. Banton, Michael. The Policeman in the Community. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1964. Black, Henry Campbell. Black's Law Dictionary. Fourth edi— tion. St. Paul, Minnesota: West Publishing Company 1967. Bordua, David J. ‘The Police: Six Sociological Essays. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1967. Coates, Charles H. and Roland J. Pellegrin. Military_Soci- olo : A_Stud 9£_American Military Institutions and Military Life. University Park: Maryland: The Social Science Press, 1965. Coatman, John C. I. E. Police. London: Oxford University Press, 1959. Cramer, James. The World's Police. London: Cassell Lim- ited, 1964. Fosdick, Raymond B. American Police Systems. New York: Century Books, 1920. Gellhorn, Walter B. When Americans Complain. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I966. Gourley, G. Douglas. Public Relations and the Police. Springfield, IllinOis: Charles C Thomas, 1953. Herring, Pendleton. The Impact 9£_War. New York: Farrar and Rinehart,—l941. Huntington, Samuel P. The Soldier and the State. Cam- bridge: The Belnap Press of Harvard University Press, 1957. Inbau, Fred B. and John E. Reid. Criminal Interrogation and Confessions. Second edition. Baltimore, Mary- Iand: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1967. 140 Institute for Training in Municipal Administration. Municipal Police Administration. Fifth edition. Chicago: The International City Managers Associ- ation, 1961. Janowitz, Morris. Sociology and the Military Establish- ment. New York: Russeil Sage Foundation, 1959. . The Professional Soldier. New York: The Free Press ofiGlencoe, 1960. Kervin, Jerome G. (ed.). Civil-Military Relationships 13 -r-r American Life. Chicago: Universiiy of Chicago Press, 1948. Landynski, Jacob W. Search and Seizure and the Supreme Court. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press, 1966. Mott, T. Bentley. Twenty Years as §_Mi1itar Attaché. .; New York: Oxford UniverSity fiEs—éT‘ifi'T— L» Sapin, Burton M. and Richard C. Snyder. The Role er the Military rp_American Foreign Policy. Garden City, New York: Doubieday and Company, 1954. Skolnick, Jerome H. Justice Without Trial. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966. Smith, Bruce. Police Systems $3 the United States. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949. Stahl, David, Frederick B. Sussman, and Neil J. Bloomfield (eds.). The Community and Racial Crises. New York: Practicing Law Institute, 1966. Webster's Third New International Dictionary, Unabrid ed. 3 vols. Chicago: Encyclopaedia'Britannica, Inc., 1966. Wilson, James O. "The Police and Their Problems: A Theory," Public Policy, 12:189-216, Spring, 1963. Young, Kimball and Raymond W. Mack. Principles gr Spri- ology. New York: American Book Company, 1965. 141 B. PUBLICATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT, LEARNED SOCIETIES, AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS Air Force Base Project Staff. The Organization and Perform- ance gr Bomb Wings: Studies of Complex Social S stems in Action. TechniE§l_Report NO. 25. ChapeI Hiil, North Carolina: Institute for Re- search in Social Science of the University of North Carolina, 1954. Bureau of Social Science Research. Re ort on a Pilot Stud 12 the District of Columbia on VicEimization and Attitudes Toward—Law Enforcemgnt. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Field Survey I. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967. Michigan State University. A National Survey gr Police and Community RelatiOns. Presidentis Comm1331on on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Field Survey V. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967. Official.Re orniof the Supreme Court. Escobedo v. Illinois. Voi. 3787 No. 2. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1964. Official Reports er the Supreme Court. Katz v. United States. Vol. 389. Part 2. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1968. Porenke, Norman E. Police Communiry Relations. Institute of Government, 1966. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Challenge_of Crime £3 a Free Society. Washington, D.C.: UnitEd States Government Printing Office, 1967. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Task Force Repprt: The Police. Wash- ington, D.C. United States Government Pfinting Office, 1967. Report gr the National Advisory Commission gp_Civil Disorderg. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Pfinting Office, 1968. 142 United States Air Force Manual 39-1M. Airman Classifica- tion Manual. Vol. 2. Washington, D.C.: Department of the Air Force, 1 July 1967. United States Air Force Regulation 125-l. "Functions and Organization of the USAF Security Police Activities," Washington, D.C.: Department of the Air Force, United States Army Regulation 370-5. "Dictionary of United States Army Terms," Washington, D.C.: Department of the Army, April 1965. United States Supreme Court Reports, Lawyers' Edition. Miranda v. AriEcna. Vol. 16. Second Sefies. RochesEer, New YOfk: The Lawyers Co-operative Publishing Company, 1966. University of California. The Police and the Community. