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by John O. Freeman

urban.plsnning as a positive force in shaping
urban growth is gaining increased stature with the paoo~
ing of time. Techniques of the planner have become
increasingly sephistioated, and indications are that this
trend toward greater specialization.snd precision in
making planning decisions has only begun.

Hanover. no planning affects more and more the lives
of the urban citizen, his involvement in formulating plans
to direct the course of develOpment in his community has
not increased proportionately. Aside from the planning
canniseion and oooassional citizen advisory committees,
citizen participation in public decision making tor con-
Innity develOpnent is minimal. The citizen, noting alone
or through his essooidtions, can and should affect the
formulation and implementation or plane for his community.

The effectiVeness of the individual and neighborhood
group depends upon the scape of the planning toward which
attention is directed. Local groups can have the most

influence on planning affecting the location 1n.wh10h thmy

John O. Freeman

live. As the geographic planning area increases in sine,
the potential for constructive involvement of the local
citiscn diminishes.

The degree of involvement of individuals and small
groups in public decision.naking has been influenced hy
the general trends of the American democratic system.
latticipation in the sense sssocisted with the pioneering
days of the country will likely never return. Changing
concepts of government, the professional Versus the ana-
teur. and the need for affiliation have all affected
participation in political decisionnnaking by the isolated
group or individual.

Iarticipation is, essentially, a function of the
cultural context. the organizational structures within
which participation Inst occur. the forces motivating
groups to participate or remain disinterested, and the
communication channels within a community through which
information about public decisions must travel.

In.any other country, at any other time, and under
any significant alteration in the life style of the
American peeple, participation.would have neither the
lane potential nor the same problems as it has in the
United States today. In other words, the cultural context
Butublishes the framework for participation.

Of the nany factors influencing the effectchncsl
of participation. the organisational structure of local
government and voluntary group associations likely has

JOhn G. ”Gem

as much effect as any other. It determines the ultimate
effectiveness of communication.bctween those peOple with
ideas to contribute and those individuals or organisations
that make public policy.

Hotivational factors for participation.are vitally
important in determining whether or not peOple will par-
ticipate even if their ideas would be given considerable
weight. The most important factor in this regard in
crisis. More participation is brought about in situations
of crisis_than by any other situation of chance or design.

Finally, the role of communication is important in
making people aware of their potential contribution.to
the community develOpmontal process through comprehensive
planning. It is also the vital educational channel through
which peeple may become sufficiently informed about the
community so that they can make a significant contribution
to planning.

or the alternatiVes available for utilizing citisen
participation in the planning process, a number of common
practices should be followed. The planner should be
genuinely committed to using citizen involvement in the
formulation of plans; the citizen should be given the
Opportunity to review elements of the plan.as they are
formulated rather than after constructive suggestions can.
not be incorporated into the plan; and an adequate cross-
section of community interest groups should be represented
on some form of council to review and discuss plan proposals

as they are presented.

THE l-OT'LNT IAL OF LOCAL CITIZaN
ORGANIZATIONS FOR CONTRIBUTING
TO THJ ILANNING DECISION mAKING

PROCESS

By

John C. Freeman

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING

Department of Urban Elanning and Landscape Architecture

1966

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Iage
LIST OF FEURESOO00...OOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOO iii

Chapter
I. INTRODU‘CTIONOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.00... 1
II. CULEURAL CONTEXT FOR IARTIOIPATION.. 9

III. ‘MOTIVATING FACTORS FOR GROUJE>
EARTICIEATIONO0.0.0.0000...000000.00 35

IV. ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE............ 61
V. ROLE OF COMMUNIaATIONOOIOOOQQQ0.0000 71
VI. TYPES OF RRTICIRTION.............. 85

VII. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
b—‘OR PLANNINGOOOCOOOOOOIOOOOOO..00... 95

ii

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure

l. The Ilanner and the Irofessional in
the Planning Process..................

2. Communication Linkages in the
Iarticipation Irocess.................

iii

Iage

82

CHA PIER I

INTRODUCTION

In recent years, urban planning has become accepted
by most officials and lay peOple as a field of knowledge
capable of making significant contributions to the logical
growth of local and regional communities. The technical
prowess of planning practitioners continually increases,
and reliance by public officials on professional advice
also seems to be encouraging for planners. Hewever, the
growth of planning is not without its problems. With the
expanded use of technical innovations for urban fore-
casting, analysis, and estimation of needs, there is a
growing tendency to underestimate the importance of
utilizing lay citizens in the planning process.

Aside from the planning commission and occasional
citizen advisory committees, citizen participation in
public decision making for community development is minimal.
This is evidenced in many master plans for former years
and, regrettably, those being formulated currently. The
urban complex seems to be typically viewed as a mechanism
composed of a multitude of parts that the planner must

integrate into a whole that will function efficiently.

l

2
The human element, as part of this complex, is dealt with,
apparently, as a stereotype, i.e. how the typical person
would act in a given situation; where he would sh0p; how
far he would be willing to travel to reach various desti-
nations; what his basic desires would be; and other
deductions about a Specific population based on a perceived
norm. Whether this ”average man" is a valid basing point
from which to formulate plans for communities (the average
community, that is) in some ways is quite beside the point.
The serious flaw in this method of procedure is the assump-
tion of the ”average man.” very few people envision them-

selves as personifying the norm when this is the basis for

someone else telling them what is good for them. There
is some duplicity evident here but perhaps one that planners
should be more ready to recognize. Ieople seem to seek
conformity. They seem to strive for an equilibrium state
with no outstanding deviations from the group standards
that might impair their chances of "fitting in." However,
when these group standards, whether preferences expressed
by Opinions or observed habits, are used as a basis for
planning recommendations, many arise to defend their'lndi-
viduality" and protest the idea that they are being told
what is best for them.

Quite possibly, what the planner recommended as
being ”good" for them might be a much less dramatic depar-

ture from the status quo than the citizens imagined.

3

Hewever, it is the notion that someone else is telling
them how to live their lives that disturbs peOple. It

is what they think that is important-not really the verity
of what they think.

A number Of experienced planners observe that public
Opinion surveys concerning urban develOpment Offer little
information other than what the planner "knows" intui-
tively. Also, that information which is, in some way,
unique (for example, as might be obtained through the use
of an Open-ended questionnaire calling for Opinions)
covers such a broad range of subjects and is so Often am-
biguous that the information is virtually useless as being
any representation of a majority Opinion. waever, in
some ways, the value of the information gathered is not
the major return for the time and effort put into an
Opinion gathering device. In essence, the surveys are
valuable public relations tools. They impress the citizen
with the idea that someone is interested in his Opinion
of how future develOpment should take place. If the
utilization of such techniques is no more than paying
lip service to the ideal of citizen participation, it can
only be to the eventual detriment of planning and the
future develOpment of the community to use them. It is
the individual citizen.who must live with a plan and
determine its ultimate success or failure. Ilans are
without value if they have no life infused into them by

the peOple they are to guide.

4

The preceding background gives some indication of
the confusion currently plaguing the planning field as
to the place Of the citizen "amateur" in the community
develOpment process. There seems to be considerable
cynicism among planners regarding the potential of lay
citizens for contributing to the planning process. But
there is also great hOpe held by some for this role. One
segment Of this controversy revolves about the untrained
citizen organization such as the neighborhood association.
It is with this type of citizen participation that this
thesis is primarily concerned. mere Specifically, sources
of information and Opinion have been sought to determine
whether or not a group Of homeowners, whether large or
small, and other unassociated area residents have the
potential for constructively affecting public planning
decisions.

There are various levels Of planning, of course, and
active participation at the local level cannot really be
effective in all types. At the regional or metrOpolitan
level, few untrained peOple can perceive the overall
goals of such planning. Also, because of the long-range
nature of such planning plus the fact that there are no
effective implementation measures at this level, the local
citizen is not likely to realize the personal implications
of such planning. The individual citizen acting alone or

through a local group can most effectively cOpe with

5
problems that can be related to his personal life in
the next five or ten years. It is the problem at the
neighborhood level with which he can most constructively

OOpe and feel confidence that his suggested innovations

may reach fruition.

FIGURE 1
THE PLANNER AND THE IROFESSIONAL
IN THE PLANNING EROCESS

Figure 1 indicates that the lay citizen may have
real value in planning at the neighborhood level. But
the larger the geographic area of concern, the more the
planner must assume the role Of innovator and analyst.

The potential of the local neighborhood association
to effectively OOpe with planning and contribute tO com-
munity develOpment decision making is a function of at
least three broad factors. These are the motivations
for participation that confront the citizen, the organi-

zational structure through which participation Occurs,

6
and the communication process. Although dealt with in
detail in subsequent chapters, some mention of the basic
contentions regarding these factors can be made at this
point.

It is contended, first, that the principal motivating
factor for participation at the local level is the maximi-
zation of self-interest. This does not rule out altruistic
motives. It is Obvious that these do exist. When a
neighborhood group forms to carry out a function, however,
it can reasonably be assumed that in most cases self-interest
is the overriding motive. That the interest Of the group
coincides with the interest Of the majority Of the con-
stituents is also a logical assumption to be made early
in the analysis. Otherwise, there would be little reason
for the group's existence.

The study of the individual's participation in
community develOpment decision—making, then, is a valid
method of arriving at an understanding Of group partici-
pation. COnsequently, some Of the discussion will concen»
trate on individual participation and later will be applied
in the context of the group situation. A common, well-
defined goal, however, is not the only reason for group
formation. Other reasons for groups coming into existence
will be discussed later.

Subsequent to group formation, the method and
effectiveness with which the group carries out its func-

tion is largely dependent on the organizational structure

Of the group. It will be shown that neighborhood groups
suffer under a makeshift organizational structure in-
tended to meet, but not always capable Of meeting,
"emergency situations." The nature of the goals Of
these types of organizations also results in a lack Of
continuity Of activities and flagging interest after
each crisis has passed.

The role of communication is also emphasized
since, without adequate flows of information, little can
be accomplished regardless of the organizational attri-
butes of a local association. The channels for effective
communication.within the hierarchy Of government and down
to the individual citizen are Often too Obscure and
ineffective for a potentially successful effort of using
citizen participation as a positive tool.

The three influential factors in citizen partici-
pation may be manifested in.many types of activity.
Voting and group protests are not the extent nor the
limit of citizen participation. Other types of partici-
pation and their relationship to urban growth will be
emphasized.

Finally, it is significant to Observe that the
various types of participation caused by the interplay
of communication channels, organizational types, and

motivating factors occur as part of a unique cultural

situation. The circumstances to be explored would be

8

otherwise in any other country, at any other time,
and under any significant alteration in the life style
of the American peOple. In other words, citizen partici-
pation (or its absence) and all its aspects are a func-
tional Operation Of a particular cultural context.

To understand the potentials of citizen partici-
pation at the neighborhood level or at any social level,
the peculiar cultural context must be understood. It

is to this subject that attention is now given.

CHAPTm’R II

CUITURAL CONTEXT FOR IARTICIIATION

Initially, the setting for modern day citizen
participation may be formulated by reviewing the back-
ground Of the traditional concept. some of the problems
of modern American society in.relation to community life
were born in the Industrial Revolution. Since that era,
the American society has been one of unrestrained growth
and eXpansion in technology. Chemistry, physics, and
mathematics have seen unprecedented increases in growth
and application in our society. Government, education,
and other institutions have become more complex, more
interdependent, and more subtle in variation than ever
before. And peOple Of this society are enjoying the
highest standard of living the world has ever known.

In spite of this successful OOping with the phys-
ical world, the American mind has created many problems
with its technology. The ”dust bowl" Of the thirties
was largely a result Of an unbalanced technological ”

emphasis. Great machines were available for cultivation

10

and the harvest, but knowledge of how to OOpe with

the cruelties of nature was far behind in technology.
Fields were ruined and tOpsoil lost as winds swept

into the midwest with technology unable to OOpe with
the problem. The Great Depression, too, was a mani-
festation Of an imbalance in accumulated knowledge.

A financial structure that controlled the economic life
of an entire nation tOppled because, in part, of the
inability Of men to see beyond the immediate prospects
Of fortune.

Ierhaps this is tangential to the subject Of
citizen participation, but in many ways it is most
pertinent because it illustrates a changing trend in
values. From the frontier society upon which the phil-
os0phy Of this nation was founded, the United States
has moved through an accelerated transition to a society

‘wherein democracy is quite different in meaning.

A Changing Democracy.

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, democ-
racy meant town meetings, small communities, and face-
tO-face relationships. Then, there were close family
ties and a feeling Of neighborliness encouraged by
physical proximity and similarity Of needs. If there
were local problems, little recourse was available to

the citizens but to seek a solution themselves. This

ll

fostered a Spirit of OOOperation and participation

among the residents. A community in the most tradi-
tional sense of the word existed when this Spirit

arose. Then the new technology brought Specialization
and mass methods to the community. Institutions envel-
Oped communities and whole regions within their purview.
mass communication and pressure groups eliminated the
necessity of close,intra-community ties and changed

the orientation of the average citizen to a much broader
community (or area Of concern) than ever before. Since
that time, community life at the local level has declined
in vitality. Richard Waverly Ibston describes this
change:

Slowly but steadily the new technology with
its mass methods gnawed deeper and deeper
into the foundations of community life.

like a great parasite it sucked away the
strength Of neighborhood society until men
and women by the millions lost their motiva-
tion for community reSponsibility. An
attitude Of what's-the-use-anyway spread
like a plague across America. many lost
confidence even in their own ability. The
majority became bystanders in public affairs,
and in all parts Of a great nation men and
women had assumed an attitude of leaning on
someone else...The legislative process became
largely a system Of Specialized pressures
all competing for the legislative favor,
while the voice of the individual was
smothered further and further beneath tOp-
level strategy. Community action of the
people had changed largely to a kind Of
action which was determined from the top
down by national organizations, imperson-
alized institutions, and great trade and

 

11

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fostered a Spirit of OOOperaticn and ;a:" .---
among the residents. A commit}? in the :.
tional sense of the word ens
arose. Then the new technology trcigl. ;
and mass methods to the cczznxity. Instimtizns envel-
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necessity of close, intra-coznunity ties and charge:

the orientation Of the average citizen to a 1:21 we!
community (or area Of concern) than ever being. £2.22
that time, community life at the local levv' 5.»; -....;———.-

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12

professional combinations. And today in
an all too realistic sense millions of
Americans no longer have a genuine say in
the affairs of their own destiny.1

Although a little melodramatic, Ibston does make
a convincing presentation of the issue that the free
democratic society that the majority of Americans so
vehemently profess is gradually becoming a myth when
compared to the traditional notion. He further points
out that the initiative, drive, and ideals of a larger
democratic society should come from the communities.
Only in the local community can democracy be practiced
in a day-to-day, face-tO-face setting. Only at this
level can the interchange be intimate and personal
enough to fulfill the ideals of our government. With-
out it the national government may become tOp heavy and
all-pervasive even in local affairs, and the develOpment
of leaders at the local level will be eclipsed.

