THE INDEPENDENT TRANSiTIVE
INDICATIVE CLAUSE IN DURU-

Thesis for the-- Degreebf M. A.’
MICHIGAN STATE UNWERSWY
LEE EDWARD B'OHN-HOFF ‘ .
19.68 ‘

IlllIIIIIIIIHIIIHIIIHIIIIIIIIIIIIHHIHUIlhllllllllllllfl 11113111413? '

31293 01394 2283 chhngan State
University

ABSTRACT

THE INDEPENDENT TRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE
IN DURU
By
Lee Edward Bohnhoff

The purpose of this thesis is to take the mostfrequent-
ly used of the Duru independent indicative clauses, the
transitive, and describe it in detail: its contrasts with
other indicative clauses; its range of internal variation;
and its distribution in higher-level constructions. The
derived clause types in Duru are then contrasted with the
indicative. The description is based on the tagmemic model.

Nothing has as yet been published on Duru grammar.

Duru is a language of northern Cameroun, Africa, spoken by
approximately 52,000 peOple. Dr. J. Greenberg places it
in the Adamawa-Eastern subfamily of his Niger-Congo family.

From 1965-1967 we lived among the Duru people, at
which time there was occasion to tape record the transcribe
the first four folktales of the corpus. The remaining
three were written down directly by the informant. A single

informant was used for the entire corpus.

THE INDEPENDENT TRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE
IN DURU

By
Lee Edward Bohnhoff

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Linguistics
and Oriental and African Languages

1968

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

An expression of my gratitude is due to my informant,
Kadia Matthieu, without whose help this study would have
been impossible. His patience and willingness to answer
the thousand and one questions necessary to the study of a
language are much appreciated.

My sincere gratitude is extended to the members of my
thesis committee, Dr. Ralph P. Barret, and Dr. Seok 0. Song,
and especially to its chairman, Dr. David G. Lockwood.
Their concern, encouragement, and helpfulness at all points
contributed much to the present form of this thesis.

I would like to express my thanks to Mr. and Mrs.
Erwin H. Graham of Grosse Pointe Shores, Michigan, through
whose generosity several copies of this thesis have been
reproduced and made available to a much wider audience than
would otherwise have been the case.

I must also thank the Board of World Mission of The
American Lutheran Church, under whose auspices I was sent
to Cameroun and was assigned to learn and work in Duru.

Lastly, but especially, I owe a vote of thanks to my
wife Eloise, whose constant presence and support have meant

a great deal.

Lee E. Bohnhoff

TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES 1
INTRODUCTION

0.1. The Language 1

0.2. Corpus and Methodology 1

0.3. Duru Phonemes and Orthography 2

0.4. Basic Theory and Symbolization 2

0.5. Conventions used in listing of examples 9

CHAPTER 1--CONTRAST: AMONG INDEPENDENT INDICATIVE CLAUSES
1.1. Definition of a clause 10

1.2. Matrix of independent indicative clause

nuclei 11
1.5. Discussion of contrasts 15
1.4. Illustrations 15

CHAPTER 2--VARIATION: CONSTITUENT TAGMEMES

2.0. Introduction 18
2.1. Obligatory tagmemes (PN-MR-T, Ptr) 19
2.2. Variation by presence of optional nuclear
tagmemes (01, CM) 22
2.5. Maximal formula 25

2.4. Variation by presence of peripheral tagmemes
(Tel, Tea, S, L, IA, M, Ideo) 26

CHAPTER 5--DISTRIBUTION: IN LARGER CONSTRUCTIONS

5.1. Serial clause definition 50
5.2. Serial constructions 51
5.5. Relative frequency among indicative clauses

in corpus 56
3.4. Sentences 56

CHAPTER 4--DERIVED CLAUSES
4.0. Introduction 40
4.1. Modal derived clauses (CA, Impv, VN, C-to-F) 41
4.2. Subordinate derived clauses (TLC, Rel, Sb

Desid, Ind Quo, Ind 0rd) 46

4.5. Reference variants 51

4.4. Interrogative derived clauses 52

4.5. Emphatic derived clauses 55

CHAPTER 5-FURTHER STUDIES 55

BIBLIOGRAPHY 57

APPENDIX A: Corpus 59

APPENDIX B: Pronominal paradigms 155
APPENDIX C: Completed action and interrogative

clause markers 156

APPENDIX D: Subordinating phrases 158

APPENDIX E: List of abbreviations and symbols 140

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

page
Table 1: Accepted Duru Orthography 5
Table 2: Nuclear tagmemes in independent indic-
ative clauses 12
Table 5: Contexts and allomorphs of clause markers 24
Table 4: Indicative components in serial clauses 55
Table 5: Frequency of independent indicative
clauses in corpus 57
Figure 1: Principal lines of clause derivation 42

INTRODUCTION

0.1. The Languag_. Duru is a language spoken in

1 The

northern Cameroun by approximately 52,000 peOple.
chief concentration of Duru population is located in an

area north and northeast of Ngaoundéré, and south and south-
east of Garoua, although sizeable Duru Quarters have sprung
up in both Ngaoundéré and Garoua. This analysis treats one
of several Duru dialects, the 'Western' dialect centered
around Mbé. Dr. J. Greenberg (l966:9) places Duru (his
Durru) with Vere, Namshi, K01bi1a, Pape, Sari, Sewe, Woko,
Kot0po, and Kutin in the Adamawa group of the Adamawa-
Eastern subfamily of the Niger-Congo family. Nothing has

as yet been published on Duru grammar. My own acquaintance
with the language dates from 1965 to 1967 when I worked
among the.Duru.

0.2. Corpus and Methodology. My corpus consists of
seven folktales, four of which were recorded on tape
(totalling approximately 21 minutes), and three of which
were committed to paper personally by my only informant,
Kadia Matthieu. I transcribed the recorded folktales with

1 according to census figures varying in date from 1959
to 1962.

Kadia's help before leaving Cameroun in 1967. The clause
file which resulted from this corpus contains some 1,500
independent and subordinate clauses, and some 200 serial
clauses. Some gaps appear in my charts, since my informant
remains in Cameroun.

0.5. Duru Phonemes and Orthography. There are 55 Duru
consonant phonemes, contrastive consonant length, eight
vowel phonemes, contrastive vowel length and nasalization,
and three contrastive tones. The orthography used here is
that accepted by the Duru Literature Committee2 (DLC) in
Cameroun. Two non-phonemic distinctions are made in this
orthography: my [5] is distinguished from ng [q], and
e [g] from e [e]. Table 1 shows in brief the Duru alphabet
used by the DLC.

0.4. Bag 3 Theopy gpd Symbolization. The tagmemic
model used in this analysis is found chiefly in the follow-
ing books and articles: Language i2 Relation pp‘g Unified
Theory 93 Egg Structure p£_fipmap Behavior, Tagmemic Egg
Matrix Linguistics Applied 33 Selected African Languages,
and 'A Syntactic Paradigm' (Lg. 59.216-50), all by Kenneth L.
Pike. Grammar Discovery Procedures by Robert E. Longacre.
Ag Introduction pp Morphology and Syptax by Benjamin Elson

2 Members of this committee include four Duru pastors of
the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Cameroun, three lay Duru,
and myself, in consultation with one of the Norwegian
missionaries at Mbé.

STOPS

-voiceless p t k '[P] kp
-voiced b d g gb
-prenasalized mb nd ng fig] ngb
-implosives b d

FRICATIVES

-voiceless f s h

-voiced v z

NASALS m n ny [ii] ng [9]

FLAP, LIQUID hv [\V] 1

TRILL r

SEMI—CONSONANTS w y

-oral: i, is [t], e, elk], oe[3], a, o, 65:], u
-nasal: i, 8, 66, a, 6, fi

-1ength: (all oral and nasal vowels occur both long and
short) written by doubling the vowel involved: ii, 11

Table 1: Accepted Duru Orthography

5 The DLC writes only the high tone in its literature,

and Velma Pickett.

Several key concepts of this model should be mentioned
at the outset of this analysis: 1) that language may be
described in terms of particle, wave, and field, 2) that
language is divisible into three interlocking and semi-
independent hierarchical structures (phonology, lexicon,
grammar), 5) the distinction between construction (syntag-
meme) and tagmeme, 4) the distinction between etic and
emic, 5) the distinction between nuclear and peripheral
tagmemes, and 6) that two structural differences in addition
to the usual semantic contrast are necessary to establish
an emic construction type.

0.4.1. Particle, pgzg, Egg figld.“ Language displays
very complicated and intricately interwoven patterns, not
all of which are most economically described by any single
approach. At times we may describe a linguistic system as
though it were composed of discrete, clearly discernible
units or particles. For example, 3 and d are contrastive
entities in English phonology, as are noun phrase and verb
phrase in English grammar. However, on closer examination
in a spoken context, these 'clearly discernible' units often
vanish, shading off into fuzzy areas at their boundaries,

and then only on minimal pairs. This high tone is written
by underlining the vowel: gbg_= gb6 'he hits'.

4 A fuller treatment of this topic than this sketch can
provide is found in Pike 1959.

5

leaving only something of a 'center' like the crest of a
wave compared to the troughs on either side. Environmental
considerations exclude a physiologically distinct out be-
tween consonants and vowels, or between some noun phrases,
for example. 0n the other hand we must also consider that
any linguistic unit forms part of a total field, that it is
a member of a class (e.g. nouns), that it is distributed
in certain higher or lower structures in the hierarchy, etc.
In this present analysis we shall first treat the
independent transitive indicative clause as a particle and
contrast it with other clause constructions (particles).
‘ Then we will view our clause internally for variation,
showing where the peak of the construction is found and
saying something about the trough between it and other
clause types. Finally we will describe the general distri-
bution of our clause in higher constructions (field).
0.4.2. Ehrgg hierarchies. Tagmemics assumes that
language is simultaneously structured in three 'semiauto-
nomous but interlinking modes, phonology, grammar, and
lexicon'.5 Phonologically we may speak of phonemes, syl-
lables, phonological words, phonological phrases, etc.,
in order of size. Lexically, morphemes are typically
distributed in words, while words may be distributed in
phrases or idioms which have a meaning apart from their

5 Longacre, 1964:7.

immediate constituents. This thesis works entirely within
the grammatical hierarchy, where the structure is a bit
different, being composed of a zig-zag pattern of tagmemes
distributed in constructions (syntagmemes) which in turn
are distributed into higher- or lower—level tagmemes. Words,
phrases, clauses, and sentences are typical construction types.
0.4.3, Constructions and tagmemes. A construction
(syntagmeme) is said to be a string of tagmemes. A tagmeme
is a functional unit (e.g. subject, predicate, on the clause
level), occurring in a describable slot or position and
manifested by a particular set of items or 'fillers' (e.g.
noun phrase, verb phrase) of that slot. Each tagmeme is
thus formalized by two symbols, one for its function, the
other for its filler. The interrelationship between the
construction and the tagmeme has been succinctly described
by Longacre (1964:15):
The two concepts are correlative. Syntagmemes
cannot exist without component elements,
i.e. tagmemes. 0n the other hand, tagmemes
exist only by virtue of placement in one or
more syntagmemes.
0.4.4. 33;; gag 2232. A very useful distinction
made in tagmemics concerns two different points of view, one
inherent in a. system (emic), the other a more objective,
non-systematic View (etic). The differentiation of emic
patterns is one of our chief concerns. Mere existence of

a particular grammatical pattern (e.g. a reciprocal clause)

is not sufficient linguistic evidence for establishing a

reciprocal clause as one of the emic clause types of that
language. It may be a variant of the transitive clause.
Some definite criteria6 must be used to distinguish the
emic from the merely etic. Although there are some pro-
blems in the application of any set of guidelines for
establishing emic units, the basic idea seems justifiable.

0.4.5. Nuclear and peripheral tagmemes. The distinc-
tion between nuclear and peripheral tagmemes on the clause
level is useful in Duru (as in most languages). In general,
nuclear tagmemes are those which are either 1) obligatory
in a construction, 2) diagnostic of a construction type
(9.3. the objectl tagmeme in the Duru transitive clause,
although Optional, is certainly diagnostic of the clause
type and therefore nuclear), or 5) in agreement or in ex-
plicit cross reference with the predicate. Peripheral
tagmemes are always Optional. Several other less important
indications of nuclear tagmemes are cited by Longacre (1964:
48-51). Nuclear versus peripheral distinctions are most
useful in the discussion of the structural differences
thought necessary for emic contrast.

0.4.6. 23§;,§tructural contrast. Longacre has pro-
posed (1964:18) the following rule for the identification
of contrastive constructions:

6 See 0.4.6. below.

8

m
For two patterns (syntagmemes) to beAcon-
trast, they must have more than one struc-
tural difference between them; at least one
of these differences must involve the nu-
clei of the syntagmemes.

This is, of course, in addition to the usual semantic
difference demanded between contrasting constructions.
Acceptable structural differences are:

a) an obligatory difference in the ordering
of similar elements ... b) a different inter-
nal structuring of sequences manifesting
clause level tagmemes, i.e. differences in
the structure of words, phrases, and subor-
dinate clauses, c) a difference in emic
classes manifesting two tagmas ... d) a
difference in the number of tagmas in one
type versus the other; presence of a given
tagma in one type versus its absence in the
other; e) a regularly stateable grammatical
transform.

Pike adds a sixth acceptable contrast: distribution.8

In my analysis I sought to avoid the use of this contrast,

since I regard it as the least compelling of the contrasts.

I did, however, find it useful in separating the intransi-

tive clause from the reflexive, as seen in chapter one.
Symbolization in my analysis follows closely that used

widely in tagmemics. Each tagmeme is symbolized by a formula

whose first member indicates the function (slot, position)

7 Longacre, 1964:47-8.

8 Pike, 1967:472: ’In my own view, ... a structural con-
trast can meet the requirement of a double difference if one
of the two major differences consists in a sharply different
external distribution--often carrying with it a different
structural meaning--of the item as a whole in a higher-
layered hypertagmemic slot.‘

9

of the tagmeme, which is followed by a symbol for the con-
struction (filler) which manifests the tagmeme in question.
A colon separates the function symbol from the filler
symbol. Thus 01:NP would indicate that a noun phrase
fills the object1 slot. A complete list of abbreviations
and symbols used in this paper is found in Appendix E.

0.5. Conventions ppgd,ip listing‘pf examples. 1) Duru
examples quoted in the body of the paper are followed in
parentheses by a letter-number composite symbol, the initial
small case letter referring to folktale a-g, the number
referring to a line of the text as it appears in that folk-
tale in Appendix A. A final 3 refers to the following
line(s) of the text. Thus (d15f) refers to the fourth
folktale, lines 15 and 14. An occasional non-corpus ref-
erence to my notebooks is made, as (2-2). 2) Literal trans-
lations follow examples cited, with a free translation
added in parentheses where the literal translation is in-
adequate or misleading in English. Abbreviations used in
the literal translations are identical with those used in
Appendix A, q.v. 5) Tagmeme boundaries are clarified in
the Duru examples by a solid line over each distinct tag-
meme. Occasionally a hyphen is inserted in the Duru text
to facilitate the use of these solid lines. 4) References
to the bibliography are by author, year, and page, for
example: Pike 1967:472.

CHAPTER 1
CONTRAST: AMONG INDEPENDENT INDICATIVE CLAUSES

1.1. Definition pf‘a clause. A.c1ause in Duru is a
construction ranking above phrase-level constructions and
below the serial clause and sentence constructions. Duru
clauses are of two types, verbal and non-verbal.

Verbal clauses contain a person-number (PN) tagmeme,

a mode-reference (MR) tagmeme, a tense (T) tagmeme, and one

and only one9

predicate tagmeme. The first three tagmemes
mentioned are manifested simultaneously by what is called
by laymen a 'pronoun'. This fusion of forms into a single,
largely unanalyzable manifestation will be discussed in
(detail in chapter 2. Suffice it to say here that there is
always an overt fused manifestation of these three tagmemes
except 1) in the third singular of non-emphatic indicative
and completed action clauses, where a zero morpheme 'oc-
curs’, and 2) in the second person singular and plural in
imperative clauses where the fused morpheme in question

9 This is not meant to deny embedding or nesting of clauses
and/or sentences into the clause level.

10

11

may be omitted if its meaning is clear in context. The
predicate tagmeme (filled by a verb phrase) is always mani-
fested overtly except occasionally in the transitive intro-
ducer clause when i 'he says' is implicit before a direct
or indirect quotation. Minimal formulae for all clauses
would show indirect Object (I), direct objects (01,2,5,4,5),
complement (C), complement-as-goal (CG), or location (L)
tagmemes as obligatory in certain types, but they are not
essential to a clause definition.10

The sole non-verbal clause (equative) contains the
usual PN-MR-T tagmemes (as above) which are followed Oblig-
atorily by a complement5 (filled by a noun phrase, demon-
strative, or verbal noun clause).

Clauses generally fill slots on the serial clause or
the sentence level. I

1.2. Matrix pf independent indicative clause nuclei.
If we are to define the independent transitive indicative
clause, we must first contrast it with the other indicative
clauses. Table 2 displays in matrix form the nuclear tag-
memes of indicative clauses. Minimal formulae are easily
extracted from the chart by removing Optional tagmemes.
Maximal formulae will not be given in this analysis for
any clause except the clause in question, whose maximal

10 See 1.2.

12

formula will be treated in chapter 2.

The CM tagmemes in

Table 2 are filled

by a series of

:0M
:0M
+(:L +CM)
101=_ZP_NV§ CI :CM
+I:N_P_ :023NP 1CM
pr
+05:Dir uo
nd uo
nd 0rd
+I:Ij_P_ +05:Dir uoiCM?
pr nd uo
nd 0
+04:Indic Cl
+053!E_gl_,_:pm
Sb Desid
+CG:VN 01 :CM
+Clm/qual --
+CZ:VN 01 10M
30M

Intransitive «#PN-MR-T
Reflexive «+PN—MR—T
Locative -+PN-MR-T
Transitive ‘oPN-MR-T
Reciprocal +PN-MR—T
Ditransitive +PN—MR-T
Introducertr +PN-MR—T
Introducerdi +PN-MR-T
Perception +PN-MR-T
Desiderative +PN-MR—T
Intentional +PN-MR-T
Descriptive +PN-MR-T
Inchoative +PN-MR-T
Equative +PN-MR-T
Table 2:

clauses

Nuclear tagmemes in independent indicative

13

morphemes fully discussed in chapter 2. The morphemes
/o/ 'affirmative' and /ne/ 'negative' are in question
for all CM tagmemes in Table 2. Non-corpus unelicited
text shows :OM in the reciprocal and descriptive clauses.

1.5. Discussion pf contrasts. All clause types have
two elements unique to themselves which contrast them with
all other types. First,the predicate tagmeme in each
clause differs from all the others. The second difference
for each clause type is as follows:

Intransitive clauses, like the reflexive, contain no
post-predicate nuclear tagmeme other than the Optional CM
tagmeme. The intransitive differs from the reflexive,
however, in being able to occupy any position in a serial
clause, while the reflexive does not seem to occur medially
or finally in serial clauses.

Locative clauses must contain either a location tag-
meme or a unique allomorph :13 of the clause marker /O/.

Transitive and reciprocal clause types both differ from
all other types by containing an Optional object tagmeme
while not permitting an indirect object tagmeme. The
transitive type, however, may have (01) a pronoun in the
object slot, but the reciprocal (02) evidently cannot.

The ditransitive clause type has an obligatory indirect
object tagmeme followed Optionally by a direct Object tag-
meme (02).

14

Transitive introducer clauses have an gptional pred-
icate followed by a direct quotation, indirect quotation,
or an indirect order manifesting the obligatory object (03)
slot. In this clause and the ditransitive introducer
clause type, Optional manner or locative tagmemes occur

11 clauses have

before the quotation or speech. All other
these tagmemes following the object slot. The ditransitive
introducer construction has an obligatory Object tagmeme
(03)-manifested by a direct or indirect quotation, or an
indirect order.

The pgrception clause type contains an obligatory
object (04) slot manifested by indicative and completed
action clauses only.

Desiderative clauses contain subordinate desiderative
clauses or verbal noun clauses which manifest the obligatory
Object (05) position.

The intentional clause type has a unique Obligatory
complement-as—goal tagmeme.

Descriptive clauses have only a predicate noun or
qualifying adjective manifesting their Obligatory comple-
ment (Cl) tagmeme.

Inchoative clauses contain an obligatory complement
(C2) tagmeme manifested only by a verbal noun clause.

11 The perception and desiderative clauses in the corpus
do not happen to contain these peripheral tagmemes.

15

The equative clause has no predicate but contains an
obligatory complement (05) slot filled by a noun phrase,
a demonstrative, or a verbal noun clause.

1.4. Illustrations pf independent indicative clause
constructions. We now illustrate the nuclear formulae
already examined. Occasionally a peripheral tagmeme will
appear in these citations, since they are taken unedited
from the corpus. PM will stand for the person-number-mode-

reference-tense complex referred to earlier.

 

 

INTRANSITIVE:

S PM Pi Heart they are-clean (They

235 ;; EST (g95) are happy.)

REFLEXIVE:12

PM Prfx L He follows leaves-himself hole
‘6 dud gboy doeoe siilé anteater-in (He leaves the
(e55) anteater hole-too.)

LOCATIVE:

S PM P1 L Horn he is-there granary-in
E5 a dig véngé (g152) (The horn is in the granary.)
TRANSITIVE:

PM :11: EL. CM I sit-on egg-cm.

mi bud b§"-e (d7)

12 The term reflexive is used here more in the French sense
than the American. The action is self-contained. For ex-
ample, it can be said: pgp béyyé 'the field cultivates
itself' in Duru. Compare the passive meaning of the French
reflexive personal pronoun.

