( lVERSlTY J. JAVATY KAIFA' N STATE UN “.0 —; -*:UQQ .l“ 00" I' V ""‘"' '“I'?~"V"‘l 'VV'V‘ POSALS FOR CHANGE 1974. MICHIGA EMPHASIS 0N PRO Thesis for the Degree" of M. A. THE LIBERIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM WITH ."IIO‘_’Q" , .vl~00~b..OJ’-.O'V..‘ not -. . , .. . ....o... a. , o a} . . . .11 0o . a.a.. . c. 20.. . .. a I o . . .0.-.. ‘ I'm ... .’:-“oso . . .. . . . .‘ .1.‘ o . 5 ' . 9‘ .0! f . a. .4 c. .w .. . ..u . D , .. a . o. l .. .h::..".on\vo. ..n§ . . .f: 3’ . l.- . 9. u. '3 3... . .na .. ‘3} I‘ . .0 A . . g . ‘ u . .' . J . s. . I p. u nu - . o y . . o .. .A . . .I.. . . .... . o .. . . .v . I .o . I . fi . . . ..l_ o .. o .. O y . v . . . . . . T. . ‘ v 0 a n O V . .. . l- 0 n . . 4 .. u . h . I n A u . I. u v. . . . . . . n O ' p. . r . v . . . n o . . '0 .0 I . . . . .o . . . . . r .- Q r l I I . u I v .. 0 O. I 0‘ . I 0‘ I I I II' 3 ¢ . . . .. . . . . . n. I], .. . .. .- r n . . n . o .. . . 0 I 9 I 0 I O . A ' . . . . 1 . . u n I n t u o .‘ u . . Lo - I V O .I i t. l t ‘ . . . . . l . :4‘ . 4 In 11:. o. I o ... a I. ..l . . .lb» . n A . .. 3.- .3,- . o . c T‘: .:..‘_ Wad: : .é bit-In, o I I: A... . z A”; .Aua .:m—v...~ .- v...U..o...: 2.. K? pa. . WP.” TTTTTTTTTTT THTTTTTTTTTTTTT 31293010719148 T -~ ——-—— u- LIE...:A2?: Y Michigan Staic T Univcmity 'AFR ‘2‘ I?‘-'989 "I ' ‘ . -- - ab“ '12 14 112 ABSTRACT THE LIBERIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM WITH EMPHASIS 0N PROPOSALS FOR CHANGE By J. Javaty Kaifa The general theme of this thesis is education as related to social and economic development in Liberia. As in many newly emerg- ing nations, the goal of providing appropriate educational programs is beset with many problems. The nature and magnitude of some of these problems are appraised in this thesis. Among the more promi- nent problems are these: providing adequate elementary education for a rapidly growing school age population; the high drop out for both students and teachers; and inadequate resources for education resulting in inadequate facilities and supplies. The thesis also contains recommendations, including the training of school adminis- trators and the development of an educational philosophy appropriate to the needs of Liberia. In addition, the recent closing of the Booker Washington vocational school as a consequence of a student strike is detailed using social organizational principles. THE LIBERIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM WITH EMPHASIS ON PROPOSALS FOR CHANGE By 5.x“ Jf’Javaty Kaifa A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1974 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis would not have been completed without the invalu- able help of many individuals and organizations. I wish to express my sincere appreciation to UNESCO for the grant, and to the members of my guidance committee for their interest and constructive criticism: Dr. J. Allan Beegle, chairman, Dr. Ruth S. Hamilton, and Dr. Christopher Sower. Special thanks go to Dr. Beegle and Dr. Hamilton who offered me patient and insightful guidance in the development and completion of this thesis. Margaret Beegle also deserves special thanks for typing the examination draft of this thesis during the Labor Day holidays. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . LIST OF PREFACE Chapter I. II. III. IV. V. FIGURES. INTRODUCTION: LIVING A REVOLUTION. Introduction. The GeographicaT and Anthropological Setting. The Educational Background and Setting. THE EDUCATIONAL MILIEU AND ITS PROBLEMS . The School -Age Population, Enrollments, and Drop- Outs. Type of Schools, Teacher Recruitment and Drop- -Outs : Teacher Salary Scales. . . Public Expenditure for Education . EVALUATION OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM AND A PROPOSAL FOR IMPROVEMENT . The Government Program of Education Reform. Improving Education: A Concrete Proposal . THE CLOSING OF BOOKER WASHINGTON INSTITUTE: A CASE . Organization Principles and Concepts. The BN1 Case. . . . . . Analysis .. SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION. Discussion BIBLIOGRAPHY. iii Page iv Table LIST OF TABLES Number of Literate Youths Among the School-Age Popu- lation, by Age Group, Sex, and Rural-Urban Residence, 1970 . . . . . . . Total Enrollments by Level and Sex, 1970. Enrollments and Drop-Out Rates in All Schools, 1960 . Number of Elementary and Secondary Schools, by Level and Type . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of Teachers, Liberians, and Expatriates, for the Years 1965, 1966, and 1968. . . . . . Teacher Attrition Rates in Liberia for the Years 1965, 1966, 1967 and 1968 . . . . . . Teachers Leaving High Schools, Liberians and Expatriates, for the Years 1965, 1966, 1967, and 1968. Public Education Expenditure by Purpose, Level and Type of Education, 1970 . . . . . iv Page 19 20 21 22 22 23 23 31 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Political map of Liberia showing the countries, major cities and location in relation to Africa . 2. Map showing the distribution of tribes in Liberia . 3. A chart showing the political structure and family rela- tionships in Liberia, 1960-1961 . . . . Page PREFACE Among the many problems of the emerging nations striving for development, none is more difficult than that of providing an appro- priate and acceptable educational system. The problems involved in providing educational services in Liberia often seem insurmountable, but meaningful development cannot take place without effective edu- cation. This thesis is an attempt to address some of the issues and problems in Liberian education and to provide some guidelines for further discussion. These guidelines, it is hoped, will prove use- ful to the UNESCO team in Liberia concerned with education. More specifically, the purpose of the UNESCO team is to work with Liberians to reform curricula and to train community school leaders at the ele- mentary level. The broad concern of the United Nations, of course, is that of achieving economic development. The UNESCO team working with Liberians is engaged in the preparation of an educational pro- gram, the aim of which is to deve10p the natural resources of the country. Among the severe problems that must be dealt with in Liberia is the high attrition rate of both students and teachers. As a UNESCO trainee in the U.S. and as a member of the faculty of the Kakata Rural Teacher Training Institute where a group of the UNESCO experts are stationed, I wish to use this thesis to explore vi the educational situation in Liberia and to offer suggestions con- cerning educational reform. My purpose, then, is to add to the dia- logue between UNESCO experts and Liberians concerned with education. It is hoped that this thesis will contribute to the question