ABSTRACT
MARGINALITY, MASS COMMUNICATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE
IN FIVE LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNITIES

by Carlos L. Arias

A main approach of the present study was to investi-
gate the role of mass media communication channels in
informing and influencing rural people concerning innova-
tions. Special consideration was given to the flow of
information from change-oriented social systems to
traditional social systems, and the role played by mar-
ginal men in the introduction of change.

Marginal men are considered those individuals who
belong to a given social system, but at the same time are
actively related to other social systems. Their behavior
sets them at the margin of their social systems and in
the periphery of other social systems. The marginal
situation of these individuals makes them significant
sources of innovation and social change.

The operationalization of marginality in the present
study is different than in most previous studies.
Formerly, marginal men were migrants forming groups in a
new location: the concept of marginality usually referred
to instances of cultural or racial problems. The marginal
men in the present study had not physically migrated from

their homes.

Carlos L. Arias

The data were collected in five Colombian commun-
ities. Three of the villages were considered relatively
modern and the other two, traditional.

In order to isolate the marginal individuals, the
sample was divided, separately for modern and tradi-
tional communities at the means on two variables: cosmo-
politeness and opinion leadership.

Marginal men have been indicated as individuals
high in cosmopoliteness and low in opinion leadership.
The individuals were classified as high and low in the
two variables into four categories: marginal men, cosmo-
polite leaders, localite leaders and localite followers.

The purposes of the study were:

1. To determine the role of mass media communication
channels in the modernization process.

2. To investigate the relationship of marginality
to innovativeness, mass media exposure, social
participation, extension contact, social status,
achievement motivation and empathy.

3. To develop a paradigm of marginality and indi-
cate how marginality relates to social change
and modernization.

Eight General Hypotheses, each composed of three

parts, were develOped indicating eXpected directions of

the means. It was eXpected that marginal men would be

Carlos L. Arias
higher in innovativeness, mass media eXposure, extension
contact, achievement motivation, and empathy, and lower
in social participation and social status, than cosmo-
polite leaders, who in turn were expected to be higher
in all those characteristics than localite leaders,
who in turn were eXpected to be higher than localite
followers.

For the statistical analysis "t" test was used to
determine levels of significance between the means drawn
for the four categories of individuals of the community.

None of the hypotheses stated were significant in
the predicted direction. In the five communities studied,
the individuals classified as marginal men did not show
the predicted characteristics.

The individuals who showed the most of the character-
istics expected for the marginal men were the cosmopolite
leaders who at the same time were high in leadership,
one characteristic not expected of marginal men. But
the differences between means for marginal men and cosmo-
polite leaders were not statistically significant. They
were only significant in regard to home innovativeness
and achievement motivation. It can be concluded that
in the case of the villages studied, marginal men and

cosmopolite leaders have several characteristics (except

Carlos L. Arias
leadership) in common with each other. Marginal men,
as cosmopolite leaders and localite leaders, were
found to be more modern than followers. Therefore, they
should be the focus of attention for change agents and those

interested in the introduction of change.

Accepted by the faculty of the School of Journalism,
College of Communication Arts, Michigan.State University,
in partial fulfullment of the requirements for Master of

Arts degree.

fix 771%
Eggzctor of Thesis

MARGINALITY, MASS COMMUNICATION AND MODERNIZATION
IN FIVE LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNITIES

BY

Carlos L. Arias

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan.State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Journalism

1969

{,3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This study was made possible thanks to the guidance,
understanding and patience of Dr. Everett H. Rogers, Dr.
John.T. McNelly, and Dr. Randall P. Harrison, of the
College of Communication Arts of Michigan.State Univers-
ity, during the Master's program of the author.

Thanks should also be expressed to Dr. David K.
Berlo, who through providing the opportunity for work in
the Department of Communication Arts, made it possible
for the author to remain at Michigan State University.

To the Rockerfeller Foundation for grants awarded
to the author in the beginning and at the completion of
the work.

To the Inter-American Institute of Agricultural
Sciences of the Organization of American States for the
leave of absence given to the author during the Master's
program and for some economic help.

Great thanks are due to the author's wife for her
understanding of the frustrations expressed by the
author during the time of study and work, and for her
emotional support.

Thanks also to the many friends who gave the author

time and ideas on various aspects of the present study.

11

TABLE OF CONTENTS'

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Purposes O O O O O O O
The Problem . . . . .

CHAPTER II

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND AND HYPOTHESES

Mass Media and Social Change

The Flow of Information in a Social System

The Concept of Marginality .

The Marginal Man and His Characteristics
A Model of Mass Media Exposure and

Modernization . . .
A Paradigm of Marginality .
HypOtheseS o o o o o 0

CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY

Description of the Setting .
Data Gathering . . . . .

Operationalization of Variables

Statistical Analysis . . .
Decision.Rules . . . . .

CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS

Test of Hypotheses .
Summary of Results . . .

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

S ummary o e o o o o 0
Interpretation of Results .

Additional Testing of Hypotheses .

Interpretation of Additional Results

Conclusions . . . . . .

ill

0 O O O O

O O O O C

Page

ewe

10
14

17
23
28

#6
58

62
66
69
7o
76

Table of Contents (continued)

Page
Implications for the Change Agent . . . . 79
Implications for Mass Media . . . . . . 80
Implications for Development Planners . . 82
Needs for Future Research . . . . . . . 8a

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . o . . . . . . . . . . 86

iv

LIST OF TABLES
Table Page

1 Agriculture Innovativeness on the Basis
of Division at the Mean . . . . . . . . #7

2 Home Innovativeness on the Basis of Division
at the Mean 0 o o o o o. o o e o o o “'8

3 Mass Media Exposure on the Basis of Division
at the Mean 0 o e o e o o o o o o o 50

4 Social Participation on the Basis of Division
at the Mean 0 o o o e o o o o o o o 51

5 Extension Contact on the Basis of Division
at the Mean 0 o o o o o o o o o o o 53

6 Social Status on the Basis of Division at
the Mean 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o 5"“

7 -Achievement Motivation on the Basis of
Division at the Mean . . . . . . . . . 56

8 Empathy on the Basis of Division at the
Mean 0 e o o o e o o o o o o o o 57

9 summary of Significant and Not Significant
Differences between Means for the Three
Parts of Hypotheses Stated for Modern and
Traditional Villages . . . . . . . . . 61

10 Determination of Differences between Means of
Marginal Men and Localite Leaders in Modern
and Traditional Villages . . . . . . . 73

11 Determination of Differences between Means
of Marginal Men and Localite Followers in
Modern and Traditional Villages . . . . . 74

12 Determination of Differences between Means
of Cosmopolite Leaders and Localite Followers
in Modern and Traditional Communities . . . 75

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure
l The Three-Step Flow in Communication and
C harlge O O O O O O O O O O O O O
2 Paradigm of the Role of Mass Media Exposure
in Modernization . . . . . . . . .
3 Paradigm of Sequence of Marginality in the
Process of Modernization . . . . . . .
h Classification of the Individuals of the
Communities in.Regard to Degree of Opinion
Leadership and Cosmopoliteness . . . . .
5 Classification of Individuals in the Modern
Communities in Highs and Lows in Cosmopolite-
ness and Opinion Leadership . . . . .
6 Classification of Individuals in the Tradi-
tional Communities in Highs and Lows in
Cosmopoliteness and Opinion Leadership . .
7 Classification of Individuals in Regard to

Degree of Opinion Leadership and Cosmopolite-

ness 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

vi

Page

13

2H

29

30

45

45

63

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Latin America is usually considered as one of the
less developed areas of the world. Some few countries
fall in a per capita income range from $h00 to 37h“,
but most countries show less than $300 per capita, per
year (United Nations 1968). Additionally, the develop-
ment index obtained by Farace (1966:305-313) shows that
on the development continuum of 109 countries, all
Latin American countries fall under the mean for all
countries. The stress in these countries is to improve
incomes by improving the means of production, raising
educational levels and seeking better-renumerated
occupational activities for the people through national
development programs.

The development programs are organized at the
national level. At the community level the programs are
executed by change agents, using the assistance of local
volunteers. For these programs to be successful, the
change agents need to know how to accelerate the flow
of information about innovations from the source (the
change agency system) to the intended target social
system, in order to produce rapid changes. There are

two conflicting normative systems involved in the

1

situation: the modern, technology-oriented rational
system of the change agent, and the traditional, non-
change-oriented social system of the rural clients.

The aim is the integration of the two systems. This
necessitates the establishment of inter-system channels
of communication. '

Also the change agent needs to know about the role
of mass media in the innovation-adoption process; about
Operation of the communication channels in the tradi-
tional social system, and about the interpersonal net-
works of communication. This knowledge would help the
change agent in making a more effective use of local
leaders and mass media in the introduction of social

change.

Purposes

The present study deals generally with the role of

mass media communication channels,* and alternative

 

*Communication has been defined as the transfer of
ideas from a source to a receiver. Four elements have
been pointed out in the process of communication: source,
messages, channels and receiver. Channels are being
indicated playing a central role and they are the means
used to convey the messages to the destination. The
communication channels can be interpersonal, when the
source and the receiver are in contact. The source acts
also as a channel. Mass media communication channels
(printed and electronic) are called impersonal channels
since the source is not in contact with the receiver.
Channels may be localite or cosmopolite, depending on
whether the messages originate inside or outside of the
social system of the receiver (Rogers with Svenning.
1969:12h).

interpersonal channels in informing and influencing
Latin American villagers concerning innovations.*
Special consideration will be given to the flow of
information from change-oriented social systems (like
urban centers) to traditional social systems (villages)
in order to determine the role played by marginal men
in the process of diffusion and adoption of innovation.
Marginal men are those individuals low in integration
with the social system, high in cosmopoliteness,** and
high orientation outside of the local system.

The marginal men will be studied to determine their
communication behavior and degree of innovativeness,
mass media exposure, change agent contact, social parti-
cipation, social status, achievement motivation, and
empathy.

The purposes of the present study are:

1. To determine the role of mass media communica-

tion channels in the modernization!** process.

 

*An innovation is an idea perceived as new by the
individual (Rogers,1962:13).

**In some previous studies (like Rogers with Svenning
1969), this variable includes mass media exposure, trips
to urban centers and extension contact. For the purposes
of this study, cosmopoliteness is operationalized only as
number of trips to urban centers.

***Modernization at the social system level is a
synonym of deveIopment. It is the process of social
change whereby less developed societies acquire character-
istics common to more developed societies. The process is
activated by international or intersocietal communication
(Lerner,l969:386). In the present study, modernization
will be considered mostly at the individuaI IeveI. Rogers
with Svenning(l969:lllv) define it as the process by which
individuals change from traditional way of life to a more
complex, technologically-advanced, and rapidly-changing
style of life.