16

 

 

RECIPROCAL:

'PM_WP££B'R:lator We—will destroy-each-other
v6n lien 3m (flO) also.

DITRANSITIVE:

S PM Pdi I 02 Mother-my in—law they15 give-me
an réé';; E3-'; go'oy méé ye horse foc this cm (My Mother-
CM in-law gave me this horse
HO (a59) here.)

INTRODUCERtr:

PM Esaytr 03 They say, 'We kill animal...‘
v6 3: "v6 noo pég..." (e2)

PM Psa tr 05 They think that they-will

 

vO taa ba bin ate nfing nan t66 follow find dough other
(g94) (They thought they would receive

more food.)

 

 

 

INTRODUCERdi:
. . . . ,

S PM Psaydl E 03 Horn 1t says-tO-him, I horn
gfi' ¢ Odd- 6: "mi ga' nanne." dough-cm' (The horn
(g25f) said to him, 'I'm a horn of

food.')
PM Pgaydl I 03
a 5d koeoe mbigi wOO ba wO y; n6. (c25f)

He says-to Lion hammer his that it there cm (He tells Lion

that his hammer is there.)

15 Plural of respect.

PERCEPTION:
Em Pperc 04
O nung Kpoo noo sO'O

(8156)
DESIDERATIVE:

 

PM Pdesid 05

mi hii i dufi 6n t66 (e7)

 

 

INTENTIONAL:
ff Pint CG

mi 155 v6 nénee (O54)
DESCRIPTIVE:

S in Pdesc C;
hash tee ¢ tii ga' nan
(s12)

INCHOATIVE:l4
EV Pinch C2

O baa die dOO zole (057)
EQUATIVE:

PM C2 EM
mi ga' loo-e (g107)

17

He finds Baboon dies already-
cm (He found Baboon already

dead.)

I want you follow tell-me
other (I want you to tell me

again.)

I go them chasing (I go (to)

chase them.)

Yam that he changes horn dough
(The yam has changed into a

horn of food.)

He sits is-in—process-of wine

drinking (He is drinking wine.)

I horn stick-cm (I'm a horn of

sticks.)

14 Inchoative clauses in Duru eXpress either a progressive
or an incipient action: 'he is drinking' or 'he is about to
drink'. In this example, however, the auxiliary verb péé
makes only the former sense possible.

CHAPTER 2
VARIATION: CONSTITUENT TAGMEMES

2.0. Introduction. This chapter will be devoted to
a detailed examination and explanation of the functions
and fillers Of the constituent tagmemes of the independent
transitive indicative clause. We shall examine p11 constit-
uent tagmemes at this point, even those that cause no clause
'variant', so that details concerning all clause-level
tagmemes will be found within a single chapter. Most of
our energy, however, will be directed toward elucidating
the variants (allo-constructions) of the independent trans-
itive indicative clause.

Several types of variants occur in our clause due to
1) Optional presence of nuclear or peripheral tagmemes,
2) Optional kinds of fillers for tagmeme slots, 5) Optional
orders for tagmemes, and 4) occurrence in certain higher
constructions. This last group of variants is an exceeding-
ly important one, but we must defer discussion of it
until chapter 5 because we have not yet defined or treated
aerial clauses or sentences. Filler and ordering differ-

ences, however, will be discussed in this chapter under the

18

l9

particular tagmeme in question.

2.1. Qpligatory tagmemes (PN-MR-T, Etrl‘

2.1.1. 2p; PN-MR—T tagpeme composite. There are at
least five semantic components involved in this tagmeme
composite. Person (P) and number (N) refer to pronominal
categories familiar to us in English.15 Our tagmemic
symbol might be PN:pr.

Mpdg (M) in Duru refers to the indicative, completed
action, imperative, nominal, and contrary-to-fact modes
which we will meet again in our discussion of the derived
clause types (chapter 4). Mode is reflected in the choice
of one of two series of pronouns, the 2; series16 (indicative,
completed action, indirect quotation) or the fig series
(imperative, most subordinate clauses). If the person
referred to by a particular pronoun, however, is the same
as the subject of a preceding dominating (generally indepen-
dent) clause, reference (R) to that person replaces gay
pronoun of the pi or §p series by the corresponding member
of the pi series. Thus a.pi or fig series pronoun expresses
non-reference to the preceding subject, as well as mode.

We might use the following formula: MR:pi/§p/pi.

The tense (T) tagmeme offers us three temporal

15 There is, however, a dual pronoun as well as first person
exclusive and inclusive pronouns in Duru.

16 These series take their names from the first erson
singular non-emphatic, timeless, subject form: p_ '1',
fig 'I-must' or 'let-me'.

20

possibilities: timeless, future, and past. We might
use the formula T:t.

Let us display these ideas in a chart for easier

 

 

comprehension:

person number mode reference tense
first singular _i: Indie, non-reference timeless
second dual 835 Ind pi: reference future
third plural fig: Impv, past
inclusive most Sb

exclusive clauses

In actual practice, the three tagmemic notations
cited above (Pszr, MR:mi/§n/pi, and T:t) are not used.
They are replaced by the fused symbol PN-MR-T:mi/§n/pi,
with additional notations such as Eisubj
a specific set of 'pronominal' forms.17 The long symbol

orig;t to refer to

PN-MR-T may be abbreviated PM.
In the independent transitive indicative clause con-
sidered alone, the fillers of the PN-MR-T tagmemic slot
may be: any person or number, indicative, non-reference,
and any tense. This means onlyp_i_suba and.y_1_i_t 'pronoun'
sets manifest the PN-MR—T tagmeme composite. It should be
noted that the third singular in the Eésubj set is always
zero, a systematic non-occurrence of a morpheme in this set.
2.1.2. Egg predicate tagmeme. The predicate tagmeme

17 See Appendix B for full paradigms of these sets.

21

of the independent transitive indicative clause is filled
by a transitive verb phrase. This phrase has an Obligatory
head filled by a transitive verb, with or without pre-verb
and post-verb auxiliary verbs. The pre-verb modifier al-
ways immediately precedes the head, while the post-verb
auxiliary often follows the Object tagmeme, resulting in

a discontinuous phrase (the two elements of the discontin-

 

uous phrase are joined by the sign r 1 ):

 

I I
PM P 0 P L He bites them passes leg-in

fl bé' vO dad dole...(f27) (He bites them in the leg...)

 

When the Object tagmeme is manifested by a pronoun,
the auxiliary verb generally follows the pronoun. If a
noun manifests the Object tagmeme, however, the post-verb

auxiliary usually precedes the noun:

PM Ptr 01 He searches passes thing (He
¢ 300 dad hén (g69) looked all over for the thing.)

A couple of examples of the pre-verb modifier follow:

PM Ptr 01 They go build tar...

v6 la nyOO kid...(a16f)

PM Ptr 01 He sits sings song a-certain
D baa bee yéé tOO (alOl) (He sings a certain song.)

In the negative, only the verb filling the head slot
takes the negative suffix (in agreement with the clause

marker).

22

2.2. Variation p1 presence 9; Optional nuclear Egg-
Eégfléwggla 9&1-

2.2.1. Egg Objectl tagpeme. The object1 tagmeme is
variously manifested by a pronoun, a limiter ('all', 'some'),
any noun or noun phrase, or a verbal noun clause. As
just noted, the regular position of the objectl tagmeme is
following the predicate. However, if 1)a pronoun fills
the objectl tagmeme, and 2) there is a post-verb auxiliary,
then the Object generally occurs between the head of the
verb phrase and the post-verb position.

Examples of nouns and pronouns filling the object

slot were given in 2.1.2. An example of a verbal noun

clause18 manifesting the object slot:
PM Ptr 01 I do thing eating (I'm having
mi k6 hén lélé (O44) a feast.)

2.2.2. ,ng clause marker tagpeme. The clause marker
(CM) tagmeme, when it occurs, helps to signal the end of
the clause. In addition, the clause marker varies in form
according to the mode of the clause (indicative, completed
action, imperative--verbal noun clauses have no clause
marker); it is the main signal for the negative; and it
signals hesitation and exclamation. The clause marker is
usually the last word in a clause, although certain adverbs
may follow it in the negative.

18 See 4.1.5. on the verbal noun clause.

25

With reference to our clause, we will discuss the two
relevant morphemes: /o/ 'affirmative', and /ne/ 'negative'.
The /o/ morpheme occurs in affirmative clauses and is op-
tional, but /ne/ is always obligatory and occurs in negative
clauses. Each of these two morphemes is realized by
several allomorphs. The precise allomorph to be used in any
given clause varies according to the nature Of the word
immediately preceding the clause marker. Table 5 gives the
relevant context words and the clause marker allomorph(s)
used in each case. Since not all the relevant context
words occur in the corpus before a clause marker, Table 5
represents a summary of what we have found to occur in the
language.

In certain cases, the clause marker is suffixed to the
preceding word in the accepted Duru orthography, as will be

seen in some of the following examples:

 

PM Ptr 01 CM She does trick-cm.

a k6 kebb-e (bl4f)

EEHEII EM I want cm.

mi hii 6 (a67)

PM Ptr 0; EM I-will hide-you-cm.

min yOgd-m- o (051)

PM Ptr 01 CM He sees-not thing some cm-neg

¢ h3n hén t66 né (air) (He sees nothing.)

PM Ptr L Youéwill come-down sit-on (eggs)

m6n.zOO bud wOle(d11) there.

\/

immediately allomorph of allomorph of
preceding word: /o/ 'affirmative' /ne/ 'negative'
noun e ne

qualifying adjective
nonppersonal pronoun

verb O ne
ronoun (personal)
(isolated?) proper name

indefinite adjective no ne
possessive adjective

demonstrative adjective

focus adjective

Egg 'self'

boeoe 'today'

plural adjective yo ne
die 'it is there' le --
pg 'it is not there' -- le
numeral O ne
temporal-locative .

ko ie...wogo like

limiter

adverb

ideOphone O ?19

19 Our present data do not have an ideOphone in a negative
clause immediately preceding the clause marker, but we
would expect the clause marker to be realized as D in this
position.

25

 

S PM Ptr 01 1im God child they see-him all
taye waa‘;Z'H§-Ig§ 'waapéd (All the gods see him.)
(e27)

S PM Ptr 01 Ideo Rabbit he blows horn ppgggg.

bfibaam a flu ga' toeoed (g5lf)

It should be noted that any 2 or,g appearing in an
allomorph in Table 5 stands only for 'fronting‘ or ‘back-
ing' respectively. The height of the clause marker vowel
tends to agree with the height of the immediately preceding
vowel.

Exclamations generally replace the final vowel of the
clause by g. The best example from the corpus is a di-

transitive clause (the ordinary locative ending would be

I CM They dig-me peanut wild here-
:3'33- E'SAm kin §3ILZ (a7) cm (They've dug up my peanuts!)
Hesitation is expressed by replacing the final clause
vowel by ép_(with characteristic down-glide from high tone
on the vowel). No example of this occurs in the corpus, but
we may cite one from other text material (the ordinary
numeral ending would be péépp):
bé' wgn'bé' zdd taanée (2-2) Day ten and three-cm ((Was it)
thirteen days (that I worked)?)
2.5. Maximal formula. Before we move to a considera-

tion of peripheral tagmemes, let us examine the maximal

formula.for the independent transitive indicative clause.

’3

26

The following peripheral tagmemes are to be added: tempo-
ral (Te), subject (S), locative (L), manner (M), instru-
mental—accompaniment (IA), ideOphone (Ideo). In the formula
below, either a Te2 tagmeme may occur 93 an L, M, or IA
tagmeme, which may be followed by an Ideo or CM tagmeme.

The maximal formula as it emerges from the corpus is as

follows:

__‘

F 1
:Te1 1:3 '+PM +Ptr :01 :P 1L/M/IA. 1IdeO/CM

TFTe
I 12

__ 4. fl

 

 

By sheer accident of the corpus data, a more accurate
picture of the ordering of the post-predicate tagmemes is
clouded. By using other (non-corpus) unelicited text data,

we are able to postulate a more clear-cut order:

 

I

'l

1
101 _+_P 3Te2 1L :IA 1M ildGO/CM

 

...
2.4. Variation py presence 9; peripheral tagpemes
(Tel, 232"§’ L, IA, M, Ideo). Optional presence of peri-
pheral tagmemes as well as different kinds of fillers
brings variants to the clause under study.
2.4.1. The temporal tagmemes. Temporal tagmemes are
filled t icall b tom oral hrases. The si s" 3
VP y y P P Sn “E I
in the formula indicate that both temporal tagmemes are Op-
tional but that only one may occur in a given clause. Te1

often contains the relator mas or éé, which seem to refer

r_ .

27

to past and future respectively:

bé' t§§no téé (e9) Day three after (after three
days)

It may also contain a temporal-locative relator in addition:

piggoo téé (c100) After-it then (after that)

By cOntrast, T92 contains neither of the two types of
relators just referred to. The most common filler of Te2
in the corpus is héé 'a long time‘. This word may be re-
peated or the vowel lengthened to emphasize the duration Of
the action.

2.4.2. Egg subject tagpeme. Nouns and noun phrases
(such as Epyg,ggg 'god child' or 'sons of the gods') typi-
cally fill the subject slot. A full listing of the phrase
types that occur here would serve little purpose in our
present analysis, being more relevant to the discussion of
noun phrase constructions. The non-personal pronoun.kpg
ppppg 'each one' also fills the subject slot once in the
corpus.

A semantic restriction that the subject refer to an
animate being seems to be Operative in the transitive clause.
Thus we might wish to distinguish a subject-as-actor tag-
meme from, let us say, a subject-as-item tagmeme, but there
is no suffix or structural sign in Duru that would lead us
to insist on such a distinction. In this analysis we shall
refer simply to a 'subject' tagmeme.

2.4.5. The locative tagpeme. Locative words and

28

phrases manifest the locative slot. They Often contain an
allomorph of the temporal-locative /le/ 'time-location',
which serves as relator in a relator-axis construction.
The axis is typically filled by a noun or noun phrase:
kdede wddlé (g49) Sack his-in (in his sack)

. . 2.4.4. Egg instrumental-accompaniment tagpeme. This
tagmeme is manifested by a relator-axis construction having
kép 'with, and' as relator and a noun or noun phrase as
axis. A typical example:
kén yfifi (a41) With head (with his head)

2.4.5. Th3 manner tagpeme. Manner is typically
manifested by an adverb (vangpa 'quickly') but may be
realized by a verbal noun phrase:
dOOlé na'a (e7) Being-good very (very well)

.2.4.6. Egg ideOphone tagpeme. Few linguists working
in West African languages seem to feel completely satisfied
with their treatments of ideOphones.2O Until we have done
more research on the functionCs) of Duru ideOphones, we
simply posit an ideOphone tagmeme. If indeed the ideophones
cited below may be said to modify the predicate and thus
fill a 'manner' tagmeme Of some sort, we would have to posit

20 Mary Jo Moore (1968:2) gives the following definition

of the Hausa ideOphone: 'an expressive unit of phonaesthetic
speech which is most commonly used for intensification or
impressionistic description, and which is highly dependent
on context for semantic value.’ She finds ideOphones
functioning now as adverbials now as adjectivals, now as
nominals in the clause (p. 55).

29

an M2 tagmeme for ideOphones, since they always seem to

follow the ordinary manner tagmeme (when it occurs):

 

 

PM Ptr 01 M Ideo He hits tar like-that gpég
D déng kid néé kpdg (a54) (i.e. powi).
PM Efir 01 M Ideo

¢ ke dug re nyogo woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg (089f)
He digs race like that woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg woeg (He

runs tiredly.)

 

PM Ptr 01 Ideo He raises dust dung dung
D 36 kuu dung dung (O75) (i.e. by pawing the dirt).

CHAPTER 5
DISTRIBUTION: IN LARGER CONSTRUCTIONS

5.1. Serial clause definition. Serial clause con-
structiOns rank above clause constructions and below sen-
tence constructions. However, serial clauses, like non-
serial clauses, typically fill slots on the sentence level.

We may speak Of component clauses filling initial,
medial, and final positions within serial constructions. A
clause filling any of these three positions may contain a
tagmeme which is then 'shared' with the other positions,
but each of the component clauses (from 2 to 7 in the cor-
pus) must have its own predicate. Any other tagmeme, in-
cluding the PN-MR-T tagmeme composite, occurs only once in
a serial construction.

No special attention will be given transitive clauses
in this section, since they fit perfectly into the over-all
patterns about to be described. Specific restrictions will,
of course, be noted in the relevant paragraphs.

There seems to be some hesitation concerning the best
method of relating independent clauses and the component

clauses in serial constructions. Pike (1966:56-7) sets

50

51

forth three possible methods but defers a choice between

them until a later date:
[A component clause] may be seen, from one
point of view, as comprising an entire serial
clause as a variant of an independent clause
conditioned by coming in an emic cluster.
From a second viewpoint, the object belongs
simultaneously--as a 'portmanteau' tagmeme
--to both clauses...
A third view treats the cluster as a single
complex unit. The advantage: The cluster,
not the separate clause, is said to con-
tain the 'shared', non-repeated, elements.
The disadvantage: One cannot easily discuss
clause in relation to basic and conditioned-
variant forms. I shall leave the theoretic-
al situation here indeterminate, and util-
ize that particular viewpoint (or combination
of viewpoints) which is momentarily useful.

Our approach is a combination of the first and second
views as set forth by Pike. We treat the component clauses
as variants of independent clauses, conditioned by their
distribution in an emic cluster (series). The component
clauses 'share', non-contiguously, certain specifiable tag-
memes. Our task is to specify which (and when) tagmemes
are suppressed in clusters and give a set of rules relating
any independent clause with its serial-component variant.

5.2. Serial constructions.

5.2.1. Occurrence restrictions. While most of our
attention in this chapter is focused on indicative inde-
pendent clauses and their serial variants, it should be
noted that the completed action and imperative modes also

occur (but more rarely) in serial constructions. In such

52

cases, they seem to follow the same rules to be outlined in

5.2.2. The matrix in Table 4 outlines for us the occurrence
limitations of independent clauses entering into the serial

relationship, as found in the corpus.

The structure of the Duru independent clause, especially
of the PN—MR—T tagmeme composite, poses no small difficulty
for us in our search for the boundaries of many serial
clauses. We have, first, only an optional clause marker
closing the construction in affirmative indicative clauses.
In addition, we have the (third singular) zero morpheme of
the PN-MR-T tagmeme composite. Given these two handicaps,
we find many probable serial constructions in the third
singular with absolutely no segmental indications of their

21

internal structure! We must, then, analyze and base our

present description only on those constructions with overt
PN-MR-T fillers.

Where pply 'probable' (5 8) serial clauses occur in
the corpus, a p appears in Table 4. Egg-suspect serial
construction occurrences are marked with an g. A blank

space indicates lack of occurrence in the corpus.

21 Externally, Of course, a clause marker in the preceding
clause or an overt filler of the PN-MR-T tagmeme in the
following clause would serve equally well to delineate at
least one boundary of an ambiguous serial clause. If my
informant were immediately available, the surest way to
crack this problem would be to ask him to transform the
passage in question to another mode (O.g. the imperative)
or to the third person plural indicative, since the PN-MR-T
fillers are always overt in those cases.

clause type initial medial final
Intransitive x x x
Reflexive z

Locative x
Transitive x x x
Reciprocal z z
Ditransitive x x
Introducertr z
Introducerdi z
Perception

Desiderative

Intentional x 2
Descriptive

Inchoative z
Equative

Table 4: Indicative components in serial clauses

5.2.2. Rplg§_ggp.serial-component variant clauses.
We may give the following set of rules for relating inde-
pendent clauses and their serial-component variants:

1. Tel, S, and PN-MR-T or PN-MR tagmemes may occur
23;: with the initial serial component, being always deleted

54

in (but shared with) the following component c1ause(s).

2. In the position(s) following the initial predicate
and preceding the final predicate of the series, only the
(nuclear) I, 01, 02, and CG tagmemes occur.

5. An object tagmeme occurring in one clause is
deleted in all following component clauses if it refers to
the same object.22

4. L, IA, M, and CM tagmemes may occur pply following
the final predicate. These tagmemes are shared with the
(preceding predicates, although deleted in all but final
position.

5. Negative predicates may occur pply if the final
predicate is negative, in which case one or more of the
preceding predicates may also be negative.

The following examples will illustrate the above rules.
Broken lines show the sphere of influence of 'shared'
tagmemes:

1. (Initial and final: intransitive)

TeJ S 3%,Pi Pi L

I

y6g6 nyag ké'éme méé nan 'waapéd vO sdg yea saale (g47f)

 

 

 

Te — _ _ __

1
pm--.:-- L

m
i

 

 

Tomorrow mouth morning-in foc man all they gather come
village-square-to (Tomorrow morning everyone must gather in

22 In two examples from the corpus, a noun Object is re-
placed by a pronoun in the following component clause.

55

the village square.)
2. (Initial: intentional, final: locative)

t 1 L

PM Pin CG P

 

v6 laa- n nan yOOlé die kaale (a65f)
PM — ——_=— — _

 

They23 gO-for-me dough working are-there village-in (She
went to fix me food in the village.)

5. (Initial, medial, and final: transitive)

 

 

They leave pot carry leave go-down there (They carry the
pot and leave it there.)

4. (Initial: transitive, final: ditransitive)

 

 

 

 

r a
EPtroi Pdi if. M
... 66 ydd nan ya pan ba ya vangna (a66)
PM— _
01“‘:_ ‘=‘ _‘ _ ——M

24

... that-they work dough come carry-to us-two come fast

(... that she should fix the food and bring it to us fast.)

