REVOLUTIONARY'POLITICAL PROPAGANDA ,

m EARLY AMEglCAN MAGAZINES

Thesis for cha Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATECOLLEGE
John David Marrs
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This is to certify that the V
thesis entitled
Revolutionary Political Propaganda }

in
Early American Magazines

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presented by

 

John David Marra

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

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degree in

Major professor

 

 

REVOLUTIOKARY POLITICAL FRCPAGAEDA

IN EARLY AEERICAN MAGAZINES

By
.1ch DAVID MARKS

h——.

A THESIS
Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER CF ARTS

Department of English

1951

'7‘ N ", f... »"I {:5
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It is not tile pur case of tLis study to shqug 1y def ine t: e meenin

of political propaganda. Bio "athtr it reprewcuts an invce ti;xti on into
- : : p ‘ s1. . o W. ' 1* ..\~ 2 : a r \‘ 2 ‘-'
9nd q a Lnxrrzatlon 3 the f lltical triting refills} (i in tizee Aficiicau

support the colonial cause, it has been assumed that tne politiCa

writing therein had, in ereense, prop gsnia purposes.

In addition ion of magazine

politicAl propaganda, it is hoped that the summarization of inditi Mu.
sssys, speech tegts, and poems will have, in 8058 way, added to the

histoxv of t‘ne Amz‘ican nevolution and to th historigs of revolutionery

L

Claude £11, fist-flin in Lie prepai, ti!) 1' Gild.

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I consider such easy vehicles of knowleug
more happily Celculated than any other, to
preserve the liberty, stimulate the indus—
try and meliorate the morals of an enlight—
ened and free peeple.
George Washington to
Ketthew Carey on American
Magazines (1758).

CHAPTER I

‘77?" - q - m . ‘1 or, 'H "'H"'T"."D
Ion'-RVA-JT‘.,IC.LI:“.\; ‘3‘va :J‘IC-.J;§VU;I. ; 1752--l7f—OL

1 W
t

By most historians it has been commonly agreed that the American
Revolution was first fought and won in the hearts and minds of the Ameri—
can people. Perhaps it can he said that any revolution, politiCal or
otherwise, must be fought by a people who clearly see the reasons for the
revolt against the prevailing order. The ideology of revolution must
have become a pert of the cultural ideology of the people who resort to
revolt before that movement can have hope of success.

The success of the American revolution depended much on the scat—
tered and ill—equipped colonies recognizing a common purpose in their
attempt at independence. Just what the reasons for revolt, the real
origins of the revolution, were hes been pointed out at great length by
Philip Davidson, Hoses Coit Tyler, Carl Becker, John C. Miller, and a host
of other capable historians. This study is concerned with the dissemina-
tion of revolutionary propaganda throughout the colonies. Advertisement
of reasons for revolt is a necessary prelude to the issue of guns and
ammunition. The constant restatement of the aims of the conflict is neces-
sery throughout the revolutionary campaign. Though the American people

felt individual and group resentment toward British control of colonial

affairs, it must be conceded that without concerted effort on the part

of organized propaganda Open and successful revolt probably would not
have occurred.

The pamphlet, broadside, newSpaper, and magazine furnished the
American revolutionary writer with a means for distributing opinion,
bombast, and argument which Spurred the colonial population toward the
official declaration of independence and, more important, the physical
support of that declaration by united colonial armed force.

The magazine as a propaganda medium has been treated lightly'in al-
most every study of American revolutionary propaganda. Lyon Herman
Richardson and Frank Luther Mott have given space to the near dozen Ameri—
can magazines which included articles of political importance prior to
and during the revolution. However no close, detailed examination of
political propaganda in early AmeriCsn magazines is aVailable at this
time. Davidson in his Prqufania and the American Revolution‘dismisses

l
the magazine as a real propaganda instrument. This is done in View of
their short existence and limited circulation. Such an argument could
have been used as a valid excuse for disregarding the potent pamphlet——or
the broadside. True the magazine was in its infancy——qnd also true the
'political magazines were few in number. It is not the purpose of this
study, however, to attempt to present the magazine as Lye important prepa—
ganda medium. It is not suggested that the magazine ranks higher than
last among the four listed types of propaganda media. However of the
ninety-eight magazines published in this country before 1800, there were

twelve published between 1752 and 1779 which were either in whole or in

 

1 Philip Davidson, Pr rend” .d the AmeriCc

 
    

n Rev luti n (Chapel Hill:

    

19b1). p. 22a.

part political. Not all of them supported the revolutionary policies.

Until 1769, when The-

 

r General Fenositorx was published
in Philadelphia, none of the magazines show any matter within their pages
smacking of political unrest in the colonies. At the onset it can be
demonstrated that Mr. Davidson‘s comment that there were no Tory magazines
is invalid. The existence of gm La, Wilma-p.712; (1758-60), 11g
2

anggx (1771—72), and.Ihg,E§nny 2951 (1769) as loyalist journals is certain.

It is the purpose of this study to give a summary account of the
revolutionary and counter—revolutionary political propaganda which was
published in American magazines between 1752 and 1770. The chief attention
of the study, however will be given to a detailed account of revolutionary
political propaganda in three magazines published between 1770 and 1780.
Three magazines, one in Boston and two in Philadelphia, which were pub—
lished-during the decade after 1770 will serve as the chief sources for
‘this study. Previous to 1770 and beginning in 1752 nine other magazines
containing political articles and commentary were published in America.
These will be considered as preliminary sources denoting a changing colonial
attitude toward their relationship with the mother country during and after
the French and Indian War.

Though the circulation of the magazines individually and en £929
is not impressive, the effect of their publication cannot be lightly dis-
missed. Too any of these magazines were financed and printed for Specific

political purposes, too many rabid revolutionary leaders had a hand in

 

2 Lyon Norman Richardson, A History 9: Early American Mnenz'ngs (New
York: 1931), pp. 123-24, 1M9, 156—62. Hereinafter this work will be refer—

red to as Richardson.

their publication, too many other leaders read them for the total impact
of magazine propegnnda during the revolutionary years to go unexe mined.

Three cities~—Boston, flew York, and Philadelphia—~were the centers
of magazine production in America during the period from 1752 to 179
Only one other site, Woodbridge, Hew Jersey, favored a printing house
devoted 0 this tffi of periodical. Of the nine political magazines wiose
publication ended before 1770, four were printed in Hew York, three in

3

Philadelphm end one in Boston.

From 1Tovemb 2r 175° to July 1755, James Parker and various associates
chiefly William Woyman, intermittently undertook magazine publication.
The eXperience was a trying andu he, spy one for the persister t Parier who

ran into no end of trouble with royal authority while pub1ishing and

printing The 1ndeofnde“t Refilector: or, We ellv LSSQES on Stndrv Immortvnt

L 1.“.

f‘.)

Sybjgctfi Eovenber 30, 1752— -Tovenber 2 , 1753), TFe Occasional Reverbera—
tor (September 7, 1753- October 5,17‘3), Th Instructor (March 6, 1755-

May 8, 17 55), and: (‘pril 9, 17;<5—Ju1y 5, 1755). 111 four

 

mega qzines were printed in New Yor“ City. In addition to the :grker publia
cations were Th« America, \"~1;1re q—=d h nthlx Chronicle for the :ritish
Colonies (October l757-October 1758) published in Philadelphia by William

Bradford; T‘“,,e Key; fl‘i‘,gl“;gm1 I (January 175 3—l~152_rch 1760) , another

 

Parker publication, published in Woodbridge, Few Jersey; and The New—England
u
Horazin (August—October 1753) published in Boston by Benjam1n Recon.

These publications comprise the sources which denote an under—current of

change in colonial America due to the French and Indian War and subsequent

 

3 See Appendix I for a chroncl' icel listinr of these n.7ara .ines.

A.
fl 5»
D ' _‘ J

4 Richardson, pp. 36h—66.

\f‘l

English legi “1 tion re_arding the colonies.

The four rarzer perio dicnls published in Kew York during 1752—55
were all weeklies of short du ration. All were four page publngtions,
joum Mel stic in stgrle, but so altered in make—up that they may be consid—

T 0

an Livingston, William Smith, Jr. , and John Lorin

'Jo

ered magazines. Will

Scott were editorial assistants on Parker's newspaper, The Few York "o.ett§,

and much of t? e writing in the first txo megar. ines is attribt_ted to then. 5
In a predominately Dutch colony Parker and his associates had some idegs
on religious and political liberty which they wished to print. These
magazines were a safer medium than the newsuaper for opinion which mig.t
offend roy ol wthority to the exter t that th e guilty publication would be
ordered cl sei. Pr rcer cften ran into difficulty with the King's officers
and use these magazines to voice his demands for a free press. He was
also Opposed to a state church. Livingston and Szait h wrote so effectively
that Parker stopped the first publication. At the some time he reluctantly
agreed to print the second, 233.;gggsion l Reverberetor, nhich his assistants

6

wrote. TLis periodical lasted only four issues.

 

By 1755 the French and Indian War was a reality and Parker fought,
verbally, the territorial cle ius of France and Spain. His attitude was
not that of s_n English loya ist but of an enterprising colonist who wentcd

the western lands for profitable colonial eXpansicn. He urgei tee colonists
fl .

f

to lsht and CineLdrd 321 glish aid.

 

5 Richardson, p. 75 ff.
6 Richa.rdson, pp. 90—91.
7 See The Instzugtcr, Hos. 1—6, University Microfilm, American periodical

Series 63, Ann Arbor.

The Rise of the American Spirit

Tie Period '*¢—l*€7 The years surrounding the Freroh and Indian

5

War in America had an effect on colonial thinking which whispered of

things to come after 77o. The revolutionary p;riod in America can best
be said to begin in 1770 when Lord Yorth succeeded Lord Grafton es

8

English Prime Minister under George III who came to the throne in 1760.

The Seven Years' War with France, which had begun during the reign of

h

'I o /
George II, ended in l{o

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‘2)

, leavi.g the bu en of a heavy debt on the new

A

Hanover sing. During the Seven Yerrs‘ War and its American pha"€, the
-rerch and Indian Aer. cc10Linl thinning about the relationship of colony
and mother country underwent e decided Cflangc,
Although Americ: held to Britisn ideas of law, admired end defended
the British Constitution, and felt themselves to be Britons, 5 difference

'7

ens growing in Ame'ice. This was recognized by J. hector St. John de

‘

Creveceoeur in his letters from pn Amerigon Former. Be Creveceoeur recognized

 

in the American descendants of English forebears e spirit of indeicndence
thet went with the newness of the country. This spirit created a culture

9
ideology different from that of England.

r
&

In Britain's war against Catholic rance relimio. helped drew American
men into the conflict. Protestant America, eSpecially Calvinist Xew

England, found the idea of French domination repulsive and eagerly suppressed

border uprisings to the north and west. Benjamin Frank in wrote of Canada's

 

 

8 John C. Miller, Origins of the fipcriCHn
PP- 65-73. 279-80-

9 The thgpzv met”..- _Q_f_ the United States (New York: 19113). pp-

 

195-95.

fall: "Lone can more sincerely rejoice thar I do, on the reduction of

10
Canada; and this is not merely as I am a colonist, but as I am a Briton."

At this some time, sepeciully after the Peace of Paris in 1767

men like John Adams, Francis Hophim on, Benjamin Rush, and Albert and
11

William Le? er ilted in being a "Briton". Sectional boundary disputes
in the “fest in ti 9 l7o0's between tie colonies and with Trance were
caused by an American premonition of "manife at destiny", which envisioned
England with its prize possession America defénding Englishs upr macy
and the3 mlish Cons stit1tion against all fees

At the se me time some eerly nerican magazines registered the rise
of pol icql differences. Most magazines in America from l7hl to 179$
"were more concerned with informational articles than belles lettres

12
end conformably the chief topic of the period wes pol1iti1cs " It may

easily be noted by magazine sub—titles that treating current political
matters was a chief purpose of the journals. Two early Philadelphia

megezines devoted most of their pa es to politics.

 

1

31ne and the General Mneczine gave more than half its space to such
13

material."

The GM neral L1eazine was chiefly interested in the currency question,

 

 

lO Writ’ngs _i'“enjamin Frrn fll In, ed. Albert Smyth_(fiew Yorh: 1907),

IV, a.

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11 Evarts Boutell Greene, The Revolutionary Ge.reration
(New York: l9h3), p. 182. Hereinafter tiis work will be cited as Greene.

12 Frank Luther Mott, g

 

‘11F‘fins __‘

1 'eric,n , H, nes: ”“1-18 0
(Row York: 1930), 1, £6. Hereinafter this work will be cited as Lott.

13 Mott, p. u7.

printing many documents. Andrew Bradford's American Megezine, Q; a

FJI

 

Lgnthlv View of the g: the Erit sh Cglgn‘gs was nerica's

first magazine. Immigration, colonial legislative systems, currency,

and the centralized government of Maryland were popular togics with

15

Bradford.

By 1?57 a clear, bold American voice was sounded in the pages of

Fld Kgnthlv Chronicle. The jourral's

’I' ~ p-y -: 7‘
fi P , ,
0‘. ‘ 1. -' '

Trovost Smith's Americen

   

purposes were said to be:
We shwll thirh it our duty to give our readers such an

authentic account of everything relating to our harpiness

rfety, as a free pcoylo have a right to expect; and

q
and 1,

U)

as we are independent in our situation, no power whatsoever

w.

shall either awe or influence us, in the d scharge of our
engagements with the p‘blic . . . The articles published

shall tend to promote peace and good government, industry

and public spirit, a love of LIBERTY and our excellent

16
EngliSh Constitution.

This magazine carried arti lesion ccltnial defense against the French
and Indians, called attention to violent acts of the enemy on Americans of
the various frontiers, and made much of France as a foe who represented

the onwosite of American custom,
-1

 

14 Mott, pp. 73-77. This was Franklin's magazine, printed during
l7b1 when the business of establishing colonial currency was of much in—
terest.

15 Richardson, pp. 17-28.

16 The Agericfln Rosaries and Monthly Chronicle, 1, p. 82.

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Reverend Smith's journal 22‘ real expression of AmeriCan
spirit via the magazine. James Parker wrs higl ly critical of relig1ous
and political control by royal officers urin" tile 175 0's but on other
particulars than those which concerned- Smith. This editor w2s much con
cerned with the defense of the colonies agaizist threatened French

1nvesion.

It

F.1-

s imyortent to note that during tie French ”2r ,Enmland W2s so

(
OCCLpied W1 th trouble close at home that coloniel pleas for military

aid were for the most ynrt unrnswerel. Hence, the tas: of dd e;1se 2g2inst

Indian upri21ngs, which were encouraged by the French, in flow England,

.-4

flew York, 2nd we2tern PennSVIV2Lia W22 2 task for col cni _forces, This

austifies the elation of Franklin and others when victory came. It also

6

Lstifi 1es certs 2in coloni2l resentment to an unj st share of the war debt

{-1.

which George III heaped upon them after 1763

It is also import; rt to note that both England and Fr2nce looked
upon America as additional territory for tie crown in the vast inter—
national 12nd—hunt underway during this period. The colonies, on th e other
hand, desired industrial and commercial exp2nsion; they looked forward to

1?

extensive growth and develoyment.

The rreviousl1y mentioned Amer102n hagggin 2(1757 58) and Jar;es
Parker's Egg Americ;n3 {prrgi ne (1758—60) Hr most importen es
documents during this period. Both f2"ored coloni:l war with Frgnce;
P2r r‘:er based his 0p inions on tie ri~hts of Great Britian in colonial

America; both evidenced an extended suspicion of Catholic France on the

north and Spain on the snuth; both suppressed 2 rising desire in some

 

17 Richardson, p. 93.

ouarters to break with Erit in over lack of military aid. The desire to

cultivate civilization, promote knowledge, and advance an Amsélican liter—
18

ature was expressed by both magazines.

The Peri odol?6°— l770 Some of the first unrest in America come after

.7

sris in 1763. The effect of the French and Ind-& 22 tar on
American political thinkin: wss not to be ea silv erased by simb equent

“

tish legislative action. nether, the effect was to be more strongly

*1.

Br
felt in the colonies and furth3r alienation from English ideoloeJ was in
the offing.

Colonial trade fell off during and immediately after the war. In
an effort to regain this trade American merchants once grain souglt
French markets only to have the British navy exercise seizure of colonial

vessels for running on: to .3. Further commercial regulations come about

dding power to royal customs officials in the colonies and to the

J

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admiralty co urt s.

The accession to t? e tlmr ne of George III in 1760 began the series of

 

 

 

18 Hi shy-r dson, pp. 9 ~lCO. Samuel Uevill, who edi to ngrker's maca—
zine, included his 3 Vie or? of the Continent f America in the few
Americ n Magnsini. Provost Williw Smitn headed the Collere and ACOthy

 

of Philadelphia wh ich. ater became the University of Fennsylvania. Smith
at this time hed trouble v.'ith the Quek er non-o efens e plan regerding the
Pennsylvania frontier. In 1779 he resifned es grono st becense of hi 5

Tory symp: tLies. Smith's Ere—Britisn ooinions are enpressed in seven

ll

events which led to the Revolution. Insofar as the colonies were con»

11
1'.‘

cerned the rench and Indian per we: fought to insure colon 21 extension
into the West. Then after Pontiac's rebellion came the Froclemetion of
1763 which forbade that e:212r ion be"ond the rivers xmhi 1 emptyinto the
-, however, tie color.ists ien -cred, pushing on into uyier
Ohio in 1767. Thus with see—trade thwarten and inland expansion

illegal es a result of the French war, the col onist . felt their efforts
had been in V2 in. ITot to be porn2ner 13' de cpr rived of 1 rowth aric lyrosyerity

venturesome ccl nists violated both edicts and rsn into British trouble,

especially regarding forei2n commerce.

Ho

10 list tle subsecuent acts briefly vh ch led to open hostility,

the detes helo 27 will Ielp fill the egg in mngezine production in Americn.
By 1767 regulations were severe. In 176/ a general magazine with political
commentery appearei. Since the core 1x Aio n of George III in 1760 a decade
had p2ssed before America felt the first British assnu‘t. Est until 771
would on American magazine liberally stud its psfes with revolutionyry

f

writing. However, by the end of Lord Eorth's first year as Prime hirister,
if not before, the die was cast. ter 177 prop r-rdz vehicles were
needed to stir the colsnists to ogen declared rebellion.
The events:
1763——the Sugar Act, taxins certain imgcrts to rcise
funds for the snsnort of British government in
the colonies; the Currency Act forbid ling colonial

issue of '41er money.

° 4- ', ° ,. *3 m ,1 ‘1? u
2stcr: of snoric-n nelocrscv new Yorh:

1765—uthe infamous Ste p Act on nary erticles, including

V

ytbliCctigns, ores ;m bl" to pey costs of iritish

A.

onial novernment; the tu"T+Crlne “Ct reeuirirg

1‘- . L- -. ,2. ‘D :L' 2... -
nmcricens o~ house and fer -rioisb eblllrs _n

*1

the colonies.
7£6_—the Dec12rr ory Act aesertinr the sugrene lecisle—

ture of George III whicn nede all coloni2l 12w.

tezes on inverts n wed d bv tLe colonists (lead,

22int, etc.); the Tea Act which favored the nest

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1709——tte arrival of Brit

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1773__the L03 Act stren3fi ened.

177 L-—the Closin9 of the Port of 30

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ton; the trrnsncrtinz

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of nccused colonists to En2lond or other colon‘e

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for tri21;the Quebec Act nilonir~ Frw c.h-C2nadinns
all land south to th Chio river.

W5_—Fcrth's conciliatory trepositions and the colonies'
subsenuent refueg of then.

on saw

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ll. y—N.' - A‘,’\— [—1 ’-\» 2 : -\ c- . 1-17.’\'~+-.' A . fi-. '
32ine, or ucner22 Eeooei or; begin puoi2cnuion in lulla—

 

 

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20 Opinions of important steos totarl tne w2 were 00m32ied lIOn “1038,

up. 73 84; and Miller, pp. ix—x.

 

 

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ly previous to the Revolutionary
months in troubled Eoston enling grclicr. tio n in Im.r h 1775

of tie Lexinyt oi—Concord b ttle For .ir; tely tne last tires issues of

‘—

euository overlap the firct ree ntiters of Tie

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zige which beganp lei rtion in J: in;"rf, 1775. Thus occazine political

L3

progrcnnflq can he traced contin;o frem Jena: rzf, 1775, throue“ July

~..