2. To investigate the relationship of marginality*
to innovativeness, mass media exposure, social
participation, extension contact, social status,
achievement motivation, and empathy in modern
and traditional communities.

3. To develop a paradigm of marginality and indi-
cate how marginality relates to social change**

and modernization.

The Problem

In the design of development programs there has
been a tendency to overlook the importance of communica-
tion factors, among others, and to label the problem of
development as only economic. "National development
planners have tended to neglect the potential of mass
media, even though these communication channels may well
be one of the sharpest tools in the developer's kit"
(Rogers with Svenning, 1969:99). "Whenever change
occurs in human society," pointed out Schramm (1964:114),
"there communication flows. When one member of a close—

knit group shows signs of deviating, he becomes the

 

*Marginality is considered that situation in which
some in iv ua 8 remain in the social system where they
were socialized, but at the same time are actively
related to other outside social systems.

**Social chan e is the significant alteration of
social structure (that is, of patterns of social action
and interaction) including consequences and manifesta-
tions of such structure embodied in norms (rules of
conduct), values, and cultural products and symbols
(Moore,l967:3).

focus of the group's communication until restored to the
fold or given up as hopeless. When some great events
threaten society, it arouses a storm of communication.”
Dube (1967:93) also emphasized the use of mass media in
development. He said that a "series of costly and
avoidable failures have shown the planners that even
well-drawn projects of modernization fail to register
with the people and produce the desired result unless
they are supported by an imaginative, adequate and
effective communication program." Communication is thus
gradually coming to be recognized as the key factor in
the process of directed change: this recognition has led
to more systematic and organized effort in the formula-
tion of communication policies. Social and economic
development cannot be performed without the support of
an adequate network of communication. Only in the
Communist countries have development plans included a
well-organized communication media system in combination
with interpersonal channels of communication, such as in
the form of study groups (Hiniker, l968:IV-l).
Traditional systems in the less developed countries
have been studied and described in countless papers and
books. Most social scientists tend to see these systems
as relatively static. The changes that took place were
described, but the processes by which these changes
occurred were not. It is important to know the reaction

of the individuals in a social system when an innovation

is introduced, and to study its ultimate acceptance or
rejection. Also, the deviant behavior* of some individ-
uals in a social system needs study. The present study
gives special consideration to marginality, to the
individuals known as marginal men, their innovativeness,
and their role in the process of diffusion of innovations
and modernization in Latin American villages.

In the organization of development programs in
Latin America (one of them being the agricultural exten-
sion service), one of the main concerns of change agents
is to work with leaders. "Localize the leaders, motivate
them, train them and start" is the password. If a change
agent starts with the wrong person, he may not find
support for his program.

The present work will attempt to study some varia-
bles regarding the dynamics of change, the use of local
leaders and marginal men with the hope that the findings
will help bring about more effective development programs.

It can be seen that there is a communication
problem involved in the whole process of deve10pment.

Are the leaders the main people with whom a change agent
should communicate? Are there differences in the flow
of information in a traditional or a modern community?

Are there some individuals in a community, other than

 

*Deviant behavior violates institutionalized
expectations, Iie., eXpectations which are shared and,
recognized as legitimate within a social system (Cohen,

the leaders, that the change agent should contact to
speed the introduction of new ideas? Answers to these
questions will be attempted through the present study.

In regard strictly to the role of mass media in
the development process, some other questions need to be
asked. What are the effects of the messages carried by
mass media on the members of a traditional social system?
How do messages affect the marginal man?. What is the
role of mass media in the innovation-adoption process?
Have the mass media created favorable attitudes toward
change, the change agent, and the innovations promoted?
Have the mass media created attainable expectations that
lead to dissatisfaction and unrest? This study will
attempt to give answers to some of these questions, and
to suggest topics for further research.

The present study should contribute to an under-
standing of diffusion from the point of view (1) of
increasing the rate of modernization in less developed
countries, and (2) of making better use of mass
communication channels to facilitate more expedient and

orderly social change.

CHAPTER II
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND AND HYPOTHESES
Mass Media and Social Change

Studies carried out in the United States and in
other parts of the world show that mass media are prim-
ary elements in the process of social change. "Mass
media are agents of social change in the service of
national development," asserts Schramm (1964:114). He
continues, "The Specific kinds of social change the mass
media are eXpected to help accomplish are the transition
to new customs and practices and, in some cases, to
different social relationships." Schramm adds that be-
hind such changes in behavior must necessarily lie
substantial changes in attitudes, beliefs, skills and
social norms.

UNESCO (1961:37). in a report to the United Nations,
recommended that governments of developing nations
"might consider the possibility of formulating national
programs for development of the information media as
part of their planning for economic development."

However, McNelly (l968:I-3) warns against the
belief that mass media communication is omnipotent.

"The dissemination of messages by mass media does not

8

assure attention, learning, attitude change or action:
social and cultural factors can mediate, muffle or even
nullify media messages." Communication researchers in
Latin America are conscious of that Situation and they
take a "cautious position" when they Judge the role of
mass media in relation to national development. This
position can be described as saying that mass media
have indeed a role in development, but it is a severely
limited role and is played only in combination with
interpersonal communication.

Hirabayashi (1958:363) says, referring to Egyptian
villagers, that "strongly associated with development is
the role of mass media superimposed upon traditional
word-of-mouth communication." Pool (1963:237) added
that "it is perfectly true that mass media alone, un-
linked to word-of-mouth communication fail in generating
action, but do not fail in creating information and
desires."

These conclusions agree with Rogers with Svenning
(1969:100—101) in regard to the role of mass media in
the process of modernization. They concluded: (1) that
interpersonal communication channels alone are in-
adequate for reaching the huge peasant audiences of the
less develOped countries, even when channels are primed
at the village level by government change agents: (2)
that in recent years advances in mass media techniques

have made it economically practical for national

lO

governments to provide radios, films, and other mass media
to audiences with rapid standardized and accurate messages
about develOpment: and (3) that larger mass media aud-
iences, accompanied by high levels of mass media exposure
per capita can be expected to lead those exposed to media,
to more favorable attitudes toward change and development,
to greater awareness of political events, and to more
knowledge of technical information. Mass media have the
potential of multiplying efforts to modernize traditional
people, eSpecially when mass media are combined with
interpersonal communication in small discussion groups.
Even when mass media do not assure attention, learn-
ing, attitude change or action (McNelly, 1963:13), they
are important factors that interrelated with existent
conditions and interconnected with interpersonal
communications, are able to create a psychological
"climate of modernization" essential to a general atti-

tude favorable toward change.

The Flow of Information in a Social System

The studies mentioned previously suggest that mass
media channels should be linked with interpersonal
communication channels. This position fits well with
the two-step flow hypothesis,* which links the mechanical

 

*The two-step hypothesis was eXplained by Lazarsfeld
and others (l9u8:151). The mass media, they say, were more
effective as channels for opinion leaders who reach the
"less active sections of the population" via interpersonal
channels. Katz (1957:61) later up-dated the hypothesis to
say that "influence stemming from mass media first reach
opinion leaders who in turn pass on what they read and
hear to those of their every-day associates for whom they
are influential."

11

and impersonal aSpects of mass media channels with the
human factor, making mass media a more personal process
of communication through its combination with inter-
personal channels.

Pool (l963:2#8) states that the adoption of an
innovation advocated in the mass media depends on inter-
personal discussion of the new idea. This statement re-
inforces the two-step hypothesis. "Mass media," he says,
"do not lead directly to adoption, but create an aware-
ness of the existence of new practices and provide guid-
ance to innovating leaders. However, actual adoption
requires either personal persuasion or personal example
by a rSSpected leader. Thus the spread of an innovation
can be traced from an initiating center, by direct
personal contact, out to the periphery." "It also," he
continues, "can be traced from younger, well-educated,
somewhat alienated, and relatively cosmopolitan individ—
uals in a community, to older, highly entrenched, above-
average educated individuals with whom the former are in
touch, and then, finally, to other people in the commun-
ity who follow the leaders."

It can be seen that Pool's statement fits well with
the two-step hypothesis, but in some instances the flow
of information may follow three steps. Pool's younger,
well-educated, somewhat-alienated, and relatively 225225

polite individual looks much like the marginal man, as

12

does Schramm's "middleman" (l96#:30). This man is the
individual to be reached by the first step in the three-
step flow model (Figure l) posed by Waisanen (1963:“).

Pool (1963:249-250), referring to the two-step
hypothesis, says that this is only a partially-supported
conclusion about the flow of information. This notion
is based on: (1) Lerner's thesis that the mass media
provide their audience with the capacity to conceive of
situations and ways of life quite different from those
directly experienced (the concept of empathy*): (2)
McClelland's thesis that certain types of media content
may help to raise achievement motivation,** and to
develop a consensus supporting it: and (3) that such
achievement motivation is, in turn, a major necessary
condition for development. Pool stated that neither
Lerner's nor McClelland's theses depend on the two-step
flow of communication. The effect of mass media in
these cases is directly upon the individual exposed, and
it is not via opinion leaders or political (or social)
organizations paralleling the media.

In a recent study in regard to interaction patterns

in the diffusion of innovations, Chow (1966) confirmed

 

*Empathy was defined by Lerner (1958:50) as the
capacity to see oneself in the other fellow's situation.

**Achie1ement motivation is a desire for excellence,
not so much for the saké of social recognition or pres-
tige, but to attain an inner feeling of personal
accomplishment (McClelland, 1961:11).

 

 

 

 

13

D
D
(1)
(3)
D
A (2) C
B E
The Social System of the (l) The General Trans-

Change Agent

The Marginal Man

The Traditional Farmer

mission Problem

(2) The Translation
Problem

(3) The Particular Trans-

The Target Social System mission Problem

Figure 1.

Source:

The Three-Step Flow in
Communication and Change

Waisanen (l963zh).

14

the,hypothesis that there are multiple-steps flow )f
communication. 7

So it may be hypothesized that the flow of informa-
tion from a source to a social system may follow one,
two, three, or multiple steps depending on the content
of communication, the media used, and the change-orienta-

tion of the social system.

The Concept‘of Marginality

The concept of marginality was first formulated by
Park (1928:881) in his study of migration. He stated
that one of the consequences of migrations is to create
a marginal Situation in which the same individual, who
may or may not be of mixed blood, finds himself striving
to live in two diverse cultural groups. The effect is
to produce an unstable character, a personality type
with characteristic forms of behavior: the marginal man.
It is in his mind, Park expresses, that the conflicting
cultures meet and fuse.