It is significant that democratic theory which
professes a substitute for an autocratic or aristocratic
hierarchy assumes just such local communities through
which the individual can relate to the larger whole Of

the society. 0n the other hand, democratic notions Of

individual participation in the heterogeneous, impersonal,

fragmented structure of large cities are rarely carried

 

:lRichard W. Ibston, Community Organization in Action,

eds. Ernest Harper and Arthur Dunham (New YOrk:
Associated Press, 1959), pp. 32-33.

 

13

out. Some even argue that, in the large metrOpOlitan
centers, the primary group and the individual are
actually being replaced by the formal secondary groups
in the organization of work and civic life. In this
way, the formal organization becomes the effective
subcommunity which relates to society as a whole, and
the citizen becomes further removed from effectively
COping with the government under which he lives.

Scott Greer expresses a more realistic appraisal
of the changing democracy than does Ibston:

Few areas approach the anonymity of the
urban stereotype, yet few are the kind Of
subcommunity envisaged in the democratic
ideology. Community is generally defined

by the sharing of values or by functional
interdependence. The metrOpOlis fits the
second part Of the definition but only

the primary community of the past fulfilled
both requirements. As scale increases,
commitments are made to wideSpread social
groups. The need for predictability results
in integration and organization. The bounda-
ries of these organizations are no longer
coterminous, as in the small community, so
that the area is part of one network for
work, another for education, etc. Americans
have never been completely independent Of
the larger community but the village Of the
early 19th century was so in terms of the
present situation. As this community dis-
appeared, communion also disappeared and
only communion within the family unit
remained. Democratic theory assumes a
stable community but today's residence is

in the "community of limited liability”
from which the citizen can move at will.
...The voluntary organization is also un-
likely to be the basis of participation

for most citizens. These formal organiza-
tions are run mainly by their professionals.
Few individuals participate in any part Of
democratic activity. Democracy is a byproduct

14

of the warring of professionally directed
groups rather than the result of participa-
tion. Most individuals today have greater
leisure which they avoid Spending in partici-
pation outside of the family group. Earhaps
we need to lower the standards of participa-
tion that we require for a democracy. Limited
community participation is a modest enough
goal to realize and may still keep in check
the formal leadership groups.2
Unlike Ibston, Greer is willing to accept the
changing democracy and adapt to it. Where Ibston would
return to the intimacy of the frontier community with its
lively social interchange, Greer feels that the cross-
community ties are quite strong and are unlikely to be
broken—-even less so in light Of recent trends in business
and pressure group activity and citizen apathy in public
affairs. Greer's view is admittedly one of pessimism
compared to the possible realization of Ecston's goals
Of active citizen participation. It is SSpecially inter-
esting to note that Greer feels that voluntary organiza-
tions are unlikely to encourage much citizen participation.
He feels, as does Ibston, that ours has become a world
of professionals and experts.
It is thought by most, though, that the voluntary
association is a type of institution that is emerging
to bring some Of the traditional democracy back into

civic life. Voluntary associations frequently cross

over political party lines. Also, they do not perform

 

:EScott Greer, ”Individual Earticipation in mass Society,"
main Street IOlitics, ed. Charles Tress (East Iansing,
Michigan: Michigan State University, 1962), p. 78.

15

functions as in the past century that are eventually
taken over by the government. Associations are or can
be pressure groups that form a dynamic part of the
government process. To what degree they bring the
individual citizen into the policy-formulating process
depends on the size of the association and the complexity
of the issues with which it deals. This is pertinent to
neighborhood associations which try to OOpe with city
planning problems. The types Of problems the neighbor-
hood association is capable Of dealing with.will be

explored in more detail in a later chapter.

Need For Citizen Involvement
The extent Of group participation in community
planning can only be secondary to the acceptance of
the need for some kind Of citizen involvement. Although
contested by some, the need for citizen involvement
beyond the voting booth is encouraged by most commenta-
tors On American democracy as well as public Officials.
The acceptance of local participation in a society
dependent on centralized government for many of its
vital services is not inconsistent. Alexis de Toqueville,
in Democracy in America, expresses this philosophy:
Indeed, I cannot conceive that a nation can
live and prOSper without a powerful central-
ization of government. But I am Of the
Opinion that a centralized administration is

fit only to enervate the nations in.which
it exists, by incessantly diminishing their

16

local Spirit. Although such an administra-
tion can bring together at a given moment,
on a given point, all the diSposable re-
sources Of a people, it injures the renewal
Of those resources. It may ensure a victory
in the hour of strife, but it gradually
relaxes the sinews of strength. It may help
admirably the transient greatness Of a man,
but not the durable prOSperity Of a nation.3

De Toqueville describes the power structure of a nation
from the grass roots upward. Therefore, he would feel
that these roots, being local involvement in governmental
affairs, should be nurtured, encouraged, and enriched in
order to maintain or increase the capacity of a nation
as a whole for growth and development.

One early manifestation of such thinking was the
communitarian movement in the early part of the nine-
teenth century. many cOOperative settlements were
founded in America on a truly community-centered basis.
Some of the UtOpian thought which gave rise to these
settlements contained principles such as those cited
by Severyn.Iruyn.in Communities 35 Action:

1. Society should not be conceived of as
comprising only a group of separate individuals,
but rather as groups Of associations related

to one another. The association (such as the
community) is the fundamental unit Of society.
2. A fever of centralization is sweeping the
world. What is needed is decentralization Of
power into smaller communal units, where true

authority and reSponsibility for living can
be exercised.

 

3

Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in_America (New York:
Knon, 1945), p. 86.

l7

3. Only the free, voluntary association

Of peOple can solve the great organic problem

Of society; social change must take place

gradually, starting at the local levels and

moving toward the tOp levels Of society.4
Mbst communities arising out Of this movement did not
last long. Those based on religious motivations lasted
longer, and some continue to persist. What is significant,
however, is that a need was seen to instill grass roots
government into an ever-expanding society.

later, the Garden City movement would again place
emphasis on the local community, face-tO-face relation-
ships that were disappearing in the metrOpOlitan complex.
The great mass of humanity, though, has not tried to
fight the evolutionary changes in community living patterns.
SO, throughout American history, the attitudes

about democracy have been evolving. Because of the
changing demands on time and interest of the contemporary
citizen, it has become necessary to alter the traditional
concept Of participation. Hewever, few argue against
the assertion that participation to some degree is still
needed. Some important changes that have taken place
from earlier days of the nation are alterations in the
importance of one's locality as a determinant in life
style, the changing emphasis on the need for ties and a

"we” feeling, the changing prOportions Of professional and

 

4'Severyn Bruyn, Communities in Action (New Haven,
Connecticut: College and University Tress, 1963), p. 162.

18

amateur involvement in public affairs, and general
attitudes about planning as a method Of guiding cul-

tural develOpment.

ChanginggConcept 0f Neighborhood

One Of the more important notions in studies
Of urban society is that the local area is becoming
relatively less important. As functions become organ-
ized as parts of a large social structure, the local
area becomes less a place for meaningful interaction than
than it becomes a place for mere spatial location. Resi-
dential areas become dormitories and not communities.
This is certainly a vital difference although it is not
universally true. Some places within a larger urban
complex retain their identity and are even referred to
in some distinctive manner. "Indian Village" in Detroit
is such a place. A small island Of well-preserved homes
surrounded by a deteriorating area, this section is dis-
tinguished by its relatively higher class residents and
their efforts to maintain an older area in fine condition.
It is a "place," but it is more than that. Its identity
is not limited to its locality but to the type Of resi-
dents and their degree of common interests.

The reasons for a place being distinguished as a
neighborhood are varied. One might be the unique style
of homes to be found in the particular locale. Franklin

Village, a small suburb of Detroit, is an example. Colon-

l9

ial architecture has become a matter of pride with the
inhabitants of the town, and policies Of the village
and its residents are directed toward preserving its
small colonial village character. There are certainly
residents Of the village who do not share the interests
of the majority; however, it is evident that enough do
share these interests to maintain support for the type
of corporate policies that continue the present village
pattern.

Greenwich Vilkage, in new York, would be another
example. Because of some unique character Of this place
peOple identify with it as more than a locale. There is
a peculiar Spirit and a singularity about the way Of life
that distinguish it from all the other ”places." It can
be seen that physical structure alone does not create a
neighborhood from a "place." It is the commonality Of
interests of peOple in the locality that creates a viable
neighborhood.

In recent decades, however, there has been evidence
that the above examples are the rare exceptions rather
than the pervasive way of life. Some of the findings
of Svend Riemer's study of neighboring are helpful:

Social contacts Of the city dweller are

found at greater distances from his home than
commercial contacts.

Under the era of laissez-faire, the average

family contact is found beyond walking-
distance from the family residence.

20

The number of family contacts--both social
and commercial--decreases in number as the
distance from the family residence increases.
Family contacts--both social and commercial--
are more frequent where more and better cars
are_available for the housewife.5
With new modes Of tranSportation, with the changing
pattern of industry on the landscape, with the changes
in merchandising, and with the affluence attached to a
dominant money economy, man has become increasingly de-
tached from his home community both physically and psycho-
logically. This social detachment has significant reper-
cussions for individual personality patterns, local demo-
cratic activity and organization,and for community autonomy.
Where a person's contacts are diapersed over an
ever-expanding region, it is unrealistic to SXpect him
in the majority of cases to take as deep an interest in
his immediate environment as in former years. The pro-
portion of his waking hours Spent at home is continually
decreasing in the urban area, and the prOportion of the
time that he allots to local democratic activity is like-
wise diminishing. Cbmmunity democratic activity is but one
of the uses of time competing for the citizen's leisure,
and what it now seems to Offer the citizen as a reward for
his time does not put it in a good competitive position.
The neighborhood, of course, is not without signifi-

cance. The neighborhood is important for children, house-

wives and some aged. Hewever, it can be contended with

 

5Svend Riemer, Community Structure and Analysis, ed.
marvin Sussman (New York: Thomas Growell CO., 1959),
p. 444 o

21

some assurance that any "program built upon the assumption
Of strong neighborhoods is a program hitched to a waning

social unit."6

ngining The Neighborhood

The problem Of defining the neighborhood and the
community becomes apparent. Initially it is good to
distinguish between the neighborhood and the community.

In this paper as is the case with most of the writings

on the subject of community organization, the two entities
differ in degree rather than kind. When not used inter-
changeably, the neighborhood is something less in size

or SOOpe than the community. This is about the only area
of definition on which most authors agree.

Ilanners have defined the neighborhood and community
in terms of pOpulation, characteristic public facilities
to be found within each, and by land area. Others define
it in terms of geographical area modified by social inter-
action patterns. And still others define the community
only by interaction patterns.

One author Offers an interesting distinction between
the Objective community (defined by proximity and that
definition most Often utilized by planners) and the sub-
jective community (defined by interaction patterns). The
latter is referred to by Bessie McClenahan as a ”commu-

nality." "The communality is an interest circle character-

 

6Bryce Ryan, "The Neighborhood as a Unit Of Action in
Rural Irograms,” Rural Sociolo , IX(March, 1944), 33.

22

ized by the social nearness of members whose places

Of residence may be widely separated...Its members
belong, not because they share a place Of common resi-
dence or are identified with the same community, but
Simply because they Share like interests."7 There seems
to be considerable validity for such a term and such

a definition. Not only have the automobile and improved
highway system allowed the suburban commuter unparalleled
freedom in home-to-work travel patterns, but leisure

time patterns are also becoming characterized by dis-
persion throughout the urban area. IeOple are now,

more than ever before, able to select their acquaintances
in terms of similarity Of interests and personality
rather than physical proximity. There does not seem

to be the ”we" feeling within the Objective neighbor-
hood and community that was once attributed to them.

Some implications of this alleged change may contribute
to the understanding of the new patterns of neighboring
and the concomitant changes in associational activities

at the neighborhood level.

Need For A ”We” Feeling
The need Of some kind of identification with a group
and its "we” feeling is evidenced by the persistence

Of primary group relations within the city. The family,

 

7Bessie McClenahan, "The Communality, the Urban Substi-
tute for the Traditional Community," Sociology and
Social Research, (march-April, 1946), 267.

23

school, and fellow employees Offer the individual primary
group relations. The urban dweller also has secondary

group relations. waever, these are most often highly
Specialized. ”They are temporary also and easily termi-
nated when the goal Of the secondary group is terminated."8
An example is on the job where different peOple get together
to do the same kind Of work for the same wages as the next
person. The life or endurance of any Of these groups is

a function of its ability to satisfy certain needs Of the

individual.

The need for ties, affiliation, and the “we" feeling
is assumed to be a.very real need by the develOpers of
Iark Forest as evidenced in some of their promotional

material:

You Belo
in—PATRNaFORbBT :

The moment you come to our town.you know:

You're welcome

You're part Of a big group

You can live in a friendly small town
instead of a lonely big city.