of edu- cational reform in Liberia. vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: LIVING A REVOLUTION Introduction John Kenneth Galbraith has said that: “In the past it has too often been assumed that because a particular organization or service-- a government department, educational institution or agriculture or industrial service--exists in a more advanced country it makes an important contribution to development. Therefore, it should be recreated in the countries that are in the less advanced stages. It will aid their development" (Clower, p. 337). The uncritical borrowing from "developed" countries has been the basis of educational and economic development efforts in Liberia and-in many African countries. Recently, beginning in the 1940's, Liberia recognized the need to adapt institu- tions to her own particular situation and is striving to create a system of education relevant for the development of her resources. But to have a new model in education requires some rethinking about the past and a clear definition of any new direction. This thesis focuses on the educational situation found in , Liberia today. Attention is given to a number of problems in education, especially to educational resources as related to a growing school-age population, to drop-outs, to recruitment of teachers, and to needed curriculum reform. Several proposals for reform are offered. In addition, an organizational frame of reference is used to analyze the closing of the Booker Washington Institute, a vocational high school in Liberia. The Geographical and Anthropological Setting The Republic of Liberia lies just south of the bulge on the west coast of Africa (see Figure 1). This country was founded by The American Colonization Society in 1822. Liberia has an area of 43,000 square miles, about equal to that of Louisiana or Ohio (Anderson, p. 3). GUINEA 101110. . * SANIOUILLI! “man 0 LOT-FA COUNTY O GANTA . “ulnum 0 am: VILLA NIMBA COUNTY suuoxo o * Gum“ BONG COUNTY ' zvmzu 0 101014 kuau O . 21A rovm SUENN . WTWT . IOVSVILLE O “(WINNIE NAOMI. DOIEII’SNELO. GRAND “55‘ COW" GRAND GEDEH coumv nouaovu . IOHSVILL! O unnooo 0 IUAIZON o MAISNALL column 0 IUCHANAN [EGEND * . .QV‘AH '0'” SINCE COUNTY @ RIVEPCESS . NAVIONAL CAPITAL * AMIN13T'AININIAOOUAPTIIS ATLANTIC OCEAN . l" NGTON MARYLAND alum-u: COUNTY ’ mono ondoud by SASSTOWN . RMATION DEPARTMENT OF INFO GIANO ((55 "n." * 'ANO CULTURAL AFFAIRS mama .muouc a palm Figure 1.--Political map of Liberia showin the countries, major cities and location in relation to Africa. TSource: Robert Clower, et a1., Growth Without Development. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1966.) It is typically tropical, lying a few degrees north of the equator. Its southern tip is at latitude 4 -l3',and its northern edge is at 8 -35'. The climate is moderate to hot. The temperature seldom rises much above 80°F. Nights are cool and refreshing. There is the usual alternation of wet and dry seasons. The rains start about the first of May while the dry season begins around December. The average annual rainfall on the coast amounts to 180 inches and from 80 to 100 inches in the higher lands of the interior. There are three distinct belts, differentiated mainly by eleva- tion and rainfall. The first is the coastal belt where the principal settlements are located. Monrovia, the capitol city, is situated there. The belt is about forty miles in width and extends along the three hundred and fifty miles of the seaboard. It is low-lying, with a few hills, and many grove swamps, shallow lagoons and sandy beaches. The second typographical feature is the belt of high forest which is from twenty to sixty miles in width. The land rises abruptly in eleva- tion to form an escarpment. Much of this belt is unexplored. The third is the plateau belt of the Liberian hinterland. This belt has an elevation of a thousand feet or more. The forest here is less dense and rainfall is also less. This is the area which is suitable for farming and it is here most of the tribal people are located because . their survival depends on agriculture. The Tribal People Social scientists divide the Liberian tribes into four main groups: Mande-tan, Mande-pu, West Atlantic, and Kru (see the location of tribes in Figure 2). This division or classification is based mainly .......... ........................ ........................ ................ ....... .-:-:-'-.-I ‘---:l’:. .... ........ // KRU GROUP ' X\\\' wesr ATLANTIC GROUP / IKDCHATICNNUAUNI)(ERLDEHRHNCB ’cé old» __.. 'LLAJIVHE'THHBEEI Figure 2.--Map showing the distribution of tribes in Liberia. (Source: R. Earle Anderson, Liberia: America's African Friend. Chapel Hill: The University of North CarolIna Press, 1952, p. 13.) upon two factors: language similarities and the directions from which the various tribes came into the country. The classification of tribes either as Mande-tan or Mande-pu is based on the word “ten" in the counting system of some tribes in Liberia. Some tribes belong to large language groups which have "-tan" and "-pu," respectively corresponding to the Arabic or Roman number ten. The suffixes in Mande-tan and Mande- pu mentioned above show this characteristic. The Kru, another major class of tribes, owes its name to the major activity of this group before the coming of the settlers. The Kru are seafarers, perhaps due to their location by the Atlantic Ocean and navigable rivers. However, Anderson mentioned that the Kru is the name of the most important member of this tribe. The grouping of the Liberian tribes is as follows: I. Mande-tan l. Vai 'II. Mande-pu l. erlle 2. Loma 3. Gio 4. Mano 5. Gbande 6. Mende 7. Geh 111. Egg 1. Pudu 2. Grebo 3. Padebo 4. Bassa 5. Sapo 6. De IV. West Atlantic 1. Kissi 2. Gola V. Mandingo (The Mandingos do not fall under any of the major tribes but they are also Liberians who believe in Islamic religion.) Although the tribes have some distinctions, they are not to be thought of as political units. The unification and integration policy has as its priority the aim of unifying all the tribes as Liberian citizens with national pride and one purpose--the development of Liberia. Liberian/American Relationships Unlike most African countries, Liberia was not colonized by a European power but has had a traditional, informal affiliation with the United States. Robert Clower pointed out that Liberia owes its origin as a nation to a group of American philanthropists (Clower, p. 3). Liberia was nourished during its early years by United States government funds and, at critical moments, it was protected against European colon- ization by U.S. diplomacy. The Firestone Rubber Company of Akron, Ohio, was the first foreign company to undertake large-scale plantations in Liberia. The contract