THE INDEPENDENT TRANSiTIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE IN DURU- Thesis for the-- Degreebf M. A.’ MICHIGAN STATE UNWERSWY LEE EDWARD B'OHN-HOFF ‘ . 19.68 ‘ IlllIIIIIIIIHIIIHIIIHIIIIIIIIIIIIHHIHUIlhllllllllllllfl 11113111413? ' 31293 01394 2283 chhngan State University ABSTRACT THE INDEPENDENT TRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE IN DURU By Lee Edward Bohnhoff The purpose of this thesis is to take the mostfrequent- ly used of the Duru independent indicative clauses, the transitive, and describe it in detail: its contrasts with other indicative clauses; its range of internal variation; and its distribution in higher-level constructions. The derived clause types in Duru are then contrasted with the indicative. The description is based on the tagmemic model. Nothing has as yet been published on Duru grammar. Duru is a language of northern Cameroun, Africa, spoken by approximately 52,000 peOple. Dr. J. Greenberg places it in the Adamawa-Eastern subfamily of his Niger-Congo family. From 1965-1967 we lived among the Duru people, at which time there was occasion to tape record the transcribe the first four folktales of the corpus. The remaining three were written down directly by the informant. A single informant was used for the entire corpus. THE INDEPENDENT TRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE IN DURU By Lee Edward Bohnhoff A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Linguistics and Oriental and African Languages 1968 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS An expression of my gratitude is due to my informant, Kadia Matthieu, without whose help this study would have been impossible. His patience and willingness to answer the thousand and one questions necessary to the study of a language are much appreciated. My sincere gratitude is extended to the members of my thesis committee, Dr. Ralph P. Barret, and Dr. Seok 0. Song, and especially to its chairman, Dr. David G. Lockwood. Their concern, encouragement, and helpfulness at all points contributed much to the present form of this thesis. I would like to express my thanks to Mr. and Mrs. Erwin H. Graham of Grosse Pointe Shores, Michigan, through whose generosity several copies of this thesis have been reproduced and made available to a much wider audience than would otherwise have been the case. I must also thank the Board of World Mission of The American Lutheran Church, under whose auspices I was sent to Cameroun and was assigned to learn and work in Duru. Lastly, but especially, I owe a vote of thanks to my wife Eloise, whose constant presence and support have meant a great deal. Lee E. Bohnhoff TABLE OF CONTENTS page LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES 1 INTRODUCTION 0.1. The Language 1 0.2. Corpus and Methodology 1 0.3. Duru Phonemes and Orthography 2 0.4. Basic Theory and Symbolization 2 0.5. Conventions used in listing of examples 9 CHAPTER 1--CONTRAST: AMONG INDEPENDENT INDICATIVE CLAUSES 1.1. Definition of a clause 10 1.2. Matrix of independent indicative clause nuclei 11 1.5. Discussion of contrasts 15 1.4. Illustrations 15 CHAPTER 2--VARIATION: CONSTITUENT TAGMEMES 2.0. Introduction 18 2.1. Obligatory tagmemes (PN-MR-T, Ptr) 19 2.2. Variation by presence of optional nuclear tagmemes (01, CM) 22 2.5. Maximal formula 25 2.4. Variation by presence of peripheral tagmemes (Tel, Tea, S, L, IA, M, Ideo) 26 CHAPTER 5--DISTRIBUTION: IN LARGER CONSTRUCTIONS 5.1. Serial clause definition 50 5.2. Serial constructions 51 5.5. Relative frequency among indicative clauses in corpus 56 3.4. Sentences 56 CHAPTER 4--DERIVED CLAUSES 4.0. Introduction 40 4.1. Modal derived clauses (CA, Impv, VN, C-to-F) 41 4.2. Subordinate derived clauses (TLC, Rel, Sb Desid, Ind Quo, Ind 0rd) 46 4.5. Reference variants 51 4.4. Interrogative derived clauses 52 4.5. Emphatic derived clauses 55 CHAPTER 5-FURTHER STUDIES 55 BIBLIOGRAPHY 57 APPENDIX A: Corpus 59 APPENDIX B: Pronominal paradigms 155 APPENDIX C: Completed action and interrogative clause markers 156 APPENDIX D: Subordinating phrases 158 APPENDIX E: List of abbreviations and symbols 140 LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES page Table 1: Accepted Duru Orthography 5 Table 2: Nuclear tagmemes in independent indic- ative clauses 12 Table 5: Contexts and allomorphs of clause markers 24 Table 4: Indicative components in serial clauses 55 Table 5: Frequency of independent indicative clauses in corpus 57 Figure 1: Principal lines of clause derivation 42 INTRODUCTION 0.1. The Languag_. Duru is a language spoken in 1 The northern Cameroun by approximately 52,000 peOple. chief concentration of Duru population is located in an area north and northeast of Ngaoundéré, and south and south- east of Garoua, although sizeable Duru Quarters have sprung up in both Ngaoundéré and Garoua. This analysis treats one of several Duru dialects, the 'Western' dialect centered around Mbé. Dr. J. Greenberg (l966:9) places Duru (his Durru) with Vere, Namshi, K01bi1a, Pape, Sari, Sewe, Woko, Kot0po, and Kutin in the Adamawa group of the Adamawa- Eastern subfamily of the Niger-Congo family. Nothing has as yet been published on Duru grammar. My own acquaintance with the language dates from 1965 to 1967 when I worked among the.Duru. 0.2. Corpus and Methodology. My corpus consists of seven folktales, four of which were recorded on tape (totalling approximately 21 minutes), and three of which were committed to paper personally by my only informant, Kadia Matthieu. I transcribed the recorded folktales with 1 according to census figures varying in date from 1959 to 1962. Kadia's help before leaving Cameroun in 1967. The clause file which resulted from this corpus contains some 1,500 independent and subordinate clauses, and some 200 serial clauses. Some gaps appear in my charts, since my informant remains in Cameroun. 0.5. Duru Phonemes and Orthography. There are 55 Duru consonant phonemes, contrastive consonant length, eight vowel phonemes, contrastive vowel length and nasalization, and three contrastive tones. The orthography used here is that accepted by the Duru Literature Committee2 (DLC) in Cameroun. Two non-phonemic distinctions are made in this orthography: my [5] is distinguished from ng [q], and e [g] from e [e]. Table 1 shows in brief the Duru alphabet used by the DLC. 0.4. Bag 3 Theopy gpd Symbolization. The tagmemic model used in this analysis is found chiefly in the follow- ing books and articles: Language i2 Relation pp‘g Unified Theory 93 Egg Structure p£_fipmap Behavior, Tagmemic Egg Matrix Linguistics Applied 33 Selected African Languages, and 'A Syntactic Paradigm' (Lg. 59.216-50), all by Kenneth L. Pike. Grammar Discovery Procedures by Robert E. Longacre. Ag Introduction pp Morphology and Syptax by Benjamin Elson 2 Members of this committee include four Duru pastors of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Cameroun, three lay Duru, and myself, in consultation with one of the Norwegian missionaries at Mbé. STOPS -voiceless p t k '[P] kp -voiced b d g gb -prenasalized mb nd ng fig] ngb -implosives b d FRICATIVES -voiceless f s h -voiced v z NASALS m n ny [ii] ng [9] FLAP, LIQUID hv [\V] 1 TRILL r SEMI—CONSONANTS w y -oral: i, is [t], e, elk], oe[3], a, o, 65:], u -nasal: i, 8, 66, a, 6, fi -1ength: (all oral and nasal vowels occur both long and short) written by doubling the vowel involved: ii, 11 Table 1: Accepted Duru Orthography 5 The DLC writes only the high tone in its literature, and Velma Pickett. Several key concepts of this model should be mentioned at the outset of this analysis: 1) that language may be described in terms of particle, wave, and field, 2) that language is divisible into three interlocking and semi- independent hierarchical structures (phonology, lexicon, grammar), 5) the distinction between construction (syntag- meme) and tagmeme, 4) the distinction between etic and emic, 5) the distinction between nuclear and peripheral tagmemes, and 6) that two structural differences in addition to the usual semantic contrast are necessary to establish an emic construction type. 0.4.1. Particle, pgzg, Egg figld.“ Language displays very complicated and intricately interwoven patterns, not all of which are most economically described by any single approach. At times we may describe a linguistic system as though it were composed of discrete, clearly discernible units or particles. For example, 3 and d are contrastive entities in English phonology, as are noun phrase and verb phrase in English grammar. However, on closer examination in a spoken context, these 'clearly discernible' units often vanish, shading off into fuzzy areas at their boundaries, and then only on minimal pairs. This high tone is written by underlining the vowel: gbg_= gb6 'he hits'. 4 A fuller treatment of this topic than this sketch can provide is found in Pike 1959. 5 leaving only something of a 'center' like the crest of a wave compared to the troughs on either side. Environmental considerations exclude a physiologically distinct out be- tween consonants and vowels, or between some noun phrases, for example. 0n the other hand we must also consider that any linguistic unit forms part of a total field, that it is a member of a class (e.g. nouns), that it is distributed in certain higher or lower structures in the hierarchy, etc. In this present analysis we shall first treat the independent transitive indicative clause as a particle and contrast it with other clause constructions (particles). ‘ Then we will view our clause internally for variation, showing where the peak of the construction is found and saying something about the trough between it and other clause types. Finally we will describe the general distri- bution of our clause in higher constructions (field). 0.4.2. Ehrgg hierarchies. Tagmemics assumes that language is simultaneously structured in three 'semiauto- nomous but interlinking modes, phonology, grammar, and lexicon'.5 Phonologically we may speak of phonemes, syl- lables, phonological words, phonological phrases, etc., in order of size. Lexically, morphemes are typically distributed in words, while words may be distributed in phrases or idioms which have a meaning apart from their 5 Longacre, 1964:7. immediate constituents. This thesis works entirely within the grammatical hierarchy, where the structure is a bit different, being composed of a zig-zag pattern of tagmemes distributed in constructions (syntagmemes) which in turn are distributed into higher- or lower—level tagmemes. Words, phrases, clauses, and sentences are typical construction types. 0.4.3, Constructions and tagmemes. A construction (syntagmeme) is said to be a string of tagmemes. A tagmeme is a functional unit (e.g. subject, predicate, on the clause level), occurring in a describable slot or position and manifested by a particular set of items or 'fillers' (e.g. noun phrase, verb phrase) of that slot. Each tagmeme is thus formalized by two symbols, one for its function, the other for its filler. The interrelationship between the construction and the tagmeme has been succinctly described by Longacre (1964:15): The two concepts are correlative. Syntagmemes cannot exist without component elements, i.e. tagmemes. 0n the other hand, tagmemes exist only by virtue of placement in one or more syntagmemes. 0.4.4. 33;; gag 2232. A very useful distinction made in tagmemics concerns two different points of view, one inherent in a. system (emic), the other a more objective, non-systematic View (etic). The differentiation of emic patterns is one of our chief concerns. Mere existence of a particular grammatical pattern (e.g. a reciprocal clause) is not sufficient linguistic evidence for establishing a reciprocal clause as one of the emic clause types of that language. It may be a variant of the transitive clause. Some definite criteria6 must be used to distinguish the emic from the merely etic. Although there are some pro- blems in the application of any set of guidelines for establishing emic units, the basic idea seems justifiable. 0.4.5. Nuclear and peripheral tagmemes. The distinc- tion between nuclear and peripheral tagmemes on the clause level is useful in Duru (as in most languages). In general, nuclear tagmemes are those which are either 1) obligatory in a construction, 2) diagnostic of a construction type (9.3. the objectl tagmeme in the Duru transitive clause, although Optional, is certainly diagnostic of the clause type and therefore nuclear), or 5) in agreement or in ex- plicit cross reference with the predicate. Peripheral tagmemes are always Optional. Several other less important indications of nuclear tagmemes are cited by Longacre (1964: 48-51). Nuclear versus peripheral distinctions are most useful in the discussion of the structural differences thought necessary for emic contrast. 0.4.6. 23§;,§tructural contrast. Longacre has pro- posed (1964:18) the following rule for the identification of contrastive constructions: 6 See 0.4.6. below. 8 m For two patterns (syntagmemes) to beAcon- trast, they must have more than one struc- tural difference between them; at least one of these differences must involve the nu- clei of the syntagmemes. This is, of course, in addition to the usual semantic difference demanded between contrasting constructions. Acceptable structural differences are: a) an obligatory difference in the ordering of similar elements ... b) a different inter- nal structuring of sequences manifesting clause level tagmemes, i.e. differences in the structure of words, phrases, and subor- dinate clauses, c) a difference in emic classes manifesting two tagmas ... d) a difference in the number of tagmas in one type versus the other; presence of a given tagma in one type versus its absence in the other; e) a regularly stateable grammatical transform. Pike adds a sixth acceptable contrast: distribution.8 In my analysis I sought to avoid the use of this contrast, since I regard it as the least compelling of the contrasts. I did, however, find it useful in separating the intransi- tive clause from the reflexive, as seen in chapter one. Symbolization in my analysis follows closely that used widely in tagmemics. Each tagmeme is symbolized by a formula whose first member indicates the function (slot, position) 7 Longacre, 1964:47-8. 8 Pike, 1967:472: ’In my own view, ... a structural con- trast can meet the requirement of a double difference if one of the two major differences consists in a sharply different external distribution--often carrying with it a different structural meaning--of the item as a whole in a higher- layered hypertagmemic slot.‘ 9 of the tagmeme, which is followed by a symbol for the con- struction (filler) which manifests the tagmeme in question. A colon separates the function symbol from the filler symbol. Thus 01:NP would indicate that a noun phrase fills the object1 slot. A complete list of abbreviations and symbols used in this paper is found in Appendix E. 0.5. Conventions ppgd,ip listing‘pf examples. 1) Duru examples quoted in the body of the paper are followed in parentheses by a letter-number composite symbol, the initial small case letter referring to folktale a-g, the number referring to a line of the text as it appears in that folk- tale in Appendix A. A final 3 refers to the following line(s) of the text. Thus (d15f) refers to the fourth folktale, lines 15 and 14. An occasional non-corpus ref- erence to my notebooks is made, as (2-2). 2) Literal trans- lations follow examples cited, with a free translation added in parentheses where the literal translation is in- adequate or misleading in English. Abbreviations used in the literal translations are identical with those used in Appendix A, q.v. 5) Tagmeme boundaries are clarified in the Duru examples by a solid line over each distinct tag- meme. Occasionally a hyphen is inserted in the Duru text to facilitate the use of these solid lines. 4) References to the bibliography are by author, year, and page, for example: Pike 1967:472. CHAPTER 1 CONTRAST: AMONG INDEPENDENT INDICATIVE CLAUSES 1.1. Definition pf‘a clause. A.c1ause in Duru is a construction ranking above phrase-level constructions and below the serial clause and sentence constructions. Duru clauses are of two types, verbal and non-verbal. Verbal clauses contain a person-number (PN) tagmeme, a mode-reference (MR) tagmeme, a tense (T) tagmeme, and one and only one9 predicate tagmeme. The first three tagmemes mentioned are manifested simultaneously by what is called by laymen a 'pronoun'. This fusion of forms into a single, largely unanalyzable manifestation will be discussed in (detail in chapter 2. Suffice it to say here that there is always an overt fused manifestation of these three tagmemes except 1) in the third singular of non-emphatic indicative and completed action clauses, where a zero morpheme 'oc- curs’, and 2) in the second person singular and plural in imperative clauses where the fused morpheme in question 9 This is not meant to deny embedding or nesting of clauses and/or sentences into the clause level. 10 11 may be omitted if its meaning is clear in context. The predicate tagmeme (filled by a verb phrase) is always mani- fested overtly except occasionally in the transitive intro- ducer clause when i 'he says' is implicit before a direct or indirect quotation. Minimal formulae for all clauses would show indirect Object (I), direct objects (01,2,5,4,5), complement (C), complement-as-goal (CG), or location (L) tagmemes as obligatory in certain types, but they are not essential to a clause definition.10 The sole non-verbal clause (equative) contains the usual PN-MR-T tagmemes (as above) which are followed Oblig- atorily by a complement5 (filled by a noun phrase, demon- strative, or verbal noun clause). Clauses generally fill slots on the serial clause or the sentence level. I 1.2. Matrix pf independent indicative clause nuclei. If we are to define the independent transitive indicative clause, we must first contrast it with the other indicative clauses. Table 2 displays in matrix form the nuclear tag- memes of indicative clauses. Minimal formulae are easily extracted from the chart by removing Optional tagmemes. Maximal formulae will not be given in this analysis for any clause except the clause in question, whose maximal 10 See 1.2. 12 formula will be treated in chapter 2. The CM tagmemes in Table 2 are filled by a series of :0M :0M +(:L +CM) 101=_ZP_NV§ CI :CM +I:N_P_ :023NP 1CM pr +05:Dir uo nd uo nd 0rd +I:Ij_P_ +05:Dir uoiCM? pr nd uo nd 0 +04:Indic Cl +053!E_gl_,_:pm Sb Desid +CG:VN 01 :CM +Clm/qual -- +CZ:VN 01 10M 30M Intransitive «#PN-MR-T Reflexive «+PN—MR—T Locative -+PN-MR-T Transitive ‘oPN-MR-T Reciprocal +PN-MR—T Ditransitive +PN—MR-T Introducertr +PN-MR—T Introducerdi +PN-MR-T Perception +PN-MR-T Desiderative +PN-MR—T Intentional +PN-MR-T Descriptive +PN-MR-T Inchoative +PN-MR-T Equative +PN-MR-T Table 2: clauses Nuclear tagmemes in independent indicative 13 morphemes fully discussed in chapter 2. The morphemes /o/ 'affirmative' and /ne/ 'negative' are in question for all CM tagmemes in Table 2. Non-corpus unelicited text shows :OM in the reciprocal and descriptive clauses. 1.5. Discussion pf contrasts. All clause types have two elements unique to themselves which contrast them with all other types. First,the predicate tagmeme in each clause differs from all the others. The second difference for each clause type is as follows: Intransitive clauses, like the reflexive, contain no post-predicate nuclear tagmeme other than the Optional CM tagmeme. The intransitive differs from the reflexive, however, in being able to occupy any position in a serial clause, while the reflexive does not seem to occur medially or finally in serial clauses. Locative clauses must contain either a location tag- meme or a unique allomorph :13 of the clause marker /O/. Transitive and reciprocal clause types both differ from all other types by containing an Optional object tagmeme while not permitting an indirect object tagmeme. The transitive type, however, may have (01) a pronoun in the object slot, but the reciprocal (02) evidently cannot. The ditransitive clause type has an obligatory indirect object tagmeme followed Optionally by a direct Object tag- meme (02). 14 Transitive introducer clauses have an gptional pred- icate followed by a direct quotation, indirect quotation, or an indirect order manifesting the obligatory object (03) slot. In this clause and the ditransitive introducer clause type, Optional manner or locative tagmemes occur 11 clauses have before the quotation or speech. All other these tagmemes following the object slot. The ditransitive introducer construction has an obligatory Object tagmeme (03)-manifested by a direct or indirect quotation, or an indirect order. The pgrception clause type contains an obligatory object (04) slot manifested by indicative and completed action clauses only. Desiderative clauses contain subordinate desiderative clauses or verbal noun clauses which manifest the obligatory Object (05) position. The intentional clause type has a unique Obligatory complement-as—goal tagmeme. Descriptive clauses have only a predicate noun or qualifying adjective manifesting their Obligatory comple- ment (Cl) tagmeme. Inchoative clauses contain an obligatory complement (C2) tagmeme manifested only by a verbal noun clause. 11 The perception and desiderative clauses in the corpus do not happen to contain these peripheral tagmemes. 15 The equative clause has no predicate but contains an obligatory complement (05) slot filled by a noun phrase, a demonstrative, or a verbal noun clause. 