You can have friends who want you--
and you can enjoy being with them.

Cbme out. Find out about the Spirit Of
Iark Forest.

a cup Of coffee-symbol Of Iark Forest

Coffeepots bubble all day long in
in Iark Forest.

This sign Of friendliness tells you how
much neighbors enjoy each other's
company--feel glad that they can share
their daily joys-eyes, and troubles, too.

Come out to Iark Forest where smalltown

friendships grow--an8 you still live so
close to a big city.

‘BSussman, O . cit., p. 443.

9William H. Whyte, Jr., The Qgggnization Man (Garden City,
New York: Doubleday &.Company), p. 325.

24

Appealing to the needs of peOple to affiliate
apparently proved tO be very effective advertising. The
participation level in Iark Forest is comparatively high.
Although much is reportedly accomplished, this is not
always the principal contribution Of meetings to Park
Forest society. "Sometimes they appear to be chiefly
a medium by which anxious, uncertain peOple can vent
aggressions they must elsewhere repress. Without the
disciplining effect of a dominant Older group and of
custom, they are enticed into precocity; and this, un-
fortunately, stimulates many to a form of free expression
in which name-calling and rancor seems to be an end in
itself."10 SO, at least in Iark Forest, civic activities
grow out of personal needs as well as community needs.

Ilanners must be cautious, though, in attributing
such needs to all communities and sub-communities. In
American Community Behavior, Jessie Bernard contends
that community planning is Often done from the point Of
view of the person who looks at the town rather than
lives in it. The planner may like to think Of the neigh-
borhood as having a "we" feeling whereas peOple in the

community may not want this.11

SO to assume a widely
felt need for a ”we" feeling in community life may not

be logical.

 

loSuSsman, o . cit., p. 318.

llJessie Bernard, American Community Behavior (New York:
The Dryden Tress, I949), p. 621.

25

grofessional Versus The Amateur

To further define activities of neighborhood and
community groupings within the cultural context, atti-
tudes concerning the roles Of the professional or expert
and the amateur or lay citizen may be compared. Jean and
Jess Ogden express the feeling that voluntary teamwork
of many interests and skills is superior to subordinating
them to an already established leadership.12 Ierhaps
this ideal is unrealistic in a society so dependent on
experts. It is perfectly Obvious that voluntary team-
work is not in all ways superior to the expertise of
established leadership. Expertise of the professional
and the personal interest and involvement Of the lay
person should be complementary, with neither existing
as something to which society pays lip service.

For the trained planner to contend that planning
is too complex and technical for the amateur to contri-
bute is not reasonable since so much Of planning is based
on value judgments which the average lay citizen is per-
fectly capable of considering intelligently.

Ierhaps, though, leaders and Officials do not
want more participation but rather a broader concensus
and support for their own views and prOposals. Exempli-
fying this attitude is a situation when neighborhood

and community groups are brought into the planning process

 

12Jean and Jess Ogden, Small Communities in.Action
(New York: Harper & REOEEerS,"I916), pp. 251-235.

26

only after the plans have been formulated. Approval

is what is most Often sought rather than advice and
consultation. It is doubtful that citizen participation
would ever become a.dynamic force in urban develOpment
if this continued as the only process by which citizens
could voice their Opinions as to the future of the urban
environment.

A suburban community outside Detroit, Southfield
has utilized local meetings with neighborhood groups
whereby Opinions of local citizens as to perceivee
problems in the immediate area are expressed. This has
been a reasonably successful public relations tool as
well as a source Of information and sentiment for the
planner. Obscure details Of land use and historical
information Of value to the planner not available else-
where came to light in these sessions.13

The planning principles advanced by Harleigh
Trecker further illustrate the alleged effectiveness
of consulting with the lay citizen duripg the planning
process: '

TO be effective, those who will be directly
affected by the results of planning should
have a share in the making Of the plan.
This is a long standing principle of
democracy. It is axiomatic that persons
are more important than plans and that

the meaning of planning in terms Of its

direct implications for peOple must be
a first consideration.

 

13Ronald Clarke, Isrsonal Interview (August, 1965).

27

The most effective plans have come out Of

a process which combines face-tO-face methods

with the more formal methods of committee

work. Here we have an Opportunity to set in

motion a network of influences that will make

for acceptance and implementation of the plan

with a minimum of Objection and resistance.

Ilanning requires the efforts of volunteer,

non—professional community leadership, as

well as professionals. The division of

responsibility between these groups is a

prerequisite to a satisfactory prosecution

Of a program. It is necessary to allocate

and coordinate these reSponsibilitieslis

well as to divide and integrate them.

Hewever, it is not only with the professionals
that the process of citizen participation is stifled.
In concerns Of government, the lay person for a variety
of reasons is not always eager to involve himself. Al-
though many may have the technical skills that might be
of use in associations interested in community develop—
ment, they may regard the use to which their skills are
put as beyond their technical competence. Although pro-
fessionals in their reSpective fields, most Of these
eXperts are amateurs in public affairs. The reasons for
people participating or not participating will receive
more attention in a later chapter.
Some Of the reasons why participation is not en-

couraged more than it is and some Of the problems of

bringing citizens into the planning process are brought

 

l4H'arleigh Trecker, Community_0rganization in Action,
eds. Ernest Harper and Arthur Dunham—(New York:
Associated Tress, 1959), p. 219.

28

out in a series of questions included in an article by
Harleigh Trecker:

To what extent do our members understand the
nature Of the agency and their Obligation

to participation? Perhaps we have a job Of
interpretation to do.

TO what extent have we established channels
Of communication so that there is a two-way
flow Of ideas, Opinion, experiences, and
contributions? It may be that we have yet
to set up such avenues of exchange.

To what extent do our members, our boards,
and our staffs possess ability to participate
with ease and effectiveness? It could be
that we must do considerably more training

in the arts Of group thinking, of fact
finding, and of planning.

To what extent do we organize our work so

that units demanding attention are sufficiently
clear for participants to see where they may
take hold? It sometimes happens that we

eXpect peOple to take on jobs which are tOO
large for them to handle.

To what extent does participation with us
result in personal satisfaction as well as
agency accomplishment? There may be need
for a careful study of the basic human
satisfactions received or not received in
working together.

TO what extent are we able to direct a
process of participation so that results can
be seen without too much delay? In the
future we might make more use Of progress
reports, or recognizing step-by-step gains,
even though the ultimate has yet to be
achieved. 5

From the content of some Of these questions and
comments, it is apparent that they are directed not

explicitly to the city planning or community develOpment

 

15Ibid., pp. 220-221.

29

process. As a matter of fact, they are more concerned
with participation in a social work context. Nevertheless,
they have definite implications in the problem of balancing
professional and "amateur" involvement in the planning
process. It seems evident that some "Spoon feeding" is
necessary in order to encourage participation. To assume
that peOple will take an active role in municipal decision
making in other than crisis situations may not be logically
sound. The professional must work hard to help the ama-
teur help him.

If this is true, however, is it worth it? Cbuld
not the planner glean from personal eXperience generalized
attitudes and desires Of the public? Possibly. HOwever,
this prevalent thinking is likely the reason why so many
plans are misunderstood and lack public support. In our
society it is important that the amateur have a voice in
the decisions as they are being made. In another cultural
context, this might be otherwise. For example, in Canada
the citizens' participation goes little beyond the ballot
box in community decision-making. By electing an Official
to public office, the electorate is assumed to have in-
vested in him trust to carry out the duties and consign-
ments of his Office as he sees best for his jurisdiction.
If his conduct or the decisions he renders are disagree—
able to the public, they have recourse to the ballot box
to initiate change. This should make the importance Of

the cultural context even more evident. In the context

30

of the United States and its governmental philOSOpny,
the citizen is expected to take an active part beyond
that Of the election of representatives.

Advisory committees, commissions, and public
hearings are all evidence of participation. To refute
this philOSOphy Of government by omission cannot, cer-
tainly, be in the best interests of the communities for
which plans are prepared. Significantly, the attitudes
of the professionals toward involvement Of the lay citi-
zen in the planning process.does much to influence the

attitudes of the lay citizen toward planning.

Iarticipation And Representative Government

 

One of the basic premises of democracy is that
the masses of men have a right to govern themselves.
Inherent in this philOSOphy is the faith in the capacity
of the common man to rule. To carry on such a philo-
SOphical framework, a society must have the fullest
measure of participation possible. Ebwever, this does
not rule out representative government. Slected repre-
sentatives Of the people are vested with authority to
make decisions for the masses. Hewever, in questions
of basic policy, decisions of Officials should be
tempered by the current attitudes of the electorate.

Without this reSponsiveness, control may become
so impersonalized between elections that true democracy

will not Occur. This poses the question Of whether or

31

not scientific control can be democratic. Can purposive,
rational control be reconciled with democracy? Does
this type of control forbode an usurping of citizens'
rights? The answer is one of degree. Ilanning in one
cultural context implies one level of control; planning

in a different context implies a different level.

ggnflict In Edanning
In any society where there is planning, and this

”:::::3

includes all societies, planning usually implies a con-
flict since goals are not universally agreed upon. The
conflict may be between the general community welfare
and private or vested interests, or it may be between

a number of Special interest groups within the private
sector. In any case, the plan bears the threat of
coercion, so it is suSpect to many_pe0ple.

One of the frustrating facts with which planners
must cape is that those who benefit from a lack of
planning are often stronger than those who are for
planning. These are typically the vested interest
groups concerned with little beyond expectations for
profit. This, in no way, means that planning and the
profit motive are inconsistent or mutually exclusive.
However, it shows that it is all the more vital that
those who would benefit from planning voice their Opinp
ions and support them. And this type of support must be

solicited by the professional.

32

Compounding the problem of gaining support for
planning in order for it to be effective is the fact
that, in recent time, there has been a change in attitude
so that planning is now widely advocated as a substitu-
tion for competition in assigning land to its various
uses. In order that this change can be palatable in a
democratic context, the citizenry should have some
reasonably direct channel of influence over the assign-
ment of these uses, and they should be encouraged to use it.

Otherwise, it is unlikely that peOple will accept
the assignment of land use types or projects designed on
the basis of rational, "scientific" planning as being
consistent with democratic ideals. In the Hyde~Iark
Kenwood conservation project in Chicago, public officials
became convinced that citizen participation was not only
useful but vital if any plan were to be effectuated.l6
This is being found true in other conservation and re-
deveIOpment projects as well as acceptance and implemen-
tation of city plans. Urban planning is becoming increas-
ingly more acceptable to the American peOpka, but in a
time when there is an abiding fear of bureaucracy and
impersonalized control, planners must work to bring more
citizens into the planning process. In this way only
will the attitudes of the peOple who must implement the
plans and live with them have a tendency to accept and

support them.

 

16Julia Abrahamson, A Nei hborhood Finds It_§____elf (New York:
Harper & Brothers, -1959§, p. 239.—

3'5

The Local Citizen Group

The type of citizen participation that is being
directly or indirectly alluded to in this paper can be
distinguished from other types. The form to which the
attention of this paper is directed is the voluntary
citizens' group at the local level. Typically, this
would be the neighborhood association. Here it is
assumed that these types of groups are more interested
in the public interest than more formalized Special
interest groups such as manufacturing associations or
business associations. There is not, however, a dichot-
omy between the public interest and private interests.
As mentioned earlier, many think of the democratic
process as a compromise reached among competing special
interests. In fact, the neighborhood association may
have less of the broader public interest at heart than
some of the more private-goals-oriented groups that can
be cited. The household group, represented at the local
level by the neighborhood association, is in a very real
sense a Special interest pressure group. Mbre will be
discussed on this subject in a later chapter.

To summarize the first chapter, it may be noted
that the voluntary citizen participation, individually
and through associations, is a vital issue to be discussed
because of its growing place in a democratic system that
is subject to continual redefinition, adaptation, and

compromise. Also, the importance of citizen participation

34

as a contributor to the successful implementation of
plans can be seen from discussions by various authors.
Above all, the importance of the voluntary association
as representing a sub-community of the larger society
should be stressed. The scale of the association is
important because it is by means of a personal, face-
to-face group of peOple with common interests that the
Spirit of democracy can retain some of its traditional

meaning and value.

CHAPTER II I

MOTIVATING FACTORS FOR GROUI’EARTICIEATION

There are a myriad of factors which motivate peOple

to engage in citizen group activities or to avoid such

matters.

These factors are mostly human needs that re-

quire fulfillment. The following list of psychogenic

needs (caused by psychological factors) includes those

most apparently related to motivation for group inter-

action:

Superiority: the need to excel, a composite
of achievement and recognition.

Achievement: the need to overcome obstacles,
to exercise power, to strive to do something
difficult as well and as quickly as possible.

Recognition: the need to excite praise and
commendation; to demand reapect.

'Bxhibition: the need for self-dramatization;
to excite, amuse, stir, shock, thrill others.

Inviolacy: the need to remain inviolate, to
prevent a depreciation of self-reSpect, to
preserve one's ”good name.”

Avoidance of inferiority: the need to avoid
failure, shame, humiliation, ridicule.

Defensiveness: the need to defend oneself
against blame or belittlement; to justify
one's actions.

Counteraction: the need to overcome defeat
by restriving and retaliating.

35

36

Dominance: the need to influence or control
others.

Deference: the need to admire and willingly
foIIow a superior; to serve gladly.

Similance: the need to imitate or emulate
others; to agree and believe.

Autonomy: the need to resist influence; to
str ve for independence.

Contrariness: the need to act differently
from others; to be unique; to take the Oppo-
site side.

Aggression: the need to assault or injure
another; to belittle, harm, or maliciously
ridicule a person.

Affiliation: the need to form friendships
and associations.

Rejection: the need to be discriminating;
o snu , ignore, or exclude another.

Nurturance: the need to nourish, aid, or
protect another.

Succorance: the need to seek aid, p otec-
tion, or sympathy; to be dependent.