When Park prologued.Stonequist's book, The Marginal
Mgg.(l937:xviii), he described the marginal man as "an
incidental product of a process of acculturation, such
as inevitably ensues when people of different cultures
and different races come together to carry on a common
life."

Stonequist (l937:2, 3) viewed the marginal man as

a personality and cultural problem resulting from

15

migration. "The modern world," he says, "of economic
competition and shifting social relations, places the
individual in a situation where change and uncertainty
are the key—notes. Personal adjustments become imposs-
ible," he points out, "and maladjustment becomes a
characteristic of modern man. This social dislocation
is seen . . . clearly and sharply, in the cases of those
individuals who fall between the two major racial and
cultural groups . . . . The individual who through
migration, education, marriage or some other influence,
leaves one social group or culture without a satisfactory
adjustment to another, finds himself on the margin of
each but a member of neither."

When Stonequist (1937:10) talks about the person of
mixed racial ancestry, the racial hybrid, he calls him
"the most obvious type of marginal man:" when he refers
to the person with a mixed culture, the cultural hybrid,
he says, "it is not the mere mixing of cultures which
creates the marginal man, but rather the experience of
the conflict of group attitudes flowing from the cult-
ural differences" (Stonequist, 1937:88). So, whenever
there are cultural transitions and cultural conflicts,
the marginal man emerges. "His dual connections" says
Stonequist (1937:216), "will be reflected in the type
of life he leads, the nature of his achievements or

failures, his conceptions of himself, and many of his

social attitudes and aspirations. He will be, in fact,

16

a dual personality."

In regard to his role and importance in the process
of social change, Stonequist (1937:221-222) says, "The
marginal man is the key personality in the contact of
cultures. It is in his mind that the cultures come
together, conflict, and eventually work out some kind of
mutual adjustment and interpretation. He is the crucible
of cultural fusion . . . at first he is unaware of the
cultural conflict going on: then through some crises,
eXperience, or series of experiences, he becomes aware
of it, and the external conflict finds an echo in his
mind: and finally, he tries and sometimes succeeds in
making an adjustment to his situation."

"Thus the practical effort of the marginal person
to solve his own problem," continues Stonequist, "leads
him consciously or unconsciously to change the situation
in itself. His interest may shift from himself to the
objective social conditions and launch him upon the
career of nationalist, conciliator, interpreter, reformer
or teacher. In these roles, he inevitably promotes
acculturation, either upon a basis of larger political
and cultural unity, or in terms of modified political and
cultural differentiation--a new state. Consequently,
the life stories of marginal man offer the most signif-
icant material for the analysis of the cultural process

as it Springs from the contacts of social groups."

17

From Park's and Stonequist's conception of the mar-
ginal man. it may be concluded that they talk about the
same man this study deals with: the marginal man, that
man that circumstances have put between two ways of life.
In Latin American communities, this marginal situation
is between the traditional systems where he was socialized
and the modern ways of life with its new techniques suit-
able for providing him, his family and his countrymen
with the means for improving their levels of living. It
is in the mind of the marginal man where the fusion of
the two systems occurs, and it is in his mind where the
changes will take place. He is the man who may bridge
the flow of information from the change agent's social
system, to the opinion leaders and from them to the rest
of the individuals in the target social system, to com—
plete the three step flow of communication proposed by

Waisanen (1963:11).

The Marginal Man and His Characteristics

Waisanen (l963:l) suggested a conceptualization of
the communication process in traditional social systems
giving relevance to the role of marginal man in the pro-
cess of social change. The marginality of these individ-
uals seems to be an important factor in the acceptance
of new ideas and the translation of them to the influen-

tials of the social system: the opinion leaders. This

l8

reasoning is the three-step flow of information, shown
in.Figure 1.

Rogers (1962:169, 193) defined the innovator as
venturesome, eager to try new ideas. This interest leads
him out of his circle of peers and into more cosmopolite
social relationships: when the innovators adopt a new
idea, no doubt their peers become aware of the innovation.
If the innovation's results are advantageous, the initial
skepticism of the innovator's peers may be transformed
to grudging acceptance of its utility.

So, the marginal man's role seems to be as important
in the process of social change as that of the change
agent and the opinion leaders. The marginal man is
perceived as deviant from group norms, as he is the
first to adopt new ideas. He is also perceived as dev-
iant in regard to the time of adoption (Rogers, 1961:39).
The behavior of the marginal man and the innovator, as
well as their personality characteristics, have been a
source of controversy among social scientists.

For Linton (1936:3b4-3h5), the prestige of the
innovator is meaningful for the introduction of new
traits. "If innovators are persons whom the society
admires and is accustomed to imitate, the way for the
general acceptance of new traits is smooth from the start.
If innovators happen to be personally unpopular or of

low social status, the new elements acquire undesirable

associations which may out-weigh any intrinsic advantages."

19

Barnett (1941:171) found quite different
characteristics: "The disgruntled, the maladjusted, the
frustrated, and the incompetent are preeminently the
acceptors of cultural innovations and change." For
Barnett, prestige did not enter as a criterion to
evaluate the innovators. Later Barnett (1953:380)
characterized innovators as "truly marginal individuals.”
Adams (1951:189) tested Barnett's hypothesis in regard
to conflicting personality traits of persons responsible
for introducing innovations, and concluded that its
application "is restricted to those cases in which
change is rapid and violent." When the change is more
gradual, prestige or status is meaningful as stated by
Linton. When conservatives are responsible for intro-
ducing changes it is usually because they are involved
in "personal conflicts."

Putney and Putney (1962:551) in their study of a
Mexican village found that the innovators had high pres-
tige in an atmOSphere of radical change. When Pelto,
cited by Rogers (1962:19h), compared the status of the
innovators among the Skolt Lapps and the Pueblo Indians,
he found prestige also meaningful. The degree of the
innovator's deviation depended on the social norms of
the group in regard to innovativeness.

In studies cited by Rogers (1961:200) to determine
the characteristics of agricultural innovators, it was

found that the innovators were perceived as deviants by

20

the other members of their social system. Rogers also
cited studies by Adams (1951), Putney and Putney (1961),
Pelto (1960), and Rogers and Burdge (1962) where the
innovator's behavior was found to be more deviant when
system norms are more traditional than when they are
modern. There is another instance when the innovators
are perceived as deviants in traditional social systems:
it is when they have high achievement motivation (Rogers
and Neill, l966:2#).

From the same study carried out by Rogers (1961)
and an earlier investigation by Beal and Rogers (1960),
there is evidence that the innovators perceived them-
selves as deviating from community norms on innovative-
ness (Rogers, 1962:201).

However, the innovators identified themselves with
a reference group outside their social system as a con-
sequence of their deviation. These external reference
groups reinforce their cosmopolite behavior (Rogers,
1962:203-205).

In regard to social characteristics of the innova-
tors, Rogers and Burdge (1962) found that the degree of
innovativeness was related to higher education, larger
operations, and greater cosmopoliteness.

Rahudkar (1962), Bylund (1963), and Coughenour (1964)
corroborate these results in regard to education.

Coughenour found the use of mass media related to the

acceptance of innovations as well as to the integration

21

of the individual into the community structure. This
particular characteristic of integration into the
community structure is applicable only to the innovator
who has opinion leadership characteristics (Coughenour,
1964). According to the studies reviewed, some of the
individuals with high innovativeness are seen as deviants
from group norms, some are not, and they are found to be
of high status and well integrated into the community
structure.

The dualism of the innovator, his lack of integra-
tion into his group, his use of external reference groups
and his cosmopoliteness have made of him a marginal man.
When an individual is seen with a high level of innova-
tiveness, but well integrated to his group, with high
status, it can be concluded that he is an opinion
leader, but in a very change-oriented social system.

According to the studies reviewed, it can be con-
cluded also that the characteristics of the marginal man
are not easy to determine. So it is difficult to deter-
mine the flow of information into a social system. In
traditional social systems (non-change oriented), it is
found that innovators are seen as deviants, they are not
well integrated into the social system, their status is
low, and the differentiation from opinion leaders is
well defined. The opinion leaders are not necessarily
innovative (Rogers, 1962:2h3), or they are only a little

more innovative and cosmopolite than their followers

22

Rogers and van Es, 1966:34).

In change-oriented systems, the marginal men are
seen as deviant but not as deviant as most of their
peers (Rogers, 1962:198). Their conformity to social
norms is low, so it is the conformity of many of their
peers. Their cosmopoliteness is not seen as deviating
too much. Most of the members of the group would like
to visit the urban centers, have external contacts and
be exposed to mass media (illiteracy is a limiting fac-
tor). Also the opinion leaders travel more than their
followers (Rogers and van.Es, 1966:3h). So the more
innovative individual, the marginal man, is only a little
different from the opinion leader in change-oriented
social systems. This difference can be expected from
the data collected in the two types of communities
studied: three change-oriented communities or modern,
and two non—change-oriented or traditional.

It also can be expected that in the change-oriented
communities the flow of information follows one, two,
three or multiple—step, since change (or adoption of new
ideas) is highly appreciated. But in traditional
communities the pattern of flow of information follows
only two or three steps as hypothesized by Lazarsfeld
(1948) .

23
A Model of Mass Media Exposure and Modernization

According to hypotheses tested by Rogers with

Svenning (1969:101-102), there are several antecedent

 

variables associated with mass media eXposure that may
act to determine whether or not an individual will be
exposed to mass media. There are also modernization con-

sequences associated with mass media exposure. Mass

 

media exposure is seen as an intervening variable between
antecedents and consequences of eXposure (Figure 2).

The role given to mass media exposure in the model is a
central one. It is viewed as the indicator of contact
with mass media messages, ideas, that should lead to
greater empathy with roles portrayed in the media
concerning adoption of new ideas, to wider political
knowledge, and to stronger aspirations toward better

ways of life.

It can be noted in Figure 2 that all antecedent
variables but age, are the kinds of socio-economic face
tors that facilitate the individual's eXposure to mass
media. Cosmopoliteness depends upon economic resources
and occupational activities. Age falls among personal
factors that are not as such mentioned in the study.
Are there some other personal factors that make an
individual part of the mass media audience? What makes
an individual cosmopolite? As it was explained above,

some researchers consider the variable cosmopoliteness

 

24

 

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made: not: mo oHom on» no anaconda .m ohsmda

macapmaHAm<
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use HSSOapd0Spm
acapobapos psosmboano< owd
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amazobapobossH
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hnpmasm aooaopdq

 

 

 

mmozmmmmmzoo mmmoomm mezmnmom92¢

25

as defined by trips to urban centers, mass media expo-
sure and external contacts. It means that a cosmopolite
individual has high physical mobility, and is eager to
get information about new ideas from mass media and
external contacts. As a consequence of mass media expo-
sure he will become more innovative, he will increase
his knowledge, educational and occupational aspirations,
empathy and achievement motivation.