1.4. Illustrations pf independent indicative clause constructions. We now illustrate the nuclear formulae already examined. Occasionally a peripheral tagmeme will appear in these citations, since they are taken unedited from the corpus. PM will stand for the person-number-mode- reference-tense complex referred to earlier. INTRANSITIVE: S PM Pi Heart they are-clean (They 235 ;; EST (g95) are happy.) REFLEXIVE:12 PM Prfx L He follows leaves-himself hole ‘6 dud gboy doeoe siilé anteater-in (He leaves the (e55) anteater hole-too.) LOCATIVE: S PM P1 L Horn he is-there granary-in E5 a dig véngé (g152) (The horn is in the granary.) TRANSITIVE: PM :11: EL. CM I sit-on egg-cm. mi bud b§"-e (d7) 12 The term reflexive is used here more in the French sense than the American. The action is self-contained. For ex- ample, it can be said: pgp béyyé 'the field cultivates itself' in Duru. Compare the passive meaning of the French reflexive personal pronoun. 16 RECIPROCAL: 'PM_WP££B'R:lator We—will destroy-each-other v6n lien 3m (flO) also. DITRANSITIVE: S PM Pdi I 02 Mother-my in—law they15 give-me an réé';; E3-'; go'oy méé ye horse foc this cm (My Mother- CM in-law gave me this horse HO (a59) here.) INTRODUCERtr: PM Esaytr 03 They say, 'We kill animal...‘ v6 3: "v6 noo pég..." (e2) PM Psa tr 05 They think that they-will vO taa ba bin ate nfing nan t66 follow find dough other (g94) (They thought they would receive more food.) INTRODUCERdi: . . . . , S PM Psaydl E 03 Horn 1t says-tO-him, I horn gfi' ¢ Odd- 6: "mi ga' nanne." dough-cm' (The horn (g25f) said to him, 'I'm a horn of food.') PM Pgaydl I 03 a 5d koeoe mbigi wOO ba wO y; n6. (c25f) He says-to Lion hammer his that it there cm (He tells Lion that his hammer is there.) 15 Plural of respect. PERCEPTION: Em Pperc 04 O nung Kpoo noo sO'O (8156) DESIDERATIVE: PM Pdesid 05 mi hii i dufi 6n t66 (e7) INTENTIONAL: ff Pint CG mi 155 v6 nénee (O54) DESCRIPTIVE: S in Pdesc C; hash tee ¢ tii ga' nan (s12) INCHOATIVE:l4 EV Pinch C2 O baa die dOO zole (057) EQUATIVE: PM C2 EM mi ga' loo-e (g107) 17 He finds Baboon dies already- cm (He found Baboon already dead.) I want you follow tell-me other (I want you to tell me again.) I go them chasing (I go (to) chase them.) Yam that he changes horn dough (The yam has changed into a horn of food.) He sits is-in—process-of wine drinking (He is drinking wine.) I horn stick-cm (I'm a horn of sticks.) 14 Inchoative clauses in Duru eXpress either a progressive or an incipient action: 'he is drinking' or 'he is about to drink'. In this example, however, the auxiliary verb péé makes only the former sense possible. CHAPTER 2 VARIATION: CONSTITUENT TAGMEMES 2.0. Introduction. This chapter will be devoted to a detailed examination and explanation of the functions and fillers Of the constituent tagmemes of the independent transitive indicative clause. We shall examine p11 constit- uent tagmemes at this point, even those that cause no clause 'variant', so that details concerning all clause-level tagmemes will be found within a single chapter. Most of our energy, however, will be directed toward elucidating the variants (allo-constructions) of the independent trans- itive indicative clause. Several types of variants occur in our clause due to 1) Optional presence of nuclear or peripheral tagmemes, 2) Optional kinds of fillers for tagmeme slots, 5) Optional orders for tagmemes, and 4) occurrence in certain higher constructions. This last group of variants is an exceeding- ly important one, but we must defer discussion of it until chapter 5 because we have not yet defined or treated aerial clauses or sentences. Filler and ordering differ- ences, however, will be discussed in this chapter under the 18 l9 particular tagmeme in question. 2.1. Qpligatory tagmemes (PN-MR-T, Etrl‘ 2.1.1. 2p; PN-MR—T tagpeme composite. There are at least five semantic components involved in this tagmeme composite. Person (P) and number (N) refer to pronominal categories familiar to us in English.15 Our tagmemic symbol might be PN:pr. Mpdg (M) in Duru refers to the indicative, completed action, imperative, nominal, and contrary-to-fact modes which we will meet again in our discussion of the derived clause types (chapter 4). Mode is reflected in the choice of one of two series of pronouns, the 2; series16 (indicative, completed action, indirect quotation) or the fig series (imperative, most subordinate clauses). If the person referred to by a particular pronoun, however, is the same as the subject of a preceding dominating (generally indepen- dent) clause, reference (R) to that person replaces gay pronoun of the pi or §p series by the corresponding member of the pi series. Thus a.pi or fig series pronoun expresses non-reference to the preceding subject, as well as mode. We might use the following formula: MR:pi/§p/pi. The tense (T) tagmeme offers us three temporal 15 There is, however, a dual pronoun as well as first person exclusive and inclusive pronouns in Duru. 16 These series take their names from the first erson singular non-emphatic, timeless, subject form: p_ '1', fig 'I-must' or 'let-me'. 20 possibilities: timeless, future, and past. We might use the formula T:t. Let us display these ideas in a chart for easier comprehension: person number mode reference tense first singular _i: Indie, non-reference timeless second dual 835 Ind pi: reference future third plural fig: Impv, past inclusive most Sb exclusive clauses In actual practice, the three tagmemic notations cited above (Pszr, MR:mi/§n/pi, and T:t) are not used. They are replaced by the fused symbol PN-MR-T:mi/§n/pi, with additional notations such as Eisubj a specific set of 'pronominal' forms.17 The long symbol orig;t to refer to PN-MR-T may be abbreviated PM. In the independent transitive indicative clause con- sidered alone, the fillers of the PN-MR-T tagmemic slot may be: any person or number, indicative, non-reference, and any tense. This means onlyp_i_suba and.y_1_i_t 'pronoun' sets manifest the PN-MR—T tagmeme composite. It should be noted that the third singular in the Eésubj set is always zero, a systematic non-occurrence of a morpheme in this set. 2.1.2. Egg predicate tagmeme. The predicate tagmeme 17 See Appendix B for full paradigms of these sets. 21 of the independent transitive indicative clause is filled by a transitive verb phrase. This phrase has an Obligatory head filled by a transitive verb, with or without pre-verb and post-verb auxiliary verbs. The pre-verb modifier al- ways immediately precedes the head, while the post-verb auxiliary often follows the Object tagmeme, resulting in a discontinuous phrase (the two elements of the discontin- uous phrase are joined by the sign r 1 ): I I PM P 0 P L He bites them passes leg-in fl bé' vO dad dole...(f27) (He bites them in the leg...) When the Object tagmeme is manifested by a pronoun, the auxiliary verb generally follows the pronoun. If a noun manifests the Object tagmeme, however, the post-verb auxiliary usually precedes the noun: PM Ptr 01 He searches passes thing (He ¢ 300 dad hén (g69) looked all over for the thing.) A couple of examples of the pre-verb modifier follow: PM Ptr 01 They go build tar... v6 la nyOO kid...(a16f) PM Ptr 01 He sits sings song a-certain D baa bee yéé tOO (alOl) (He sings a certain song.) In the negative, only the verb filling the head slot takes the negative suffix (in agreement with the clause marker). 22 2.2. Variation p1 presence 9; Optional nuclear Egg- Eégfléwggla 9&1- 2.2.1. Egg Objectl tagpeme. The object1 tagmeme is variously manifested by a pronoun, a limiter ('all', 'some'), any noun or noun phrase, or a verbal noun clause. As just noted, the regular position of the objectl tagmeme is following the predicate. However, if 1)a pronoun fills the objectl tagmeme, and 2) there is a post-verb auxiliary, then the Object generally occurs between the head of the verb phrase and the post-verb position. Examples of nouns and pronouns filling the object slot were given in 2.1.2. An example of a verbal noun clause18 manifesting the object slot: PM Ptr 01 I do thing eating (I'm having mi k6 hén lélé (O44) a feast.) 2.2.2. ,ng clause marker tagpeme. The clause marker (CM) tagmeme, when it occurs, helps to signal the end of the clause. In addition, the clause marker varies in form according to the mode of the clause (indicative, completed action, imperative--verbal noun clauses have no clause marker); it is the main signal for the negative; and it signals hesitation and exclamation. The clause marker is usually the last word in a clause, although certain adverbs may follow it in the negative. 18 See 4.1.5. on the verbal noun clause. 25 With reference to our clause, we will discuss the two relevant morphemes: /o/ 'affirmative', and /ne/ 'negative'. The /o/ morpheme occurs in affirmative clauses and is op- tional, but /ne/ is always obligatory and occurs in negative clauses. Each of these two morphemes is realized by several allomorphs. The precise allomorph to be used in any given clause varies according to the nature Of the word immediately preceding the clause marker. Table 5 gives the relevant context words and the clause marker allomorph(s) used in each case. Since not all the relevant context words occur in the corpus before a clause marker, Table 5 represents a summary of what we have found to occur in the language. In certain cases, the clause marker is suffixed to the preceding word in the accepted Duru orthography, as will be seen in some of the following examples: PM Ptr 01 CM She does trick-cm. a k6 kebb-e (bl4f) EEHEII EM I want cm. mi hii 6 (a67) PM Ptr 0; EM I-will hide-you-cm. min yOgd-m- o (051) PM Ptr 01 CM He sees-not thing some cm-neg ¢ h3n hén t66 né (air) (He sees nothing.) PM Ptr L Youéwill come-down sit-on (eggs) m6n.zOO bud wOle(d11) there. \/ immediately allomorph of allomorph of preceding word: /o/ 'affirmative' /ne/ 'negative' noun e ne qualifying adjective nonppersonal pronoun verb O ne ronoun (personal) (isolated?) proper name indefinite adjective no ne possessive adjective demonstrative adjective focus adjective Egg 'self' boeoe 'today' plural adjective yo ne die 'it is there' le -- pg 'it is not there' -- le numeral O ne temporal-locative . ko ie...wogo like limiter adverb ideOphone O ?19 19 Our present data do not have an ideOphone in a negative clause immediately preceding the clause marker, but we would expect the clause marker to be realized as D in this position. 25 S PM Ptr 01 1im God child they see-him all taye waa‘;Z'H§-Ig§ 'waapéd (All the gods see him.) (e27) S PM Ptr 01 Ideo Rabbit he blows horn ppgggg. bfibaam a flu ga' toeoed (g5lf) It should be noted that any 2 or,g appearing in an allomorph in Table 5 stands only for 'fronting‘ or ‘back- ing' respectively. The height of the clause marker vowel tends to agree with the height of the immediately preceding vowel. Exclamations generally replace the final vowel of the clause by g. The best example from the corpus is a di- transitive clause (the ordinary locative ending would be I CM They dig-me peanut wild here- :3'33- E'SAm kin §3ILZ (a7) cm (They've dug up my peanuts!) Hesitation is expressed by replacing the final clause vowel by ép_(with characteristic down-glide from high tone on the vowel). No example of this occurs in the corpus, but we may cite one from other text material (the ordinary numeral ending would be péépp): bé' wgn'bé' zdd taanée (2-2) Day ten and three-cm ((Was it) thirteen days (that I worked)?) 2.5. Maximal formula. Before we move to a considera- tion of peripheral tagmemes, let us examine the maximal formula.for the independent transitive indicative clause. ’3 26 The following peripheral tagmemes are to be added: tempo- ral (Te), subject (S), locative (L), manner (M), instru- mental—accompaniment (IA), ideOphone (Ideo). In the formula below, either a Te2 tagmeme may occur 93 an L, M, or IA tagmeme, which may be followed by an Ideo or CM tagmeme. The maximal formula as it emerges from the corpus is as follows: __‘ F 1 :Te1 1:3 '+PM +Ptr :01 :P 1L/M/IA. 1IdeO/CM TFTe I 12 __ 4. fl By sheer accident of the corpus data, a more accurate picture of the ordering of the post-predicate tagmemes is clouded. By using other (non-corpus) unelicited text data, we are able to postulate a more clear-cut order: I 'l 1 101 _+_P 3Te2 1L :IA 1M ildGO/CM ... 2.4. Variation py presence 9; peripheral tagpemes (Tel, 232"§’ L, IA, M, Ideo). Optional presence of peri- pheral tagmemes as well as different kinds of fillers brings variants to the clause under study. 2.4.1. The temporal tagmemes. Temporal tagmemes are filled t icall b tom oral hrases. The si s" 3 VP y y P P Sn “E I in the formula indicate that both temporal tagmemes are Op- tional but that only one may occur in a given clause. Te1 often contains the relator mas or éé, which seem to refer r_ . 27 to past and future respectively: bé' t§§no téé (e9) Day three after (after three days) It may also contain a temporal-locative relator in addition: piggoo téé (c100) After-it then (after that) By cOntrast, T92 contains neither of the two types of relators just referred to. The most common filler of Te2 in the corpus is héé 'a long time‘. This word may be re- peated or the vowel lengthened to emphasize the duration Of the action. 2.4.2. Egg subject tagpeme. Nouns and noun phrases (such as Epyg,ggg 'god child' or 'sons of the gods') typi- cally fill the subject slot. A full listing of the phrase types that occur here would serve little purpose in our present analysis, being more relevant to the discussion of noun phrase constructions. The non-personal pronoun.kpg ppppg 'each one' also fills the subject slot once in the corpus. A semantic restriction that the subject refer to an animate being seems to be Operative in the transitive clause. Thus we might wish to distinguish a subject-as-actor tag- meme from, let us say, a subject-as-item tagmeme, but there is no suffix or structural sign in Duru that would lead us to insist on such a distinction. In this analysis we shall refer simply to a 'subject' tagmeme. 2.4.5. The locative tagpeme. Locative words and 28 phrases manifest the locative slot. They Often contain an allomorph of the temporal-locative /le/ 'time-location', which serves as relator in a relator-axis construction. The axis is typically filled by a noun or noun phrase: kdede wddlé (g49) Sack his-in (in his sack) . . 2.4.4. Egg instrumental-accompaniment tagpeme. This tagmeme is manifested by a relator-axis construction having kép 'with, and' as relator and a noun or noun phrase as axis. A typical example: kén yfifi (a41) With head (with his head) 2.4.5. Th3 manner tagpeme. Manner is typically manifested by an adverb (vangpa 'quickly') but may be realized by a verbal noun phrase: dOOlé na'a (e7) Being-good very (very well) .2.4.6. Egg ideOphone tagpeme. Few linguists working in West African languages seem to feel completely satisfied with their treatments of ideOphones.2O Until we have done more research on the functionCs) of Duru ideOphones, we simply posit an ideOphone tagmeme. If indeed the ideophones cited below may be said to modify the predicate and thus fill a 'manner' tagmeme Of some sort, we would have to posit 20 Mary Jo Moore (1968:2) gives the following definition of the Hausa ideOphone: 'an expressive unit of phonaesthetic speech which is most commonly used for intensification or impressionistic description, and which is highly dependent on context for semantic value.’ She finds ideOphones functioning now as adverbials now as adjectivals, now as nominals in the clause (p. 55). 29 an M2 tagmeme for ideOphones, since they always seem to follow the ordinary manner tagmeme (when it occurs): PM Ptr 01 M Ideo He hits tar like-that gpég D déng kid néé kpdg (a54) (i.e. powi). PM Efir 01 M Ideo ¢ ke dug re nyogo woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg (089f) He digs race like that woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg (He runs tiredly.) PM Ptr 01 Ideo He raises dust dung dung D 36 kuu dung dung (O75) (i.e. by pawing the dirt). CHAPTER 5 DISTRIBUTION: IN LARGER CONSTRUCTIONS 5.1. Serial clause definition. Serial clause con- structiOns rank above clause constructions and below sen- tence constructions. However, serial clauses, like non- serial clauses, typically fill slots on the sentence level. We may speak Of component clauses filling initial, medial, and final positions within serial constructions. A clause filling any of these three positions may contain a tagmeme which is then 'shared' with the other positions, but each of the component clauses (from 2 to 7 in the cor- pus) must have its own predicate. Any other tagmeme, in- cluding the PN-MR-T tagmeme composite, occurs only once in a serial construction. No special attention will be given transitive clauses in this section, since they fit perfectly into the over-all patterns about to be described. Specific restrictions will, of course, be noted in the relevant paragraphs. There seems to be some hesitation concerning the best method of relating independent clauses and the component clauses in serial constructions. Pike (1966:56-7) sets 50 51 forth three possible methods but defers a choice between them until a later date: [A component clause] may be seen, from one point of view, as comprising an entire serial clause as a variant of an independent clause conditioned by coming in an emic cluster. From a second viewpoint, the object belongs simultaneously--as a 'portmanteau' tagmeme --to both clauses... A third view treats the cluster as a single complex unit. The advantage: The cluster, not the separate clause, is said to con- tain the 'shared', non-repeated, elements. The disadvantage: One cannot easily discuss clause in relation to basic and conditioned- variant forms. I shall leave the theoretic- al situation here indeterminate, and util- ize that particular viewpoint (or combination of viewpoints) which is momentarily useful. Our approach is a combination of the first and second views as set forth by Pike. We treat the component clauses as variants of independent clauses, conditioned by their distribution in an emic cluster (series). The component clauses 'share', non-contiguously, certain specifiable tag- memes. Our task is to specify which (and when) tagmemes are suppressed in clusters and give a set of rules relating any independent clause with its serial-component variant. 5.2. Serial constructions. 5.2.1. Occurrence restrictions. While most of our attention in this chapter is focused on indicative inde- pendent clauses and their serial variants, it should be noted that the completed action and imperative modes also occur (but more rarely) in serial constructions. In such 52 cases, they seem to follow the same rules to be outlined in 5.2.2. The matrix in Table 4 outlines for us the occurrence limitations of independent clauses entering into the serial relationship, as found in the corpus. The structure of the Duru independent clause, especially of the PN—MR—T tagmeme composite, poses no small difficulty for us in our search for the boundaries of many serial clauses. We have, first, only an optional clause marker closing the construction in affirmative indicative clauses. In addition, we have the (third singular) zero morpheme of the PN-MR-T tagmeme composite. Given these two handicaps, we find many probable serial constructions in the third singular with absolutely no segmental indications of their 21 internal structure! We must, then, analyze and base our present description only on those constructions with overt PN-MR-T fillers. Where pply 'probable' (5 8) serial clauses occur in the corpus, a p appears in Table 4. Egg-suspect serial construction occurrences are marked with an g. A blank space indicates lack of occurrence in the corpus. 21 Externally, Of course, a clause marker in the preceding clause or an overt filler of the PN-MR-T tagmeme in the following clause would serve equally well to delineate at least one boundary of an ambiguous serial clause. If my informant were immediately available, the surest way to crack this problem would be to ask him to transform the passage in question to another mode (O.g. the imperative) or to the third person plural indicative, since the PN-MR-T fillers are always overt in those cases. clause type initial medial final Intransitive x x x Reflexive z Locative x Transitive x x x Reciprocal z z Ditransitive x x Introducertr z Introducerdi z Perception Desiderative Intentional x 2 Descriptive Inchoative z Equative Table 4: Indicative components in serial clauses 5.2.2. Rplg§_ggp.serial-component variant clauses. We may give the following set of rules for relating inde- pendent clauses and their serial-component variants: 1. Tel, S, and PN-MR-T or PN-MR tagmemes may occur 23;: with the initial serial component, being always deleted 54 in (but shared with) the following component c1ause(s). 2. In the position(s) following the initial predicate and preceding the final predicate of the series, only the (nuclear) I, 01, 02, and CG tagmemes occur. 5. An object tagmeme occurring in one clause is deleted in all following component clauses if it refers to the same object.22 4. L, IA, M, and CM tagmemes may occur pply following the final predicate. These tagmemes are shared with the (preceding predicates, although deleted in all but final position. 5. Negative predicates may occur pply if the final predicate is negative, in which case one or more of the preceding predicates may also be negative. The following examples will illustrate the above rules. Broken lines show the sphere of influence of 'shared' tagmemes: 1. (Initial and final: intransitive) TeJ S 3%,Pi Pi L I y6g6 nyag ké'éme méé nan 'waapéd vO sdg yea saale (g47f) Te — _ _ __ 1 pm--.:-- L m i Tomorrow mouth morning-in foc man all they gather come village-square-to (Tomorrow morning everyone must gather in 22 In two examples from the corpus, a noun Object is re- placed by a pronoun in the following component clause. 55 the village square.) 2. (Initial: intentional, final: locative) t 1 L PM Pin CG P v6 laa- n nan yOOlé die kaale (a65f) PM — ——_=— — _ They23 gO-for-me dough working are-there village-in (She went to fix me food in the village.) 5. (Initial, medial, and final: transitive) They leave pot carry leave go-down there (They carry the pot and leave it there.) 4. (Initial: transitive, final: ditransitive) r a EPtroi Pdi if. M ... 66 ydd nan ya pan ba ya vangna (a66) PM— _ 01“‘:_ ‘=‘ _‘ _ ——M 24 ... that-they work dough come carry-to us-two come fast (... that she should fix the food and bring it to us fast.) 25 Plural of respect. 