between Firestone and Liberia was signed in 1926 (Buell, p. 885). The world at large and other African countries recognize or regard the United States as in some sense responsible for Liberia. Clower says: Liberia views the United States as a friend, ally, relative. After America's entry into World War II, Liberia declared war on Germany and allowed the United States to establish an important air-ferry base at Robertsfield, which is about thirty miles away from Monrovia. English is the official language, the United States dollar is the national currency, and the United States flag (with only one star) is the national emblem. In 1838 a Harvard professor drew up Liberia's constitution on the American model and in the 1950's lawyers from Cornell University codified its laws (Clower, p. 4). Despite its rich resources of iron, fertile soil and its long association with the technologically most advanced country in the world, Liberia still seems to lag in educational, economic, and political de- velOpment. About two thirds of the Liberian population live in tribal communities and receive the bulk of their livelihood from subsistence agriculture, principally from growing rice and cassava. Commercial activity and cash crops are minor sources of income in tribal economic life. Cocoa, coffee, and sugar cane are some examples of cash crops. The modern economic sector consists primarily of foreign firms: American rubber plantations, American and European iron mining companies, American construction firms, Lebanese wholesalers and retailers. Liberia is an example of "enclave and dual economy" (Clower, p. 5). However, the Liberianization program seeks eventually to have Liberians trained and have them participate directly and actively in the economic activity of the country. Also renegotiation of some contract terms signed between the government and some companies in Liberia is being considered. Politically, Liberia is divided into nine counties and five territories. Liberia has a democratic form of government based on the United States pattern but lacks the two party system. There is only one political party in Liberia. As shown in Figure 3 prepared by Gus Liebenow for the period 1960-61, political posts are commonly held by members of the family of those in power. Much the same situation holds true today. The Educational Background and Setting_ A schoolboy walks eagerly along a trail, down a country road, or perhaps on a cement sidewalk of an urban community. It matters little whether he is leaving his mud and stick hut in a village, his zinc shack in a town, or his cement block house in the city. What does matter is that he is on his way to the Future—~a future that is promised by the school building he is about to occupy. Across the country, across the nation, throughout the continent, he looks the same. His uniform may be well worn but it is immaculately clean. He can be barefooted, wearing sandals, or comfortable in the FAMILY AND POLITICS IN THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA, l960-196I Inspector l3 Ambassador Commissioner of Communications of Counties to UN ‘ 1. ‘ F IV b‘I ‘ ‘ ‘5 ' ‘ I" | b ‘ -. ‘ I ‘ ‘ ‘ \ ‘ ' ‘ W 5.“me _ 5 _ _ : ‘ ' reesmem Ambassador of State OF LIBERIA \ to UK ' b j\ ‘ c I I ‘\\ Director ‘ \ v, c I ‘ 0' 3mm U I ’ ‘ x I b \ ‘ \ I I \S : \\\ . ’ Ambassador ‘ Director. .0 USA President, Nat. Pub. Gen. Cant. Health Sit. in at Labor | . 1 I VI :b ,'b LT] Ambassador Ambassador SECRETARY : to Italy " to Germany 0': TREASURY : x’ ," Tb I I / I ‘ b , ,’ ' ,I , I w Senator, lI Commissioner I x ’ I’ 4 G.C.M. Co. , ‘ of Immigration I I I b/ r, l 1 I \\ I:— r I b I ’ \ 1 \T w A. [I I, I, “ P T Ambassador Director, /’ b ,’ ‘1 1 to Guinea Bar. of l’ ‘i : Nat. Res. I ‘1-3—1 I I, b ' I I w : Ambassador ' -1 _ _ ' Undersec. , ' ' ' ’ VICE-PRESIDENT to UAR of State ' OF LIBERIA I... , 27 b , — , . I» Prom, Bonk _ _ -Ig - _ w ‘ Secretory ‘L _ _I_3_ - Senator, at Liberia of Commerce Moots. Co. Key: b = brother; 9 = Father; 1: = cousin: s 2 sister,- w = wife. Sources Reprinted Irom J. Gus Liebenow, ”The Republic at Liberia." in African One-party States. ed. Gwendolen M. Carter. chart 1, p. 369. 0 1962 by Cornell University. Used by pormksion at Corneti University Press. Key: b = brother; I = father; c = cousin; s = sister; w = wife. Figure 3.--A chart showing the political structure and family relationships in Liberia, 1960-1961. (Source: Robert Clower, et al., Growth Without Development. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, T966.)' latest shoe fashion. He may carry books (if he has them) deftly balanced on his head, or he can be driven to school by a uniformed chauffeur. Books, uniforms, and modes of transportation are incidentals or, better yet, are the accidentals of learning. rWhat is vital is that having followed some prescribed course, assimilated some rubrics, con- formed to some pre-ordained pattern, he will find himself, after a specifically set number of years, eligible to begin his ascent up the ladder of economic and social success--or so he thinks. That the teacher, who may or may not be qualified, is not regularly in attendance is of small consequence. That needed books and materials may be in short supply or non—existent is unquestioned. What is important is that he is attending school. Attendance is an end in itself because somehow, some way, he is being educated. Faith-~faith in a system that he does not see as inappropriate--is all that matters. One day, if he endures, his faith and his attendance will have prepared him for what his country and its economy have to offer. To the African schoolboy this dream is rapidly dissipating as he sees technology demanding more than a school certificate; as he sees unemployment rise even among those who have obtained certificates. His principal hope to reconstitute his dream is to obtain additional educa- tion or to hope that planners will somehow find a place for him and his younger sisters and brothers in a society that has advanced too rapidly for the schools to accommodate. The demand for education is by far greater than the available resources can accommodate. Many of the illiterate parents have acknowledged the importance of education, and strive for their children to get an education. Of his two options, the search for higher education may find him in the same situation upon the completion of additional attendance. He will be "educated" but still unemployed. Thus his more realistic hope is a rapid adjustment of the economy and the restructuring of the system that will allow him to participate in that advancing economy. 