25 Plural of respect.
24 Idem.

56
5. (Initial and final: transitive)
REE-Egg; :3; (gnu)
PM ------
I search see-not cm-neg at-all (I've looked but I can't
find it at all.)

5.5. Relative freqpency among indicative clauses ip
coppus. This analysis would not be complete without some
indication of the relative frequency of the clauses under
discussion in the corpus.

The first column in Table 5 includes negative forms
and all other indicative variants except those that serve
as component clauses in serial constructions. The latter
are tabulated separately in the second column. This chart
serves to alert us to the importance of this particular set
of variants in the total picture of clause frequency.

5.4. Sentences. A sentence in Duru is a construction
above the clause and serial clause levels but below the
paragraph and discourse levels. Sentences seem to consist
of 'a single clause, of a patterned combination of clauses,
or of a clause fragment (usually of phrasal structure, and
Often dependent in sense on other sentences in the linguist-

.25

ic context or on context of situation).

25 Longacre 1968:125. His definition seems to fit Duru
sentence structure quite well.

clause type indep serial clause type indep serial
Intransitive 97 197 Perception 15 -
Reflexive 4 9 ~Desiderative l5 -
Locative 6 19 Intentional 7 5
Transitive 164 255 Descriptive 5 -
Reciprocal l 5 Inchoative 14 1
Ditransitive 18 21 Equative 5 -
Introducertr 51 7 TOTALS 469 507
Introducerdi 95 14

Table 5: Frequency of independent indicative clauses in

corpus

We may Speak of initial, rima , and final positions

within the sentence. Such tentative analyses that we have
made on the Duru sentence level indicate that independent
transitive indicative clauses may fill pp; primary posi-
tion26 on the sentence level with two exceptions: l) the
primary position in contrary-to-fact condition sentences,
and 2) the first primary position in imperative sentences.
There may be several primary positions in some sentences.
An example of a compound sentence:

26 'often called the Base tagmeme.

58

Prim1:transitive link:pp§é Prim2:transitive

baa ye h5 ya mbigi ka pé Man this sees place hammer

'waapéd, améé koeoe hOn ne where falls all, but Lion sees-

(clOf) not cm-neg (This man sees
clearly the place where the
hammer falls, but Lion does
not.)

On the other hand, the contrary-tO-fact condition
sentence contains no independent transitive indicative
clause. It contains an initial position filled by a con-
trary-tO-fact protasis and a primary position filled by a
contrary—tO-fact apodosis (here separated by a comma):

kan k6n kéb ne téé, ka vOn If-he-would do-not trick cm-

gb6 wO yo noo ya dOO 55m neg if, would they-would hit

kin nyéle (a112f) him cm kill place root peanut
wild that-at (If he had not
been tricky, they would have
hit and killed him among the
wild peanuts.

The initial primary position of an imperative sentence
cannot contain an independent transitive indicative clause,
but the following primary position(s) must do so. In the
following example, the initial primary position is filled

by an imperative transitive clause, the other two primary

positions are filled by indicative transitive clauses (each

59

position is separated by a comma):

5m 'bé kéng nye, m6 maa, m6 You take monkey this, you

soeng 'waapéd (c99f) roast, you crunch all (Take
the monkey, roast it, and eat

it all.)

CHAPTER 4
DERIVED CLAUSES

4.0. Introduction. If we may regard indicative
clauses as in some sense basic or central to the Duru clause
system, we may (with a minimum of repetitiveness) describe
the remaining sets of Duru clauses as 'derived' from the
indicative. We will state the characteristics (with ex—
amples) for each set of derived clauses, always keeping
the indicative mode as our point of departure. Only when
a tagmeme (in a derived set) differs from its indicative
counterpart will it be mentioned here. Each of the modes
about to be described is contrastive with the other modes;
each set of subordinate clauses contrasts with all other
sets of subordinate clauses and with each mode; and emphatic
and interrogative constructions are distinct‘ from all
other constructions.

The main27 lines of derivation may be simply explained

27 As in chapter 5, the independent transitive indicative
clause fits into a pattern describable in general for all
the clauses of the indicative mode. Some restrictions ob-
tain for certain of the indicative clauses, which cannot be
transformed into certain modes, but since they do not affect
the clause which is the subject of this analysis, they will
not be treated here.

40

41

and diagrammed. Indicative clauses may be transformed into
any mode, any subordinate clause, and into emphatic and
interrogative constructions. Completed action clauses may
be transformed into four subordinate clause types, as on
Figure 1. Completed action and imperative clauses may be
made emphatic or interrogative. Subordinate clauses may be
made emphatic. Serial clauses may be composed Of clause
variants from three modes: indicative, OOMpleted action,
or imperative; but only one mode may be involved in any one
serial construction. Interrogation and emphasis are not
mutually exclusive but may occur simultaneously in the same
clause. i

In Figure 1, solid lines indicate derivations between
contrastive types, while broken lines indicate compositional
relationships involving non-contrastive variants of the
clauses involved.

4.1. Mpdpl derived clauses (9A, Im v, EN, C-to-F).

4.1.1. Completed action pggglgggl. The two distinc-
tive features of this mode are: 1) its completed action
clause marker; 2) the ordering of certain allomorphs of
this clause marker. This mode is not transformable into
the verbal noun or the contrary-to-fact modes, as is the
indicative mode.

The semantic area covered by this mode is the com-

pletedness of an action. Often this action took place in

 

 

 

 

 

 

,2 K.
I, \‘
I \\
I" \
l’ \\

. . I \
Indicative p_ 5 Modes: \\
clauses ‘

Completed action I
Imperative
,Verbal noun
Contrary—to-fact
Subordinate
clauses:
TLC
Rel
Sb Desid ‘7
Ind Quo Interrogation
Ind 0rd /

the recent past, but completedness here must not be confused
with tense, which is expressed by the PN-MR—T tagmeme
composite. Since it is the viewpoint of the Duru speaker
that determines what is 'accomplished', a future event may

a":

be spoken of as 'complete The completed action

28 Thus: 'Tomorrow I—will leave on the bus already.’

45

clause marker is Often translated 'already' by informants.
This clause marker is composed of two morphemes:
/sO'O/ 'affirmative' and /sie...ne/ 'negative'.29
The distinctive ordering mentioned above concerns the
allomorphs whose first component is pig, for, unlike any
other Duru clause marker, this component very seldom occurs
clause finally. Its preferred positions are as follows:
preceding a noun Object (01) but following a pronoun
Object (01). (In ditransitive clauses it occurs between
the I and the 02 tagmemes.)

Some examples:

 

 

I '
PM Ptr CM 01 CM You show already body cm
m6 vud sis £58 0 (a55) (You've exposed yourself.)
PM Ptr 01 CM T92 OM I find-him already today cm
...mi maa-wO sfe boeoe 0 (He's caught today.)
(a76)

4.1.2. Imperative mode (Impv). The imperative mode

is characterized by 1) its PN-MR tagmeme composite filler,

50

which is always an £2 series pronoun, with no tense tag-

meme, 2) the Optional occurrence of the 2 s and 2 p1 PN-MR

29 See Appendix C for a more complete description of the
allomorphs andtheir contexts.

50 See Appendix B for a complete paradigm of the fig

pronoun. SUbJ

44

tagmeme composites when the linguistic or situational
context makes the meaning clear, and 5) its imperative
clause marker.

The PN-MR tagmeme composite involves all three persons
and when not in the second person is translatable by 'let
me...', 'let him...', or by 'I must...', etc. The second
person is the equivalent of our English imperative.

Optionality in the Duru PN-MR tagmeme occurs only here.
In all the other modes, all fillers Of this tagmeme composite
are overt (except, of course, the‘fl'morpheme for the 5 s
in the Elsubj set).

The imperative clause marker is identical with the
indicative /o/ in the affirmative. The negative morpheme,
however, is pp in all contexts.

Some examples:

 

PM Ptr 01 CM You take stick-cm (Take sticks!)
I 'bee ... hvdedeeg (a78f)

PM 222 01 CM} You accept word his cm-neg

i féé moo wOO sa (a85) (Don't believe him!)

PM Ptr Let-him come eat!

 

a ya la (e5)

4.1.5. Verbal ppppflppgp (EN). The verbal noun clause
is characterized by:
1) no Tel, S, PN—MR-T, or CM tagmemes

2) a verbal noun always fills the P tagmeme

45

3) lack of a negative form
4) indirect and direct object tagmemes precede the P tag-
meme instead of following, as elsewhere
5) its distinctive distribution: filling the 02 and C3
slots of the inchoative and equative clauses, the 01
slot of the transitive clause, the 05 slot of the desid-
erative clause, and the CG slot of the intentional
clause, as well as filling some slots ordinarily filled
by nouns (like head and detail slots in noun phrases
and axis slots in relator-axis locative phrases).
The verbal noun mode is not an independent mode, as
are the other modes, nor does it fit structurally with the
set of subordinate clauses. It might be called a nominal
mode. The above list of characteristics probably needs no
elaboration for the reader who has followed me this far.
Examples of the intentional and inchoative clauses
containing verbal noun clauses may be found in 1.4. Follow-

ing are examples of verbal noun clauses fillm}ol and O5

 

 

 

slots:
8 PM Ptr 01 M Rabbit he finds heart being-
01 Pvntr clean much (Rabbit was very
babaam fl nfing 233 d§"e wfiani happy.)

(s19)

45

 

f? Pdesid. 05 E? I like-not arm small pOinting
_ , . .
Ol Pvntr cm neg (I don t like finger
mi sen nag was sale ne pointing.)
(£19)

4.1.4. Contrary-to-fact mode (Q-to-F). The contrary-

to-fact mode is used in the apodosis of contrary-to-fact

51

condifion sentences. It is characterized by: 1) the

particle kg 'contrary-to-fact' which precedes the PN-MR-T
tagmeme composite, and 2) the limiting of fillers of the

52

PN-MR-T tagmeme composite to git pronouns, A demonstrative

may occur near the end of the clause.

 

An example:
?53 c-to-f PM Ptr 01 Then contrary-to-fact they-
; ... Ea- :gnndug b1: would tan him today like that
T92 M dem GM would cm (Then they would be

 

boeoe is yogo §3 33 (allOf) tanning him today like that.)
4.2. Subordinate derived clauses (2L9, Eel, Sb D sid,

Ind uo, Ind 93g). Subordinate clauses are distinguished

from independent clauses by the subordinating phrases or

words (or systematic lack of them) which magfintroduce and/or

31 There is some evidence to indicate that the contrary-

to-fact mode may also be used in displeasure concerning a

past event: 'You should not have forbidden him!‘ No such
construction is found in the corpus, however.

52 See Appendix B for a paradigm.

53 Meaning unknown, but this particle seems to introduce a
conclusion from previous information.

47

close the clause. Their distribution on the sentence,
clause, or phrase level also serves to contrast them with
other clause types. The five most frequent}4 sets of
derived clauses will be treated here. General rules and
examples will be cited, but no attempt will be made to be
complete or exhaustive, since only the transitive indicative
c1ause's derived forms are of particular interest to us
here. Most indicative clauses may be transformed into
subordinate clauses on the analogy of the transitive
clauses givalin the following examples. An interesting
characteristic of the initial morpheme of the subordinate
phrase is thattgoes Egg occur initially in the subordinate
clause. It occurs between the S and the PN-MR-T tagmemes,
which means that Tel and S tagmemes precede it.

The 'characteristics' of the clauses listed below are
not all distinctive, but at least the first two listed for
each set of clauses will be contrastive.

4.2.1. Temporal-locative-conditional (Egg). The dis-
tinctive characteristics of the TLC clause are its subor-

35

dinating phrase and its distribution in the initial slot

in sentences. Its PN-MR tagmeme composite is filled by

54 Three other probably contrastive types (purpose, con-
cessive, and cause) will not be treated here due to insuf-
ficient data in the corpus.

35 See Appendix D.

48

.éE series pronouns.

Temporal clauses may contain an initial time word,

locative clauses an initial locative, and conditional

clauses may contain a conditional particle (borrowed from

Fulani).

Some examples:

 

l
S Sb—PM P M Sb Man when-they hear like that

tr

nén koo ki is yogo maé when (When the people heard
(3121) that...)

 

r’
Sb

41
PM Ptr 01 L Sb Time when he finds animal close

 

sey ké ¢ mas pog bde' méé when (When he finds the animal

(c8) is close...)

4.2.2. Relative (Rel). The characteristics of the

relative subordinate clause are:

l)

2)
5)

56

its subordinating phrase, which is always manifested
but may not be overt

its typical distribution in a modifier slot in noun phrases
the negative agreement of the subordinate verb with the
verb of the preceding primary clause when this latter

verb is negative, although semantically the subordinate

verb's meaning remains affirmative

the fin series pronoun filling the PN—MR tagmeme slot.

56 See Appendix D.

49

 

An example:
i —u .
Tel Sb-PM Ptr Sb Time-past yesterday which-you
ké ban kii pa ye (e6) announce here (which you an-

nounced yesterday)

An example of negative grammatical agreement:

C
l

8 EM Eta. 01 l 91:: Rabbit he knows-not thing that-
babaam ¢ gaan hen a kén ne he does-not cm-neg (Rabbit
(a25f) doesn't know what to do.)

The 3 over the bar indicates concord or agreement.

4.2.3. Subordinate desiderative (gg Desidz. The
characteristics of the subordinate desiderative clause are:
1) its sfiematic lack of a subordinator
2) its distribution in the 05 slot of the desiderative

clause
5) negative agreement between the subordinate verb and the
verb in the primary clause (Cf. the relative clause).
4) the fin series pronoun filling the PN-MR- tagmeme

composite slot.

The example on p. 17 may be analyzed further here:

PM Pdi I 2 You follow tell-me other
i add 3-n too ((I want) you to tell me again.)

An example of negative grammatical agreement:

50

r 1
EE|Pdesid ! 05

‘ iii 9;. L,
m6 hiin 00 noon bi m661e lige ne (e28)

 

You want-not that-we kill-not you your-at house-at cm-neg
(You don‘t want us to kill you in your house.)

4.2.4. Indirect quotations and orders (lad uo, Ind
93g). Both indirect quotations and orders use the Optional
subordinating root pa and fill the 03 slot in introducer
clauses. Indirect quotations, however, have a mi series
pronoun filling the PN-MR—T tagmeme composite slot while
indirect orders have an fig series pronoun there. Another
difference between these two is that indirect quotations
may contain only indicative and completed action clause
markers, while indirect orders seem to contain only imper-
ative clause markers.

An example of an indirect quotation:

 

'
8 Sb PM P' I P Rabbit that follows carries

di
babfiam b; 5' aha pan hi ;2' them comes dough other (that
02 Rabbit brings them more food)
nan too (g105)
An example of an indirect order:

Sb PM Ptr 01 that they-should announce word

ba 66 pa moo (gll2) (that they should announce...)

51

4.5. Reference variants. As already indicated in
2.1.1., some subordinate clauses may contain a mi series
pronoun of reference instead of a mi or gm series pronoun

57

under certain conditions. Amy pronoun in the subordinate
clause meeting the 'reference condition' is replaced,
whether that pronoun fills the PN-MR—T, I, or 0 slot.58

The 'reference condition' is as follows: if a (mi or gm
series) pronoun in a dominated clause refers to the same
person as the subject of the preceding dominating clause,
that pronoun is replaced by the corresponding pronoun in the
mi series.

Two comments are in order: 1) only if the dominating
clause precedes the dominated clause can this reference
condition be fulfilled, and 2) we must speak of a dominating
clause rather than a preceding independent clause, since
the dominating clause may itself be a subordinate clause.

The following (sets of) clauses are most frequently
dominated in this manner in the corpus:

l) subordinate desiderative 3) indirect order
2) indirect quotation 4) verbal noun clause-
Some examples:

37 The same is true of the possessive adjective, which
has a Special 'reference form'.

58 For mi as 0, see 4.2.3.; as I, see 4.2.4.

52

 

 

£3,3igsid 05 He wants he goes pour-together
Pm Prc 3E. L wine there (He wants to pour

¢ hii bi la t55n dad wole wine (into it) there.)

(bl9f)

.Pm'Pégytr 05 They think that they-will

 

Sb PM P 01 follow find dough other

tr
vo taa b; bi; dfifi nfing nan t66 (They thought they would
(g94) receive more food.)

See also the second example in 4.2.5. and the first
example in 4.2.4.

4.4. Interrogative derived clauses. All clauses in
the following three modes may be transformed into ifizerrog-
ative clauses: indicative, completed action, imperative.

In addition, emphatic derived clauses may simultaneously be
interrogative.

The distinctive characteristics of interrogative clauses
are: l) the morpheme /a/ must occur clause finally,39 re-
placing any final vowel the clause marker may previously
have had, and 2) an Optional interrogative non-personal
pronoun may fill the S or 0 slots (§m 'what', mém 'how',
méé 'who') or the L slot (Eé 'where').

An example:

39 See Appendix C for allomorphs of /a/ dependent on con-
text.

53

PM Ptr 01 CM-Q I-will do how-cm-Q (What will
min k6 nennea (b51) I do?)

4.5. Emphatic gerivei clauses. Clauses may show em-
phasis in several ways, or in combinations of these ways.

To emphasize the PN-MR—T tagmeme composite, emphatic
'pronouns' are used, with two levels of emphasis visible:
strong and very strong.40 The emphatic pronoun often
follows the predicate.

An example:

PM Ptr PME 01 CM I want-not i foolishness cm-
mi ;§;f;22’3523; K; (g53) neg (I don't want any foolish-
ness, I don't!)

Predicates may be emphasized by preceding juncture
(pause) and doubling of the initial verb consonant (see
also c62 and c102):

S PM BEE 01 13525 O
Babaam ¢ tii nag kpaag 115' kidd-ole (a38)

1 L

Rabbit turns hand left hits tar-there (Rabbit pulls back his

left hand and hits the tar.

This latter example happens to be a serial construction, but

this fact does not bear upon emphasis constructions in Duru.
Negative forms are emphasized by adding one of the

40 The form used in strong emphasis is generally describ-
able in the mi series by lengthening the vowel of the free
object form of the pronoun; strongest emphasis is shown by
adding —no to the mit pronoun. The an and bi series also
have emphatic forms.

54

adverbs koed or sam to the negative clause marker:

S PM P

__.__22_

hen h3g v6 'waapéd v6 nugun not thing eating cm-neg at-all

Thing bush.p1 all they find-

 

01 CM E (None of the animals could
hen lélé né sam (glf) find any food at all!)

The root im 'the one who‘ may be involved to give

special emphasis:

E. 3M3 _ ___9__1 _ EM-Q

ie vii k6 hen nyenoo En ... a (C65)

The-ones—who ygm do thing seed-his what ... cm-Q (What good
thing do 12m do ... 7)

An object or other post-predicate tagmeme may be trans-
posed to pre-subject position, generally with the addition
of the particle méi for emphasis:

C’13“: - i 3” fir. 3i
wdedb ba yaa sd'd méé fl gas as (b12)

Husband that comes already emph, he knows cm-neg (He doesn't

know at all that the husband has come already.)

CHAPTER 5
FURTHER STUDIES

Our analysis of Duru grammar has but begun. The im-
mediate future could be devoted to pursuing several areas
in the grammatical hierarchy which this thesis has not been
able to touch, or which have not yet been the objects of
intensive study. An annotated list of some of the more
profitable areas for future study follows:

1. Fill out existing charts. Once an informant is
again available, the matrices due to the present analysis
may be filled in and the 'fields' then surveyed for rele-
vant contributions to the clause level.

2. Ideomhones. IdeOphones should be studied at
length to expose their functions and better eXplain their
relationships to elements of the phrase and clause levels.

5. Serial clause subclusters. There are some indic-
ations that certain serial constructions are more limited
than the ordinary serial clause in what component clauses
they may contain. For example, there may be a 'ditransitive
subcluster', whose first component is.a transitive clause

containing an Optional Ol tagmeme, followed by a ditransitive

55

56

predicate (filled by Bf; 'give' or é 'put') which is followed
by the obligatory I tagmeme (but mg: an O2 tagmeme).

4. Sentences, paragraphs, discourses. Although we
must expand our treatment of serial clauses, it is partic-
ularly the sentence, paragraph, and discourse constructions
that need considerable attention. Present evidence seems
to indicate at least these three levels higher than serial
clause constructions.

5. Phonology and intonation. Isolating the higher
phonological structures and relating them to grammatical

constructions of comparable level has yet to be done.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Agheyisi, Rebecca N.
1968 A Tagmemic Clause-Level Analysis of Bini. Thesis
for the M.A. Michigan State University.

Cook, Walter A.
1964 On Tagmemes and Transforms. Washington, D. C.,
Georgetown University Press.

Duran, James J.
1968 A Tagmemic Analysis of Swahili Clause Structure.
Thesis for the M.A. Michigan State University.

Elson, Benjamin and Pickett, Velma
1967 An Introduction to Morphology and Syntax. Santa
Ana, California, Summer Institute of Linguistics.

Greenberg, Joseph H.
1966 The Languages of Africa. Publication 25.
Bloomington, Indiana, Indiana University Research
Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics.

Longacre, Robert E.
1960 String Constituent Analysis. Lg. 36.65-88.

1964 Grammar Discovery Procedures. The Hague, Mouton.

1966 Trique Clause and Sentence: A Study in Contrast,
Variation, and Distribution. IJAL 32.242-52.

McClure, H. David
1966 A Tagmemic Description of the Independent Trans-
itive Declarative Non-emphatic Clause in a Small
Sample of Yoruba. Thesis for the M.A. Michigan
State University.

Pike, Kenneth L.
1959 Language as Particle, Wave, and Field. The Texas
Quarterly 2.2.57-54.