‘2

aw
1'I

7 , in these two mefazineo the latter of VFicii will be deeltf with in
the subsequent chanter.

-ue more- 13eri0~n I;re:ize was LiLlisheé for fifteen consecutive

months under the editorshi; of Thomas for the first six issues and hi.
s;cec.ror, Jose-h Greenleaf, for tie remaining nine. Boo“ issue contained
forty octavo p ges wit} illustrations from time to time of a vrrieo n ture.
Th: first editor; Is r.i.l Thomas, was a veil travellel men. He had
sern the Atlantic seetord from Helifwx to Ch:rleston as he wandered about

as a jowi ne;'nr printer. This man was as much -ated by the Royzlists as

Sam Adams 2rd John Hancock. nis beseechnsette ved him "a bold

En
I-rj

patriot ard trruoeter of seiition." (Mott, p. 83). As eerly as 1771

Thomas was ordered to court for libellir: Governor Thomrs HutchinSLn "an

hi
1J-
U)

usuirer" but the couit refu srd indict him. was the first general

3.1

magazine in one solelies for four years er 1, consequently, the first to

carry political writi-e With direct ref ere.nce to events and Opinions which
lead to war.

The style and. me :e ugu cf the er gm. ine was set by Thomas. His three

:3.

main sections: conventional and olit cal essays, poetical essoys, and

"d

historical chronicle or curreat new s were not violated by Greenleef. The
patriot cause is most evident in the six 18316 3 en ervised by Thoma 5
though Greenleof continued to print both essays and poems of a politiCol
neture. A consnicious ehsence is noted in the August issue of Themes

J.

caustic preface to the "Historical Chronicle" section which he had always

pr ed in it: lies. Greenlerf's discontinuance of this practice greatly
diminished the prOptgende Volue of this section. Where Thomas could not

p 0

refrain rr m comment, his successor S"hjectivel y rel rtcd foreign and
domestic news.

The magazineh cover was of hervy brown pgoer with the space usually
given to anrouncements on the front and advertisenents on the book.
However in Lay end June Themes er he“. lishe the front with a hilton ouotation
of politicelsiyAiiit‘1rce:

or necks are under Persecution. nhvt n‘.an or .n do ego.inst them,

not afraid, Though to The Ieoth; against each Cw ties with

 

innm rd consolation recompens'd: And oft snyported so, as shal

amaze Their Pro do t Porscoutor

{‘1
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:1

In the preface to the June, 1772, issu eThomaS announced that he was
ceasing publication because of the troulled times:

he Distresses of the Town of £03 ton, hJ the shuttin¢ up of our

Port, and throw ng all Banks of Ken into Confusion, has so embar—

rassed the? e goodG entleLen among he rest of their Follow—

'1)

Countr3Tnezl, who kindly promised to ssist the editor . . . Fully

vindicating the Proriety of the ancient observation, thst "Arts

and Arms are not vcr; agreehle consenions" . . . He Thonos
therefore T“OI s s to S'syend the ;“b11c"tion for e CL
months, until the effnirs of this Country are a little

tettcr settled . . . than at gresert bless the feighhcur~
hood of unho :31y 30st n!

Ac ually the July and Aufuwt issfes vere lrte since Creenlenf did

not immediately assune editorship. chever the new publisher i3€1€d six

_ mm]. 0 ”w- ~ _0 Q __ . ?',; C!.\ n -
ILOPG in ore for l,{~ b€glhgenb 1n ~ejtemtcr. (moot, p. o ,. Jreenleef
: 1 . -. ‘K 0 {‘9 q .~-. Q . -< 9 . ~‘fl ' ‘.~'\- ’ r \J' - l 4' 7- ~ -~ I ‘L f\
did an :zdm11-t e don t; lolligliny “18 snosczioer o c ntrkcos. “e regiequn
-- , IP in . . . 'l' ‘ ~- -. «a : ~. a! s q. ‘ . A an. 2 : 9."
the QOur cra,tsmd:snip of the ir.ut;:5 lit he woe nslns AJ;11C"P 1:- he—

, : -11 '1‘? .%, : 1 1 “-1-:J-' ,
CPLSP his : trlbblc s*.sor1ters hphqu no nzitist 5cods

. 4" '\ v: 503‘ ‘ .' o A 3 . na‘ J-Ia
the tueiness; one etllx 11d 1 to es re edied h-t for sue
o ,1, 4. n - .. ,1. ,. 1. 4. ‘1 ' i, .2 V’ ""'f’1 4. 1, 1 .1 .... z ‘ 0
non— 1...? I‘ U _'_‘t l'1n r,“ J l‘GCxitT. v , ‘1'1. 1 C1: it \t'flS i'iY by - Y b \J C 5 m .31.] ',.' 1". .
ms ‘1‘? ‘ n w «4- " r O ,- vm-y- 'TT o v .v—rm . hmvm—f
ine sh also h s been poor, but as 1t w 5 Or gunnicnn *1‘o14c1o11

my CUStLQGTS were not only willin5 but desirius thlt I shoald
9’?

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sootos, thcugo 2 most h vs h teCI the aith r, be on pr1rt115 Jov.
1 . ° I * Tr: - n u f‘ 1 - -- 1 1 .L ': .-
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stallments, from the first is us. Greenlegf continued t

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See preface to the Snoalen ent at the .nd of Volume I.

23 Unpr5cd Pr reface :t end of Vol nae II.

m a - ..., A... . ... L7” i” W - r ' O ‘ o 0
2h. Lie roster L15nt RCtlfiu; Witt or.enieaf moles an error 11 oygrnrtion
' A ~ ' " ' . an?) M ~ 1 --- - "7 m1- :
1n the n3519 lssu . he ,rlnts Frfe 31o then nLMlers tre neut ?;{. -nls

.1 .r ‘fi 5“. r.“ «a. .. - g n
however. W141 follww the ect1-u p.50 hunters as driited l? ereenlerf

“n""'lfip ‘s phres. Cf co “rse only those es'*ys cf Izolit ical ingortance

3:

Mil inserve mention in this study. ollowing the essays will be a

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section, ins to its comyargtive unimportance, wi.ll be trestcfi 199.. Th

engravinrs cf Paul Revere incluie four political cartoons which are des—

cribed in the final Dress 5 this chpnter.

11s presents some diffic *1 lty
since not every essay iélls ens ir ely xit1in the
boundc chever considering tneir authors' chief aims the essays are

grcnged as follows: essavs on Kings, frime ministers er d t; rarny; essavs

. ... l‘ . ~_ - v— . rvv- ' . 7 - -,. M
on ETtTiDulSm; inti~Tch esrs s, ess.¢s on liberty, ershgs on hro recs and

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. : ' w .2 A '2 . - 1'}, m. ,.
nn_on in Aserlcr; rnd texts of orations rnc sermons. sac“ of the seven

Lori Jorth was sin~le d out fer the most caustic criticism by the

essay writers. In many c~ses his name wrs mentioned only by inference as
f)?’
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wrs the case in h vctober attach '1Le sinister." T1 re c n belittle

dcubt that the criticism was intended for Forth. Feelinf seninst him was

rising thrcurhcut th e colonies. This essay declared thrt ceorfc III was

violating his is? l bounds by retaining his prime minister. Heavy sarcasm

D“

outline es the seven ste;; sby vhich t"rpn one yrime ministers a:e created.

 

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the two agencies produce lava thzt confound inG1 ividunl rig ,. (II, p.

Turee essc"s submit a great deal of advice to George III on the c s—
iness of being an eble monarch. "The 3523, A Frble" is en 8&5 res s to a
young Prince m'co has been ooucr11n~ the well~ordered life of these insects.
The sw~e gnecn Lee evefitlrlly oceans to the observer: "We suffer nothin:
likc dlsorder, no licentiOdsress axon“ us: t’tv arc mOSt estcch' 'ho

by their cagscity eni diligence, con do most for W e p‘aWJlic W weal; Cur
Lore is most merit . . . . Go and imi ate
US." (I, P. :L’D).

in of prilices and the

-. .,1 Ni ,. .
s Dcdhd "unuer the cost s;cred ties to
'9 *0 3 1-!" 2"“
protect a; delenc" h1s s1-dects.
The Kin3 was further advised that freedom of Speech and thougnt ed—

A '- ~ . Q -'1 \ '— 1 . nary a ~\ '1‘ . D A 1 -. 1 - .4: ,’ .....‘-‘I
V nce tLD cPONth 0f d-filncuum. inlS 1re31om was an inheiited Ilchu of

every subject. A king who u“"r;cl W is right overstepbcd his flowers and

In September Greenleaf :rintel en acco 1t of a Chinese ruler wbo at

thirty- t"o yeers w s bereft of his kirgdom by two clever ministers who hid

 

26 "On the Distinction between Princes and Subjects", I, pp. 333—39.

Tl

5“

Lis people's grievances. Almost every step of downward progress iotei by

the author norallels the relationship of Earth and Georce III after 1770.

\

The stupidity of the monercn and the knavery of his counsellors are
r5.
2r

described 9t length.

V o I ., ‘3‘ e 79 fl . ‘. I.‘ . Q _ ' g
The "Tnirty—three marine of State" DJ oeorle Lord SqVille, former
1' ° ... 7?“ IT a I- w r. _,.. _ -, - p q' ?. 1 .“\ . ‘y- , r 9
herQuis and _arl of nelifah. offered a Brent 1 ml of aflblbe w 3C4 errge
0 . . .. - . -. - m. I‘ H r . - '\ “ '
III definitely was not Leedint. inree oi these marine for 1dlers became
(Th
J.

familiar po'nts of argument in America. ney are numbered below as the

l\\
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author intended:

u) whet pover and liberty are like heat end moisture; where

they are well mint, everything grossers; where they are sinfile,
tnev are destructive.

A \ w o o
lj) That is is less dangerous for a prince to mind too much

but if a kin? let his peoglc slip from him, he is no longer a

relied Leon "An

The December issue, for its political c

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Essay on British Governnent.” The King, Lords, Minist rs, and all titled

men in Encland were ridiculed by this article. The chief aim of the

L)
author was to demonstrate that England was governed by an aristocracy.

1

The cabinent members, especially Lord Forth, were called "ertful minister "

’J

wlo hated liberty and the commoner. (I, pp. b56—53).
Patriotism was by l77h a favorite theme among American essayists and

poets. Five essays intended to excite the colonists to strong, effective

 

27 "Princes ruined by their Ministers", I, pp. 310—12.

resistance were piblish ed in The Revel Ameri no n‘f'g‘nq. The number is

         

unimpr ssive but the tone is one of fire and earnest conviction. Definite
lines were being drmi'n torou~bcut the colonies in 177" Li ith the re ebels on

one side, the Tories on the other. Def nite actions were proposed to

3d

thwart and resist British pre-s 11c.
measures and deepened the mork of the line.

Two articles esnecially reflect the t1ne of the r bel propagandist.

"J

"Tertius Cato" in December, l7?fi, issued an earne est oetition for nationwide

S1r port of Congressional proposals. He r quested patriots to send nothing

c.-

0 British and told of th e motl er- country's des aerate need for Are erican

hoods. Cato was, at this early date, ready to forego the business of

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petitioning the King in hope of conciliation. American oe
go as for as Lord we rth, he assured his readers, then be tossed aside.
Futhermore, 1:e decln ared, petitionin. was a sirn of weakness, of retreat:
"This is what Lord lorth wa wt c; this is what he thr atened, to bring America
to his feet, shall America then hcl d W e: r rights, at the will of Lord
North? God forbid!" (I, p. #55). An ex.ortgtion to prev to God and stzaiid
aloof from tyr my concludes this brave attack. Americans must remain
firm: "0 Americans, t rn1 sh not the glory of your former actions, oy your
28

future conduct."

Th patriotic motive of the magesin , if dcubted in the first issue,
was easily disc errible in ebruary, 177%. "The Character of the nerican

Patriot", published durin: the Thomas regime, glorified tie rebel rs a man

of devout purposes (I, pp. Eu—“5).

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the Bible was the law book, where men were not devoted to money, title, or
birth. The ccntinusnce of liberty underu God -IBS said to be the sole aim

of the patriot who "cons idered alln 1e: his brethren." He was the earth‘s
most noble creature. "The heavens will weep if this man is destroyed."
(194p. “5).

The July issue played the ostriot "On

L

c thele heavily with esseys

..n

15
h.
4.

1b lic Siirit", "Cf Cowardice", and the story of how St. Fierre led the

French at Calais in a valiant defense of their liberty against the power—
ful army of Edward III. The use of the lwi toric l ere ole was intended to
demonstrpte that the breve andr esolu were riclly reHerded for defe Min

their rights. (I, pp. ska—52).

A.
J

The essay 2n Public Spirit" rebuked the se elf sh, the opportunists,
and those who lived in comfort at the 619 ense of liberty. The writer was
not Tory-baiting but trying to aro'se a "Spirit seeinst destruction. mo

Cit) .n

-im the first concern of the colonists should have been the protection of

?

their rights. All else was sec ndcrv (I pp. 233-20).

.1 9

Hum n cowardice w: s discussed with Tor‘ in mind. The essay an account
of how brave a n follow those who risk their lives for the safety of their
"townfolks er1d countrymen". At the same time it is a satire on men who

hid when the noise of battle was heerd. The wri tol

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Theoyhretus, the man who wen to b: fit is without his sword that le might

return to his tent ant or-.ety w? en t? e enemy drew near. (I, p. 252).
Only one essay, "The High Church Catechism” by' 'Chnrles Tory", was

wholly directed against Toryisn in the colonies. (I, pp. 337—13). In a

vici :us parody on the Churcii of Enrlend end Catholici m the 1ories are

m

described as descendents of Jazes II and Itis followers. The imglic:tion

was thet

'1’)

‘C' ~_ T. - C o ‘ O A 0
uch men as Lord north in ungiand and his S1sporters 1n111mwr1c

22

were undernininr the Hanover rule by maxin3 it seem as "odious" as

J
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possible. The esssy's parody on the ceremony of baptism and tr e ten

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commendner ts would hr"e been effective po__iticel setir
where anrthing tainted wit‘i popery was much distrusted. ine state church,
as it exited in England and AmeriCa, wrs chrr3ed by the writer of giving
baptismal orders to parents that tM1 " teach their child ren to renounce
charity, believe in Christian slavery and persecution, and obey all royal
comm'nds. The chsrch further tau3ht the divine ri3h't of kir13s, absolute
one? ive obedience of the king as a guard a3: inst Cluh'tluu, end the idea
"that even p0? oish slrverv is infinitely better than our present protestant
liberty". The ten commandments were rewritten, said this writer, to pro—
mote Torv1sm.

The dissemination of the Americ: n idea of true liberty was a frequent
essay subject. Even in the worst of times colonial writers based much of
u

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tint Znelish liberty was a national birthright.

d

Tiie noted adVOCutes of liberty in sn3lish history, esgeoially Locke, were
often cara“n.asod or Quotzd.

-u «—
..
.5

One of the lest articles on liberty was The Freeholder.

0 fl ‘\ '~’o u 3 _q - .Ifi u
Catechism". (I: EPo 64-6LI. r31.123 writer declared that all nn3lishmen
were freemen, that no one gave them heir liberty, but that it 198 a

natu1el ri3lt supported by law: "I em free, not from tile 15 , but by the

"aw," (I, p. 63). The frec holder‘ 5 duties were to let all men enjoy

la
neir r3 turnl rights and opyose "with all the powers of my mind and body,
such as are enemies of on: 3o ood cons ti tu tion." (I, p. 63). The trinity

of English law—making, the nin3, Lorls, ale Con one, were declared a unity

bound by law to act with a sin3 e pug1ose. The question of e freeholoers

loyalty was not one of obeying royal conmrnd: though contrary to law but

r 3

but of obeying that law x,'hich mes inteni1d for t
Contrary obedience made,a freehol le er 2 traitor.
inis sort of logic allowed the emeriern rebel to empear the most
loyal of Enolishncn. If bcli zed, the arrm ier t co Ii hr1L,CLr"erteu mgr;

of the denttful to the coi onisl cause. A religious besis for literty

was also preset ted for the elif ic tion of tre reluct: nt In an Stay,

9 0 \ 0 9 c a q 2
Liberty 1n General" (I, p. 7/, one writer 1ns1sted tint 1f tne goloen
rule were a rule of government "hater-Li t3, 1121:1257 ILuld no lo lle‘il‘ sLLll';
humanity." "Freedom", he said, "is tie grentert blec.:i:: in t: e world,

L»

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ana ;.ere-or: to detrite a man o- 1t, 13 but gieateLL in” r; 1e cbn do

.J

in toe article for cutlrvi a: all human
slavery

George III‘s tendewicr to1rrd eisolute ule Wes attacked in «no essr

fi
‘—

S 2

V) L:

~ " ‘ . Afi‘ w ,H -
"The Sad Effects of uenergl Corrrgt1on" (I, pp. 33h-«3/ ani ”of sewer".

Le chief enemies of liberty.

ci-

Corrapt icr Leni absolute mon9rch3 1- re se 1; es

1".

The “in: represented poxcr collective in hi 3 peoole. A royol action not

&

beneficial to the people branded th mongrch a

to

a tyrant. Effort to

1'.
,.
.L

indict Lord Lorth as an evil force behind the throne er d to lifit as much
blame as possible from aeorgc III's shoulders was a significant the e in
most essays. The politi0el writing on liberty was more concerned with
stressing the true sources of freedom then with coniemning the A123 as the
cause of discord. In the final issue Thomas editec, some advice t1 f"tLre.

essayie ts recommended that the; re- turn to tile laws of nature for clear

p0 itich insi 3ht. Essavists were urged to write from their own thouznts

U

 

29 II, p. 65. The former was an extra act from the 101:3 f Algernon

Sidney, slain by James II for his radical views.

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olloaizg the style of their predeces rs if they hoped to

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effect a conclusion to the colonial controversy.
Four essays were ieroted to tne edVancenent of America with he

‘

ely sugr estin7 a closer union in colonial America. All o1t one

d

defini

I

were 0 folished iur n3 Thomas e itorsh’1gend lemon strete the devoti;n of

1 . 1.. 1m:
ssue " e jiiress of

’14.

this me n to A.erican pro; rcss. In Themas' first
America's Genius, to the Feoyle in the 11eric;n World" (I, pp. 19~11) an1
"To the Literate of America” (I, pp. 6—7}, the American way of life was
glorified. Men were urr d o aivauce gnowledee and create an American
language in tnis land of Uronise where new ideas could flourisn free of
;qu Thomas, Led fir e vie ions of tee
future:
-—-Here the streaus of wealth, beams of scie1ce, tre stars
of wisdo on, the light of "irtue, and the sun of liberty, will all

unite their revs, and £011 a s1filine circle of hu12n splenfior

Go on my, Sons, in the rays of virtue and re eli;-1o n, and you shall
be the :lor a a:d astonic1nent cf the .zhole earth—-a-The name of
‘1321013, will Carr" hencur ani majesty in tne souné. (1, p. 6-
1ne great strength of America Was Said to lie in her agri01ltural
resources. In H: ch,l77'+,' i7r icola" assertei t1at grriculture, fully
deveIOECd, wcqu 39} :e nmerice rich and inflegendent. She 1-:culd become

4 ‘

superior to all ner enemies, and become tne terror as well as t

A

Eur0pe". (I, p. S; .

 

b)

0 "Theory of Agency", I, pp. 212 ~15.

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meJe in "Ao.4,:J'on
Union." (I, pp. 233—39). This writer believed E itein inteuled "to
divide and conruer" end offered the :selrist 9 advice “to dwell t07ether
in unity" es 3 means of oonosition. There is more surrested here than

‘H

just ~n1t* for Anglish ri7nts. 11is writer had ideas of iriwienlech

m

- Q. n ’- 1 I“. 7' . . K -\~ ' *1!“ an. (. -_ n '\ . - - V ‘V
wh1ch were cleer1y s.oun in 115 reference to 117 (vi s a "fcrei n youer."

This writer maintained that the chief hone of the colonies WfS inion are

3..

1st

.11.