Any of these needs might be reason enough for the
existence of a primary or secondary relationship. The
duration of the relationships would depend on whether
these and other needs were fulfilled. It would also
depend on the willingness of an individual to sacrifice
the fulfillment of one or more needs to fulfill others.
The observed temporary nature of secondary associational
groupings perhaps is due to the fact that primary asso-

ciations are sufficient to serve the needs of most indi-

 

17Ernest Hilgard, Introduction 33 Is cholo (New York:
Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1952;, p. 126.

37

viduals on a long term basis. The primary relationships
provide the stability and the secondary relationships
provide the variety and a change of pace.

Mere Specialized needs or perceived needs may be
the causes for secondary group formation. ‘Examples would
be to gain political influence, to protect one's neigh-
borhood from a change in the status quo perceived to be
undesirable, to promote some desired change in the status
quo, or to improve one's monetary situation. These are
all, more or less, related to the basic needs cited,
however. 'When the needs are not met, or when there is
no channel to serve these needs, frustration may occur.

In the Chicago suburban develOpment, Iark Forest,
the zeal with which participation is undertaken is evi-
dence of a need for ties of more than a superficial social
kind. In writing of this develOpment that caters to
those "on their way up" in industry and commerce, William
H. Whyte eXpresses the Opinion that it is important for
the ”organization man" to develOp ties other than.within
the organizational confines of his place of employment.
"One of the dangers in the transient life is that these
young people, because they must move about so frequently,
will more and more identify their total destiny with one
particular organization. For society as well as for them-
selves, the organization transients need to multipdy their

allegiances-~to the church, to the community, and the like."18

 

18Whyte, Op. cit., pp. 314-515.

58

So, at least in this community, secondary group
affiliation caters to those needs not served by the place
of employment. Although it might seem that the organi-
zation could provide outlets for those needs previously
mentioned, the need for autonomy requires a wider range

of affiliations.

Two Basicgguestions

 

In,all communities, two of the most basic questions
that must be answered are: (1) If there is a scarcity
of something, whether it is a good or a service, how is
it decided who gets what there is? and (2) if there are
many goals and values, whose shall prevail? The first
question is directed toward the problem of scarcity.
Traditionally, this question in America has been solved
by competition tempered with certain welfare considera-
tions. The second question concerns the problem of
incompatible wills. This results in conflict. The two
problems are often related, but there is a distinction.
Scarcity is one of the basic problems of life, and com-
petition is one method of seeking a solution to this
scarcity. In some ways, the second problem is the Oppo-
site of the first. Here peOple want different and
mutually incompatible alternatives from a range of choices
that may be extremely broad Since the conflict may be
in the realm of values. This type of conflict may involve
the wills of many peOple or the internal value conflicts

of an individual.

39

Neither of these problems result in inherently
good or bad situations. They are inherent in a social
organization. Conflict is as basic as competition. One
is not good and the other bad. As one author states:
”So long, indeed, as there is change, so long as person-
alities are not wholly standardized but want different
and incompatible things, so long as there are two sexes,
so long, in fact, as the conditions of life make for

heterogeneity, there will be conflict."lg

Conflict At Local Level

Conflict exists at the neighborhood level just as
much as it does at the national level. The parties to
the conflict may be families against families, cliques
against cliques, young versus old, women versus men, or
conflicts with religious and racial implications. Home
ownership and the fear of devaluation is a source of
conflict when some neighbors do not maintain their property
to the norm.

Children's behavior is another issue in neighbor-
hood conflict. There is more neighboring and more con-
flict in neighborhoods with many children. Iday space,
recreation facilities, late hours, noise, rowdiness,
and delinquency are some of the issues that would likely

appear.

 

19Jessie Bernard, American Communit Behavior (New York:
""IUI’¥OS"""‘

The Dryden Tress, 1949), pp. — .

40

Some types of neighborhood conflict affect the
whole community. For example, racial conflicts have
implications beyond the immediate physical neighborhood.
Not all cultural differences create conflict. Only
those that are mutually incompatible do. Also, cultural
conflict is not a personal matter; it is institutional-
mores, customs, habits, or large groups are most at
issue rather than isolated individuals. The isolated
individual problems can be assimilated into the larger
group. It is when two larger groups are at odds that

conflict becomes overt.

Conflict As A Ibsitive Force

Conflict sometimes is viewed as only a destructive
force. This is not necessarily true. Conflict can be
creative. In order for it to be so, however, it must
be understood. The elements of the conflict situation
must be recognized. The parties, issues, techniques
being used, rules regulating the situation or that should
be regulating it, at what level of accomodation it is
taking place, whether or not one side should be elimi-
nated or whether a compromise should be reached--all
of these factors must be identified and understood.
The problem is to graSp the conflict so that it may be
made to be constructive rather than destructive.

The formation of local action organizations is

related to this view of conflict resolution. From a

 

 

J!
n

.. BIN H. r

y

—« 7' a" w Lara-HIV

 

 

41

theoretical standpoint, voluntary associations may be
seen partly as a result of the tendency to offset the
coercive power of a strong central government by an
organization with some ability to represent the indi-
vidual's interests better than he personally could do.
Robert Dahl states the principle:

The likelihood of peaceful adjustment of a
conflict is increased if there exist insti-
tutional arrangements that encourage consulta-
tion, negotiation, the exploration of alterna-
tives, and the Search for mutually beneficial
solutions. Conversely, the prospects of dead-
lock and coercion are increased if institu-
tional arrangements severely inhibit such ac-
tivities.

The larger the area of agreement among dif-
ferent actors on what would constitute a
desirable solution, the better the chances
for a peaceful adjustment.

The extent to which peaceful adjustment or
coercion is used depends on past experience.
The more satisfied peOple are with the results
of past trials, the more2likely they are to
repeat the same methods.
Although these points are more apprOpriate to a cold
war or revolutionary situation than to a less volatile
local set of dissatisfactions, it indicates the potential
of neighborhoods for productive action. Because of the
stability of American government, the climate for nego-
tiation at all levels of government is excellent. Con-
sequently, the atmOSphere for local political action

on a voluntary basis is perfectly acceptable in our

political context. In all phases of private and pro-

 

20Robert Dahl, Modern.§plitical Analysis (Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Irentice-Hall, Inc., 1963), p. 77.

42

fessional life, the conference table has become the
accepted way to settle differences. It is understand-
able, then, why citizens feel the possibility of action
by organization to accomplish some form of peaceful

conflict resolution.

Forces Encouraging local Action

The forces that actually encourage action by groups
are general in nature. Citizens may feel dissatisfaction
associated with the present situation. They may not have
their Opinions adhered to individually, so they may feel
that an association will increase their bargaining power.

Sometimes the dissatisfaction arises from a per-
ceived discrepancy between what is and what ought to be.
For example, there may not be a real feeling of dissatis-
faction within a community or neighborhood until another
area with better improvements or organization is seen.
Then the community citizens are aware of the possibilities
for change and may encourage it.

Internal pressures such as an inherent desire to
bring about more efficiency and economy in government
can be one motive for local political group action. In
urban areas, it usually takes one of these types of dis-
satisfaction to enlist an organized community associa-
tion. Otherwise, proximity is no longer the determinant
of associational activity as it once was. Adrian and

Williams observe:

43

On occasion the neighborhood was the basis
of organized political activity. For
instance, in the previous chapter it was
seen that the renewal neighborhoods did
organize politically in Opposition to threats
to the status quo. But this is because they
were the affected areas, not because they
were homogeneous political-action units, and
this was the typical pattern. While neigh-
borhoods were not natural political units,
geographic proximity did define a Shared
interest for Specific policies, and this was
usually the only occasion for neighborhood-
oriented interest-group activity.

AS with most generalizations, there were exceptions
to this. Where ethnic groups were described by geograph-
ical boundaries, there was frequently more a feeling of
group identity, and associational activity arose easily.
USually, though, "the politics Of the neighborhood was
only a function Of crisis. When the neighborhood was
threatened, group activity emerged."22

In the cities discussed by Adrian and Williams,
threats to the status quo which encouraged group forma-
tion came in three forms of prOposals: (1) traffic
routing changes, (2) zoning changes, and (3) urban
renewal projects. Where the status quo was supported
by citizens, it usually was supported by the legislative
body. Hewever, the conclusion Of Adrian and Williams
as to the potential of neighborhood associations forming
for a positive community goal would give no encouragement
to that agreeing with Ibston's plea for a return to the

grass roots.

-L__

21Charles Adrian and Oliver Williams, Four Cities
(Ihiladelphia: university of renn. TEEES7‘I§E§), p. 172.
22

Ibid., p. 163.

44

Neighborhoods As IOlitical Action Units

Except for those particular Situations where
city policy affects a Specific neighborhood, there is
little reason to eXpect neighborhoods to be political-
action units from the evidence in Adrian and Williams'
study. While physical proximity may be the necessany
condition for grass-roots politics, it was not a suf-
ficiently Sound basis for political action on the majority
of subjects in these cities. A decentralized form of
politics in juxtaposition to centralized services appears
unrealistic. Consequently, the neighborhood was an unim-
portant unit both for administration of city policy and
for political interaction among the citizens.

There were two principal exceptions to the charac-
teristics and conclusions of the Four Cities Study. One
city came close to the model by having wards redrawn
along ethnic group lines. This was held together by
the legal system, however, and was not at all a spon-
taneous social action system.

Another exception was a city where some Of the
wealthier neighborhoods had improvement associations;
some were designed to retain desirable physical charac-
teristics. west of these groups had a formal organiza-
tional structure to ensure their interests would be
represented at city hall.

Arnold Ross Offers a reason for the existence of
this and similar types Of voluntary associations at the

local level:

45

Voluntary associations are present in demo-
cratic urban communities because no one
institution dominates and the citizens are
heterogeneous in background and interests.
Hmmbers join groups for self-eXpression
(including recreation and group identifica—
tion) or to achieve interest through group
action. To satisfy these desires other
societies have depended on the extended
family, the church, or the community as a
whole. The group also serves the psycholog-
ical function of providing a sense of security.
One question deserving further research is
whether attachment to the group weakens
attachment to the larger whole.23

Both motives cited in this passage might be attributed
to neighborhood voluntary associations. These motives
are consistent with the problems of contemporary
American democracy pointed out by authors previously
quoted. With the centralization of government activ-
ities growing as it has been in the last few decades,
peOple are searching for a unit with which they can
identify and OOpe. There remain a number of problems
that can be effectively dealt with locally. A slightly
different approach to the motivations for community
organization on a local scale is offered by Arthur
Hillman:
The enlarging interest in community organi-
zation and planning, which is demonstrated
by the marked attention it is getting in
many quarters, stems basically from certain
broad develOpments in the national life.
Among these is the experience gained in the
last war which can be applied to peacetime
problems of community COOperation. During

the war many American communities met emergency
problems with boldness and vigor. There was

 

23Charles Iress, main Street Iolitics, ed. Arnold Ross
(East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University,
1962), p. 86.

46

then a Special concern about the internal
health of democratic society, and more
Specifically a need to plan community
services to meet wartime demands. Some
community leaders now seem to recognize that
what was defensive community action can
become an offensive against the unresolved
problems of democracy in peace.

The "offensive" though may not receive the par-
ticipation at the local level that might more logically
be expected in a wartime context. But in a time of
peace and affluence, interests are diverted to a wide
variety of pastimes. The communalities ("communities"
defined by peOple with Similar interest) discussed
earlier vie for interests of people who might otherwise
be interested in community and neighborhood associations.

Even in 1944, the comment was made that even in
rural life, the neighborhood was losing ground because
Of growing urbanity of rural dwellers--declining birth
rate, commercialized recreation, extensive secondary
contacts. This might lead to the belief that urbani-
zation destroys the neighborhood. In fact, much of
current urban sociology postulates that as neighborhoods
become more urban, memberships in formal voluntary
organizations become more important and intimate, pri-
many relationships become less so. Hewever, Greer's
study of four California neighborhoods refutes this

and, in fact, indicates the Opposite. Other authors,

too, indicate that the tenuous relationship between

 

24Arthur Hillman, Community Organization lg Action,
ed. Ernest Harper and Arthur Dunham (New YOrk:

Associated Tress, 1959): P. 97.

47

the small conjugal family and its residential environ-
ment sometimes is overstressed.25
If the energies of citizens are to be directed
towards localized civic activity, there must be some
motives. Some of these are listed below:
Civic pride and conservation of prOperty values
Organized expression of social consciousness
Enjoyment of fellowship or a sense of power
in getting along with or manipulating
people.
Resentment and grievances
Outlet for energy
Desire for prestige

Conforming with peers

Need for business contacts

likewise there are a number of definable reasons why
peOple do not participate or are reluctant to do so.
A partial listing of these follows:

Lack of time, energy, or money

Fear Of losing job

Sense of futility at overwhelming problems

Lack of knowledge of the function Of organi-
zations.

Opportunity for participation not concrete
enough to be graSped by inexperienced
individual.

In general, an individual's willingness or capacity

to participate in local political activity can be

 

ZSSussman, o . cit., pp. 221-234.

48

reasoned to be situational-~determined by income,
Occupation, ethnic status, work place, education, and
so forth. EXplaining a lack of participation as apathy,
as some do, is blaming inactivity on inactivity which

is little help in solving the problem.

Social Iarticipation As A Prerequisite To Action
In order for participation to take place, there
must be some degree of neighboring or interaction among
residents in a physical neighborhood. Some observations
on this phenomenon shed light on one aSpect of the rea-
soning for or against participating. It is interesting
that in one study of neighboring, housing built by
develOpers had more neighboring than in housing that
was built by private realtors on an individual basis.
Women tend to neighbor more than men. Children
neighbor more than women. Hewever children's neigh-
boring is a result of lack of mobility, so this form
of interaction is not so significant except insofar
as it acquaints parents with each other.
Greer concludes that the greater the amount
of family life in a neighborhood, the more
neighboring; the more persons who have friends
in their neighborhood, the more likely a person
is to attend a cultural event in his neighbor-
hood; the larger the percentage of persons who

belong to formal organizations whose member-
ships are drawn from the local area, the more
husbands who belong to organizations which
hold their meetings in the local area, and the
more persons who could name at least one local
leader.