1962 Dimensions of Grammatical Constructions. Lg.
58.221-44.

57

58

Pike Kenneth L.
1965 A Syntactic Paradigm. Lg. 59.216—50.

1966 Tagmemic and Matrix Linguistics Applied to Select-
ed African Languages. Ann Arbor, Michigan, Center
for Research on Language and Language Behavior.

1967 Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the
Structure of Human Behavior. 2nd ed. The Hague,
Mouton.

APPENDIX A

THE CORPUS

The corpus is composed of seven folktales lettered A
through G as follows:
A Rabbit Steals
Two Adulterers
Lion
Rabbit and Pigeon
Hyena and Death

Hunting

thjt‘dUOw

Rabbit and the CornucOpia
The first four were recorded on tape, the others written
down by the informant. The Duru text has been arranged
with a free translation below it on the bottom of each set
of pages on the left. A more colloquial style was chosen
for the free translation because we are dealing with folk-
tales. A literal word-by-word translation is always found
on the Opposing page, with a number-letter reference to my
notebooks in the Upper right hand corner.

In the corpus certain departures from the style of this

thesis are found: 1) double quotation marks enclose

59

6O

quotations to avoid confusion over the use of the apostrOphe
for the glottal stop, 2) no zero third singular pronoun
morphemes are indicated, retaining the serial clause ambigu-
ities as they are in spoken Duru. Examples cited in the
body of the thesis contain Mmarkings for the reader's bene-
fit.

In order to aid the reader the English third singular
verbal suffix am is used in the literal translation: takeg.

IdeOphones are generally transliterated but some in-
dication is given of their meaning. Words of very uncertain
meaning are not translated in the literal translation, but
an underlined space is left instead.

A minimum of abbreviations is used in the literal

translation:

neg negative cm clause marker

Q interrogative - joins two or more words
pl plural used to gloss a single
foc focus Duru Word

emph emphasis

5x

61

TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS

l Babéém Aa rs: vo baa béb, bab aam kinné. vo baa 55m
2 kin had Occlé na'a. lam kin pee yég wfifini. Vidde téé

5 Babéém lfifi, gang tang ya ba sa A5...A5 fag v5 55m liwné,
4 vidde.

4b Nyag ka'ame la fad kdd yaa téé, vo maa zdm mbaa

5 pOn. Aa féé v6: "A, yee nénan doo n66 pgn ka bad aan
6 iii aam kin liwna? Nyag ka'ame kan yaa téé, vb sd 55m
7 kin, sa aam kin, vo san 36m kin, v6 san 33m kin yela! Nan
8 doo n66 ka k6 hen s55 ie yogo yela?" Babgam Aa fég v6
9 gaan hen OO kOn ne.

lO Koo v3' 155 v53 ligge téé, Babaam té'ado vidde,

11 166 vidde, gang tOnga 3% 55m kinno téé, panga man keg,
12 v6 15. 3%, ya 33 téé, gang a man :33, v6 la. Sey tfim,

15 tfim tfim mbaa die woo kélé ie yogo.
l4 YOgé la féé kOO ya h3 too méé, v6 3: "Aa'a, 5'5 ye

3'341 MIL has a field, a field of wild peanuts. She
hoes the wild peanuts a lot and they grow real well. At
night R takes his hoe and secretly digs Up MIL's peanuts.

When MIL comes in the morning she finds some rows (5)
dug up. She says, "Hey! Who's secretly stealing my peanuts?
Every morning when I come, they've dug up some of my peanuts!
Who's doing a thing like that?" R's MIL doesn't know what
to do.

(10) After she returns home, R wakes Up before dawn,
takes his hoe and digs Up some peanuts, then takes them to
his wife and they eat. Yes, he goes and digs, then takes
them to his wife and they eat. He's in the habit of doing
this all the time.

One day when MIL sees this again, she says, "Oh no, now

41 R - Rabbit, MIL = Mother-in-law

62

TEXT A
RABBIT STEALS 5-118-5-120

(1) Rabbit Mother in-law they cultivate field, field
peanut wild-cm. They cultivate peanut (2) wild until
being-much very. Peanut wild that sprouts much. (KBNQigEE/
time (3) Rabbit leaves, carries hoe comes for dig Mother...
Mother in-law p1 peanut stealthily, (4) night-in.

(4b) Mouth morning-in Mother in-law when-they come
when, they find row sit (5) harvested. Mother in-law-they
(say): "What! Q person his who first that continues digs-
me (6) me peanut wild stealthily? Mouth morning-in when-I
come when, they dig peanut (7) wild, dig peanut wild, they
dig-me peanut wild, they dig-me peanut wild here-cm! Per-
son (8) his who that does thing this like that here-cm-Q?"
Rabbit Mother in-law they (9) know-not thing that-they do-
not cm-neg.

(10) When-they return go they house-in when, Rabbit
awakens-early night-in, (11) leaves night-in, carries hoe-
goes digs peanut wild-cm then carries goes find-each-other
wife, (12) they eat. Yes, comes digs then, carries-goes
find-each-other wife, they eat. Time always, (13) always
always continues is-in-process-Of it doing like that.

(14) Next-day Mother in-law when-they come see other

when, they say: "No, time this

\\

\M

\I

65

TEXT A-—RABBIT STEALS

I

15 ma néa, mi gaan sic hen téé an kén ne. Sey min soo hinaa.
l6 t66 moo liw méé nye ma"e pan." Ndéé A5 féé v6 ka 15. V6
17 1a nyOO kid, kid na' awOle. VO nyOO kid k6 1e nénén

18 wogo. VO gang kid pee kad, v6 ya ldede é bab saame. V6
19 daa vé' ka la lige.

2O Vid ké k6 méé, Babéém gang dag kan t6ng yaa die

21 silé. Em, 5m, 5m bde' n66, 5m tdegde n66, em tdegde n66.
22 Ka nya ya nyag babe méé, kfiu n66 maé ha kid 1a faa

25 vOn dii 3 bab saamé pee dii mbaa yd. Tdeggé faaaaa. Kid
24 nam né. 8: "Laé, yee hen wOO 5n ka dii nyela? K66 nénén.
25 voo dii, vo die...vo dien piila?" Babaam gaan hen a

26 kén ne. Babaam noe'oey hégé, bi hg kiddé, kid noe'oey

27 wdd. Lfifi dii dog yfiba, kid lfifi woo.

I

m ’ II I \
28 Ké vidde éméé, ka nam sO'O pén tee, kld nye nam

ms
(D\

29 am. Ké noe'oey ké' dag t é, kid noe'oey wOO. 'Bg tSng

(15) I don't know what I can do any more. I must look for
some way to catch this thief." Then she goes and builds Up
some tar, a lot of tar. She shapes the tar in the form of a
man. She carries it, sets it Up in the middle of the field,
and returns home.

(20) When it's night R brings a calabash and hoe, of
course. He walks very carefully, looking all around.

When he comes to the edge of the field, he sees the tar
standing there that MIL has set Up in the middle of the field.
He looks at it a long time. The tar doesn't move. He says,
"Oh my! What's that standing there? Maybe it's a man.

(25) Is he...is he lying in ambush for me?" He doesn't know
what to do. He bends down to look at the tar; the tar bends
down too. He stands Up; the tar stands Up too.

Since it's night, whenever he moves, the tar moves too.
If he bends down to one side, the tar bends down too. He

64

RABBIT STEALS--TEXT A 5-120--5-121

(15) foc time, I know-not already thing other that-I do-
not cm-neg. Time I-will look-for road (16) some for rob-
ber too this catching first.” Then Mother in-law they
take-road go. They (17) go build tar, tar is-big very.
They build tar like like person (18) like. They carry
tar that then, they come plant set field middle-in. They
(19) pass return take-road go house-to.

(20) Night when does when, Rabbit carries calabash
and hoe comes is-there (21) of-course. Walks, walks, walks
looks eye, walks looks eye, walks looks eye.

(22) When arrives comes edge field-at when, Opens eye
when sees tar Mother in-law (25) that-they make-stand set
field-in that stands sits there. Looks-him long-time.

Tar (24) moves cm-neg. Says: "What! Q thing his what

that stands here-cm-Q? Or person (25) they stand, they are-
in-process-of...they are-in-process-of-me stalkingbcm-Q?"
Rabbit knows-not thing that-he (26) does-not cm-neg. Rab-
bit bends-down ground-to, he sees tar-cm, tar bends-down
(27) itself. Leaves stands goes-Up Up, tar leaves itself.

(28) Since night-at too-since, when moves already
first when, tar this moves (29) too. When bends-down side

one when, tar bends-down itself. Takes hoe

\/

I"

.‘\

\\J

‘K

65

TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS

5O kan dag d ZOO hage, baa 5m $33, 533, $35 séé la kiddoole
51 ké'ade. Od kid: "Yow, aséé liw An fga v66 méé m6 nyo.
52 Mo baa 33 In £53 v6 55m kin liwna man naa? Boeoe méé

55 mi ma'am sO'O. M6 vfid sic f55 o." Babaam see la wOOlé
54 ké'ade, déng kid néé kpgg. Nag baamdd ségém mbaa la

35
56

57 'ben liwna am na? An dégém kan nag ie t66 ye ad's pen

Ole. Babéam Oddo: "T5, naa m6 liw sdd yee? 15m kin

i
Co

a kan 33 An :3: vo kan baa 'be vo liwne, m6 hii bi

E!
Inn

58 téé, m6n was hage." Babaam tii nag kpaag lla' kiddOle.
59 Nag segé mbaa la wOle. Beam 3: "Aé', m6 ma' nag 3n ya
40 wad idu am naa? To. 1'5 ye méa an vdedem kan yfifi sd'd
41 pen téé, m6n die wééne haga." Babaam vdede kid kan yfifi
42 kpég. Kid was ne. YUU ma'ay mbaa 1a wole. Bataan 3:

45 "T5. Boeoe méa ban kanno. M6 m ' yfifi en sO'O na? An

(50) sets dgyn his hoe and calabash and walks ever so care-
fully gmg saa gig, approaching the tar from the side. He says
to the tarI—VSO you're my MIL's thief! Are you secretly dig-
ging up my MIL's wild peanuts? Today I've got you, then.
You've exposed‘yourself." He approaches the side of the tar
and hits it kpgg. His hand sticks (55) fast. He says to it,
"So! You're the thief, aren't you? Do you want to steal me
secretly too, like you steal my MIL's peanuts? If I hit you
with my other fist here, you'll fall down." He pulls back his
left hand and hits the tar. It sticks there. He says, "Hey,
are you grabbing and holding (40) both my hands? SO. If I
hit you with my head, you'll fall down." He hits the tar with
his head kpég. It doesn't fall down, but his head sticks
there. He says, "Aha! Today we'll have this out. You've
grabbed my head, have you? If I klck you with a foot, you'll
have to fall down." He bends back hls leg and

66

RABBIT STEALS--TEXT A 5—121--5-125

(50) and calabash puts down ground-on, continues walks
carefully, carefully, carefully approaches goes tar-to-
him (51) side-at. Says-to tar: "Well, really robber
Mother-my in-law their foc you there. (52) You continue
dig Mother-my in-law pl peanut wild stealthily foc cm-Q?
Today fee (55) I catch-you already. You show already

. body cm." Rabbit approaches goes it-tO (54) side-at, hits
tar like-that gags. Hand Rabbit-his sticks sits goes

(55) him-to. Rabbit says-to-him: "SO, neng you robber
this then? Peanut wild (56) foc that-you dig Motherbmy
inelaw pl that-you continue take them stealthily, you want
you (57) take—me stealthily too cm-Q? Ist hit-you with
hand the other this already first (58) if, you-will fall
ground-to." Rabbit turns hand left hits tar-there.

(59) Hand sticks sits goes there. Rabbit says: “Hey, you
grab hand.keep-me place (40) his two also cm-Q? So. Time
this foc if-I hit-you with hand already (41) first if, you-
will be-in-process-of falling ground-to." Rabbit hits tar
with head (42) mpég. Tar falls cm—neg. Head sticks sits
goes there. Rabbit says: (45) "SO. Today foc we-will
meet-cm. You grab head keep-me already cm-neg-Q? If-I
(44):kick-you with foot one then necessarily you-will fall."
Rabbit bends foot one

\z

\I

\/

-..

67

TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS

45 ta' kid gfig. Kid was ne. Kéédo doo dégé mbaa hage.

46 Beam Oddo: "A'a ye maa m6 ma'an doo, m6 ma'an nag mo
47 ma'an yfifi. Kéé doo dégé 'neng mi mbaan kanno yo. An
48 sOg doo mii ye 'waapéd, an ta'an m6 sd'd pan téé, m6n

49 die wééne hage, m6 diin yfiba ne." Babaam dUU lfifi doo

mh

50 zin ba kéé pee, té' kiddOle. Kid wa a ne. Babaam

51 sdey mbaa sie wOle m66 loeng ddengee. Tiido sfe

52 go'oye kadi, béa fOO mbaa wOle: medda na', meddé na',
55 mecca na', mecca na'.

54 Sey ta kUU n66...ka kUU n66 méé, he MbUU die

55 daalee.

56 MbUU ké dad méé, beewo: "Héy pea p55, 5m yaa o."
57 MbUU la ya. "M6 die laale tela?n OddO...MbUU addo:
58 "Mi dib laalé ka' zule." Od MbUU hennaa: "Péé, am

(45) kicks the tar 5mg. It doesn't fall down. One foot re-
mains on the ground. He says to it, "Now you've grabbed my
foot, my hands,and my head. I've only got one foot left. If
I kick you with that, you '11 fall down; you won 't stand up."
He takes his (50) remaining foot and kicks the tar, but it
doesn't fall down. He hangs there like a swinging vine. It
becomes like a horse for him, and he rocks back 'n forth,
back 'n forth, back 'n forth, back 'n forth.

When he looks Up he sees H42 passing (55) by.

While he's passing by, R calls to hlm, "Hey Uncle,
Uncle, come!" He comes over. "Where are you going?" He
tells him, "I' m going over that way." Here's what he tells
H: "See here, Uncle, my BWIL' given me this horse. She told

me I should guard

RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5-125--5-125

(45) kicks tar gmg. Tar falls cm-neg. Remains-foruhim foot
one sits ground-on. (46) Rabbit says-to-him: "Time this
fee you grab-me foot, you grab-me hand, you (47) grab-me
head. Remains foot one only I sit-together with-it cm.

If-I (48) gather-Up foot my this all, if-I hit you already
first if, you-will (49) be-in-process-of falling ground-on,
you stand-not up cm-neg." Rabbit again lifts foot (50) re-
maining that remains that, kicks tarbthere. Tar falls cm—
neg. Rabbit (51) attached sits cm there as vine swinging-cm.
Becomes-forbhim already (52) horse then, continues plays
sits there: back-'n forth, back-'n forth, (55) back-'n
forth, back-'n forth.

(54) Time when Opens eye...when Opens eye when, sees
Hyena is-in-process-of (55) passing-cm.

(56) Hyena when passes when, calls-him: "Hey uncle
uncle, you come cm.” (57) Hyena goes comes. "You are-in-
process-of going where-cm-Q?" Says-to-him...Hyena says~
to-him: (58) "I am-in-process-of going side there-to."
Says-to Hyena how-cm: "Uncle, you (59) see now! Motherbmy
in-law they give-me horse foc this cm. They (say) I-must

watch-for

\J

69

TEXT A—-RABBIT STEALS

6O bi babe, nan t66 ba 65 v6 ham kin liw yele. V6 6

61 an ya tdd bi bab mbaa yele, vo pdn go'oy. Mi di‘e wby
62 déélé ye no. V6 1aan nan yddlé die lige. V6 zfing
65 was, kan wu' 'wa, kan wu' zéé. VO 1aan nan yddlé
64 die kaale. To, am hii bi 1a nan ya 0 sd'd pén ten-
65 néa, 5m ya m6 féé go'oy mii ye déé mbaa. Mi ké dug,
66 mi la bee vb oo ydd nan ya pan ba ya vangna. Ba la
67 téé, m6n daa nyaa." Mbfifi 5ddo: "T6, p55, mi hii 6."
68 Naa vi gaa mbUU k6 déem weani.

69 Ka ki neng kan wu' zeé kan wu' 'wég émméé, hen

7O pad hii woo 0, mad WOO men. Z66 d§"o. Ka Babaam

71 t5'5 255 kiddé, daa fee and mbaa doggdle. Babaam he
72 dug is yog66666, 1d nya ag vddle.

75 Ka nya maa vo la méé, bee v6: "Na'a v6, na'a v6,

74 ya naa...naa mi ma' sis liw baa vi péé éé? Liw maé

(60) her field; somebody's digging up and stealing her wild
peanuts. She told me to stay here and guard her field, and
she gave me a horse. I'm mounted on it here. She went to
fix me food at the house. She's chopping bones, and dried
meat, and fresh meat. She went to fix me food in the village.
So if you want to eat this food, (65) come take my horse here
and mount up. I'll run and tell her to fix the food and
bring it to us fast. When we've eaten you can pass on by."
H says to him, "Ck, Uncle, I want to." Now you know that H
is terribly gluttonous, don't you?

When he hears bones, fresh meat and dried meat too, he
(70) wants it all, all for himself. He's very very happy.
After unsticking R from the tar, he mounts Up and sits there.
R runs lickity split and arrives at his MIL's house.

When he finds her, he calls to her, "Mother, mother!
Haven't I caught our thief now? Today I've caught the thief

7O

RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5-125--5-127

(60) them field, person some that digs them peanut wild
robbery here. They say (61) that-I come watch-for them
field sit here, they give-me horse. I am-in-process-of
it-cm (62) mounting here cm. They go-for-me dough working
are-there house-in. They break (65) bones, and meat dry,
and meat fresh. They go-for-me dough working (64) are-
there village-in. So, if-you want you eat dough this cm
already first if, (65) you come you accept horse my this
mount sit. I dig race,(66) I go call them that-they work
dough come carry-to us-two come fast. We-two eat (67) when,
you-will pass pass-by." Hyena says-to-him: "Yes, uncle,
I want cm." (68) Q-neg you know Hyena does gluttony much.

. (69) When hears bone and meat fresh and meat dry too-
when, thing (70) all wants his cm, only his only. Heart
is-clean-cm. When Rabbit (71) detaches goes-down tar-from,
passes receives mounts sits goes-Up—there. Rabbit digs
(72) race like thaaat, goes arrives relative them-to.

(75) When arrives finds them goes when, calls them:

"Mother p1, mother pl, (74) comes neghQ...neg-Q I catch

already robber our our that cm-Q? Robber foc

l

.l

71

TEXT A--RABBIT STEALS

w

75 a baa as vi 65m kin, sey 'waapéd ké die vi 55m kin
76

77 peels." A5 fag to OddO: "Ginaa?" "E5, ginu. Mi

m:

516 pee mi maawO sis boeoe o ma'ay mbaa die kid vii

78 maawé dOOle. I ya ba 155 vi 6. I 'bee hvoaoe...

79 hvdedeé." A5 fed vO 'bee hvdede kan waa vO kéén nag
8O ne.

81 KOO die laale hinaale méé, Babaam Od vo: "To

82 kaa lea vi sO'O pén tOnéa, ka bi hii mooe sO'O pOn
85 téé, i fée moo wOO sa. Kaa nya vi 1O na', ba kgngo

84 vi, baa v6 gbOléé koed. Ké bi moo mooe sO'O pOn téé,

I
\

85 i OddO: "Nyag...liw ka 9 nyagga?" Kango vi gbéléé."
86 V6 5m is yogo, v6 nya maa 1a. MbOU sdey mbaO dOOle.
87 that ha so'ey mbaa dOOle mas, is as vO ass nyoo

88 hvdede f6...wO vdedewé dagge kpég. MbUU sO'O pOn téé

(75) that's been digging Up your wild peanuts, that's been
digging Up your wild peanuts all the time; he s caught in
your tar." MIL says to him, "Is that right?" "Yes, it's
true. I've caught him; he's there. Come, let's go! Take
sticks!" MIL and her children take sticks; (80) not a hand
is empty.

While they're on the way, R tells them, "Now then, when
we get there, if he wants to talk, don't believe him. Once
we get there, let's just begin hitting him. If he wants to
speak, (85) tell him, 'Does a thief possess a mouth?‘ Let's
begin beating him." They walk and arrive. H sits there
hanging.

While he's hanging‘there, MIL lifts up her stick and
hits him on the head kpag. When H sees this, he says, "No,
mother, you're hitting me without reason. Let me

72

I

RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5—127--5-l28

(75) that continues digs you peanut wild, time all that is-
in-process-of you peanut wild (76) digging that I find-him
already today cm caught sits is-there tar your (77) that-in."
Mother in-law they say-to-him: "TrueAQ?" "Yes, true. I
(78) find-him is-there. You come let-us go us cm. You
take stick...(79) stick-cm." Mother in-law they take stick
and child pl lacks-not hand (80) cm-neg.

(81) When-they are-in-process-of going road-in when,
Rabbit says-to them: "Now-then (82) when-we go we already
first when, if he wants word-cm already first (85) if, you
accept word his cm-neg. When-we arrive we go like-that,
let-us begin-him (84) us, us us hitting only. If he
(wants to) speak word—cm already first if, (85) you say-to-
him: "Mouth...robber that possesses mouth-cm-Q?" (Let-us)
begin us hitting-cm." (86) They walk like that, they
arrive go. Hyena attached sits is-there.

(87) Hyena while attached sits is-there while, Mother
in-law they pass lift (88) stick p1...she hits-him head-on
3235. Hyena already first when (89) says: "NO, mother

pl, you hit-me being-nothing at-all-cm. You let me

I

\/

. If
// rr
.‘n
l
I
’
\rs

73

TEXT A--RAB2IT STEAIS

.....- L
9O 5O doaoo mii pen."
a, can: . . I ’
91 Base" ké k1 re yogo maa, ndog k6 ban 0 moo wOO o.