24 Idem. 56 5. (Initial and final: transitive) REE-Egg; :3; (gnu) PM ------ I search see-not cm-neg at-all (I've looked but I can't find it at all.) 5.5. Relative freqpency among indicative clauses ip coppus. This analysis would not be complete without some indication of the relative frequency of the clauses under discussion in the corpus. The first column in Table 5 includes negative forms and all other indicative variants except those that serve as component clauses in serial constructions. The latter are tabulated separately in the second column. This chart serves to alert us to the importance of this particular set of variants in the total picture of clause frequency. 5.4. Sentences. A sentence in Duru is a construction above the clause and serial clause levels but below the paragraph and discourse levels. Sentences seem to consist of 'a single clause, of a patterned combination of clauses, or of a clause fragment (usually of phrasal structure, and Often dependent in sense on other sentences in the linguist- .25 ic context or on context of situation). 25 Longacre 1968:125. His definition seems to fit Duru sentence structure quite well. clause type indep serial clause type indep serial Intransitive 97 197 Perception 15 - Reflexive 4 9 ~Desiderative l5 - Locative 6 19 Intentional 7 5 Transitive 164 255 Descriptive 5 - Reciprocal l 5 Inchoative 14 1 Ditransitive 18 21 Equative 5 - Introducertr 51 7 TOTALS 469 507 Introducerdi 95 14 Table 5: Frequency of independent indicative clauses in corpus We may Speak of initial, rima , and final positions within the sentence. Such tentative analyses that we have made on the Duru sentence level indicate that independent transitive indicative clauses may fill pp; primary posi- tion26 on the sentence level with two exceptions: l) the primary position in contrary-to-fact condition sentences, and 2) the first primary position in imperative sentences. There may be several primary positions in some sentences. An example of a compound sentence: 26 'often called the Base tagmeme. 58 Prim1:transitive link:pp§é Prim2:transitive baa ye h5 ya mbigi ka pé Man this sees place hammer 'waapéd, améé koeoe hOn ne where falls all, but Lion sees- (clOf) not cm-neg (This man sees clearly the place where the hammer falls, but Lion does not.) On the other hand, the contrary-tO-fact condition sentence contains no independent transitive indicative clause. It contains an initial position filled by a con- trary-tO-fact protasis and a primary position filled by a contrary—tO-fact apodosis (here separated by a comma): kan k6n kéb ne téé, ka vOn If-he-would do-not trick cm- gb6 wO yo noo ya dOO 55m neg if, would they-would hit kin nyéle (a112f) him cm kill place root peanut wild that-at (If he had not been tricky, they would have hit and killed him among the wild peanuts. The initial primary position of an imperative sentence cannot contain an independent transitive indicative clause, but the following primary position(s) must do so. In the following example, the initial primary position is filled by an imperative transitive clause, the other two primary positions are filled by indicative transitive clauses (each 59 position is separated by a comma): 5m 'bé kéng nye, m6 maa, m6 You take monkey this, you soeng 'waapéd (c99f) roast, you crunch all (Take the monkey, roast it, and eat it all.) CHAPTER 4 DERIVED CLAUSES 4.0. Introduction. If we may regard indicative clauses as in some sense basic or central to the Duru clause system, we may (with a minimum of repetitiveness) describe the remaining sets of Duru clauses as 'derived' from the indicative. We will state the characteristics (with ex— amples) for each set of derived clauses, always keeping the indicative mode as our point of departure. Only when a tagmeme (in a derived set) differs from its indicative counterpart will it be mentioned here. Each of the modes about to be described is contrastive with the other modes; each set of subordinate clauses contrasts with all other sets of subordinate clauses and with each mode; and emphatic and interrogative constructions are distinct‘ from all other constructions. The main27 lines of derivation may be simply explained 27 As in chapter 5, the independent transitive indicative clause fits into a pattern describable in general for all the clauses of the indicative mode. Some restrictions ob- tain for certain of the indicative clauses, which cannot be transformed into certain modes, but since they do not affect the clause which is the subject of this analysis, they will not be treated here. 40 41 and diagrammed. Indicative clauses may be transformed into any mode, any subordinate clause, and into emphatic and interrogative constructions. Completed action clauses may be transformed into four subordinate clause types, as on Figure 1. Completed action and imperative clauses may be made emphatic or interrogative. Subordinate clauses may be made emphatic. Serial clauses may be composed Of clause variants from three modes: indicative, OOMpleted action, or imperative; but only one mode may be involved in any one serial construction. Interrogation and emphasis are not mutually exclusive but may occur simultaneously in the same clause. i In Figure 1, solid lines indicate derivations between contrastive types, while broken lines indicate compositional relationships involving non-contrastive variants of the clauses involved. 4.1. Mpdpl derived clauses (9A, Im v, EN, C-to-F). 4.1.1. Completed action pggglgggl. The two distinc- tive features of this mode are: 1) its completed action clause marker; 2) the ordering of certain allomorphs of this clause marker. This mode is not transformable into the verbal noun or the contrary-to-fact modes, as is the indicative mode. The semantic area covered by this mode is the com- pletedness of an action. Often this action took place in ,2 K. I, \‘ I \\ I" \ l’ \\ . . I \ Indicative p_ 5 Modes: \\ clauses ‘ Completed action I Imperative ,Verbal noun Contrary—to-fact Subordinate clauses: TLC Rel Sb Desid ‘7 Ind Quo Interrogation Ind 0rd / the recent past, but completedness here must not be confused with tense, which is expressed by the PN-MR—T tagmeme composite. Since it is the viewpoint of the Duru speaker that determines what is 'accomplished', a future event may a": be spoken of as 'complete The completed action 28 Thus: 'Tomorrow I—will leave on the bus already.’ 45 clause marker is Often translated 'already' by informants. This clause marker is composed of two morphemes: /sO'O/ 'affirmative' and /sie...ne/ 'negative'.29 The distinctive ordering mentioned above concerns the allomorphs whose first component is pig, for, unlike any other Duru clause marker, this component very seldom occurs clause finally. Its preferred positions are as follows: preceding a noun Object (01) but following a pronoun Object (01). (In ditransitive clauses it occurs between the I and the 02 tagmemes.) Some examples: I ' PM Ptr CM 01 CM You show already body cm m6 vud sis £58 0 (a55) (You've exposed yourself.) PM Ptr 01 CM T92 OM I find-him already today cm ...mi maa-wO sfe boeoe 0 (He's caught today.) (a76) 4.1.2. Imperative mode (Impv). The imperative mode is characterized by 1) its PN-MR tagmeme composite filler, 50 which is always an £2 series pronoun, with no tense tag- meme, 2) the Optional occurrence of the 2 s and 2 p1 PN-MR 29 See Appendix C for a more complete description of the allomorphs andtheir contexts. 50 See Appendix B for a complete paradigm of the fig pronoun. SUbJ 44 tagmeme composites when the linguistic or situational context makes the meaning clear, and 5) its imperative clause marker. The PN-MR tagmeme composite involves all three persons and when not in the second person is translatable by 'let me...', 'let him...', or by 'I must...', etc. The second person is the equivalent of our English imperative. Optionality in the Duru PN-MR tagmeme occurs only here. In all the other modes, all fillers Of this tagmeme composite are overt (except, of course, the‘fl'morpheme for the 5 s in the Elsubj set). The imperative clause marker is identical with the indicative /o/ in the affirmative. The negative morpheme, however, is pp in all contexts. Some examples: PM Ptr 01 CM You take stick-cm (Take sticks!) I 'bee ... hvdedeeg (a78f) PM 222 01 CM} You accept word his cm-neg i féé moo wOO sa (a85) (Don't believe him!) PM Ptr Let-him come eat! a ya la (e5) 4.1.5. Verbal ppppflppgp (EN). The verbal noun clause is characterized by: 1) no Tel, S, PN—MR-T, or CM tagmemes 2) a verbal noun always fills the P tagmeme 45 3) lack of a negative form 4) indirect and direct object tagmemes precede the P tag- meme instead of following, as elsewhere 5) its distinctive distribution: filling the 02 and C3 slots of the inchoative and equative clauses, the 01 slot of the transitive clause, the 05 slot of the desid- erative clause, and the CG slot of the intentional clause, as well as filling some slots ordinarily filled by nouns (like head and detail slots in noun phrases and axis slots in relator-axis locative phrases). The verbal noun mode is not an independent mode, as are the other modes, nor does it fit structurally with the set of subordinate clauses. It might be called a nominal mode. The above list of characteristics probably needs no elaboration for the reader who has followed me this far. Examples of the intentional and inchoative clauses containing verbal noun clauses may be found in 1.4. Follow- ing are examples of verbal noun clauses fillm}ol and O5 slots: 8 PM Ptr 01 M Rabbit he finds heart being- 01 Pvntr clean much (Rabbit was very babaam fl nfing 233 d§"e wfiani happy.) (s19) 45 f? Pdesid. 05 E? I like-not arm small pOinting _ , . . Ol Pvntr cm neg (I don t like finger mi sen nag was sale ne pointing.) (£19) 4.1.4. Contrary-to-fact mode (Q-to-F). The contrary- to-fact mode is used in the apodosis of contrary-to-fact 51 condifion sentences. It is characterized by: 1) the particle kg 'contrary-to-fact' which precedes the PN-MR-T tagmeme composite, and 2) the limiting of fillers of the 52 PN-MR-T tagmeme composite to git pronouns, A demonstrative may occur near the end of the clause. An example: ?53 c-to-f PM Ptr 01 Then contrary-to-fact they- ; ... Ea- :gnndug b1: would tan him today like that T92 M dem GM would cm (Then they would be boeoe is yogo §3 33 (allOf) tanning him today like that.) 4.2. Subordinate derived clauses (2L9, Eel, Sb D sid, Ind uo, Ind 93g). Subordinate clauses are distinguished from independent clauses by the subordinating phrases or words (or systematic lack of them) which magfintroduce and/or 31 There is some evidence to indicate that the contrary- to-fact mode may also be used in displeasure concerning a past event: 'You should not have forbidden him!‘ No such construction is found in the corpus, however. 52 See Appendix B for a paradigm. 53 Meaning unknown, but this particle seems to introduce a conclusion from previous information. 47 close the clause. Their distribution on the sentence, clause, or phrase level also serves to contrast them with other clause types. The five most frequent}4 sets of derived clauses will be treated here. General rules and examples will be cited, but no attempt will be made to be complete or exhaustive, since only the transitive indicative c1ause's derived forms are of particular interest to us here. Most indicative clauses may be transformed into subordinate clauses on the analogy of the transitive clauses givalin the following examples. An interesting characteristic of the initial morpheme of the subordinate phrase is thattgoes Egg occur initially in the subordinate clause. It occurs between the S and the PN-MR-T tagmemes, which means that Tel and S tagmemes precede it. The 'characteristics' of the clauses listed below are not all distinctive, but at least the first two listed for each set of clauses will be contrastive. 4.2.1. Temporal-locative-conditional (Egg). The dis- tinctive characteristics of the TLC clause are its subor- 35 dinating phrase and its distribution in the initial slot in sentences. Its PN-MR tagmeme composite is filled by 54 Three other probably contrastive types (purpose, con- cessive, and cause) will not be treated here due to insuf- ficient data in the corpus. 35 See Appendix D. 48 .éE series pronouns. Temporal clauses may contain an initial time word, locative clauses an initial locative, and conditional clauses may contain a conditional particle (borrowed from Fulani). Some examples: l S Sb—PM P M Sb Man when-they hear like that tr nén koo ki is yogo maé when (When the people heard (3121) that...) r’ Sb 41 PM Ptr 01 L Sb Time when he finds animal close sey ké ¢ mas pog bde' méé when (When he finds the animal (c8) is close...) 4.2.2. Relative (Rel). The characteristics of the relative subordinate clause are: l) 2) 5) 56 its subordinating phrase, which is always manifested but may not be overt its typical distribution in a modifier slot in noun phrases the negative agreement of the subordinate verb with the verb of the preceding primary clause when this latter verb is negative, although semantically the subordinate verb's meaning remains affirmative the fin series pronoun filling the PN—MR tagmeme slot. 56 See Appendix D. 49 An example: i —u . Tel Sb-PM Ptr Sb Time-past yesterday which-you ké ban kii pa ye (e6) announce here (which you an- nounced yesterday) An example of negative grammatical agreement: C l 8 EM Eta. 01 l 91:: Rabbit he knows-not thing that- babaam ¢ gaan hen a kén ne he does-not cm-neg (Rabbit (a25f) doesn't know what to do.) The 3 over the bar indicates concord or agreement. 4.2.3. Subordinate desiderative (gg Desidz. The characteristics of the subordinate desiderative clause are: 1) its sfiematic lack of a subordinator 2) its distribution in the 05 slot of the desiderative clause 5) negative agreement between the subordinate verb and the verb in the primary clause (Cf. the relative clause). 4) the fin series pronoun filling the PN-MR- tagmeme composite slot. The example on p. 17 may be analyzed further here: PM Pdi I 2 You follow tell-me other i add 3-n too ((I want) you to tell me again.) An example of negative grammatical agreement: 50 r 1 EE|Pdesid ! 05 ‘ iii 9;. L, m6 hiin 00 noon bi m661e lige ne (e28) You want-not that-we kill-not you your-at house-at cm-neg (You don‘t want us to kill you in your house.) 4.2.4. Indirect quotations and orders (lad uo, Ind 93g). Both indirect quotations and orders use the Optional subordinating root pa and fill the 03 slot in introducer clauses. Indirect quotations, however, have a mi series pronoun filling the PN-MR—T tagmeme composite slot while indirect orders have an fig series pronoun there. Another difference between these two is that indirect quotations may contain only indicative and completed action clause markers, while indirect orders seem to contain only imper- ative clause markers. An example of an indirect quotation: ' 8 Sb PM P' I P Rabbit that follows carries di babfiam b; 5' aha pan hi ;2' them comes dough other (that 02 Rabbit brings them more food) nan too (g105) An example of an indirect order: Sb PM Ptr 01 that they-should announce word ba 66 pa moo (gll2) (that they should announce...) 51 4.5. Reference variants. As already indicated in 2.1.1., some subordinate clauses may contain a mi series pronoun of reference instead of a mi or gm series pronoun 57 under certain conditions. Amy pronoun in the subordinate clause meeting the 'reference condition' is replaced, whether that pronoun fills the PN-MR—T, I, or 0 slot.58 The 'reference condition' is as follows: if a (mi or gm series) pronoun in a dominated clause refers to the same person as the subject of the preceding dominating clause, that pronoun is replaced by the corresponding pronoun in the mi series. Two comments are in order: 1) only if the dominating clause precedes the dominated clause can this reference condition be fulfilled, and 2) we must speak of a dominating clause rather than a preceding independent clause, since the dominating clause may itself be a subordinate clause. The following (sets of) clauses are most frequently dominated in this manner in the corpus: l) subordinate desiderative 3) indirect order 2) indirect quotation 4) verbal noun clause- Some examples: 37 The same is true of the possessive adjective, which has a Special 'reference form'. 58 For mi as 0, see 4.2.3.; as I, see 4.2.4. 52 £3,3igsid 05 He wants he goes pour-together Pm Prc 3E. L wine there (He wants to pour ¢ hii bi la t55n dad wole wine (into it) there.) (bl9f) .Pm'Pégytr 05 They think that they-will Sb PM P 01 follow find dough other tr vo taa b; bi; dfifi nfing nan t66 (They thought they would (g94) receive more food.) See also the second example in 4.2.5. and the first example in 4.2.4. 4.4. Interrogative derived clauses. All clauses in the following three modes may be transformed into ifizerrog- ative clauses: indicative, completed action, imperative. In addition, emphatic derived clauses may simultaneously be interrogative. The distinctive characteristics of interrogative clauses are: l) the morpheme /a/ must occur clause finally,39 re- placing any final vowel the clause marker may previously have had, and 2) an Optional interrogative non-personal pronoun may fill the S or 0 slots (§m 'what', mém 'how', méé 'who') or the L slot (Eé 'where'). An example: 39 See Appendix C for allomorphs of /a/ dependent on con- text. 53 PM Ptr 01 CM-Q I-will do how-cm-Q (What will min k6 nennea (b51) I do?) 4.5. Emphatic gerivei clauses. Clauses may show em- phasis in several ways, or in combinations of these ways. To emphasize the PN-MR—T tagmeme composite, emphatic 'pronouns' are used, with two levels of emphasis visible: strong and very strong.40 The emphatic pronoun often follows the predicate. An example: PM Ptr PME 01 CM I want-not i foolishness cm- mi ;§;f;22’3523; K; (g53) neg (I don't want any foolish- ness, I don't!) Predicates may be emphasized by preceding juncture (pause) and doubling of the initial verb consonant (see also c62 and c102): S PM BEE 01 13525 O Babaam ¢ tii nag kpaag 115' kidd-ole (a38) 1 L Rabbit turns hand left hits tar-there (Rabbit pulls back his left hand and hits the tar. This latter example happens to be a serial construction, but this fact does not bear upon emphasis constructions in Duru. Negative forms are emphasized by adding one of the 40 The form used in strong emphasis is generally describ- able in the mi series by lengthening the vowel of the free object form of the pronoun; strongest emphasis is shown by adding —no to the mit pronoun. The an and bi series also have emphatic forms. 54 adverbs koed or sam to the negative clause marker: S PM P __.__22_ hen h3g v6 'waapéd v6 nugun not thing eating cm-neg at-all Thing bush.p1 all they find- 01 CM E (None of the animals could hen lélé né sam (glf) find any food at all!) The root im 'the one who‘ may be involved to give special emphasis: E. 3M3 _ ___9__1 _ EM-Q ie vii k6 hen nyenoo En ... a (C65) The-ones—who ygm do thing seed-his what ... cm-Q (What good thing do 12m do ... 7) An object or other post-predicate tagmeme may be trans- posed to pre-subject position, generally with the addition of the particle méi for emphasis: C’13“: - i 3” fir. 3i wdedb ba yaa sd'd méé fl gas as (b12) Husband that comes already emph, he knows cm-neg (He doesn't know at all that the husband has come already.) CHAPTER 5 FURTHER STUDIES Our analysis of Duru grammar has but begun. The im- mediate future could be devoted to pursuing several areas in the grammatical hierarchy which this thesis has not been able to touch, or which have not yet been the objects of intensive study. An annotated list of some of the more profitable areas for future study follows: 1. Fill out existing charts. Once an informant is again available, the matrices due to the present analysis may be filled in and the 'fields' then surveyed for rele- vant contributions to the clause level. 2. Ideomhones. IdeOphones should be studied at length to expose their functions and better eXplain their relationships to elements of the phrase and clause levels. 5. Serial clause subclusters. There are some indic- ations that certain serial constructions are more limited than the ordinary serial clause in what component clauses they may contain. For example, there may be a 'ditransitive subcluster', whose first component is.a transitive clause containing an Optional Ol tagmeme, followed by a ditransitive 55 56 predicate (filled by Bf; 'give' or é 'put') which is followed by the obligatory I tagmeme (but mg: an O2 tagmeme). 4. Sentences, paragraphs, discourses. Although we must expand our treatment of serial clauses, it is partic- ularly the sentence, paragraph, and discourse constructions that need considerable attention. Present evidence seems to indicate at least these three levels higher than serial clause constructions. 5. Phonology and intonation. Isolating the higher phonological structures and relating them to grammatical constructions of comparable level has yet to be done. BIBLIOGRAPHY Agheyisi, Rebecca N. 1968 A Tagmemic Clause-Level Analysis of Bini. Thesis for the M.A. Michigan State University. Cook, Walter A. 1964 On Tagmemes and Transforms. Washington, D. C., Georgetown University Press. Duran, James J. 1968 A Tagmemic Analysis of Swahili Clause Structure. Thesis for the M.A. Michigan State University. Elson, Benjamin and Pickett, Velma 1967 An Introduction to Morphology and Syntax. Santa Ana, California, Summer Institute of Linguistics. Greenberg, Joseph H. 1966 The Languages of Africa. Publication 25. Bloomington, Indiana, Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics. Longacre, Robert E. 1960 String Constituent Analysis. Lg. 36.65-88. 1964 Grammar Discovery Procedures. The Hague, Mouton. 1966 Trique Clause and Sentence: A Study in Contrast, Variation, and Distribution. IJAL 32.242-52. McClure, H. David 1966 A Tagmemic Description of the Independent Trans- itive Declarative Non-emphatic Clause in a Small Sample of Yoruba. Thesis for the M.A. Michigan State University. Pike, Kenneth L. 1959 Language as Particle, Wave, and Field. The Texas Quarterly 2.2.57-54. 