According to the analysis of the data, all anteced-
ent variables but age are correlated positively with mass
media exposure (Rogers with Svenning, 1969:105). These
results support Lerner's (1958) theory of modernization.
He stated that interaction of such variables as urbaniza-
tion, literacy, mass media exposure, industrialization
and political participation with empathy as a central
variable, will create a climate of modernization.
Individuals high in empathy may conceive of themselves
adopting new ways of life, improving their educations,
taking new occupations and increasing their knowledge in
political, social and technological affairs. Also the
increase in achievement motivation supports McClelland's
(1961) theory of modernization, as he stated that essen-
tial ingredients of entrepreneurship is a desire for
excellence, of doing well, that he called achievement
motivation. Mass media have worked between the ante-

cedent and consequent variables as an intervening

26

variable. Some of the antecedent variables may produce
direct effects on some of the indices of modernization
but there is evidence, if mass media effect is removed,
that the direct effect of antecedents over consequences
are lowered (Keith and others, 1966: IV-l6).

These results also agree with Schramm's (1963:36)
statement in regard to communication development. He
says that the typical history of communication develop-
ment in countries where it is farthest advanced, is a
chain of interactions in which education, industry,
urbanization, national income, political participation
and mass media have all gone forward together, stimulata
ing each other. In regard to social change, it is
called economical development, but development in one
line can never get far in advance of development in others.

The marginal man has been pointed out as an import—
ant element in the process of social change. How does
his performance relate the whole process of modernization?
What antecedent variable will influence on him and which
will be the consequences of this influence, according to
the theory about marginality discussed above? Will the
model of Figure 2 fit with his situation? An attempt will
be made to present a paradigm of marginality and the

process of modernization in the following pages.

2?

Paradigm of the Sequence of Marginality in the

Prgcess of Modernization

 

In the descriptions of the characteristics of mar-
ginal men their particular personality has been indicated.
In most of the studies reviewed, the marginal man is
considered deviant: he is also described as venturesome,
eager to try new ideas (Rogers, 1962:169). Barnett
(1941:71) found him to be disgruntled, maladjusted,
frustrated. Adams (1951:189) tested the hypothesis con-
cerning his conflicting personality; Linton (1936:345)
found that when the conservatives were responsible for
introducing changes it was because they were involved in
"personal conflicts." (The maladjustment or conflicting
personality may have had its origin in his childhood due
to deprivations, hunger or frustrations, but this is not
relevant to the purposes of this study.) 80, personal
maladjustment can be pointed out as one of the personal
factors of the marginal man's deviant behavior. There
are some other personal factors that can be added as
antecedent necessary conditions for the presence in the
individual of some indicators of marginality conducive
to modernization. These indicators will make the
individual aware of many possibilities that will lead
him and his family to the road of modernization. These
possibilities may be new opportunities of work and

education, better levels of living, new farming techniques

28

and other personal or social values.

As a consequence of all these new possibilities, he
will increase his early desires for modernization and
will develop some others pointed out in several studies
(Figure 3). Some of these indicators of modernization

will be taken into account in the present study.
Hypotheses

Marginality:

Marginality is considered that situation in which
some individuals remain in the social system where they
were socialized, but at the same time are actively
related to other outside social systems. Because of
their situation, these individuals are called marginal
men. They have been pointed out as important elements
in the introduction of change in traditional social sys-
tems. The most salient characteristic of these individ-
uals are their high cosmopoliteness and low leadership.
They are also distinguished by high innovativeness, high
mass media exposure, high external contacts, high empathy,
high achievement motivation, low status and low social
participation.

Other individuals besides the marginal men may be
recognized with most of the characteristics attributed
to marginal man, but high in opinion leadership, high in

status, and high in social participation. These

individuals are termed cosmopolite leaders. There are

 

29

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unoaoboasow

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pedagoo

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mapoasm

mnemopdfioaosmoo

anaaaaamwetazoaa

cadmoawm
capo: mam:

 

ZOHB<NHzmHQOE
mo mmceduHQzH

 

oq peeq xo eqeatqon ‘eseexoul

Asodpobapos
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ad omooaosav
usosamaaasooom
Honomhon
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nod Mom .oosoHHoo
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monamonaso scans
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zmz mo mmmzmM43¢

 

 

 

exam

GIQTSSOd

#An

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Hoaoom
wsdmmonoon

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wsammohoon

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wsamooaoom

W

moms
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wadmooaosH

mpoopsoo
Scamsopxm
madmmmaosH

enamoawo

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wsHmooaosH

 

f

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mo mmOH<UHQZH

 

 

 

 

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epoch .m

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mapopm .n

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mHOpomm
odsosooouoaoom .N

0mm .0

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on chaososoov paws

upmsnpoams Hmsomhoa .o

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msoapaosOo Snowmoooz

 

mfizmnmomaz¢

30

also individuals high in Opinion leadership, high in
status and social participation, but low in cosmopolite-
ness, and probably not much more innovative than their
followers. These individuals can be termed localite
leaders. There are other individuals in the community
that are low in cosmopoliteness, low in Opinion leader-
ship, and low in most Of the variables taken into account
for the purposes of the present study: these individuals
are termed localite followers. This classification of
the individuals is made on the basis of two independent
variables: Opinion leadership and cosmopoliteness: each

variable is dichotomized as highs and lows (Figure 4).

Opinion Leadership

 

 

Low High
Low Localite Localite
Followers Leaders
Cosmopolite-
ness
Marginal Cosmopolite
high Men Leaders

 

 

 

 

Figure 4. Classification Of Individuals in
Regard to Degrees of Opinion
Leadership and of Cosmopoliteness.

31

Innovativeness:

Innovativeness is the degree to which an individual

 

is relatively earlier in adopting new ideas, than other
members of his social system (Rogers 1962:19). In the
present study two kinds of innovativeness are considered:
agriculture and home innovativeness. The measurements
of innovativeness and the classification of individuals
in adopter categories are based upon the time at which
innovations are adopted (Rogers, 1962).

General Hypothesis I: Marginal men are higher in
aggicultural innovativeness than cosmopolite leaders,
who in turn are higher than localite leaders, who in

turn are higher than localite followers.

General Hypothesis II: Marginal men are higher in
home innovativeness than cosmopolite leaders, who in
turn are higher than localite leaders, who in turn are

higher than localite followers.

Mass Media Exposuge

Mass media exposure refers to the exposure or
contact of individuals with such impersonal means of
communication as newSpapers and magazines (directly or
through mediators), radio, television and movies.

General Hypothesis III: Marginal_men are higher in
mass media exposure than cosmopplite leaders, who in
turn are higher than localite leadersi_who in turn are

higher than localite followers.

32

Social Participgtion

Social_participation refers to the formal organiza-
tion in which the individuals are members such as local
clubs, farmers' organizations, cooperatives, church men's
organizations exiStent in the community.

General Hypothesis IV: Marginal men are lower in

socialgparticipation than cosmopolite leaders, who in
turn are higher than localite leaders, whp_in turn ape

higher than localite followers.

Extension Contact
Extension contact is the degree in which the
individual has contact with extension agents. It gives
a measure of the use of external reference groups.
General Hypothesis V: Magginal men are higher in
extension contact than cosmopplite leadergi who in
turn are higher than localite leaders, who in turn are

higher than localite followers.

Social Status

Social status refers to the individual's position

 

relative to other members of the social system. Five
categories of social status are used in the present
study, according to individuals' levels Of living,
income, and prestige, in comparison to other members of
the community.

General Hypothesis VI: Marginal men are lower in

33

social status than cosmopplite leaders; who in turn are
higher than localite leaders, Eho in turn are higher

than localite followers.

Achievement Motivation

Achievement motivation is the desire to do well,
not so much for the sake of social recognition or pres—
tige, but to attain an inner feeling of personal
accomplishment (McClelland, 1961:11).

According to Rogers and Neill (1966:24), because
of the high achievement motivation, the innovators in the
traditional social system are perceived as deviants. So,
in the communities under study, the measurement of
achievement motivation may be another index of moderniza-
tion.

General Hypothesis VII: Mapginal men are higher in
achievement motivapppp than cosmopolite leadersg_who in
turn are higher than localite leaders, who in turn are

higher than localite followers.

Empathy
Empathy is defined by Lerner (1958:50) as the capa-

city to see oneself in another fellow's situation. This
is an indiSpensable skill for people moving out of tradi-
tional settings. Outside his environment, each person
must meet new individuals, recognize new roles and

learn new relationships involving himself.

34

General Hypothesis VIII: Marginal men are higher
in empathy than cosmppolite leaders, who in turn are
higher than localite leaders, who in turn are higher

than localite followers.

CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
Description of the Setting

In the strict definition of community, the five
sites where this study was undertaken are not really
communities. They are better referred to as rural
districts or neighborhoods, called in Colombia veredas
and found to be parts of a municipio. "Municipio" is
the term used in Colombia and some other countries in
Latin America to Specify the political division of the
states, provinces or departments in which the countries
are divided. Municipio is somewhat similar to a county
in the United States.

The five communities (or veredas) in this study
are: Pueblo Viejo, Cuatro Esquinas, San Rafael, Nazate
and La Cafiada.

The first three veredas: Pueblo Viejo, Cuatro
Esquinas, and San Rafael are considered relatively
modern in community norms of social change. They belong
to the Department of Cundinamarca and are located on
the Western edge of the "sabana" (plain) of Bogota,
near the town of Factativa, which is the commercial

center for the farmers of the area. While the communities

35

36

border the sabana. most of the farm land is located in
the foothills of the Andes Mountains.

These three communities are covered by the National
Agricultural Extension Service. The Extension Service
have sponsored the organization of a farmers' council,
home makers club and 4-H Clubs for boys and girls. The
three veredas have elementary schools Offering the
earlier grades. In two of the communities a supply and
marketing cooperative has been initiated with the
assistance of the Extension.Service personnel. The
communities are basically agricultural.

The last two veredas, Nazate and La Cafiada are
considered traditional in regard to community norms of
social change. They are located in the department of
Narifio in the Southwestern part of Colombia, bordering
Ecuador. This is a very mountainous region and reputed
to be one of the most traditional areas of Colombia.

The National Agricultural Extension Service worked in
one Of the veredas but the Service was discontinued.

As in the other communities, there are elementary schools
offering the early grades. At the time of the investiga-
tion a promoter of the National Community Program was
working in Nazate, and a volunteer of the U.S. Peace
Corps was doing some work in both veredas. They, and
the local extension agent considered that La Cafiada was

a very difficult place in which to promote community

development.