\

1 . . J . a
92 had goo vidde ken hvoeoe 1e wOO, voeoe Abufi néé kpag.

I

.. < ,. ., .
95 Dead: "liw ka e nyagga a?! ho liwwe pOla? F0 b1 moo...
. ‘ ,-~ ’ .I fit. “
94 m6 b1 moo nenna?" tda vo 56g 818 kan aa fa a v6, v6

05 gbO 1% £3 hag, vb gbé MbUU vo nOO gbo ddd. V6 'be daa...

,- , \\ -. ‘ a
90 ’21: an. . .I‘ou
A .1... ~- \ ‘v‘ \\ “
97 cause: so koo woo waapad, moo kee b11 be a ga an was
98 wOOlO.
A . I, ~ ‘
99 Sey kOO nya la w Olé lige, kOO nyd la ag vOOlé

og yfiba ne, bed bee hage, baa bee:

(. I

an nOO na," tUgUd, "nyaa boeoe ndOggO
(

104 m6 ya," tUgUd, "gbang bamsé ye keb mOO na," tOgOd,

la in myself first."
When R hears this, he' s afraid that H will tell his
stng. He goes fast with his own stick and hits H like this
kpag. R tells him, "Aren' t you a thief? that do you want to
say?" Then they all together with MIL (95) hit H for a long
time. They hit him and kill him.

When H is dead, they give him to R. R removes the
whole hide so his wife can carry her children in it.

then they arrive home, when they arrive at‘ IL's house,
(R O) R prepares the hide; he's tanning it.

While he' s tanning the hide, he sings a certain song.

He doesn't sing loudly, but 501 tly. He sings, "Ah, King of
mockery, your tricks. ", he rubs, "Y ur tanning (onld) arrive

today (if you had not been trio}. :y)," he rubs, "Ah, King of
mockery, your tricks!", he rubs,

74
RABBIT STEALS-TEXT A 5-128--5-l50

(90) explain case my first."

(91) Rabbit when hears like that when, fear does that-
he-will say word his cm. (92) Passes leaves goes-out-goes
with stick the-one his, hits Hyena like-that kpég.

(95) Says-to-him: "Robber that possesses mouth-cm-Q? You
robber-cm are-not-Q? You you speak...(94) you you speak
how-cm-Q?" Then they come-together already with Mother in-
law, they (95) hit Hyena long-time, they hit Hyena, they
kill throw pass. They take pass...

(96) Hyena...Hyena when dies already when, they carry
give Rabbit. (97) Rabbit removes skin his all, for wife
his that she carry-together child (98) it-in.

(99) Time when-they arrive go him-to house-to, when-
they arrive go relative them-to (100) when, Rabbit prepares
skin that, tans, is-in-process-of tanning.

(101) When is-in-process-of skin that tanning when,
continues sings song a—certain, sings... (102) sings song
this makes-go-out-not goes-up loud cm-neg, continues sings
softly, continues sings: (103) "chief mockery here trick
your cm-negl," rubs, arrives today tanning (104) you cmfi,"

rubs, "chief mockery here trick your cm-negl," rubs,

\\

75

TEXT A--RABBIT STZCALS

105 "nyaa boeoe nduggé m6 ya," tfigfid.

106 Kéé ké ki is yogo méé, 15 gbo vfidda, beewo:

107 "235 was ba'a, m6 bee yéé was én yéla?" Hiid kéé
108 deo: "Mi been yéé too né, bee yéé kaa nduggee na?"
109 Waato Bébaam 3 as be bin k6 kebbe...ba ka bin k6n
110 keb ne ad's pen téé, yee ba ka Von ndug bii boeoe is
111 yogo ya no. Kan kéb Babaam was sded sd'é. 1g vb

112 gbon noono ne. Kan kon kéb ne téé, ka Von gb6 we

5

115 yo noo ya aéé 55m kin nyéle. Moo 355 deg ai”a?

(105) "Your tanning (would) arrive today," he rubs.

When his wife hears this, she suddenly appears and calls
to him, "Father of many children, what song is this you're
singing?" He answers his wife, "I'm not singing any par-
ticular song; I'm singing a tanning song, aren't I?"

Thus R says that if he had (110) not been tricky, they
would be tanning him today like that. By his trick he saves
himself. MIL doesn't kill him. If he had not been tricky,
they would have hit and killed him among the wild peanuts.
Is the story ended? That's it.

76

RABBIT STEALS—-TEXT A 5-130

(105) "arrives today tanning you cmi," rubs.

(106) Wife when hears like that when, goes leaves
goes-out-goes, calls him: (107) “Many child father, you
sing song his what there-cm-Q?" Answers—to wife (108) says-
to-her: "I sing-not song some cm-neg, sing song skin tan-
ning-cm cm-neg-Q?"

(109) So Rabbit says self that he-past does trick-cm...
that if he-past does-not (110) trick cm-neg already first if,
then that would they-would tan hi2 today like (111) that
would cm. With trick Rabbit he::;;:hself already. Relative
they (112) hit-not kill-not-him cm-neg. If-he-would do-
not trick cm-nag if, would they-would hit him (113) cm kill
place root peanut wild that-at. Story that passes ends-cm—

Q? (114) It-at there.

\I

77

TEXT B--TWO ADULTERERS

kéé wdo lige. Wayéé v6

00

Baa ye 1a ga aélé, 8b
iddu, vo laawo nyag saa.

Sey is too ka 1a améé, daga too gaa ne. Ie ye
doeng bdede ting, la ala mas wakéé, vo die moo mbalé
lige.

Koo mba moo héé méé, wdede vé' die yaalé hinaale.
Sey wdede ka yaa 83'6 méé, vé' nyag niime: "Tee tee."

K35 ké ki is yogo mag, doo kégé, lfifi vangna, gang

\omxammswmw

wayéé...gang wayéé pee 1a pag doeg gb33 t661é. K6
c

gbég daga wéé wole. weeds d6 maga Z55 v6 mbaa hga.

...:
0

Say ting méé, wayéé is too duu 15 yaa W65, gaan

F4 I4
n) +4

nennéa: woeoe ba yaa so'o méa, gaa ne. Sey ka nya ya

né' méé, do 255 lig ting. Ké do 253 méé, mas wakes vo

l-'
\N

14 kan woeoe mbaa yo. Wakéé vo kan dabar v6, waato k6

A certain man goes on a trip; he leaves his wife at
home. Two men go to her with seductive words.

When the first one goes, the other doesn' t know. The
one goes first and finds the wife; they sit talking (5) in
the house.

While they're talking a long time, the husband is re-
turning on the road. When he arrives, he calls out a greet-
ing at the door: "Tee tee." When his wife hears that, she' s
afraid; she gets up fast, takes the man, puts him in a cer-
tain large clay pot, and (10) puts the cover on it. The
husband enters, finds her and they talk a long time.

Later the other man comes too, and what doesn't he
know? He doesn' t know at all that the husband has already
come. When he arrives, he enters the house. When he enters,
he finds the wife and the husband sitting there. The wife
has her tricks (Ful), or does her

78

TEXT B
TWO ADULTERERS 5-135--3-154

(1) Man this goes trip-on, leaves wife his home-at.
Man pl (2) two, they go-to-her mouth youth.

(3) Time the one when goes when, neighbor other
knows cm-neg. The-one this (4) begins goes-before ahead,
goes goes finds woman, they are-in—process—of word talking
(5) house-in.

(6) When-they talk word long-time when, husband returns
is-in-process-of coming road-in. (7) Time husband when
comes already when, greets mouth door-at: "Knock knock."
(8) Wife when hears like that when, fear does-her, rises
fast, takes (9) man...takes man that goes puts pot big a-
certain-in. Does (10) pct one covers there. Husband enters
finds-her goes-down, they sit long-time.

(11) Time after when, man the other follows goes comes
himself, knows-not (l2) what-cm; Husband that comes already
emph, knows cm-neg. Time when arrives comes (13) like-that
when, enters goes—down house in. When enters goes-down
when, finds wife (14) pl and husband sits there. Wife p1
with trick pl, or does

\/

79

TEXT B--TWO ADULTERERS

15 kébbe, ké hé wayéé ka do 253 na' méé, héé vigi vangna:
16 "M6 yaa gbég pee ganaa?" Wayéé baa pee hii: "he, mi
17 yea wo yo gene."

18 Pig woolé méé, 5d woeoe: "Baa ye vi, baa ye vi,
19 i 15 p5' gbég 3d baa yé yfiba. Ba 'bé'an gbég hii bi
20 15 t55n daa wole." Aséé wayéé is too ud mbaa die

21 ddegge ting woole. Is wdede aga lfifi dogo, gang gbég
22 pee, kan béé re t66 pee ting woole am, gang ha'ad baa
23 ie nye yulé, gang vfid em 15 hinaale.

24 Ké die laalé maé, daga too ie be mbaa doeg ting

25 pee, beewo: "Dan gboo, dén gboo, useni mi dem nagge,
26 kém 13 nya téé, 5m pid 35535, moo mi mbaa die ting

27 woole."

28 Daga gboo ka ki is yogo méé, 255 nyéé k6g6, 5:
29 "Yes n66 m6 mbaa ddeg ting yelo? Min 0 gb5!" Daga ie

(15) trick (Duru). When she sees the man enter like that,
she asks him quickly, "Have you come to take away the clay
pot?" The adulterer answers, "Yes, I've come to take it."
After that, she tells her husband, "Sir, sir, go put
the clay pot up on this man's head. He asked me for a pct
(20) to pour wine into." Well now, the other man is sitting
inside the pot. The husband himself gets up and lifts the
pot, with the adulterer in it too, and puts it on the head of
this adulterer, who carries it out and walks in the road.
While he's walking, his neighbor who's in the pct
(25) calls to him, "Friend, friend, please, I beg‘you, when
gou've arrived, put the pot down very gently saaaa because
m in it."
When his friend hears that, he becomes angry and says,
"who are you in this pot? I'll throw it down and break it

to pieces!" His neighbor

80

TWO ADULTERERS--TEXT B 3-154-—3-156

(15) trick-cm, when sees man who enters goes-down like—that
when, fast asks-him fast: (16) "You come pot that to-
carry-cm-Q?" Man adulterer that answers: "Yes, I (17) come
it cm to-carry."

(18) After it-at when, says-to husband: "Father here
you, father here you, (19) You go lift pot put-on man this
up. Past asks-me pot wants he (20) goes pour-together wine
there." Now man the other reclines sits is-there (21) pot-
in in it-in. The-one husband45 himself rises goes-Up, carb
ries pct (22) that, with adulterer the other that in it-in
also, carries puts-on adulterer (25) the-one there head-on,
carries goes-out walks goes road-in.

(24) When is-in-process-of going when, neighbor other
the-one who sits pot in (25) that, calls-him: "Neighbor-my
friend, neighbor-my friend, please I clap-you hand-cm,

(26) when-you go arrive when, you put-down gently, because
I sit am-here in (27) it-in."

(28) Neighborbhis friend when hears like that when,

heart red does-him, says: (29) "Q who you sit pot in here-

cm-Q? I-will break leave!" Neighbor the

#3 The informant misspoke.here. "The-one wife herself" -
husband. ""

81

TEXT B—-TWO ADULTERERS

30 too pee déng nag Eddo: "Ba' mii baa, mi dem nagge,
31 5m 0 ea 10. Min k6 nénné? Em pin s33." Oddo: "Min
32 o gbo, mii o kded, m6n die téé, kém mbaa moo doeg ye
33 ting woolela?" Dénno sis nag wole is nyogo.

34 Sey ké nya 15 méé, baa pee pid doeg pee $3533 3

35 253 hage. Daga t66 pee vfid dogd doeg ting had dii

36 mbaa...dii yd. V6 kéé doeg gang gbo 233 wole, ya v66
37 iddu am, v6 daa hie'ien, v6 k5 15, n6nna daa ka la

38 liggoole, n6nna age 1a lig is woole. 'Wéé so'o.

(30) pleads with him, "Father sir, I‘beg you, don't break it.
What'll I do? Put me down gently saaaa." He tells him,
"I'll throw it down myself, really, and break it to pieces.
Where were you, that you’re inside this clay pot?" That's
the way he pleads with him.

When he arrivesz‘the man puts the pot down (35) on the
ground very gently saaaa. The other neighbor gets out of
the pot, sweat stream1ng down. They carry the pot and leave
it there, both of them. They separate and go their ways, the
first going to his house, the other going to his own house.
It's finished.

82

TWO ADULTERERS-TEXT B 3-136--3-157

(30) other that claps hand says-to-him: "Father my sir, I
clap-you hand-cm, (31) you break not cm. I-will do howbcm-
Q? You put-down-me gently." Says-to-him: "I-will
(32) break leave myself cm really, you-past are-there where,
that-you sit yourself pot this (53) in it-in-cm-Q?” Claps—
him already hand there like that. i

(34) Time when arrives goes when, man that puts-down
pot that geeeently puts (55) goes-down ground-on. Neighbor
other that gets-out goes-up pot in sweat stands-out (36) sits
...stands-out there. They leave pot carry leave go-down
there, place them (37) two also, they pass separate, they
take-road go, one passes takes-road goes (38) house-his-to,

other passes goes house the-one him-to. Finishes already.

\\

h/

85

TEXT C--LION

Baa t66 diele. Sey 'waapéd b55 155 kdedele h6g9.
Zéga 1e t66 ye méé, la.k6%d%lé kodde. Em héé, h3n
pag vb ne.

Sey ka yaa méé, ya m55 pag die lélé, gbaga pag
pee. Koeoe die pag daga pee gbagane am.

Sey baa pee ké hg Koeoe méé, yog mbaa hage.
Koeoe gbaga pdg héé hag h55 h$3.h§§.

\ \

Sey ké m55 pag bde' méé, Koeoe lfifi dog 'be mbigi

\OCDilmm-PWNH

wdo, gbo péggOle. Gbo peg sod, mbigi nyaa héé 555 pe

I

15 ya t661e. Pég d55 1&6 hennaa was dag. Baa y5 ha

5.:
O

I

ya mbigi ka pe 'waapad, améé Koeoe h3n ne. Koeoe ya

[—1
l--'

~ ~ ’
$66, 356 d55 hen, 355 d55 hen, s56 mbigi hon ne.

...:
N

a
Tdegde n66 la' yfiba, hon ne.

H
\N

\
14 Say k5 die d55 hén SOOlé méé, kfifi n66 méé h5 ta'

There's a certain man who goes hunting in the bush all
the time. One day he goes hunting in the forest. He walks
a long time but doesn't see an animal.

When he comes to a certain place, he sees an animal
eating and stalks (5) it. I is stalking this same animal
too.

When this man sees L, he hides at n e on . L
stalks the animal a very long time hi: Egg 2&2 gig gig.

When he finds the animal is close, L jumps up and throws
his hammer at it. He throws at the animal but misses; the
hammer passes on a long ways and falls (10) someplace. The
animal leaves his eating at a run. This man sees clearly the
place where the hammer falls, but L doesn't. L searches and
searches for his hammer, but he can't find it. He looks in
the trees but he can't see it.

While he's searching around for this thing, he spies

44 L - Lion

84

TEXT C
LION 5-137--5-139

(1) Man a-certain is-there-cm. Time all man goes
hunting bush-in. (2) Day the other this past, goes hunting
forest-in. Walks long-time, sees-not (3) animal p1 cm-neg.

(4) Time when goes when, comes finds animal is-in-
process-of eating, stalks animal (5) that. Lion is-in-
process-of animal one that stalking too.

(6) Time man that when sees Lion when, hides sits
ground-on. (7) Lion stalks animal long-time long-time
long-time long-time.

(8) Time when finds animal close when, Lion leaves
goes-Up takes hammer (9) his, throws animal-there. Throws
animal misses, hammer passes a-long-ways passes falls
(10) goes place some-in. Animal passes leaves thing-small
his race. Man this sees (11) place hammer where falls
all, but Lion sees-not cm-neg. Lion comes (12) searches,
searches passes thing, searches passes thing, searches-
for hammer sees-not cm-neg. (13) Looks eyes tree up,
sees-not cm-neg.

(14) Time when is—in-process-of passes thing searching-

for when, cpens eye when sees shooter

85

TEXT C--LION

15 kpaa pee yég mbaa die hage. Od ta' kpaa: "Dan gboo,

16 mi k6n m6 saga ne. To am ha ya hen mii ye ka...ya

l7 mbigi mii ye ka pé, to am ha yaga o téé, mi hii am
18 tfi'uno. Mi noon m6 né 5m. Min kén m6 hen t66 né,

l9 ban mbaa dég gboo sey 'waapéd." Ama baa pee doo k6g6
20 w55ni sey ké ki Koeoe ka 6ddo moo méé.

21 K66 £5 yogo si', Koeoe dénno nag, to be a h3 ya

22 mbigi bii s6'6 pen téé, be a tfi'ud bi 0. Ta' kpaa pee
23 lfifi, émma, Emma, émma, la nya ya mbigi be p5 peele, 5d
24 Koeoe mbigi w66 be we ye n6. Kadi Koeoe vb k6n sis

25 dég gboo kan nanén pee wole. Koeoe 8dd6: "1'5 ye

26 méé ba k6n sis dag gboo o. Koem sien geen m6 né. 1m
27 v3' laa méolé lige. Sey kén...kém ki kan kang h6d

28 ting téé, m6 yaa, ménna nfing koemmo. Min ma' pag, min

29 em." Baa pee ka daa vg' ka 15 woolé lige, 15 mbaa.

(15) this archer hiding flat on the ground. He says to the
archer, "Friend, I'm not practicing magic on you. If you
see where my thing...where my hammer fell, if you see its
whereabouts, I want you to show me. I won't kill you either.
I won't do anything to you; we'll be friends forever." But
the man is terrified (20) when he hears L speak to him.

Nevertheless L pleads with him that if he sees the
location of his hammer, he should show him. The archer rises
and walks quite a ways; he arrives where the hammer fell and
tells L that his hammer is there. Thus L makes (25) friends
with this man. He tells him, "Now we are friends. You'll
never lack meat. Go home. When you hear me roaring in the
grass, come and you'll find meat. I'll kill an animal and
save it for you." The man returns home and waits.

86

LION—TEXT o 3-159u5-140

(15) bow that hides sits is-there ground-on. Says-to
shooter bow: "Neighbor-my friend, (16) I do-not-to you
marvel cm-neg. So if-you see thing my this which...place
(17) hammer my this where falls, so if-you see place-his
doubt if, I want you (18) show-me-cm. I kill-not you cm-
neg also. I-will do-not you thing other cm-neg, (19) we-
will sit neighbor friend time all." But man that fear
does-him (20) very-much time when hears Lion when says-to-
him word when.

(21) Although like that although, Lion claps-for-him
hand, if that he sees place (22) hammer his already first
if, that he show him cm. Shooter bow that (23) leaves
walks-goes, walks-goes, walks-goes, goes arrives place
hammer where falls that-in, says-to (24) Lion hammer his
that it there cm. Thus Lion they do-together already
(25) neighbor friend and man that there. Lion says-to-
him: "Time this (26) fee we do-together already neighbor
friend cm. Meat it-will lack-not-for you cm-neg. You
(27) return go you-to house-to. Time when-I...when-you
hear that-I roar grass (28) in when, you come, you-will-
come find meat-cm. I-will catch animal, I—will (29) guard-
for-you." Man that time-past passes returns takes-road

goes him-to house-to, goes sits.

\x

87

TEXT C--LION

3O Z5g5 £5 téé y5 m55, Koeoe ya gbo zee.

31 Koeoe k5 gbo zee 55'3 m55, lfifi 5m yaa ya dii nyag
32 babbe, zoe': "Iiy5, iiy5."

33 Sey daga gboo pee k5 ki £5 yogo m55, 5d k55 vb:
34 "Kpob v6 y5 die nyag babe, mi 155 v6 n5nee." L66 d6
35 15 h5ge, la m55 Koeoe. Koeoe p5ng5 tfi'udo kan zee
36 ba ma' 5ddo pee. Daga gboo so pég pee 'waapéd gang
37 y55n lige. Baa k6 sie hén ny5 £5 yogo h55, h55, h55
38 h55 sey 'waapéd baa dieddo pég ma"ee. Baa ma' pag
59 pégé w55 £5 yogo, vb b55 15 mb55 kan k55 vb lige.

4O Z5g5 £5 t66 y5 m55, ya k6 d55, k6 d55 65515 na'a
41 woolé lige. Bee daga d5ng vo, b5 35 ya 20 d56, bi zon
42 d55 d5nge.

43 Sey k5 k6 ddd 'w55 sé'é m55, v5' 155 the 15 6d

44 Koeoe, Eddo n5nnéé: "Dén gboo, mi k6 hén 1515, mi

(30) One day L kills a buffalo.

After he kills it, he rises and walks to the edge of the
field and roars, "Ii 5, 1115."

When his friend hears that, he tells his wives, "Baboons
are at the edge of the field; I 11 go chase them away." He
enters (35) the bush and finds L. L takes him and shows him
the buffalo he's killed and saved for him. His friend skins
out the whole animal and carries it home. He does this thing
habitually over a very long period of time; he kills him
animals all the time. He kills an animal and gives it to him
like that. The man and his wives eat it at home. .

(40) One day the man makes wine, a large quantity of wine,
at his home. He invites his circumc1sion friends to come
drink wine, to drink circumcision wine together.