1962 Dimensions of Grammatical Constructions. Lg. 58.221-44. 57 58 Pike Kenneth L. 1965 A Syntactic Paradigm. Lg. 59.216—50. 1966 Tagmemic and Matrix Linguistics Applied to Select- ed African Languages. Ann Arbor, Michigan, Center for Research on Language and Language Behavior. 1967 Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior. 2nd ed. The Hague, Mouton. APPENDIX A THE CORPUS The corpus is composed of seven folktales lettered A through G as follows: A Rabbit Steals Two Adulterers Lion Rabbit and Pigeon Hyena and Death Hunting thjt‘dUOw Rabbit and the CornucOpia The first four were recorded on tape, the others written down by the informant. The Duru text has been arranged with a free translation below it on the bottom of each set of pages on the left. A more colloquial style was chosen for the free translation because we are dealing with folk- tales. A literal word-by-word translation is always found on the Opposing page, with a number-letter reference to my notebooks in the Upper right hand corner. In the corpus certain departures from the style of this thesis are found: 1) double quotation marks enclose 59 6O quotations to avoid confusion over the use of the apostrOphe for the glottal stop, 2) no zero third singular pronoun morphemes are indicated, retaining the serial clause ambigu- ities as they are in spoken Duru. Examples cited in the body of the thesis contain Mmarkings for the reader's bene- fit. In order to aid the reader the English third singular verbal suffix am is used in the literal translation: takeg. IdeOphones are generally transliterated but some in- dication is given of their meaning. Words of very uncertain meaning are not translated in the literal translation, but an underlined space is left instead. A minimum of abbreviations is used in the literal translation: neg negative cm clause marker Q interrogative - joins two or more words pl plural used to gloss a single foc focus Duru Word emph emphasis 5x 61 TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS l Babéém Aa rs: vo baa béb, bab aam kinné. vo baa 55m 2 kin had Occlé na'a. lam kin pee yég wfifini. Vidde téé 5 Babéém lfifi, gang tang ya ba sa A5...A5 fag v5 55m liwné, 4 vidde. 4b Nyag ka'ame la fad kdd yaa téé, vo maa zdm mbaa 5 pOn. Aa féé v6: "A, yee nénan doo n66 pgn ka bad aan 6 iii aam kin liwna? Nyag ka'ame kan yaa téé, vb sd 55m 7 kin, sa aam kin, vo san 36m kin, v6 san 33m kin yela! Nan 8 doo n66 ka k6 hen s55 ie yogo yela?" Babgam Aa fég v6 9 gaan hen OO kOn ne. lO Koo v3' 155 v53 ligge téé, Babaam té'ado vidde, 11 166 vidde, gang tOnga 3% 55m kinno téé, panga man keg, 12 v6 15. 3%, ya 33 téé, gang a man :33, v6 la. Sey tfim, 15 tfim tfim mbaa die woo kélé ie yogo. l4 YOgé la féé kOO ya h3 too méé, v6 3: "Aa'a, 5'5 ye 3'341 MIL has a field, a field of wild peanuts. She hoes the wild peanuts a lot and they grow real well. At night R takes his hoe and secretly digs Up MIL's peanuts. When MIL comes in the morning she finds some rows (5) dug up. She says, "Hey! Who's secretly stealing my peanuts? Every morning when I come, they've dug up some of my peanuts! Who's doing a thing like that?" R's MIL doesn't know what to do. (10) After she returns home, R wakes Up before dawn, takes his hoe and digs Up some peanuts, then takes them to his wife and they eat. Yes, he goes and digs, then takes them to his wife and they eat. He's in the habit of doing this all the time. One day when MIL sees this again, she says, "Oh no, now 41 R - Rabbit, MIL = Mother-in-law 62 TEXT A RABBIT STEALS 5-118-5-120 (1) Rabbit Mother in-law they cultivate field, field peanut wild-cm. They cultivate peanut (2) wild until being-much very. Peanut wild that sprouts much. (KBNQigEE/ time (3) Rabbit leaves, carries hoe comes for dig Mother... Mother in-law p1 peanut stealthily, (4) night-in. (4b) Mouth morning-in Mother in-law when-they come when, they find row sit (5) harvested. Mother in-law-they (say): "What! Q person his who first that continues digs- me (6) me peanut wild stealthily? Mouth morning-in when-I come when, they dig peanut (7) wild, dig peanut wild, they dig-me peanut wild, they dig-me peanut wild here-cm! Per- son (8) his who that does thing this like that here-cm-Q?" Rabbit Mother in-law they (9) know-not thing that-they do- not cm-neg. (10) When-they return go they house-in when, Rabbit awakens-early night-in, (11) leaves night-in, carries hoe- goes digs peanut wild-cm then carries goes find-each-other wife, (12) they eat. Yes, comes digs then, carries-goes find-each-other wife, they eat. Time always, (13) always always continues is-in-process-Of it doing like that. (14) Next-day Mother in-law when-they come see other when, they say: "No, time this \\ \M \I 65 TEXT A-—RABBIT STEALS I 15 ma néa, mi gaan sic hen téé an kén ne. Sey min soo hinaa. l6 t66 moo liw méé nye ma"e pan." Ndéé A5 féé v6 ka 15. V6 17 1a nyOO kid, kid na' awOle. VO nyOO kid k6 1e nénén 18 wogo. VO gang kid pee kad, v6 ya ldede é bab saame. V6 19 daa vé' ka la lige. 2O Vid ké k6 méé, Babéém gang dag kan t6ng yaa die 21 silé. Em, 5m, 5m bde' n66, 5m tdegde n66, em tdegde n66. 22 Ka nya ya nyag babe méé, kfiu n66 maé ha kid 1a faa 25 vOn dii 3 bab saamé pee dii mbaa yd. Tdeggé faaaaa. Kid 24 nam né. 8: "Laé, yee hen wOO 5n ka dii nyela? K66 nénén. 25 voo dii, vo die...vo dien piila?" Babaam gaan hen a 26 kén ne. Babaam noe'oey hégé, bi hg kiddé, kid noe'oey 27 wdd. Lfifi dii dog yfiba, kid lfifi woo. I m ’ II I \ 28 Ké vidde éméé, ka nam sO'O pén tee, kld nye nam ms (D\ 29 am. Ké noe'oey ké' dag t é, kid noe'oey wOO. 'Bg tSng (15) I don't know what I can do any more. I must look for some way to catch this thief." Then she goes and builds Up some tar, a lot of tar. She shapes the tar in the form of a man. She carries it, sets it Up in the middle of the field, and returns home. (20) When it's night R brings a calabash and hoe, of course. He walks very carefully, looking all around. When he comes to the edge of the field, he sees the tar standing there that MIL has set Up in the middle of the field. He looks at it a long time. The tar doesn't move. He says, "Oh my! What's that standing there? Maybe it's a man. (25) Is he...is he lying in ambush for me?" He doesn't know what to do. He bends down to look at the tar; the tar bends down too. He stands Up; the tar stands Up too. Since it's night, whenever he moves, the tar moves too. If he bends down to one side, the tar bends down too. He 64 RABBIT STEALS--TEXT A 5-120--5-121 (15) foc time, I know-not already thing other that-I do- not cm-neg. Time I-will look-for road (16) some for rob- ber too this catching first.” Then Mother in-law they take-road go. They (17) go build tar, tar is-big very. They build tar like like person (18) like. They carry tar that then, they come plant set field middle-in. They (19) pass return take-road go house-to. (20) Night when does when, Rabbit carries calabash and hoe comes is-there (21) of-course. Walks, walks, walks looks eye, walks looks eye, walks looks eye. (22) When arrives comes edge field-at when, Opens eye when sees tar Mother in-law (25) that-they make-stand set field-in that stands sits there. Looks-him long-time. Tar (24) moves cm-neg. Says: "What! Q thing his what that stands here-cm-Q? Or person (25) they stand, they are- in-process-of...they are-in-process-of-me stalkingbcm-Q?" Rabbit knows-not thing that-he (26) does-not cm-neg. Rab- bit bends-down ground-to, he sees tar-cm, tar bends-down (27) itself. Leaves stands goes-Up Up, tar leaves itself. (28) Since night-at too-since, when moves already first when, tar this moves (29) too. When bends-down side one when, tar bends-down itself. Takes hoe \/ I" .‘\ \\J ‘K 65 TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS 5O kan dag d ZOO hage, baa 5m $33, 533, $35 séé la kiddoole 51 ké'ade. Od kid: "Yow, aséé liw An fga v66 méé m6 nyo. 52 Mo baa 33 In £53 v6 55m kin liwna man naa? Boeoe méé 55 mi ma'am sO'O. M6 vfid sic f55 o." Babaam see la wOOlé 54 ké'ade, déng kid néé kpgg. Nag baamdd ségém mbaa la 35 56 57 'ben liwna am na? An dégém kan nag ie t66 ye ad's pen Ole. Babéam Oddo: "T5, naa m6 liw sdd yee? 15m kin i Co a kan 33 An :3: vo kan baa 'be vo liwne, m6 hii bi E! Inn 58 téé, m6n was hage." Babaam tii nag kpaag lla' kiddOle. 59 Nag segé mbaa la wOle. Beam 3: "Aé', m6 ma' nag 3n ya 40 wad idu am naa? To. 1'5 ye méa an vdedem kan yfifi sd'd 41 pen téé, m6n die wééne haga." Babaam vdede kid kan yfifi 42 kpég. Kid was ne. YUU ma'ay mbaa 1a wole. Bataan 3: 45 "T5. Boeoe méa ban kanno. M6 m ' yfifi en sO'O na? An (50) sets dgyn his hoe and calabash and walks ever so care- fully gmg saa gig, approaching the tar from the side. He says to the tarI—VSO you're my MIL's thief! Are you secretly dig- ging up my MIL's wild peanuts? Today I've got you, then. You've exposed‘yourself." He approaches the side of the tar and hits it kpgg. His hand sticks (55) fast. He says to it, "So! You're the thief, aren't you? Do you want to steal me secretly too, like you steal my MIL's peanuts? If I hit you with my other fist here, you'll fall down." He pulls back his left hand and hits the tar. It sticks there. He says, "Hey, are you grabbing and holding (40) both my hands? SO. If I hit you with my head, you'll fall down." He hits the tar with his head kpég. It doesn't fall down, but his head sticks there. He says, "Aha! Today we'll have this out. You've grabbed my head, have you? If I klck you with a foot, you'll have to fall down." He bends back hls leg and 66 RABBIT STEALS--TEXT A 5—121--5-125 (50) and calabash puts down ground-on, continues walks carefully, carefully, carefully approaches goes tar-to- him (51) side-at. Says-to tar: "Well, really robber Mother-my in-law their foc you there. (52) You continue dig Mother-my in-law pl peanut wild stealthily foc cm-Q? Today fee (55) I catch-you already. You show already . body cm." Rabbit approaches goes it-tO (54) side-at, hits tar like-that gags. Hand Rabbit-his sticks sits goes (55) him-to. Rabbit says-to-him: "SO, neng you robber this then? Peanut wild (56) foc that-you dig Motherbmy inelaw pl that-you continue take them stealthily, you want you (57) take—me stealthily too cm-Q? Ist hit-you with hand the other this already first (58) if, you-will fall ground-to." Rabbit turns hand left hits tar-there. (59) Hand sticks sits goes there. Rabbit says: “Hey, you grab hand.keep-me place (40) his two also cm-Q? So. Time this foc if-I hit-you with hand already (41) first if, you- will be-in-process-of falling ground-to." Rabbit hits tar with head (42) mpég. Tar falls cm—neg. Head sticks sits goes there. Rabbit says: (45) "SO. Today foc we-will meet-cm. You grab head keep-me already cm-neg-Q? If-I (44):kick-you with foot one then necessarily you-will fall." Rabbit bends foot one \z \I \/ -.. 67 TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS 45 ta' kid gfig. Kid was ne. Kéédo doo dégé mbaa hage. 46 Beam Oddo: "A'a ye maa m6 ma'an doo, m6 ma'an nag mo 47 ma'an yfifi. Kéé doo dégé 'neng mi mbaan kanno yo. An 48 sOg doo mii ye 'waapéd, an ta'an m6 sd'd pan téé, m6n 49 die wééne hage, m6 diin yfiba ne." Babaam dUU lfifi doo mh 50 zin ba kéé pee, té' kiddOle. Kid wa a ne. Babaam 51 sdey mbaa sie wOle m66 loeng ddengee. Tiido sfe 52 go'oye kadi, béa fOO mbaa wOle: medda na', meddé na', 55 mecca na', mecca na'. 54 Sey ta kUU n66...ka kUU n66 méé, he MbUU die 55 daalee. 56 MbUU ké dad méé, beewo: "Héy pea p55, 5m yaa o." 57 MbUU la ya. "M6 die laale tela?n OddO...MbUU addo: 58 "Mi dib laalé ka' zule." Od MbUU hennaa: "Péé, am (45) kicks the tar 5mg. It doesn't fall down. One foot re- mains on the ground. He says to it, "Now you've grabbed my foot, my hands,and my head. I've only got one foot left. If I kick you with that, you '11 fall down; you won 't stand up." He takes his (50) remaining foot and kicks the tar, but it doesn't fall down. He hangs there like a swinging vine. It becomes like a horse for him, and he rocks back 'n forth, back 'n forth, back 'n forth, back 'n forth. When he looks Up he sees H42 passing (55) by. While he's passing by, R calls to hlm, "Hey Uncle, Uncle, come!" He comes over. "Where are you going?" He tells him, "I' m going over that way." Here's what he tells H: "See here, Uncle, my BWIL' given me this horse. She told me I should guard RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5-125--5-125 (45) kicks tar gmg. Tar falls cm-neg. Remains-foruhim foot one sits ground-on. (46) Rabbit says-to-him: "Time this fee you grab-me foot, you grab-me hand, you (47) grab-me head. Remains foot one only I sit-together with-it cm. If-I (48) gather-Up foot my this all, if-I hit you already first if, you-will (49) be-in-process-of falling ground-on, you stand-not up cm-neg." Rabbit again lifts foot (50) re- maining that remains that, kicks tarbthere. Tar falls cm— neg. Rabbit (51) attached sits cm there as vine swinging-cm. Becomes-forbhim already (52) horse then, continues plays sits there: back-'n forth, back-'n forth, (55) back-'n forth, back-'n forth. (54) Time when Opens eye...when Opens eye when, sees Hyena is-in-process-of (55) passing-cm. (56) Hyena when passes when, calls-him: "Hey uncle uncle, you come cm.” (57) Hyena goes comes. "You are-in- process-of going where-cm-Q?" Says-to-him...Hyena says~ to-him: (58) "I am-in-process-of going side there-to." Says-to Hyena how-cm: "Uncle, you (59) see now! Motherbmy in-law they give-me horse foc this cm. They (say) I-must watch-for \J 69 TEXT A—-RABBIT STEALS 6O bi babe, nan t66 ba 65 v6 ham kin liw yele. V6 6 61 an ya tdd bi bab mbaa yele, vo pdn go'oy. Mi di‘e wby 62 déélé ye no. V6 1aan nan yddlé die lige. V6 zfing 65 was, kan wu' 'wa, kan wu' zéé. VO 1aan nan yddlé 64 die kaale. To, am hii bi 1a nan ya 0 sd'd pén ten- 65 néa, 5m ya m6 féé go'oy mii ye déé mbaa. Mi ké dug, 66 mi la bee vb oo ydd nan ya pan ba ya vangna. Ba la 67 téé, m6n daa nyaa." Mbfifi 5ddo: "T6, p55, mi hii 6." 68 Naa vi gaa mbUU k6 déem weani. 69 Ka ki neng kan wu' zeé kan wu' 'wég émméé, hen 7O pad hii woo 0, mad WOO men. Z66 d§"o. Ka Babaam 71 t5'5 255 kiddé, daa fee and mbaa doggdle. Babaam he 72 dug is yog66666, 1d nya ag vddle. 75 Ka nya maa vo la méé, bee v6: "Na'a v6, na'a v6, 74 ya naa...naa mi ma' sis liw baa vi péé éé? Liw maé (60) her field; somebody's digging up and stealing her wild peanuts. She told me to stay here and guard her field, and she gave me a horse. I'm mounted on it here. She went to fix me food at the house. She's chopping bones, and dried meat, and fresh meat. She went to fix me food in the village. So if you want to eat this food, (65) come take my horse here and mount up. I'll run and tell her to fix the food and bring it to us fast. When we've eaten you can pass on by." H says to him, "Ck, Uncle, I want to." Now you know that H is terribly gluttonous, don't you? When he hears bones, fresh meat and dried meat too, he (70) wants it all, all for himself. He's very very happy. After unsticking R from the tar, he mounts Up and sits there. R runs lickity split and arrives at his MIL's house. When he finds her, he calls to her, "Mother, mother! Haven't I caught our thief now? Today I've caught the thief 7O RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5-125--5-127 (60) them field, person some that digs them peanut wild robbery here. They say (61) that-I come watch-for them field sit here, they give-me horse. I am-in-process-of it-cm (62) mounting here cm. They go-for-me dough working are-there house-in. They break (65) bones, and meat dry, and meat fresh. They go-for-me dough working (64) are- there village-in. So, if-you want you eat dough this cm already first if, (65) you come you accept horse my this mount sit. I dig race,(66) I go call them that-they work dough come carry-to us-two come fast. We-two eat (67) when, you-will pass pass-by." Hyena says-to-him: "Yes, uncle, I want cm." (68) Q-neg you know Hyena does gluttony much. . (69) When hears bone and meat fresh and meat dry too- when, thing (70) all wants his cm, only his only. Heart is-clean-cm. When Rabbit (71) detaches goes-down tar-from, passes receives mounts sits goes-Up—there. Rabbit digs (72) race like thaaat, goes arrives relative them-to. (75) When arrives finds them goes when, calls them: "Mother p1, mother pl, (74) comes neghQ...neg-Q I catch already robber our our that cm-Q? Robber foc l .l 71 TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS w 75 a baa as vi 65m kin, sey 'waapéd ké die vi 55m kin 76 77 peels." A5 fag to OddO: "Ginaa?" "E5, ginu. Mi m: 516 pee mi maawO sis boeoe o ma'ay mbaa die kid vii 78 maawé dOOle. I ya ba 155 vi 6. I 'bee hvoaoe... 79 hvdedeé." A5 fed vO 'bee hvdede kan waa vO kéén nag 8O ne. 81 KOO die laale hinaale méé, Babaam Od vo: "To 82 kaa lea vi sO'O pén tOnéa, ka bi hii mooe sO'O pOn 85 téé, i fée moo wOO sa. Kaa nya vi 1O na', ba kgngo 84 vi, baa v6 gbOléé koed. Ké bi moo mooe sO'O pOn téé, I \ 85 i OddO: "Nyag...liw ka 9 nyagga?" Kango vi gbéléé." 86 V6 5m is yogo, v6 nya maa 1a. MbOU sdey mbaO dOOle. 87 that ha so'ey mbaa dOOle mas, is as vO ass nyoo 88 hvdede f6...wO vdedewé dagge kpég. MbUU sO'O pOn téé (75) that's been digging Up your wild peanuts, that's been digging Up your wild peanuts all the time; he s caught in your tar." MIL says to him, "Is that right?" "Yes, it's true. I've caught him; he's there. Come, let's go! Take sticks!" MIL and her children take sticks; (80) not a hand is empty. While they're on the way, R tells them, "Now then, when we get there, if he wants to talk, don't believe him. Once we get there, let's just begin hitting him. If he wants to speak, (85) tell him, 'Does a thief possess a mouth?‘ Let's begin beating him." They walk and arrive. H sits there hanging. While he's hanging‘there, MIL lifts up her stick and hits him on the head kpag. When H sees this, he says, "No, mother, you're hitting me without reason. Let me 72 I RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5—127--5-l28 (75) that continues digs you peanut wild, time all that is- in-process-of you peanut wild (76) digging that I find-him already today cm caught sits is-there tar your (77) that-in." Mother in-law they say-to-him: "TrueAQ?" "Yes, true. I (78) find-him is-there. You come let-us go us cm. You take stick...(79) stick-cm." Mother in-law they take stick and child pl lacks-not hand (80) cm-neg. (81) When-they are-in-process-of going road-in when, Rabbit says-to them: "Now-then (82) when-we go we already first when, if he wants word-cm already first (85) if, you accept word his cm-neg. When-we arrive we go like-that, let-us begin-him (84) us, us us hitting only. If he (wants to) speak word—cm already first if, (85) you say-to- him: "Mouth...robber that possesses mouth-cm-Q?" (Let-us) begin us hitting-cm." (86) They walk like that, they arrive go. Hyena attached sits is-there. (87) Hyena while attached sits is-there while, Mother in-law they pass lift (88) stick p1...she hits-him head-on 3235. Hyena already first when (89) says: "NO, mother pl, you hit-me being-nothing at-all-cm. You let me I \/ . If // rr .‘n l I ’ \rs 73 TEXT A--RAB2IT STEAIS .....- L 9O 5O doaoo mii pen." a, can: . . I ’ 91 Base" ké k1 re yogo maa, ndog k6 ban 0 moo wOO o. \ 1 . . J . a 92 had goo vidde ken hvoeoe 1e wOO, voeoe Abufi néé kpag. I .. < ,. ., . 95 Dead: "liw ka e nyagga a?! ho liwwe pOla? F0 b1 moo... . ‘ ,-~ ’ .I fit. “ 94 m6 b1 moo nenna?" tda vo 56g 818 kan aa fa a v6, v6 05 gbO 1% £3 hag, vb gbé MbUU vo nOO gbo ddd. V6 'be daa... ,- , \\ -. ‘ a 90 ’21: an. . .I‘ou A .1... ~- \ ‘v‘ \\ “ 97 cause: so koo woo waapad, moo kee b11 be a ga an was 98 wOOlO. A . I, ~ ‘ 99 Sey kOO nya la w Olé lige, kOO nyd la ag vOOlé og yfiba ne, bed bee hage, baa bee: (. I an nOO na," tUgUd, "nyaa boeoe ndOggO ( 104 m6 ya," tUgUd, "gbang bamsé ye keb mOO na," tOgOd, la in myself first." When R hears this, he' s afraid that H will tell his stng. He goes fast with his own stick and hits H like this kpag. R tells him, "Aren' t you a thief? that do you want to say?" Then they all together with MIL (95) hit H for a long time. They hit him and kill him. When H is dead, they give him to R. R removes the whole hide so his wife can carry her children in it. then they arrive home, when they arrive at‘ IL's house, (R O) R prepares the hide; he's tanning it. While he' s tanning the hide, he sings a certain song. He doesn't sing loudly, but 501 tly. He sings, "Ah, King of mockery, your tricks. ", he rubs, "Y ur tanning (onld) arrive today (if you had not been trio}. :y)," he rubs, "Ah, King of mockery, your tricks!", he rubs, 74 RABBIT STEALS-TEXT A 5-128--5-l50 (90) explain case my first." (91) Rabbit when hears like that when, fear does that- he-will say word his cm. (92) Passes leaves goes-out-goes with stick the-one his, hits Hyena like-that kpég. (95) Says-to-him: "Robber that possesses mouth-cm-Q? You robber-cm are-not-Q? You you speak...(94) you you speak how-cm-Q?" Then they come-together already with Mother in- law, they (95) hit Hyena long-time, they hit Hyena, they kill throw pass. They take pass... (96) Hyena...Hyena when dies already when, they carry give Rabbit. (97) Rabbit removes skin his all, for wife his that she carry-together child (98) it-in. (99) Time when-they arrive go him-to house-to, when- they arrive go relative them-to (100) when, Rabbit prepares skin that, tans, is-in-process-of tanning. (101) When is-in-process-of skin that tanning when, continues sings song a—certain, sings... (102) sings song this makes-go-out-not goes-up loud cm-neg, continues sings softly, continues sings: (103) "chief mockery here trick your cm-negl," rubs, arrives today tanning (104) you cmfi," rubs, "chief mockery here trick your cm-negl," rubs, \\ 75 TEXT A--RABBIT STZCALS 105 "nyaa boeoe nduggé m6 ya," tfigfid. 