37

For the selection of the communities in regard to
the traditional-modern continuum, a modified version of
an index originally developed by Dr. Frederick Waisanen
for UNESCO communication project in Costa Rica was used.
The index awards points for the presence of various
characteristics of modernization, such as means of
communication, educational facilities, and formal educa-
tional organization (van Es, 1964).

A more detailed description Of these five commun-
ities may be found in previous studies by Rogers and

van Es (1964) and.Rogers and Neill (1966).

Data Gathering

The data used in the present study were gathered
in Colombia by Dr. Everett M. Rogers and Mr. Johannes
van Es while they were staff members of the Facultad de
Sociologia, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, during
1963-64, where they were Fulbright Lecturer and
Organization Of American States Fellow, respectively.
They were assisted by Colombian sociology students. The
interviews were conducted with chief farm decision-makers,
0f whom a majority were men. The interviews were com-
pleted with 160 reSpondents in the modern villages and
95 in the traditional villages.

The study was sponsored by the Facultad de Socio-

logfa: the Agriculture Development Council of New York,

38

and the Programs Interamericano de Informacion POpular
(PIIP) of the American International Association of the
Rockerfeller Brothers. Since these data are suitable
for the purposes Of the present study, we take advantage
Of a fortunate situation, avoiding unnecessary time and
money spent in collecting new data. The task of the
author has been the analysis of the data available,
interpreting the results and putting the study in its

final form.
Opprationalizatiop of Variables
Dependent'Variables

Innovativeness:

gppovativeness is defined as the degree to which
an individual is "relatively earlier" in adopting new
ideas than other members of his social system (Rogers,
l962:l9*). Both the measurement Of innovativeness and
the classification of individuals into adopters cate-
gories are based upon the time at which innovations are
adopted.

In this study the following measurements were used:
(1) a scale of innovativeness scores in regard to the

adoption of siXteen agricultural and seven home practices.

 

*When.Rogers refers to "relatively earlier" he means
earlier in terms of actual time of adaption rather than
whether the individual perceived he adopted the idea
relatively earlier than the others.

39

The respondents were asked how long they possessed or
had applied those practices, such as use of insecticides,
weed killers, animal vaccination, new kitchen stove,
latrine, wrist-watch, etc.: (2) self-perception on
innovativeness. The reSpondents scored themselves as
they perceived their own performance in accepting and
being willing to introduce new practices. The higher

the scores the more innovative the respondent.

Mass Media Exposure

Mags media exposure refers to the exposure or con-
tacts Of the respondents to mass media. The communica-
tion behavior of the respondents was determined through
questions aimed at finding out the level of radio-
listening, television watching, movie-exposure, and read-
ing of neWSpapers and magazines directly or through
mediators. The exposure to each of these five media
was combined into a composite mass media exposure score
for each respondent. The indicator of degree of eXpO-
sure to each medium was in terms of number of radio
shows listened to per week, newSpapers read per week,
films seen per year and so on. The raw scores were
converted into "sten scores" (Canfield, 1951) and then

combined into a mass media exposure index.

Social Participation:
Social_participation refers to the formal organiza-

tions in which the respondents were members, such as

40

church men's groups, community improvement councils,

and cooperatives existent in the community. Formal
organization in which all respondents were members, like
the church, were not included. The measurement of this
variable indicates the degree of integration of the
individuals into community activities. The higher the
score, the greater the individual's social participation.

Low integration might be an index of marginality.

Extension Contact:

Extension contact means the degree to which the
respondent has contact with the agricultural extension
agent. It gives a measure of the use of external
reference groups by respondent. A degree of external
contact will indicate marginality, innovativeness,

cosmopoliteness, etc.

Social Status:

Five categories of social status are used in the
present study. Scores range from 0 to 4. The higher
the score, the higher the respondent's social status,

according to the interviewer's judgment.

Achievement Motivation:
Achievement motivation is a desire for excellence,
not so much for the sake of social recognition or pres-

tige, but to attain an inner feeling of personal

accomplishment (McClelland, 1961:11).

41

To measure the need of achievement an 8-item scale
of open statements was used. This scale is an adapta-
tion of the sentence-completion scale used in three
studies with U.S. farmers.

According to Rogers and Neill (1966:24),because of
their high achievement motivation, the innovators in
traditional social systems were perceived as deviants.
So in the Colombian communities, the measurement of

achievement motivation may be another index of marginality.

Empathy:

Empathy was defined by Lerner (1958:50) as the
capacity to see oneself in the other fellow's situation.
This is an indiSpensable skill for people moving out of
traditional settings. Outside his Old environment, each
person must meet new individuals, recognize new roles
and learn new relationships involving himself.

TO measure empathy, a five-item scale was developed
which distinguishes five public roles moving from the
most local to the most national in responsibility. The
respondents should see themselves in the roles included
on the scale and answer the question in regard to local
and national problems. The scale values awarded were

from O for low empathy to 2 for the highs.

42
Indepepdent'Variables

Cosmppoliteness:

Cosmopolitpness is the degree to which an individ-
ual's orientation is external to a particular social
system (Rogers, 1962). Not only do individuals range
along a cosmopolite—localite dimension but information
sources may be classified as to their degree of cosmo-
politeness. The cosmopolite in a traditional system is
seen as more deviant from prevailing patterns than the
cosmopolite in a modern system where norms favor a
wider perspective (Rogers with Svenning, 1969:149).

Cosmopoliteness was measured by: (l) asking how
many times a year a respondent visited the nearest urban
center: (2) according to Deutschmann and Fals Borda
(1962:43-59) definition of cosmopoliteness in regard to
media, the respondents will be asked to select the
possible sources Of information among the following
items:

a. egocentric communication

b. intra-community communication

c. extra-community communication

d. impersonal communication*

The measurement of cosmopoliteness is made up of

three important indices: (1) the orientation of the

 

*When.Deutschmann and Fals Borda say impersonal
communication, they refer to mass media but also included
posters, pamphlets, films, film strips and possible
audio-visual aids used with personal presentations.

43

individual to external contacts: (2) trips to urban

centers: (3) sources of information.

Opinion Leadership:

Qpipion leadership is the quality that some
individuals have to be influential in the community, in
approving or disapproving new ideas (Rogers, l962:l6,208).
They are sought for information and advice by people of
the community. In the present study, Opinion leadership
was determined by four different measures: (1) socio-
metric choices: (2) a self-designation opinion leadership
scale; (3) a self-anchoring Opinion leadership measure:
and (4) judges' rating.

The measurement of leadership by the procedures
mentioned above will give the degree of influence of the
individuals in the community. Comparing the degree of
opinion leadership with the degree of cosmopoliteness
will give information on the existence of some individ-
uals high in cosmopoliteness and low in leadership who

are expected to be the marginal men or innovators.

Depision.Rules

 

Two sets of villages, modern and traditional, will
be considered as replications in the present study.
The analysis of the data will be presented in separate
tables for each replication. Each hypothesis is com-

posed of three parts consisting Of comparisons of marginal

44

men to cosmopolite leaders: cosmopolite leaders to local~
ite leaders: and localite leaders to localite followers.
When the direction Of the means of the three (or
two) parts of a hypothesis are as they were hypothesized,
and the differences are statistically significant, the
entire hypothesis will be accepted. When the direction
of the means is as hypothesized for none, or for one part,
even when the difference be statistically Significant,
it will not be accepted.
When comparing the results for the two sets of vill-
ages, an hypothesis will be accepted only when in both

sets of villages the hypothesis was accepted.

Statistical Analysis

 

For testing the hypotheses, the population was
divided separately into the three modern and the two
traditional communities at the mean for both independent
variables: cosmopoliteness and opinion leadership, and
placed in two-by-two tables (Figures 5 and 6). The pur-
pose Of this division was to obtain individuals of the
five communities classified in lows and highs in the two
characteristics mentioned.

For each cell in the tables the mean for each of the
eight dependent variables was Obtained: agricultural
innovativeness, home innovativeness, mass media exposure,

extension contact,t social participation, empathy, and

achievement motivation.

The "t"

test was used to test

for significant differences between means.

Opinion Leadership

 

 

Low High
97 27
Low Low-Low Low-High
Localite Localite
Cosmopolite- Followers Leaders
ness
23 13
High High-Low High-High
Marginal Cosmopolite
Men Leaders

Figure 5. Classification of Individuals in the Modern
Communities in.Highs and Lows in Cosmopolite-

 

 

 

 

ness and Opinion Leadership.

Opinion Leadership

 

 

Low High
62 10
Low Low-Low Low-High
Localite Localite
Cosmopolite- Followers Leaders
ness
9 14
High High-Low High-High
Marginal Cosmopolite
Men Leaders

 

 

 

 

Figure 6. Classification of Individuals in the Tradi-
tional Communities in.Highs and Lows in
Cosmopoliteness and Opinion Leadership.

CHAPTER IV
TEST OF HYPOTHESES

General Hypothesis I: Marginal men are higher in
agricultural innovativeness than cosmopolite leaders, who
in turn are higher than localite leaders, who in turn are
higher than localite followers (Table 1).

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions

According to the decision rules stated in Chapter III.
for acceptance or not of a hypothesis, General Hypothesis I
is not accepted.

The means are in the predicted direction in two parts
of the hypothesis for modern and for traditional villages,
but only one part of the hypothesis for the modern villages

is significant.

General Hypothesis II: Mapginal men are higher in
home innovativeness than cosmppolite leaders, who in turn
are higher than localite leaders, who in turn are higher
than localite followers (Table 2).

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions

For the three modern villages, the hypothesis is
accepted since for two parts the directions of the meanS'
are as predicted. For the two traditional villages, the
hypothesis is not accepted Since only in one part is the
direction Of the means as predicted.

The General Hypothesis II is not accepted.
46

47

Table 1. Agriculture Innovativeness on the Basis of Divi-
sion at the Mean. ' .

 

Classification of the Individuals

 

Agriculture

Innovativeness Marginal Cosmopolite Localite Localite

Men Leaders Leaders Followers

I. Three Modern N=23 N813 N=27 N-97
Villages

1. Hypothesized
direction of >
the means

2. Means 43.39 53.38 50.85 40.21
30 ACtual

direction of -
the means ns ns ' *£>

 

II. Two Tradi- N=14 N 9 N810 N362

tional Villages

l. Hypothesized
direction Of > >

the means

\/

2. Means 50.14 50.22 46.30 44.35

3 0 Ac tual
direction of
the means ns ns ns

ns Not significant
** Significant at the .01 level

48

Table 2. Home Innovativeness on the Basis of Division
at the Mean.