 

261bid., p. 79.

49

It is also evident that the social participation
of an individual is closely associated with the social
participation of other members of the family. These
patterns that determine the social character of local
areas (economic, ethnic, and family characteristics)
are important in predicting attitudes and social organ-
ization. "It is crucial in determining the extent to
which a local area in a city can even be considered a
community in the sense of having flows of communication,
interaction, community identification, and social inte-
gration among its residents."27

Leadership at the local or neighborhood level
is very important to define and understand in enlisting
active participation. This problem and that of re-
orienting a group culture are discussed in American
Community Behavior:

(a) The change has to be a change of group
atmOSphere rather than of single items...
Technically it means that the change cannot

be accomplished by learning tricks. It must
be deeper than the verbal level or the level
of social or legal formalities.

(b) It can be shown that the system of values
which governs the ideology of a group is
dynamically linked with other power aSpects
within the life of the group. This is correct
psychologically as well as historically. Any
real change of the culture of a group is,
therefore, interwoven with the changes Of
power constellation within the group.

(0) From this point it will be easily under-

stood why a change in methods of leadership
is probably the quickest way to bring about

 

27Ibid., p. 80.

50

a change in the cultural atmOSphere of a
group. For the status and power of the leader
or Of the leading section of a group make
them the key to the ideology and the organ-
ization of the life of that group...Iecture
and prOpaganda do not suffice to bring about
the necessary change. Essential as they are,
they will be effective only if combined with
a change in the power relations and leader-
ship Of the group....
(d) It is...very important that the peOple
who are to be changed...be dissatisfied with
the previous situation and feel the need for
a change . . .
In addition to participation of other members
of the family, there are many other reasons why some
people participate differently from others. Income,
education, and occupation influence the extent of citi-
zen participation in voluntary associations. Contacts
with other peOple vary with these three determinants.
SO does the person's ability to communicate. A busi-
nessman who daily confers with many pSOple in many
walks of life will be much better equipped to communi-
cate effectively in a citizens' organization than.will
a factory or machine shOp worker who has not had the
Opportunity for communication in his work.
Time and financial capacity are also influential.
A person who frequently works nights is less likely
to devote one of his free nights to voluntary public

service than is the person who has considerable leisure

time. Financial capacity 8180 has some influence.

 

28Bernard, 0 . cit., p. 628.

51

Sometimes volunteer service costs money. TranSporta-
tion costs, distribution of materials, and other inci-
dental expenses incurred in these types of groups may
discourage the less affluent from participating.

The expectations of others is an influencing
factor that should not be discounted. In some commun-
ities, participation.may be fashionable. In others,
those who participate may be considered rabble rousers
or pests. It is reasonable to say that the American
personality is as other-directed as any, so this is
considered to be a vital factor in determining what
to eXpect from citizens.

Functional relevancy is another determinant of
participation. If a person can establish some relation-
ship between his life and the purpose or function of
the group activity, he is much more likely to be willing
and eager to participate than if philOSOphical motives
are the only ones evident to him.

Different value systems will enlist different
degrees and kinds of participation. Throughout his life,
a person absorbs attitudes and Opinions about the value
of participating, the individual's reSponsibility in a
democratic society, the possibility of isolating one's
self from society, the notion that politics are inher-
ently corrupt, and the idea that no one cares what the

individual thinks anyway.

52

All these factors have relevancy to citizen
participation. There have been observations about
some Of these and other factors as how they influence
participation. Sussman attributes a positive correla-
tion of citizen participation with higher income, higher
education, and higher family status.29

Higher income peOple participate more than lower
income peOple. People with a high formal education
have a higher participation level than those with lower
educational attainment. This is largely because those
with more formal education occupy positions in the
social system where social participation is possible
and functional. As a generalization, too, level of
education correlates with level of income.

Also, "men living in high family status neighbor-
hoods...when compared to the men living in low family
status neighborhoods...are somewhat less socially iso-
lated from informal group participation, have more
social contacts with neighbors and kin, and are more
likely to have met their close, personal friends in
their neighborhoods."30

One illustration of how the expectations of

others can be an important influential in citizen par-

ticipation is given in Sussman's book. In a campaign

 

29Sussman, O . cit., p. 321.

3°Ibid., p. 78.

53

to establish a community hOSpital, a professional cam-
paign manager was used and nearly equal contacts for

the entire pOpulation were maintained. Communication
channels were thus opened and remained so. Iarticipation
became fashionable.” Also, the basic value of health

is universal, and this value reinforced the fashionable

nature of the project.

Strategies For Encouraging Earticipation

If there are recognized influential factors in
citizen participation, it would seem apparent that they
can be eXploited to encourage more participation. Of
the strategies for participation that are cited, a com-
bination would be in order Since it is usually a combi-
nation Of factors that cause a lack or limited degree
of citizen participation.

One strategy would be for leaders and other active
members of the decision making process to make the com-
munity issues more relevant to a broader range Of peOple
and to communicate this relevancy to them. People can
Often best perceive the relevancy of a given program
to their lives if they have had a part in locating and
defining the problem.

The problem is often that a small group decides
what is needed and then seeks general support for a
prOposed solution. This is eSpecially true in urban

planning. The problem is not internalized by the wider

54

group; and, therefore, no motivation to participate
occurs among the majority of citizens.

A strategy that recognizes the diversity of the
value system may be effective in encouraging active
participation at the local level. Irograms relevant
to basic, widely held values receive more participa-
tion than programs catering to values of a small, or
exclusive group. When only a small sector of society
is served by a program, it cannot be expected that wide
participation.will occur.

Another strategy that might be used for increasing
the level of participation is one that compensates for
or modifies the lack of ability to communicate effec-
tively. IeOple may not have the Opportunity to communi-
cate and participate. There can be a conscious effort
to provide communicating experience in groups thereby
building a broader base for participation.

Innovations in the time, place, and circumstances
of participation would be another means for seeking a
broader base of citizen participants. In this way
differences in time and resources available to indi—
viduals would be made less important. IeOple not
normally in contact with particular need situations
could be sought out. Then they would be consciously
involved in the decision making process rather than
just having their suppOrt solicited for a preconceived

solution.

55

In addition, participation needs to be made more
reSpectable and a source Of prestige for everyone. It
must be a rewarding eXperience rather than a source of
censure. This is not something that will happen in a
short time due to preaching the value of participating.
Rather, it will be a long process and one that will
require a change in values.

In the Hyde-Iark Kenwood project in Chicago, there
was a direct correlation between the success Of block
groups and the methods used to encourage participation.
In her book, A Neighborhood,§ind§ Itself, JUlia Abrahamson
cites a number of methods used that she considered valu-
able:

Orderly problem-solving procedures

Use of own resources before calling for help.

Work on short-term projects even.where the
over-all objectives seem impossible to
attain

Shared leadership

Continuing effort to keep membership inclusive
of everyone on the block.

Irovision for social as well as achievement
rewards3l

After having eXperience working in block groups, many
citizens of the Hyde-Iark area began taking individual
initiative on problems and their horizons altered to
those of the city rather than only their immediate

physical neighborhood.

 

31Abrahamson, O . cit., p. 43.

56

It may be hoped, then, that a conscious effort
to increase citizen participation would in most cases
prove worthwhile. However, the effectiveness Of such
a program is not unlimited. John Foskett expresses the
limitations:

The fact of limited or unequally distributed

social participation is too deepdy rooted

in the very nature of our culture to be sub-

ject to facile manipulation. Indeed, full

and equal participation can only be a fasci-

nating utOpian idea.32
In the highly diversified social system of Western
culture, large segments of the pOpulation have become
isolated from the general community activities and
interests. TO be realistic and establish attainable
goals for citizen participation, this should be under-
stood and accounted for. The motives of individuals
and the alternatives presenting themselves to him are

too great in number to encourage expectation of complete

participation in local political activity.

Importance Of Crisis

The importance of crisis as a motivating factor
for citizen participation becomes apparent when various
case studies are examined. This is probably one of the
most important and most frequently occurring causes of
active citizen involvement in politics. Generally

Speaking, the political activity of a neighborhood is a

 

3§John Foskett, Cbmmunity Structure and Analysis, ed.
Marvin Sussman(New York: Thomas Crowell CO., 1959),

p. 328.

57

function Of crisis. Sometimes this activity is highly
effective in forestalling the actions of the city
government. This is eSpecially true when the citizens
are fighting to maintain the status quo.

Although it is usually assumed that crisis is a
valuable starting point for community action since it
prepares citizens for social change, it may not always
be a positive force. It may make conditions unfavorable
to community action. Pelitical, social, and economic
crises are each likely to be reacted to in a different
manner. Each may have a different effect as to its
function or disfunction in community develOpment.

Also, the same internal conditions in different
communities may produce a different interpretation of
the severity of the crisis and the logical action that
should follow. Hewever, the concept of crisis is an
important factor in evaluating the potential partici-
pation of a group. Bruyn.coneludes:

The concept of crisis may become an integral
part of the ideal model and be applied to
any community regardless of its condition.

A crisis touches upon the survival energies
of participants and provides a deeper source
of motivation toward collective action than
the process of calling upon latent interests
for community improvement. In short, the
concept of crisis may be both a reflection
of the unique internal condition of the com-

munity and a part of the philOSOpmy of action
underlying the framework of the ideal model. 33

 

33Bruyn, Op. cit., p. 125.

58

The Fggg Cities study found that renewal neigh-
borhoods organized politically in Opposition to threats
to the status quo. But this was done because they were
the affected areas rather than because they were homo-
geneous political action units. In other words, the
crisis situation was focused on their immediate areas,
and this spurred them to action.

At Iark Forest, Illinois, with the emergency
pressures of a new community gone, some of the emergency
Spirit that it became noted for also disappeared. With-
out the necessity pressing them, peOple can take issues
or leave them and fewer turn up at meetings than in the
past. Some people who were eSpecially active partici-
pants in the early days of Iark Forest became so disil-
lusioned at the ebbing participation and complacency
that they left the development.34

In a different cultural context, a similar situ-
ation can be observed. AS the Kibbutzim of Israel have
grown, it has become more difficult to keep the Spirit
of communitarianism alive. "It seems much easier to
maintain a communal setup in a poorly develOped, imp
poverished society where there is little to divide and

no Opportunity to become an 'executive' than it is when

the community begins to expand its wealth and activity."35

 

3A’ttihyte, o . cit., p. 324.
351nm.

‘. I

1.1-. hm—

59

This is a common problem. A similar problem
results when the crisis endures so long as to result
in the acceptance Of the situation by many citizens.
Also, when an attempt to OOpe‘With the crisis fails,
citizen involvement may ebb. In the Hyde-Iark Kenwood
conservation area, when some groups did not accomplish
their objectives, they became so discouraged that block
activity ended. The central organization, therefore,
encouraged new block groups to begin on projects simple
enough to be accomplished. Then, confidence grew along
with the ability to overcome frustrations.

When, in time, the city or some professional
organization took over the tasks begun by the block
groups, care had to be taken to divert the energy re-
leased to other constructive activities and to impress
on peOple that neighborhood programs depended for success
on their advice, information, and action. Skillfully
handled,this type of cyclical relationship between the
lay citizen and the professional may lead to continuing
citizen interest in local affairs. It would then pos-
sibly follow that citizens could be a real source Of
information and innovation for the community develOp-
ment process.

It seems, then that the principal motivation for
voluntary group formation on a neighborhood basis is

a threat to the status quo or some other crisis situ—

ation rather than any long-term objectives being dominant.

60

A possible exception to this is the "citizen advisory
committee" which has grown out of the Workable Irogram
requirement of Urban Renewal Administration programs
that there be an extensive degree of citizen partici-
pation involved in urban renewal projects. Where a
viable organization exists, it does much to overcome
citizen apathy in regard to civic affairs. It does
this largely by facilitating the communication process.
more will be discussed about this in later chapters.
But in the majority of cases, it seems as though
citizens' groups Operate as a functional unit only in
crisis situations.

Thus, there are many reasons for the formation
of these types of local citizen action groups. waever,
once these organizations are formed, their impact on
decision making is a function of their Operations as
organizational units, Organization theory is turned
to next in exploring the potential of voluntary asso-
ciations for productive contributions to the urban

planning process.

CHATTER IV
ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

Perspectives

Organization can be viewed from many perSpec-
tives. It is a method of bringing about OOOperation
and integration, of bringing about a balance between
needs and resources resulting in a balance between
grass roots democracy and Specialization.

Organizations have a characteristic structure
by which they assign functions to participants and
integrate these functions into an efficient system.
Also, organizations are concerned with the way jobs
are performed by means of the OOOperative system.
These structural and functional components of organ-
izations are, if the organization is dynamic, always
changing and adapting to a changing environment.
Organizations are characterized by behavior which is
motivated by the necessities of OOOperation in order
to achieve some end which is seen as desirable by a
group. The element of predictability must be present

in a successful organization. Organizations, then,

61

62

limit individual behavior, direct it into channels
designed to benefit the Operation of the total group,
resulting in individual behavior which is frequently

highly predictable.

Advantage Of Organization

Organizations have certain advantages over un-
organized action. Some of these are discussed by
Irwin T. Sanders:

1. An organization provides mutual stimu-
lation among the members. The greater the
number of peOple working on a tOpic, the
broader will be the social eXperience brought
to bear on that tOpic.

2. An organization fixes certain reSponsi-
bilities and duties both upon its officers
and its members. For example, a man elected
to a club office knows that the members will
expect him to do the job the leader is sup-
posed to do. He in turn can call upon the
members for assistance and advice, since they
are expected to live up to their part of the
bargain. Thus, through organization, peOple
can be more certain that Specific jobs will
be done.

3. An organization gives continuity to a
program since it provides for one set of
officers to succeed another and for self-
renewal in the taking in of new members.