106 Kéé ké ki is yogo méé, 15 gbo vfidda, beewo: 107 "235 was ba'a, m6 bee yéé was én yéla?" Hiid kéé 108 deo: "Mi been yéé too né, bee yéé kaa nduggee na?" 109 Waato Bébaam 3 as be bin k6 kebbe...ba ka bin k6n 110 keb ne ad's pen téé, yee ba ka Von ndug bii boeoe is 111 yogo ya no. Kan kéb Babaam was sded sd'é. 1g vb 112 gbon noono ne. Kan kon kéb ne téé, ka Von gb6 we 5 115 yo noo ya aéé 55m kin nyéle. Moo 355 deg ai”a? (105) "Your tanning (would) arrive today," he rubs. When his wife hears this, she suddenly appears and calls to him, "Father of many children, what song is this you're singing?" He answers his wife, "I'm not singing any par- ticular song; I'm singing a tanning song, aren't I?" Thus R says that if he had (110) not been tricky, they would be tanning him today like that. By his trick he saves himself. MIL doesn't kill him. If he had not been tricky, they would have hit and killed him among the wild peanuts. Is the story ended? That's it. 76 RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5-130 (105) "arrives today tanning you cmi," rubs. (106) Wife when hears like that when, goes leaves goes-out-goes, calls him: (107) “Many child father, you sing song his what there-cm-Q?" Answers—to wife (108) says- to-her: "I sing-not song some cm-neg, sing song skin tan- ning-cm cm-neg-Q?" (109) So Rabbit says self that he-past does trick-cm... that if he-past does-not (110) trick cm-neg already first if, then that would they-would tan hi2 today like (111) that would cm. With trick Rabbit he::;;:hself already. Relative they (112) hit-not kill-not-him cm-neg. If-he-would do- not trick cm-nag if, would they-would hit him (113) cm kill place root peanut wild that-at. Story that passes ends-cm— Q? (114) It-at there. \I 77 TEXT B--TWO ADULTERERS kéé wdo lige. Wayéé v6 00 Baa ye 1a ga aélé, 8b iddu, vo laawo nyag saa. Sey is too ka 1a améé, daga too gaa ne. Ie ye doeng bdede ting, la ala mas wakéé, vo die moo mbalé lige. Koo mba moo héé méé, wdede vé' die yaalé hinaale. Sey wdede ka yaa 83'6 méé, vé' nyag niime: "Tee tee." K35 ké ki is yogo mag, doo kégé, lfifi vangna, gang \omxammswmw wayéé...gang wayéé pee 1a pag doeg gb33 t661é. K6 c gbég daga wéé wole. weeds d6 maga Z55 v6 mbaa hga. ...: 0 Say ting méé, wayéé is too duu 15 yaa W65, gaan F4 I4 n) +4 nennéa: woeoe ba yaa so'o méa, gaa ne. Sey ka nya ya né' méé, do 255 lig ting. Ké do 253 méé, mas wakes vo l-' \N 14 kan woeoe mbaa yo. Wakéé vo kan dabar v6, waato k6 A certain man goes on a trip; he leaves his wife at home. Two men go to her with seductive words. When the first one goes, the other doesn' t know. The one goes first and finds the wife; they sit talking (5) in the house. While they're talking a long time, the husband is re- turning on the road. When he arrives, he calls out a greet- ing at the door: "Tee tee." When his wife hears that, she' s afraid; she gets up fast, takes the man, puts him in a cer- tain large clay pot, and (10) puts the cover on it. The husband enters, finds her and they talk a long time. Later the other man comes too, and what doesn't he know? He doesn' t know at all that the husband has already come. When he arrives, he enters the house. When he enters, he finds the wife and the husband sitting there. The wife has her tricks (Ful), or does her 78 TEXT B TWO ADULTERERS 5-135--3-154 (1) Man this goes trip-on, leaves wife his home-at. Man pl (2) two, they go-to-her mouth youth. (3) Time the one when goes when, neighbor other knows cm-neg. The-one this (4) begins goes-before ahead, goes goes finds woman, they are-in—process—of word talking (5) house-in. (6) When-they talk word long-time when, husband returns is-in-process-of coming road-in. (7) Time husband when comes already when, greets mouth door-at: "Knock knock." (8) Wife when hears like that when, fear does-her, rises fast, takes (9) man...takes man that goes puts pot big a- certain-in. Does (10) pct one covers there. Husband enters finds-her goes-down, they sit long-time. (11) Time after when, man the other follows goes comes himself, knows-not (l2) what-cm; Husband that comes already emph, knows cm-neg. Time when arrives comes (13) like-that when, enters goes—down house in. When enters goes-down when, finds wife (14) pl and husband sits there. Wife p1 with trick pl, or does \/ 79 TEXT B--TWO ADULTERERS 15 kébbe, ké hé wayéé ka do 253 na' méé, héé vigi vangna: 16 "M6 yaa gbég pee ganaa?" Wayéé baa pee hii: "he, mi 17 yea wo yo gene." 18 Pig woolé méé, 5d woeoe: "Baa ye vi, baa ye vi, 19 i 15 p5' gbég 3d baa yé yfiba. Ba 'bé'an gbég hii bi 20 15 t55n daa wole." Aséé wayéé is too ud mbaa die 21 ddegge ting woole. Is wdede aga lfifi dogo, gang gbég 22 pee, kan béé re t66 pee ting woole am, gang ha'ad baa 23 ie nye yulé, gang vfid em 15 hinaale. 24 Ké die laalé maé, daga too ie be mbaa doeg ting 25 pee, beewo: "Dan gboo, dén gboo, useni mi dem nagge, 26 kém 13 nya téé, 5m pid 35535, moo mi mbaa die ting 27 woole." 28 Daga gboo ka ki is yogo méé, 255 nyéé k6g6, 5: 29 "Yes n66 m6 mbaa ddeg ting yelo? Min 0 gb5!" Daga ie (15) trick (Duru). When she sees the man enter like that, she asks him quickly, "Have you come to take away the clay pot?" The adulterer answers, "Yes, I've come to take it." After that, she tells her husband, "Sir, sir, go put the clay pot up on this man's head. He asked me for a pct (20) to pour wine into." Well now, the other man is sitting inside the pot. The husband himself gets up and lifts the pot, with the adulterer in it too, and puts it on the head of this adulterer, who carries it out and walks in the road. While he's walking, his neighbor who's in the pct (25) calls to him, "Friend, friend, please, I beg‘you, when gou've arrived, put the pot down very gently saaaa because m in it." When his friend hears that, he becomes angry and says, "who are you in this pot? I'll throw it down and break it to pieces!" His neighbor 80 TWO ADULTERERS--TEXT B 3-154-—3-156 (15) trick-cm, when sees man who enters goes-down like—that when, fast asks-him fast: (16) "You come pot that to- carry-cm-Q?" Man adulterer that answers: "Yes, I (17) come it cm to-carry." (18) After it-at when, says-to husband: "Father here you, father here you, (19) You go lift pot put-on man this up. Past asks-me pot wants he (20) goes pour-together wine there." Now man the other reclines sits is-there (21) pot- in in it-in. The-one husband45 himself rises goes-Up, carb ries pct (22) that, with adulterer the other that in it-in also, carries puts-on adulterer (25) the-one there head-on, carries goes-out walks goes road-in. (24) When is-in-process-of going when, neighbor other the-one who sits pot in (25) that, calls-him: "Neighbor-my friend, neighbor-my friend, please I clap-you hand-cm, (26) when-you go arrive when, you put-down gently, because I sit am-here in (27) it-in." (28) Neighborbhis friend when hears like that when, heart red does-him, says: (29) "Q who you sit pot in here- cm-Q? I-will break leave!" Neighbor the #3 The informant misspoke.here. "The-one wife herself" - husband. "" 81 TEXT B—-TWO ADULTERERS 30 too pee déng nag Eddo: "Ba' mii baa, mi dem nagge, 31 5m 0 ea 10. Min k6 nénné? Em pin s33." Oddo: "Min 32 o gbo, mii o kded, m6n die téé, kém mbaa moo doeg ye 33 ting woolela?" Dénno sis nag wole is nyogo. 34 Sey ké nya 15 méé, baa pee pid doeg pee $3533 3 35 253 hage. Daga t66 pee vfid dogd doeg ting had dii 36 mbaa...dii yd. V6 kéé doeg gang gbo 233 wole, ya v66 37 iddu am, v6 daa hie'ien, v6 k5 15, n6nna daa ka la 38 liggoole, n6nna age 1a lig is woole. 'Wéé so'o. (30) pleads with him, "Father sir, I‘beg you, don't break it. What'll I do? Put me down gently saaaa." He tells him, "I'll throw it down myself, really, and break it to pieces. Where were you, that you’re inside this clay pot?" That's the way he pleads with him. When he arrivesz‘the man puts the pot down (35) on the ground very gently saaaa. The other neighbor gets out of the pot, sweat stream1ng down. They carry the pot and leave it there, both of them. They separate and go their ways, the first going to his house, the other going to his own house. It's finished. 82 TWO ADULTERERS-TEXT B 3-136--3-157 (30) other that claps hand says-to-him: "Father my sir, I clap-you hand-cm, (31) you break not cm. I-will do howbcm- Q? You put-down-me gently." Says-to-him: "I-will (32) break leave myself cm really, you-past are-there where, that-you sit yourself pot this (53) in it-in-cm-Q?” Claps— him already hand there like that. i (34) Time when arrives goes when, man that puts-down pot that geeeently puts (55) goes-down ground-on. Neighbor other that gets-out goes-up pot in sweat stands-out (36) sits ...stands-out there. They leave pot carry leave go-down there, place them (37) two also, they pass separate, they take-road go, one passes takes-road goes (38) house-his-to, other passes goes house the-one him-to. Finishes already. \\ h/ 85 TEXT C--LION Baa t66 diele. Sey 'waapéd b55 155 kdedele h6g9. Zéga 1e t66 ye méé, la.k6%d%lé kodde. Em héé, h3n pag vb ne. Sey ka yaa méé, ya m55 pag die lélé, gbaga pag pee. Koeoe die pag daga pee gbagane am. Sey baa pee ké hg Koeoe méé, yog mbaa hage. Koeoe gbaga pdg héé hag h55 h$3.h§§. \ \ Sey ké m55 pag bde' méé, Koeoe lfifi dog 'be mbigi \OCDilmm-PWNH wdo, gbo péggOle. Gbo peg sod, mbigi nyaa héé 555 pe I 15 ya t661e. Pég d55 1&6 hennaa was dag. Baa y5 ha 5.: O I ya mbigi ka pe 'waapad, améé Koeoe h3n ne. Koeoe ya [—1 l--' ~ ~ ’ $66, 356 d55 hen, 355 d55 hen, s56 mbigi hon ne. ...: N a Tdegde n66 la' yfiba, hon ne. H \N \ 14 Say k5 die d55 hén SOOlé méé, kfifi n66 méé h5 ta' There's a certain man who goes hunting in the bush all the time. One day he goes hunting in the forest. He walks a long time but doesn't see an animal. When he comes to a certain place, he sees an animal eating and stalks (5) it. I is stalking this same animal too. When this man sees L, he hides at n e on . L stalks the animal a very long time hi: Egg 2&2 gig gig. When he finds the animal is close, L jumps up and throws his hammer at it. He throws at the animal but misses; the hammer passes on a long ways and falls (10) someplace. The animal leaves his eating at a run. This man sees clearly the place where the hammer falls, but L doesn't. L searches and searches for his hammer, but he can't find it. He looks in the trees but he can't see it. While he's searching around for this thing, he spies 44 L - Lion 84 TEXT C LION 5-137--5-139 (1) Man a-certain is-there-cm. Time all man goes hunting bush-in. (2) Day the other this past, goes hunting forest-in. Walks long-time, sees-not (3) animal p1 cm-neg. (4) Time when goes when, comes finds animal is-in- process-of eating, stalks animal (5) that. Lion is-in- process-of animal one that stalking too. (6) Time man that when sees Lion when, hides sits ground-on. (7) Lion stalks animal long-time long-time long-time long-time. (8) Time when finds animal close when, Lion leaves goes-Up takes hammer (9) his, throws animal-there. Throws animal misses, hammer passes a-long-ways passes falls (10) goes place some-in. Animal passes leaves thing-small his race. Man this sees (11) place hammer where falls all, but Lion sees-not cm-neg. Lion comes (12) searches, searches passes thing, searches passes thing, searches- for hammer sees-not cm-neg. (13) Looks eyes tree up, sees-not cm-neg. (14) Time when is—in-process-of passes thing searching- for when, cpens eye when sees shooter 85 TEXT C--LION 15 kpaa pee yég mbaa die hage. Od ta' kpaa: "Dan gboo, 16 mi k6n m6 saga ne. To am ha ya hen mii ye ka...ya l7 mbigi mii ye ka pé, to am ha yaga o téé, mi hii am 18 tfi'uno. Mi noon m6 né 5m. Min kén m6 hen t66 né, l9 ban mbaa dég gboo sey 'waapéd." Ama baa pee doo k6g6 20 w55ni sey ké ki Koeoe ka 6ddo moo méé. 21 K66 £5 yogo si', Koeoe dénno nag, to be a h3 ya 22 mbigi bii s6'6 pen téé, be a tfi'ud bi 0. Ta' kpaa pee 23 lfifi, émma, Emma, émma, la nya ya mbigi be p5 peele, 5d 24 Koeoe mbigi w66 be we ye n6. Kadi Koeoe vb k6n sis 25 dég gboo kan nanén pee wole. Koeoe 8dd6: "1'5 ye 26 méé ba k6n sis dag gboo o. Koem sien geen m6 né. 1m 27 v3' laa méolé lige. Sey kén...kém ki kan kang h6d 28 ting téé, m6 yaa, ménna nfing koemmo. Min ma' pag, min 29 em." Baa pee ka daa vg' ka 15 woolé lige, 15 mbaa. (15) this archer hiding flat on the ground. He says to the archer, "Friend, I'm not practicing magic on you. If you see where my thing...where my hammer fell, if you see its whereabouts, I want you to show me. I won't kill you either. I won't do anything to you; we'll be friends forever." But the man is terrified (20) when he hears L speak to him. Nevertheless L pleads with him that if he sees the location of his hammer, he should show him. The archer rises and walks quite a ways; he arrives where the hammer fell and tells L that his hammer is there. Thus L makes (25) friends with this man. He tells him, "Now we are friends. You'll never lack meat. Go home. When you hear me roaring in the grass, come and you'll find meat. I'll kill an animal and save it for you." The man returns home and waits. 86 LION—TEXT o 3-159u5-140 (15) bow that hides sits is-there ground-on. Says-to shooter bow: "Neighbor-my friend, (16) I do-not-to you marvel cm-neg. So if-you see thing my this which...place (17) hammer my this where falls, so if-you see place-his doubt if, I want you (18) show-me-cm. I kill-not you cm- neg also. I-will do-not you thing other cm-neg, (19) we- will sit neighbor friend time all." But man that fear does-him (20) very-much time when hears Lion when says-to- him word when. (21) Although like that although, Lion claps-for-him hand, if that he sees place (22) hammer his already first if, that he show him cm. Shooter bow that (23) leaves walks-goes, walks-goes, walks-goes, goes arrives place hammer where falls that-in, says-to (24) Lion hammer his that it there cm. Thus Lion they do-together already (25) neighbor friend and man that there. Lion says-to- him: "Time this (26) fee we do-together already neighbor friend cm. Meat it-will lack-not-for you cm-neg. You (27) return go you-to house-to. Time when-I...when-you hear that-I roar grass (28) in when, you come, you-will- come find meat-cm. I-will catch animal, I—will (29) guard- for-you." Man that time-past passes returns takes-road goes him-to house-to, goes sits. \x 87 TEXT C--LION 3O Z5g5 £5 téé y5 m55, Koeoe ya gbo zee. 31 Koeoe k5 gbo zee 55'3 m55, lfifi 5m yaa ya dii nyag 32 babbe, zoe': "Iiy5, iiy5." 33 Sey daga gboo pee k5 ki £5 yogo m55, 5d k55 vb: 34 "Kpob v6 y5 die nyag babe, mi 155 v6 n5nee." L66 d6 35 15 h5ge, la m55 Koeoe. Koeoe p5ng5 tfi'udo kan zee 36 ba ma' 5ddo pee. Daga gboo so pég pee 'waapéd gang 37 y55n lige. Baa k6 sie hén ny5 £5 yogo h55, h55, h55 38 h55 sey 'waapéd baa dieddo pég ma"ee. Baa ma' pag 59 pégé w55 £5 yogo, vb b55 15 mb55 kan k55 vb lige. 4O Z5g5 £5 t66 y5 m55, ya k6 d55, k6 d55 65515 na'a 41 woolé lige. Bee daga d5ng vo, b5 35 ya 20 d56, bi zon 42 d55 d5nge. 43 Sey k5 k6 ddd 'w55 sé'é m55, v5' 155 the 15 6d 44 Koeoe, Eddo n5nnéé: "Dén gboo, mi k6 hén 1515, mi (30) One day L kills a buffalo. After he kills it, he rises and walks to the edge of the field and roars, "Ii 5, 1115." When his friend hears that, he tells his wives, "Baboons are at the edge of the field; I 11 go chase them away." He enters (35) the bush and finds L. L takes him and shows him the buffalo he's killed and saved for him. His friend skins out the whole animal and carries it home. He does this thing habitually over a very long period of time; he kills him animals all the time. He kills an animal and gives it to him like that. The man and his wives eat it at home. . (40) One day the man makes wine, a large quantity of wine, at his home. He invites his circumc1sion friends to come drink wine, to drink circumcision wine together. When he's finished making the wine, he goes back into the bush and speaks to L. What does he tell him? "Friend, I'm having a feast;I want 88 LION--TEXT C 5-140--3-142 (30) Day the other this foc, Lion goes throws buffalo. (31) Lion when throws buffalo already when, leaves walks comes comes stands edge (32) field-in, roars: "Iiya, iiya." (33) Time neighbor friend that when hears like that when, says-to wife pl: (34) "Baboon they come are-there edge field-in, I go them chasing." Leaves enters (35) goes bush-in, goes finds Lion. Lion carries-comes shows-him and buffalo (36)-which catches guards-for-him that. Neighbor friend skins-out animal that all carries (37) brings house- to. Sits does already thing this like that long-time, long-time, long-time (38) long-time time all sits is—in- process-of-for-him animal catching-cm. Sits catches animal (39) gives-him him like that, they sit eat sit and wife p1 house-in. (40) Day the other this fee, comes makes wine, makes wine beingbmuch very (41) him-at house-at. Calls neighbor circumcision pl, that they come drink wine, they drink—to- gether (42) wine circumcision-cm. (43) Time when makes wine finishes already when, re- turns goes bush-in goes says-to (44) Lion, says-to-him how- cm: ”Neighbor-my friend, I do thing eating, I \\ xx 89 TEXT C--LION I 45 hii bi bee dan d5ng v6 66 yaa v6 sag v6 15 5m, vo 46 d5' 2555. Mi hii 5m yaa m6 l5 mb55 miilé." Koeoe 47 5ddo n5nn55: "15:5, dén gboo, £5 mii y5, mi mii hen 48 hggge. M6 hii 5n 155 5m, 5n 15 mb55 m661é kiilé mééla? 49 Sien doeng néé hén ny5 sien kéy méélé? Aa'5, mi 155 50 ne." Daga gboo tee no tee Eddo: "Kéy, 5m yaa 0, m6 51 155 5, min yagémo. Min vfin m6 f65 ne." Koeoe 5ddb: 52 "T66, ba 155 b5, améé 5m vfin f53 85'5 p5n téé, z5g5 53 nom m66 wé y5 no." v5 lfifi k5n Koeoe 5m, v6 ny5 ya, 54 ya 'b5 Koeoe 5 kapigim, l5 mbég véng55 sé' doolé na'a, 55 'b5 Koeoe p5g 5 tinggoole, 'b5 kuu véng sfi'. K55 d55 56 g5ng d5gg5 pégé wole, yéé nan p5ng d5gg5 p5 Koeoe wole. 57 Koeoe b55 die lélé, b55 die d55 zole. Hén lélé ka p5 58 daga d5ng v6 'waapéd , p5ng5 p5 Koeoe p5n. 5 m55, d55 kii sfé daga gboo (45) to invite my circumcision friends. We'll eat together and be happy. I want you to come be at my house." What does L tell him? "No, my friend, me I'm a wild animal. You want me to go, to be in your compound? How can this thing be done? No, I won't go." (50) His friend says to him, "No no! You come, I'll hide you. I won't expose you." L tells him, "0k, let 8 go then, but if you eXpose me, that'll be the day of your death." He and L arrive. He puts L behind the village, goes and prepares his granary, roofing it very well; (55) he puts L inside and closes the cover. He strains wine and gives it to him there; he prepares food and gives it to L there. L eats; he drinks wine. Whatever food he gives to his circumcision friends, he gives some to L first. After they drink wine all day long, the wine inebriates 9O LION-~TEXT C 5-142--3-143 (45) want I call neighbor-my circumcision pl that-they come, we meet, we eat too, we (46) make-clean heart-cm. I want you come you go sit me-at." Lion (47) says-to-him howbcm: "No, neighbor-my friend, the-one-who mg here, 1,; thing (48) wild-cm. You want that-I go also, that-I go sit you- at compound-at foc-cm-Q? (49) It-will begin how thing this it-will do-itself foc-cm-Q? No, I go (50) cm-neg. Neighbor friend focl____.____ says-to-him: "Oh! You come cm, you (51) go cm, I-will hide-you-cm. I-will eXpose-not you body cm-neg." Lion says-to-him: (52) "So, we go then, but if- you expose-me body already first if, day (53) death your it here cm." They leave with Lion too, they arrive come. (54) Comes takes Lion puts behind, goes prepares granary- his thatches being-good very, (55) takes Lion puts-in puts in-it-in, takes cover granary covers. Strains wine (56) car- ries goes-up-goes gives-him there, works dough carries geese up—goes gives Lion there. (57) Lion sits is-in-process—of eating, sits is-in-process-of wine drinking. Thing eating which gives (58) neighbor circumcision pl all which, carries- comes gives Lion first. (59) When-they drink already wine all-day-long when, wine makes-drunk already neighbor friend 91 TEXT C--LION 6O pee o. 61 D55 ka kiiwb m55, h55 d5g5 d5ng v6, 6d v6: "15 62 vii y5 vi vii nén som ll6g6d leena té', vi fan moo 63 k5n mi 5? 15 vii k6 hén ny5nnoo 5n viilé y51e 15? 64 Kii hii aa fan vi moo y5 s6'6 pén t66, 1 k6 hén néélé 65 vii m55, i tfi'un mi h5 o. Amé ie mii min tfi'ud vi hén 66 k5n dib kanno m55." Daga gboo v6 5dd6: "K5yy5, yee 67 hénnoo 5n p5n m6n die s15 kanno, m6n k6d v6 y51e p5n, 68 v6n nd5g m5515?" Daga gboo 5d v6: "E5 min k6d vi 5? 69 I fee 6 t66, min vfid hén t66 gb5d vi y51e, d66 sien k6 70 vi. Vin 166 dug 'waapéd. Nén t66 é kéé ne." V6 I 71 6ddo: "Hvéd m66, vo faa 0. 1m vud v6 hénno, v6 h5 72 p5n." D55 k5 m55w6 sis 5m m55, wo k5...k5 dug véngné, 75 15 g5ng 15' véng gb5 d5g véngé, déé d5g, kaa kuuvéng 74 gb5 l5 hage. Béé, Koeoe g5ng gb5 vud z55 sis tinggoole. (60) the friend. When he's drunk, he insults his circumcision friends and says, "You here, you're really terrible good-for-nothings; are you discussing affairs with me? What good thing do 192 do at your houses? If you want us to discuss affairs together, do something dramatic, (65) show me so I can see it. But me, I'll show you something that I have." His friends say to him, "Good grief, what do you have, that when you show it to us here, we'll be afraid?" Their friend tells them, "Oh, should I do it for you? If you doubt it, I'll bring out some- thing and give it to you here; fear will overcome (70) you and you'll all run away. Not a man will be left." They tell him, "It's a lie! We doubt it. Bring this thing out for us so we can see it." Since he has had enough wine, he runs fast and brings the ladder to the granary, climbs up and cpens the cover, throwing it to the ground. Suddenly L appears from within and jumps down. 92 LION-TEXT c 3—145-5—145 (60) that cm. (61) Wine when makes-drunk-him when, insults neighbor circumcision pl says-to them: "the-ones-who (62) 293 here you 123 man affair no-account being-free very, you discuss- together word (63) with me cm-Q? The-ones-who 122 do thing seed-his what you-at here-at cm-Q? (64) If-you want that we discuss-together we word this already first if, you do thing being-strong (65) your foc, you show-me I see cm. But the-one-who mg I-will show-to you thing (66) which-I am-there with-it which." Neighbor friend they say-to-him: "Now-really, Q (67) thing-his what first you—will be-there already with-it, you-will do-to us here first, (68) we-will be-afraid foc-cm-Q?" Neighbor friend says-to them: "Oh I-will do-to you cm-Q? (69) If-you doubt doubt if, I-will bring-out thing a leave-to you here, fear it-will do (70) you. You-will leave race all. Man other he-must lack cm-neg." They (71) say-to-him: "Lie your, we doubt cm. You bring-out-for us thing-cm, we see (72) first." Wine be- cause is-enough-for-him already also because, he digs... digs race fast, (75) goes carries wood granary leaves goes- up granary-at, climbs goes-up, cpens cover granary (74) leaves goes ground—to. Suddenly Lion carries leaves goes-out goes-down already in-it-from. 93 TEXT C--LION 75 Koeoe 5d d55 kuu, 5d d55 kuu, sé kuu dfing, dfing, n5ng 76 nén v6 h55. I \ 77 K5 h6 daga gboo k5 v5dd6 sis f56 6 m55, ka neng 78 nén v6 'w55 s6'6 m55, v5' yaa ya ma' daga gboo pee, 6 k5 79 ma"6, kp66w6 h55 kéé g5ng gb5go Z66 wole, d l 3.. 