When he's finished making the wine, he goes back into
the bush and speaks to L. What does he tell him? "Friend,
I'm having a feast;I want

88

LION--TEXT C 5-140--3-142

(30) Day the other this foc, Lion goes throws buffalo.

(31) Lion when throws buffalo already when, leaves
walks comes comes stands edge (32) field-in, roars: "Iiya,
iiya."

(33) Time neighbor friend that when hears like that
when, says-to wife pl: (34) "Baboon they come are-there
edge field-in, I go them chasing." Leaves enters (35) goes
bush-in, goes finds Lion. Lion carries-comes shows-him and
buffalo (36)-which catches guards-for-him that. Neighbor
friend skins-out animal that all carries (37) brings house-
to. Sits does already thing this like that long-time,
long-time, long-time (38) long-time time all sits is—in-
process-of-for-him animal catching-cm. Sits catches animal
(39) gives-him him like that, they sit eat sit and wife p1
house-in.

(40) Day the other this fee, comes makes wine, makes
wine beingbmuch very (41) him-at house-at. Calls neighbor
circumcision pl, that they come drink wine, they drink—to-
gether (42) wine circumcision-cm.

(43) Time when makes wine finishes already when, re-
turns goes bush-in goes says-to (44) Lion, says-to-him how-
cm: ”Neighbor-my friend, I do thing eating, I

\\

xx

89
TEXT C--LION

I

45 hii bi bee dan d5ng v6 66 yaa v6 sag v6 15 5m, vo
46 d5' 2555. Mi hii 5m yaa m6 l5 mb55 miilé." Koeoe

47 5ddo n5nn55: "15:5, dén gboo, £5 mii y5, mi mii hen

48 hggge. M6 hii 5n 155 5m, 5n 15 mb55 m661é kiilé mééla?
49 Sien doeng néé hén ny5 sien kéy méélé? Aa'5, mi 155

50 ne." Daga gboo tee no tee Eddo: "Kéy, 5m yaa 0, m6

51 155 5, min yagémo. Min vfin m6 f65 ne." Koeoe 5ddb:

52 "T66, ba 155 b5, améé 5m vfin f53 85'5 p5n téé, z5g5

53 nom m66 wé y5 no." v5 lfifi k5n Koeoe 5m, v6 ny5 ya,

54 ya 'b5 Koeoe 5 kapigim, l5 mbég véng55 sé' doolé na'a,
55 'b5 Koeoe p5g 5 tinggoole, 'b5 kuu véng sfi'. K55 d55
56 g5ng d5gg5 pégé wole, yéé nan p5ng d5gg5 p5 Koeoe wole.
57 Koeoe b55 die lélé, b55 die d55 zole. Hén lélé ka p5

58 daga d5ng v6 'waapéd , p5ng5 p5 Koeoe p5n.
5 m55, d55 kii sfé daga gboo

(45) to invite my circumcision friends. We'll eat together
and be happy. I want you to come be at my house." What
does L tell him? "No, my friend, me I'm a wild animal. You
want me to go, to be in your compound? How can this thing
be done? No, I won't go." (50) His friend says to him, "No
no! You come, I'll hide you. I won't expose you." L tells
him, "0k, let 8 go then, but if you eXpose me, that'll be
the day of your death." He and L arrive. He puts L behind
the village, goes and prepares his granary, roofing it very
well; (55) he puts L inside and closes the cover. He strains
wine and gives it to him there; he prepares food and gives
it to L there. L eats; he drinks wine. Whatever food he
gives to his circumcision friends, he gives some to L first.
After they drink wine all day long, the wine inebriates

9O

LION-~TEXT C 5-142--3-143

(45) want I call neighbor-my circumcision pl that-they come,
we meet, we eat too, we (46) make-clean heart-cm. I want
you come you go sit me-at." Lion (47) says-to-him howbcm:
"No, neighbor-my friend, the-one-who mg here, 1,; thing
(48) wild-cm. You want that-I go also, that-I go sit you-
at compound-at foc-cm-Q? (49) It-will begin how thing this
it-will do-itself foc-cm-Q? No, I go (50) cm-neg. Neighbor
friend focl____.____ says-to-him: "Oh! You come cm, you
(51) go cm, I-will hide-you-cm. I-will eXpose-not you body
cm-neg." Lion says-to-him: (52) "So, we go then, but if-
you expose-me body already first if, day (53) death your it
here cm." They leave with Lion too, they arrive come.
(54) Comes takes Lion puts behind, goes prepares granary-
his thatches being-good very, (55) takes Lion puts-in puts
in-it-in, takes cover granary covers. Strains wine (56) car-
ries goes-up-goes gives-him there, works dough carries geese
up—goes gives Lion there. (57) Lion sits is-in-process—of
eating, sits is-in-process-of wine drinking. Thing eating
which gives (58) neighbor circumcision pl all which, carries-
comes gives Lion first.

(59) When-they drink already wine all-day-long when,
wine makes-drunk already neighbor friend

91

TEXT C--LION

6O pee o.

61 D55 ka kiiwb m55, h55 d5g5 d5ng v6, 6d v6: "15

62 vii y5 vi vii nén som ll6g6d leena té', vi fan moo

63 k5n mi 5? 15 vii k6 hén ny5nnoo 5n viilé y51e 15?

64 Kii hii aa fan vi moo y5 s6'6 pén t66, 1 k6 hén néélé
65 vii m55, i tfi'un mi h5 o. Amé ie mii min tfi'ud vi hén
66 k5n dib kanno m55." Daga gboo v6 5dd6: "K5yy5, yee
67 hénnoo 5n p5n m6n die s15 kanno, m6n k6d v6 y51e p5n,
68 v6n nd5g m5515?" Daga gboo 5d v6: "E5 min k6d vi 5?
69 I fee 6 t66, min vfid hén t66 gb5d vi y51e, d66 sien k6
70 vi. Vin 166 dug 'waapéd. Nén t66 é kéé ne." V6

I

71 6ddo: "Hvéd m66, vo faa 0. 1m vud v6 hénno, v6 h5

72 p5n." D55 k5 m55w6 sis 5m m55, wo k5...k5 dug véngné,
75 15 g5ng 15' véng gb5 d5g véngé, déé d5g, kaa kuuvéng
74 gb5 l5 hage. Béé, Koeoe g5ng gb5 vud z55 sis tinggoole.

(60) the friend.

When he's drunk, he insults his circumcision friends
and says, "You here, you're really terrible good-for-nothings;
are you discussing affairs with me? What good thing do 192
do at your houses? If you want us to discuss affairs together,
do something dramatic, (65) show me so I can see it. But me,
I'll show you something that I have." His friends say to
him, "Good grief, what do you have, that when you show it to
us here, we'll be afraid?" Their friend tells them, "Oh,
should I do it for you? If you doubt it, I'll bring out some-
thing and give it to you here; fear will overcome (70) you
and you'll all run away. Not a man will be left." They tell
him, "It's a lie! We doubt it. Bring this thing out for us
so we can see it." Since he has had enough wine, he runs fast
and brings the ladder to the granary, climbs up and cpens the
cover, throwing it to the ground. Suddenly L appears from
within and jumps down.

92

LION-TEXT c 3—145-5—145

(60) that cm.

(61) Wine when makes-drunk-him when, insults neighbor
circumcision pl says-to them: "the-ones-who (62) 293 here
you 123 man affair no-account being-free very, you discuss-
together word (63) with me cm-Q? The-ones-who 122 do thing
seed-his what you-at here-at cm-Q? (64) If-you want that
we discuss-together we word this already first if, you do
thing being-strong (65) your foc, you show-me I see cm.

But the-one-who mg I-will show-to you thing (66) which-I
am-there with-it which." Neighbor friend they say-to-him:
"Now-really, Q (67) thing-his what first you—will be-there
already with-it, you-will do-to us here first, (68) we-will
be-afraid foc-cm-Q?" Neighbor friend says-to them: "Oh
I-will do-to you cm-Q? (69) If-you doubt doubt if, I-will
bring-out thing a leave-to you here, fear it-will do

(70) you. You-will leave race all. Man other he-must lack
cm-neg." They (71) say-to-him: "Lie your, we doubt cm.
You bring-out-for us thing-cm, we see (72) first." Wine be-
cause is-enough-for-him already also because, he digs...
digs race fast, (75) goes carries wood granary leaves goes-
up granary-at, climbs goes-up, cpens cover granary

(74) leaves goes ground—to. Suddenly Lion carries leaves

goes-out goes-down already in-it-from.

93

TEXT C--LION

75 Koeoe 5d d55 kuu, 5d d55 kuu, sé kuu dfing, dfing, n5ng

76 nén v6 h55.

I \

77 K5 h6 daga gboo k5 v5dd6 sis f56 6 m55, ka neng
78 nén v6 'w55 s6'6 m55, v5' yaa ya ma' daga gboo pee,

6 k5

79 ma"6, kp66w6 h55 kéé g5ng gb5go Z66 wole, d l
3..

55 fi
80 15 h5d ting, noon6 nyagg55le ne. L5 mb55 h555 b5'
81 t66 ka nya d55 66616 na'a m55, daga gboo pee zén 'w55
82 5516. i ' i
83 Daga gboo ké zén s6'6 m55, Koeoe 155, 15 gbo

84 kéng, Koeoe k5 gbo kéng m55, gang Koeoe...gang kéng,

85 ya h5' 5 tét5"é, d55 d55 mb55, d55 zoe': "Iiy5, iiy5,

86 iiy5."
87 Daga gboo ké ki £5 nyogo m55, 5d k55 v6: "T5,
88 i baa h5n laan d5na! Mi yaa diele." 'B5 koedd55 kan

89 kp55 b5m ya kimagge, k5 dug f5 nyogo woeg, woeg, woeg,

(75) He paws the dirt several times and throws Up dust dfing,
dung; he chases the men a long time.

When he sees that his friend has exposed him, after
having chased the men, he returns and grabs his friend. He
grabs him and drags him around in the dirt a long time, then
leaves him there, going off (80) into the grass; he doesn't
kill him on the spot. He waits a long time unt11 many days
have passed, until his friend has completely forgotten the
incident.

After his friend has forgotten, L goes and kills a
monkey. After killing the monkey, he carries it (85) and
puts it on an anthill. He sits down and roars, "Ii a, ii 5,
111‘."
When his friend hears this, he tells his wives, "Keep
hoeing and wait for me: I'll be right back." He takes his
quiver and bow, slings them over his shoulder and runs like

this woe , woeg, woe ,

94

LION-TEXT C 5-145-.4-1

(75) Lion paws passes dust, paws passes dust, raises dust
dung,gggg, (76) chases man p1 long-time.

(77) When sees neighbor friend that exposes already
body cm when, when chases (78) man pl finishes already
when, returns comes comes grabs neighbor friend that,

(79) grabs-him, rubs-him long-time leaves carries leaves-
him goes-down there, passes leaves takes-road (80) goes
grass in, kills-not-him mouth-it-at cm-neg. Goes sits
looooong-time day (81) other when arrives passes being-
many very when, neighbor friend that forgets finishes
(82) already.

(83) Neighbor friend when forgets already when, Lion
goes, goes throws (84) monkey, Lion when throws monkey when,
carries Lion...carries monkey, (85) comes places puts ant-
hill-on, passes climbs sits, passes roars: 'Iiya, iiya,
(86) iiya."

(87) Neighbor friend when hears like that when, says-
to wife pl: "So, (88) you hoe thing wait-forbme then! I
come am-there-cm." Takes quiver-his and (89) bow slings-on-

shoulder place armpit-under, digs race like that woe , woe ,

:EEEEa

95

TEXT C--LION

90 woeg, woeg woeg k5 dug h55 h5d dii yo.

91 L55 l5 m55,...ka 155 m55, gang n66 s5 15 kénge.

92 H5n p6g né, nd5 doo dii d55. Koeoe 6dd6: "1m gang sie
93 p6ggo y5 no!" L55 ne. Koeoe 5dd6 n5nnéé: "Dén gboo,
94 k5 bén mi 6m n5n méé na? Mi 6m: "Mi 155 ne, m6nna

95 v6n f56e." M6 6: -"Aé'a, 5m 155 0, min vfin m6 f56

96 ne." M6 been, m6 'mé5na w6le, m6 p5ng, m6 15 vfin f55
97 gb5 s6'6. Ie m66 m55, z5g5 boeoe m55, si'id m66 w6 y5
98 no. M6 h5 m66 hoeoe.z5g5 gb5lee. Amé m6n h5n-s5g5

99 délé n6." Koeoe 6dd6: "5m 'b5 kéng nyé, m6 maa, m6
100 soeng 'waapéd. Piggoo téé, min noom." Daga gboo...
101 daga gboo pee sa kp55 dii mb55, 5n moo t66 ne, d66

102 k6go s6'6. Koeoe 166 ya, mm5"6, g5ng gbo hage,

103 noow6 36'6. Koeoe d55 v5', k5 l5 hén waa woo h6d

(90) woe , woeg woe ; he runs until the sweat pours down.
As he runs He spies the monkey. He doesn't see an an-

imal, so he sets his foot and stops still. L tells him,
"Carry off your animal there!" He doesn't move. What does
L tell him? "My friend, a while back what did I tell you?

I said, 'I won't go, you'll 65) expose me.‘ You said, 'No,
go, I won't expose you.‘ You called me; you pressured me
into going there; you took me; you exposed me. As for you,
today is your last. You saw the sunrise, but you won't see
the sunset." L tells him, "Take the monkey, roast it, (100)
and eat it all. After that I'll kill you." His friend sets
his bow on the ground and stands there, saying nothing.

He's afraid. L gets up, grabs him, throws him to the ground
and kills him. L takes a path and returns to his affairs in

the grass.

96
LION-TEXT C 4—1--4-2

(90) woe , woeg woeg digs race long-time sweat stands there.
(91) Goes goes when,...when goes when, carries eye sees

goes
monkey-cm. (92) Sees-not animal cm-neg, braces foot stands

A
passes. Lion says-to-him: "You carry already (93) animal-
cm this cm!" Goes cm-neg. Lion says-to-him how-cm:
"Neighbor-my friend, (94) time-past yesterday I tell-you

how foc cm-neg-Q? I tell-you: 'I go cm-neg, you-will-go
(95) expose-me body-cm.' You say, 'No, you go cm, I-will
expose-not you body (96) cm-neg.‘ You call-me, you pressure-
me-go there, you carry, you go eXpose-me body (97) leave al-
ready. The-one-who 123 foc, day today foc, end your it here
(98) cm. You see 122 today sun leaving-cm. But you-will
see-not sun (99) entering cm-neg." Lion says-to-him: "You
take monkey this, you roast, you (100) crunch all. After-

it then, I-will kill-you." Neighbor friend... (101) neigh-
bor friend that sets-end-on-ground bow stands sits, says-

not word a cm-neg, fear (102) does-him already. Lion rises
comes, grabs-him, carries leaves ground-on, (103) kills-

him already. Lion passes returns, takes-road goes thing

small his grass (104) in.

97

TEXT D--RABBIT AND PIGEON

Babaam l5 koeoeie hod ting. Koeoe haaaaa. Hon hen

I ~ \'
noggaa aga am, ta a ne.

Ow
Os

. K

cos

t66 n
Sey k5 die ya v5"é m55, 'béé d5g n66 la' y6ba,
h5 Gbokii b55 mb55 dib b5"e.
K5 soo hinaa, k5 hii bi ma' Gbokii bi soeg6 m55,
5d d5g Gbokii be"e: "P55, m6 k6 5n nyéla?" Gbokii
deo: "Mi b55 b5"e." Babéém dfifi addé: "Ba' k5m

d5gga b55 la' y6ba ny5 nii, ya w55 d66 ne. Am5 mi

\DCD'iICfiUl-P‘WNH

hii bi 6m: 5m yaa, m6 ya p5d...m6 ya b55 b5' m66 haga

I I ’

yéle. To 5m hii 6 s6'6 p5n téé, min mam ba...waa m66

H
O

5 m6n 255 b55 w6le." Gbokii hii 6dd6: "T5

0‘

. T

[...l
H
(D\

mb6gg
mi

II \\
h11 6, paa." Gbokii si 266, Babaam m5nn6 waa

[.1
N

mb6ggé 'waap5d, hage. Gbokii g5ng b5"55 Z66 5 mb55

p
\N

14 w6le, b55 b5' pee.

R45 goes hunting in the grass. He hunts a long time but
sees nothing. He can't even shoot a small bird.

46 While he's returning, he glances up into a tree and sees
P sitting on his eggs.

(5) After looking for a way, for he wants to catch P and
eat him, he says to P up in the air, "Uncle, what are you
doing there?" P tells him, "I'm sitting on my eggs." R then
says to him, "The place where you're sitting on your eggs up
there in the tree isn't good. I tell you, come sit on your
eggs on the ground (10) here. If you want, I'll help you
build your nest. Then you can come down and sit here." P
gets down and R helps him build his whole nest on the ground.
P carries his eggs down and puts them there, then sits on
them. ,

45 R = Rabbit, P = Pigeon

46 Although Duru has no gender distinction in its pronouns,
P is called "uncle" and must therefore be male.

98

TEXT D
RABBIT AND PIGEON 4.5--4.5

(1) Rabbit goes hunting grass in. Hunts long-time.
Sees-not thing (2) some cm-neg. Even bird-small self also,
shoots-not cm-neg.

(3) Time when is-in-process-of comes returning when,
lifts goes-up eye tree on, (4) sees Pigeon sits sits is-
there egg-on.

(5) When searches road, because wants he grabs Pigeon
he crunches-him because, (6) says-to goes-up Pigeon sky-in:
"Uncle, you do what there-cm-Q?" Pigeon (7) says-to-him:

"I sit-on egg-cm." Rabbit follows says-to-him: "Egg which-
you (8) go-up-go sit-on tree up there which, place his is-
good cm-neg. But I (9) want I say-to-you: you come, you
come lay...you come sit-on egg your ground-on (10) here.

If if-you want doubt already first if, I-will help-you that
...nest your (11) preparing. Then you-will come-down sit
there." Pigeon answers says-to-him: "Yes (12) I want cm,
uncle." Pigeon gets-down goes-down, Rabbit helps-him nest
(13) preparing all, ground-on. Pigeon carries egg-his goes-

down puts place (14) there, sits-on egg that.

99

TEXT D--RABBIT AND PIGEON

15 Sey k5 b55 b5' mb55 w61e m55, B5b55m d55 355 v5'
16 155 sfe lige o. Gbokii gaa 'waap5d, B5b55m ba 366 bi
17 866155.

18 Sey B5b55m k5 155 56'6 m55, Gbokii d55 v5' g5ng

19 b5"55 d5gg5 5 was see w55 peele. Daa d5gg5 bfifi mb55
2O w6le.

21 Sey vid k5 55' m55, B5b55m 155 w5515 ligge. L5

22 g5ng b55 n66 tdeded gb65 he's 15 yogo, 155 v5' ya moo

23 Gbokii ma"e. Em i5 yog66666

24 Sey k5 nya ya Gbokii k5 p5d b5'...b56 b5"e pee

I

n66, toegoe d55 n66,

I

25 m55, tdegoe d55 n66, toegoe d5
3

ml

26 hon Gbokii ne. Sey w55 m55 vid s5' s6'6, h5n n66

27 d6615 na'a ne. Tdeg d55 n6', tdeg d55 n66.
28 K5 h5n ya Gbokii w55 pee ne m55, 5: "'fi, 15 y5
29 m55, min k5ng sib w55 k6155. Vid s5' s6'6 kan h5n

(15) While he sits there on his eggs, R returns home.
P knows well that R is tricking him with trickery.

When R has gone, P carries his eggs back up and puts
them in his old nest again. He climbs up and sits (20) there.

When night has fallen, R goes to his house. He carries
a very big basket, large-holed like this, and returns to
catch P. He walks like thaaaat.

When he arrives where P was sitting on his eggs, he
looks all around (25) several times. He doesn't see P.
Night has fallen, so he doesn't see very well. He looks and
looks.

Since he doesn't see where P is, he says, "Oh, well,
this time I'll do it by chance. Night has fallen and I don't

see very

100

RABBIT AND PIGEON--TEXT D 4-5--4-6

(15) Time when sits-on egg sits there when, Rabbit
passes returns returns (16) goes already house-to cm. Pigeon
knows all, Rabbit that tricks him (17) tricking-cm.

(18) Time Rabbit when goes already when, Pigeon follows
returns carries (19) egg-his goes-up-goes puts nest old his
that-in. Climbs goes-up-goes sits sits (20) there.

night

(21) TimeAwhen darkens when, Rabbit goes his-to house-
to. Goes (22) carries basket eye wide big very like that,
goes returns comes for (23) Pigeon catching. Walks like
thaaaaat.

(24) Time when arrives place Pigeon where lays egg...
sits egg-on that (25) when, looks passes eye, looks passes
eye, looks passes eye, (26) sees-not Pigeon cm-neg. Time
his foe night darkens already, sees-not eye (27) being-
good very cn-neg. Looks passes eye, looks passes eye.