4. Forming an organization gives public
recognition to programs, because most peOple
upon learning of a new group will ask what

it has set out to do. When a national organ-
ization, for example, establishes a local
group and publicizes its formation, peOple
begin to ask, "What is this new group trying
to do?". Those doing the organizing, then,
have an Opportunity to eXplain; they can.get
their point of view before the public.

63

The author then goes on to eXplain some Of the dis—
advantages of a formal organization and the corollary
advantages of more informal organizations in community
life:

1. An informal group at times may assure
the OOOperation of everyone on a more equal
footing. Electing Officers may permit those
who hold no positions to settle back and let
the leaders do the work...

2. An organization may meet the Opposition
Of vested interests or of other groups already
strongly established. An informal group,
however, may carry on its activities unOpposed
and eventually win wide support for its unof-
ficial program.

3. If the activity is of a short-run nature
and must be accomplished quickly, there is

no need to give it the permanence implied

in a formal organization. The time used in
organizational activity could better be Spent
on an informal basis with key leaders who are
willing to work hard and act promptly.

4. In some communities, peOple do not have

a good record of working together in organ-
izations. Formal groups often become debating
societies where more friction than COOperation
results. This is sepecially true where the
community is sharply divided into various
factions.

5. PeOple representing different groups and
interests Often can work out programs re—
quiri a compromise much better on an informal
basis.
Eerhaps the neighborhood association is supported
by the points in favor of the informal group. The ab-
sence of a well-defined hierarchy, definite platform,

and other formalities parallel the typical voluntary

local citizens' group.

 

36Irwin Sanders, maxi Good Cbmmunities Better (Lexington
Kentucky: UniversIgy of Kentucky Tress, I953), pp. 61-63.

64

One must be careful when defining the neighbor-
hood since even small barriers may be where "the line
is drawn" in social participation. These barriers
would affect citizen participation levels in the area
and would determine the difficulty of a viable organi-
zation arising to meet problems.

In terms of effective working organization, "A
city of 50,000 peOple appears to be too large a politi-
cal unit for the democratic processes to Operate accord-
ing to the grass-roots model of local government."37
This model stresses the importance of keeping primary
relationships in the process of making local political
decisions. This is no longer likely in an urban society
Of increasing complexity.

This complexity in organization leads to more
communalities replacing the neighborhoods until now
determined by physical proximity. Communalities are
as varied as the interests of the peOple. They form
a shifting overlay over the community pattern. These
are becoming more and more the real neighborhoods.

Where peOple in a physical neighborhood may share only
a very few interests in common, peOpde in communalities

share interests in common by the very definition of

the term.

 

37Adrian, O . cit., p. 171.

“91.1..er

65

Inkelihood 0f Neighborhood Organization

It is a fallacy in thinking that people Sharing
a few common interests will love or even like each
other. Neighbors may all belong to the local improve-
ment society but have little else to do with each other.
IeOple do not necessarily like each other because they
they share one or two common interests.

This leads to the observation that neighborhoods
may be better adapted to act as functional units in
some social structures more so than in others. Ierhaps
in America, it is unrealistic to expect them to func-
tion well in this role.

The decline of interest in local affairs, however,
does not have to mean the peOple lack social contacts.
EeOple with common interests get together--1imited only
by time and tranSportation. At the neighborhood level,
informal spontaneous associations develOp by probing
likes and dislikes. Cdiques, coteries, or autonomous
groupings form this way. Some people become nuclei
of groupings; some stay on the fringe. An organization
must have a common aim of purpose and rule. Rules at
this level are unwritten but real-~etiquette, custom,
and other rules of behavior.

It does seem though that the neighborhood is not
what it was in earlier days. This disintegration of
the neighborhood as a social unit may mean a number of

things. It might epitomize the deterioration of our

66

social structure, and some writers seem to feel that

it does. Nbre likely, it represents a transition to a
somewhat different organizational form. Bauer states
the traditional concept of the neighborhood: "A func-
tionally efficient neighborhood will not only include
peOple of varied talents, training, and social-economic
status; it will, Of course, also provide a wide range of
ShOps, services, and community institutions."38

But there is no guarantee that primary and inter-
mediate functions can better be performed by groups in
Spatial arrangements than by groups cutting across
identifiable areas Of physical proximity.

The skepticism about the neighborhood as a unit
for action rests upon two grounds in an article hy
Bryce Ryan: "(1) The neighborhood has serious weak-
nesses as an instrument for joint secular action in
many parts of our country; (2) such utilization of
neighborhoods in order to strengthen them reflects a
value judgment which Should be subjected to further
examination."39 Ryan goes on to say: "The 'natural'
subunit of a community is the institutional or service
group, not the neighborhood, and if community organi-

zation is desired, it would seem more reasonable to

 

38Catherine Bauer, "Good Neighborhoods," The.Anna1s

of the American Acade of Iolitical and Social Science,

CERTII, (November, )7—l59.

59Ryan, 9p. cit., p. 36.

67

work through the subunits of the community rather than
through extraneous groupings which partially reflect
them."40

For any kind of organizational framework con-
struction or program construction, the vital question
is whether or not the realm of secondary and functional
associations offers as feasible basis for program organ-
ization as does a neighborhood. Perhaps it does. If
so, the great concern about the declining vitality of
neighborhoods could better be directed towards other
problems.

many planes of activity--family, neighborhood,
district, city-wide--can be linked in a variety of ways
in a conceptual organizatiOnal model for participation.
However, the weakness of this conceptual organizational
model for renewal can be broken into two parts: (1) When
comparing the real Situation to the model, one must con-
sider the existing social structure and equivalent vari-
ations to the model in order to evaluate strengths of
the real situation; and (2) the model can only evaluate
the structural strengths and weaknesses but tells nothing
of the way a group functions or how the communication
channels function.

Some of the variations in the community social
structure result in problems of organization for social

issues. Some of those observed by Jessie Bernard follow:

 

46Ryan, 0 . cit., p. 32.

68

1. Individual non-conformity to generally
accepted community norms, i.e. disorganization.

a. subjective motives
b. objective motives

2. The presence in the community of groups

with greatly differing mores, customs, values,

goals, or creeds.

3. Conflicting values or goals within our-

selves, e.g. conflict between professed norms

and practiced custom.

4. NOrm which controls community behavior

is demonstrably wrong in terms of other goals

or values sought by the community. This pro-

blem is one of control.

5. The effect of organizations on personality.41
The unfortunate fact of these types of social character-
istics is that they often occur in renewal and conserva-
tion neighborhoods. The neighborhoods usually in greatest
need of political organization and activity are often in
the poorest position to act. New neighborhoods where
peOple are strangers and possibly no organized local
government exists are also examples of this type Of
problem.

Even where the problems are evident enough to
elicit aid from a higher level of government, organi-
zation is not a simple problem. The rapid mobility
within large urban areas, with people moving often,
makes it difficult for paid community organizers to

come in for a short time and then leave to allow local

citizens to carry on the process. With a continual

 

41Bernard, Op. cit., pp. 78-79.

69

state of flux in the local pOpulation, it is difficult
to establish any sort of leadership to Spearhead desir-
able political activity.

Some organizations do have a long enough existence
to allow time for leadership to emerge, though. When
this happens the organization may mature into more
productive enterprises than originally might have been
envisioned. A sign of increasing maturity is when
neighborhood groups collaborate on broader-based problems.
Julia Abrahamson cites one example of this:

The beginning of collaboration by block
groups on neighborhood and community-wide
projects was a welcome Sign of increasing
maturity.

The first such effort came in the fall of
1950 as the result of concern over purse
snatchings and burglaries. Several blocks
joined together, secured six-hundred signa-
tures to petitions asking for increased
police protection and, through the confer-
ence office, presented them to the mayor
and the new police commissioner. Three
teams of plain-clothesmen were promptly
assigned to the area.

also: Deciding that "kids have problems, too,”
the two block organizations turned from the
idea of hiring a worker to serve the needs
of the entire area-—if other block groups
could be interested. They were. The Hyde
Iark Neighborhood Club agreed to supervise
a recreation leader who would go out to work
with the teen-agers on their own ground. The
money to employ him was raised by a "street
jamboree" Sponsored jointly by the block
groups, the conference, the Neighborhood Club,
and the Hyde Park Youth Project.42

 

42Abrahamson, O . cit., pp. 69-70.

70

So in this instance, some horizontal integration

on a functional basis occurred among the neighbor-
hood groups. Although the needs Of this area were,

in some ways, unique, the concept of this type of
cOOperation can feasibly be applied to other contexts
where isolated action by local groups is not sufficient

to OOpe with a problem.

 

CHATTER V
ROLE OF COMMUNICATION

Benefits Of Earticipation And COmmunication

America's faith in the capacity of the common
man to rule is based on his having a sufficient back-
ground of knowledge and an intelligent understanding
of the issues, facts and social perSpectives. In order
that this faith might have some basis in fact, peOple
must have access to facts and an inclination to use
them constructively. There must be a free exchange
of ideas and Opinions.

With many people participating in the community
development process, many benefits may arise. Decisions
and actions should be enriched by the knowledge of many
peOple with diverse backgrounds. The plans that are
made are likely to meet all or most of the varied needs
of the people involved, and they are most likely to
fit the uniqueness of each situation.

Also, peOple are likely to be more concerned and
interested when they help make the decisions. This

means helping to formulate the plans, not only accepting

71

72

what has been formulated by a small group who SXpect
the stamp of approval of the citizens. When the peOple
take a vital part in the planning process, they do not
have to be sold.-

NOt the least Of the good that can come from
active and extensive participation is the Opportunity
for citizens to learn and mature their citizenship obli-
gations. A community that successfully carries out such
a process is an "educative community." This is a com-
munity in.which citizens grow as they contribute to the
improvement of their community. Sussman cites an ex-
ample Of this "educative community":

Laurel, Indiana, is a small town which with
aid from a neighboring college moved in
three years from discouragement and economic
depression to the vigor of democratically
planned achievement.

The college took the initiative to assume
some reSponsibility for improvement. It
sought the opportunity to work with and
inSpire developing citizens, but it did not
come upon the scene until invited. And it
continues to Operate only so long as citizens
welcome the COOperation of students and pro-
fessors.

The college hOped for an active project in-
volving many peOple, one that would introduce
personnel from the college favorably to the
town as a whole. After weeks of considering
suitable projects, the board members decided
to rehabilitate two parks. A committee struc-
ture was set up. College peOple met with
these committees while continuing to attend
board meetings. In discussion, the strategy
for the park cleanup was laid out.

73

On several weekends, citizens of all ages,
students, and faculty members came together
to work. Local peOple supplied tools, seeds,
plants, lumber, paint, and food and hOSpital-
ity. College people supplied muscle, ideas,
enthusiasm, and confidence. Together, each
group stimulated the other. The parks were
mowed, replanted, made into pleasant picnic
spots. Their upkeep has become a permanent
town board reSponsibility. MOney is appro-
priated for maintenance and the junior class
Of the high school is employed each year to
keep the public prOperty in order.

Residents discovered there was satisfaction
in achievement for the common good. Even
more, they discovered that they could accom-
plish beyond their timid fears when they
COOperated. With one solid achievement in
memory, they began to look about for some
larger task. The self-educative process of
growth was moving toward the next stage.
Need For Ibsitive Action
This is obviously not something that is just
going to happen. It takes conscious effort to mold a
citizenry disinterested in its community into an active
political interest. Catherine Bauer feels the Obliga-
tion is with the planners themselves: "If the party
politicians can organize a neighborhood for voting
purposes, and if realtors can frighten neighborhoods
into fascist isolationism, the progressive planners

and housers had better learn how to do a little organ-

ization and education at the neighborhood level them-

selves.”44

 

43Sussman, 9p. cit., pp. 120-124.

44Bauer, 0 . cit., p. 115.

74

Dorothy and Curtis Rial list six requirements
necessary to encourage active citizen participation:

1. must be a system of social authority and
channels for participation.

2. Activity must have sufficient wholeness
so that he can find meaning in participation
and see that it makes a difference.

3. Efforts to secure participation should
be on matters that interest them.

4. Opportunities for participation should
include making and acting on decisions.

5. Iarticipation is most likely to continue

and develOp into reSponsibility when partici-

pants can see results and how action worked.

6. Iarticipants must have a chance to make

a difference; activity related to minute parts

that prevent a person grom graSping the whole

is not participation.4

Another point of View along the same line of

thought is offered by Eduard Lindeman. He feels that
there is some hOpe for the community and neighborhood
organizations as he Spells out ten steps in community
action. He later admits that it is not a foregone
conclusion that all ten steps will be carried out.
The emphasis on communication in his formula for com-
munity action is apparent and worth noting:

l. Consciousness of need: some person,

either within or without the community,

expresses the need which is later repre-

sented by the definite project.

2. Spreading the consciousness Of need:
a leader within some institution or group

 

45Dorothy and Curtis Mial, Our Community (New York:
NYU Press, 1960), pp. 98-I——00.

75

within the community, convinces his or
her group, or a portion Of the group, of
the reality of the need.

3. Irojection of consciousness of need:
the group interested attempts to project
the consciousness of need upon the leader—
ship of the community; the consciousness of
need becomes more general.

4. Emotional impulse to meet the need quickly:
some influential assistance is enlisted, in
the attempt to arrive at a quick means of
meeting the need.

5. Iresentation of other solutions: other
means of meeting the need are presented.

6. Conflict of solutions: various groups
lend their support to one or the other of the
various solutions presented.

7. Investigation: It appears to be in-
creasingly customary to pause at this point,
and to investigate the project with expert
assistance. (This step, however, is usually
Omitted and the following one takes its place.)

8. Open discussion of issue: a public mass
meeting or gathering of some sort is held,
at which the project is presented, and the
groups with most influence attempt to secure
adoption of their plans.