55 fi 80 15 h5d ting, noon6 nyagg55le ne. L5 mb55 h555 b5' 81 t66 ka nya d55 66616 na'a m55, daga gboo pee zén 'w55 82 5516. i ' i 83 Daga gboo ké zén s6'6 m55, Koeoe 155, 15 gbo 84 kéng, Koeoe k5 gbo kéng m55, gang Koeoe...gang kéng, 85 ya h5' 5 tét5"é, d55 d55 mb55, d55 zoe': "Iiy5, iiy5, 86 iiy5." 87 Daga gboo ké ki £5 nyogo m55, 5d k55 v6: "T5, 88 i baa h5n laan d5na! Mi yaa diele." 'B5 koedd55 kan 89 kp55 b5m ya kimagge, k5 dug f5 nyogo woeg, woeg, woeg, (75) He paws the dirt several times and throws Up dust dfing, dung; he chases the men a long time. When he sees that his friend has exposed him, after having chased the men, he returns and grabs his friend. He grabs him and drags him around in the dirt a long time, then leaves him there, going off (80) into the grass; he doesn't kill him on the spot. He waits a long time unt11 many days have passed, until his friend has completely forgotten the incident. After his friend has forgotten, L goes and kills a monkey. After killing the monkey, he carries it (85) and puts it on an anthill. He sits down and roars, "Ii a, ii 5, 111‘." When his friend hears this, he tells his wives, "Keep hoeing and wait for me: I'll be right back." He takes his quiver and bow, slings them over his shoulder and runs like this woe , woeg, woe , 94 LION-TEXT C 5-145-.4-1 (75) Lion paws passes dust, paws passes dust, raises dust dung,gggg, (76) chases man p1 long-time. (77) When sees neighbor friend that exposes already body cm when, when chases (78) man pl finishes already when, returns comes comes grabs neighbor friend that, (79) grabs-him, rubs-him long-time leaves carries leaves- him goes-down there, passes leaves takes-road (80) goes grass in, kills-not-him mouth-it-at cm-neg. Goes sits looooong-time day (81) other when arrives passes being- many very when, neighbor friend that forgets finishes (82) already. (83) Neighbor friend when forgets already when, Lion goes, goes throws (84) monkey, Lion when throws monkey when, carries Lion...carries monkey, (85) comes places puts ant- hill-on, passes climbs sits, passes roars: 'Iiya, iiya, (86) iiya." (87) Neighbor friend when hears like that when, says- to wife pl: "So, (88) you hoe thing wait-forbme then! I come am-there-cm." Takes quiver-his and (89) bow slings-on- shoulder place armpit-under, digs race like that woe , woe , :EEEEa 95 TEXT C--LION 90 woeg, woeg woeg k5 dug h55 h5d dii yo. 91 L55 l5 m55,...ka 155 m55, gang n66 s5 15 kénge. 92 H5n p6g né, nd5 doo dii d55. Koeoe 6dd6: "1m gang sie 93 p6ggo y5 no!" L55 ne. Koeoe 5dd6 n5nnéé: "Dén gboo, 94 k5 bén mi 6m n5n méé na? Mi 6m: "Mi 155 ne, m6nna 95 v6n f56e." M6 6: -"Aé'a, 5m 155 0, min vfin m6 f56 96 ne." M6 been, m6 'mé5na w6le, m6 p5ng, m6 15 vfin f55 97 gb5 s6'6. Ie m66 m55, z5g5 boeoe m55, si'id m66 w6 y5 98 no. M6 h5 m66 hoeoe.z5g5 gb5lee. Amé m6n h5n-s5g5 99 délé n6." Koeoe 6dd6: "5m 'b5 kéng nyé, m6 maa, m6 100 soeng 'waapéd. Piggoo téé, min noom." Daga gboo... 101 daga gboo pee sa kp55 dii mb55, 5n moo t66 ne, d66 102 k6go s6'6. Koeoe 166 ya, mm5"6, g5ng gbo hage, 103 noow6 36'6. Koeoe d55 v5', k5 l5 hén waa woo h6d (90) woe , woeg woe ; he runs until the sweat pours down. As he runs He spies the monkey. He doesn't see an an- imal, so he sets his foot and stops still. L tells him, "Carry off your animal there!" He doesn't move. What does L tell him? "My friend, a while back what did I tell you? I said, 'I won't go, you'll 65) expose me.‘ You said, 'No, go, I won't expose you.‘ You called me; you pressured me into going there; you took me; you exposed me. As for you, today is your last. You saw the sunrise, but you won't see the sunset." L tells him, "Take the monkey, roast it, (100) and eat it all. After that I'll kill you." His friend sets his bow on the ground and stands there, saying nothing. He's afraid. L gets up, grabs him, throws him to the ground and kills him. L takes a path and returns to his affairs in the grass. 96 LION-TEXT C 4—1--4-2 (90) woe , woeg woeg digs race long-time sweat stands there. (91) Goes goes when,...when goes when, carries eye sees goes monkey-cm. (92) Sees-not animal cm-neg, braces foot stands A passes. Lion says-to-him: "You carry already (93) animal- cm this cm!" Goes cm-neg. Lion says-to-him how-cm: "Neighbor-my friend, (94) time-past yesterday I tell-you how foc cm-neg-Q? I tell-you: 'I go cm-neg, you-will-go (95) expose-me body-cm.' You say, 'No, you go cm, I-will expose-not you body (96) cm-neg.‘ You call-me, you pressure- me-go there, you carry, you go eXpose-me body (97) leave al- ready. The-one-who 123 foc, day today foc, end your it here (98) cm. You see 122 today sun leaving-cm. But you-will see-not sun (99) entering cm-neg." Lion says-to-him: "You take monkey this, you roast, you (100) crunch all. After- it then, I-will kill-you." Neighbor friend... (101) neigh- bor friend that sets-end-on-ground bow stands sits, says- not word a cm-neg, fear (102) does-him already. Lion rises comes, grabs-him, carries leaves ground-on, (103) kills- him already. Lion passes returns, takes-road goes thing small his grass (104) in. 97 TEXT D--RABBIT AND PIGEON Babaam l5 koeoeie hod ting. Koeoe haaaaa. Hon hen I ~ \' noggaa aga am, ta a ne. Ow Os . K cos t66 n Sey k5 die ya v5"é m55, 'béé d5g n66 la' y6ba, h5 Gbokii b55 mb55 dib b5"e. K5 soo hinaa, k5 hii bi ma' Gbokii bi soeg6 m55, 5d d5g Gbokii be"e: "P55, m6 k6 5n nyéla?" Gbokii deo: "Mi b55 b5"e." Babéém dfifi addé: "Ba' k5m d5gga b55 la' y6ba ny5 nii, ya w55 d66 ne. Am5 mi \DCD'iICfiUl-P‘WNH hii bi 6m: 5m yaa, m6 ya p5d...m6 ya b55 b5' m66 haga I I ’ yéle. To 5m hii 6 s6'6 p5n téé, min mam ba...waa m66 H O 5 m6n 255 b55 w6le." Gbokii hii 6dd6: "T5 0‘ . T [...l H (D\ mb6gg mi II \\ h11 6, paa." Gbokii si 266, Babaam m5nn6 waa [.1 N mb6ggé 'waap5d, hage. Gbokii g5ng b5"55 Z66 5 mb55 p \N 14 w6le, b55 b5' pee. R45 goes hunting in the grass. He hunts a long time but sees nothing. He can't even shoot a small bird. 46 While he's returning, he glances up into a tree and sees P sitting on his eggs. (5) After looking for a way, for he wants to catch P and eat him, he says to P up in the air, "Uncle, what are you doing there?" P tells him, "I'm sitting on my eggs." R then says to him, "The place where you're sitting on your eggs up there in the tree isn't good. I tell you, come sit on your eggs on the ground (10) here. If you want, I'll help you build your nest. Then you can come down and sit here." P gets down and R helps him build his whole nest on the ground. P carries his eggs down and puts them there, then sits on them. , 45 R = Rabbit, P = Pigeon 46 Although Duru has no gender distinction in its pronouns, P is called "uncle" and must therefore be male. 98 TEXT D RABBIT AND PIGEON 4.5--4.5 (1) Rabbit goes hunting grass in. Hunts long-time. Sees-not thing (2) some cm-neg. Even bird-small self also, shoots-not cm-neg. (3) Time when is-in-process-of comes returning when, lifts goes-up eye tree on, (4) sees Pigeon sits sits is- there egg-on. (5) When searches road, because wants he grabs Pigeon he crunches-him because, (6) says-to goes-up Pigeon sky-in: "Uncle, you do what there-cm-Q?" Pigeon (7) says-to-him: "I sit-on egg-cm." Rabbit follows says-to-him: "Egg which- you (8) go-up-go sit-on tree up there which, place his is- good cm-neg. But I (9) want I say-to-you: you come, you come lay...you come sit-on egg your ground-on (10) here. If if-you want doubt already first if, I-will help-you that ...nest your (11) preparing. Then you-will come-down sit there." Pigeon answers says-to-him: "Yes (12) I want cm, uncle." Pigeon gets-down goes-down, Rabbit helps-him nest (13) preparing all, ground-on. Pigeon carries egg-his goes- down puts place (14) there, sits-on egg that. 99 TEXT D--RABBIT AND PIGEON 15 Sey k5 b55 b5' mb55 w61e m55, B5b55m d55 355 v5' 16 155 sfe lige o. Gbokii gaa 'waap5d, B5b55m ba 366 bi 17 866155. 18 Sey B5b55m k5 155 56'6 m55, Gbokii d55 v5' g5ng 19 b5"55 d5gg5 5 was see w55 peele. Daa d5gg5 bfifi mb55 2O w6le. 21 Sey vid k5 55' m55, B5b55m 155 w5515 ligge. L5 22 g5ng b55 n66 tdeded gb65 he's 15 yogo, 155 v5' ya moo 23 Gbokii ma"e. Em i5 yog66666 24 Sey k5 nya ya Gbokii k5 p5d b5'...b56 b5"e pee I n66, toegoe d55 n66, I 25 m55, tdegoe d55 n66, toegoe d5 3 ml 26 hon Gbokii ne. Sey w55 m55 vid s5' s6'6, h5n n66 27 d6615 na'a ne. Tdeg d55 n6', tdeg d55 n66. 28 K5 h5n ya Gbokii w55 pee ne m55, 5: "'fi, 15 y5 29 m55, min k5ng sib w55 k6155. Vid s5' s6'6 kan h5n (15) While he sits there on his eggs, R returns home. P knows well that R is tricking him with trickery. When R has gone, P carries his eggs back up and puts them in his old nest again. He climbs up and sits (20) there. When night has fallen, R goes to his house. He carries a very big basket, large-holed like this, and returns to catch P. He walks like thaaaat. When he arrives where P was sitting on his eggs, he looks all around (25) several times. He doesn't see P. Night has fallen, so he doesn't see very well. He looks and looks. Since he doesn't see where P is, he says, "Oh, well, this time I'll do it by chance. Night has fallen and I don't see very 100 RABBIT AND PIGEON--TEXT D 4-5--4-6 (15) Time when sits-on egg sits there when, Rabbit passes returns returns (16) goes already house-to cm. Pigeon knows all, Rabbit that tricks him (17) tricking-cm. (18) Time Rabbit when goes already when, Pigeon follows returns carries (19) egg-his goes-up-goes puts nest old his that-in. Climbs goes-up-goes sits sits (20) there. night (21) TimeAwhen darkens when, Rabbit goes his-to house- to. Goes (22) carries basket eye wide big very like that, goes returns comes for (23) Pigeon catching. Walks like thaaaaat. (24) Time when arrives place Pigeon where lays egg... sits egg-on that (25) when, looks passes eye, looks passes eye, looks passes eye, (26) sees-not Pigeon cm-neg. Time his foe night darkens already, sees-not eye (27) being- good very cn-neg. Looks passes eye, looks passes eye. (28) When sees-not place Pigeon his that cm-neg when, says: "Oh-well, the-one here (29) foc, I-will begin already it doing-cm. Night darkens already that-I see-not lOl TEXT D--RABBIT AND PIGEON 30 n66 n5 y5 no." B5b55m g5ng 655 n66 tdeded s6' y5le, 31 d55 l6u s6' y51e, d55 g5ng s6' y51e, d55 g5ng s6' y51e, 1 a . . 92 hon Gbokii ne. Aseé Gbokii d55 d5 ogg5 mb55 die w55 la' 33 y6ba, mb55 diegie h515. Gbokii mb55 diegie w55 h615 ni. - ”Ll. 3 34 Sey ka su' b55 haaaa ,k5 hon Gbokii ne m55, Gbokii .. “ , .. . LL .. 35 mb55 266 la"e, odd6...vig1: "Paa, m6 k6 en ny51a?" 36 Gbokii...B5b55m 5dd6: "E5', p55, mi naa zan5nne n55?" - ~~ ’ ~ 37 Gbokii odd6: "Lea mii, m6 naa zan5n s66 ba' mii155? qq -. I . ~ ~- g :8 V6 naa zan5n lig5 n55?" 1655, kad1, Babaam sem ..-‘ ,1 \ \\ II I I .. \\ .r 39 kogo Sle, gang Eaa noo toeoed pee d11 mbaan s1e nage 4O koengngng, ga an h5n t66 a k6n sie n5. D55 53 5 v5"61e, I 41 k5 l5 w551e lige. Daa si' d55 w5515 ny5. (2‘) well." R takes his large-holed basket and puts it down here, :cves ar.d puts it down there, then here, then there; he can't see P. New P has climbed up an .1 is sitting there in the tree lookizg at him. he' s looking at him all this time. After R has put the basket down over and over in different rlaces, but still can't see P, (35) P sits in the tree and asks hi:,nc1e,what are you doing th re?" R tells him, "Ch! Incl , I' a dancing tile circumcision dance, aren't I?" P tells hir, "Ky uncle, are you dancing the circumcision dance on :3 5553? They dance the circumcision dance at home, don't they? " Zhen R is ashazed; he holds his large-holed basket and st ands there with it in his hand (40) koen3n2ng. 39 doesn't know what he can do. He returns, takin gthe path to his house. The story is ended there. 102 RABBIT AND PIGEON--TEXT D 4-6—-4-8 (50) eye cm-neg here cm." Rabbit carries basket eye wide puts here, (51) passes leaves puts here, passes carries puts here, passes carries puts here, (52) sees-not Pigeon cm-neg. I-say Pigeon climbs goes-Up-goes sits is-there him tree (55) up, sits is-in-process-of-him seeing. Pigeon sits is- in-process-of-him seeing so. (54) Time when puts basket loooong-time, when sees-not Pigeon cm-neg when, Pigeon (35) sits goes-down tree-in, isays-to-him...asks-him: "Uncle, you do what there-Q?"' (36) Pigeon...Rabbit says-to-him: "Oh! Uncle, I dance circumcision-dance-cm cm-neg-Q?" (57) Pigeon says-to-him: "Uncle my, you dance circumcision-dance that egg my-on-Q? (38) They dance circumcision-dance home-at cm-neg-Q?" So, then, Rabbit shame (59) does-him already, carries basket eye wide that stands sits-together already hand-in (40) koengngng, knows-not thing other that-he does-not already cm—neg. Passes returns returns-there, (#1) takes-road goes his-to house-to. Thing ends passes it-at this. ‘,\ 103 TEXT E--HYENA AND DEATH Taye waa v5 m5' p5g 5 kan nom. V5 pa moo ya 'waa- I 3 I ' I . s r pad v5 0: "V0 noo p5g, vo 5 d1ele kan nomme. To nan II a; a; a h11 nommo téé, a ya 15, b5' taan6 tee v6n noowé." T’ I ’ ( hen waapad vb sen ne. Mbfifi k5 ki 15 y6g6 m55, ya dug taye waa véole, v1 v5: "Vi 5 n5nna? Moo k5 b5n kii pa y5 mi kin moo w55 doélé na'a ne. mi hii i d55 5n t66." V5 6dd6: "v6 ' ( 5‘ noo p5g e wb ny5 no k5n nomme. N5n a h11 nommo téé, \OCD'QO‘U‘I-F’KNNH 5 ya 15, b5' t55no téé, v6n noowé." Mbfifi m5' yfifi w55 mb55 h55, taa moo v5 kded kded w5515 Z5515. 5d v5: H 0 "T5, mi ki sd'é. Y6g6 téé mi yaa diele." Mbfifi la ny5 H H . a; 1- as L w55lé lige, zoo nd5nno ne k5n deem. D55 saa ve' wble ...: R) 155 taye waa V5515. Taye waa v5 vigi: "K6 n5nna?" l'-’ \N 14 6d v6: "K6n h5n t66 né. mi hii p6g 15155." vo 5dd6: The gods catch an animal and guard it with death. They announce everywhere: "We've killed an animal, and we're guarding it with death. If anyone wants death, let him come and eat. Three days later we'll kill him." All men refuse. (5) When H47 hears this, he runs to the gods and asks, "What did you say? Yesterday when you made your announce- ment I didn't hear it very well. I want you to tell me again." They tell him, "We've killed an animal and are guarding it here with death. If anyone wants death, let him come and eat. Three days later we'll kill him." H takes his head in his hands and (10) sits a long time; he thinks many thoughts in his heart. He tells them, "Ok, I want to. Tomorrow I'll come." He goes to his house, but his heart is restless with gluttony. He returns there, going to the gods. The gods ask him, "What are you doing?" He tells them, "Oh, nothing. I want to eat the animal." They tell him, 104 TEXT E HYENA AND DEATH 5-541 (1) God child they catch animal guard with death. They announce word place all (2) they say: "We kill animal, we guard is-there with death-cm. If man (3) if-he wants death- doubt if, let-him come eat, day three after we-will kill- him." (4) Man all they want-not cm-neg. (5) Hyena when hears like that when, comes race god child to them asks (6) them: "You say howa? Word time- past yesterday which-you announce here, I hearbnot word his (7) being-good very cm-neg. I want you follow tell-me other." They say-to-him: "We (8) kill animal guard it there cm with death-cm. Man if-he wants death-doubt if, (9) let-him come eat, day three after, we-willvkill-him." Hyena grabs head his (10) sits long-time, thinks word pl different different his-in heart-in. Says-to them: (11) "So, I hear already-cm. Tomorrow future I come am- there." Hyena goes arrives (12) his-at house-at, heart is- calm-not-forbhim cm-neg with gluttony. Follows returns returns there (13) goes god child them-to. God child they ask-him: "Do how-Q?" (l4) Says-to them: "Do-not thing some cm-neg. I want animal eating-cm." They say-to-him: .5.\J: 105 TEXT E--HYEZFA AND DEATH 15 "36g ks yela, am 16 sienna!" Z66 dé' Nbuu waani. Mbufi 16 déé mbaa yufi pégge, 1s pag h55, héé. Vi v6: "Yee téé 17 kaa 1a téé, ba zdn mam ns?" V6 6dd6: "V6 hé'an mam 18 zdle ne." Hbufi fii 15 zo mam, and ve' ya d66 mbaa yfifi l9 p6gge, lé héa, has, p6g kéé was né', dufi vi v6: "Yes 20 téé bs lasn bfifi né 3mmé?" V6 sass: "v6 hé'an bfifi 21 15515 né." Mbfifi 155 bfifi dud v6' ya mb55 yfifi p6ggé. fl 1a p6g 'w55 koentoeng. Taye was v6 oddo: "1m (1’ 22 Mb 23 155 m66lé ligé bo. Bé' iddu, taano was téé v6 laa 24 diele." Mbfifi d55 v3' 155 w661é lige kan 266 d§"e. 25 Mbuu 15 dd woole lige bé' iddu taano woo, ké gas 26 taye was be v6n yaa diele mas, 166 1a y6g h8g9. 27 Sey ks die y6ggé mas, taye was v6 h6g6 'waapéd. 28 vo vigi: "M6 hiln 66 n66n bi m66lé lige ne, m6 hii oo 29 noo bi sie yelaa?" (15) "The animal is here! Est then!" H is very happy. He climbs Up, sits on the animal, and eats for a long time. He asks them, "While one eats, can he drink water?" They tell him, "We don't forbid drinking of water." He goes and drinks, returns, climbs up, sits on the animal, and eats talk for a very long time. When there's only a little of the ani- mal left, he asks again, (20) "Can one go relieve himself too?" They tell him, "We don't forbid relieving oneself." He goes and relieves himself, returns and sits on the animal. He finishes eating the whole animal koentoeng. The gods tell him, "Go to your house, then. After two days, the third we'll be there." He returns to his house with a happy heart. (25) He stays home two days, and the third, when he knogs the gods will be there, he leaves and hides in the bus . While he's hiding, all the gods see him. They ask him, "You don't want us to kill you in your house; do you want us to kill you here then?" 106 HYENA AND DEATH-~TEXT E 5-54I—J (15) "Animal exclamation here-cm, you go then-cm!" Heart makes-clean Hyena much. Hyena (16) climbs sits on animal- on, eats animal long-time, long-time. Asks them: "Q then (17) when-one eats when, one drinks-not water cm-neg-Q?" They ssy-to-him: "We forbid-not water (18) drinking cm- neg." Hyena returns goes drinks water, follows returns comes mounts sits on (19) animal-on, eats long-time, long- time, animal remains little like-that, follows asks them: "Q (20) then one goes-not intestine cm-neg also-Q?" They say-to-him: "We forbid-not intestine (21) going cm-neg." Hyena goes intestine follows returns comes sits on animal- on. (22) Hyena oats animal finishes koentoeng. God child they say-to-him: "You (23) go your-to house-to then. Day two, three his future, we go (24) be-there-cm." Hyena passes returns goes his-to house-to with heart being-clean. (25) Hyena goes lies-down his-at house-at day two three his, when knows (26) god child that they-will come be-there when, leaves goes hides bush-in. (27) Time when is-in-process-of hiding when, god child they see-him all. (28) They ask-him: "You want-not that- we kill-not you yourbat house-at cm-neg, you want that-we (29) kill you already here-Q?" 107 TEXT E—-HYENA AND DEATH 50 Mbfifi ks ki ie yogo mas, lfifi dug, ke dfig hga, héé, 51 héé, 15 d6 y6g doeoe 31115. 52 Ha kaa n66 mas, h6 taye was v6 dii mbaa yo, v6 53 dfifi 6dd6: "1'5 ye maé m6 nUng sis beg 66 dommole mas 54 s6'6. 66 noom s6mmé?" 55 Mbfifi ks ki is y6g6 méa, daa gboy doeoe siile, k5 56 dug féé, féé, féé, had dii yo. Tdeg hoo gb55 t66 kaa 57 die kan neele mbaa ting woole koo h6n ba ne mééle. 58 D6 y6g mbaa wole. Taye was v6 dfifi 6dd6: "M6 hii oo . 59 noon bi ddede siile ne, m6 hii nom hob ting yela?" 4O Mbfifi ké dUU ki ie yogo mas, gboy dug hob ting dUU 41 ke dug hag, héa, hag, gagay wéé haga kim, tii na noo (30) When he hears this he leaves at a run, runs a long long time and hides in an anteater hole. When he looks Up, he sees the gods standing there. They tell him again, "Now you've found a grave where you'll be buried. Should we kill you then?" (55) When he hears this, he leaves the anteater hole, too, and runs a long long long time. His sweat streams down. He spies a certain large forest where a person can't be seen. He goes in and hides there. The gods tell him again, "You didn't want us to kill you in the anteater hole, do you want death in this forest?" (40) When he hears this again, he leaves the forest on the run; again he runs a very very long time. He's lifted Up, falls down heavily to the ground kim, flips head over heels, and dies there. ..— .s— ...L-- ”- - — -— wh<_—* _._._—_.—-_ l08 HYENA AND DEATH--TEXT E 5-54J-K (30) Hyena when hears like that when, leaves race, digs race long—time, long-time, (31) longbtime, goes enters hides hole anteater-in. (52) When opens eye when, sees god child they stand sit there, they (55) follow say-to-him: "Time this foc you find already grave which-they bury-you-there which (54) already- cm. Should-we kill-you then-Q?" (55) Hyena when hears like that when, follows leaves- himself hole anteater-in, digs (56) race long-time, long- time, long-time, sweat stands there. Looks forest big a- certain where-one (57) is-there and being-strong sits in it-in where-they see-not one cm-neg where-in. (58) Enters hides sits there. God child they follow say-to-him: "You want that-we (39) kill-not you hole anteaterbin cm-neg, you want death forest in this-in-Q?" (#0) Hyena when follows hears like that when, leaves- himself race forest in follows (41) digs race longbtime, long-time, long-time,carries—self falls ground-on kim, flips like-that dies (42) passes there. \l y. l S\ 109 EXT F——HUNTING 1 Koeoe, MbUU, zég kan Bieieg v6 155 h6g kdédélé. 