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cere iiously fre7"we to brron i1 ugcn such jsblic trenwzility" as one time
existed in Jmerice. (I, p. ?39). In a Boston magazin, this wculd refer

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The texts of two orations and one se;non of_ 1737167 value were

printei in The ngygl AT721CTH Lr7erine. The first was the fiancee? orption

l_ r!

deliverei in Boston on the fourth annive ssry of the
’11
..A-

istcn massHC1 ,
Herch 5, 177k. (1, pp, 83-37). In the style tfjiCul of this first
to a governme1t founded on just1ce anfl reason, a ri7hteous government,

"but I ,rglor‘-r in puolicni" evowir7 m" eternal en1ity to t;*re:tn;r." 3e

‘oranded tne present Britisn king as a monster who took awry all local 9 were
of govern merit er ed sent trco;s to assist "a bend of Traitors in tremolin7
on the rights and liberties 01 “is most 10 yal sub )ects in AmeliCr" (I, p.

Tte BIin7' ~ agents in America, Governor Hutct mimso1 and Chief Justice

 

" ‘r‘ . ' 7‘ 7. . L, AIA‘L - ~ on. . ‘H v? v .
31 Also in the heron 1ssue oopuglte Ug. con“:{u_ 31:9 13 tje defsre

1, ° .1 '1' 1 11 H ‘11. 4.1- - n ‘r 1- . 1 1 -
aortreiu of LZECUC; sufioorted by bLe G011ess n1tertv and an 1n01er

Briton in Armor; of the time of the Reyna Ch rta."

TS
Oliver, were sing lei out for M tter denunciation. The British soldiers
in Eoston were cursed es " :ne.es, murderers, parri ides, bloo r tutchers,
villisns, sni noxious vsrmi 7 ." They :ere 01 axed for an" thin7s: the
tazin: over of prblic tuildings, filling the treets tith noise and de—
baucher", vi- sting the oecce of the Sabbrth, cursing in the streets, en
vi lating Boston womanhood. (I, p. 35).

Hancock grriscd the abstinence of his towns xxen fro n tea drim i1: and
exhorte i the r-en to stand rerdr to defend themselves Forthcr pleas were
mrdc by Hancock for c310 ial Tflt3 2 nd for Si sport of the Co nitttc of

orr7s‘ondence At this time he progosed a colonial Con;r;ss Vterety
more risistauce could be offered e1M1e shall also free ourselves from
those unnannexl; tillagers who isoiflertly tell LS that tLeg are licensed
by an act of Tzrlienent to thrust their lrty hands into the gockets of
every American." (I, p. 87). To gain tLeir ri;hts, Kancock asserted,
Americans must "follow the name of Adams." This Was the road to p; triotism,
toward the fight against tyranny. Tie oration was de liv red by e fearless
man. In the Boston of Lirch, 177%, a fearless editor pass7d it on to his

A
ESuEIS.

T

In June 1nones 1utlished ":gtracts
Artillery Election Se r1on'. (I, pp. 2o
chose the words of Fail: "If it Is p15
live geecesbly \itn all e11" as his L-K
Eri Tsh rule, however, was descr1o11 as

1.
UL‘CL

He attemg oto justii the rebellion f

W33 cfifiiRSt F kinz :iiltv of iwi l- tir:
that soverign was attempting to e1slpve
to grotect. Locke'c prin01ple of the

to live torether,

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as the

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1; second,

an oath

8

along with his coronation oath, George III was accused of violating.
Lathrop chorged George III with treason. Ee furoner fronouncefi: "For
soon treason as men; rulers as sub'eots have lost ogexr Leads." Lost oi
Latkrcp's atuse was directe; (gainst Lord Earth though the Sponge: lid

\ f. ‘ r t ,‘-‘V | 1 1 7f_ L‘/- 1 . T“ t ‘- r ‘.. ~ _' ‘v -. _. ‘.’
not exonerlte irom olrme one “lug who toler_tti slcn 3 crime “in

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If the oration of n3:ccck :n the sermon of LrtLrog war
to Boston ears in the first months of 177i, one can well unlcrztgnd the

g Q

alarm tnis city aroused 1n the Court of St. dance.

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-n tne A¢gu8t issue L8 Krinted tAG ,Io—Anerlcan renerls of one En llsh

bishOp of St. Auazh (I, 39. ””7-T1). This long text was concluded in the

Q. .. ,. . ‘ on" an m~_ ‘ 1"- ., ' ‘ 1 .-H- _N . -3.“ -
~€.w~tCIAUQ-r Ill‘uLLEI. (I ’ _E/ 0 JL- l—' L) Q *.;U *‘lo;.ll 8:1 CLEAr‘. . "ll-‘L'l- ‘1 r8 l‘l../LJ-‘J

\_J ‘11 -,

‘ : 1 t *2 .4»! 1 LA -. 3"” m.” :L 2:
critical of r_rli(m€nt s Elan to aluer tLe Quarter 0. n~ssaCnoeet.s-~ay.

- -‘ ~- ' r . i - \. «RN ‘ | "Q“ 'x'. ~- . .,-1 ‘ll"-~l‘rfi . . , n‘ . .
ue demanvel fall 11,nts £01 Amcg.bb¢ s ogeots, Sungu BrltlSJ role 1n

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India, an“ placed "arbitrary tenction" a
zrliement was taken to task for the "innocent language" of its recent
bills knich assumed that tne col nies were entirely gt fault. -fie bishop
saw nothing renhrgntle it Eos
these viol‘nces as a n taral effects of such measures as our: on tLe
minds of freemen." (i, D. g27). This clergynan ale couiemrei crown—
egpointol governors and jud e: in the colonies and urged that the colonies
be allowed to manrre their own al::irs. ‘ne present r;.e, he oeclorcd,
v32 making the love of Inglish lioert
Englend's commerce, wealtn, eni tower rt on increoiole steed—-end oy tne
governnent's own stu
It is of some sugtort o toe ide: that the early n'ganine editors

-. ‘ L‘ ' .‘. ., - .‘V -__ .-. ,. 9., . .27 \ 1 +1. ._ L 0 -, 1
intendea weir u‘ ‘nt‘lgelS as olxltffffu‘l‘ Angola, when ..-t: .emoCl‘ Q: Snicri

30

:rinted texts are fully ex: fired. To neutral or Cnut ious editor w-culd

have included Reverexd Lothroe's sermon or the blah ,‘a Speech. Her would

he have ventured so far as to listen to the fiery nonccck.

 

the glory if America, criticism of Britis: ru.o and Eu_lish golitiCul
figures, the dream or vision ycen, and tLe gotuler Relus or poetic

riddle. The Refine, whicl Breckenridge would not twlerete in TPe Yrited
§;£;§.x»~aa:uc, is of ninor iooortence e? polit'csl writing yet one riddle

 

" f‘ I ‘

and two answere are included cecruse cl tneir re elev; nce to tle corite ntor- r"

cry of Anerice, the haven of liberty

- _. m..-,. .- -1" :
end the eeflum of tie oIJrecred. -L0m s incluued two of these in his
99
EL.
: - rm. . -,. r ~\ .2. - H r: \HL -
first issue. lne aitnor oi "yescrlition of neerica .lgieeu nls CuhhoTV

es the "Any um or Laurin; where "the free—born.spirit flies." he

described ee h colony in turn mentioning beauties of nature :eculier to
neriCn. He cropnesied a p. M0 serous future ti en America xm uld claim
world sugeriority in trele. “A Froghecv on the Future Glory of America"
nerscnien golden a_“e Iren man woul d fo.lf- 1 his intended
destiny. By the "edger swords" of America's heroes the poet promised
peace; a reace in whicn irec Americole could prceoer. (See A pendlx III).
issue Dr. George FerkeleL's "To the Honour of Anerico

vas orinted (I, p. 112). Ber kel e"'s o: inions of AmeriCn, -rom his one visit

uL

 

32 "Descriition of ameri C3" (I, go. 32-22); "A Prophecy on the

71).

"

FLItlJTe Glory' Of 11.46.1108,.” (I! :p’

here in the 1720's, are of no politiCL1Velue exce gt thht he, too, saw
the dgrning f a go den age in this count‘y. Zerkeley hrd reco gzi.zed an
e.dence of seirtt "there men shall not impose, for truth gnu senee/

‘ '4‘ - a \ q : v.- ".'_ r‘ t r , a " P. 1‘ ‘ .‘,
Tue “€5Fntrj of courts and scLOOIs." inls V18 une Sofa oi ylaIS:. t ougn

1361213138 en an chron {‘21- in 1720, cc rel“ el lec" ers sought.

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A "Son; or America", yucliseeo in Iovemher (I, p. L23), gredim

. 0 O “ V'.‘\.~‘ h. 0 '_ fl... _'
the liberrti n of leeeired oeston trlbhlh ood's div: ne inteztentlon.

:12 readers "our Charter rights vill we claim." Th

noet anticirated war and urged his cou.tr"'en to acti on: "If George

should strike the blow/ We mist for freedom fi.gnt ,/ Urdslnted courage show/
While we de or d o r right;/ In suite of tle oppressive (ni/ Kalntcii the

freedom of this land." (I, 3, 771).

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39

CHAPTER III

 

lHE PEHHSYLV {IA HAGAZIfilj OR

 

AEI-‘EICAH MONTHLY l—iUSE'U’i-I.

 

The Pennsylvania Magazine is perhaps the best publication of its
kind published in.America up to the formal declaration of a state of war
between the United Colonies and Great Britain. In its pages during the
nineteen months of its publication are recorded.a storehouse of political
information covering the year and one-half previous to the signing of
the Declaration of Independence. 1

Under the auspices of Robert Aitken, publisher, and the probable

editorship of Thomas Paine the Pennsylvania Magazine printed its first

 

number in January, 1775. This was only four months after the meeting
of the first Continental Congress in September, 177%,and three months
following the formation of the Continental Association on October 20,
177%, "to obtain redress of these grievances, which threaten destruction
of the livgs, liberty, and property of His Majesty's subjects in North
America.”3 Since this Association was formed to combat British legis-
lative evils by a "non—importation, non—consumption, and non-exportation
agreement" (Morison, pp. 122-3), the attitude of the colonial leaders at
the time of Aitken's magazine venture was near-belligerence.

Aitken was to have a particular advantage in filling his section
"Monthly Intelligence" by being in the city where colonial leaders planned

to hold their second congressional meeting in May 1775. This particular

section of the Pennsylvania Magazine is probably the most valuable to the

 

 

36 S. E. Morison, The American Revolution l]6N—1788 (Oxford: 1929),

pp. 122-125. Hereinafter to be referred to as Morison.

ho

historian. Official transactions of the Congress were easily available
for printing along with letters and speeches of importance. Aitken's
journal covers the critical months before the Declaration was signedand
it immediately ceased publication after printing its July, 1776, issue

which contained the famous document in its entirety. The Pennsylvania

 

Magazine was America's only monthly publiCation since the Royal American

 

Magazine of Boston had.ceased.publication.in Mn‘ch, 1775, as the third
issue was completed by.Aitken. The Declaration of Independence was
printed, therefore, in no other manner, at that time, so well suited
for its permanent recording.

The first volume of this monthly octavo publication consisted of
625 pages, fifteen excellent engravings, and an index. There were 3th
pages with five engravings in the 1776 volume. (Richardson, Most of the
engravings bear the signature of Aitken, p. 368). The circulation
evidently was well scattered though there is no record of the number of
subscriptions Aitken sold.37

In a letter to Franklin, then in London, Thomas Paine wrote:

.A printer and bookseller here Philadelphia , a man of reputation

and property, Robert Aitken, has lately attempted a magazine, but

having little or no turn that way himself, he has applied to me

for assistance. He had not above six hundred subscribers when I

 

37 Richardson states that a newspaper, The Pennsylvania Packet, listed

 

agents in Charleston, Williamsbourgh, Annapolis, Baltimore, Newton,
Chester, Wilmington, New Castle, Trenton, Princeton, Norfolk, Talbot Court
House, Carlisle, Burlington, New York, New Haven, Boston, Salem, Ports-

mouth and Philadelphia, p. 368.

hl

first assisted him. Hg now have upwards of fifteen hundred and

are daily increasing.3

According the Mott's findings Paine began editorship with the Feb-
ruary, 1775, issue and continued through Hay, 1776, with Aitken editing
the last two issues of the magazine.

Though several writers of noteworthy fame have been credited with
contributions to the magazine most of their articles were of a scientific
nature and of no concern in this study.39 Paine evidently contributed
most of the original political matter; the remainder is either beyond
identification or reprinted from other sources.

The two chief historians of Americans magazines have given brief
accounts of political writings published in the Pennsylvania Magazine
but neither treats with any sense of completeness the whole of the
matter. The political writing usually falls into three departments of
the journal: the first part of each issue contained.most of the original
articles, that is, pieces discussing the unrest in the colonies or the
more obvious propaganda pieces; following were the "Poetical Essays"
section which conta;ned.from time to time odes, elegies, parodies, and
songs of a political nature; and in the final pages of each issue the
section called "The Monthly Intelligence" which furnished a month by month
account of the struggle plus letters, addresses by and replies to George

III in Parliament, and many documents of political importance. Accounts,

 

38 Mott, p. 87.
39 Richardson list John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, David Ramsay,
Matthew Wilson, Benjamin Rush (who admired the journal) and Samuel Chew.

Mott adds David Rittenhouse to this list. See Richardson, p. 163; Mott,

p. 90.

J

1+2

frequently by witnesses or from official military reports, of battles
were popular entries in this latter section. In addition to the afore-
mentioned sections of the magazine the book review department "Select
Passages from the Newest British Publications"(which included.American
works at times) often printed excerpts from larger work« which reflect
the political intent of Editor Paine.

The entries of political importance will be dealt with in order of
the magazine departments as mentioned but the chronology of publication
will not be violated in an effort to handle the essays as a group or the
poems as a group. It is hoped that by preserving the order of publication
the relating of the sense of each particular entry to the military and
political situation will be facilitated.

ho
January 1775

The frontispiece to the first volume is in accord with the tenor of
this periodical study. Though Aitken sought to publish a magazine excluding
both religicus and political controversy, except for "philosophical
disguisition", his frontispiece reflects the state of the colonies in
January, 1775. (Pennsylvania Magazine, preface to volume I). A female
figure representing America sits in the center foreground crowned with a
war helmet and bearing both shield and spear. This figure is looking
toward a supply of powder kegs and piled cannon ball. Beside her lay

a discarded lyre and several books. A spear and battle axe lean awainst

 

MO The Pennsylvania hagazine;‘2£, American Monthly Museum, pub. Robert
Aitken, University Microfilms, American Periodical Series 73, Ann Arbor,

vol. I, II. Entries will hereinafter be footnoted by volume and page number.

1+3

a tree upon her left while flags fly before an evergreen at her rivht.
Also in the left foreground is a cannon with "THE CONGRESS" inscribed
on its base. To complete this symbolic setting is a man-of-war with
full sail and flags flying in the bay pictured in the background.

The first issue is not devoid of political commentary by any means.
In the publisher's preface Aitken states that the magazine will be
restricted to ”interesting matter" because of the country's newness. Eis
hopes of success are not high considering the hazardous times. He
anticipates trouble.

"The principgg [sic] difficulty in our way, is, the present
unfortunate situation of public affairs. Those, whose leisure and
abilities might lead them to a successful application of the muses,
now turn their attentions to the rude preparations for war --
EVery heart and hand seem to be engaged in the interesting struggle

for American Liberty_--— Till this important point is settled, the

 

pen of the poet and the books of the learned must be in a great
measure neglected. The arts and sciences are not cultivated to
advantage, but in the fruitful soil of Peace, and in the fostering
sunshine of anetitutional Liberty.

That all public contentions may find a speedy and equitable
reconciliation, and this once happy country may again enjoy the
unviolated blessings of the British Constitution is the sincere

wish --— the earnest prayer of the publisher of the Pennsylvania

 

Magazine. (I, preface).
In the January issue only one essay “An Extraordinary Dream" makes
any reference to the colonial trouble. This unknown writer does, however,

speak of Philadelphia citizens as being of two kinds: "Lovers of liberty"

and ”lovers of no liberty at all." (I,, p. 15). If the writer had reference

nu

to the intent of the non-importation agreement, perhaps the October, 177”,
edict of the Continental Congress was responsible. The boycott of
British-made products by colonials sharply divided the home camp. Those
who still bought British goods were Loyalists; those who held to the
agreement were Patriots. Philadelphia, by January, 1775, undoubtedly
had noted the difference in its citizens.

{The "Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress"
were published without comment.} (I, p. M9). This was drafted and
signed October 11+, 1771;, in Philadelphia and forthwith sent to England
via a delegation headed by Franklin.)

In the "Select Passages" sections during January was one of the most
interesting editing jobs of the first year. The larger work was Lord

Kaimes Sketches 2£_the History of Man. Considering the vastly different

 

selections chosen in the second issue the following becomes even more
interesting --- so much so that one would.think Paine were already at
work here. Kaimes represents a friend of the colonists in his commentary
on past Parliamentary legislation" From Kaimes book is this selection:
"Between the mother country and the colonies the following
rule ought to be sacred, That with respect to commodities wanted,
each of them should prefer the other before all other nations.
Britain should take from her colonies whatever they can furnish
for their use. In a word everything regarding commerce should be
reciprocal and equal among them. To bar a colony from the fountain-
head for commodities, that cannot be furnished by the mother-country,
but at second-hand, is oppression; it is so far degrading the
colonists from being free subjects to be slaves. was; right, for

example, has Britain to prohibit her colonies from purchasing tea or

porcleane sic at Canton, if they can procure it cheaper there than

M5

in London? ho connection between the two nations can be so intimate,

as to make such a restraint an act of justice. Our legislative

however have acted like a step-mother to her American colonies, by

prohibiting them to have any commerce but with Britain only. They

must land first in Britain all their commodities, even what are not

intended to be sold there; and they must take from Britain, not

only its own product, but every foreign commodity that is wanted.

This regulation is not only unjust but impolite; as by it the

interests of the colonies in general is sacrificed to that of a

few London merchants. (I, pp. 33ff).

Considering the "Declarations and Resolves" which the recent Congress
had passed, such a statement from an EngliSh author of title must have .

been some consolation to the colonial readers of the Pennsylvania Maga-

 

zine; However careful consideration of Kaimes implications could be
construed as further reason for colonial aggression toward a "step-mother"

"sho would sacrifice their well-being for "a few London merchants."

February 1775

The February issue, which is supposed to be the first Paine edited,
carries all items of political significance in "Monthly Intelligence.“ u
Herein were printed the King's address to the then convened Parliament. 1
The king at this time reminded his people "everywhere, in every dominion
. . . to have due reverence for the laws." (I, p. 93). George III, in
this instance, was referring to recent actions in the Massachusetts-Bay
Colony where, under the leadership of Samuel Adams in Boston, Open de-

he
fiance of parliamentary legislation was becoming more and more common.

 

Ml This was the Parliament session late in 177M.

#2 See John C. Miller, Sam Adams, Pioneer 32 Prepaganda, Little, Brown,

 

M6

The House of Lords sent their formal acknowledgement of the king's
address which is printed immediately following the text of George III's
remarks. The Lords declared an:

"abhorrence and detistation of the daring spirit of ressistance

and disobedience to the laws which so strongly prevails in the

Colony of Massachusetts-Bay, and of the unwarrantable attempts in

that and other provinces in America, to obstruct by unlawful com-

binations, the trade of this kingdom." (I, p. 93).

The following bit from the same document should have smacked of
hypocrisy to the more hot-headed colonial leaders.

... . to his majesty our humble thanks . . . that he has

taken such measures military resistance to rebellion in Boston

. . . for the protection and security of his majesty's subjects."

Both the king and Lords advocated even stronger measures to coerce
the colonists into submission and a proposal to that effect was immediately
voted. (1., p. 9%).

1+3

Nine members of this house lodged a protest against such measures.
This protest was also printed by Aitken. These men felt that the attitude
as expressed in the Chancellor's letter to the king would "lead to measures
in the event fatal to the lives, properties, and liberties, of a very
great part of our fellow subjects." They also asked for evidence to sup-

port the charge that Massachusetts Bay was rebellious to “just" regulations.

 

and Co.,(Boston: 1936) for an excellent account of Boston during the pre-

revolutionary years.
#3 Members signing the protest were: Richmond, Portland, Rockingham,

Stamford, Stanhope, Torrington, Ponsonby, Mycomb, and Cambden. See I,

p. 9h.

w

and for a temperate inquiry into colonial policy reminding the House of
Lords that the present one, Lord Hortfifis, was a "detriment to the mother
country" and.might cause “Civil war."