10 Speed of change is not generally considered endemic to Africa but when one realizes that it was but ten years that thirty-two newly independent African states met together for the first time, the rate of change has been revolutionary. Looked at in this light he may not have too long to wait. What may be more hopeful, however, is not so much that rapid change is occurring, but that change provides options. The real hope of the future is not so much bound up in faith, but in the fact that there is a choice. The real problem facing African nations, then, is accelerating and making more specific the opportunity to choose, for in the words of Basil Davidson, ". . . this has become a continent in the full ferment of deciding, of trying to decide, its course into the different years ahead" (Davidson, p. 16). The nation needs to establish its own identity, to throw off the yoke of foreign domination which has been fundamental in the very formation of the nation-states themselves. This has not been and will not be an easy task because of the indelible mark left by the colonial masters: The liberated cannot go on in the old way, for their old masters have departed. They have to find a new way. This new way may be a shadowing of their one-time rulers; or it may be largely an exploration of fresh terrain. Or it may be one of the many intermediate solutions, ranging from the mere letting-things- slide, at one extreme, to the other extreme of trying to change everything overnight (Davidson, p. 16). Inherent in the solution that each nation seeks must be a realistic appraisal of its own wants and expectations. Here, care must be taken to underscore the word “wants" for very often when planning for the future, Africans are warned to think in terms of their needs not wants. But in view of the rapidity with which modernity has arrived in Africa it is fruitless to think in terms of basic needs. 11 The nation's wants are its driving force. Warner makes an essential point in Trial by Sasswood when one of her characters indicates that all Europeans suffer from a disease called "the Wants." The inference is: do not create unattainable expectations completely unrelated to the country's own situation. Once out of hand wants become needs and their satiation finds the country once more turning outwardly for help and in so doing it begins to lose its identity. Nyerere offers a dif- ferent but allied caution: There is enough Wealth in every state for every individual to satisfy these basic needs. But the moment individuals in any single state begin to use Wealth, not for the abolition of poverty, but for the purpose of acquiring power and prestige, then there is no longer enough (Nyerere, p. 162). The question no longer remains as to how quickly the African nations can devise policies and programs that will allow them to evolve slowly and deliberately from a pre-industrial society into an atomic age. The question is not evolutionary speed for evolution is no longer . pertinent. The question is revolution--for revolution is here. And with it come the intolerable pangs of rapid growth and expansion; the need for technological change amidst the absence of technicians; the adaptation of the beauty and simplicity of tribal leadership to the harsh and aggressive self-aggrandizing power of inter- and intra- national politics. This is not to say that the onus of leadership responsibility rests more heavily on African leaders, but it is to imply that unless leaders within their own countries and, ultimately, leaders throughout the world learn quickly to harmonize their own differences; unless there is respect for the individuality of thought, then the absence of cooperation will lead to the resounding clash of 12 collision. The result internationally will be obliteration; the result nationally will be the turmoil of coups. One of the hopes of mankind seems to reside in education. Certainly, within Africa, education is spoken of as the prime prerequi- site for the resolution of other problems. Yet the presently existing educational programs are too slow to change. They are the essences of conservatism in that society dictates to the school. Herein lies the dilemma that is not unique to Africa. The school as the historian and preserver of the past, tends to look backward as the preparer of youth for the future. It must be innovative and creative developing a situa- tion in which it must be conservative and liberal at the same time. Despite fears for the contrary, the school by nature will continue to be an agent of change simply by virtue of its extended cultural role. It will continue to liberalize attitudes; to develop tolerance and humanism; to secularize. In so doing it will have a major impact on the direction of each country and its leaders. If the school, then, is caught in a revolution yet must progress cautiously, is there a practical way for it to move with careful haste? To find out, let us assume that if success can be found in one nation, we can induce that its success will be applicable to other African nations. And so let us turn to the Republic of Liberia. The African society of today is now at a point striving for modernization through a revolutionary process, especially in education- The priorities have to be set in line with the demand of the type of manpower Africa needs and can afford to train. To do this, she must consider her economic resources and devise an educational system which should carefully consider a number of factors. Among these are: I3 1. the culture and sub-cultures of the nation; economic resources and population growth; basic needs: food, shelter, health; the immediate economic productivity of education; and 0'1th the problem of bicultural ambivalence. On the seal of the Republic of Liberia is inscribed the national motto, "The Love of Liberty Brought Us Here." In addition to its representing the country's heritage, it reflects concerns that the nation's leaders must face in the coming years. Politically it repre- sents the fact that the present structure of the country was developed by the settlers who went to Liberia as repatriated slaves from the United States. As such they have been called in the local vernacular, "Come Heres." One wag has been reported to have jokingly said, "The love of liberty brought us here, the lack of money kept us here" (Lanier, p. 259). Descendents of the indigenous Africans are heard to say, "It didn't bring g§_here." Sensitivity to these sources of origin as well as the problems of assimilation and unification were prime con- cerns of William V. S. Tubman when he assumed the presidency in 1944 (Tubman, p. 7). During the twenty-six year period of his leadership, he worked assiduously for the elimination of such terms as "aborigine" and "native"--euphemisms for the tribal people who were indigenous to the area where the Pioneers landed. He substituted, instead, "Sons of the Soil." Likewise he sought to see dropped the expressions, "Americo-Liberian" and "Settlers,“ to be replaced by "descendents of the Pioneers" (Meisler, p. l). The present president, William R. 