 

 

Home Classification of Individuals
Innovativeness
Marginal Cosmopolite Localite Localite
Men Leaders Leaders Followers
I. Three Modern N=23 N=l3 N327 N=97

Villages

l. Hypothesided
direction Of j) ;> :>

the means
2. Means 49.00 67.76 42.03 37.15
30 Actual

direction of ,’

the means (‘* ** *:>

\

\

 

II . Tradi- N314 N=9 N-lo N=62
tional Villages

l. Hypothesized
direction of :> :> 2)
the means
2. Means 48.85 49.66 46.70 41.11

3. Actual
direction of
the means ns ns 9

 

.ns .Not significant
* Significant at the .05 level

** Significant at the .01 level

49

General Hypothesis III: Marginal men are higher in
mass media exposure than cosmopolite leaders, who in turn
are higher than localite leaders, who in turn are higher

than localite followers (Table 3).

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions
For the modern villages the hypothesis is accepted
since for two parts, the direction of the means is as pre-
dicted and the differences between means are significant
in one part at .01 level and in the other part at .05 level.
For the traditional villages the differences between
means are Significant at the .05 level in only one part.

General Hypothesis III is not accepted.

General Hypothesis IV: Marginal men are lower in
social participation than_pg§mppolite leaders, who in
turn are higher than localite leadergi who in turn are

higher than localite followers (Table 4).

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions
General Hypothesis IV is not accepted since the

difference between means are not significant in any part.

50

Table 3. Mass Media EXposure on the Basis of Division at

 

 

 

the Mean.
Mass Media Classification of the Individuals
Exposure
Marginal Cosmopolite Localite Localite
Men Leaders Leaders Followers
1. Three Modern N=23 N=13 n=27 N297

Villages
l. Hypothesized
direction of > > >
the means
2. Means 52.34 59.46 44.07 39.32
3. Actual
direction of
the means ns * €>

II. Two Tradi— N=l4 N=9 N=10 N=62
tional Villages

l. Hypothesized .
direction of ’:> :>
the means

 

2. Means 52.92 64.77 48.20 44.03

3 O ACtual
direction of :>
i-

the means ns ns

 

ns Not Significant
* Significant at .05 level

** Significant at .01 level

51

Table 4. Social Participation on the Basis of Division
at the Mean.

 

 

 

 

Social Classification of the Individuals
Participation
Marginal Cosmopolite Localite Localite
Men Leaders Leaders Followers
I. Three Modern N=23 N=13 n:27 N=97
Villages
l. Hypothesized
direction of < > >
the means
2. Means 3.13 3.07 4.63 3.53
30 Aetual
direction of
the means ns ns ns
II. Two Tradi- N=l4 N39 N=10 N=62

tional Villages

1. Hypothesized
Direction of
the means

/\
\/
\/

2. Means 0.28 0.22 0.00 0.17

3. Actual
direction of
the means ns ns ns

us Not significant

52

General Hypothesis V: Marginal men are higher in
extension contact than cosmopolite leadersl who in turn
are higher than localite leaders, who in turn are higher

than localite followers (Table 5).

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions
General Hypothesis V is not accepted since the
differences between means are not significant in any

part.

General Hypothesis VI: Mapginal_men are lower in social
status than cogmppolite leaders, who in turn are higher
than localite leadersi who in turn are higher than localite

followers (Table 6).

 

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions

For the modern villages, the hypothesis is accepted
since in two parts of the hypothesis the direction between
means is as predicted with significance at the .05 level
in one part and at the .01 level in the other part.

For the traditional villages, the hypothesis is not
accepted since the difference between means are not signi-
ficant.

General Hypothesis VI is not accepted.

53

Table 5. Extension Contact on the Basis of Division at

the Mean.

 

Extension
Contacts

Marginal Cosmopolite Localite
Leaders

1. Three Modern
Villages

l. Hypothesized
direction of
the means

2. Means
30 ACtual

direction of
the means

Men

N=23

0.91

>

118

Classification of the Individuals

Localite

Leaders Followers

N827 N=97

>

1.84 1.14

ns ns

 

II. Two Tradi-
tional Villages

l. Hypothesized
direction of
the means

2. Means
3 O ACtual

direction of
the means

N814

0.64

ns

N810 N=62

1.00 0.80 0.09

ng I"!

 

us Not significant

** Significant at the .01 level

54

Table 6. Social Status on the Basis of Division at the

Mean.

 

Social
Status

Classification Of the Individuals

 

Marginal
Men

Cosmopolite Localite

Leaders

Localite

Leaders Followers

 

I. Three Modern
Villages

1. Hypothesized
direction of
the means

2. Means
3 O ACtual

direction of
the means

N=23

2.30

ns

/
\

2082+

1.33

 

II. Two Tradi-
tional Villages

1. Hypothesized
direction of
the means

2. Means
3. Actual

direction of
the means

/\

1.85

2.11

ns

\/

II
O
N

N=10 N

\/

1.30 1.12

ns

 

ns Not significant
* Significant at

.05 level

** Significant at .01 level

55

General Hypothesis VII: Maiginal men are higher in
achievement motivation than are cosmppoiite leaders, who
in turn are higher than localite leadersl_who in turn are

higher than localite followers (Table 7).

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions

The hypothesis is not accepted for the modern vill-
ages because only one part was in the direction pre-
dicted and significant at the .01 level. Between marginal
men and cosmopolite leaders, there is a significant diff-
erence at the .01 level, but in the opposite direction.
For traditional villages, only one part is significant
at the .01 level.

General Hypothesis VII is not accepted.

General Hypothesis VIII: Marginal men are higher in
empathl than are cosmopolite leaders; who in turn are
higher than localite leaders, who in turn are higher than

localite followers (Table 8).

General Conclusion about Hypothesized Directions

For modern villages, the differences between means
is significant at the .01 level in only one part. For
the traditional villages, the differences were not signi-
ficant in any part.

General Hypothesis VIII is not accepted.

56

Table 7. Achievement Motivation on the Basis of Division
at the Mean.

 

Classification of the Individuals

 

 

Achievement
Motivation Marginal Cosmopolite Localite Localite
Men Leaders Leaders Followers
I. Three Modern N=23 N=l3 N=27 N397
Villages

l. Hypothesized
direction of ‘:> ‘:> _:>

the means
2. Means 11.26 15.53 11.11 11.26

3. Actual
direction of I’ :>
*‘I'

the means <§* ns

 

11. Two Tradi- N=14 N=9 N=10 N=62
tional Villages

1. Hypothesized

direction Of L>> ‘:> :>

the means
2. Means 19.64 22.00 19.40 14.72
3 0 A013 113].

direction of
the means ns ns **

ns Not significant

 

* Significant at .05 level
** Significant at .01 level

57

Table 8. Empathy on the Basis of Division at the Mean

 

Classification of the Individuals

 

Empathy
Marginal CosmOpolite Localite Localite
Men Leaders Leaders Followers

I. Three Modern N=23 N813 N827 N=97
Villages

l. Hypothesized .
direction of > > >
the means
2. Means 5.34 6.53 6.22 3.60
3 o ACtual

direction of
the means ns ns t3>

II. Two Tradi- N=14 N=9 N=10 N=62
tional Villages

1. Hypothesized
direction of :> :> :>
the means

 

2. Means 3.92 4.33 2.5 2.16

3. Actual
direction of
the means ns ns ns

 

ns Not significant
* Significant at .05 level

** Significant at .01 level

58
Summary of Results

The Eight General Hypotheses were not accepted across
both sets of villages.

Our data Show that of 48 mean differences:

31 were in the direction predicted
(13 are significant)

17 were in the opposite direction
(2 are significant)

For the modern villages, three hypotheses were
accepted: those dealing with home innovativeness, mass
media exposure, and status.

For the traditional villages, none of the hypotheses

were accepted.

For the two sets of villages, the results were:
1. Modern Villages:

15 mean differences were in the predicted direction

(9 are significant)
9 mean differences were in the Opposite direction
(2 are significant)
2. Traditional Villages:
16 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(4 are significant)
8 mean differences were in the opposite direction

(none are significant)

59

For the eight independent variables the results were:
Agriculture Innovativeness

4 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(1 is significant)

2 were in the opposite direction
(none are significant)

Home Innovativeness

4 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(3 are significant)

2 were in the opposite direction
(1 is significant)

Mass Media Exposure

4 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(3 are significant)

2 were in the opposite direction
(none are significant)

Social Participation

2 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(none are significant)

4 were in the Opposite direction
(none are significant)

Extension Contact

4 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(none are significant)

2 were in the opposite direction
(none are significant)

Social status

6 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(2 are significant)

Achievement Motivation

3 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(2 are significant)

6O

3 were in the Opposite direction

(1
8. Empathy

is significant)

4 mean differences were in the predicted direction
(1 is significant)

2 were in the Opposite direction
(none are significant)

For the three parts of each hypotheses the mean

differences were:

Part #1:

Part #2:

Part #3:

Differences in the means between Marginal
Men and Cosmopolite Leaders:

2 were as predicted
(none are significant)

14 were in the opposite direction
(2 are Significant)

Differences in the means between Cosmopolite
Leaders and Localite Leaders:

15 were as predicted
(5 are significant)

1 was in the opposite direction
(not significant)

Differences in the means between Localite
Leaders and Localite Followers:

14 were as predicted
(8 are significant)

2 were in the opposite direction
(none are significant)

Table 9 presents a complete summary of the results.

61

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CHAPTER V
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

A main approach of the present study was to investi-
gate the role of mass media communication channels in
informing and influencing rural people in Latin American
communities concerning innovations. Special considera-
tion was given to the flow of information from change-
oriented social systems to traditional social systems,
and the role played by marginal men in the introduction
Of change. Marginal men are considered those individuals '\
who belong to a given social system, but at the same
time are actively related to Other social systems. 1
Their behavior sets them at the margin of their social 1
system and in the periphery of other social systems. The
marginal situation of these individuals makes them
significant sources of innovation and social change. i)

The operationalization of marginality in the present
study is different than in most previous studies.

Formerly, marginal men were migrants forming minority
groups in a new location: the concept of marginality
referred usually to instances of cultural or racial prob-
lems. The marginal man in the present study had not

physically migrated from their homes.

62

63

The data for the present study were collected in five
Colombian communities. The sample consisted of 225
respondents. Three of the five villages were considered
relatively modern and the other two, traditional. The
two sets of villages were used as replications of the
same study in that the same eight hypotheses were tested
in each.

In order to separate marginal individuals, the sample
was divided, separately for modern and traditional vill-
ages, at the means on two variables: cosmopoliteness and
opinion leadership. Then, in a two by two table, the
individuals were classified in regard to their level of
cosmopoliteness and Opinion leadership. Marginal men are
indicated as individuals high in cosmopoliteness and low
in opinion leadership. The individuals were classified
as high and low in the two variables, into four categories:
marginal men, cosmopolite leaders, localite leaders, and

localite followers (Figure 7).