(28) When sees-not place Pigeon his that cm-neg when,
says: "Oh-well, the-one here (29) foc, I-will begin already
it doing-cm. Night darkens already that-I see-not

lOl

TEXT D--RABBIT AND PIGEON

30 n66 n5 y5 no." B5b55m g5ng 655 n66 tdeded s6' y5le,
31 d55 l6u s6' y51e, d55 g5ng s6' y51e, d55 g5ng s6' y51e,
1 a . .
92 hon Gbokii ne. Aseé Gbokii d55 d5 ogg5 mb55 die w55 la'
33 y6ba, mb55 diegie h515. Gbokii mb55 diegie w55 h615 ni.
- ”Ll. 3
34 Sey ka su' b55 haaaa ,k5 hon Gbokii ne m55, Gbokii
.. “ , .. . LL ..
35 mb55 266 la"e, odd6...vig1: "Paa, m6 k6 en ny51a?"
36 Gbokii...B5b55m 5dd6: "E5', p55, mi naa zan5nne n55?"
- ~~ ’ ~
37 Gbokii odd6: "Lea mii, m6 naa zan5n s66 ba' mii155?
qq -. I . ~ ~- g
:8 V6 naa zan5n lig5 n55?" 1655, kad1, Babaam sem
..-‘ ,1 \ \\ II I I .. \\ .r
39 kogo Sle, gang Eaa noo toeoed pee d11 mbaan s1e nage
4O koengngng, ga an h5n t66 a k6n sie n5. D55 53 5 v5"61e,
I
41 k5 l5 w551e lige. Daa si' d55 w5515 ny5.
(2‘) well." R takes his large-holed basket and puts it down
here, :cves ar.d puts it down there, then here, then there; he
can't see P. New P has climbed up an .1 is sitting there in
the tree lookizg at him. he' s looking at him all this time.

After R has put the basket down over and over in different

 

rlaces, but still can't see P, (35) P sits in the tree and
asks hi:,nc1e,what are you doing th re?" R tells him,
"Ch! Incl , I' a dancing tile circumcision dance, aren't I?"

P tells hir, "Ky uncle, are you dancing the circumcision
dance on :3 5553? They dance the circumcision dance at home,
don't they? " Zhen R is ashazed; he holds his large-holed
basket and st ands there with it in his hand (40) koen3n2ng.
39 doesn't know what he can do. He returns, takin gthe path
to his house. The story is ended there.

102
RABBIT AND PIGEON--TEXT D 4-6—-4-8

(50) eye cm-neg here cm." Rabbit carries basket eye wide
puts here, (51) passes leaves puts here, passes carries puts
here, passes carries puts here, (52) sees-not Pigeon cm-neg.
I-say Pigeon climbs goes-Up-goes sits is-there him tree

(55) up, sits is-in-process-of-him seeing. Pigeon sits is-
in-process-of-him seeing so.

(54) Time when puts basket loooong-time, when sees-not
Pigeon cm-neg when, Pigeon (35) sits goes-down tree-in,
isays-to-him...asks-him: "Uncle, you do what there-Q?"'

(36) Pigeon...Rabbit says-to-him: "Oh! Uncle, I dance
circumcision-dance-cm cm-neg-Q?" (57) Pigeon says-to-him:
"Uncle my, you dance circumcision-dance that egg my-on-Q?
(38) They dance circumcision-dance home-at cm-neg-Q?" So,
then, Rabbit shame (59) does-him already, carries basket
eye wide that stands sits-together already hand-in (40)
koengngng, knows-not thing other that-he does-not already
cm—neg. Passes returns returns-there, (#1) takes-road goes

his-to house-to. Thing ends passes it-at this.

‘,\

103

TEXT E--HYENA AND DEATH

Taye waa v5 m5' p5g 5 kan nom. V5 pa moo ya 'waa-

I 3 I ' I . s r
pad v5 0: "V0 noo p5g, vo 5 d1ele kan nomme. To nan

II

a; a;
a h11 nommo téé, a ya 15, b5' taan6 tee v6n noowé."
T’ I ’ (
hen waapad vb sen ne.

Mbfifi k5 ki 15 y6g6 m55, ya dug taye waa véole, v1
v5: "Vi 5 n5nna? Moo k5 b5n kii pa y5 mi kin moo w55
doélé na'a ne. mi hii i d55 5n t66." V5 6dd6: "v6

' ( 5‘
noo p5g e wb ny5 no k5n nomme. N5n a h11 nommo téé,

\OCD'QO‘U‘I-F’KNNH

5 ya 15, b5' t55no téé, v6n noowé." Mbfifi m5' yfifi w55

mb55 h55, taa moo v5 kded kded w5515 Z5515. 5d v5:

H
0

"T5, mi ki sd'é. Y6g6 téé mi yaa diele." Mbfifi la ny5

H
H

. a; 1- as L
w55lé lige, zoo nd5nno ne k5n deem. D55 saa ve' wble

...:
R)

155 taye waa V5515. Taye waa v5 vigi: "K6 n5nna?"

l'-’
\N

14 6d v6: "K6n h5n t66 né. mi hii p6g 15155." vo 5dd6:

The gods catch an animal and guard it with death. They
announce everywhere: "We've killed an animal, and we're
guarding it with death. If anyone wants death, let him come
and eat. Three days later we'll kill him." All men refuse.

(5) When H47 hears this, he runs to the gods and asks,
"What did you say? Yesterday when you made your announce-
ment I didn't hear it very well. I want you to tell me
again." They tell him, "We've killed an animal and are
guarding it here with death. If anyone wants death, let
him come and eat. Three days later we'll kill him." H
takes his head in his hands and (10) sits a long time; he
thinks many thoughts in his heart. He tells them, "Ok, I
want to. Tomorrow I'll come." He goes to his house, but
his heart is restless with gluttony. He returns there,
going to the gods. The gods ask him, "What are you doing?"
He tells them, "Oh, nothing. I want to eat the animal."
They tell him,

104

TEXT E
HYENA AND DEATH 5-541

(1) God child they catch animal guard with death. They
announce word place all (2) they say: "We kill animal, we
guard is-there with death-cm. If man (3) if-he wants death-
doubt if, let-him come eat, day three after we-will kill-
him." (4) Man all they want-not cm-neg.

(5) Hyena when hears like that when, comes race god
child to them asks (6) them: "You say howa? Word time-
past yesterday which-you announce here, I hearbnot word his
(7) being-good very cm-neg. I want you follow tell-me
other." They say-to-him: "We (8) kill animal guard it
there cm with death-cm. Man if-he wants death-doubt if,

(9) let-him come eat, day three after, we-willvkill-him."
Hyena grabs head his (10) sits long-time, thinks word pl
different different his-in heart-in. Says-to them:

(11) "So, I hear already-cm. Tomorrow future I come am-
there." Hyena goes arrives (12) his-at house-at, heart is-
calm-not-forbhim cm-neg with gluttony. Follows returns
returns there (13) goes god child them-to. God child they
ask-him: "Do how-Q?" (l4) Says-to them: "Do-not thing

some cm-neg. I want animal eating-cm." They say-to-him:

.5.\J:

105

TEXT E--HYEZFA AND DEATH

15 "36g ks yela, am 16 sienna!" Z66 dé' Nbuu waani. Mbufi
16 déé mbaa yufi pégge, 1s pag h55, héé. Vi v6: "Yee téé
17 kaa 1a téé, ba zdn mam ns?" V6 6dd6: "V6 hé'an mam

18 zdle ne." Hbufi fii 15 zo mam, and ve' ya d66 mbaa yfifi
l9 p6gge, lé héa, has, p6g kéé was né', dufi vi v6: "Yes
20 téé bs lasn bfifi né 3mmé?" V6 sass: "v6 hé'an bfifi

21 15515 né." Mbfifi 155 bfifi dud v6' ya mb55 yfifi p6ggé.

fl 1a p6g 'w55 koentoeng. Taye was v6 oddo: "1m

(1’

22 Mb
23 155 m66lé ligé bo. Bé' iddu, taano was téé v6 laa

24 diele." Mbfifi d55 v3' 155 w661é lige kan 266 d§"e.

25 Mbuu 15 dd woole lige bé' iddu taano woo, ké gas

26 taye was be v6n yaa diele mas, 166 1a y6g h8g9.

27 Sey ks die y6ggé mas, taye was v6 h6g6 'waapéd.

28 vo vigi: "M6 hiln 66 n66n bi m66lé lige ne, m6 hii oo

29 noo bi sie yelaa?"

(15) "The animal is here! Est then!" H is very happy. He
climbs Up, sits on the animal, and eats for a long time. He
asks them, "While one eats, can he drink water?" They tell
him, "We don't forbid drinking of water." He goes and
drinks, returns, climbs up, sits on the animal, and eats talk
for a very long time. When there's only a little of the ani-
mal left, he asks again, (20) "Can one go relieve himself
too?" They tell him, "We don't forbid relieving oneself."
He goes and relieves himself, returns and sits on the animal.
He finishes eating the whole animal koentoeng. The gods tell
him, "Go to your house, then. After two days, the third
we'll be there." He returns to his house with a happy heart.

(25) He stays home two days, and the third, when he
knogs the gods will be there, he leaves and hides in the
bus .

While he's hiding, all the gods see him. They ask him,
"You don't want us to kill you in your house; do you want us
to kill you here then?"

106

HYENA AND DEATH-~TEXT E 5-54I—J

(15) "Animal exclamation here-cm, you go then-cm!" Heart
makes-clean Hyena much. Hyena (16) climbs sits on animal-
on, eats animal long-time, long-time. Asks them: "Q then
(17) when-one eats when, one drinks-not water cm-neg-Q?"
They ssy-to-him: "We forbid-not water (18) drinking cm-
neg." Hyena returns goes drinks water, follows returns
comes mounts sits on (19) animal-on, eats long-time, long-
time, animal remains little like-that, follows asks them:
"Q (20) then one goes-not intestine cm-neg also-Q?" They
say-to-him: "We forbid-not intestine (21) going cm-neg."
Hyena goes intestine follows returns comes sits on animal-
on. (22) Hyena oats animal finishes koentoeng. God child
they say-to-him: "You (23) go your-to house-to then. Day
two, three his future, we go (24) be-there-cm." Hyena
passes returns goes his-to house-to with heart being-clean.

(25) Hyena goes lies-down his-at house-at day two
three his, when knows (26) god child that they-will come
be-there when, leaves goes hides bush-in.

(27) Time when is-in-process-of hiding when, god child
they see-him all. (28) They ask-him: "You want-not that-
we kill-not you yourbat house-at cm-neg, you want that-we

(29) kill you already here-Q?"

107

TEXT E—-HYENA AND DEATH

50 Mbfifi ks ki ie yogo mas, lfifi dug, ke dfig hga, héé,
51 héé, 15 d6 y6g doeoe 31115.

52 Ha kaa n66 mas, h6 taye was v6 dii mbaa yo, v6

53 dfifi 6dd6: "1'5 ye maé m6 nUng sis beg 66 dommole mas
54 s6'6. 66 noom s6mmé?"

55 Mbfifi ks ki is y6g6 méa, daa gboy doeoe siile, k5
56 dug féé, féé, féé, had dii yo. Tdeg hoo gb55 t66 kaa
57 die kan neele mbaa ting woole koo h6n ba ne mééle.

58 D6 y6g mbaa wole. Taye was v6 dfifi 6dd6: "M6 hii oo

. 59 noon bi ddede siile ne, m6 hii nom hob ting yela?"

4O Mbfifi ké dUU ki ie yogo mas, gboy dug hob ting dUU

41 ke dug hag, héa, hag, gagay wéé haga kim, tii na noo

(30) When he hears this he leaves at a run, runs a long
long time and hides in an anteater hole.

When he looks Up, he sees the gods standing there. They
tell him again, "Now you've found a grave where you'll be
buried. Should we kill you then?"

(55) When he hears this, he leaves the anteater hole, too,
and runs a long long long time. His sweat streams down. He
spies a certain large forest where a person can't be seen.

He goes in and hides there. The gods tell him again, "You
didn't want us to kill you in the anteater hole, do you want
death in this forest?"

(40) When he hears this again, he leaves the forest on
the run; again he runs a very very long time. He's lifted Up,
falls down heavily to the ground kim, flips head over heels,
and dies there.

..— .s— ...L--
”- - — -—

wh<_—* _._._—_.—-_

l08

HYENA AND DEATH--TEXT E 5-54J-K

(30) Hyena when hears like that when, leaves race,
digs race long—time, long-time, (31) longbtime, goes enters
hides hole anteater-in.

(52) When opens eye when, sees god child they stand sit
there, they (55) follow say-to-him: "Time this foc you find
already grave which-they bury-you-there which (54) already-
cm. Should-we kill-you then-Q?"

(55) Hyena when hears like that when, follows leaves-
himself hole anteater-in, digs (56) race long-time, long-
time, long-time, sweat stands there. Looks forest big a-
certain where-one (57) is-there and being-strong sits in
it-in where-they see-not one cm-neg where-in. (58) Enters
hides sits there. God child they follow say-to-him: "You
want that-we (39) kill-not you hole anteaterbin cm-neg, you
want death forest in this-in-Q?"

(#0) Hyena when follows hears like that when, leaves-
himself race forest in follows (41) digs race longbtime,
long-time, long-time,carries—self falls ground-on kim, flips

like-that dies (42) passes there.

\l

y. l

S\

109

EXT F——HUNTING

1 Koeoe, MbUU, zég kan Bieieg v6 155 h6g kdédélé.

2 Sey k66 nya ya 66d v66 s6'6 mas, k66 n6nna mb6g

3 ya fifidd66. ,

4 Pig k66 mb6g ya fifid v66 'w55 56'6 mas, Mbfiu 6:

5 "Hén mii kan sén ne mas, wo moo vilee. Mi hii nan a
6 vin mi moo ne." Zég ass 6 w66: "Ie mii 6m, mi sén

7 nan a san mi nag was ne sam." Koeoe ass 6 W66: "Mi 6m
8 mi sén nan a sa k66 gb6n mi né." Bieieg d55 vfid ya 6:
9 "Hén kan man mii mas, w6 hén 'né"e, nan a 'né'an t66,
lO v6n li’en 6m . "

ll Sey vid ks sa' s6'6 mas, Mbuu d6 ls h6ge gang néng
12 mbaa soeng ya fifid woole, bad bad bad bad.

15 Sey Zég ks ki hén sdene Mbfifi w66 méa, lfifi d6g yUba
l4 6: "Ké' ké', boeoe ban noe vi ya yélee?"

Lion, Hyena, Panther, and Snake48 go hunting.

When they arrive at their sleeping place, each prepares
his bed.

When they've finished preparing their beds, H says,
(5) "The thing I don't like is questions. I don't want any-
one to question me." Pr says, "Me, I don't like anyone ever
to point a finger at me." L says, "Me, I don't like anyone
raising dust and throwing it on me." 8 comes out and says,
"Me, the thin that I hate is stepping on things. If someone
steps on me, %10) we'll not be in agreement."

After nightfall H goes into the bush, carries out bones,
and sits crunching on them in his bed ggg,ggg QQQ,E§Q.

When Pr hears H's crunching, he stands up and says, "Hey
you, will we sleep here today?"

48 hereafter L, H, Pr, and S respectively.

110

TEXT F
HUNTING 4-9B

(1) Lion, Hyena, Panther, and Snake they go bush
'hunting.

(2) Time when-they arrive come place lying-down their
already when, even who prepares (5) Place lying-down his.

(4) After when-they prepare place lying-down their
finish already when Hyena says: (5) "Thing my which-I like-
not cm-neg which, it word asking-cm. I want man he (6) asks-
not me word cm-neg." Panther passes says he: "The-one-who
2g also, I like-not (7) man he points-me arm small cm-neg
at-all." Lion passes says he: "I also (8) I like-not man
he raises dust throws-at-not me cm-neg." Snake passes
comes-out comes says: (9) "Thing which-I hate ;,which, it
thing stepping-on, man if-he steps-on-me if, (10) we-will
destroy-each-other also."

(11) Time night when darkens already when, Hyena enters
goes bush-in carries bones (12) site crunches place lying-
down his-in, §_a_c_1_ 6—an 1g 92g.

(15) Time Panther when hears thing crunching Hyena his
when, rises goes—Up Up (14) says: "Hey hey, today we-will

sleep we place this-in-cm-Q?"

. " f’.
\
l/
, /
p’
/ xx \
I ‘ I
f If
'
\
\ r/ /
/
‘
-
,I // '

111

TEXT F--HUNTING

15 Sey Mbfifi ks ki Zég ka 6 re yogo mas, Mbfiu lfifi bee
l6 Zég: "P66, p55! Min 6m n6n mé'lé? Naa mi 6m mi sén

l7 moo vile ne na?" Z66 nyéé k6 Mbfifi, Mbufi 166 sad Zég

18 nag, Zég 6d Mbfifi: "P65, min 6m n6n méélé? Néé mi 6m

\

19 mi sen nag was sale ne na?" Z66 nyéé k6 Zég, Zég 166
20 m55 Mbfiu v6 k6 nyag h55, v6 155 15 sa kaa gb6d Koeoe.
21 Koeoe ks h6 1e yogo méé, gs lfifi d6g gfiba 6: "Moo
22 6n p6n kii k6 hén me yogola? Ba min 6d vi nén méélé?
25 Naa mi 6d vi nan a sa k66 gb6n sa na?" Koeoe k6 Z66
24 nyéé lfifi d6 nyagge. V6 86g ya v6 tésno 5m, vb k6 nyag
25 h66 h66 h66. V6 166 m55 Bieieg ya fifid woole, v6 'né"6.
26 Is Bieieg w66 m55, 6n moo t66 ne sam. Lfifi d6g gfibs

27 simna, bé' v6 d55 dole ya v6 tssno 6m, kpad kpad.

28 Mbfiu noo, ng noo, Koeoe noo. V6 noo ya v66 tséno 5m
29 'waapéd. Bieieg 'bé kpaa w66 kan koed w66 6g, daa fii

50 ka 1a kaale.

(15) When H hears Pr speak, he gets Up and says to Pr,
"Uncle, uncle! What did I tell you? Didn't I say I didn't
like questions?" H is angry and points his finger at Pr.

Pr tells him, "Uncle, what did I tell you! Didn't I say I
didn't like finger pointing?" Pr is angry; Pr (20) flies at
H and they fight a long time; they raise dust and throw it
on L.

When I sees this, he jumps up and says, "Why do you do
a thing like that? What did I tell you? Didn't I tel you
that no one should raise dust and throw it on me?" He 3
angry and enters the fight. All three of them fight (25) for
a very long time. They go to S in his bed and step on him.
As for S, he says nothing at all. He stands Up silently and
bites all three of them in the leg, kpad kpad. H dies, Pr
dies, L dies. All three die. S takes his bow and quiver,
puts them on his shoulder, and (50) takes the path back to
the village.

112

HUNTING--TEXT F 4-9B—C

(15) Time Hyena when hears Panther when says like that
when, Hyena gets-Up calls-to (l6) Panther: "Uncle, uncle!
I-past say-to-you how foc-Q? Neg-Q I say-to-you I like-not
(17) word asking cm—neg cm-neg-Q?" Heart red does Hyena,
Hyena rises points-at Panther (18) arm, Panther says—to
Hyena: "Uncle, I-past say-to-you how foo-Q? Neng I say-
to-you (19) I like-not arm small pointing cm-neg cm-neg—Q?"
Heart red does Panther, Panther rises (20) finds Hyena they
do mouth long-time, they go go raise dust throw-at Lion.

(21) Lion when sees like that when, Jumps rises goes-
Up Up says: "For (22) what first that-you do thing like
that-cn-Q? Time-past I-past say-to you how foo-Q? (25) Neg-
Q I say-to you man that-he raises dust throws-at-me cm-neg
cm-neg-Q?" Lion does heart (24) red rises enters mouth-in.
They gather place pl three also, they do mouth (25) long-
time long-time long-time. They go find Snake place lying-
down his-at, they step-on-him. (26) The-one-who Snake him
foc, says-not word other cm-neg at-all. Rises goes-Up Up
(27) silently, bites them passes leg-in place p1 three also,
kpggwkpg_. (28) Hyena dies, Panther dies, Lion dies. They
die place p1 three also (29) all. Snake takes bow his and
quiver his puts-on-shoulder, passes returns (50) takes-road

goes town-to.

115

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

Sey t66lé m66 g6m k6 dbdn ddenné. H6n h6g v6 'waa-
p6d v6 nfigun h6n 1616 né 56m. B6b66m b66 66 h66b h6d
ting y66n k66 v6 kan was v6 w61e.

Z6g6 is t66 yé m66 166 16 h66b 6616, 66 h66b i6

666.

Os
0‘

yés

M n ka k6 m66, gang h66b ya mb66n nyag mam gb66

(DI

t6616. Mb66 t6 h66b, t6 h66b.

Sey ka dib h66b t61e m66, h66b m66g hee k66d

\0CD\JO)\D~P\Nl\)l-J

goey p6 Z66 mam ting.

Ks h6 i6 yogo m66, k66 h66b i6 t66 nags pee gb6

F4 :4
F‘ C)

d66 haga, yo d66 266 f6 ba goey p6 Z66 mam ting pee.

Ks Z66 m66, 16 nfing h66b t66 tii g6' nan.

H
N

Sey k6 nfing h66b ka tii sis g6' nanno m66, B6b66m

l--'
\N

14 vi g6': "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" G6' hiiddo 6: "Mi g6'

Once there was a big famine. None of the animals could
find any food at all. 9 used to dig wild yams in the grass
and bring them to his wife and children.

One day he went digging wild yams and dug them like
(5) thaaaat.

In the afternoon, he took the yams and sat on the bank
of a certain large river, and washed them.

While he was washing them, the gleaming white k66d end
of one yam broke and fell into the water.

(10) When he saw this he left the other yams on the
ground and dove in after the broken one that had fallen into
the water.

When he got down there, he found the wild yam changed
into a horn of food.

When he found the wild yam changed into a horn of food,
he asked the horn, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It
answered, "I'm a

49 R = Rabbit
50 lit. dough, or cous-cous, the basic Duru food.

114

TEXT G
RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA 4—9D

(1) Time other-in past hunger does is-good-not much-
neg. Thing bush p1 all (2) they find-not thing eating cm-
neg at-all. Rabbit sits digs yam grass (5) in brings wife
p1 and child p1 there.