Evidence that Paine's cleverness in editing, for effective propaganda
purposes, can be found in the interesting position he gave to thevarious
Parliament records in the February issue. .A letter from the king to the
House of Lords thanking them for their voted support of his proposal for
stronger measures was printed. But Paine placed the king's letter, wherein
he could be quoted as having a "hearty concern for the true interests
of my people," after the "protest" account --- not after the action to
which it had immediate reference. (See I, pp. 9M—97).

Also in the February issue is an interesting notice to the various
correspondents to the magazine. Aitken regrets that he could.not print
two peoms on political subjects "as it is our design to keep a peacable
path." (I, p. 98). This "design" was to be violated in the hay, 1775,

"Poetical Essays."

March 1775
The petition of grievances drafted by the first Continental Congress

in October, 177M, had been dispatched.immediately to England where its
bearers arrived on December 23, 177%. That day the petition was presented
to Lord Dartmouth, a secretary for the American department, by Franklin,
William Bolland, and.Arthur lee. Franklin had written to America that the

NM The February issue also printed Jamaica's petition of grievances
to the king passed in their assembly December 28, 177N. This island
wished to remind the king that his parliament was costing him the confidence

of once loyal subjects in the several colonies. I, p. 96.

#8

king responded.more favorably than some Americans thoughthe would. (1.,
pp. 137-39).

His majesty directed his Lordship [:Brtmouth] to inform the gentle-

men to whom the charge of the petition was intrusted . . . That it

was of so great importance, that he should.as soon as the Parliament

met, lay it before both Houses. (I, p. 139).

This Parliament was to convene January 19, 1775, but no news of its
reception was in America by the date of this issue.

London news in the March issue did report a meeting of “00 to 500
North.American merchants at the Kings'-Arms Tavern, Cornhill, on January
1M. These men drafted a petition of grievances regarding the injury to
trade since the repeal of the Stamp Tax in 1773 and subsequent enactment
of "several revenue bills." No doubt the non-importation resolves of
October, 177M, had by this time severely damaged sea commerce. (I, p. 139).

In March some far-sighted.Americans began organization of The United
Company of Philadelphia whose aim was to become more independent of English
manufactures by promoting such industry in America. The March issue gives
a detailed account of their plan which they proposed to extend if Parlia-
ment did not favor the petition of grievances. Woolen, linen, and cotton

products were of immediate concern. (I, p. IMO).

April 1775
"Monthly Intelligence" for April began to carry news of alarming
portent from Massachusetts.lbws of the'uattles of Lexington and Concord
on April 19 had reached.Philadelphia by April 2h. At least Aitken and
Paine were able to include three signed and two anonymous accounts of this

fray from letters bearing that date. (I, pp. 190-92). One account was

signed by one ”Palmer", Committee of Correspondence man_ of watertown.

M9

This issue shows the beginning of Open printing of news of propaganda
value in the form of letters and dispatches concerning violence caused
by British troops in America. The April letters tell in detail of the
Lexington Commons shooting and the subsequent defeat of two brigades of
British regmlars which Gage committed against the minute men.

In its fourth issue, the Pennsylvania Eagazine had cast its lot with
the patriots by printing accounts, all reflecting American bias, of British
armed.preparations and violence. Aitken announced in this issue that
news of births, deaths, and marriares were excluded "to make room for’
matter of a more public nature." (I, p. 192).

Evidently the petition of grievances had received immediate attention
'in Parliament, for London news dated January 20 recorded the reception
of the American proposals. The magazine includes two speech texts of
importance.

The American proposals were readily defended by old Lord Chatham
who rose to reprimand the House of Lords for its past actions against the
colonies. What, he wanted to know, did the Lords expect from Englishmen
deprived of their rights than rebellion? Chatham was surprised that such
a notice of grievances had not earlier been received. England could no
longer treat Americans as infants for in the petition he heard "the
voice of a man." Chatham scoffed at the idea of George’III's 17,000
soldiers in.America suppressing "three million Englishmen bereft of their
rights“. (I, p. 185-86).

Chatham advocated speed in righting these wrongs before the people
at home "arose to revolt of such treatment of their American brethren.“

He went on to warn the king: Who, then, in the name of Heaven,

could advise this measure sending troops to America ? Cr can continue

50

to give this strange and unconstitutional advice? I'do not

mean to level at one man, or at any set of men --- but this much

I will declare, that, if his majesty is to hear such counsellors

-- he will not only be badly advised.—-— but UNDCHE Bic]. --

He may wear his crown that is true, but it will not be worth

wearing: robbed of so principle sic a jewel as America.

(Ibid, p. 1861 The principle jewel had fallen from George's

crown during coronation. See Aitken's note, p. 86).

In a further attempt to alarm the king Chatham declared that every
whig in England and.§ll_of Ireland now favored.America. He aSkfid for
the withdrawl of General Gage from Boston before trouble began. 5

Chatham's plea went unheeded, however, as subsequent reports in
April's "Monthly Intelligence" clearly disclose. North's reply to the
petition was printed. (I, pp. 186-87). On February 7, 1775, Lord North
reported:

We find, that a part of your majesty's subjects, in the
province of Massachusetts-Bay, have proceeded so far to resist

the authority of the Supreme legislature, that a rebellion at this

 

time actually exists, with the said province.
We have ever been, and always shall be, ready to pay attention

and regard to any real grievances of any of your majesty's subjects,

 

#5 It must be kept in mind that though the Lexington-Concord.affair
had taken place before the magazine published Chatham's speech that the
speech was made in January. ,An Atlantic' crossing took from a month to

six weeks during this time.

51

which shall, in a dutiful and constitutional manner, be laid be-

fore us. (I, pp. 186-87).

North further asked that the king suppress any acts of rebellion
toward “the laws of the supreme legislature."

Eighteen members of the House of Lords protested North's attitude
for its "violent manner" and lack of "legal grounds" in its argument.
The grievances had been coisidered and rejected.by North's conference
committee in a single day. The men saw cause for real grievances.

The king's reply to North's action ignored both the protest of
these men and the grievances. George III backed.his Prime Minister in
every move and declared the papers of Dr. Franklin were not thought to
be "proper and dutiful application." (I, p. 188). Paine once again
placed the king's words following the protest lodged by Parliament

in

members.

The April issue also carried an account of North's speech before
both Commons and Lords on February 21, 1775. The Prime Minister at this
time said British tr00ps must stay in America until the colonies could
support their own army and control their own affairs. He further advocated
heavier taxes on the colonies to erase the cost of protecting them during
the French and Indian war. This motion carried 272 to 88 to accept North's

reply as final to colonial requests. (I, p. 138).

 

“6 See the Lords protest I., p. 136).
M7 In addition to the men listed in footnoteifla were Cravea, Archer,
Abergovenny, Courtney, Cholmondesey, Abingdon, Effingham, Scarborough,

Fitzwilliam, and Tonkerville. Stamford, who first protested, this time

abstained.

52

May 1775

Three original pieces were included in the fifth issue of the
Pennsylvania Magazine which are the most important of propaganda devices
used during the entire first year of publication. Two are essays; the
other a poem, "The Irishman's Epistle to the Officers and Troops of
Boston."

"Vox Populi", probably Paine, submitted some "Reflections on Titles"
that mark the first inclusion of political bombast in this magazine. The
Lexington-Concord affair had.evidently provoked some change in Aitken's
"peaceable path" policy. Even in the most extreme times it was unusual
to hear the English king attacked openly in this journal but if the
analogy drawn is a correct one, one can hardly think of another "plunderer"
than George III when rfizding this essay. George was certainly ridiculed
by Paine at this time.

Vox Populi's use of the word "Honourable" does suggest that he is
attacking Lord North, not George III, --- or possible both. The essay
is bitter, full of satire.

"When I reflect on the pompous titles bestowed on unworthy

men, I feel an indignity that instructs me to despire the absurdity.

The Honourable plunderer of his country, or the Right Honourable

 

murder of mankind, create such a contrast in ideas as exhibit a
monster rather than a man. Virtue is inflamed, and sober reason

calls it nonsense. (I, p. 210).

 

MS .Ascribing "Reflections on Titles" to Paine is, of course, pure con-
jecture. However he was contractedby Aitken to make some original con-
tribution each issue. The style of "Reflections on Titles", and the logic
of the argument certainly sug”est that he is the author. Mott believes

Pu!
U

Paine wrote "Reflections on the Duty of Princes" in he December issue.

53

The admiring of a man for his title, says this writer, is “a sacrifice
of common sense . . . which distinguishes slavery from freedom; for when
men yield up the privilege of thinking, the last shadow of liberty quits
the horizon."

The English theory of the social contract is the point of argument
when the essayist declares that "all honours, even that of kings, originated
from the public, the public may justly be called the true fountain of
honour."

The word "honourable", it is made clear, applies to men who sacrifice

ease and private interest to do good --- as "The Honourable Continental

1*9
I!

 

Congress.

The second essay was received in the form of a letter and entitled
by the editor "An Original and Timely Letter." (I, pp. 217-220). Basically
it is an attempt to explain differences in English and.American tempermant
from grounds akin to Toynbee's climate theory. This writer describes
Americans as "deliberate, persevering, and determined, grateful under
obligation, spirited in their resentment." (I, p. 218).

Britain's denial of the petition of rights is seen as a blessing
which will unite the separate colonies into a nation.

"Before this present dispute America was an assemblage of
different states, which had separate interest to pursue, that in
many cases opposed each other; new the family is united, the circle

enlarged; provincial distinctions are laid aside, and.the name of an

American is the general title. (I, pp. 218-19).

 

(Mott, p. 88). The two essays are very similar.
M9 Further support for Paine's authorship might be deduced from the
phrases "common sense" and "do good". Both are compatible with his deistic

code.

5h

There is a great deal of patriotic horn blowing praising the
structure of colonial government, the committees of correspondence,
and the new found strength, especially military strength. The military
are obviously better than Britain's because in their casue "property
and liberty are at stake." (I, p. 220). A final note of Optimism, a
result of the recent colonial success in Massachusetts, is injected.

- Britain's troops are pictured in Boston, seat of their retreat, as fear-
ful and starving, afraid to leave their billet to get food.

Aitken's refusal to print "Poetical Essays" on political subjects
was relaxed in May in order to admit "The Irishman's Epistle" to the
British tr00ps who had isolated themselves in Beston. The subject is
more military than political, if the two can be separated. It is a
ribald three stanza poem of humorous rhymed cauplets in stage-Irish dia-
lect meant to razz the British regulars of General Gage.50

The first review of a military volume was printed with lengthy
extracts in the May issue. This first was "An Essay on first Military
Principles” by Major Thomas Bell in which discipline, battalion firing,
sieges, and other tactics were discussed for the edification of colonial
leaders. (I, pp. 222-26).

"Monthly Intelligence" included a letter from Connecticut's Governor
Jonathan Trumbull to General Gage and Gage's reply. Trumbull accuses the
general of dealing unfairly wdth the, yet, British subjects in America

and places the blame for the April 19 bloodshed on him. Gage, of course,

 

50 (See Appendix II.) Frank Moores' Collection Song and Ballads g: the
American Revolution includes this poem, p. 92. Moore notes that it was

reprinted in broadsides four times in 1775.

55

absolves himself of forcing the issue and transplants the cause to
colonial leaders. Trumbull's plea for peace is ignored. (I, pp. 233-3h).
Provost William Moore Smith's address "On the Fall of Empires“ to
graduate of Philadelphia College was published entire. Smith.made a
Franklinish plea for men to do good, permit rational thinking to be
their only luxury, and insist that "Liberty is our idol 1"
Hews of the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point by Arnold, the
Lexington casualty list, and Franklin's report, he had now returned
from London, on Lord North's conciliatory proposals were also included

in this issue.

June 1775

This marked the beginning of publication of lengthy battle accounts
in the Pennsylvania Magazine. On June 19 Gage's forces charged the
colonial breastworks on Bunker Hill. Aithen carried a generous account
of the fracas in his "Monthly Intelligence" and appended an excellent
map of Boston showing the defense lines, Prospect, Cobbled, and Bunker.
Hill which the American troops defended with their backs to the sea.

(I, p. 28%). British casualties were estimated at l,hOO in.Aitken's
account of the battle.

"Monthly Intelligence" also included the trouble ensuing between
the Virginia House of Burgresses and John Earl of Dunsmore, royal governor
there. Virginia had rejected North's consiliatory proposals and had
driven Dunsmore aboard the man-of-war Fowey for his efforts to enforce
revenue acts.

More fiery writing of real propaganda value is found in the other

magazine sections however. The casualties and gallant defence of Bunker

Hill added to the Lexington-Concord engagement spurred several writers

56

to efforts of real propaganda value.

Most patriotic and eloquent was "An Bulogium sacred to the memory
of the late Major-General warren, who fell June 17th, fighting against
the Ministerial Army at Boston" by “A Gentleman of this City Philadelphia .
(I, pp. 387-89). This was a strong oratorical appeal to the patriot in
memory of a man who forsook his family "in the full bloom of life" to
die: for his cause, liberty:

He has taught the sons of freedom in America, that the laurel
may be engrafted upon the cypress, and that true glory may be ac-
quired not only in the arm's of victory but in the arms of death ---:
(I, p. 288).

The blast of the propagandist is turned on the "Vindictive ministers"
and their "bloody edicts."51 warren is lauded as a loyal Briton fighting
for “English liberty."

Gage and his men are soundly cursed as the writer pours hatred on
"the mercenary wretches" who killed warren. The call is made for America
to throw out standing armies --- "let the name of warren fire our hearts."

The eulogium concludes by exhorting Americans to prize liberty, the
rights to be Englishmen, and turn "the monster tyranny" out of the British
Empire. (I, p. 289).

Another poem,by "the daughter of an English dissenting minister",

a Miss Aikin praises bravery in combat as a virtue in man. (I,p. 27%).

The Lexington-Concord battle inspires "Sylvia" to submit a long.Anti-
British elegy to this magazine. The influence of Pope is slight but

furnishes the final line "Whatever is, is best." The best is defined in

 

51 It is noteworthy that no blame is heaped.upon George III in this

piece.

57
52

this prayer to crown "our land with Liberty and Peace."

Aitken advertised a book, which he had for sale, by printing passages
on how to carry on small wars and form a corps of partisan soldiers.
(I, pp. 270-73). Beginning with this issue the publisher kept his

readers informed on new tactical military publications.

July 1775

Original work of political significance was especially heavy during
July, 1775. Humor was the theme of three writers, all of whom enjoy
making English politicians and British soldiers the butt of their jesting.
"Poetical Essays" include a satirical but humorous account of how a dog
violated the king's law and was tried for treason charged with pursuing
and killing a hare. Since the dog's owner was not to be found "by
right of English justice" the dog was duly hung. (I, pp. 331-32).

In a semi-serious yet well concealed mood one correspondent contri-
buted "An Easy Method to prevent the increase of BUGS." Bugs, he declares,
"like General Gage's army", can be starved out by cutting them off from
fresh provisions. The analogy has reference to the concurrent siege at
Boston, where British tr00ps were trapped and especially uncomfortable
since their Canadian source of supplies had been cut off with fall of
Crown Point, and Ticonderoga in June. The provisions for bugs was human
fare which the writer sought to remedy by putting glass legs of beds
making the supply route too slippery for ascent. (I, p. 305).

Third of the humorous articles was a parody on "The Politicians" in

 

52 "An Elegy to the Memory of the American Volunteers, who fell in
the Engagement between the Massachusetts—Bay Militia and the British

Troops. April 19. 1775 " (I. pp. 278-79).

58

(dialogue form. The speakers were Peter, newsmonger and servant to an
English fisherman at Poole, and Dick, "a country boy." Both speak in
an odd British accented dialect intended to reflect both humor and stupidity.
The upshot of their conversation is that England will take all trade

away from America by stopping-up the ports, digging a ditch in the sea

to keep Americans from running away, setting the air afire, and pulling
the clouds down on their heads. Rumor also has it that "Guy Fauxn is

to be resurrected "to blow up the Continental Congress? This famous
rioteer is "to dig a way under the sea, till he gets right under them,
then up they go." As simple as that.

The parody ends with this sane bit of gossip: that England intends
sending ten "horse regiments" to the moon where they are to board a comet.
Upon this space ship they will ride by the various planets, fire on them,
and bring them to England where Lord North will make them pay taxes.

(I. pp- 317-18).

Most famous of all entries during his month was Thomas Paine's
freedom song "Liberty Tree." This is a melodious rhyme telling how the
gods of liberty planted the Liberty Tree in America; how the fame of its
fruit drew men of all nations and rank to America to live as free men;
how these men supported "Old England . . . with timber and tar" and
fought her battles "without getting a.groat."

Editor Paine ends with this call to arms:

But hear, 0 ye sewains ('til a tale most profane)

How all the tyrannical powers,
King, Commons, and Lords, are uniting amain,
To cut down this guardian of ours;
From the east to the west, blow the trumpet to arms,

Let the far and the near, --- all unite with a cheer

59
53

In defence of our Liber§y_Tree.

 

One of the best narrative essays of the magazines nineteen numbers
is to be found in "On the Military Character of Ants" by "Curiosou in
July. This observant gentleman knew his ants and his Lexington-Concord
battle. The patriots in the essay are the brown ants; the enemy,
fittingly, are "reds." (I, pp. 296-300).

The analogy with contemporary events is lucid. Curioso's observa-
tions on ant life outline the course Americans should follow. "We have
neglected to consider them (ants) as patriots jealous of their natural
rights, and as champions in defence of then.“ As among men, traitors
are "dronifli pensioners, that live on the spoil of the industrious."

An account follows of the battle of the brown ants defending their
city against two red forces. The browns, as had the colonials in Boston,
fortified their city and "mounted guards day and night" to watch reds
who marched on the "high road." The'reds" eventually were driven into
their own encampment, and later from the area.

"Thus ended a war as famous perhaps in the history of ants,
as more pompous battles of Caesar or Alexander among men. A war
hich the browns were driven into by the overbearing insolence of

the reds, and obliged to undertake for the safety of their settlement.

Had they passively submitted, they might have been treated again in

the same manner, and have wearied out their lives in building cities

for others to take from them. A nation without defence is like a.

handsome woman without virtue, the easiness of the approach invites

the ravager. And for the same reason we ought not to tempt a thief

by leaving our doors unlocked, we ought not to tempt an army of them

 

53 I, p. 330. This poem signed WAtlanticus", was also published in

Moore, pp. 18—21.

60

by leaving a country or a coast unguarded. (I, pp. 299-300)

It should be noted that in most of the poems and essays discussed
so far there has been a call to arms either directly made or implied. A
Quaker writer, or one posing as such, contributed "Thoughts on Defensive
War" in July which is one of two recruiting efforts aimed at Pennsylvania
Quakers published during 1775. (I, pp. 313-3110. This writer, "A Lover
of Peace", argues from a religious basis for Quaker participation in the
war. "I . . . am fully convinced that spiritual freedom is the root of
political liberty." These supporting reasons are given. (1) Until
spiritual freedom became manifest, political freedom did not exist; (2)
"In proportion that spiritual freedom has been manifested, political liberty
has been increased"; (3) Where the visible church has been oppressed
political freedom has suffered. Thus, he concludes, the inseparable
political and spiritual freedom must be defended as a duty. The method
must be armed defense.

Strong feeling against the ministerial edicts of the British is
evident. If this writer is a Quaker, the Inner Light has caused him to
voice militant emotions.

The reign of Satan is not ended; neither are we to expect to

be defended.by miracles . . . I am thus far a Quaker, that I would

gladly agree with all the world to lay aside the use of arms, and

settle matters by negociation; but, unless the whole will the
matter ends, and I take up my musket and thank heaven he has put

it in my power. (I, p. 313).

Nothing but arms --— or a miracle --- will rid America of our "unprincipled
enemy” --~ and the miracle, he thinks, is a shaky hope.

The July issue includes three other pieces of a patriotic vein.

"On the Late Continental Fast" advocates prayer, fasting, and fighting with

61

future petitions "to the throne of heaven; where no prime minister shall
obstruct or suppress our earnest applications." (I, pp. 309-10).

"An English Whig" suggests reprinting an account of the heroic
success of "less than MOOO undisciplined New-Englanders" against Frenchr
held Louisbourg in 17MB. The request is fulfilled. (I, pp. 310-11).