2 Sey k66 nya ya 66d v66 s6'6 mas, k66 n6nna mb6g 3 ya fifidd66. , 4 Pig k66 mb6g ya fifid v66 'w55 56'6 mas, Mbfiu 6: 5 "Hén mii kan sén ne mas, wo moo vilee. Mi hii nan a 6 vin mi moo ne." Zég ass 6 w66: "Ie mii 6m, mi sén 7 nan a san mi nag was ne sam." Koeoe ass 6 W66: "Mi 6m 8 mi sén nan a sa k66 gb6n mi né." Bieieg d55 vfid ya 6: 9 "Hén kan man mii mas, w6 hén 'né"e, nan a 'né'an t66, lO v6n li’en 6m . " ll Sey vid ks sa' s6'6 mas, Mbuu d6 ls h6ge gang néng 12 mbaa soeng ya fifid woole, bad bad bad bad. 15 Sey Zég ks ki hén sdene Mbfifi w66 méa, lfifi d6g yUba l4 6: "Ké' ké', boeoe ban noe vi ya yélee?" Lion, Hyena, Panther, and Snake48 go hunting. When they arrive at their sleeping place, each prepares his bed. When they've finished preparing their beds, H says, (5) "The thing I don't like is questions. I don't want any- one to question me." Pr says, "Me, I don't like anyone ever to point a finger at me." L says, "Me, I don't like anyone raising dust and throwing it on me." 8 comes out and says, "Me, the thin that I hate is stepping on things. If someone steps on me, %10) we'll not be in agreement." After nightfall H goes into the bush, carries out bones, and sits crunching on them in his bed ggg,ggg QQQ,E§Q. When Pr hears H's crunching, he stands up and says, "Hey you, will we sleep here today?" 48 hereafter L, H, Pr, and S respectively. 110 TEXT F HUNTING 4-9B (1) Lion, Hyena, Panther, and Snake they go bush 'hunting. (2) Time when-they arrive come place lying-down their already when, even who prepares (5) Place lying-down his. (4) After when-they prepare place lying-down their finish already when Hyena says: (5) "Thing my which-I like- not cm-neg which, it word asking-cm. I want man he (6) asks- not me word cm-neg." Panther passes says he: "The-one-who 2g also, I like-not (7) man he points-me arm small cm-neg at-all." Lion passes says he: "I also (8) I like-not man he raises dust throws-at-not me cm-neg." Snake passes comes-out comes says: (9) "Thing which-I hate ;,which, it thing stepping-on, man if-he steps-on-me if, (10) we-will destroy-each-other also." (11) Time night when darkens already when, Hyena enters goes bush-in carries bones (12) site crunches place lying- down his-in, §_a_c_1_ 6—an 1g 92g. (15) Time Panther when hears thing crunching Hyena his when, rises goes—Up Up (14) says: "Hey hey, today we-will sleep we place this-in-cm-Q?" . " f’. \ l/ , / p’ / xx \ I ‘ I f If ' \ \ r/ / / ‘ - ,I // ' 111 TEXT F--HUNTING 15 Sey Mbfifi ks ki Zég ka 6 re yogo mas, Mbfiu lfifi bee l6 Zég: "P66, p55! Min 6m n6n mé'lé? Naa mi 6m mi sén l7 moo vile ne na?" Z66 nyéé k6 Mbfifi, Mbufi 166 sad Zég 18 nag, Zég 6d Mbfifi: "P65, min 6m n6n méélé? Néé mi 6m \ 19 mi sen nag was sale ne na?" Z66 nyéé k6 Zég, Zég 166 20 m55 Mbfiu v6 k6 nyag h55, v6 155 15 sa kaa gb6d Koeoe. 21 Koeoe ks h6 1e yogo méé, gs lfifi d6g gfiba 6: "Moo 22 6n p6n kii k6 hén me yogola? Ba min 6d vi nén méélé? 25 Naa mi 6d vi nan a sa k66 gb6n sa na?" Koeoe k6 Z66 24 nyéé lfifi d6 nyagge. V6 86g ya v6 tésno 5m, vb k6 nyag 25 h66 h66 h66. V6 166 m55 Bieieg ya fifid woole, v6 'né"6. 26 Is Bieieg w66 m55, 6n moo t66 ne sam. Lfifi d6g gfibs 27 simna, bé' v6 d55 dole ya v6 tssno 6m, kpad kpad. 28 Mbfiu noo, ng noo, Koeoe noo. V6 noo ya v66 tséno 5m 29 'waapéd. Bieieg 'bé kpaa w66 kan koed w66 6g, daa fii 50 ka 1a kaale. (15) When H hears Pr speak, he gets Up and says to Pr, "Uncle, uncle! What did I tell you? Didn't I say I didn't like questions?" H is angry and points his finger at Pr. Pr tells him, "Uncle, what did I tell you! Didn't I say I didn't like finger pointing?" Pr is angry; Pr (20) flies at H and they fight a long time; they raise dust and throw it on L. When I sees this, he jumps up and says, "Why do you do a thing like that? What did I tell you? Didn't I tel you that no one should raise dust and throw it on me?" He 3 angry and enters the fight. All three of them fight (25) for a very long time. They go to S in his bed and step on him. As for S, he says nothing at all. He stands Up silently and bites all three of them in the leg, kpad kpad. H dies, Pr dies, L dies. All three die. S takes his bow and quiver, puts them on his shoulder, and (50) takes the path back to the village. 112 HUNTING--TEXT F 4-9B—C (15) Time Hyena when hears Panther when says like that when, Hyena gets-Up calls-to (l6) Panther: "Uncle, uncle! I-past say-to-you how foc-Q? Neg-Q I say-to-you I like-not (17) word asking cm—neg cm-neg-Q?" Heart red does Hyena, Hyena rises points-at Panther (18) arm, Panther says—to Hyena: "Uncle, I-past say-to-you how foo-Q? Neng I say- to-you (19) I like-not arm small pointing cm-neg cm-neg—Q?" Heart red does Panther, Panther rises (20) finds Hyena they do mouth long-time, they go go raise dust throw-at Lion. (21) Lion when sees like that when, Jumps rises goes- Up Up says: "For (22) what first that-you do thing like that-cn-Q? Time-past I-past say-to you how foo-Q? (25) Neg- Q I say-to you man that-he raises dust throws-at-me cm-neg cm-neg-Q?" Lion does heart (24) red rises enters mouth-in. They gather place pl three also, they do mouth (25) long- time long-time long-time. They go find Snake place lying- down his-at, they step-on-him. (26) The-one-who Snake him foc, says-not word other cm-neg at-all. Rises goes-Up Up (27) silently, bites them passes leg-in place p1 three also, kpggwkpg_. (28) Hyena dies, Panther dies, Lion dies. They die place p1 three also (29) all. Snake takes bow his and quiver his puts-on-shoulder, passes returns (50) takes-road goes town-to. 115 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA Sey t66lé m66 g6m k6 dbdn ddenné. H6n h6g v6 'waa- p6d v6 nfigun h6n 1616 né 56m. B6b66m b66 66 h66b h6d ting y66n k66 v6 kan was v6 w61e. Z6g6 is t66 yé m66 166 16 h66b 6616, 66 h66b i6 666. Os 0‘ yés M n ka k6 m66, gang h66b ya mb66n nyag mam gb66 (DI t6616. Mb66 t6 h66b, t6 h66b. Sey ka dib h66b t61e m66, h66b m66g hee k66d \0CD\JO)\D~P\Nl\)l-J goey p6 Z66 mam ting. Ks h6 i6 yogo m66, k66 h66b i6 t66 nags pee gb6 F4 :4 F‘ C) d66 haga, yo d66 266 f6 ba goey p6 Z66 mam ting pee. Ks Z66 m66, 16 nfing h66b t66 tii g6' nan. H N Sey k6 nfing h66b ka tii sis g6' nanno m66, B6b66m l--' \N 14 vi g6': "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" G6' hiiddo 6: "Mi g6' Once there was a big famine. None of the animals could find any food at all. 9 used to dig wild yams in the grass and bring them to his wife and children. One day he went digging wild yams and dug them like (5) thaaaat. In the afternoon, he took the yams and sat on the bank of a certain large river, and washed them. While he was washing them, the gleaming white k66d end of one yam broke and fell into the water. (10) When he saw this he left the other yams on the ground and dove in after the broken one that had fallen into the water. When he got down there, he found the wild yam changed into a horn of food. When he found the wild yam changed into a horn of food, he asked the horn, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It answered, "I'm a 49 R = Rabbit 50 lit. dough, or cous-cous, the basic Duru food. 114 TEXT G RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 4—9D (1) Time other-in past hunger does is-good-not much- neg. Thing bush p1 all (2) they find-not thing eating cm- neg at-all. Rabbit sits digs yam grass (5) in brings wife p1 and child p1 there. (4) Day the other here past leaves goes yam digging, digs yam like (5) thaaaat. (6) Afternoon when does when, carries yam comes sits- together edge water big (7) a-certsin-on. Sits washes yam, washes yam. (8) Time when is-in-process-of washing when, yam and white g§§g (9) breaks-itself goes-down water in. (10) When sees like that when, leaves yam the other hand-in that leaves (11) passes ground-on, dives follows goes-down the-one who breaks-itself falls goes-down water in that. (12) When goes-down when, goes finds yam that changes horn dough. (15) Time when finds yam when changes already horn dough-cm when, Rabbit (l4) asks-it: "Horn this you horn what-cm-Q?" Horn answers-him says: "I horn 115 TEXT G--RABPIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 15 nanne." B6b66m 6d g6': "Am p6nna nandoo, mi h6lee." 16 G6' 6ddo: "Am 66h sie p6nné." B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 toeoe, 17 nan v6d hi' hag ség. B6b66m 15 nan h66 h66 h6g hi' 18 d6g6 dii 28815. B6b66m 6d nan 5 d6 15 6, nan v6' d6 19 g6' ting. B6b66m nfing Z66 d6"e w66ni. 'B6 g6' w66 2O p6g koeoele, gang kén h66b w66 daa v6' y66 lige. 21 Sey ka nya sib lige o m66, bee k66 woo v6 k6n was 22 woo v6, v6 56g yaa w66le ting. D6d 266 nag kohdblé 25 h6666 g6' tid nage 6: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6ns?" G6' 6dd6: 24 "Mi g6' nanne." B6b66m 6dd6: "Am p6n ya nandoo mi 25 h6lee." B6b66m 'be g6' p5d fieied, nan y6d hi' lig 26 56g k6n wu' 6m. B6b66m k66 v6 k6n was v6, v6 15 nan 27 h66 h66 h66 v6 h6', h6g d6g6 dii voege yo. 28 Nyég k6'6m ks t6 m66, B6b66m 'bé g6' w66 p6g 29 kdedelé d66 155 gbénaa voolé. (15) horn of food." He told it, "Give me food, so I can see it." The horn told him, "Blow me first, then." He took the horn and blew toeoe; food came out and piled Up on the ground §ég. He ate for a long time until his stomach was filled up to his heart. He told the food to enter and it returned into the horn. R was very happy. He took his horn and (20) put it in his sack, carried it with the wild yams, and returned home. When he arrived, he called his wives and children; they gathered before him. He put his hand in his sack, took out the horn and held it in his hand, saying, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It told him "I'm a horn of food." He told it, "Give me food so I can 25) see it." He took the horn and blew fieied; food and sauce came out and filled the house gég. His wivesand children ate a very long time; they were full; their stomachs came Up to their necks. When morning came, he took his horn, put it in a sack, and went to the chief's. 116 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4—9D-E (l5) dough." Rabbit says-to horn: "You give-me-come dough-his, I seeing-cm." (l6) Horn says-to-him: "You blow me already first-cm." Rabbit takes horn blows 32222, (I?) dough comes-out fills ground §_g. Rabbit eats dough long-time until stomach fills (18) goes-Up stands heart-in. Rabbit says-to dough that-it enters goes cm, dough returns enters (19) born in. Rabbit finds heart beingbclean much. Takes horn his (20) puts sack-in, carries with yam his passes returns comes house-to. (21) Time when arrives already house-at cm when, calls wife his pl and child (22) his pl, they gather come him-to before. Puts-in goes-down hand sack-in (25) pulls-out horn holds hand-in says: "Horn this, you horn what-cm-Q?" Horn says-to-him: ,(24) "I horn doughpcm." Rabbit says-to-him: "You give-me come dough-his I (25) seeing-cm." Rabbit takes horn blows fieied, dough comes-out fills house (26) ggg and sauce also. Rabbit wife pl and child pl, they eat dough (27) long-time long-time until they are-full, stomach goes- up stands neck-in there. (28) Month morning when is-clear when, Rabbit takes horn his puts (29) sack-in passes goes chief them-to. \'\ 117 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 5O Ka ny6 l6 nyag niimé m66, vé': "Tee, tee." 51 Gbénaa v6 s6n hiilé n6. 66m d66n v6 ddenné 36m. B6- 52 b66m d66 vé' nyag niimé: "Tee, tee!" Z66 nyéé k6 55 gbénaa v6, v6 h66 B6b66m: "Mi s6n mii nyég ne. G6m 54 mii ks dibn nysle y6 na?" B6b66m 6d gbénaa v6: "B6' 55 n66, 1 k6 Z66 nyéé s6." Gbénaa v6 6d B6b66m: "Am d6 56 266 6." B6b66m d6 m66 gbénsa v6 lig ting, d6d 266 nag 57 kdtdelé h6636 g6' d6g6 vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" G6' 58 6dd6: "Mi g6' nanne." "Am p6n ya nand66 mi h6lee." 59 B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 t66d. Nan v6d hi' lig gbénaa v66 ség. 4O Gbénsa v6 16 nan h66 h66 h66, v6 h6'. V6 g6ng mam d6g 41 gb66 né', v6 zo h6' wole. Bee k66 v6 56g ya 'waapéd 42 v6 y66 ting B6b66m w6616. B6b66m 'be g6' d66 66 nag 43 'm6ngn6. Nan d66 v6d d66n n66 h6le doenne. Gbénaa k66 44 v6 k6n was v6, v6 16 nan h66 h66 ya 266 v66 ks hiilé. (50) When he arrived at the door, he called a greeting, "Tee, tee." The chief didn't want to answer. The famine had not been good to him at all. R again called a greeting at the door, "Tee, tee!" The chief became angry and insulted him, "I don‘t want any foolishness, I don't. Isn't there a famine at my house?" R told the chief, (55) "Rich father, don't be angry." The chief told him, "Enter." He entered and went to the chief in the house, put his hand in his sack, and took out the horn, saying, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It told him, "I'm a horn of food." "Give me food so I can see it." He took the horn and blew t66d. Food came out and completely filled the house of the chief gég. (40) The chief ate food a very very long time; he was full. He took a large calabash of water, drank, and put it down. He called his wives together from everywhere; they came before R. R again took the horn and blew. A lot of food came out again for the eye to see. The chief's wives and children ate as long as their hearts desired. 118 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4-9E-G (50) When arrives goes mouth door-at when, greets: "233, £22." (51) Chief they want-not answering cm-neg. Hunger is-good-to-not them much-neg at-all. Rabbit (52) follows greets mouth door-at: "Egg, 3222" Heart red does (55) chief pl, they insult Rabbit: "I want-not ; fool- ishness cm-neg. Hunger (54) my which is-in-process-of-me arriving this cm-neg-Q?" Rabbit says-to chief pl: "Father (55) riches, you do heart red cm-neg." Chief they say-to Rabbit: "You enter (56) come-down cm." Rabbit enters finds chief pl house in, puts-in goes-down hand (57) sack-in brings-out horn comes-Up asks-it: "Horn this, you horn what?" Horn (58) says-to-him: "I horn dough-cm." "You give-me come dough-his I seeing-cm." (59) Rabbit takes horn blows EEEQ. Dough comes—out fills house chief their ,ggg. (40) Chief they eat dough long-time long-time long- time, they are-full. They carry water calabash (41) big like-that, they drink put there. Calls wife pl gather place all (42) they come before Rabbit him-to. Rabbit takes horn follows blows hand (45) newly. Dough follows comes-out is- good-to-not eye seeing much-not. Chief wife (44) pl and child p1, they eat dough long-time long-time time heart their which wanting. \/ 119 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 45 B6b66m 6d gbanaa vb ba bb pa moo y6g6 nan bs bb 155 46 babe sa. Gbénaa ba' moo 6d i6 nii v6 'waapéd kan n66 47 sas v6: "Y6g6 nyag k6'6mé m66, nén 'waapéd v6 s6g y66 48 saale." B6b66m 'b6 g6' w66 p6g kdedelé 6g b66 6m 6m \ 8 49 d66 d6g 6g6 d6nne, d6d 266 nag kdbdb w6616, 'be ga' 50 v6d dog wole, vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' Ens?" G6' hii 6: 51 "Mi g6' nanne." "Am p6n ya nan woo, mi h6léo." B6b66m 52 66 g6' toeoed, nan v6d hi' ssa ség. Nén v6 16 nan h66 55 h66, t66 vb h6g dey. B6b66m v6' g6' w66 p6g kdbdb1é, 54 d66 fii 155 w6616 lige. 55 Sey g6m ka ny6 k66 v6 k6n was v6 t66, 66d v6 g6', 56 t66 v6 nfing nan léwble. 57 Z6g6 t66 m66, B6b66m 'b6 g6' w66 d6gg6 6 véngé, 58 d66 166 166 h6g kdbdble. G6m d66n Kpoo v6 doenne. 59 Z6g6 s66me m66 Kpoo b6'6 166 ya m66 B6b66m was v6, vi (45) R told the chief that he should announce that the next day no one should go to the fields. The chief sent word tel- ling all the elders and young peOple, "Tomorrow morning everyone must gather in the village square." R took his horn, put it in his sack which he slung on his shoulder, climbed Up on the drummer's rock, put his hand into his sack, took (50) out the horn, and asked it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It answered, "I'm a horn of food." "Give me food so I can see it." He blew on the horn toeoed; food came out and filled the village square s'g. The people ate a very long time, and the stomachs of some burst. R put his horn back in his sack and returned to his house. (55) Whenever his wives and children became hungry, he would blow on the horn for them, and they would have a lot of food. One dsglR took his horn, put it in the granary, and went hunting. B was very hungry. At noon the father B came to R's children and asked 120 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4—9G-H (45) Rabbit says-to chief pl that they-should announce word tomorrow man that they go (46) field-to cm-neg. Chief sends word says-to the-one-who old p1 all and child (47) young pl: "Tomorrow mouth morning-in foc, man all they gather come (48) village-square-to." Rabbit takes horn his puts sack-in slings-on-shoulder sits walks walks (49) climbs goes- Up stone drummer-on, puts-in goes-down hand sack his-in, takes horn (50) takes-out comes-Up there, asks-it: "Horn this you horn what-cn-Q?" Horn answers says: (51) "I horn dough-cm." "You give-me come dough his, I seeing-cm." Rabbit (52) blows horn toeoed, dough comes-out fills vil- lage-square §_g. Man they eat dough long-time (55) long- time, some pl stomach burst-itself. Rabbit returns horn his puts sack-in, (54) passes returns goes his-to house-to. (55) Time hunger when arrives wife pl and child pl when, blows-for them horn, (56) then they find dough much. (57) Day other foc, Rabbit takes horn his goes-Up- goes puts granary-in, (58) passes leaves goes bush hunting. Hunger is-good-to-not Baboon pl much-neg. (59) Day middle- in foc Baboon father rises comes finds Rabbit child pl, asks 121 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 60 v6: "Vi baa k6 vi 6n yéle k6n b6' vii v6 kii b66 61 hie'ie sey 'waap6d y61s?" B6b66m was v6 6dd6: "B6' 62 v66 'm6ng g6' nan ka 66d vo t66, nan v6d w6le, v6 16 65 16. Moo woo no Z66 k6 b66 d6' v6 Z6g6 'waap6d p6n k66 64 hie'ie y6 no." Kpoo 6d v6: "G6m nya déy s6ng v6 die 65 yéle. I p6n mi 16 66d v6 66 16, t66 min v6' p6n vi \ 66 ya." B6b66m was daga d66 d6g v6ng6 'be g6' nan p6 Kpoo. 67 Kpoo 'b6 g6' k6nn6 h6d ting 155n doen koed. 68 Ny6g m6nn6 B6b66m ks fii ya h6ge m66, nyaa kdéng 69 d66 d66 d6g v6ngé, soo d66 h6n, soo d66 h6n, h6n g6' 70 w66 tee ne. Si Z66 haga vi was v6: "G6' yéle m66, 71 166 dib téla?"' Was v6 6dd6: "Z6g616 m66, Kpoo bs y66 72 yéle vi vo: "Vi hie'ie vi 6n k6n b6' vii k6n n6' vii 75 v6 na'ala?" V6 6dd6: "B6' v66 'm6ng g6' nan ba 66d v6, ‘ o 74 m6 v6 16 w6 yo. Z6 k6 d6' v6 yé no." M6 6d v6 ba 00 (60) them, "What are you doing here with your father that you're laughing all the time?" R's children told him, "Our father found a horn of food. When he bl ws it for us, food comes out and we eat and eat. That's wh e're happy every day, and why we laugh here." B tells them, "Your young brother352 here are hungry. (65) Give me the horn and I'll blow it for them so they can eat, then I'll bring it back here." One of R's children climbed into the granary, took the horn of food, and gave it to B. B took the horn and went into the bush, never to return. That afternoon when R returned from the bush, he went immediately koen and climbed into the granary, looked all over for the thing. He couldn't find (70) his horn. He climbed down on the ground and asked the children, "The horn there, where did it go?" The children told him, "During the day B came here and asked us, 'What are you laughing so much at, you and your father and your mother?’ We told him, 'Our father found a horn of food which he blows for us, then we eat. That's why we're happy here.’ Then he told us we should ‘.e., his own children. 122 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4-9H-I (60) them: "You sit do 193 what here with father your pl that-you sit (61) laugh time all here-Q?" Rabbit child they say-to-him: "Father (62) our finds horn dough when blows-for us when, dough comes-out there, we eat (63) est. For it cm heart which sits is-clean-for us day all first that-we (64) laugh this cm." Baboon says-to them: "Hunger arrives neighbor small they are-there (65) here. You give- me I go blow-for them that-they eat, then I—will return carry-to you (66) come." Rabbit child one climbs goes-up granary-in takes horn dough gives Baboon. (67) Baboon takes horn takes-road-together—goes grass in goes-together only different. (68) Mouth afternoon-in Rabbit when returns comes bush- in when, passes kggng (69) passes climbs goes-up granary-in, searches passes thing, searches passes thing, sees-not horn (70) his that cm-neg. Gets-down goes-down ground-on asks child pl: "Horn here foc, (71) goes is-there where-Q?" Child they say-to-him: "Day-in foc, Baboon that comes (72) here asks us: 'You laugh.zgg what with father your and mother your (75) p1 much-cm-Q?‘ We say-to-him: "Father our finds horn dough that blows-for us, (74) then we eat it cm. Heart which is-clean—for us this cm.’ Then says-to us that we-should r 125 TEXT G-—RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 75 p6 bi, bi p6ng 66d was bii v6, t66 ba bin v6' p6ng ya 76 diele. M6 k6 155n koed y6 no." B6b66m k6 zéé ny66 77 h66 h66. 78 K6 d66 6d, nyag k6'6m ka t6 m66, 'b6 t6ng kii k5n 79 koeoe w66 d66 k6 l6 h6ge, 66 h66b 26g666. 80 Nysg m6n k6 ko m66, d66 gang h66b y6 mb66 nyag 81 mam d6g6 peele. T6 h66b, t5 h66b, h66b goey ne. B6- 82 b66m ma' h66b gdb koogna gb6 266 mam ting, d66 yo d6g6 85 Z66 84 Ks Z66 m66, l6 nfing h66b t66 tii g6' s6'6. 