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Survey IV. Vol. I and _wg II. Washington, D.C.: United States Government ‘I Printing Office, 1966. University of Chicago. Criminal Victimization 12 the United States: A Report gr_a_Nationa1 Survey. PresidentTS Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Field Survey II. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967. University of Michigan. Studies in Crime and Law Enforce- ment in Majpr MetropoIitafi_Areas. Presidenth Com- missiSK on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Vol. I. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967. Watson, Nelson A. (ed.). Police and the Changing Community. Washington, D.C.: International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1965. C. PERIODICALS Archer, Charles S. "The Grievance Man or Ombudsmania," Public Administration Review. 27:174-178, June, I567—- Butchers, R. J., Major General (USA). "Military and Civilian Police," The Police Chief. 29:22-25, November, 1962. 143 "Courts Too Soft on Criminals? A Warning by Attorney General," U.S. News and World Report. 59:67, August 16, I965. Crispi, Leo P. "Some Observations on the Concept of Image," Public Opinion Quarterly. 25:115-120, Spring 1961. Cummings, Elaine, Ian Cummings, and Laura Edell. "Police- man as Philosopher, Guide, and Friend," Social Problems. 12:276-286, Spring, 1965. Epstein, David, Major (USA). "Good Public Relations . . . A Challenge to All," Military Police Journal. November, 1967, pp. 1 - . Furman, H. W. C., Major (USA). "Restrictions Upon Use of the Army Imposed by the Posse Comitatus Act," Militareraw Review, Selected Re rints. Vol. 1-10. Department of the Army pamphlet 27-100-1-10, 1 October 1965, pp. 339-383. Hillery, George A. Jr. "Definitions of Community: Areas of Agreement," Rural Sociology, 20:111-123, June, 1955. "IS There No Respect?" Time, 78:24—25, September 8, 1961. Mansfield, Harvey C. "Civil-Military Relations in the United States," Current History, 38:22-33, April, 1960. McIntyre, Jennie. "Public Attitudes Toward Crime and Law Enforcement," The Annals of the American Academ of Political and Social SEieHEE, 374:34-46, Novem— Bé'r, 1967. Mbore, Charles E. Jr. "P R = Public Relations . . . Public Responsibility," The Police Chief, 34:12-27, March, 1967. liewnam, T. J., Lt. Col. (USAF) and T. A. Fleek, Lt. Col. (USAF). "The Air Force Approach to Professional Police Management," The Police Chief, 34:31-43, May,.1967. Pierce, Chester M. "Psychiatric Aspects of Police-Community Relations," Mental Hygiene, 46:107-115, January, 1962. 144 Radelet, Louis. "Implication of Professionalism in Law Enforcement for Police-Community Relations," Police 10:82-86, July-August, 1966. Roberts, Ovid E., Lt. Col. (USA). "Police Techniques and Operations Research--A Guide to Public Peace," Mili- tary Police Journal, October, 1967. "Security Police Image," Security Police Digest, Fall edi- tion, 1967, p. 11. Terris, Bruce J. "The Role of the Police," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social SciEnce, 374:58-69, November, I967. "The Policeman," The Saturday Evening Post, 238:100, March 13, 1965. "U.S. Judge Would Restrict Police," U.S. News and World Report, 59:66, August 16, 1965. Watson, Nelson A. "The Fringes of Police-Community Rela- tions," The Police Chief, 33:8-9, 64-68, August, 1966. Westley, William A. "Violence and the Police, American Journal gr Sociology, 59:35-43, July, 1953. Whisenand, P. K. and G. T. Felkenes. "An Ombudsman for Police," The Police Chief, 34:18-27, November, 1967. Wirths, Claudine Gibson. "The Development of Attitudes Toward Law Enforcement," Police, 3:50-52, November- December, 1958. Wolfgang, Marvin E. "The Police and Their Problems," Police, 10:50-56, March-April, 1966. Woolery, Todd W. "Management in Community Relations--Police Leadership," The Police Chief, 34:24-25, May, 1967. D. ESSAYS AND ARTICLES IN COLLECTIONS Fansler, Reginald K., Colonel (USA). "The Military as Part of the Community," Proceedings of Hawaii State-wide Institute on Police and Community Relation. East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University, 1967. 145 Ravitz, Mel. "Contra-Cultural Conflict in the Metropolitan Community," Proceedings of Ninth Annual National Institute on Police and Community Relations. East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University; 1963. E. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS O'Connor, George W. and Nelson A. Watson. "Juvenile Delin- quency and Youth Crime," Washington, D.C.: Inter— national Association of Chiefs of Police, 1963, '“1 mimeograph. Runge, Larry J. "The Ombudsman--Solution to the External Review Controversy," Unpublished "B" paper pre- f sented in partial fulfillment of the requirements ' for the Master of Science Degree in Police Adminis- . tration to Michigan State University, August, 1967. ‘ APPENDICIES APPENDIX A POSSE COMITATUS ACTl Codiefied As: Section 1385, Title 18 UNITED STATES CODE 10 August 1956 Pertinent Provisions E—7 ii The pertinent provisions of the so called "Posse i Comitatus Act" provides the following prohibitions appli- cable to each branch or part thereof of the armed forces 3 of the United States: Le‘ Whoever, except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the constitution or Act of Con- gress, willfully uses any part of the Army or Air Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than two years, or both. The latin words "posse comitatus" are the key words in this law. Black's Law Dictionary defines the phrase as: The power or force of the country. The entire pOpula- tion of a country above the age of fifteen, which the sheriff may summon to his assistance in certain cases; as to aid him in keeping the peace in pursuing and arresting felons, etc. 1For a more thorough discussion of this Act and its implications see H. W. C. Furman, Major (USA), "Restrictions Upon Use of the Army Imposed by the Posse Comitatus Act," Militareraw Review, Selected Reprints, Volumes 1-10, Wash- ington, D. C.: Department of the Army pamphlet 27-100-1-10, pp. 339-383. 2Henry Campbell Black, Black's Law Dictionary (Fourth edition; St. Paul, Minnesota: West Publishing Company, 1967), p. 1324. 148 In order to fully understand the nature and func- tioning of this law as it now stands today, a brief history must be given. History of the Act The so called "Posse Comitatus Act" was originally promulgated as an Act of Congress in June 1878. Its orig- -h1 inal purpose was to limit the use of Army personnel during the reconstruction period immediately following the Civil War. It originally was codified as Section 15 to Title 10 of the United States Code and applied exclusively to the United States Army. The Act was revised in 1956 and codi- fied as Section 1385 to Title 18 of the United States Code. The revision now includes the use of Air Force personnel as well as those of the United States Army. This appendix is solely concerned with two aspects of the Posse Comitatus Act: (1) the administrative and legal interpretations, and (2) the application of the Act to police operations within the military establishment. Administrative and Legal Interpretations Since the original passage of this act in 1878 and its revision in 1956 there have arisen many legal and admin- istrative interpretations which have subsequently clarified the Act's wording and specifically spelled out its 149 implications to military police operations. These inter- pretations have centered around the phrases: "Whoever," "willfully uses," "any part of the Army or Air Force," "as a Posse Comitatus or otherwise,‘ and "to execute the laws." The Act does not specifically limit its applicabil- ity to military personnel. Consequently, the current inter- In” pretation is that either military or civilian personnel, or both, may commit a violation of the Act. The major implication of the Act is that the "user" is primarily I responsible for its violation and not the person or persons fig? being used. Thus it has been construed to imply that indi- vidual military policemen, carrying out the orders of supe- riors, normally would not be guilty of a violation of the Act . The word "willfully" has come to be interpreted to mean that military personnel must be used with the knowledge that such use is prohibited in order for the Act to have been legally violated. In legal parlance it apparently means that, in bOrderline cases, the "user" is not neces- sarily always presumed to have knowledge that the use of military personnel in the manner in which they are eventually employed was, in fact, a violation of the act. The Act specifically prohibits the use of the Army and/or Air Force or any part thereof in the manner so specified. 150 In this sense, the Army and Air Force is conceived to be that body of military personnel provided by the Federal Government as the basic components of our national defense establishment. It includes the National Guards of the States, Territories and the District of Columbia only when they are "federalized" and subsequently called into active duty. At all other times these guard units are purely v.1 state forces. The Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) of the Army and the Air Force are not parts of these branches of the armed forces and do not come within the purview of a the Act. The National Guard units, when not federalized, Ed) do not come within the purview of the Act. This prohibition against the use of the Army and/or Air Force means not only that the entire Army or Air Force may not be used for the prohibited purpose but also that specific organizations, such as battalions, companies, wings, or squadrons and indi- vidual members, such as individual military policemen or security policemen may not be so used. Using the definition of the latin phrase "posse