'Tolbert Jr., uses only the term "Liberian" and in so doing sets the 14 tone for recognizing that the past must be buried in the hopes and plans for the continuing unity of the country's future. Writing in the Washington Post, William Raspberry captured the present attitude when he wrote. The overwhelming majority of Liberians have no connection with America; their antecedents were here long before 1822, when President Monroe started negotiating with native chiefs for the cession of land for American freedmen (Raspberry, p. 12). But if the political overtones of separateness as implied in the national motto have been carefully yet precipitously put aside, there remains the fact that the direction that the country has taken up to now has been strongly influenced by those wholed the way to the present form of government. Nowhere is that influence more likely to be observed than in education. In this regard, Liberia is no dif- ferent from other nations of Africa in retaining the imprint of the hands of its earliest leaders. "Any notable educational advancement during the period before World War I was primarily due to the activities of the Christian and Muslim missionaries who had entered the interior" (Zack, p. 133). Mission schools coexisted with the secret society or "bush" schools, though their respective aims may have differed. Presently gaining favor in educational circles are the terms “formal“ and "non-formal" (Coombs, p. 14) and it is in this context that the difference between the two schools can best be seen. Mary Antoinette Brown describes this difference well: These (bush) schools provided education for all youths in the tribes which had the institution--(most tribes did)--equipping these youths to effect subsistence from their physical environ- ment, to recognize and assume their social and moral responsi- bilities. What these schools taught was basic to life in these simple, nonliterate, homogeneous societies which they 15 served--what, everyone in these societies seemed to have agreed was important to be learned (Brown, p. 3). 0f the formal education of the mission school, she writes: . . its principal objectives were Christianizing and "civilizing" the people to whom this education was brought, that is, changing their religious beliefs and their way of life. . . . Product of a literate setting, Western education naturally emphasized literary skills--rudiments of reading, writing, and arithmetic--plus an elementary knowledge of the English language . . .(Brown, p. 3). Through informal education children learn by doing. The home and the community were the school (Kenyatta, p. 99). There is no way of measuring statistically the worth of the tribal schools, but surely their success may be inferred by the very fact that they were sustained throughout the ages and that they were able to pass on the tribal heritage as well as prepare their students for the society in which they were to live. Care must be taken, however, not to "glamorize and romanticize tribal education. It was limited in sc0pe . . . had a past orientation . . . ignored innovation and creativity and, since there was no writing or reading, memorization and recall of information played the key role . . ." (Kajubi, p. 9). As important as the bush school has been in the development of Liberia, its influence is on the wane. Delafield says: The student of the Poro Society's Bush School is aware that he is considering a dying institution. A secret organization based on fear and mystery loses much of its power on exposure. . . Tribal Liberians speak of Guinea where Seku Toure is "breaking" the Poro. . . As the civilized school gains strength, the bush school loses it (Delafield, p. 10). Caine, the former Secretary of Education comments as follows concerning the Poro and Sandi culture: "Sandi culture is supported by a small subsidy. This is an integral aspect of Liberian life, both social and TS served--what, everyone in these societies seemed to have agreed was important to be learned (Brown, p. 3). Of the formal education of the mission school, she writes: . . . its principal objectives were Christianizing and "civilizing" the people to whom this education was brought, that is, changing their religious beliefs and their way of life. . . . Product of a literate setting, Western education naturally emphasized literary skills--rudiments of reading, writing, and arithmetic-—plus an elementary knowledge of the English language . . . (Brown, p. 3). Through informal education children learn by doing. The home and the community were the school (Kenyatta, p. 99). There is no way of measuring statistically the worth of the tribal schools, but surely their success may be inferred by the very fact that they were sustained throughout the ages and that they were able to pass on the tribal heritage as well as prepare their students for the society in which they were to live. Care must be taken, however, not to "glamorize and romanticize tribal education. It was limited in scope . . . had a past orientation . . . ignored innovation and creativity and, since there was no writing or reading, memorization and recall of information played the key role . . ." (Kajubi, p. 9). As important as the bush school has been in the developmentof Liberia, its influence is on the wane. Delafield says: The student of the Poro Society's Bush School is aware that he is considering a dying institution. A secret organization based on fear and mystery loses much of its power on exposure. . . Tribal Liberians speak of Guinea where Seku Toure is "breaking“ the Poro. . . As the civilized school gains strength, the bush school loses it (Delafield, p. 10). Caine, the former Secretary of Education comments as follows concerning the Poro and Sandi culture: "Sandi culture is supported by a small subsidy. This is an integral aspect of Liberian life, both social and 16 educational, and the present level of subsidy might well be increased. A subsidy might also be given to Poro culture" (Caine, p. 38). To the social scientists, especially to the sociologist and anthropologist, education is much broader and includes all learning mechanisms. Whether or not it is formalized, it results in the acqui- sition of culture by the individual, the formation of his personality, and the process of his socialization--his learning to accommodate him- self to life as a member of society. In all societies, then, educa- tion is a continuous process which begins at birth and progresses with greater or lesser intensity throughout the entire life of the individual. By virtue of this