"An Observer" makes and submits some "Observations on Faces" wherein
he notes the "dejected face of the Tory" as compared with happy Whig faces.
His recommendation is, in the face of recent British military setbacks and
anti-Tory activities, that the former marry the latter in order to "resolve
their facial character." (I, pp. 303-05).

The chief entry in "Monthly Intelligence" was full publication of

the Continental Congress' declaration of necessity of their taking up arms.

(I. pp. 33h-37).

August 1775

Two followhup articles on subjects of the July number are of primary
importance in August. "Americanus" of New York has further information on
"bug" pestilence and Chief JustiGBSamuel Chew of Maryland adds to the effort to
bring the Quakers under arms in the colonial cause.

"Americanus" criticizes the July pest control theory in that that plan
only halts the increase of bugs --- does not eradicate the nuisance. This
writer is "such an enemy to them" (bugs or British) that he wishes the whole
flock destroyeds Advocacy of the methods of Low Dutch housewifery is made
to ride the country of all insects. A "clean house . . . will never be
troubled with bugs." (1, pi 361).

Judge Chew, a Quaker,5 argued the reasonableness of Quaker participation

in a speech from the bench entitled ”Lawful Defence against an Armed Enemy."

 

5M See I, p. 367, for conformation of Chew's religious affiliation.

62

(I, pp. 3h6—53). Chew argues for defence as a law of nature and adds that
a religion not founded on nature's laws is not a true religion. Religion,
however, is not to be propagated by the sword --- but its tenets could

55
certainly be defended by it.

An article "Pictures for Veteran Soldiers and Sailors" added to the
efforts of Paine to disparage the British soldier. This article describes
the misfortunes of a military hero who had fought and bled for the present
king and Parliament who denied.his request for aid as a war-crippled citizen.
Parliament is referred to as "these crouching miscreants" who "will have
a change of fortune." (I, pp. 36h—66).

"Monthly Intelligence" carries an interesting exchange of letters
between Cen. Charles Lee and his old comrade-in-arms Burgoyne. Lee
appeals to the British general, as a devotee to Lockeian principles and
English justice, to use his influence to countermand the designs of a
"wicked and insidious court and cabinent." Burgoyne's answer accuses
Lee of fighting the payment of taxes, not for the rights of the English
Constitution. Lee answered again, breaking the friendship and ending
their correspondence. (I, pp. 375-79).

Also included are texts of a message "to the Inhabitants of Great
Britain" by the Congress pleading the American cause; a similar message
is sent to Ireland. The Congressional decision to levy taxes to support

the war and a letter to George III reproaching him for continuing under the

advice of Lord North are printed in full. (1., pp. 379-90).

 

55 This particular speech was made in l7hl and.reprinted.at a time
when the effect of its sustained and biblically based argument could have
been rewarding to colonial efforts to raise troops in and around Phila-

delphia.

63

September 1775

Political writing declined to a low level in this issue. "Monthly
Intelligence" carried in full the "Articles for the governing of Colonial
Troopsn drafted in the Continental Congress on June 30; and General Gage's
official account of the June 17 battle in Bunker Hill which differed
greatly from the early colonial report in order to show "the superiority
of the King's tr00ps, who, under every disadvantage, attacked and defeated
three times their own number." (September, I, p. #39).

The "Select Passages" section published "The Law of Liberty" Sermon
of Rev. John J. Zubley, Georgia member of the Continental Congress. This
sermon was an account of the fight for liberty by the Swiss during the
lhth century. (I, p. #23).

The only article for orginality that had any propaganda value was
aimed at colonial women in "Arabella's Complaint of the Congress.” (1..
pp. “07-8),

This obviously fictitious letter to Aitken (Cr "Mr. Printer") is
satirically humorous and could be attributed to Paine's hand. Arabella,
it seems, has tired of playing the fashionable patriot. Good English
clothes are scarce because of non-importation agreements, tea is practically
unavailable, and the whole business of being patriotic has gone too long
now to be any fun. Her chief complaint is about the business of going into
mourning. The Continental Congress had requested that the custom be put
aside during hostilities --- and now, Arabella tearfully pleads, this "joy"
has been denied her. What, she wants to know, are liberties and the public
ggpgg compared with the comforts of life? Why must gauze, lace, and tea
be so scarce?

She doesn't wish to have "Mr. Printerufeel that she is no patriot however.

"I would not have you imagine for anything that I am no patriot

--— Quite the contrary I do assure you -—- you shall judge -- with

61;

my own hands did I make our Billy's sword knot: Aye, and I spent
a whole morning in going from shop to shOp to choose a feather for

his hat and the gold thingjum-bobs for his shoulders . . . I like

 

patriotism very well. (I, p. “08).
Toryism was treated less goodrnaturedly by Sam Adams' Liberty Boys

up Boston way.

October 1775

During this month political writing declined even further than in
September. What one learns of political activity in this issue comes
from "Monthly Intelligence."

With steady and increasing pressure from within and without, enforcing
the non-importation agreements became more difficult and.more important.
Dr. Benjamin Rush delivered an empassioned speech on the building of American
manufactories in order to provide colonial needs. (I, pp. NEE-85). Bush
was bitter about British troops being in America but pointed out that
Britain's strongest hold over the colonies was their need for England's
finished products. Headvocated.America begin at once to break this dependency
and outlined a plan he felt would do the job in five years. Woolen, linen,
and cotton goods were of primary importance.

Several reports of anti—Tory activities, including arrests in Virginia,
were published. Lord Dunsmore had aroused a great deal of hatred in
Norfolk where he had wrecked a patriot print shop.

The treatment of prisoners was discussed in heated letters exchanged
between Generals washington and Gage. The British general chided Washington
for complaining about rough handling of captured colonials, reminding him

that British soldiers could withstand hardship. washington's final letter

65

places on Gage's head the blame for any misfortune which might, in the
future, befall British prisoners. Any foul play by Gage will call for
retaliation by the colonials, who, washington insists, are determined

to pass on English liberty to American posterity --- at any cost. (I.,

pp. M86-88).

November 1775

Paine's excellent "Reflections on the duty of Princes“ is the sum
and substance of Eovember political writing. It is not Paine at his
best but it is timely and effective. (I, pp. 566—69). News had been
received in America that George III had ignored the declaration of rights
submitted to him by the Continental Congress in July. (See I, p. 536).

The only reply to the petition given the Americans was "That his6
Majesty did not receive it on the throne, no answer would be given.“5

If the "Reflections on Titles" article was not directly aimed at
George III, this open editorializing against him certainly threw the
critical, condemning spotlight on the king alone. The article on the
whole attempts to validate American action against the king's wishes.

Paine reminds all his readers that this king, and all kings, are
under oath in the English monarchial system. He also insists that, by
long custom and legal precedent, the sovereign power vested in the throne
is not above the law. It is further stated, in detail, that George III
has violated both the oath to care for his subjects and the power vested
in him. Monarchy's beginning tes, historically, to a time when men
raised one of themselves to this exalted monarchial position with the
idea that a prince dis raised to power to care for free people."

For the edification of all Paine reels off all the major usurpations

of the historic idea of monarchial rule by the king.

 

56 This message was given Robert Penn who delivered the petition.

The editorial is bombast; only the title is mild. These are more

accusations than "reflections."

December 1775

when Paine and.Aitken inked the presses for their last issue of the
magazine's first year, the political temper of its pages had risen to a
pitch near the mid-summer level. Philos0phical discussion began at this
time to center around poems and essays discussing the Puritan revolution
and the reign of Charles 1.57 "Monthly Intelligence" reports even
stronger measures against Tory sympathizers in Virginia. (I, p. 583).

The proclamation of the king "for suppressing Rebellion and Sedition"
issued on August 23 had reached.America. George III called colonial
leaders traitors, "dangerous and ill-designing men" who "forget the
allegiance which to the power that has protected and sustained them
the colonies ." (1., p. 578).

Congress' answer of December 6 is also published in this issue. (1.,
pp. 573-80). An accurate refutation of the king's charges against them-
selves is made. Strong words, some of the strongest in any official
correspondence to this time, are in the premise made to treat harshly
in America those men "who have favoured, aided, or abetted, or shall
favour, aid, or abet, the system of ministerial oppression." Official
charges are still leveled at other than the king. (1., p. 578).

Editor Paine assumes the pseudonym "Philo Liberatis" for an editorial

 

57 See the poem "Tom the Porter", 1., p. 577. However the "Pretender"
who destroys "Liberties and Properties" could be intended to represent

either George III or Lord North, with his monarchial pretence.

67
58
essay "On Liberty."

This piece is an eloquent essay on the constitutional monarchy of
Britain as opposed to the absolute form of Italy, France, and Spain.
England is the only nation where kings, legally, have limited.power,
where men may be tried by their peers, where laws favor the poor as
well as the rich. (I, p. 569). Paine likes to recall days before the
1770's, days when

"if any evil-minded.minister or tool of ministerial power,

attempted to infringe the rights of the people, many were found
who . . hazarded their lives in defending the citizens

0

But Britain now seems on the decline . . . .

A few there are who declare themselves the patrons of American

liberty, --- in the house of lords, a Chatham is most conspicuous.

In the house of commons, a Burke appears in its defence. (I, p. 570).

Paine lauds Effingham, in the military, for refusing to serve against
the colonies. He insists that Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne have not this
man's courage and are disgracing themselves.

Despite his anger Paine is still reluctant to advocate independence
or to heap the whole blame on the king. His chief target is Lord horth.
The editor concludes with a plea to the king to desist in his armed
suppression of liberty that Britain and America might unite in a combination

which could stand off he despotism of the world.

 

58 Mott attributes this to Paine because of style and language. See

Mott, p. 88.

68

January 1776

The last half year of the Pennsylvania Xagazine exhibits much
less political writing than had the first issues in 1775. Perhaps
Paine was losing interest in this editorship. More probably with
increasing hostilities fewer men had.opportunity to write and submit work
of political significance.

Paine reprinted "The Dying Negro" poem Showing the infamy of
British treatment of black men. This was the same poem Isaiah Thomas

had included in the Royal American magazine for February, 177M.

 

Another poem of ten quatrain stanzas ”A New Song" had some prepa-
ganda usefulness. The patriotic theme is built around the heroine,
Phoebe, who refused her love to any but he "who saves himself and me"
from the strife which threatened free men. Her lover, Colinet, sets

a fine example for every swain by going off to war in order that he may

59

later claim her hand when “the fair reward the brave."

A bitter pill to colonial readers would have been George III's
speech to Parliament on October 28, 1775, which Paine printed in full.
The king opened.verbal warfare with his American subjects by accusing
their leaders as authors of "amusing" statements like the Petition of
Rights. George said the Continental Congress was all hoax. Nothing
of their plan was meant to signify loyalty to the crown. He openly charged
disloyalty and helped further the idea of an independent America.

The rebellious war now levied is become more general, and is
manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent

empire." (II, pp. H5-6).

 

59 II, pp. 89-90. Also in Moore, entitled "Collinet and Phebe", pp.

lie-in.

69

He futher advocated speedy and strong military action to end
the rebellion. He reminded his legislature that the colonies were
too valuable to lose.

Paine also included in "Monthly Intelligence" the Commons assent
to strong arm tactics. Their statement that the colonies "must be held
in due subordination to the supreme legislature" would have only added
fuel to the fire of resentment already burning brightly in Boston.

(II, p. 92).

That there was opposition to George's policies in London is demon-
strated by the petition of abuses submitted by the London Association
for Liberty of Press. Their petition made reference to mishandling of
colonial liberty and Paine printed the entire petition. (II, pp. 83-H).

The indictment of Dr. Benjamin Church as a Boston traitor was
substantiated by a letter printed in this issue. Church, a once
trusted member of the Committee of Correspondence and cohort of Sam
Adams, was working as a British spy. His letter on Boston resistance
plans to the British forces had been intercepted. This is the letter
published in this issue. In addition to valuable military information
Church makes this important comment: "A view of independence grows
more and more general. Should Britain declare war against the colonies
they are lost forever." (II, p. M9). Church was a prOphet whom

George III and Lord North well could have heeded.

February 1776
"Poetical Essays” printed a timely elegy to Capt. Jacob Cheesman
who fell at Quebec. As the time neared July and the desire for independence

increased, such immediate poetic tribute to a patriot is indicative of

7O
60
the effort made by men like Paine to propagandize freedom and valor.

The poem's theme is sad yet heroic. Cheesman is pictured as a
martyr fallen, like Kontgomery, in a noble cause. .The poet bade this
man from he Pirst Battalion of Yorkers to rest in peace since in America
"The Congress too demands thy high applause,/ Those grand supporters
of the best of laws/ For these the palm and laurel wreath prepare,/
And peace and freedom shall reward their care./" (II, pp. lhj-MS).

Loyalist argument was countermanded somewhat by one contributor
who furnished for reprinting the "Scheme for Taxing in the Year 175M."
In his preface to the piece the contributor made clear that it was sub-
mitted for those who still thought "Pride" and "Obstinacy" were the
reasons for the conflict.

The British plan for taxing the colonies during the French and
Indian war had been unpopular. They intended.--- and did --- to build
forts, supply arms, and send troops from funds drawn on the London
treasury. Britain later planned to levy a tax to regain the eXpenditure.
The colonial leaders anticipated trouble twenty years before the tax
began to hurt and submitted their own scheme.

Colonial disapproval was based on the following points:

1) The colonies could best levy proper taxes for their own needs.

2) Colonial governors, not being over honest, might misuse royal
funds for their own gain.

3) A Parliament tax once levied might never be repealed.

M) Parliament was too far away to legislate and contained no

colonial representatives.

 

60 Cheesman's death was first reported in this issue and the battle

had been fought on the last day of 1775.

71

5) Every Englishman was taxed only by his consent.

6) The colonies, having no representatives, could give no consent.

7) The British plan was, therefore, unconstitutional.

S) The colonies were more capable of governing their own affairs
than the royal government. (II, pp. 133-3u.).

This document did indeed give a sense of historicity to colonial
grievances in 1775-76.

The religious question was settled by one essayist who saw justi-
fication in fighting for Christian rights. "Paulinurus", the author,
insisted that the Christian made the best soldier since he could see
danger and bravely face it. The colonial war was God's we . "Who
can be against us?" (II, p. 122).

This month Aitken offered for sale a Military Guide for Young Officers
by Thomas Sines. Long excerpts on how to march in varying terrain, how
to avoid ambush, how to follow a retreating force, and how to make

fortified encampments were printed. (II, pp. l37-h2).

March 1776

Political essays and poetry were conspiciously absent in the March
issue. The political temper of the magazine during 1776 seemed to be
on the decline. However it was to make a concerted and final effort
at revival beginning in April.

"Monthly Intelligence" recorded three important actions which
hastened open and declared war.

On harch 23, Congress had issued resolves permitting American
privateers to harass Britain's navy and.merchant fleet. (II, pp. 150-51).
The important point of the resolves is their strong language. George's

rifle was called a "despotic rule". In this official paper there is no

72

expression of hope for peace and unity with the king. Sea prizes

were to be split three ways: pay for men on board the privateer to

be taken with one-third of the remainder for the officers and men of
61

the crew; Congress took the remaining two—thirds.

An account of washington's force driving the British from Boston
was printed along with his letter to rebel General Lord Sterling urging
speedy fortification of New York in case Howe should go there. The
emotional lift to the colonists must have been encouraging now that
Howe was Halifax bound out of long beseiged Boston. (II, pp. lHY—h9).

The third important news item was the text of the Parliament bill
restricting all trade with the colonies "during the continuance of
the present rebellion." The bill also stated that ships going to or A
from the colonies which were apprehended should "become forfeited to
his Majesty as if the same . . . were Open enemies.u (II, p. 1M7).
whis formally opened the naval war between American privateers and the
royal navy.

Burke's conciliatory proposals of November 18, 1775, which he
supported with a three and one-half hour speech, was reported as rejected.
Painedid.not publish the bill or the speech. (II, p. 1M7).

Toryism was routed in North Carolina where British General Donald
KcDonald was captured and his troops heated at Moore's Creek. (II, p.
1&9). Further colonial victories were scored at Annapolis where British

" . ‘ -. ‘ c s
prizes" were retaaen and tnree men-of-war driven out of tne bay. (II,

p. 150).

 

61 Thirty-one ships were taken by April. See II, p. 156.

73

April 1776

The shortcomings of March were well overcome in the April issue.
Some of the best political writing of the magazine's history is to be
found in the two fine poems and the long dialogue argument included by
Paine as his editorship neared its end.

"A Song of the Times" and Phyllis Wheatley's "Lines in Praise of
General washington" are near the high water—mark of political poetry
published in this journal. Miss Wheatley voiced the devotion to the
American commander of the colonial rebel pOpulation. The freeing of
Boston had proved the colonial choice of a military leader a wise one
and this poetess wished to relay her countrymen's confidence to the
taciturn Virginian. The former poem, unsigned, is political bombast
especially leveled at the hated Lord North.

Ten quatrain stanzas in praise of America and in condemnation of
British policy comp0se the whole of "Song of the Times" (II, pp. 192-
93). The style and meter are 12 syllable lines rhyming ggpp. Each
stanza is followed by the chorus: "Oh! Let freedom and friendship for
ever remain,/ Nor that rascal draw breath who would forge us a chain."

The first three stanzas laud the theme of freedom, tell how the
early settlers fought for the land, and how Britons, like beasts, kill
their own kind. Then the American English throw out a warning and a
charge:

Yet Britons beware of the curse you maintain,

Your sons and your offspring we all still remain;

Behold the most savage, and there you.may see

Their offspring more tenderly treated than we.

host of the poem's hatred was directed toward North and attempt was

made to give the king advice concerning his prime minister.

7n

Though our foes may look on and our friends may admire,
How a Bute, or a North, should set nations on fire;
Yet Satan when suffered his madness to vent,

In meanest of mansions sure pitches his tent.

Shall freedom that blessing sent down from above,
A manifest mark of God's wonderful love,
Be left at his will who delights to annoy,

Whose pleasure is naught but to kill and destroy?
The appeal to the patriot follows in the poem's shongest stanza.

Forbid it, ye gods who preside o'er the land!
Forbid it, ye genii who rule with the wand!
Forbid it, ye heroes whoever draws breath!

Nor dread in the combat to rush upon death.

A last-chance plea is made to George III in this couplet: "May
our king be as wise as we mortals expect,/ Each rascal from council
then boldly eject." Further warning is made in the ninth stanza be-
fitting American temper when North remained and more British troops
arrived: "Then curst be the foes of our birthright, so dear:/ May they
never find comfort or happiness here!" The poem ends with a blessing
for Congress and the hope that the colonies may soon live in peace.

Phyllis Wheatley wrote forty—two lines of praise to Hashington. The
first voice speaking in the poem is that of colonial troops who flock
to follow this great leader. Then the authoress speaks for them:

Shall I to washington their praise recite?

Enough thou knowst them in the field of fight.

Thee, first in place and honours, --- we demand

75

The grace and glory of thy martial band.
Fam'd for thy valour, for thy virtues more,

Hear every tongue thy guardian aid implore.

America is referred to as "Columbia" by Hiss ineatley and she felt
the eyes of the world on her country as America resisted tyranny. There
was absolutely no political tie remaining between America and Britain
in the words of this writer. The struggle was "Brittania" versus "Columbia"
with a strong note of independence ringing in the last lines of encourage-
ment to washington. Miss Wheatley had fine hopes for her hero:

Proceed, great chief, with virtue on thy side,

Thy every action let the goddess guide.

A crown, a mansion, and a throne that shine,

With gold unfading, WASHINGTON! be thine. (II, p. 193).

The "Dialogue on Civil Liberty? Was an argument between three well

 

chosen speakers: D—-, F--, and H9-. Evidently the discussion had been
publicly aired in Nassau Hall to determine whether or not civil liberty
was worth risking "our all.” (I. pp. 157-167). The discussion was intended
as philosthical and had three men who opposed present British rule to
argue the main point. D-- represented the hot-blooded, head strong
patriot; FL- the slighthy Tory, reluctant man who disliked confusion;
H—-, the third speaker, was the calm, thinking man who tried to see the
issue clearly and weigh facts in the light of justice.

The discussion opened with D~— landing the patriot and condeming the
reluctant rebel with the fire of a Patrick Henry:

A real patriot seems to me to be the most illustrious character in

human life . . . . Can anything be more noble?

76

Men . . . are born free and equal . . . For any man, or body of
men, to usurp dominion over others . . . is a perversion against

the majestv‘gf human n ture.