'B6 85 g6' tee tid d6g nage vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" Hiid- 86 d6: "Mi g6' gb6mgb6looe." B6b66m 6dd6: "1m gb6n ya 87 mi h6lee." Loo v6 v6d k6n was v6, v6 gb6 B6b66m mam 88 ting h66 h6g 26y dii yo. Od 100 66 d6 1s 0. L00 v6 89 v6' do sing. B6b66m v6d d6g 'bé g6' loo w66 p6g kdbdb (75) give it to him, that he'd take it and blow it for his children, then bring it back here. Then he took a path and didn't come back here at all." R was angry for a very long time. The next morning he took his hoe and sack and took the path into the bush; he dug wild yams all day. (80) When it was afternoon he again carried the wild yams and sat by the same river. He washed the wild yams but no yam broke. He took one yam, broke it by force and threw it into the water, then dove in after it as before. When he got down there, he found the wild yam changed into a horn. He (85) took the horn and held it in his hand, asking, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It answered him, "I'm a horn for beating you with sticks." He told it, "Best me so I can see it." The stick and its children came out , and beat R in the water until his stomach swelled up badly. He told the sticks to reenter and they returned silently sing. He got out of the water, took his horn of sticks, put it into the sack, 124 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9I—J (75) give him, he carries blows-for child his pl, then that he-will return carry come (76) is-there. Then takes-road leads different this cm." Rabbit does heart red (77) long- time long-time. (78) When follows lies-down, mouth morning when is- clear when, takes hoe long-shank and (79) sack his passes takes-road goes bush-in, digs yam all-day. (80) Mouth afternoon when does when, follows carries yam comes sits mouth (81) water one that-at. Washes yam, washes yam, yam breaks-itself cm-neg. Rabbit (82) grabs yam breaks with-force leaves goes-down water in, follows dives follows-it (85) goes-down behind. (84) When goes-down when, goes finds yam that changes horn already-cm. Takes (85) horn that holds goes-Up hand- in asks-it: "Horn this you horn what—Q?" Answers-(86)-him: "I horn beat-you-beat-stick-cm." Rabbit says-to-it: "You beat-me come (87) I seeingvcm." Stick they come-out and child pl, they beat Rabbit water (88) in long-time stomach swells-itself stands there. Says-to stick that-they enter go cm. Stick they (89) return enter silently. Rabbit goes- out goes-Up takes horn stick his puts-in sack U 125 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 9O ting d66 v6' y66 lige. 91 Pig k6 nya sis lige o m66, bee k66 v6 s6g ya kan 92 was v6. 95 Sey k66 k66 k6n was v6 k66 s6g ya m66, Z66 v6 d6'. . 94 V6 tsa ba bin d66 nfing nan t66. B6b66m d6d Z66 nag 95 kdedelé v6d dogo g6' loo vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" 96 G6' hiidd6: "Mi g6' looe." "6m k6n ya h6n loo w66 mi 97 h6lee." B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 toeoed, k66 g6' gb6 Z66 98 haga d66 166 16 y6g kapigim. Loo v6 v6d k6n was v6, 99 v6 gb6 B6b66m k66 v6 k6n was v6 h66 h66 w6nyag mb66 lOO lige b6166ng. B6b66m mb66 d6g pigim lig6 6d 100 a 101 d6 la o, 100 vb v6' d6 g6' ting. 102 Nyag m6nne m66, 'b6 koeoe w66 6g d66 d6g gb6naa 105 v661e, v6' nyag niimé: "Tee, tee!" Gb6naa v6hii 104 vangna: "Yes 0, d6 ya 0, s66 ya mb66 y61e." Gb6naa (90) and returned to his house. When he arrived, he called his wives and children to- gether. When they had come together, they were happy. They thought they'd receive more food. He put his hand (95) into the sack, took out the horn of sticks, and asked it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It answered him, "I'm a horn of sticks." "Do the stick thing for me so I can see it." He took the horn and blew it toeoed, threw the horn down on the ground, and hid behind the house. The stick and its children came out and best R's wives and chil en a long time until their cries filled (100) the house b l66ng. R, from behind the house, told the sticks to reenter, and they returned into the horn. That afternoon he took his sack, put it on his shoulder, went up to the chief's, and called a greeting at the door, "Egg, £22!" The chief answered quickly, "Come in, come in, come near and sit here." The chief 126 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4—9J-K (90) in passes returns comes house-to. (91) After when arrives already house-at cm when, calls wife they gather come and (92) child pl. (95) Time wife when-they and child p1 when-they gather come when, heart they are-clean. (94) They think that they-will follow find dough other. Rabbit puts-in goes-down hand (95) sack-in brings-out comes-Up horn stick asks-it: "Horn this you horn what-Q?"* (96) Horn answers-him: "I horn stick-cm." "You do-me come thing stick his I (97) see- ing-cm." Rabbit takes horn blows toeoed, leaves horn leaves goes-down (98) ground-on passes leaves goes hides behind. Stick they come-out and child pl, (99) they beat Rabbit wife pl and child pl long-time until cry sits (lOO) house-in b6loong. Rabbit sits goes-up behind house-at says-to stick that-it (lOl) enters goes cm, stick they return enter horn in. (102) Mouth afternoon-in foc, takes sack his slings- on-shoulder passes goes-Up chief (105) them-to, greets mouth door-at: "233, 2321" Chief they answer (104) fast: "Come cm, enter come cm, approach come sit here." Chief 127 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 105 v6 tsa B6b66m bs d66 p6n bi ya nan t66. B6b66m d6 106 Z66 mb66 haga, d6d n6g kde6elé v6d d6g g6' tinggoole lO7 vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" Hiidd6: "Mi g6' 1009." 108 "Am k6 h6n loo w66 b6 h6lee." B6b66m 66 g6' tdedbd, 109 k66 g6' gb6 Z66 haga v6d dug tii nag pig t6' lig gb6 llO gb6naa v6 w6le. Loo v6d gb6 gb6naa v6 h66 h66. B6- 111 b66m mb55 d6g pigim lige 6d 100 a d6 la 0. Loo vb d6 112 sing. B6b66m 6d gb6naa v6 ba 66 pa moo y6g6 n6n be a ms 115 166 babe as, is nii k6n n66 s6ng 6m. I6 nii kaa d6g 114 166 16 dii saale pa moo 6; "Baa v6! I ki 1a 0! 115 Gb6naa v6 moo y6g6 n6n a laa babe d6g6 ags s6 woo o. 116 Y6g6 n6n 'waap6d a 56g saale." 117 Nyag k6'6m6 m66, d66 'waap6d 56g saale k6n gbang 118 k66 v6 'waap6d, sey gb6naa w6 k66 lige w6 daga. B6- 119 b66m ya d66 dii d6g ego d6nne, 'be g6' v6d d6g koede1é (105) thought R would bring him more food. He went in and sat on the ground, put his hand into the sack, took out the horn and asked it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It answered him, "I'm a horn of sticks." "Do the stick thing so it can be seen." R blew on the horn toeoed, threw it down on the ground and left on the run; he put hlS hand behind him to close the door, leaving (110) the chief there. The sticks came out and beat the chief for a very long time. R, from be— hind the house, told the sticks to enter, and they returned silently sing. R told the chief he should announce that the next day no one should go to the fields, neither elder nor youngster. One of the elders went and stood in the village square and announced, "Gentlemen ! Hear now! (115) The chief says that tomorrow no one, not even one person, should go to the fields. Tomorrow everyone must come together in the vil- lage square." In the morning the whole multitude came together in the village square with all the chief's wives; only the chief re- mained at home. R climbed Up on the drummer's stone, took the horn out of the sack, 128 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9K-L (105) they think Rabbit that follows carries them comes dough other. Rabbit enters (106) goes-down sits ground-on, puts-in hand sack-in brings-out comes-Up horn in-it-in (107) asks-it: "Horn this you horn what?" Answers-him: "I horn stick-cm." (108) "You do thing stick his that seeing-cm." Rabbit blows horn toeoed, (109) leaves horn leaves goes-down ground-on goes-out race turns hand behind closes house leaves (110) chief pl there. Stick comes-out beats chief pl long-time long-time. Rabbit (111) sits goes- Up behind house-at says-to stick that-it enters goes cm. Stick they enter (112) silently. Rabbit says-to chief pl that they-should announce word tomorrow man that he (115) goes field-to cm-neg, the-one-who old and child young too. One-who old village one (114) rises goes stands vil- lage-square-in announces word says: "Gentleman p1! You hear go cm! (115) Chief they say tomorrow man he-must go field-to one self cm-neg emph cm. (116) Tomorrow man all he-must gather village-square-in." (117) Mouth morning-in foc, crowd all gathers village- square-in with chief (118) wife pl all, only chief he re- mains house-in he one. Rabbit (119) comes climbs stands goes-Up stone drummer-on, takes horn brings-out comes-Up sack-from I" O 129 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 120 vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" 121 N6n k66 ki i6 yogo m66, v6 moo ba g6' nanne t66. 122 G6' hii nyag 6dd6: "mi g6' gb6mgb6looe." B6b66m 6d 125 g6': "Am k6 ya h6n loo w66 mi h6lee." G6' 6dd6: "Am 124 66n sib p6nn6." B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 tdeded, k66 g6' gb6 125 Z66 haga 'b6 doo w66 6 duge, d66 Z66 16 y6g mb66 kapi- 126 gim. 100 v6 v6d kan was v6, v6 gb6 n6n v6 h66 h66 127 h66 kaa 'waap6d m66 w6nyag m6n. B6b66m mb66 d6g6 ka- 128 pigim 6d 100 a d6 la 0. Loo d6 sing. B6b66m v6' ya 129 'b6 g6' web p6g koeob1é d66 fii 155 woole lige, d66 ( r r \s 150 v6d g6' loo w66 d6gg6 p6g e vange, daa 166 laa hoge. 151 Z6g6le mba, Kpoo b6'6 tee d66 15 yaa m66 B6b66m 152 was v6 die mbaalee, v6' v6. Kpoo 6d v6: "G6' nan 155 kii p6n tee, ti s6'6. Mi soo h66 bi v6' p6ng ya 0. 154 Mi soo h6n ne sam." Kpoo d66 vi v6: "Mi ki ba vin (120) and asked it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" When the people heard that, theygaid it was another horn of food. The horn answered, "I m a h rn for beating you with sticks." R told the horn, "Do the stick thing so I can see it." It told him, "Blow me first." R took the horn and blew toeoed, threw the horn (125) down on the ground, put his feet to running, and hid behind a house. The stick and its children came out; they beat the people a very very long time until the whole village was full of cries. R, from behind the house, told the sticks to enter, and they returned silently sin . He came back and took his horn, put it in the sack, and re urned to his house; he (150) took his horn of sticks out again, put it in the granary, and went into the bush. During the day the father B came again to R's children remaining there and greeted them. He told them, "The horn of food that you gave me is lost. I've looked a long time in order to bring it back. I've looked but I can't find it at all." B asked them again, "I hear you've 150 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9L-M (120) asks-it: "Horn this you horn what-Q?" (121) Man when-they hear like that when, they say that horn dough-cm other. (122) Horn answers mouth says-to-him: "I horn beat-you-best-stick-cm." Rabbit says-to (125) horn: "You do come thing stick his I seeing-cm." Horn says-to- him: "You (124) blow-me already first-cm." Rabbit takes horn blows toeoed, leaves horn leaves (125) goes-down ground-on takes foot his guards race-cm, passes goes-down goes hides sits be-(l26)-hind. Stick they come—out and child pl, they best man pl long-time long-time (127) until village all only cry only. Rabbit sits goes-Up be-(l28)- hind says-to stick that-it enters goes cm. Stick enters silently. Rabbit returns comes (129) takes horn his puts- in sack-in passes returns goes his-to house-to, follows (150) brings-out horn stick his goes-Up-goes puts-in guards granary-in, passes leaves goes bush-in. (151) Day-in foo, Baboon father that follows goes comes finds Rabbit (152) child they are-in-process-of sitting-cm, greets them. Baboon says-to them: "Horn dough (155) which- you give-me which, is-lost already-cm. I search long-time I return carry come cm. (154) I search see-not cm—neg at- all." Baboon follows asks them: "I hear that you-past \v-I A 151 TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 155 d66 nfing g6' nan t66 m6616. Mi hii i p6n mi 16 66 p6 156 day s6ng 66 16 sa'a. G6m d66n v6 ddenné s6m. T66 min 157 v6' p6ng y66n." B6b66m was v6 6dd6: "Am la 'b6 mb66 158 dih v6ng6. Kpoo d66 d6g v6ng6 'b6 g6' vigi: "G6' y6 159 m6 g6' 6na?" 6dd6: "Mi g6' gb6mgb6100e." Kpoo 6dd6: 140 "Am gb6n ya mi h6lee." G6' 6dd6: "Am 66n sie p6nn6.” 141 Kpoo 'b6 g6' 66 toeoed. Loo v6 v6d k6n 56g w66 6m, 142 v6 gb6 Kpoo h66 h66. 145 B6b66m was k66 ki loo ka die Kpoo gb616 m66, v6 144 166 vangna v6 16 s6' v6ng gb6 Kpoo ting woole. Kpoo 145 w66 w6ny6g h66 h66 656. 146 N6n6n a goed 100 v6 m66, p61e. Kpoo tii n6 noo 147 d66. 148 Kpoo ks noo y6 si', loo v6 b66 gb6 mb66 v66 w6le 149 h66 nya sey B6b66m ks fii ya h6ge. (155) found another horn of food. I want you to give it to 'me and I'll go blow it for your young brothers so they can 'eat. They're very very hungry. Afterwards I'll bring it back." R's children told him, "Go take it; it's in the gra- nary. He climbed into the granary, took the horn and asked it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It told him, "I'm a horn for beating you with sticks." He told it, (140) "Best me so I can see it." It told him, "Blow me first." He took the horn and blew toeoed. The stick came out with its whole herd too; they beat B for a long long time. R's children, when they heard the sticks beating B, went fast and put the cover on the granary, leaving him inside. He (145) screamed a long long time. There was no one to muzzle the sticks. B turned over and died like that. Even though B was dead, the sticks kept beating him until R arrived, returning from the bush. 152 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA-TEXT G 4-9M-N (155) follow find horn dough other foc-cm. I want you give- me I go blow give (156) neighbor young that-they eat cm. Hunger is-good-for-not them much-neg at-all. Then I-will (157) return carry bring." Rabbit child they say-to-him: "You go take sits (158) is—there granary-in. Baboon climbs goes-Up granary-in takes horn asks-it: "Horn this (159) you horn what-Q?" Says-to-him: "I horn beat-you—beat-stick- cm." Baboon says-to-it: (140) "You beat-me come I seeing- cm." Horn says-to-him: "You blow-me already first-cm." (141) Baboon takes horn blows toeoed. Stick they come-out and herd its also, (142) they beat Baboon long-time long- time. (145) Rabbit child when-they hear stick when is-in- process—of Baboon beating when, they (144) leave fast they go cover granary leave Baboon in it-in. Baboon (145) cries cry long-time long-time longbtime. (146) Man he muzzles stick p1 foc, is-there-not. Ba- boon turns liko-that dies (147) passes. (148) Baboon although dies this although, stick they sit beat sit thgy there (149) until arrives time Rabbit when returns comes bush-from. 153 TEXT G-—RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 150 Sey B6b66m ka yaa m66, ki h6n gb616 v6ng ting, 151 vi was v6: "En die v6ng ting6?" V6 6dd6: "Kpoo b6 152 yaa y61e, vi v6 g6' y61e, v6 6dd6: "G6' dfb v6ng6." As 155 d66 d66 d6g 'b6 g6' tfi. K66 ki loo ks gb6 h6n maa, v6 154 gang kuu v6ng s6' gb6go d66le." B6b66m mb66 d6g haga 155 6d loo a d6 la 0. Loo v6 d6 sing. 156 B6b66m d66 d6g v6ng6 166 m66, nfing Kpoo noo S6'6. 157 B6b66m g6ng Kpoo nom gb6 Z66 haga, was v6 w66 g6ng 158 16 gb6 h6d ting. Daa si' 16 w616. (150) When he came, he heard the beating in the granary and asked his children, "What's in the granary?" They told him, "B came here and asked us for the horn; we told him, 'The horn's in the granary.‘ He climbed in himself, took the horn and blew. When we heard the sticks beating, we took the granary cover and covered it, leaving him in there." R, from the ground (155) told the sticks to enter. They entered silently 8 ng. He climbed up into the granary and found B dead. He threw the dead B down to the ground and his children dragged him and threw him into the grass. The story ends there. 154 RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9N (150) Time Rabbit when comes when, hears thing beating granary in, (151) asks child pl: "What is-there granary in-Q?" They say-to-him: "Baboon that (152) comes here, asks us horn here, we say-to-him: "Hernia-there granary- in." Self (155) passes climbs goes-Up takes horn blows. When-we hear stick when bests thing when, we (154) carry cover granary cover leave-him is-there." Rabbit sits goes-Up ground-from (155) says-to stick that-it enters goes cm. Stick théy enter silently. (156) Rabbit climbs goes-Up granary-in goes when, finds Baboon dies already-cm. (157) Rabbit carries Baboon dead leaves goes-down ground-on, child they drag carry (158) go leave grass in. Thing ends goes there. APPENDIX B PRONOMINAL PARADIGMS The PN-MR-T tagmeme composite fillers may be conve- niently labelled according to their series (gi,,§g, or bi) with additional notations to distinguish the tenses. The subscript ggbj means 'non-reference timeless', and the subscript 3 means 'future/past'. Future forms (listed below) have a higher tone than past forms (not listed here), but are otherwise identical. Suffix allomorphs occur when the preceding word is kg 'subordinator, time past'. Note synonyms for the 5 s in the git set. The predicate and its suffixes and pronoun object (if any) occur between the two halves of the l pli discontinuous morpheme. m—j'-sub;i I-n-j-'t E‘qubj Eisubj 2t l s -n/mi min 6n bi min 2 s -m/m6 m6n 6m bi bin 5 s H w6n/si6n a bi bin d be ban ba bi ban 1 ple v6 v6n 66 bi v6n l pli ba...vi ban...vi ba...vi bi ban...vi 2 p1 vi vin i bi bin 5 p1 v6 v6n 66 bi bin 155 APPENDIX C COMPLETED ACTION AED INTERROGATIVE CLAUSE MARKERS The completed action clause marker /s6'6/ seems to have several allomorphs, not all of which occur in the corpus: s6'6, sis, ma, sie..¢1/o/. Little can be said at present about contextual pressure on the choice between these allo- morphs, which is so strong a characteristic of the indic- ative clause marker. There does, however, seem to be much more freedom in the choice of allomorph here than in the indicative. Only the following tentative statements about context seem to be consistently valid: 1) if a verb closes the clause, the form §6L6 is used, 2) if one or more peripheral tagmemes occur following the predicate, the allomorph sie... :/0/ is used. In such case, the /o/ of this allomorph is distributed in context like the indicative clause marker /0/ (Table 5, p. 24). Significant differences of order in- volving this split morpheme have already been discussed in 4.1.1. The negative completed action clause marker morpheme /sie...ne/ seems to have the following allomorphs, only two of which occur in the corpus: sie...ne, na...ne, nd6...ne, 156 157 s6'6 ne. The meaning is 'not yet'. No distinctive distri- bution can be discovered for these allomorphs. The interrogative /a/ might be analyzed as being a clause marker or as a distinctive interrogative morpheme. When it occurs, it may be said in general to replace any vowel the clause marker had. In addition to the clause markers, verbal nouns, numerals, the temporal-locative /le/ 'time-place', and ko ie...wogo 'like' all replace their final vowel with g, as a rule of thumb. The completed action clause marker pg;g replaces 'both' vowels, since emically two short identical vowels split by a glottal stOp are treated as a single long vowel in Duru. The indicative clause markers (Table 5) and the completed action clause markers above, when followed by /a/, appear as follows: affirmative[negative interrogative -e -a 6 ¢ 6 no a/na ne ns/nela -le -1a yo 8/38 s6'6 sa'a/s6'6la sie...1/o/ sie...a sie/na/ndé...ne sie/na/nd6...na s6'6 ne s6'6 na APPENDIX D SUBORDINATING PHRASES The two subordinating phrases which concern us here are those which occur in the temporal-locative-conditional and the relative subordinate clauses. The TLC subordinating phrase may be introduced by a locative root (e.g. 12 'place'), a temporal root (e.g. ggy 'time'), or a condition root (39 'if'), the latter two morphemes borrowed from Fulani. The subordinator kg, filling the head slot, may then occur immediately preceding the PN-MR tagmeme composite. Either a demonstrative (especially m66 or,t§§) or the adverb g6; 'so' may close the clause. The phrase is thus made Up of three optional discontinuous elements, but one of them must occur. The formula: a. ':T___—' I . 1 . Sthlc = :Initiali/te/l/tg ... 1H:kg ... 1F1na1:dem/na' The relative subordinating phrase is also a discon- tinuous phrase, and again both elements are Optional. There are some relative clauses whose only overtsignal of their nature is the 6g series pronoun filling the PN-MR tagmeme 158 159 composite slot. The head slot, filled by the subordinator kg or kg, occurs immediately preceding the PN-MR tagmeme composite, and the clause may be closed by a demonstrative or n6' 'so', or nii 'mesning unknown'. The formula: SbP = :zH:ks/2g ... :Final:dem/n6' nii rel APPENDIX E LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS I J phonetic brackets / or / / morpheme title indicator ¢ zero allomorph, morpheme ’ high tone ‘ low tone (d15f) reference to corpus (2-2) reference to personal notebooks - joins two or more English words used to gloss a single Duru word ' ' enclose glosses + obligatory 1 optional r——-———1 joins discontinuous elements of a linguistic unit r-5L-——' indicates agreement, concord r——-+ -——L both elements are optional, but only one may 1 + occur in a s1ngle construction +(+...+...) or [——+—-1 both elements may oc- ' ‘ + + cur, but one must occur 140 CA CG Cl CM CHI C-to—F c-to-f dem desc - desid di Dir Quo foc FUl IA Ideo Impv complement tagmeme completed action mode complement-ss-goal tagmeme clause clause marker tag- meme clause marker contrary-to-fact mode contrary-to—fact particle dual demonstrative descriptive desiderative ditransitive direct quotation emphasis tagmeme focus Fulani head slot indirect object tag- meme intransitive instrumental-ac— companiment tagmeme ideOphone tagmeme imperative mode 141 inch indep Indic Ind Ord Ind Quo Init lim MR neg NP perc p1 ple pli PM PN PN—MR—T pr inchoative independent indicative mode indirect order derived clause indirect quotation derived clause initial slot locative tagmeme locative limiter manner tagmeme mode-reference tag- meme noun negative noun phrase object tagmeme predicate tagmeme perception plural plural exclusive plural inclusive = PN-MR—T person-number tagmeme person-number-mode- reference-tense tagmeme composite pronoun 142 Prim primary sentence vn verbal noun slot . . VP verb phrase Q interrogative qual qualifier rcp reciprocal Rel relative subordi- nate derived clause rfx reflexive S subject tagmeme s singular Sb subordinator/sub- ordinate Sb Desid subordinate desid- erative derived clause SbPrel relative subordi- nating phrase Sthlc temporal-locative- conditional subordi- nating phrase T tense tagmeme t tense Te temporal tagmeme te temporal TLC temporal-locative- conditional subordi- nate clause ' tr transitive VN . verbal noun mode IllllllllllllllllHlllflllllHlllmllWIN“llllllllllllllllll 013942283