process, the individual learns the ways of his culture and comes to participate more or less fully in it. He also acquires a personality which is a complex pattern of rational perceptions, ideas, habits, and conditioned emotional responses (Dennis, p. 127). While the enrollments in the mission schools in Liberia are steadily declining (Azango, p. 5), their influence persists because in the early years of the Republic the only secondary education was pro- vided by the missionaries. Most of the nation's leaders, as a result, are missionary trained. In addition, the mission schools concentrated on the Four R's--religion being the fourth--which prepared the students only for the secondary schools which were classically oriented. The end result was the graduation of a student who was alienated from his native culture, yet not completely assimilated into Western culture. The confusion and conflict inflicted upon such a person is poignantly l7 recalled by Mugo Gatheru in his book, Child of Two Worlds, and with compassion and tragic grandeur by Chinua Achebe in his Things Fall Apart. The revolution in education in Africa is real, and to prevent things from falling apart as well as to gently transfer a child from and into one world, a new concept is needed, a concept that will refuse to reshape the old and be willing to re-think the new. Hanson says: What Africa needs today is unconventional minds capable of finding unconventional answers to problems certain to stagger any but the most imaginative. If education would serve to treat the ills, present and potential, of the new African states, . . . an orientation must get quickly beyond happy educational sloganeering about "meeting needs" and must amount to a genuine educational revolution (Hanson, p. 3). This thesis, then, is an attempt to paint a picture of the social and cultural setting of the relationship between education and modernization in Africa generally and in Liberia in particular. The subsequent chapters will focus on the circumstance and problems of education, proposals for educational change in Liberia, and an analysis of the closing of the Booker Washington high school. CHAPTER II THE EDUCATIONAL MILIEU AND ITS PROBLEMS This chapter is an attempt to describe, insofar as data are available, the current situation in Liberia in regard to education. Particular emphasis will be given selected problems including growing school enrollments, incidence of student drop-outs, the recruitment of teachers and drop-out rates, and teacher salary levels. Also included in this chapter will be consideration of government expenditures for public education. Unfortunately, the desired data necessary to fully document conditions and trends are not always available. The School-Age Population, Enrollments, and Drop-0uts_ As shown in Table 1, the school-age population numbered approxi- mately 627,000 in 1970. More than half of this population was female, and a large percentage (70.6%) resided in rural areas. This table also shows literacy rates for age groups within the school-age population. For all youth between the ages of 5 and 25, 32% were literate. Literate rates are higher for youth in urban than in rural areas--43.6% as com- pared with 27.5%. Furthermore, literacy rates for males exceed those for females. The rapid population growth rates in Liberia are reflected in the estimated enrollment rates throughout the country. Enrollment 18 19 TABLE l.--Number of Literate* Youths Among the School-Age Population, by Age Group, Sex, and Rural-Urban Residence, 1970. Age Group Total Male Female All Areas: Total School Age Population 626.9 309.5 317.4 All Literate Youths 202.2 134.1 68.4 5 and under 10 years 35.3 19.8 15.5 10 and under 15 years 72.1 46.5 25.6 15 and under 20 years 62.2 42.9 19.3 20 and under 25 years 32.6 24.9 7.7 Rural Areas: Total School Age Population 442.9 214.2 228.7 All Literate Youths 121.8 ~8l.l 40.7 5 and under 10 years 21.9 12.4 9.5 10 and under 15 years 47.7 31.3 16.4 15 and under 20 years 36.6 25.2 11.4 20 and under 25 years 15.6 1212 3.4 Urban Areas: Total School Population 184.0 95.3 88.7 All Literate Youths 80.4 53.0 27.4 5 and under 10 years 13.4 7.4 6.4 10 and under 15 years 24.5 15.2 9.3 15 and under 20 years 25.5 17.7 7.8 20 and under 25 years 17.0 - - *Literacy refers to English Source: Republic of Liberia Economic Survey 1969, Department of Plan- ning and Economic Affairs, Monrovia, June 1970, p. 144. figures by level and sex for 1970 are shown in Table 2. Slightly more than 138,000 persons were enrolled in school, approximately one-third (31.6%) of whom were females. Of the total enrolled population, 58.1% were in elementary school, 11.2% were in secondary (general) school, and only 0.8% were enrolled in higher education. The remainder were TABLE 2.--Total Enrollments by Level and Sex, 1970. Total Boys 'Girls (3) as Percent Type of Schools (1) (2) (3) of (l) Pre-Primary 40,028 '24,649 15,379 38.4 Elementary 80,217 56,031 24,186 30.2 Secondary General 15,494 11,875 3.619 23.4 Secondary Vocational 887 709 178 20.1 Secondary Teacher Training 390 325 65 16.7 Higher Education 1,109 871 238 21.4 TOTAL 138,125 94,460 43,665 31.6 Source: Republic of Liberia Economic Survey 1969, Department of Plan- ning andiEconomic Affairs,-M0nrovia, June 1970, p. 144.- in pre-primary (28.9%), secondary vocational (0.6%), and secondary teacher training (0.3%). As indicated in Table 2, proportions of girls enrolled in school are much below those for boys. For example, 30.2% of those in elementary school are girls and 21.4% of those in higher education are girls. At the national level female students totalled 43,655 or 31.6%. Of this total, 74% were registered in the third grade or below. Two possible conclusions are suggested: first, that parents, especially in the rural areas, are now realizing the value of investment in educa- tion of girls and/or second, that the drop-out rates for girls increase rapidly as they climb the educational ladder. Liberia has experienced an enormously rapid growth of school enrollments. School enrollment was estimated to have been 21,389 in 1949 and 61,427 in 1960 (Clower, gt_gl,, p. 343). As we have indicated, school enrollment stood at 138,125 in 1970. Thus, within ten years school enrollment had more than doubled, or 2.2 times as large in 1970 as in 1960. 21 A high drop-out rate for students is characteristic of Liberian education. An indication of the drop-out situation at various school levels for 1960 is shown in Table 3. Drop-out rates ranged from 39% to 59% for the various levels. While data are not available to show trends over time, the drop-out phenomenon continues to be a severe problem in Liberian education. TABLE 3.