OPINION LEADERSHIP

Low Hi h
Low LowaLow fowaHigfi

Localite Followers Localite Leaders
COSM TENESS ¢-:a
- OPOLI High-Low High-High

 

 

High

 

 

 

Marginal Men CosmOpolite Leaders

 

Figure 7. Classification of the Individuals of the
Communities in.Regard to Degree Of Opinion
Leadership and Cosmopoliteness.

64

The purposes of the study were:

1. To determine the role of mass media communication
channels in the modernization process.

2. To investigate the relationship of marginality
to innovativeness, mass media exposure, social
participation, extension contact, social status,
achievement motivation, and empathy in modern
and traditional communities.

3. To develop a paradigm of marginality and indicate
how marginality relates to social change and
modernization.

Eight General Hypotheses, each composed of three parts,
were developed indicating expected direction Of the means.
It was expected that marginal men would be higher in
innovativeness, mass media exposure, extension contact
(an external source Of information), achievement motiva-
tion, and empathy, and lower in social participation and
social status than cosmopolite leaders, who in turn were
expected to be higher in all those characteristics than
localite leaders, who in turn were eXpected to be higher
than localite followers.

For the statistical analysis, the "t" test was used
to determine levels of significance between the means
drawn for the four categories of individuals of the
community.

None of the hypotheses stated were accepted. The

65

predicted direction of the mean did not result as hypo-
thesized. In the five communities studied, the individ—
uals classified as marginal men did not Show the expected
characteristics for this type of person.

The individuals who showed most of the characteris-
tics expected for marginal men were the cosmopolite leaders,
who at the same time were high in leadership, one
characteristic not expected of marginal men. But the
differences between means for marginal men and cosmo-
polite leaders were not statistically significant. They
were only significant in regard to home innovativeness
and achievement motivation. It can be concluded that in
the case of the villages studied, marginal men and cosmo-
polite leaders share several common characteristic,
except leadership. Marginal men, as cosmopolite leaders
and localite leaders, were found to be more modern than
the followers in both sets of communities--modern and
traditional. Therefore, they should be the focus of
attention for change agents and those interested in the
introduction of change.

The results Obtained for the two sets of villages
are very similar: the small differences will be indicated

in the next section.

66

Inteppretation of Results

The results Obtained in the testing of the eight
hypotheses stated in Chapter II indicate:

1. The non-acceptance of the eight hypotheses shows
that in the five communities studied, marginal men appar-
rently do not have, at level hypothesized, the characteris-
tics attributed to them in regard to the other members
of the community.

2. The direction of the means between the marginal
men and the cosmopolite leaders, for seven variables in
both sets of communities was opposite than hypothesized,
but the differences were not significant for six variables
in the modern communities and for all seven dependent
variables in the traditional communities. This result
may mark a difference between the two sets of communities.
In regard to marginal men and cosmopolite leaders, it can
be suggested that both groups share the same characteris-
tics, except leadership.

3. In comparing the results obtained for the modern
and the traditional villages, three hypotheses were
accepted for the modern communities in regard to home
innovativeness, mass media exposure and status. For the
traditional communities, none of the hypotheses were
accepted. These results may mark another difference be-

tween modern and traditional villages. The three hypo-

theses accepted for the modern villages are meaningful

67

for the purposes of the present study. It was hypothesized
that marginal men were higher in innovativeness and mass
media exposure than anyone in the community and lower in
status than the leaders.

4. Tables 1 and 2 Show there are no significant
differences between the three means on agriculture innova-
tiveness. In home innovativeness the results indicate
clearly that the localite followers are less innovative
than the other three categories.

5. The marginal men and cosmopolite leaders are most
exposed to mass media, as was expected. The differences
between the cosmopolite leaders and the localite leaders
in the modern communities are significant at the .01
level: in the traditional villages, the differences are
at the .05 level. This also was expected, since the
cosmopolite leaders, being more copmopolite, should be
more exposed to mass media. In the modern villages,
localite leaders show a significant difference at the .05
level from the localite followers. In the traditional
villages, there are no differences between them. Here,
as in the case of innovativeness, small differences are
found between leaders (traditional) and followers, as was
found earlier by Rogers and van.Es (1966:34).

6. Social participation and extension contact do
not show differences among the four categories of individ—

uals. The extension service seems to be a new organization

in these communities and in one of them was discontinued.

68

7. Social status resulted in the direction predicted,
but not at significant levels for all parts of the hypo-
thesis. The cosmopolite leaders possess the higher status.

8. Rogers and Neill (1966:76) found a positive cor-
relation between achievement motivation and cosmopolite-
ness. It was expected in the present study that marginal
men would be higher in achievement motivation than the
other individuals. Probably, when the individuals were
separated in highs and lows in cosmopoliteness and opinion
leadership, most of the individuals higher in achievement
motivation fell in the category of cosmopolite leaders.
There should be a link between these two variables:
achievement motivation and leadership in the case of these
five communities.

In the traditional villages, the marginal men were
not significantly different from cosmopolite leaders in
achievement motivation. In the modern villages, the
differences between them were significant at the .01 level.

9. The empathy variable shows no difference among
three of the categories compared. Only on the modern
villages is there a significant difference between local-
ite followers and localite leaders. In the traditional
villages, these two categories do not show any difference.
This is another case where these two categories do not
show much difference in the traditional villages indica-

tive of differences between the two sets of villages.

69
Additional Easting of Hypotheses

In order to find out if there are some other signi-
ficant differences between the means, for the marginal
men and the other categories, we computed "t" tests between
the means of each pair of categories not compared formerly:
marginal men to localite leaders: marginal men to localite
followers: and cosmopolite leaders to localite followers.

The results of this further testing are presented
in Tables 10, 11, and 12. 7

It can be Observed in.Tab1e 10 that only in regard to
mass media exposure is the difference between means of
marginal men and localite leaders significant: for the
rest of the dependent variables, the differences are not
significant.

In the case of differences between the means of mar-
ginal men and localite followers (Table 11), the tests
were not significant for social participation, extension
contact, and achievement motivation in the modern villages:
and social participation and extension contacts in the
traditional villages.

With regard to agriculture and home innovativeness,
mass media exposure, status and empathy, the differences
are significant at the .01 level for modern villages. For
the traditional villages, the differences are significant
at the .05 level in regard to agriculture and home innova-

tiveness, mass media exposure and achievement motivation:

70

and at the .01 level for social status and empathy.

Table 12 shows the differences between cosmopolite
leaders and localite followers. Social participation does
not differ among the categories in the five communities
(Tables 4, 10 and 11). Extension contact is only signif-
icant at the .05 level between cosmopolite leaders and
followers, and at the .01 level between the localite

leaders and followers (Table 5).

Interppetation of the AdditiOhal Results

Innovativeness:

When comparing the followers to the other categories,
the differences resulted significant at the .01 level and
in the expected direction. The marginal men and the
leaders (both cosmopolite and localite) are more innovative

than the followers--as was expected.

Mass Media Exposure:

In the first testing of the hypotheses, marginal men
‘and cosmopolite leaders demonstrated high exposure to mass
media. When comparing these two categories to the follow—
ers, the differences were significant at the .01 level

for both sets of villages.

Social Pappigipation:

The additional testing did not provide any new
information on social participation. This variable does
not differentiate among the four types of villagers.

71

Extension Contact:

This variable seems to be another that does not Show
large differences among the villagers. Only in the tradi-
tional villages are there significant differences between
cosmopolite leaders and the followers, similar to the one
found between the followers and the localite leaders
(Table 5). The marginal men failed to show a large diff-
erence compared to the other categories. It seems the
marginals are not using or considering extension contact

as an external source of reference.

Social Status:

In the additional testing Of the hypothesis in regard
to status, marginal men were higher in status than the
localite followers (at the .01 level in the modern, and
at the .05 in the traditional villages).

Compared to the leaders, marginals do not show signif-
icant differences. According to earlier findings of Putney
and Putney (1962:551) and Pelto, cited by Rogers (1962:194),
prestige of marginal men is meaningful in change-oriented
communities. Small differences exist between the two sets
of villages included in the present study. In the modern
communities, the status Of marginal men is higher than in
the traditional communities when compared to the followers.
The leaders are also significantly different at the .01
level from the followers in the modern communities: in the

traditional communities, the cosmOpolite leaders are

72

significantly different at the .01 level. Localite lead—
ers are not significantly different than the followers in

the traditional villages.

Achievement Motivatigh:

The additional testing shows that in the modern
communities only, the cosmopolite leaders are Significantly
different at the .01 level, from the other three cate-
gories of individuals. These three categories do not show
significant differences among them.

For the traditional communities, the differences be-
tween followers and the other categories are Significant
at the .01 level.

The marginal men, localite leaders and localite
followers in the modern communities show no significant
differences in achievement motivation. These results are

unexpected: perhaps the scale used to measure this variable

was not the most adequate for these villages.

Empathz:
The additional testing shows that in the modern vill-

ages there is a significant difference, at the .01 level,
between the followers and the two categories of marginal
men and cosmopolite leaders. In the traditional villages,
the difference is significant at the .05 level.

For the traditional villages, empathy is not different
between the localite leaders and the followers (Table 8),
but in the modern, the difference is at the .01 level.

73

Table 10. Determination of Differences between Means of
Marginal Men and Localite Leaders in Modern
and Traditional Villages.

 

 

Modern Villages Traditional Villages

Variables
Marginal Localite Marginal Localite

Men Leaders Men Leaders
Agriculture
Innovativeness 46.39 ns 50.85 50.14 ns 46.30
Home
Innovativeness 49.00 ns 42.03 48.85 ns 46.70
Mass Media
Exposure 52.34 * 59.46 52.92 ns 48.20
Social
Participation 3.13 ns 3.07 0.28 ns 0.00
Extension
Contact 0.91 ns 1.14 0.64 ns 0.80
Status 2.30 ns 2.14 1.85 ns 1.30
Achievement
Motivation 11.26 ns 11.11 19.64 ns 19.40

Empathy 5.34 ns 6.22 3.92 ns 2.50

 

ns Not significant
* Significant at the .05 level

** Significant at the .01 level

74

Table 11. Determination of Differences between Means of
Marginal Men and Localite Followers in Modern
and Traditional Communities.