9. Integration of solution: the various
solutions presented are tested, with an effort
to retain something out of each, in the prac-
ticable solution which is now emerging.

lO. Compromise on basis of tentative pro-
gress: certain groups relinquish certain
elements of their plans in order to save
themselves from complete defeat, and the
solution which results is a compromise with
certain reservations. The means selected
for meeting the need are not satisfactory
to all groups, but are regarded as tenta-
tively progressive.

 

46

 

Eduard Iindeman,Community 0r anization ip Action,
eds. Ernest Harper and Arthur Dunham (New York:
Associated Tress, 1959), pp. 169—170.

76

The author points out that many projects end
at step number four on the emotional plan and many
projects end along the line from that point. Of course,
this order is not rigid or applicable to all community
problems. The formation of the group consciousness
resulting in a decision to act or not to act as a group
would come early in this series of steps--probably be-
tween steps one and two. The group would grow or
other groups would form in support of the original

associations as the consciousness of need was Spread.

Available Channels Of Communication

One of the most important factors in the com-
munity-wide communication process is the available
network of channels of communication. One of these
channels is through formal organizations. Another
channel is by neighboring. Still another channel is
through the community press, One measure of the effec-
tiveness of these types of communication is the ability
of local residents to name local leaders.

The communication process in this context is
not at all a simple one. Part of the difficulty stems
from the possible inability of some planners to give
explicit theoretical and practical reasons for every
prOposal they make. Rather, the reasons may be so
complex that it may be difficult to eXplain it to the

satisfaction of untrained citizen volunteers. Enlisting

77

citizen participation in a meaningful way requires
competence in carrying out public relations. If
voluntary organizations are viewed as being apathetic,
at least part of the reason is because the issues are
not presented to them in such a way as to impress them
with their importance.

Of course, the communication process must be a
two-way affair rather than local and city-wide plan.
ning having relatively little contact in the process.
Violet Sieder in writing of social work planning, makes
comments Significant to city planning in general:

...to achieve its greatest potential, plan-
ning in the district or neighborhood cannot
be carried on in a vacuum, but must be re-
lated through established channels to city-
wide planning bodies. This is important to
prevent extremes of local self-interest and
chauvinism, to keep neighborhood leaders
aware of community-wide planning objectives,
and to temper citydwide planning with the
expressed needs and attitudes of local citi-
zens. Such organizations as city planning
commissions, housing authorities, boards of
education, civil defense organizations, as
well as community welfare councils, find
district councils a two-way street to the
citizens they want to serve and from whom
they need support to implement their plans.
The district councils have proved an effec-
tive action arm for city-wide planning pro-
jects.

There are three major channels between dis-
tricts or neighborhoods and cityawide plan-
ning bodies: (1) the vertical flow of infor-
mation to and from district advisory committees
and their city-wide public and private agencies
and membership organizations, which, in turn,
are represented in city or metrOpOlitan plan-
ning bodies; (2) the direct channels between
autonomous councils and central planning

78

bodies; and (3) the formal relationships

between an association or federation of 7

councils and central planning organizations.
In many instances, it would seem that some of these
means for effective communication are not available
between neighborhood associations and city-wide plan-
ning agencies.

One means of increasing the chance for these
channels to be used when they do exist for communica-
tion between public agencies and private associations
is to increase the awareness of people of their availa-
bility. This could be done through some form of adult
education. In a report by the Cbmmittee on Community
Organization, Adult Education Association, the following
were listed as possible aids adult education could give

community organization:

--improve the ability of the local citizens
to identify their community needs.

--improve the ability to identify resources.
-—improve techniques for group action.

--improve the ways in which personal needs
are met through community activities.

--improve techniques for intergroup relations.

--improve the ways in which basic informa-
tion is made available to all citizens.

--improve the techniques for continuous
evaluation.

 

47Violet Sieder, Community Organization in Action,

eds. Ernest Harper and Arthur Dunham.(NEw York:
Associated Iress, 1959). p. 339.

79

--increase the general level of understand-
ing in the community.

--by supplying a reservoir of activi partic-
ipants in community organization... 8

Through adult education, the learning process would be
related to the action process of community organization
and involvement of citizens in the community develop-
ment process.

This is the type of activity that must take place
in relieving citizen apathy toward the types of political
affairs that they otherwise could significantly affect.
ISOple must be allowed to learn through various proces-
ses of the chances for their participation and the
potential manifestations. A viable citizens' associa-
tion may have just as much affect on city planning as
the more formalized citizen advisory committees that
are being set up on a representational basis for whole
communities and regions. In writing of this type of
organization as well as smaller neighborhood associa-
tions, Lyle Shaller comments:

If the committee acts only as a one-way
channel of communication in which the citi-
zen members attempt to convey the views Of
the greater community, the effort may yield
significant dividends. Where this becomes
a two-way channel of communication, impor-
tant additional benefits may be realized.
IOpular reaction is provided the government
agency while simultaneously the formula-

tions of city hall technicians and officials
are exposed to citizen scrutiny. For example,

 

48 . . . .
Community Organization Committee, Community Organi-

zation in Action, eds. Ernest Harper and Art ur
Dunham (New York: Associated Tress, 1959), p- 102.

 

80

in many communities advisory committees

can arrange neighborhood meetings in which
"the experts from city hall" come out and
discuss their prOposals with residents of

the neighborhood. When the citizen committee
itself schedules and presents these forums,
considerable pressure is removed from elected
officials who do not even have to be present
and certainly do not have to be on the defen-
sive. The resulting atmOSphere is frequently
more conducive to a helpful interchange of
ideas and facts than the official public
hearing where the administration frequently
is on the defensive and less Open to con-
structive criticism. This procedure has
been SSpecially beneficial in the prepara-
tion of plans for neighborhozg conservation
and rehabilitation programs.

These meetings provide a focus for public interest and
constructive suggestions that might not otherwise take
place. It also helps avoid planning prOposals being
torpedoed at more formal public hearings because it
involves peOple in the develOpment of the proposals,
thereby increasing the likelihood of support by the
citizens involved when the prOposal comes before the
legislative body.

As a more concrete example of this type of activi-
ty, the Ihiladelphia experience might be cited. There,
the capital improvements program is reviewed by the
Citizens Cbuncil and neighborhood representatives. This
is not merely a token process, but a genuine commitment.
AS Aaron Levine comments:

This capital program evaluation is not a

duplication of the Ilanning Cbmmission's
work. Rather it is a careful review and

 

491yle Schaller, "Is the Citizen Advisory Committee a
Threat to Representative Government," BUblic Admini-

stration Review, XXIV-3, (September, 1964), 176.

81

support of it by a completely independent
citizen group--a group composed of resi-
dents of the actual areas involved, as well
as of interested citizens from the technical,
business, and professional fields. Last
year, these citizens devoted sixty-two meet-
ings in the three month summer period to this
assignment. This was a source of manpower
and added strength for the planning function
which no planning commission could effort to
purchase.

This process facilitates communication vertically
throughout the community to the public officials who
decide on the final policy. It gives evidence that the
process of citizen participation in planning decision

making has some potential for other cities.

garticipation Planes

Community organization for urban renewal requires
two kinds of links in participation planes. The first
is a horizontal linkage on one participation.level. The
second is vertical linkage that unites groups of differ-
ent planes. The example of the Ihiladelphia experience
illuStrates this vertical linkage. There should be easy
communication in both these directions, and there should
be some coordination between.group activities and the
progress of the city in the many stages Of urban renewal.
Some Of the planes that can be defined in the urban
complex are the block, the neighborhood, the district,

and the city as a whole.

 

501m " ' .. f th

ron Levine, Citizen Iarticipation, Journal g__ e

American Institute g£_Idanners, XXVIA3, (August, 1960),
198.

82

FIGURE 2

COMMUNICATION LINKAGES IN THE
BARTICIPATION IROCESS

83

Sweetser comments on horizontal communication:
HOrizontal relations of neighborhood asso-
ciations with dominant structures are built
up, characteristically, where the inclusion
of family heads who are also identifiable
as members of a given church, profession, or
occupation group, in addition to being resi-
dents and parents. Horizontal relations among
neighborhood associations are formally pro-
vided for through the joint participation 1
of their delegates to the District Council..§

The importance of the inclusiveness of the neigh-

borhood organization is stressed by the same author:
The very character of neighborhood associa-
tions as civic groups oriented generally to
neighborhood improvement requires that mem-
bership be Open to all residents of the
neighborhood area who share a common interest
in thg improvement of the area as a place to
live. 2
Further, it is important that this inclusive communica-
tion process be established early. Levittown, Iennsylvania,
straddles four townships. Early in its existence it had
the chance to incorporate. The attempt failed due largely
to an ineffective communications network within the com-
munity. After that, participation fell off. The sec-
tions are active but there is little unified action, so
there is little hope of future incorporation.

It can be safely observed, then, that communication

is at least as vital as motivation and organization in

encouraging active citizen participation in the community

 

51Frank Sweetser, Communi:y_Structure and Analysis, ed.
marvin Sussman (New York: Thomas Crowell Co., 1959),
p. 199.

521bid.

84

develOpmental process. Each one of these three factors
reinforces the other. If one breaks down, the momentum
of any activity that exists would likely disappear.
And it is much easier to keep something going than to
start with prevailing disinterest.

Only after these factors are fully in play can
any effective type of participation take place. The
forms that participation can take will be explored in

the following chapter.

 

CHAITER VI

TYIES OF IARTICIEATION

A Social Invention

Citizen participation is a social invention char-
acteristic of American community life. This is congenial
to the conception that superior wisdom comes from en-
lightened citizens. Some also claim that better mental
health results; some claim that better decisions result;
most claim that the final outcome of the decision-making
process has a better chance for acceptance by the public
when the public has some say during the earlier stages
of decision making.

In the broad sense, any human interaction is social
and can be included as participation in the social system.
HOwever, the types of participation considered most rele—
vant here are much more limited than this. In fact, in
the context to which this thesis is limited, voting is
not considered as sufficient participation activity to
be discussed at length. Rather, participation is limited
by definition to acts of individuals which in some way
relate to issues, problems, and prOposals having to do with
community life above and beyond what is decided in pOpular

elections.

85

86

To make any kind of a vision a reality requires
widespread understanding and acceptance of reSponsibility
by the persons whose lives are affected by the program.
Some of the best programs may have their initiation or
leadership in the lay people of the community. In such
cases, the American system most closely approaches the
traditional democratic action that many feel is so
urgently needed in this nation. There is general agree-
ment that planning Should be done locally. National and
state plans passed down vertically with little local
participation seem to be a threat to democracy. Hewever,
at the local level, much the same accusation could be
made concerning the locality and its subdivisions. Idans
made without the involvement of citizens in Specifically-
affected areas are also removed from the democratic con-
text that pe0ple are concerned about in state-local and

national-local relations.

The Necessity,of Conflict

Ierhaps it is because planners and political Of-
ficials do not care to become involved in the conflicts
resulting from local participation that seemingly so
little of it is encouraged. True planning on a compre-
hensive scale may be almost impossible because of the
conflicts involved. Idanning for a whole community re-
quires some individuals or groups to make sacrifices.

It can be generalized without a great deal of risk that

 

fig .i .
i
(lib!

87

most feel that sacrifices are acceptable if made by
someone else. This results in severe conflict when one
group is required to make a sacrifice, and it slows the
planning process to a pace unacceptable to some planners.

- HOwever, it is in just such conflict that democracy
finds its truest SXpression. Cbmpromise between competing
interests is most likely to result in the fairest solu-
tion for all. To allow such a process to function, it
must be recognized that pressure groups will form and
compete for their own interests. The individual and his
affiliates comprise pressure groups at the most basic
scale.

The simpdestand most direct way of putting pressure
on local officials is by citizens themselves. At the
local level, pressure of interested groups finds fairly
direct expression since it is nearer to the citizen; he
is likely to be more active at this level than any other
if he can see his own self-interest in working to in-
fluence local policy. Bernard cites some examples:

Thus, when a certain area in one community
was to be rezoned, to the detriment of inter-
ested prOperty owners, they protested at an
outdoor meeting. When a local Committee for
a Fair Employment Iractices Ordinance wished
tO have a bill passed authorizing the sub-
mission of a prOposition to the voters in a
primary, its members picketed the local Board
Of Aldermen until they got the bill passed.
When the citizens of a dry county wanted to
have an election to pass on the sale and
manufacture of intoxicating liquors, they
circulated a petition to this effect. When

citizens feared that an unsatisfactory clean-
restaurant bill was to be enacted because of

88

pressure from restaurant owners, they formed
their own pressure group to see that one which
met their approval was passed instead. When
white citizens wished to protest the desig-
nation of a playground as a Negro playground,
they held mass meetings, burned fiery crosses,
and wrote 1e ters to the editors of local
nSWSpapers.

If participation is accepted as an activity with
the potential of altering and influencing public policy
at the local level as well as state and national levels,
a corollary Observation is also likely to be accepted.
This is that policies and their execution will be biased
in favor of the values of those groups having the highest
participation level. Usually, this is the higher socio-
economic segment of the social system. This is not always
the case. Hewever, because of advantages of education,
income, time, and personal contacts, it is this higher
slice of the social system that is more likely to sub-
stantially influence policy.

This obviously results in problems in urban re-
newal areas where incomes, educational levels, and inter-
est in community well—being are very low. It is also
significant in that the upper strata of the pOpulation
are frequently those vehemently Opposed to change. They
are the peOple who can afford to pay for the ”good life"

and would benefit perhaps the least from governmental

community develOpment activities.

 

53Bernard, 0 . cit., pp. 432-433-

 

89

The Inertia of the Status Quo

In the Four Cities Study, the advantage in almost
any case was with the prOponents of the status quo.

Even when only a small group of householders protested
strongly in a town with recent zoning, that relied upon
planning, they often won out in favor of the status quo.
It is evident, then, that councils and commissions can

be very sensitive to citizen demands. And they are even
more sensitive when citizens are demanding the maintenance
of the status quo rather than prOposing a change. main-
taining the status quo is much easier on the municipal
budget than promoting or supporting change in many in-
stances.