--Enrollments and Drop-Out Rates in All Schools, 1960. Level Enrollment (000) Dropout (000) Percent Pre-school 23.6 13.7 58 First Grade 9.6 5.8 59 Fourth Grade 4.1 1.6 39 Sixth Grade 2.5 1.1 44 Eighth Grade 1.4 .6 43 Tenth Grade .8 .4 50 Twelfth Grade .4 .4 50 Source: Robert Clower et al., Growth Without Development. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1966, p. 346. Type of Schools,_1eacher Recruitment and DroprOuts As indicated earlier, the operating authority for schools in Liberia is diverse but a large proportion are government or mission operated. The number of elementary and secondary schools, by type, is shown in Table 4. This table shows a total of 1,084 schools of all types in the country, 846 or 78% of Which are elementary schools. 0f the total number of schools, 65% are government operated, 21% are mission operated, and 14% are under the auspices of other types of management. 22 TABLE 4.--Number of Elementary and Secondary Schools, by Level and Type, 1970. Level Type , Total Pre-Pr1mary Elementary Secondary All Types 1,084 43 846 195 Public 709 38 584 87 Mission 225 - 147 78 Others ' 150 5 115 30 Source: Republic of Liberia Economic Survey 1969 (Monrovia: Depart- ment of Planning and Economic Affairs, June, 1970), p. 144. The problem of recruiting and attracting teachers is of great concern in Liberia. It is a problem having numerous sociological dimensions. Therefore, after attempting to lay out the current situation and trends, the various facets of the problem will be dis- cussed in some detail. Tables 5, 6, and 7 depict the number of teachers, Liberians and expatriates, as well as trends in numbers and attrition rates. In the period 1965 to 1968 the number of teachers rose.from 264 to 293. During this period the ratio of Liberian to expatriate teachers TABLE 5.--Number of Teachers, Liberians and Expatriates, for the Years 1965, 1966, and 1968. Year Liberians Expatriates Total ' 1965 146 118 264 1966 160 130 290 1968 166 127 293 Source: Igolima Amachree and Jabaru Carlon, Factors Affecting_the Supply and Retention of Teachers in Liberia: A Field Survey_ (Monrovia: University of Liberia, 1968), p. 74. 23 remained relatively constant, or at about 1 to 0.8. As shown in Table 6, the attrition declined in this period. Table 7 indicates that for high school teachers, the attrition rate for expatriates was about twice as great as for Liberians between 1965 and 1968. TABLE 6.--Teacher Attrition Rates in Liberia for the Years 1965, 1966, 1967 and 1968. Year Number of Number of . Percent Ratio of Teachers Teachers Leav1ng Loss Stayers to Leavers 1965 264 60 22.7 4.4 to 1 1966 290 71 24.5 4.1 to l 1967 292 54 18.5 5.4 to l 1968 293 40 14.0 7.3 to 1 Total 1139 225 20.0 5.0 to l Source: Igolima Amachree and Jabaru Carlon, Factors Affecting the Supply and Retention of Teachers in Liberia: A Field Survey TMonrovia: University of Liberia, 1968), p. 75. TABLE 7.--Teachers Leaving High Schools, Liberians and Expatriates, for the Years 1965, 1966, 1967, and 1968. Year Liberians Expatriates Total 1965 20 4O 60 1966 24 47 71 1967 18 36 54 1968 10 30 40 Total 72 135 225 Source: Igolima Amachree and Jabaru Carlon, Factors Affecting the Supply and Retention of Teachers in Liberia: A Field Survey (Monrovia: university of Liberia, 1968), p. 75. 24 The prOblem of attracting and retaining teachers in Liberia is somewhat parallel to the condition of economic crisis symbolized in caveat emptor, in that we can consider the teacher as an economic good and the Ministry of Education as the purchaser of that good. According to the study reported by Amachree and Carlon all persons interviewed indicated that the status of teachers in Liberia is not high and that it has been declining. A career in teaching is not as highly regarded as it once was. Teachers held higher status in former decades because they were among the privileged few who possessed a formal education, a highly desired commodity. It is quite clear that the secondary teacher, especially the graduate teacher, enjoys higher prestige than the elemen- tary teacher. Graduate teachers in the Monrovia Consolidated School system were reported to have higher status than most other secondary teachers. Various reasons are given for the decline in social status of the teacher, including low, irregular salaries, generally poor conditions of service, few opportunities for advancement, and'increasing importance of material rewards as contrasted with altruistic motivations. 'Amachree and Carlon show that, according to the perception of Liberian secondary teachers, the chief reasons for not going into teaching are low salaries and lack of prestige. The major reasons for going into teaching, as perceived by teachers, do not include prestige, respectability, or status (Amachree and Carlon, p. 36). Instead, the reasons given for going into teaching are: (1) "only job they can find"; (2) "love for teaching'; (3) fto help humanityf; (4) Has a stepping stoneY; and (5) Tjob easy to get.f Another significant finding of their study is that 25 ". . . the teachers feel, by and large, more respected in the school than in the community and in the country at large" (Amachree and Carlon, p. 40). Adding to the difficulties in improving the image of teaching as a profession is what appears to be lack of adherence to an estab- lished teacher certification code. Certification standards are reported to exist, but they are not closely followed, due perhaps to a lack of a qualified supply. Due to the expansion in the public and private sectors during the past two decades, many attractive employment opportunities have arisen which compete favorably for qualified Liberian personnel. During the same period similar expansion has occurred in the need for qualified Liberian secondary teachers. Employment in the government and private sectors has consistently been very appealing to Liberian secondary teachers and to potential teachers among the secondary school students. Prospects of better salaries and other conditions of service, increased status, and improved opportunity for advancement has placed careers in teaching at a disadvantage. Amachree and Carlon found that an alarming number of secondary.teachers and principals are alienated from the profession, that they would turn to other fields given the opportunity to do so. On the other hand, the general tightening of economic conditions and prospects in recent years has tended to reduce the number of such propsects. Although it is not likely that the opportunities will dry up completely, it is clear that there will be fewer in the immediate future. This should have the effect of making 26 more persons available for teacher training and reducing attrition from the ranks of practicing teachers. A teacher retirement system is outlined in Educational Laws of