 

Modern Villages Traditional Villages

 

 

Variables .
Marginal Localite Marginal Localite

___ Men ‘__Followers Men Followers

Agriculture

Innovativeness 46.39 ** 40.21 50.14 ' ** 44.35

Home ,

Innovativeness 49.00 ** 37.15 48.85 ** 41.11

Mass media

Exposure 52.34 ** 39.32 52.92 ** 44.03

Social

Participation 3.13 nS 3.53 0.28 ns 0.17

Extension

Contact 0.91 ns 1.84 0.64 ns 0.09

Status 2.30 ** 1.33 1.85 * 1.12

Achievement

Motivation 11.26 ns 11.26 19.64 ** 14.72

Empathy 5.34 ** 3.60 3.92 * 2.16

ns Not significant
* Significant at the .05 level

** Significant at the .01 level

75

Table 12. Determination of the Difference between Means of
Cosmopolite Leaders and Localite Followers in
Modern and Traditional Communities.

Modern‘Villages Traditional Villages

 

 

Variables i_,_ .
Cosmopolite Localite Cosmopolite Localite
Leaders Followers Leaders Followers

Agriculture

Innovativeness 53.38 ** 40.21 50.22 ** 44.35

Home ,

Innovativeness 67.76 ** 37.15 49.66 ** 41.11

Mass Media

Exposure 59.46 ** 39.32 64.77 ** 44.03

Social

Participation 3.07 ns 3.53 0.22 ns 0.17

Extension

Contact 1.84 ns 0.73 1.00 * 0.09

Status 2.84 ** 1.33 2.11 ** 1.12

Achievement

Motivation 15.53 ** 11.26 22.00 ** 14.17

Empathy 6.53 ** 3.60 4.33 * 2.16

 

ns Not significant
* Significant at the .05 level

** Significant at the .01 level

76

Conclusions

 

l. The results obtained Show that in the communities

studied the individuals classified as marginals do not

have the characteristics assigned to this typology of

individuals in the direction predicted. Possible reasons

for obtaining results different from our predictions in

regard to the marginal men are:

(a)

(b)

The theoretical frame Of reference may not have been

correct. There may be inadequate theoretic reasons
to have expected marginal men to be more modern than
others. Perhaps the marginal men should be studied
more deeply to revise our conceptions of his
characteristics and behavior. We lack much past re-
search on marginal men and perhaps this inadequate
data led to weak original hypotheses. So perhaps

the hypotheses ought to have been stated differently.
We shall explore alternative conceptions later in
this section.

In order to make a classification Of individuals into
marginal men and others, the population was divided
at the mean in regard to two salient characteristics:
cosmopoliteness and opinion leadership. The individ—
uals were separated in highs and lows on these two
dimensions to form four categories: marginal men,
cosmopolite leaders, localite leaders, and localite

followers. Perhaps this technique of classification

77

is subject to question, and alternative procedures

should be considered.

(c) The data used for the present study, such as the size
of the sample, may not have been the most adequate to
study the problem Of marginal men and their role in
the diffusion process. The measurement of the
variables may not be the most adequate for the pur-
poses Of the present study. Certainly, our Opera-
tionalizations of innovativeness, cOSmOpOliteness,
etc.. could be improved in future research. Further,
the present results might be different if the commun-
ities studied were completely traditional and not
communities that show clearly they are in a stage of
transition from traditionalism to modernization.

2. According to the results, individuals classified
as cosmopolite leaders seem to be just as modern as the
marginal men, contrary to the General Hypotheses esta-
blished in Chapter II. In the following discussion, we
only deal with the six independent variables indicating
modernization, and exclude social participation and
social status. On the contrary, the mean for cosmOpolite
leaders indicates greater modernity than for the marginal
men: 12 cases (Table 9) and 2 of these differences were
significant. This gives evidence that there is another
category of individual, besides the marginal man, who plays

a key role in the modernization of peasant villages.

78

These individuals, the cosmopolite leaders, should be
taken into account when planning development programs.
3. The cosmopolite leaders are more modern than
localite leaders. Table 9 presents the evidence:
16 mean differences are in the predicted direction

4 are significant.

4. Cosmopolite leaders are more modern than localite
followers. Table 12 presents the evidence:
12 means differences are in the predicted direction

11 are significant

5. However marginal men are more modern than local-
ite leaders and localite followers. Evidence is given in
Tables 10 and 11.

(a) Localite Leaders (Table 10):

7 mean differences are in the predicted direction
0 are significant

(b) Localite Followers (Table 11):

10 mean differences are in the predicted direction

9 are Significant

6. Localite leaders are more modern than localite
followers. Evidence given in Table 9 shows:
11 mean differences are in the predicted direction

7 are Significant

79

7. In general the four categories rank in moderniza-
tion as follows: (1) Cosmopolite leaders
(2) Marginal men
(3) Localite leaders

(4) Localite followers

,Implicatipns for the Change Agent

As a general conclusion, it can be said that the
present study, even though the eight hypotheses stated
were not accepted, has provided some useful information
for the change agent, especially concerning the use of
mass media in the process of modernization.

Differences between leaders and followers have been
emphasized in the literature of sociology and other social
sciences. But in the present study, our results Show
evidence of the existence of another group of individuals
in the five communities that deserve the attention of
change agents and planners. These individuals are those
who do not possess leadership, but because of their high
degree of cosmopoliteness, may be important sources and
channels of information and important carriers of new
ideas to the villages. They have characteristics that
indicate modernization, which a majority of the population
do not possess.

The present study suggests that in strategies for

change, efforts should be directed also to the marginal

80

individuals (as well as the opinion leaders), those eager
to try new ideas. They perform an important first step
in the flow of information because of their high cosmo-
politeness, especially when the mass media channels Of
communication are poor and the physical conditions
contribute to isolation.

Even if the marginal men are not classified among
the influentials in the community, they have some indirect
influence over the people as carriers of information about
innovations. As hypothesized by Waisanen (1963), these
individuals may perform the first step in the flow of
information in traditional social systems or transitional
social systems. Change is taking place in some villages
faster than in others. The five communities studied are
all change-oriented, the indicators of modernization are
present in all of them, only some of them are more
developed than the others. Most of the individuals have
a touch Of marginality. The manifestations of several
indicators of modernization are present in the individuals
themselves. Innovativeness, mass media exposure, exten-
sion contact, achievement motivation and empathy, are
variables that mark where individuals are in the modern-

traditional continuum.

Ihplications for Mass Media

The results of the present study have provided some

recommendations for the change agent and the use of

81

different channels of communication in the introduction
of change, but what about the role of mass media content
in supporting and helping the change agent in the
performance of his work? What about the treatment of
the messages? Should the messages be directed only to
individuals already found to be highly eXposed to mass
media channels Of communication: the more cosmopolite
individuals (marginals and cosmopolite leaders)?

Mass media channels of communication should struc—
ture their messages to reach the rural audiences, but
eSpecially to those individuals who have shown lower
eXposure to mass media such as the traditional leaders
and the followers. Most of the mass media content in
Latin America is intended for the urban audiences: very
few messages are structured especially for the rural
population.

If the big cities' newSpapers, magazines, radio and
television broadcasts will devote part of their Space and
time to rural audiences, they will increase their contri-
bution to the modernization of rural areas.

It is mentioned very Often that the high levels of
illiteracy, the difficulties in transportation and the
lack and high cost of electric power, radio and television
sets limit severely the size of the audience for mass
media: but several studies have indicated that the use of

small transistorized sets and local newSpapers overcome

82

these problems. Besides, several studies cited by Rogers
with Svenning (1969) have pointed out the multiple effects
of using mass media with local intermediators in the
transmission of news and innovations.

So the design of messages with modernization content
(1) should be re-oriented to reach directly or indirectly
the big masses needing new ideas, (2) try to interconnect
their channels with other local channels of communication
to create awareness of new ideas, and (3) Speed the pro—
cess of adOption Of innovation. Mass media may provide a
contribution to the process of modernization, giving a

more effective and timely support to development programs.
Implications for Development Planners

In the non-Communist countries the use Of mass media
channels of communication have been neglected in the
planning and supporting development programs. The role
Of mass media is important and necessary in the previous
stages of development and during the conduct of these
programs.

Schramm (1963:38-42) based on.Rostow (1960) considera-
tions Of necessary conditions to what this author calls
"economic take-off" and Lerner's (1958) hypothesis of
"national empathy" points out six essential functions of
communications in the development process: (1) they must

be used to contribute to the feeling of "nation-ness"

83

(A modernizing society requires mass media to carry news
and vieWpOints of the nation into the villages. A citizen
cannot extend his environment unless communication system
extends also its environment): (2) they must be used as
the voice of national planning (the people Of the develOp-
ing nation require to make an enormous effort and learn
new skills and new ways of life): (3) they must be used

to help teach the necessary skills (they must help to
teach literacy, technical specialities and skills needed
for agriculture production): (4) they must be used to help
extend the effective market (if most of the people are to
live and work in the cities, if there is to be a national
industry, if the country is to build its foreign trade,
Obviously there must be communication directed to these
ends): (5) as the plan develops, communication must be
used to help prepare people to play their new parts (in
the traditional societies the attention is in the past,

in the modernizing society the attention is overwhelmingly
on what is to come. People should be oriented toward the
greater effort and strengthens them to endure hardship and
to prepare them for the new roles, new responsibilities
and problems): (6) they must be used to prepare the people
to play their role as nation among nations (the process of
economic development inevitably requires that horizons be
widened from local to national and hence to international

events. The eyes of the common man must be lifted from

84

his village to the world. This change must be anchored
in the school system, the neWSpaper and the daily conversa-
tion).

So a theme of the present study, although not based
directly on the results, is the potential role of mass

communication in aiding development programs.

Need For Future Research

The results suggest the need for further research
before stating definite conclusions concerning the
characteristics and communication behavior Of the marginal
man and his role in the process of modernization. We need
research on the design of communication programs using
the mass media linked to personal contacts.

The following main points are suggested for future
studies:

1. To design Special research to study the marginal
man category: their characteristics, communication
behavior and their role in the changes introduced in the
community.

2. To study the degree of influence of these mar-
ginal individuals in the population, including leaders.
Could the marginal men become cosmopolite leaders?

3. To include in future research, additional independ-
ent variables that might help to define the marginal men,

such as entrepreneurship, Size of the farm, literacy,

85

education, fatalism, familism, etc.

4. To study patterns of interaction in the inter-
personal diffusion of innovations to discover the relation-
ships Of other individuals with marginal men. For
instance, do the marginal men have a heavy pattern of
interaction with the cosmopolite leaders?

5. To study marginal men in communities with
extremely traditional and modern norms to determine their
communication behavior in such cases, and how mass media
channels reach the marginal men in those contrasting
situations.

6. To determine whether marginality comes to
characterize a great number of a social system.

7. In the present study it has been assumed that
an increase in cosmopoliteness is conducive to an in-
crease in modernization. We need to study the time-
order of development of cosmopoliteness and modernization
to find out if the two variables are interdependent. or
perhaps the direction is reversed: modernization leads

to cosmopoliteness.

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