It is one of the basic problems Of planning that
it takes many more proponents to sensitize a legislative
body as to the need of any given program than does it
take Opponents to sensitize the legislative body as to
its undesirable characteristics. Cbmpounding this problem
is the fact that when a plan is presented to the public,
even a preliminary plan or progress report, it is the
Opponents who immediately arise to comment on the plan.
Grass roots groups can only react to prOposals made by
professionals, and thus the reaction is often negative.

Despite the competence of a local organization,
its function ends up to be giving the appearance of
consent upwards and participation downwards. The func-

tion of participation in the Four Cities of Adrian and

90

Williams was to support, not to create. The citizens
became progressively committed to a plan while their

right to dissent was being undercut.

The Possibilities 0f flan Modification

 

If citizens are brought in only at the final stage

of planning, they are likely to listen politely at a
meeting, then go home and stay there. In other words,
it is not what happens at the meeting that determines
its success, but what happens after the meeting--dis-
cussion, exchange of Opinions, and subsequent recommen-
dations and action. The Hyde-Iark Kenwood community
understood the plan because of the care in keeping them
informed throughout the planning process. Consequently,
the community remained united behind it and the plan was
approved even though it was fairly drastic. Julia
Abrahamson comments:

The chairman of the City Council Committee

on Ilanning and Housing said the hearings

were "the most impressive" he had ever seen

and that the (community) witness (for or

against) were extraordinarily well informed

and competent. Another alderman added:

"It is amazing that fewer individual prOperty

owners voiced objections than in any other

public program in my memory, and this is the

largest and mgst ambitious we have ever

undertaken." 4
The incorporation of citizen suggestions resulted from
a constant interaction and compromise by officials in-

volved in the plan formulation and by the citizens af-

fected by the plan.

 

134Abrahamson, Op. cit., p. 270.

91

Among the changes brought about as a result Of
citizen Objections and suggestions at the Hyde-Lark
redevelOpment project were the following:

1. The size of the shOpping center was
reduced.

2. The location of commercial and resi-
dential sections was modified.

3. Nbre Space was provided for housing;
also more emphasis was placed on low-rise
buildings.

4. Street and traffic changes were made.
5. The develOper agreed to sell one-fifth
of the single-family houses to a COOpera-
tive group.

6. The saving of many sound structures was
attributed to citizen suggestions.

7. School Sites were expanded.55

This also illustrates the personal value of citi-
zen participation for planners. By explaining ideas to
citizens, the planner must clarify them in his own mind
and express himself in understandable terms. This is
a valuable result of citizen participation in itself.
In addition, citizens do Come up with knowledgeable
points and useful suggestions.

Informal neighborhood gatherings probably allow
the most peOple to take part in expressing Opinions con-
cerning planning matters. These types of groups would
include many people excluded from downtown luncheon

meetings. It also is more likely_to result in active

 

551bid., p. 267.

92

citizen support Of a neighborhood oriented program
than if the decisions are merely passed down from
the top.

Hyde-Bark Kenwood exemplifies this. The neigh-
borhood organization Sponsored on—street recreation
programs. Other area-wide activities included clean-
up projects, joint community play lots, help to Special
committees to improve facilities and services, and work-
ing with the city to make possible mechanized sweeping
of the streets.

The example of the work done by four block groups
in the Hyde-lark Kenwood area reinforces the notion that
local participation is vital for the ultimate success
of any type of project. Where neighborhoods are chang-
ing, it is important to get Old and new residents to
work together for improvements of prOperties in their
common neighborhood. Lawn care, tree trimming, porch
repair, rat elimination, alley sanitation, and other
activities leading to an improved environment can draw
peOple of different social and ethnic backgrounds tO-
gether. There is a great need to develOp bonds of inte-
gration through Open communication, shared problems,

and shared values.

The Need For Continuing Involvement
Where citizen support for a program is achieved,

it is important to maintain the interest of the peOple

93

over a period of time. In Iark Forest, things are so
good that citizens get restless for something to get
excited about. One reporter commenting on the odd
situation hOped that the develOper would bring up a
new issue to "redynamize" the citizens. ”We need a
common enemy we can magnify into a monster, whiSper
about, conSpire about, hang in effigy."56

Islitical activity is not the only outlet for
neighborhood citizens. Sharing of implements, a baby
sitting service, and discussion groups are all types
of participation in Iark Forest. This is encouraged
by the close proximity and the moderate incomes of
residents.

In Iark merced, in San Francisco, another planned
unit develOpment, patios function like the courts in
Iark Forest for social activity. There is not much
political activity however. It is a subdivision within
a community and Old residents don't ask help of the
newcomers and none is offered. Within the develOpment,
issues stay latent. The developers are afraid of tenant
organizations starting. In this example, participation
is discouraged.

In Drexelbrook, in Thiladelphia, the develOpers
encourage social participation. They subsidize garden

clubs and a Christmas decorating contest which are both

 

56Whyte, op. cit., p. 323.

94

highly successful. Residents have no need to protest
within the develOpment although some complain of pater—
nalism. There is little activity among the Drexelbrook
peOple with the surrounding township. They are not
interested except for issues close to home like school
buses. They do not have the time.

Iark Forest differs from both Lark merced and
Drexelbrook in that it is a real town and it had a
socially-conscious develOper. The develOper of lurk
Forest encouraged participation, but the citizens or-
ganized in opposition to him. Eerhaps for this reason
other develOpers have balked at the idea of promoting
citizen organizations. There is a price to pay for
citizen participation--on the parts of the develOper,

the government, and the individual citizen.

CHA PEER V II

CONCLUSIONS AND IMTLICATIONS FOR PLANNING

A real dilemma faces planners. It has been
shown that the identification of peOple with their
local governments is becoming more and more tenuous.
Although it may be unreasonable to expect a return to
the active participation such as existed in the frontier
days of the United States, there is every reason for
concern over the gap of understanding and involvement
between citizens and their government. The need for
some kind of participation can hardly be refuted. The
real and pressing problem lies in identifying the most
effective forms of participation and the most effective
timing for whatever type of participation is seen as
most appropriate for a particular situation.

Participation is needed at some level for many
reasons. Initially, the planner Should feel some moral
obligation to allow the citizen to eXpress his Opinion
as to the pattern of future growth in his community.

The commitments that can conceivably follow a planning

95

96

program, such as relocating families, reshaping neigh-
borhoods, and committing millions of dollars of tax
revenue, are so crucial that it seems only right that
lay citizans should be given every possible Opportunity
to express their Opinions.

Further, the diversity of information that can
arise from participation of amateurs in the planning
process can be of very significant benefit in the formu-
lation of plans. It is illogical to assume that the
planner knows more about all the local decisions and
problems that have taken place in a neighborhood than
do the people who have lived there for many years.
Through the collection Of all the diverse vieWpOints
and biases, a clearer understanding of neighborhood and
community problems can be gleaned. Also, diverse abili-
ties of citizens can be learned this way and their talents
potentially employed in the formulation of local plans
and the review of plans.

Finally, it is almost axiomatic that plans will
have more support given them if those who are to be
affected by decisions based upon the plans have some
part in their formulation.

At the local neighborhood or small community level,
it is usually a situation of crisis which stimulates
citizens' group action. If, in initial efforts, the

group meets with some success, it can be expected that

97

it will gain strength and continue as a permanent

organization if pertinent issues to the neighborhood

do not arise too infrequently.

Actually, action at mmilocal neighborhood level

is an example of a small scale social movement. The

features of such a movement are outlined below:

I. Stages of DevelOpment

A. Stage
B. Stage
C. Stage
D. Stage

of social unrest

of pOpular excitement
of formalization

of institutionalization

II. Mechanisms Through Which the movement
Grows and Becomes Organized
A. Agitation

l.

2.

Eeriod which acts to loosen
peOple's hold on previous
attachments, awakens new im—
pulses and ideas.

Leadership exists to intensify,
release, and direct the ten-
sions already present.

B. Esprit de Corps

1.

Its basis is constituted by a

condition of rapport--feelings

of intimacy and closeness

Sharing common SXperience--

reinforcing the members' new

conception of themselves.

means of development

a. Informal fellowship: ‘mass
meetings, rallies, parades,
huge demonstrations, and
commemorative ceremonies
which foster feelings of
common identity and sympathy,
Slogans, songs, etc.

C. Development of Morale

1.

While esprit de corps gives en—
thusiasm, vigor, and life to the
movement, morale gives persistency
and determination; its test is
adversity, met by group will.
Faith or conviction is the ulti-
mate attainment, by the movement,
of its goal.

98

D. DevelOpment of an Ideology
l. Ideology consists of a body of
doctrine and beliefs.
2. Ideology has a two-fold character:
a. much of it is erudite and
scholarly, in reSponse to
outside intellectuals, as a
defensible position in the
world of higher learning.
b. Other forms are "pOpular"
in the form of folk arguments
which the tenets of the move-
ment have ready for compre-
hension and ponsumption by
the public.5
Also important in this process is the process of two
groups identifying each other as enemies. It is unfor-
tunate that in so many cases, the citizens' groups
identify the government as the "enemy" rather than iden-
tifying the problem at hand as the enemy.

The problem of the planner is to identify the ap-
prOpriate time within this social movement when en-
couraging an interchange between the planner, and his
ideas, and the lay citizen, with his ideas, can be most
productive.

The timing aSpect of participation is crucial.
Iarticipation requires interaction and an exchange of
ideas. Such interaction takes time. The time lapse
caused by this interaction may result in a decision
that comes too late for effectiveness. This danger
is more applicable to short range planning decisions
than to long ones, but it is these types of decisions

that the average citizen is most apt to be interested in.

 

57Bruyn, Op. cit., p. 153.

99

Time is also an issue from another aspect. If
the planner really commits himself to the ideals of
active citizen participation, he may find that this
phase of his work is consuming a large percentage Of
his work time. In each instance, the planner must ask
himself whether the participation is worth the time it
takes away from other work.

The time involved may be worthwhile if people
with a high mental ability are involved, if they have
confidence in their ability, if they are willing to
devote effort to participation, if they are realistic,
and if they have faith that their work is important to
the planning of future growth in their community.

The last point is particularly important. The
planner must be cautious in his encouragement of par-
ticipation for the reason only of mustering support for
a preconceived plan. When participation is used merely
as a motivational device, citizens are led tO believe
that their ideas are being solicited sincerely when
in fact the planner may have little or no real interest
in their suggestions. Sooner or later, the citizens
will sense that what is being done under the guise of
participation is an attempt to maneuver them to support
the planner's ideas and decisions. Asking for partici-
pation may do more harm than good if the citizens feel

that the request is insincere.

100

many cases in planning will be borderline cases.
The planner may want participation but may hesitate
soliciting it because of the time involved or the ques-
tionable value of the ideas that will be contributed
through participation. In such cases, the support that
participation may draw for planning decisions may be
cause enough to make the task of encouraging participa-
tion.worthwhile.

There are a number of specific limitations to
worthwhile participation in planning. Because of the
volunteer nature of participation, citizens may in some
cases take only enough time to review a situation super-
ficially and therefore not significantly contribute to
the decision—making process. Another problem is when
one member of a local group dominates it to the degree
that the group stand on an issue is little more than
the reflection of one person's thinking. Finally, there
is the problem Of bias. A group representing a geo-
graphical neighborhood or a community is unlikely to
take a broad perspective of community problems as the
planner does. Sbonomical motives and other self-
interests, in most cases, prohibit a local group from
offering Objective Opinions on urban develOpment decisions.

Consequently, it seems logical for the planner to
try to relate planning decision making to the self-

interests of citizens at the local level. This would

lOl

utilize a natural bias rather than combating it. By
encouraging citizen suggestions at local group meetings
as to how the community should develOp, and by relating
the ideas of the citizens and the planner to the self-
interest, both short-and long-range, of the citizen,
local groups may see their most productive contributions
to planning.

Appealing to the self-interest of citizens, par-
ticipation should be able to be solicited in other than
crisis situations. 'Effective communications, keeping
citizens informed of planning studies, is of extreme
importance in this participation process. This will
prevent suSpicion and mistrust of planners and legisla-
tors which often happens when plans are unveiled only
at the end of the planning process.

It is concluded, then, that through periodic con-
sultation with interested local groups, regardless of
their bias, the planner is most likely to breathe life
into what otherwise would be two-dimensional plans
unlikely to realize substantial implementation. The
planner should feel obligated to draw citizens into the
planning process whenever there is reason to assume that
significant value will result. In this way, plans may
come to have more validity and more success as determined
by the degree of implementation and benefit to the com-

munity.

 

102

Specifically, citizens should be given the oppor-
tunity to review material as it is being gathered rather
than as a part of a completed document that leaves little
room for changes even if such changes would be appro-
priate. Even in the basic research phases, findings
should be made available to citizens for their review
and comments. This could be done through the use of
memoranda distributed periodically during the plan for—
mulation phase. This technique should be supplemented
by periodic meetings with the citizens to work out some
of the problems brought to light through the review of
the material.

Not all citizens would be able to have this kind
of Opportunity, of course. There would not be time or
money enough to distribute intermediate reports to every
citizen. Consequently, the planner must work with some
representative group. Such a group should include repre-
sentatives from a cross-section of the community from
both the standpoint of geographic distribution of the
pOpulation and interest group affiliations not confined
to precise geographic boundaries.

With this type of involvement, citizens would not
be overwhelmed with an enormous quantity of data at one
time. They would also have the opportunity to make
suggestions and contribute to the formulation of the

plan as it is being made, while value judgments may be

103

put into the plan, and while the ideas of the plan can
be discussed among the various interest groups in the
community with the knowledge that plan ideas are still
flexible and subject to change on their initiative.
Involvement of citizens throughout the planning
process would also introduce plan ideas to the general
public gradually. Through news media involvement, the
logic of ideas can be eXplained slowly and methodically.
Then, when the final plan or set of alternatives is
presented to the public, there should not be the feeling

that something has been put over on them.

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