Liberia 1926-1967. Application for retirement pension is made through the Secretary of Education to the Office of the President of Liberia where each case is considered. Very few teachers, however, have bene- fited from the retirement scheme. In fact, retirement under the plan is rare. According to the UNESCO publication, Shortage of Secondary School Teachers: "The retirement time for teachers is after thirty unbroken years of service but the retirement benefits are so meagre that very few teachers retire voluntarily" (Amachree and Carlon, p. 45). Although a standard salary schedule for teachers in government service was enacted in 1955, it has never been fully implemented. Various reasons for this are given, including the lack of sufficient government funds. Salary rates are not fixed, but vary somewhat accord- ing to conditions. In addition, salaries vary from one government department to another. , Bachelor degree holders without professional educational quali- fications receive $125 to $150 per month for 12 months, bachelor degree holders with professional education qualifications receive $150 to $175, and master degree holders are reported to receive about $200 per month. Salaries of vocational teachers are Slightly more favorable. Salaries paid to mission teachers vary considerably and salaries of concession school teachers are regarded as being the best. A practice of several years standing is to allow some qualified teacher to teach two sessions, particularly in the Monrovia area. In this manner 27 salaries of up to $315 are paid to some teachers. Apparently this policy will be extended rather than reduced. A teacher usually stays at his initial salary for many years. He cannot look forward to annual or regular salary increments. Promo- tion to principalship, acquisition of additional qualifications, and double session teaching are about the only avenues for achieving incre- ments in government service. Salaries have been steady in recent years but it is reported that the cost of living has risen about 20% during the last three years. The fundamental incentive for Liberian teachers and prospective teachers is favorable financial reward, according to the Annual Report, 1961; ". . . The Liberian teacher can no longer be sustained mainly by the approbation of his students. He must have material reward as well-- or decent salary on which he can procure housing, food, and medical service for himself and his family and a college education for his children" (Amachree and Carlon, p. 48). The Department of Education has recommended that the budget be increased so as to establish a teacher incentive fund which would pro- vide biannual increments for deserving teachers based on merit. Merit would consist of effective teaching and self-improvement. The Secretary of Education also recommends that "a 5% increase in the salary of teachers who have taught for five years without change in salary" (Annual Report,gl967). There is no doubt of the desirability and necessity of achieving salary improvements for secondary teachers. The seriousness of need is stated in the Education Sector Plan, 1966-70: 28 It cannot be doubted that steps must be taken to improve teachers' salaries during the planned period. Unless this is done, all other efforts will be largely fruitless, since the prime movers of the educational system--the teachers themselves--will lack both the drive and the quality to carry them through. The average salary for a primary teacher should be raised by about $20 to $75; and of secondary teachers by $35 to $200 (Amachree and Carlon, p. 54). But the prospects are dismal indeed because of restrictions imposed by sharply austere economic conditions now and in the near future. A positive incentive is the practice of continuing the salaries of teachers undergoing full-time schooling in teacher training institu- tions. A similar policy of paying costs and allowances to prospective teachers while attending teacher training colleges serves to attract persons to teaching. It provides educational opportunity which might otherwise be unavailable to them in any form. Establishment of policy and practice which would more effectively link successful completion of pre-service and in-service courses with salary increments is clearly needed for its incentive value. Teacher Salary Scales The following salary scales, based on data in Berth Baker Azango, Education Laws of the Republic of Liberia, present salary scales but these scales have never been implemented. Both initial salaries and increments are awarded more in light of monies available than in light of the official scale. The scale is thus of greater interest in that it expresses the intent of the Government than in that it indicates actual salaries of teachers. 1 Elementary and Secondary School teachers are classified in accordance with their professional training and experience as follows: Salarprlass Academic Preparation XII Below eighth grade XI Eighth grade X Eighth grade plus teacher education IX Grades 9-11 inclusive VIII Grade 12 VII Grade 12 plus teacher education VI Grades 13-15 inclusive V B.Sc. or B.A. degree IV B.Sc. or B.A. degree plus teacher ed. III M.A. or M.Sc. II M.Sc. or M.A. plus teacher education I Ph.D. or Ed.D. degree 29 The minimum salary for elementary and secondary school teachers is thirty dollars per month. The minimum and-maximum salaries estab- lished by class are as shown in the following schedule. Increments begin with the first year of successful service and are supposed to be granted yearly until the maximum salary within the salary class is reached. However, an increment may be withheld from a teacher whose teaching has been unsatisfactory for the year in question. The number and amounts of such increments are as shown below (Hanson, et_al., p. 115): 30 Minimum Maximum Number of Salary Class Monthly Salary Monthly Salary Increments x11 30 46 4 x1 40 56 4 ‘ x 50 7o 5 1x 60 9o 6 VIII 70 112 7 VII 80 128 8 v1 90 144 9 v 100 160 6 IV 125 195 7 III 150 230 8 II 200 290 9 I 300 450 10 Teaching is neither an honored nor a remunerative profession in Liberia. This is reflected in the high rate of teacher attrition. However, there is a great pressure from within and without the country to improve the quality of teaching and provide an atmosphere in which teaching and learning would be an attractive and honorable occupation or profession. Until this is achieved, the country will continue to rely heavily on foreign personnel to provide the trained teaching staff where needed for its educational ane economic develOpment. Public Expenditure for Education Some indication of the Liberian government's input into the educational sector is shown in Table 8. 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