 

Who that has the spirit of man can submit to such indignity?

D—- draws a sharp line between the patriot and the non-patriot.
There is no half way ground for him.

Do not blame me for the ardor of my zeal . . . The situation of

affairs demands it. . . . .

A neutral man is his country's enemy; a moderate man is a traitor.

When F-- got the floor he took a stand opposite that of his rabid
predecessor. He insisted that civil liberty does not necessarily proditce
happiness. Ancient Greece and Rome he cited as examples of a happy
civilization where there were twenty slaves to every freeman. This
speaker does not think civil liberty worth the fight; happiness is
possible without this virtue. He fears the foe is too strong, with the
forces England can muster in Canada, to riSK fighting.

The discussion is ended with H-- refuting F—- at every turn and
at the same time giving logical, calculated support to the fiery argu.
ment of D--. H—- insists that the French Canadians will not aid Britain.
Frenchmen, he argues, have long wished for English liberty.

He then issues this maxim of political doctrine:

I take the essential benefit of civil liberty, wheresoever and in
whatever degree it is found, to be, its tendency to put in motion
and encourage the exertion of all human powers.

Having therefore given you my political creed, I shall con-

clude with declaring my practical purpose. To a constitution already

77

settled, although attended with several defects, I would continue

-in quiet subjection. I should be constrained in some degree by

confidence, but in a much greater prudence, from attempting the

subversion of a system that has prescription on its side. But if

the rulers of any state of which I were a member, should stretch

forth their hands against the rights of the people, and betray

the truth committed to them for the public good, they should

meet, from me, with the most firm and determined opposition. In

the present case, As the liberties of America, are attempted to

be wrested from her, by persons from their characters unworthy,

and from their situations uncapable, of governing with justice,

I do not hesitate to prefer, not only the confusion of anarchy,

and the uncertainty of a new settlement, but even extermination

itself, to slavery rivetted on us and our posterity. (II, p. 167).

This published.argmment represents one of the most sane and effective
political articles which Paine used. The opposition is represented and
its points are not slighted but reasoning favors the rebel representatives.

washington received other praise during April than Miss Uheatley's
poem. The hassachusetts House of Representatives letter congratulating
the colonial military leader on his defense of Joston was printed by
Paine in "Monthly Intelligence" along with the general's reply. The
legislators were especially bound, as was the new nation, to Washington
since he declined pay for his military services. This body of men
eXpressed great hopes for success and confidence in his leadership.

washington's reply is important when it is noted that he refers
to the colonies as the "United Colonies" --- one step away from England
new to readers in this year. There is no mention of reunion with the

crown, only hope for "peace, liberty, and safety." (I, pp. 194-95).

78

"Monthly Intelligence" also included a list of stores Gage left
behind in Boston, an account of New York riflemen driving the British
ship "Savage" out of the harbor by sniping at deck hands, and two

accounts of naval victories. (II, pp. 195-97).

May 1776

John Witherspoonh "The Druid, No. I" headed the essay section for
May; This contribution did not carry the political views he was to
express in the two following issues. This introductory article ascer-
tained that much was at stake; colonial liberty must be defended and
supported. Anticipating future need for tempered decisions of state
he announced that principles of society, the rights of nations, and
the policy of states would be discussed seriously in future articles.
(II, pp. 205-9). This was the only political essay included.

Aitken advertised with excerpts "A New System of Hilitary Idcipline"
by a "General Officer." Tactics and simulated combat situations were
explained and described. (II, pp. 229.32).

Because of its "sound reasoning" Governor Johnston's speech to
the House of Commons in October, 1775 was printed by Paine. Johnston
favored the Americans and listed these causes as denial of constitutional
rights: taxation without representation, the dissolving of charters,
trial without a jury of peers, and imprisonment without writ of habeas
corpus.

Johnston bitterly rebuked Parliament for basing their actions on
Governor Hutchinson's reports alone. The condemned the former Massachusetts
governor as a man of doubtful truth and one who advocated an abridgement

of constitutional rights. Hutc1inson, he declared, was unfit for office.

How this must have pleased the ears of Ctis and Sam Adams -—- and all

79

of Boston!

The speaker further attacked Horth for upsetting "the dignity of
Parliament," and for forcing English soldiers to kill admirable American
subjects. George III is rebuked for keeping North in office. (II,

PP- EBB-MM),

"Monthly Intelligence” reported Congressional adoption of a plan
to carry out the governmental functions now that the King, Lords, and
Commons withdrew legal protection. Further orders were dispatched
that each colony should form a government which would "best conduce
to the happiness and safety of the people." The Colonies were on their

own much before the Declaration was signed. (II, p. 2H7).

June 1776
The most impressive political writing during June was the unsigned
"Ode to the British Empire." This poem contained twenty-one, ten line
stanzas. (II, pp. 285—87). The stanzas rhymed mostly ababccddee
with an occasional ababcdcdgg. The ten syllable line was used through-
out.) The author is loyal to the history of freedom in Britain and
full of praise for past heroes from the days of "Runnimede." Contemporary
English leaders are not described in such endearing terms. The meat
of the poem stanza by stanza is:
1) Will Liberty allow Tyranny to continue in Britain?
2) An appeal is made in the name of "Runnimede's" hardy barons
who would shudder to see the present state of England.
3) Commons, the seat of liberty, is ridiculed for acquieSing to
the King and his ministers.
M). A cry is made for the spirit of the Lords and Commons which

expelled.the tyrant, James I.

5)
6)
7)
8)

9)

13)

1h)

15)
16)

17)
18)

19)

80

Comparison shows present British leaders as "puny pears" when
placed alongside the old heroes of Runnimede.

Roll-call of the past defenders of liberty souls such names as
Eampden, Russell, Vane, and Sydney.

Rough language curses the ”badgered peers, ye pensioned Commons",
as lily—livered traitors all.

Reminds British that it is ridiculous to imagine that "America
must bow her might neck" to the edicts of small men.

Declaration that Britain paid nothing to settle and build.America;
this country was built by men who left chains, racks, and "despotic
rage" behind.

A taunt at shamed British valor is in this suggestion: "Remember
Loui sb our g?"

Thring French and Indian War the colonists saved both Britain
and.America. The colonies paid more than their share of that
war's cost.

American wealth has been most influential in keeping alive
Britain and liberty.

The charge is made that to America the King, Lords, and Commons

are but one tyrant; another Charles to a noble Hampden.

 

America will not become corrupted to die like Britain.

At least not until Britain subdues America will she go down and
George, it is declared, will need "a mightier seeptre" to achieve
that.

The freely chosen patriots in Congress are praised.

Ireland's aid is solicited to down George III.

Scotland is slandered and her doom forecast.

The old Roman disease is now in British bones.

81

21) This appeal to the old blood of Britain
Old generous England! freedom calls --- awake!
From dreams of pride, of interest, and of rage;
Arise! Thy Magma Charta is at stake.

Aitken, who was now both editor and publisher since Paine had
quit, had only Witherspoon's "The Druid, No. 2" as a political essay.
(II, pp. 253-57). Witherspoon ridiculed.at great length the British
complaints that colonists were not following the lgpp 2: 33;, were
acting "barbarously." He would turn the demand and ask the British
to explain their own actions.

This ridicule is followed by a long treatise on the laws of war
which Witherspoon defines as actions directed toward weakening the
resisting force --- not merely destroying for the sake of destruction.

"Monthly Intelligence“ included the new Constitution for South
Carolina which disregarded all British law. (II, pp. 289-96).

Several oaths necessary for office—holders were printed. Now
men must pledge no allegiance to the King or Great Britain —-— indeed,
they must swear otherwise. Pennsylvania expressed, officially, an
early willingness to become "free and independent."

The political writing for June was slight considering the times
but Aitken pleaded that paper was scarce. (II, p. 296). The important
pieces do express well that the time was ripe for the great move and

Aitken offered some views to support his friends in Congress.

Jxfly 1776
If the text of the Declaration were hard to come by, the July
issue would be valuable. Otherwise this final issue of America's last

magazine of political importance for three and one-half years is a slim

82

offering to eyes hungry for political bombast.

The state of the new nation was somber but full of hope as reported
in "Konthly Intelligence." Lord Dunsmore had been routed from Virginia,
victories were reported in the Carolinas, and three state constitutions
were published. The defeat of colonial forces in Canada by Burgoyne
was the darkest news of the time. (II, pp. EEO-ME).

Heartening to all Americans was the report of washington's refusal
of several letters from General Howe in hew York. Washington returned
them unopened to Howe's aide because they were not addressed to the
Commander-in-Chief of the United States of America. The Continental
Congress soberly lauded.fiashington's actions and issued orders for all
military leaders to follow his example. (II, p. 3M3).

The essay section contained witherspoon's "The Druid, Do. 3."

(Pp. 301-5). An essay "Prosperity and Adversity" also was printed as
an allegory demonstrating that Liberty and Truth only live in conditions
of Adversity. (II., pp. 309-11).

Witherspoon explained the great cause and justice in fighting
Britain. He, however, professed a distaste for the beginning of blood-
shed in earnest urging that fighting and when the necessity for combat
no longer existed.

An allegorical "Ode to Independence" by Thomas Smollett was the
only political "Poetical Essay." Here the poet relates the birth of
Independence whose mother was the goddess Liberty. Disdain sired the
youth when he ravished the goddess—mother. Independence, orphaned at
birth, was reared by the Doric Muse, Wisdom, and mountain Dryads into
a man large and strong as his father yet possessed by his mother's
passions. This young man became the chief foe of tyrants who forever

blunted their evil efforts.

83 _

So passed out of existence probably America's most read magazine
until after 1800. Aitken and Paine included.a great deal of essay
and poetic material representative of the best American political
writers had to offer in the years preceding the signing of the Declara—
tion of Independence. As a source for letters and documents expressing

the real causes of dissension, its "Monthly Chronicle" is a treasure-

A

house.

8%

CHAPTER IV
THE ’EITED STATES MAGAZINE: A REPOSITORY

OF HISTORY) POLITICS AND LITERATURE.

The British evacuated Philadelphia in June, 1778 after nine months
of military occupation. It was a chaotie time to launch the first maga-
zine of any kind since the signing of the Declaration of Independence.
Yet, under the editorship of 30 year-old Hugh Henry Breckenridge, Th3
United States Magazine offered its first issue with the new year of 1779.
The periodical was not destined for success. It-struggled through one
full year of publication, the first half dozen issues reflecting the
literary tastes and brilliance of its editor. After the midpyear had
passed, the magazine's quality lapsed considerably.

However, in comparison with previous general magazines, it displayed
a noteworthy excellence of selection and organization. Breckenridge
contributed patriotic satire and political commentary of a quality seldom
seen in either The Royal American magazine or The Pennsylvania Magazine.
313 poetry section, which introduced Phillip Freneau to American readers,
tolerated less mediocre material than had the other magazines. There
was continuity in the installment printing of both poetry and prose con-
tributions. When the magazine expressed an interest in a particular
political question, that question was most often discussed in several issues.

That Brackenridge intended here to state his political views and
uphold the American patriot is evident from the first fourteen pages of
the initial issue. In his preface the editor analyzes the effect of
political writing of the war:

'The British officers who are, some of them, men of under-

standing, on perusal of our pamphlets in the course of debate

85

the verbal war , and the essays and dissertations in the news-
papers, have been forced to acknowledge, not without chagrin,
that the rebels, as they are pleased to call us, had some d~--m‘d
good writers on their side of the question, and that we had fought
them no less sucessfully with the pen than with the sword.
We hope to convince them yet more fully, that we are able

to cultivate the belles lettres, even disconnected from Great

 

Britain; and that liberty is of so noble and energetic quality,

as even from the bosom of a war, to call forth the powers of

human genius, in every course of literary fame and improvement.

(I. pp. 3-”).

The first six stanzas of the verses explaining the frontispiece
design reflect Brackenridge's vision of the future glory of America and
his praise of colonial unity. The six expressive stanzas read:

A bold triumphal Aggh you see,

Such as by antiquity

was raised to Rome's great heroes, who

Did the rage of war subdue.

The Arch high bending doth convey,
In a hieroglyphic way,
What in noble stile like this,

Our United Empire 3&-

The Pillars which support the weight,
Are each of them a might state:
Thirteen and more the vista shews,
As to vaster length it grows:

For new states should added be,

86

To the great Confederacy.

And the might arch shall rise,

From the cold Canadian skies,

And shall bend through heaven's broad way,

To the noble Mexic Bay.

In the lofty arch are seen,
§E§£§.°f a lucid ray --- Thirteen:
And when other states shall rise,
Other stars shall deck these skies;
There in wakeful light to burn,

O'er the hemisphere of morn.

EEEE before the vista flies,
Rising to the western skies:

A golden trumpet still she bears;
Sounding through the coming years;
Sounding o'er the west-way plain,
”here but solitude doth reign;

But where new states shall yet have place,
Founded on an equal base;

Founded far beyond the groves,
Where the Yochagany roves;

Or where Cochnawaga fills

Her urn, at the Shanduski hills.

Here in gilded roofs and halls,
At city feats and festivals,

The wise and brave shall reckon o'er

87

The story of the years before;

And with delighted fancy tell,

How the first heroes fought and fell---
The heroes who, in early day,

Opposed Britannia’s ruthless sway,
And her mad.monarch, o'er whose minds,

Rolled angry vengeance to mankind.

In the magazine's introduction the editor outlined its intentions
as chiefly educational and patriotic. He interpreted education as a
necessity in the development of the true patriot. In a country where the
paths to high offices lay Open to every man, it then became the duty of
the patriot to fit himself that he might fulfull the duties of public ‘
office. "It becom s him to obtain some knowledge of the history and
principles of government, or at least to understand the policy and commerce
of his country.” (I, pp. 9-11).

Brackenridge intended The United States Magazine to supply the need
of extensive "first sources" on government by becoming "the literary
coffee-house of public conversation." It would "convey the thoughts,
remarks, proposals, theories and reasonings of the politician."

After outlining the policy and aim of his magazine Brackenridge
solicited articles from learned writers whose pseudonyms, he had noticed,
were missing in late English publications. His "Letter to the Poets,
Philosophers, Orators, Statesmen,of Antiquity” (I, pp. 11-11:) states:

"I presume, having found that nation [hritain] incorrigible, you.have
discontinued.your epistles to their island. It is indeed high time to
abandon them, and turn your attention to the free people of America."

Requests for articles of expert political advice are tendered especially

88

to such worthies as "Solon and Lycurgus, Numa, Pompiluis, Minos, Rhadamanthus,
Eacus and others."

As the other magazines had done,Brackenridge printed sections of
essays and poetry, and wrote a monthly chronicle. During the latter part
of 1779 a great deal of space was given to the new state constitutions. Those
of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, New York, North and South Carolina,
Virginia, Maryland, and Connecticut were printed in full. The chronicle
contained news of important events, domestic and foreign, and lists of
ships captured at sea. Some of the news accounts, usually very brief, which
would have aroused either patriotic pleasure or anger were: the burning
and ravaging of ConnectiCut, the burning of Charleston, the fall of Savannah,.
the rebel victory at Briar's Creek bridge, and the storming of Honey Point
by General Whyne. This news section, however, is cf not such great importance
as was Tom Paine's "Historical Chronicle."

In the essay and poetry sections there are individual contributions
which, because of quality, stand above the usual magazine writing in eéther
of the three magazines of this period. The unidentified "Cornwalliad" 2and
the poems of Freneau.are excellent political satire.

All identification of article authorship in this study is based upon
Richardson's HistogyIgfugggly_American Magazines. This writer had.access

to Breckenridge's own file of the magazine wherein most pieces are identified.

(Richardson, pp. 196-210).

 

62 Mott identifies the poem as “probably" Brackenridge's. Neither
Richardson nor Claude M. Newlin in The Life and Writings 2: Hugh EEEEZ

Brackenridge (Princeton: 1932), p. he, attempt to identify the author.

 

The outstanding political essays, many probably by the editor, were discus-

sions of the currency question and of the advantages of independence.

g9

The Essays

The major essays. Breckenridge was deeply concerned about the economic

 

situation in 1779. The continental currency issued by the Congress had
caused prices to soar and.money values to decline. The problem was discussed
in a series of essays beginning with "The Representation and.Remonstrance

of Hard.Money Addressed to the People of America." (I, pp. 28-31). The
allegorical figure, Hard Money, a “sterling fellow" of real value, humor-
ously stated his case against that "rag-born, kite-faced fellow," Continental
Currency. Currency is ridiculed because of his changing sense of value

and his lack of lasting qualities. Hard Money felt he had been displaced

by a rather shoddy figure.

Continental Currency, however, found opportunity to retaliate in two
later issues. The "Reply of Continental Currency to Hard.honey” (I, pp.
72-81) charged his foe, whom he described as "copper-nosed, yellowbvisaged,
jaundicedpfaced,” as a poor provider of the necessaries of war. Currency
claimed that he had done a good job and any blame for inflation rested on
monopolies and debt defaulters. Continental Currency accused Hard.Money
of consorting with the enemy; at least it was well know that Tories sought
coin while they scorned currency. Furthermore, Currency charged he intended
~only a temporary reign as the sign of wealth. He would retire once liberty
was established.

In the March issue Continental Currency was defended by William
Livingston (I, pp. 110721). Currency's best recommendation, at this time,
was his parentage. He was "The genuine legitimate offspring of the Congress“
and sponsored by every Whig. He was America's own creation while gold had
been toasted.by such enemies as Lord North.

These three essays are brimming with humorous charges and counter-

charges. Intellectual asides and, at time, some rather salty quips should

90

have amused.American readers. Though Brackengidge favored.a more stable
monetary exchange currency was ably defended. 3

Ibrther unrest due to the inflated economy is reflected in “Query to
the Public." (I, p. 32). A Delaware correspondent urged the formation
of an association whose members would agree to pay not more than.f§zg_times
the pre-war price for all commodities. He further advocated tar and
feathers for the "Tories" who violated the agreement. On this same page
Breckenridge answered a query on money values with this verse filler:

Take half a dozen half joes,

Of dollars take ten times as many,

The remainder make up with your guineas,

'Twill be one hundred.pounds to a penny.

Or your coin, if you please, you may vary,

For seventeen half Joes will do it,

With seventy dollars in silver,

And thirteen good guineas put to it.

"The Adventures of a Continental Dollar" (I, pp. 26M—68; 385-87),
written by Brackenridge, were published in two chapters. The story is
good insofar as it goes, for evidently more was intended than was published.
This prose allegory follows Continental Dollar's adventures into and out of
British hands. The wanderer's patriotism was established by his parents;
Liberty was his sire and.America his mother. His father reportedly had been
"frequently robbed.and plundered by one-Eggggg, and a profligate gang of

Whelps.“ (I, p. 265). In his youth Tories had scorned his company but an

 

63 Richardson, p. 203, attributes the firsttwo articles to Breckenridge

and the last to William Livingston.

91

old Whig lady had foretold a shining future. Those stalwarts in Congress
were Continental Dollars best friends and god fathers. Madame Virtue
had educated him. The youth became of age July 1+, 1776, and grew so in
importance.that Howe and Galloway counterfeited his likeness in an effort
to ruin his reputation. Continental Dollar escaped British capture to

be born again thereby destroying the value of the British counterfeit.
With his new diameter and a changed face, he grew to be the most valuable
of coins.

Though the adventures of the coin are interesting, and he is well
supplied with jibes for the British and Tories, his value certainly was
not above question in l779---or for several years thereafter. Just how
uncertain American monetary values were is shown in a later article,
Matthew Wilson's "On the Present Money-Dilemma." (I, pp. 389-93). This
piece was in keeping with the campaign of some political leaders for a
national, not a state, system of coinage. The writer maintained that the
value of the coin was imaginary; its only real worth lay in its bartering
power. Federal currency, he thought, would eliminate the confusion and
argument over rates of exchange existing in 1779. The argument was sane
and, of course, later proved to be a valid conjecture.

The money question received further publicity in John Jay's address
"To the Inhabitants of the United States of America" (I, pp. sin-53)
and the Congressional Circular Letter signed by Jay. (I, pp. NOS-10,
#36-38, hug-51, N77-78). Jay's address was a plea for more private loans
to the new government and a defense of the much devaluated currency. Jay
criticized the growth of trade monopolies and proposed a tax on commodities
thus controlled. The address placed the responsibility of inflation

upon those people who bought or sold extravagantly. The Circular Letter

defended Congressional monetary policies, attacked profiteering, and out-

92

lined the cost of the war.

In three issues Brackenridge carried the text of Dr. David.Ramsay's
"An Oration on the Advantages of American Independence.’I (I, pp. 20-25,
53-57, 101-106). This long address was delivered at Charleston, South
Carolina, on July M, 1778. In his preface to the first instalment
Breckenridge praised highly Ramsay's ability as a speaker and logician.
Ramsay reviewed all the old.grievances against Britain and was especially
bitter about the "no representation" dispute. Much of the oration's
appeal was based on the promised benefits of freedom and the glorious
future in store for an independent America. To Ramsay, like Jefferson,
America's wealth lay in agriculture, in her soil.

The speaker recounted the British plan to milk the colonies of
their wealth. He argued that this was England's chief interest in
America. He pictured.the colonies being bantered.about among the warring
nations of Europe as a victory prize if allegiance with the mother-country -
was reinstated.

As a conclusion the speaker outlined a plan of growth for the new
country once peace returned. America's chief weakness was her thin
population. The orator thought the problem would soon be solved by the
attractiveness of a free world. "Our excellent form of government" and

cheap soil would attract thousands from Europe. Ramsay indeed had the

 

61+ Further publicity was given in the March issue to the imxhigration
plan. Excerpts from Observations 2p_the American Revolution (I, pp. 125-
29) by a Congressional Committee promised to Open the portals of free-

dom to the "miserable and oppressed" of Europe.

is

 

 

foresight to envision the period 1830-50 when thousands did stream
across the Atlantic to America. Ramsay, at this time, cited as examples
Pennsylvania and New England, whose liberal charters had attracted the
most immigrants, though their soil not so rich as in the Carolinas.
Independence, as Ramsay analyzed the times, was America's only and best
way to greatness. “As we are now completely free and independent, we
shall populate much faster than we have ever done, or ever would, while
we were controlled by the jealous policy of an insignificant island.”
(I, p. 102). He praised the leaders in Congress and declared that "the
cause of America is the cause of Human Nature." Through independence
America would see the dawning of another Golden age.

Ramsay glorified independence in 1778. In the text of another
fine speech printed in The United States Magazine liberty was the theme
by which the speaker sought to unify the efforts of his countrymen. This
text was of Brackenridge's own address of July 5, 1779, delivered "before
a numerous and respectable Assembly of Citizens and.Foreigners, in the
German Calvinist Church, Philadelphia." (I, p. 2M3). The audience was
one to awe a lesser man:

The President of the State, the fiinister Plenipotentiary and

Consul of France, the Honorable the Members of Congress, the Council and
Chief Justic of the State, the Clergy, the Magistrates, and Military
Officers of the city, the Provosts, Professors and Students of the College,
Gentlemen of the Law, Gentlemen of the neighboring States, and a respect-
able body of citizens, were present. (I, p. 289).

Before this illustrious audience the editor of The United States

Magazine delivered his "An Eulogium of the Brave Men who have fallen in

65

the contest with Great Britain." He praised those who had died for
liberty and expounded.his ideas on the Revolution:
I conceive it as the first honour of these men, that before
they engaged in the war, they saw it to be just and necessary.
They were not the vassals of a proud chieftain rousing them, in
barbarous times, by the blind impluse of attachment to his
family, or engaging them to espouse his quarrel, by the music
and entertainment of his hall. They were themselves the chieftains
of their own cause, highly instructed in the nature of it, and,
from the best principles of patriotism, resolute in its defense.
They had heard the declaration of the court and parliament of
Great Britain, claiming the authority of binding them in all
cases whatsoever. They had examined this claim, and found it to
be, as to its foundation, groundless, as to its nature, tyrannical,
and in its consequences, ruinous to the peace and happiness of
both countries. On this clear apprehension and decided Judgment
of the cause, ascertained by their own reason, and collected
from the best writers, it was the noble purpose of their minds
to stand forth and assert it, at the expense of fortune, and the
hazard of their lives. (I, p. 333).
Breckenridge would have the American dead to be none the less than
heroes who had died in defense of man's most valuable possession:
For what cause did these brave men sacrifice their lives?
For, that cause which, in all ages, has engaged the hopes, the
wishes, and the endeavors of the best men, the mp; Liberty.
LIBERTY! Thou art indeed.valuable; the source of all that is
great and good upon earth . . . . For thee, the patriot of America

has drawn his sword, has fought, and has fallen. (I, p. 3M6).

95

This heroism had a transfer value. The sons, sisters, wives, and
sweethearts of the American dead could share their fame. The fame of
the fallen was a virtue in their honor. Brackenridge concluded with the
highest praise for General Washington and the exhortation for Americans
to stand united in tha cause for which so many had died, the cause of
Liberty.

Breckenridge had not excluded the role of American womanhood in his
eulogium. In the I—iarch issue "Clarissa" contributed a literary "vision
of Paradise." (I, pp. 122-2M). This, too, praised.American women as
revolutionary heroines and urged.more to assume the likeness. In her
vision Clarissa saw "the angel of the paradise of female patriotism"
descend the formidable sides of a mountain. This "lovely winged youth"
led her over the summit, though the path was rocky and dangerous, and
into the valley of this paradise. Here Clarissa met the heroines of
Greece and Rome, the maid of Orleans, and noble Portia. On a western
hill among oaks and populars dwelled the women patroits of America,
notably Mrs. John.Adams and.Mrs. Samuel Adams. This hill had long been
reserved for such.American women. The angel prophesied that some unhappy
maids, who were yet "under wrong impressions of their country’s cause",
would repent and eventually enter the garden. An effort to embrace the

approaching.Adams women awake the dreamer.

66
The New York Tory printer James Rivington was bitterly rediculed in

 

66 Rivington was publisher of the New York Gazette. One page of this
paper had been regularly given to the Tory views of one "Poplicola“. Claud
Halstead Van Tyne, The Loyalists ig the American Revolution (New York: 1929),
pp. 13, 13N, GM, says Rivington was "honestly trying to run an independent

newspaper (p. 12) "but Whig sentiment would not allow neutrality. This

one of the best satirical essays published in an.American magazine. This
essay in the form of a petition to the Continental Congress was entitled
"The Humble Representation and Earnest Supplication of James Rivington,
Printer and Bookseller in New York.“ (I, pp. 3h—MO). Pres. John Wither-
spoon of the College of New Jersey (Princeton), whom the editor knew
while a student there, wrote the satire. Witherspoon injected a great
deal of malicious humor into this fictitious petition wherein the printer
iscaught in a city at the mercy of the ”Yankies" who were expelling
British troops in 1779. Now that the British were leaving, he is afraid
the colonials will "exalt" him, and other Tories, "to a high though
dependent station, and which brought America under their feet, in a
sense"very different from what Lord North meant, when he first used that
celebrated expression."

Rivington claims that he, like all Tories, is really harmless:

Now it is certain that the tories in general would do any-
thing sooner than fight. Many of them became tories for no other
reason than that they might avoid fighting. The poor chicken-
hearted creatures cryed out to the potent King of England, to take
them under his wings for protection; which he endeavored to do,
but they were to short to cover them. (I, p. 36). t

The printer promises that all Tories will receive ample punishment

 

eventually drove him to support British policies (p. 13N). How'much he
was supporting Toryism by 177M is demonstrated in an editorial recommending
death to colonial leaders who excited uprisings. (p. NH). In 1781

Rivington went so far as to parody the Declaration. (pp. 309-17).

97

without Whig assistance: "By this I mean the dreadful mortification,

after our past puffing and Vanity at being under the dominion of the Con-
gress." (I, p. 37). He pleads with the colonial leaders to remember all
the fond names Tories had for them: "rebels, rascals, ragamuffins, tatter-
demalions, scoundrels, blackguards." Not least in his plea for mercy

was this supplication: "We never once made you to retreat.” In this
article The United States Magazine made itszmost potent thrust at Toryism.

L
Breckenridge, in a more serious tone, published his "Maxims for

 

Republics” (I, p . 18-20), in an article signed "Sidney", an often used
pseudonym. There are echoes here of the editor's introductory statements.
Here is the gist of Brackenridge's ideas on government in 1779. In an

essay explaining the differences between pginciples and form in government,

 

Brackenridge neatly separated the responsibilities and privileges of the
masses from those of "men of education and reflection." The principles

of a democracy were best judged by the “feelings" of the bulk of mankind.
The form of government in a democracy should be left to the judgment of
the intelligent. Brackenridge favored governmental power derived.from the
peOple, not seated in them. His final reminder stated that: "The art

of government is not to govern too much."

The minor essays: In the April issue two historical essays were
begun but both lapsed incomplete in June. An.American account of the
"Establishment of these United States" (I, pp. 159-62, 202-n, 260) was
proposed because the American revolution was unique in the history of the
world. The account carried through an argument justifying the land
claims of settlers over those of the Indian before being dropped from the
publication.

The "History of the Present war" (pp. 151-55, 199-202, 2h5—u7), a

 

98

British publication, was reprinted in part. This history ended with an
appeal by the colonies for a Canadian alliance before 1776. The temper
of the writing is pro-British but on the whole it is a just account.

Brackenridge's "Political Idscourses founded on the Scriptures, Ho.
7" (I, pp. 25-28) pictures America as another Noah's ark riding out the
flood of tyranny caused by the British, The English, according to this
writer are the descendants of "unoffending Seth" who married with those
of Cain to produce a line of immoral, vain conquerors.

Laxity in carrying out the war was attacked in a German translation,
"Thoughts on the Necessity 3f War.” (I, pp. h72-7M). War was argued as
beneficial to society as was fever to a diseased man. Conflict drove
out the Satan in man, his "object conduct", which allowed tyranny to
become rampant. E .

'The Progress of the Tyranny of Britain” (I, pp. 331-32) was a brief
review of Parliament's suppression of colonial rights. The writer des-
cribed British control as so manifest thas: "Not a pace should we step,
not an action should we do, not a boon of providence should we enjoy, but
at the will of Britain!" This probably was intended to strengthen America's
insistence on complete independence now that George III had proffered a
plan of reconciliation to American envoys in France.

In the last issue was included.a Princeton commencement address "An
Oration on the Character of a true Hero." (I, pp. h9l-95). This was the
work of sixteen year-old.Richard J. Stockton. washington, who rose to
glory in the presence of danger, yet showed mercy to his enemies, was this
young.man's idea of the noble patriot.

Either brevity or incompleteness weakened both the individual and total

effect of these minor essays. No doubt Breckenridge was many times pressed

99

for copy and such articles filled his pages. The proposed histories
might have been worthwhile had they been continued. However as political
propaganda they had not the necessary vigor to arouse much patriotic

sentiment.
The Political Poetry;

Political poetry in The United States Magazine exhibited a satirical
excellence unrivaled in either of the other magazines. Indeed, the
literary value of this periodical could well rest on the poetry Breckenridge
published within its pages. The editor published nine poems of Philip
Freneau. These men had been classmates at the College of New Jersey and
had collaborated on their commencement exercise, WA Poem on the Rising
Glory of America.“ Three of Freneau's contributions to the magazine were
entirely political in nature. Among the others published, "Poem on the
Beauties of Santa Cruz" (I, pp. SM—SS), and I"The House of Night" (I, pp.
335-63), are the most noteworthy. Both are published.here for the first time;
only the original seventy-three verses of the latter were available in
August, 1779.

In addition to the Freneau poetry, “The Cornwalliad", a long mock-
heroic poem, and two anonymous poems have propaganda value. "The Cornwalliad"
was written 12 four cantoes and remained unfinished after running through
seven issues. 7 There exist differences of opinion on the poem's worth.

Mott says: ”It is rather uninspired, and probably belongs in the category

 

67 I, pp. 181-82, 232-33, 278-79, 317-18, 39h—hoo, u3i-33. The poem
was accompanied by a satirical "Apology" (I, pp. 15-18) and further re-

marks on its history (I, pp. 63-65).

100

of Brackenridge's verse which General Charles Lee called 'damnable'."
(Mott, p. M5). Lee felt the entire magazine and its editor "damnable"
after Brackenridge had printed in January the gay general's letter to
Miss Rebecca Franks, a Philadelphia society belle. The letter was one
of protesggto Miss Franks, who had laughed at Lee's leather patched
breeches. Mott's opinion appears both hasty and erroneous since Lee
had made no particular reference to Brackenridge's verse; furthermore
there is little supporting evidence that Breckenridge was the author of
"The Cornwalliad."

Lyon Norman Richardson calls the poem "a remarkable mock epic". He
believes it "is the equal of some of the work of Freneau, or Brackenridge,
or Trumbull." (Richardson, pp. 207-8).

In an "Apology for the Cornwalliad, a proposed Heroic poem, in
several Cantoes" (I, pp. 15-18) there is some evidence of Brackenridge's
authorship. The author recalls both military and literary resistance
of the British. He "had burlesqued proclamations, parodied speeches, and
cut and séashed about me, doing more execution than seven Brigadiers
General." 9 The poet maintains that he would have continued to support
the colonies if this insane idea for independence had not risen. It is

at this point in the two preliminary essays that the satire begins. Because

of the Declaration the poet feels that he must reinstate himself in the

 

68 See Newlin, pp. 50-52, for a full account of Lee's anger over this
publicity.

69 Brackenridge had served for two years as an unordained chaplain for
troops in New Jersey and.Maryland. See Hewlin, pp. 37-M3. The poem's

author, however, reveals himself in the apology as one who had borne arms

101

good graces of George III. The method was "to Chose [sic] this suffer-
ing hero," Cornwallis as the hero of his epic. The poet disapproved of
the independence scheme because: Britain and America were like a clock
and its pendulum, and every clock (Britain) must have its pendulum;
Britain and.America were like a comet and its tail, and.a bob-tailed
comet would appear rather silly; and.America, being a dry, desolate place,
was dependent on England as a source of fresh water. Furthermore America
was so far removed from the North Pole that the governmental compass
would.not function so well as did England's.

The second introductory essay, "That part of History on which the
Cornwalliad is founded" (I, pp. 63—5), is a satire on the stupidity
displayed by Cornwallis' maneuvers indefending Trenton and Princeton
against washington in December, 1778. Cornwallis was regularly duped by
the colonial general; so much so that one night he unknowingly allowed the
American force to slip away under cover of darkness thereby losing contact
with his enemy. The mock-heroic stature of the man was to be described
in an account of Cornwallis' retreat from Trenton. Canto I (I, pp. 133-
5, 181-82) begins:

I sing the prowess of that martial chief,

Who bravely patient bore a weight of grief,

On that sad eve that closed the march he made,

From Trenton hills to Brunswic, retrograde. (I. P. 133)

 

against Lord Dunsmore, the royal governor of Virginia.

102

The military campaign, to the point of action where Canto I takes
up the story, had already progressed beyond washington's crossing of the
Delaware. The rebels had captured Trenton and Princeton, and evaded
Cornwallis completely after being in close contact with him at one time.
washington's troops occupied a hill opposite Cornwallis one night. The
British general observed their many campfires, which burned until dawn,
and assumed his enemy was near. To his surprise the dawn disclosed "but
an cpen field before him." The rebels had vanished. The poet finds his
hero puzzled and wary on this morning. Five "Hybernian soulsn had
deserted to the rebel foe. Cornwallis feared for their safety in that
they might be mistaken for "turkey—buzzards" and shot. (I, pp. 133-3M).

Cornwallis' intelligence expert is a long-eared Scot whose hearing
is triple that of ordinary men. The valor of the British troops was
satirically described in the opening canto. After the long-eared one
registered distant battle sounds in his super-sensitive ears, the troops
heroically respond by eating and lolling about. Further military amusement
was found in marking farm boundaries with stones and dreaming of future
tillage of captured American soil. (I, pp. 181-82).

The second canto provides action and alarm as a scout from Princeton
reports a rebel victory there. washington reportedly had gone on to
Brunswick and another victory. Brunswick was Cornwallis' destination and
the site of his supplies. Frightened by the scouts' alarming news and
the eminent prospect of battle, the long-cared Scot prophesies their doom:
"I see our fate -- we must all go to pot,/ For every Briton will this
night be shot; / The raging rebels will delight to slay, / And devil a
one of us will spare «- not they.“ (I, p. 233). Cornwallis and his men

then "brought up the rear of the war" by fleeing to the heights and woods

103

near Brunswick. At this time the British commander did not know the
whereaboutsof washington. Being a man of intelligence though, he decided
Washington was on one of his four sides.

Cornwallis’ troops, in the poem, are all Scots endowed with native
fears and superstitions. All believed that the rebels were men of
Satan who charmed "their rifle-balls, like efl-shot". In previous battles
the deadly missles had come from everywhere. (I, p. 233). The general
is assuperstitious as his men though he insists that rebel rifles make
sound. The puzzling thing to Cornwallis and his men, as they settle down
above Brunswick, is that they have heard no rifle fire during the day's
march. They could not decide whether or not washington was in the town
below them. After much argument, which discloses that the Scots firmly
believe washington to be Satan and capable of taking the town in silence,
the general decides to take epe scout and reconnoiter the outskirts of
the town. They planned to address the rebel sentries in "broadest Scotch"
to determine whether friendor foe controlled Brunswick. Cornwallis
especially approved of this measured since it would not spill British
blood.

At this point in the poem there is a switch of locale. The reader
is taken inside the Brunswick barracks. The regular garrison of Scots,
not washington, still hold the town. They, however, have heard of the
rebel successes and fear an attack. They, too, debate the position of
colonial troops. Two scouts, Mac Neil and Sawney, are sent to investigate
the heights and woods about the town. The two scouting parties meet in
a dark woods. Cornwallis cries out: "Wha the de'el cums here?" The
townsmen take to their heels at this bold question, Mac Neil in one di-

rection, Sawney in another. While fleeing the enemy, Mac Heil hears the

10h

cry of an owl which he assumes to be those of a captured and stabbed
Sawney. At this the brave soldier steps up his pace --- homeward.

In one of the high points of humor in the poem, Mac Neil tells his
Brunswick fellows of Sawney's horrible death only to have the victim
enter the barracks room. The superstitious Scots think him a ghost and
Sawney confounds his mates by refusing to admit he is dead. Meanwhile
Cornwallis and hisscout have returned to safer ground thoroughly con-
vinced that they have narrowly missed a clash with Washington's men.
Canto II ends with the outsiders afraid to approach Brunswick while the
town troops were equally afraid to venture outside its limits. (I, pp.
232-33. 275-79. 317-18).

The dawn of a new day opens Canto III. In the daylight both forces
are more bold. Cornwallis advances toward Brunswick as his fellows
inside march toward his position. Thus the poet sets the stage for the
high point of comedy and the bitterest satire on the valor of his hero.

Both forces distantly eye each other. The Brunswick troops note
the redecoated enemy on the hill and assume ”sly washington" is sporting
the uniforms of their vanquished friends. The Brunswick troops immediately
decide to surrender by rushing out “with fire-locks clubed." Cornwallis
observed their advance through "grass-green spectacles." To him the
advancing trOOps were seen as green-COated rebels, the cause of mounting
fear. A fear so great that:

The noble chief hard struggling with his care,

Call'd from his face as much blood as't could spare,

To reinforce the skirmish of his heart;

Nothing in war avails so much as art.

Brave lads, said he, attend to what I say,

This hour is big with an important day;

105

You see the foe has occupied the heights,

And if we gain the town, we first must fight.

Perhaps some one may urge a swift retreat,

As if 'twere better than a sore defeat.

I own it, Sirs; but in that town below,

Are all our stores and magazines you know

Which if we loose, we are as surely kill'd

BW’famine here, as on the embattled filed.

No other hOpe can our sad station give,

Famine or war is the alternative. (I, pp. 395-6).

Cheered by this brave speech, Cornwallis' men advance though, because
of a "cough", their general can hardly make his order heard. This advance
is soon stopped when Cornwallis' weak eyes spot men in the woods on his
flank. Replacing his "grass-green spectacles" he mistakes the bowed
heads of praying Brunswick troops for the mouths of many cannon. Ho
cagey general would walk into the face of such fire power. He would make
the enemy come to previously chosen ground, make him attack. Cornwallis,
clever tactician that he is, ordered.his men into a “hollow square" which
circled constantly to ward off flanking attacks.

The town troops observed this formation and saw in it a savage war
dance which the Americans must have learned from the Indians. This
barbaric ritual drove the town troops into a frienzy. They desired to
surrender at once. The decision was made to throw their caps into the
air and shout "washington" as a token of friendliness. After Orn Mac Orn,
a sharp-eyed Scot, had reported the faces of washington and Putnam in the
center of the revolving square, the shouting, cap tossing townsmen began

to charge up the hill.

» 106

Cornwallis had observed his enemy's preparations finally noticing
that their coatS, too, were red. The flying caps he thought were bombs
and grenades. Amid all this turmoil one stupid townsman wandered into
Cornwallis' lines. The confession of this captive prevented a mutual
capitulation by both forces. (I, pp. 39h—MOO).

This mock-heroic might well have ended with Canto III. Cornwallis
and his entire force had been excellently belittled in the battle scene.
Yet the British general was forced to further humiliation in Canto Iv as
he and his warriors retired to their barracks for a rousing, tippling
celebration of their salvation. During the evening the general was
urged to tell of his noble retreat. Mounting a bench, cup in hand,
noble Cornwallis faced an eager audience: "All were attentive to the
warlike man,/ When from his lofty bench he thus began." (I, p. #31).
His tale was so full of woe that even "hot Mifflin could scarce/ Refrain
from tears while I the tale rehearse." Cornwallis described.his foes as
greater than those Xerses led across the Hellespont. 0f the British
casualties he recalled: "Many of Hessian that day lost his speech,/

And many a Scot was wounded in the breech." Fe , while asleep the first
night of retreat, had visions of being bayoneted: "I once myself in
dreary vision saw/ The raging Mifflin his bayonet draw,/ And as he
push'd at my posterior thigh,/ I felt my heart and fainting spirits die;/
But what the flush and pleasure of the soul/ When I awoke and felt my
backSide whole." (I, p. ”33). The tale and the Canto end with an account
of how washington slipped away while his night-fires mysteriously burned
on. On this series note the noble commander's halts his story —-- "The
rest is wanting." (I, pp. #31-33).

"The Cornwalliad" is excellent, laugh-provoking reading. The satire

and the method are sharp. In the several scene switches in Cantoes I and

107

III, the transition is smooth and easy. All of America's hatred for this
man, who had over-run four southern colonies and bedeviled Philadelphia,
is evident in the vicious humor of this mock-heroic.

The Freneau political poetry. Two of the three political poems
contributed by Philip Freneau to The United States Magazine were part of
the vast smear campaign (gainst George III. IMring 1779 the king was
greatly concerned about his declining power and shrinking colonial holdings.
Freneau's longest poem, "A Dialogue between his Britannic majesty and.Mr.
Fox" (I, pp. M95—501), shows the distrubed spirit of the king as many
colonials no doubt saw him. George III Opened this conversation in a
reflective mood: "Still George the Third, but potent George no more."

Now that Lord North had led him "to the brink of fate" the bewildered
monarch appealed to Mr. Fox for advice on how to regain America's friend-
ship. Mr. Fox was quite willing to let his King stew in his own juice.

He called George a miser, a monarch who had more land than Rome but

craved still more. Fox had no sympathy for a ruler who sent troops against
loyal subjects. Fox advised the King to appeal to North in this hour

of destruction --- or go fight.

The insinuation of the dialogue, with Mr. Fox voicing the sentiments
of America, was that George III and England were doomed. Since France and
Spain controlled the seas and English leaders quarreled among themselves,
Mr. Fox insisted that "Columbia" was lost. The boast of every colonial
prOpagandist is in Fox's last words to George III: "Yes --- while I speak,
your empire, great before,/ Contracts its limits, and is great no more."

This same American Optimism is voiced in "King George the Third's
Soliloquy.“ (I. pp. 230-31). Here a brooding King speaks his woe:

0 Damn this Congress, damn each upstart state.

108

On whose commands ten thousand warriors wait:

From various climes that dire assembly came,

True to their trust yet hostile to my fame;

'Tis these, ah these, have ruin'd half my sway,

Disgraced my arms, and led my realm astray. (I, p. 230).

French aid, the threat of Spain, a dissatisfied people, ruined commerce

's troubles and ruined

and a shattered navy had further added to George
his name. As troops "Yet rogues and savage tribes I must employ,/ And
what I cannot conquer will destroy." Freneau pictured the English king
as a madman who pronounced it "no sin to ravage, burn, and slay” in America.
George III contemplates burning every American town. Only his fear that
retaliation would cause the firing of London restrains the desire. The
American war causes him to curse his very existence and consider the life
of a hermit as a refuge:

Curs'd be the day when first I saw the sun,

Curs'd be the hour when I this war begun;

The fiends of darkness then inspir'd.my mind,

And powers unfriendly to the human kind;

My future years I consecrate to woe,

For this great loss my soul in tears shall flow.

To wasting grief and sullen rage a prey,

To Scotland's utmost verge I take my way;

With nature's storms eternal concert keep,

And while her billows rage, as fiercely weep:

0 let the earth my rugged fate bemoan,

And give at least one sympathizing groan.

(I, p. 231).

109

Freneau described the hell Britain had made in America, where the
poet could no longer sing Of sweetness, in "Psalm CXXXVII. Imitated."
(I, pp. MOE-3). Hatred for the British overflows the final stanza:

Thou Babel's offspring, hated race,

May some avenging moster seize,

And dash thy venom in thy face,

For crimes and cruelties like these,

And proof to pity's melting tear,

With infant blood your walls besmear. (I. p. 1+03).

Anonymous poems. Two political poems of unknown authorship attack

 

in turn Lord North and the King, and the American Tories.

"King George the Third's Speech to Lord North" (I, p. 278) describes
an ambitious king and a knavish prime minister, both devoted to tyranny.
North, in the poem, defines American character in unflattering terms. The
idea which Americans had long held, that North was more reponsible than
the King for the causes of the war, is well expressed in this short poem.
(See Appendix VII).

"The Loyalists" (I, pp. 315-16) is both a violent criticism Of Toryism
and an apology to the muse for the strong language of.revolutionary political
poetry. The poet declares that he, too, once wrote of peaceful scenes but
now amidst blood and waste he has, of necessity, turned his powers and:
"Expos'd the tyrant and denied.his reign;/ raised a holder strain."

This writer would expell every Tory from the colonies; he would send
them to Hell, their rightful place, -—~ Or the Bahamas. A contemporary
description of the Loyalist by the fiery patriot is in the Opening lines:

"That Britains rage should dye our plains With gore,

110

And desolation spread thro every shore,
None are could doubt that Britain's malice knew,
This was to rage and disappointment due;

, But that those monsters, whom our soil maintain'd,
Who first drew breath in this devoted land,
Like famish'd wolves should on their country prey,
Assist our foes, and wrest our lives away:
This shocks belief: they are from Satan's den;

They must be devils in the form of men. KI, pp. 315-16).

III The Ghronicle.

A

The news section of The United States Magazine contains SO little

 

Opinion that is propaganda value is negligible. Unlike the Pennsylvania

 

Magazine there were no lengthy texts Of speeches or letters of importance
nor were there any vitriolic prefaces like those of Isaiah Thomas in The

pral American Magazine.

 

Some abuse Of New York Tories crept into the February news. They
were chastized for foolishly following the British rule and reminded that
the long, hungry winter of 1778-79 was well deserved on their part. (I,
p. 90). This issue also gleefully reported that George'III's recent
Parliament address disclosed the weight of worry on the monarch's shoulders.
At this time George III expressed a desire for peace and the need for more
money. (I, p. 93).

At this same time Governor Johnston's peace plan was reported. This
proposal was intended to right many Of the present wrongs by Britain's

allowing "a clear, explicit, unconditional, and full acknowledgement of the

lll

independence Of the United States." By granting independence Johnston
believed England could restore her lost and sorely needed American com-
merce. (I, pp. 93—95). Lord North vigorously opposed this plan thus
prolonging the war. (I, p. 95).

Other than these few comments one must turn to other sections than
the Chronicle for political Opinion. Brackenridge kept opinion out of
his news reports in the admirable manner of a more modern Journalist.

The first volume was the extent of this publication. Its editor
disbanded publication in anger. The year 1779 was too unsettled for such
a venture yet Brackenridge blamed the ignorant and the unpatriotic for the

magazine's failure. (I, pp. ”83-85).

112

CHAPTER V

COYCLUSIOH

 

As has been previously stated this study was done with the idea
of examining and reporting, as exhaustively as possible, the political
prepaganda published in the three early American magazines devoted to
the American cause. The study does not elevate the magazine as a
prOpaganda media to a level equal to that of either the pamphlet, broad—
side, or newspaper. It is doubtful that modern American magazines
could exert an influence comparable to the newspaper or radio. Yet one
would be hesitant to disregard their total effect. Such is the case
with the magazines Of Paine and Aitken, Thomas and Greenleaf, and Bailey
and.Brackenridge.

The literary history of Moses Coit Tyler and the more recent Literary

Histogy g: the United States (l9MS) hardly mention American magazines.

 

The excellent magazine histories of Frank Luther Mott and Lyon Norman
Richardson have tOO much ground to cover to give the detailed attention
tO magazine political writing that has been done here. Ellis Paxson
Oberholtzer's The Literary_History 9; Philadelphia (1906) and Claude M.
Newlin's biography of Brackenridge can afford no more than a few pages
consideration Of Breckenridge and his magazine. It is hoped that this
study has in some measure extended what these men could have said in a
less comprehensive work.

It is also hoped that the wealth Of political writing published in
magazines in the decade 1770-1780 has been satisfactorily discussed and
summarized.

These three important magazines, now more easily available to the

student since microfilm has become a common library addition, are worthy

.113

of study as storehouses of late eighteenth century American essays and
poetry. That such men as Isaiah Thomas, Tom Paine, and Hugh Henry
Breckenridge were interested in our best early magazines magnifies the
value of these journals as repositories of American literature. Here in
poems on the rising glory of America and on patriotism,in essays against
political bigotry, in essays advocating a national development is more
than revolutionary political propaganda. Here are the first whisperings,
sometimes more audible than the whisper, of the golden age both Emerson
and Whitman saw dawning half a century later.

There is something highly noteworthy about the political propaganda
published in these magazines. As revolutionists and propagandists the
magazine editors and writers evidence a devotion, though at time tainted
with satire and humor, to theiruth as they saw it. The causes of revolur
tion and independence on which they wrote were to them real and justifiable.
There is little of the counterfeit in the grievances which were time and
again repeated in magazine essays. One can see a certain righteousness
even in the seditious preface of Isaiah Thomas as he spouted vituperation
at the injustice of the Boston Port Bill.

It is also noteworthy that all three magazines, though destined to
failure because of the war, attempted to continue publication in spite of
it. The blockade at Boston eventually ended The Royal American Hagazine;
the signing of the Declaration of Independence ended The Pennsylvania
Magazine; The United States Magazine, launched during the heart of the war,
failed because of it.

Each of them professed a devotion to liberty and justice. Each adp
vertised the injustices of the British. All agreed with such late historians

as Becker and Davidson that Lord North's policies forced the breach between

England and the colonies. All attacked the men most responsible for suppres-

114.

sion of rights. Eone were guilty of false chargeS.
The political propaganda of these magazineS, which urged.men to arms

and independence, demonstrate the truth in John Adams' statement: "The

revolution was effected before the war commenced. The revolution was in

the minds and hearts of the people." Magazine proyaganda advocated and

encouraged that same revolution.

APPETDI CBS

115

APPEKDIX I

 

AMERICAH MAGAZIKE CHRCHCLCGY: 1752-1780

The Independent Reflector: or Weekl' Essavs on Sundrv Im ortant
A _9 11 __ AL. P

 

 

Subjects (New York: Nov. 30, l752—Hov. 22, 1753), James Parker, printer,

William Livingston, editor.

The Occasional Reverberator (fiew York: Sept. 7-Oct..5, 1753), James

 

 

Parker, printer.

The Instructor (New Yorg: Ear. 6-Hay 8, 1755), James Parker and William

 

Weyman, editors and publishers.

John Englishman (New York: Apr. 9-July 5, 1755), James Parker and

William Weyman, editors and publishers.

The American Magazine, 23 Honthlx_Chronicle for the British Colonies

 

 

(Philadelphia: Oct. 1757-Oct. 1758), William Bradford, publisher, Rev.

William Smith, editor.

The flew American Magazine (Woodbridge, New Jersey: Jan. 1758-Mar. 1760),

James Parker, editor, Samuel Nevill, editor.

The Few England Magazine 2: Knowledge and Pleasure (Boston: Aug.- Oct.

 

1758), Benjamin Macom, editor and publisher.

The Pennx Eost (Philadelphia: Jan. 9-27, 1769), Benjamin Macom, editor

and publisher.

The American Magazine, or General Repository (Philadelphia: Jan.-Sept.

 

1769), William and Thomas Bradford, publishers, Lewis Hicola, editor.

116

The Qensor (Boston: Nov. 23, l771-may 2, 1772), Ezekiel Russell, publisher.

The Royal Amarican Magazine, 2£_Universal Repository 2: Instruction and

 

Amusement (Boston: Jan. 177U—Har. 1775), Isaiah Thomas, editor and pub-
lisher through June, 177%; Joseph Greenleaf, editor and publisher there-

after.

The Pennszlyania Magazine; 23, American Monthly museum (Philadelphia:

 

Jan. 1775-July 1776), Robert Aitken, publisher, Thomas Paine, editor.

The United States Magazine: a_Repositorg:2: History, Politics, and

Literature (Philadelphia: Jan.-Dec. 1779), Francis Bailey, publisher,

 

Hugh Henry Brackenridge, editor.

.117

APPEl-TDIX I I

 

Below is the September Rebus followed by its answer which was

published in the November issue.

A Rebus

Take the name of a place which traitors do dread,

And a doctrine that's preach'd up by seekers for bread:
Add a word which is now in this time of dissention,

The cause of dispute and the bone of contention;

The initials of these with the last but one letter
From the alphabet taken will show you the better.

If in order you place them the name you will find

Of a creature despis'd as the worst of mankind.

Answer to The Rebus

Tyburn's the place thattraitors do dread,

Obedience is preached up by seekers of bread;

Right, is the word that causeth dispute,

Which men in high office oft strive to confute;

I, in the alphabet, is the last but one letter,

Which, now it is found, will show much the better,

That 1% the creature (when the initials are
join'd,

Despised by all as the worst of mankind.

.118

AFEZEIX II (continue d)

The answer to a September issue Rebus which was published in October.

Britain's the name our foes us'd to fear,

Orb is the word that denoteth a sphere:

Self-love moves our actions the bad and the good,
Tory's the term that's not understood;

Order best suits the Creator's designs,

Non-resistence agreeth with ignoble minds.

119

APPii-TDIX I I I

 

"A Prophecy on the Future Glory of America."

To years far distant and scenes more bright

Along the vale of time extend thy sight,

Where hours and years and days, from yon bright pole,
wave following wave, in long succession roll;

There see in pomp for ages without end,

The glories of the Western World ascend!

See, this blest land in her bright morn appears,
Naked from dead slumbers of six thousand years:
While clouds of darkness vail'd each chearing ray;
To savage beats and savage men a prey.

Fair freedom now her ensign bright displays,

And peace and plenty bless the golden days.

In mightgpomp America shall rise,

Her glories spreading to the glorious skies:

Of every fair, she boasts the assembled charms,

The queen of empires and the nurse of arms.

See where her Heroes, mark their glorious way,

Armed for the fight and blazing on the day:

Blood stains their steps; and o'er the conquering plain,
hid fighting thousands, and 'mid thousands slain;

Their eager swords promiscuous carnage blend,

And ghastly deaths their raging course attend,

For laurel'd conquest waits her high decree.

120

See, her bold vessels rushing to the main,

Catch the sWift gales, and sweep the wat'ry plain;
Or led by commerce, at the merchant's door,

Unlade the treasures of each distant shore;

Or arm'd with thunder, on the guilty foe

Rush big with death and aim the appending blow;
Bid.every realm, that hears the trump of fame,

Quake at the distant terror of her name.

121.

APPENDIX IV

 

"A Liberty Song, or a small shoot from a

new Hampshire Liberty Tree."

Hark! Harkfmy countrymen, What is the dismal groaning;
SurC'tiS some ravished.lady sits desparately moaning;

Hear the sigh --- fly --- fly

'Tis the voice --- 'tis the voice of fair liberty.

Let horror seize the guilty wretch who thirsts for lawless power
Detested be his mem'ry, welcome his dying hour.

Yea in chains --- pains --— flames

Who annoys --- who destroys America's claims,

Let Human's gallows high expose the wretch forever,

While liberty sits regent dispensing royal favour,

We'll oppose --- those foes;

They shall see --- we'll be free -—- in the land we have chose.
Laws equal just and right, shall evermore delight us;

But cruel treats and edicts shall never once affright us;

We'll be free --- year--- we,

Are the sons --- are the sons of fair liberty!

Let patriotic zeal with Heaven's smiles attend us,

While heroes post their armies securely to defend.us:

To the field --- steel'd --- steel'd,

And the Lord.—-- from the sword.Americane shield.

.122

APPENDIX V

A Cleverly Constructed Verse

 

I love with all my heart, The Tory here,

The Hannoverian part, g’ Most hateful does appear,
And for that settlement, 2; I ever have deny'd,

My conscience gives consent E3 To be on James' side,
Most righteous is the cause Ea To fight for such a King
To fight for George's laws; at Will England's ruin bring.
This is my mind and.heart, In this opinion I ---

Tho‘ none will take my part. Resolve to live and die.

N.B. You may read it --- right through, or from top to bottom,
as best suits these perilous times. .A plan of union, between

Whigs and Tories, only learn to read right. Janus.

123

APPEIDIX VI

 

"The IRISHMAN'S Epistle to the Officers and Troops at Boston."

By my faith but I think ye're all makers of bulls

With your brains in your britches, your guts in your skulls.
Get homewith your muskets, and put up your swords,

And look in your books for the meaning of words.

Ye see now my honies, how much you're mistaken

For COHCORD by Discord can never be beaten.

How brave you went out with muskets all bright,
And thought to befrighten the folks with the fight;
And all the way home how they peppered your bums,
And is it not, honies, a comical farce,

To be proud in the face, and be shot in the a—se.

How come ye to think now, they did not know how,

To be after their firelocks as smartly as you.

Why ye see now, my honies, 'til nothing at all,

But to pull at the trigger, and pop goes the ball.

And what have you got now with all your designing,

But a town"l without victuals to sit down and dine in;
And to look on the ground, like a parcel of Noodles,
And sing, How the Yankies have beaten the Doodles.

I'm sure if you're wise you'll make peace for a dinner,
For fighting and fasting will soon make ye thiner.

I"Boston.

12h.

APPENDIX VII

"George the Third's Speech to Lord North."

0! North, when first I mounted to the throne,
I swore to let all foreign foes alone,

Through love of peace to terms did I advance,
And made, they say, a shameful peace with France,
But mightier objects lay within my view,

Old conquests I resign'd, and sought for new.
A mighty region owned my sovereign sway,

From Hudson's gulph to Mexicana's bay;
Uhnumber'd people, swarmed along the coast ---
This people were, 'tis true, a night host,

But told I was, by yonder noble Scot,

They all were cowards, wild men, and what not;
And labour for the grandanrof my crown.

These brutes, unwarlike, had amassed, he said,
Vast heaps of gold, and went like lords arrayed.
If these were conquered and reduc'd by times,
And fleec'd and pillag'd for pretended crimes,
And rendered equal to the slavish race,

Then would Britannia wear a different face.
While these were toiling to support her crown,
How would she pull the Gallic glory down,

O'er various climes extend her ample reign,

And seize the conquests and the gold of Spain.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

.129

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

Primary Sources

The Independent Reflector (New York: Nov. 307 1752-
Nov. 22, 1753), university Microfilms (Ann
Arbor), American Periodical Series 63.

The Instructor (New York: Mar. 6-May 8, 1753),

 

University Hicrofilms (Ann Arbofi, American
Periodical Series 63.

John Englishman (Kew York: Apr. 9-July 5. 1755).

 

University Microfilms (Ann Arbor), American
Periodical Series 63.

The Occasional Reverberator (New York: Sept. 7-
Oct. 5, 1753), University Microfilms (Ann
Arbor), American Periodical Series 73.

The American Magazine, 2£_Monthly Chronicle for

 

 

the British Colonies (Philadelphia: oct.

 

1757-Oct. 1758), University Microfilms
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175S-Mar. 1760), university hicrofilms (Ann
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