(4) Day the other here past leaves goes yam digging,
digs yam like (5) thaaaat.

(6) Afternoon when does when, carries yam comes sits-
together edge water big (7) a-certsin-on. Sits washes yam,
washes yam.

(8) Time when is-in-process-of washing when, yam and
white g§§g (9) breaks-itself goes-down water in.

(10) When sees like that when, leaves yam the other
hand-in that leaves (11) passes ground-on, dives follows
goes-down the-one who breaks-itself falls goes-down water
in that.

(12) When goes-down when, goes finds yam that changes
horn dough.

(15) Time when finds yam when changes already horn
dough-cm when, Rabbit (l4) asks-it: "Horn this you horn

what-cm-Q?" Horn answers-him says: "I horn

115

TEXT G--RABPIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

15 nanne." B6b66m 6d g6': "Am p6nna nandoo, mi h6lee."
16 G6' 6ddo: "Am 66h sie p6nné." B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 toeoe,
17 nan v6d hi' hag ség. B6b66m 15 nan h66 h66 h6g hi'

18 d6g6 dii 28815. B6b66m 6d nan 5 d6 15 6, nan v6' d6
19 g6' ting. B6b66m nfing Z66 d6"e w66ni. 'B6 g6' w66

2O p6g koeoele, gang kén h66b w66 daa v6' y66 lige.

21 Sey ka nya sib lige o m66, bee k66 woo v6 k6n was
22 woo v6, v6 56g yaa w66le ting. D6d 266 nag kohdblé
25 h6666 g6' tid nage 6: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6ns?" G6' 6dd6:
24 "Mi g6' nanne." B6b66m 6dd6: "Am p6n ya nandoo mi
25 h6lee." B6b66m 'be g6' p5d fieied, nan y6d hi' lig
26 56g k6n wu' 6m. B6b66m k66 v6 k6n was v6, v6 15 nan
27 h66 h66 h66 v6 h6', h6g d6g6 dii voege yo.

28 Nyég k6'6m ks t6 m66, B6b66m 'bé g6' w66 p6g

29 kdedelé d66 155 gbénaa voolé.

(15) horn of food." He told it, "Give me food, so I can see
it." The horn told him, "Blow me first, then." He took the
horn and blew toeoe; food came out and piled Up on the ground
§ég. He ate for a long time until his stomach was filled up
to his heart. He told the food to enter and it returned into
the horn. R was very happy. He took his horn and (20) put
it in his sack, carried it with the wild yams, and returned
home.

When he arrived, he called his wives and children; they
gathered before him. He put his hand in his sack, took out
the horn and held it in his hand, saying, "Horn, what kind of
horn are you?" It told him "I'm a horn of food." He told
it, "Give me food so I can 25) see it." He took the horn
and blew fieied; food and sauce came out and filled the house
gég. His wivesand children ate a very long time; they were
full; their stomachs came Up to their necks.

When morning came, he took his horn, put it in a sack,
and went to the chief's.

116

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4—9D-E

(l5) dough." Rabbit says-to horn: "You give-me-come
dough-his, I seeing-cm." (l6) Horn says-to-him: "You blow
me already first-cm." Rabbit takes horn blows 32222,

(I?) dough comes-out fills ground §_g. Rabbit eats dough
long-time until stomach fills (18) goes-Up stands heart-in.
Rabbit says-to dough that-it enters goes cm, dough returns
enters (19) born in. Rabbit finds heart beingbclean much.
Takes horn his (20) puts sack-in, carries with yam his
passes returns comes house-to.

(21) Time when arrives already house-at cm when, calls
wife his pl and child (22) his pl, they gather come him-to
before. Puts-in goes-down hand sack-in (25) pulls-out horn
holds hand-in says: "Horn this, you horn what-cm-Q?" Horn
says-to-him: ,(24) "I horn doughpcm." Rabbit says-to-him:
"You give-me come dough-his I (25) seeing-cm." Rabbit takes
horn blows fieied, dough comes-out fills house (26) ggg and
sauce also. Rabbit wife pl and child pl, they eat dough
(27) long-time long-time until they are-full, stomach goes-
up stands neck-in there.

(28) Month morning when is-clear when, Rabbit takes

horn his puts (29) sack-in passes goes chief them-to.

\'\

117

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

5O Ka ny6 l6 nyag niimé m66, vé': "Tee, tee."

51 Gbénaa v6 s6n hiilé n6. 66m d66n v6 ddenné 36m. B6-
52 b66m d66 vé' nyag niimé: "Tee, tee!" Z66 nyéé k6

55 gbénaa v6, v6 h66 B6b66m: "Mi s6n mii nyég ne. G6m
54 mii ks dibn nysle y6 na?" B6b66m 6d gbénaa v6: "B6'
55 n66, 1 k6 Z66 nyéé s6." Gbénaa v6 6d B6b66m: "Am d6
56 266 6." B6b66m d6 m66 gbénsa v6 lig ting, d6d 266 nag
57 kdtdelé h6636 g6' d6g6 vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" G6'
58 6dd6: "Mi g6' nanne." "Am p6n ya nand66 mi h6lee."

59 B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 t66d. Nan v6d hi' lig gbénaa v66 ség.
4O Gbénsa v6 16 nan h66 h66 h66, v6 h6'. V6 g6ng mam d6g
41 gb66 né', v6 zo h6' wole. Bee k66 v6 56g ya 'waapéd
42 v6 y66 ting B6b66m w6616. B6b66m 'be g6' d66 66 nag
43 'm6ngn6. Nan d66 v6d d66n n66 h6le doenne. Gbénaa k66

44 v6 k6n was v6, v6 16 nan h66 h66 ya 266 v66 ks hiilé.

(50) When he arrived at the door, he called a greeting,
"Tee, tee." The chief didn't want to answer. The famine had
not been good to him at all. R again called a greeting at
the door, "Tee, tee!" The chief became angry and insulted
him, "I don‘t want any foolishness, I don't. Isn't there a
famine at my house?" R told the chief, (55) "Rich father,
don't be angry." The chief told him, "Enter." He entered
and went to the chief in the house, put his hand in his sack,
and took out the horn, saying, "Horn, what kind of horn are
you?" It told him, "I'm a horn of food." "Give me food so
I can see it." He took the horn and blew t66d. Food came out
and completely filled the house of the chief gég. (40) The
chief ate food a very very long time; he was full. He took
a large calabash of water, drank, and put it down. He called
his wives together from everywhere; they came before R. R
again took the horn and blew. A lot of food came out again
for the eye to see. The chief's wives and children ate as
long as their hearts desired.

 

118

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4-9E-G

(50) When arrives goes mouth door-at when, greets:
"233, £22." (51) Chief they want-not answering cm-neg.
Hunger is-good-to-not them much-neg at-all. Rabbit
(52) follows greets mouth door-at: "Egg, 3222" Heart red
does (55) chief pl, they insult Rabbit: "I want-not ; fool-
ishness cm-neg. Hunger (54) my which is-in-process-of-me
arriving this cm-neg-Q?" Rabbit says-to chief pl: "Father
(55) riches, you do heart red cm-neg." Chief they say-to
Rabbit: "You enter (56) come-down cm." Rabbit enters finds
chief pl house in, puts-in goes-down hand (57) sack-in
brings-out horn comes-Up asks-it: "Horn this, you horn
what?" Horn (58) says-to-him: "I horn dough-cm." "You
give-me come dough-his I seeing-cm." (59) Rabbit takes
horn blows EEEQ. Dough comes—out fills house chief their
,ggg. (40) Chief they eat dough long-time long-time long-
time, they are-full. They carry water calabash (41) big
like-that, they drink put there. Calls wife pl gather place
all (42) they come before Rabbit him-to. Rabbit takes horn
follows blows hand (45) newly. Dough follows comes-out is-
good-to-not eye seeing much-not. Chief wife (44) pl and
child p1, they eat dough long-time long-time time heart

their which wanting.

\/

119

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

45 B6b66m 6d gbanaa vb ba bb pa moo y6g6 nan bs bb 155
46 babe sa. Gbénaa ba' moo 6d i6 nii v6 'waapéd kan n66

47 sas v6: "Y6g6 nyag k6'6mé m66, nén 'waapéd v6 s6g y66
48 saale." B6b66m 'b6 g6' w66 p6g kdedelé 6g b66 6m 6m

\ 8

49 d66 d6g 6g6 d6nne, d6d 266 nag kdbdb w6616, 'be ga'
50 v6d dog wole, vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' Ens?" G6' hii 6:
51 "Mi g6' nanne." "Am p6n ya nan woo, mi h6léo." B6b66m
52 66 g6' toeoed, nan v6d hi' ssa ség. Nén v6 16 nan h66
55 h66, t66 vb h6g dey. B6b66m v6' g6' w66 p6g kdbdb1é,
54 d66 fii 155 w6616 lige.
55 Sey g6m ka ny6 k66 v6 k6n was v6 t66, 66d v6 g6',
56 t66 v6 nfing nan léwble.
57 Z6g6 t66 m66, B6b66m 'b6 g6' w66 d6gg6 6 véngé,
58 d66 166 166 h6g kdbdble. G6m d66n Kpoo v6 doenne.
59 Z6g6 s66me m66 Kpoo b6'6 166 ya m66 B6b66m was v6, vi
(45) R told the chief that he should announce that the next
day no one should go to the fields. The chief sent word tel-
ling all the elders and young peOple, "Tomorrow morning
everyone must gather in the village square." R took his
horn, put it in his sack which he slung on his shoulder,
climbed Up on the drummer's rock, put his hand into his sack,
took (50) out the horn, and asked it, "Horn, what kind of
horn are you?" It answered, "I'm a horn of food." "Give me
food so I can see it." He blew on the horn toeoed; food came
out and filled the village square s'g. The people ate a very
long time, and the stomachs of some burst. R put his horn
back in his sack and returned to his house.

(55) Whenever his wives and children became hungry, he
would blow on the horn for them, and they would have a lot
of food.

One dsglR took his horn, put it in the granary, and went

hunting. B was very hungry. At noon the father B came to
R's children and asked

120

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4—9G-H

(45) Rabbit says-to chief pl that they-should announce word
tomorrow man that they go (46) field-to cm-neg. Chief sends
word says-to the-one-who old p1 all and child (47) young
pl: "Tomorrow mouth morning-in foc, man all they gather
come (48) village-square-to." Rabbit takes horn his puts
sack-in slings-on-shoulder sits walks walks (49) climbs goes-
Up stone drummer-on, puts-in goes-down hand sack his-in,
takes horn (50) takes-out comes-Up there, asks-it: "Horn
this you horn what-cn-Q?" Horn answers says: (51) "I horn
dough-cm." "You give-me come dough his, I seeing-cm."
Rabbit (52) blows horn toeoed, dough comes-out fills vil-
lage-square §_g. Man they eat dough long-time (55) long-
time, some pl stomach burst-itself. Rabbit returns horn
his puts sack-in, (54) passes returns goes his-to house-to.
(55) Time hunger when arrives wife pl and child pl
when, blows-for them horn, (56) then they find dough much.
(57) Day other foc, Rabbit takes horn his goes-Up-
goes puts granary-in, (58) passes leaves goes bush hunting.
Hunger is-good-to-not Baboon pl much-neg. (59) Day middle-
in foc Baboon father rises comes finds Rabbit child pl,

asks

121

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

60 v6: "Vi baa k6 vi 6n yéle k6n b6' vii v6 kii b66

61 hie'ie sey 'waap6d y61s?" B6b66m was v6 6dd6: "B6'
62 v66 'm6ng g6' nan ka 66d vo t66, nan v6d w6le, v6 16
65 16. Moo woo no Z66 k6 b66 d6' v6 Z6g6 'waap6d p6n k66
64 hie'ie y6 no." Kpoo 6d v6: "G6m nya déy s6ng v6 die

65 yéle. I p6n mi 16 66d v6 66 16, t66 min v6' p6n vi

\

66 ya." B6b66m was daga d66 d6g v6ng6 'be g6' nan p6 Kpoo.
67 Kpoo 'b6 g6' k6nn6 h6d ting 155n doen koed.
68 Ny6g m6nn6 B6b66m ks fii ya h6ge m66, nyaa kdéng
69 d66 d66 d6g v6ngé, soo d66 h6n, soo d66 h6n, h6n g6'
70 w66 tee ne. Si Z66 haga vi was v6: "G6' yéle m66,
71 166 dib téla?"' Was v6 6dd6: "Z6g616 m66, Kpoo bs y66
72 yéle vi vo: "Vi hie'ie vi 6n k6n b6' vii k6n n6' vii
75 v6 na'ala?" V6 6dd6: "B6' v66 'm6ng g6' nan ba 66d v6,
‘
o

74 m6 v6 16 w6 yo. Z6 k6 d6' v6 yé no." M6 6d v6 ba 00

(60) them, "What are you doing here with your father that
you're laughing all the time?" R's children told him, "Our
father found a horn of food. When he bl ws it for us, food
comes out and we eat and eat. That's wh e're happy every
day, and why we laugh here." B tells them, "Your young
brother352 here are hungry. (65) Give me the horn and I'll
blow it for them so they can eat, then I'll bring it back
here." One of R's children climbed into the granary, took
the horn of food, and gave it to B. B took the horn and
went into the bush, never to return.

That afternoon when R returned from the bush, he went
immediately koen and climbed into the granary, looked all
over for the thing. He couldn't find (70) his horn. He
climbed down on the ground and asked the children, "The horn
there, where did it go?" The children told him, "During the
day B came here and asked us, 'What are you laughing so much
at, you and your father and your mother?’ We told him, 'Our
father found a horn of food which he blows for us, then we
eat. That's why we're happy here.’ Then he told us we
should

‘.e., his own children.

122

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4-9H-I

(60) them: "You sit do 193 what here with father your pl
that-you sit (61) laugh time all here-Q?" Rabbit child
they say-to-him: "Father (62) our finds horn dough when
blows-for us when, dough comes-out there, we eat (63) est.
For it cm heart which sits is-clean-for us day all first
that-we (64) laugh this cm." Baboon says-to them: "Hunger
arrives neighbor small they are-there (65) here. You give-
me I go blow-for them that-they eat, then I—will return
carry-to you (66) come." Rabbit child one climbs goes-up
granary-in takes horn dough gives Baboon. (67) Baboon takes
horn takes-road-together—goes grass in goes-together only
different.

(68) Mouth afternoon-in Rabbit when returns comes bush-
in when, passes kggng (69) passes climbs goes-up granary-in,
searches passes thing, searches passes thing, sees-not horn
(70) his that cm-neg. Gets-down goes-down ground-on asks
child pl: "Horn here foc, (71) goes is-there where-Q?"
Child they say-to-him: "Day-in foc, Baboon that comes
(72) here asks us: 'You laugh.zgg what with father your
and mother your (75) p1 much-cm-Q?‘ We say-to-him: "Father
our finds horn dough that blows-for us, (74) then we eat it
cm. Heart which is-clean—for us this cm.’ Then says-to us

that we-should

r

 

125

TEXT G-—RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

75 p6 bi, bi p6ng 66d was bii v6, t66 ba bin v6' p6ng ya
76 diele. M6 k6 155n koed y6 no." B6b66m k6 zéé ny66

77 h66 h66.

78 K6 d66 6d, nyag k6'6m ka t6 m66, 'b6 t6ng kii k5n
79 koeoe w66 d66 k6 l6 h6ge, 66 h66b 26g666.
80 Nysg m6n k6 ko m66, d66 gang h66b y6 mb66 nyag

81 mam d6g6 peele. T6 h66b, t5 h66b, h66b goey ne. B6-
82 b66m ma' h66b gdb koogna gb6 266 mam ting, d66 yo d6g6
85 Z66
84 Ks Z66 m66, l6 nfing h66b t66 tii g6' s6'6. 'B6

85 g6' tee tid d6g nage vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" Hiid-
86 d6: "Mi g6' gb6mgb6looe." B6b66m 6dd6: "1m gb6n ya
87 mi h6lee." Loo v6 v6d k6n was v6, v6 gb6 B6b66m mam

88 ting h66 h6g 26y dii yo. Od 100 66 d6 1s 0. L00 v6

89 v6' do sing. B6b66m v6d d6g 'bé g6' loo w66 p6g kdbdb

(75) give it to him, that he'd take it and blow it for his
children, then bring it back here. Then he took a path and
didn't come back here at all." R was angry for a very long
time.

The next morning he took his hoe and sack and took the
path into the bush; he dug wild yams all day.

(80) When it was afternoon he again carried the wild
yams and sat by the same river. He washed the wild yams but
no yam broke. He took one yam, broke it by force and threw
it into the water, then dove in after it as before.

When he got down there, he found the wild yam changed
into a horn. He (85) took the horn and held it in his hand,
asking, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It answered him,
"I'm a horn for beating you with sticks." He told it, "Best
me so I can see it." The stick and its children came out ,
and beat R in the water until his stomach swelled up badly.
He told the sticks to reenter and they returned silently
sing. He got out of the water, took his horn of sticks, put
it into the sack,

124

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9I—J

(75) give him, he carries blows-for child his pl, then that
he-will return carry come (76) is-there. Then takes-road
leads different this cm." Rabbit does heart red (77) long-
time long-time.

(78) When follows lies-down, mouth morning when is-
clear when, takes hoe long-shank and (79) sack his passes
takes-road goes bush-in, digs yam all-day.

(80) Mouth afternoon when does when, follows carries
yam comes sits mouth (81) water one that-at. Washes yam,
washes yam, yam breaks-itself cm-neg. Rabbit (82) grabs
yam breaks with-force leaves goes-down water in, follows
dives follows-it (85) goes-down behind.

(84) When goes-down when, goes finds yam that changes
horn already-cm. Takes (85) horn that holds goes-Up hand-
in asks-it: "Horn this you horn what—Q?" Answers-(86)-him:
"I horn beat-you-beat-stick-cm." Rabbit says-to-it: "You
beat-me come (87) I seeingvcm." Stick they come-out and
child pl, they beat Rabbit water (88) in long-time stomach
swells-itself stands there. Says-to stick that-they enter
go cm. Stick they (89) return enter silently. Rabbit goes-

out goes-Up takes horn stick his puts-in sack

U

125

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

9O ting d66 v6' y66 lige.

91 Pig k6 nya sis lige o m66, bee k66 v6 s6g ya kan
92 was v6.

95 Sey k66 k66 k6n was v6 k66 s6g ya m66, Z66 v6 d6'. .
94 V6 tsa ba bin d66 nfing nan t66. B6b66m d6d Z66 nag
95 kdedelé v6d dogo g6' loo vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?"
96 G6' hiidd6: "Mi g6' looe." "6m k6n ya h6n loo w66 mi
97 h6lee." B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 toeoed, k66 g6' gb6 Z66

98 haga d66 166 16 y6g kapigim. Loo v6 v6d k6n was v6,
99 v6 gb6 B6b66m k66 v6 k6n was v6 h66 h66 w6nyag mb66
lOO lige b6166ng. B6b66m mb66 d6g pigim lig6 6d 100 a

101 d6 la o, 100 vb v6' d6 g6' ting.

102 Nyag m6nne m66, 'b6 koeoe w66 6g d66 d6g gb6naa

105 v661e, v6' nyag niimé: "Tee, tee!" Gb6naa v6hii

104 vangna: "Yes 0, d6 ya 0, s66 ya mb66 y61e." Gb6naa

(90) and returned to his house.

When he arrived, he called his wives and children to-
gether.

When they had come together, they were happy. They
thought they'd receive more food. He put his hand (95) into
the sack, took out the horn of sticks, and asked it, "Horn,
what kind of horn are you?" It answered him, "I'm a horn of
sticks." "Do the stick thing for me so I can see it." He
took the horn and blew it toeoed, threw the horn down on the
ground, and hid behind the house. The stick and its children
came out and best R's wives and chil en a long time until
their cries filled (100) the house b l66ng. R, from behind
the house, told the sticks to reenter, and they returned into
the horn.

That afternoon he took his sack, put it on his shoulder,
went up to the chief's, and called a greeting at the door,
"Egg, £22!" The chief answered quickly, "Come in, come in,
come near and sit here." The chief

126

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA—-TEXT G 4—9J-K

(90) in passes returns comes house-to.

(91) After when arrives already house-at cm when, calls
wife they gather come and (92) child pl.

(95) Time wife when-they and child p1 when-they gather
come when, heart they are-clean. (94) They think that
they-will follow find dough other. Rabbit puts-in goes-down
hand (95) sack-in brings-out comes-Up horn stick asks-it:
"Horn this you horn what-Q?"* (96) Horn answers-him: "I
horn stick-cm." "You do-me come thing stick his I (97) see-
ing-cm." Rabbit takes horn blows toeoed, leaves horn leaves
goes-down (98) ground-on passes leaves goes hides behind.
Stick they come-out and child pl, (99) they beat Rabbit wife
pl and child pl long-time until cry sits (lOO) house-in
b6loong. Rabbit sits goes-up behind house-at says-to stick
that-it (lOl) enters goes cm, stick they return enter horn in.

(102) Mouth afternoon-in foc, takes sack his slings-
on-shoulder passes goes-Up chief (105) them-to, greets
mouth door-at: "233, 2321" Chief they answer (104) fast:

"Come cm, enter come cm, approach come sit here." Chief

127

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

105 v6 tsa B6b66m bs d66 p6n bi ya nan t66. B6b66m d6
106 Z66 mb66 haga, d6d n6g kde6elé v6d d6g g6' tinggoole
lO7 vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?" Hiidd6: "Mi g6' 1009."
108 "Am k6 h6n loo w66 b6 h6lee." B6b66m 66 g6' tdedbd,
109 k66 g6' gb6 Z66 haga v6d dug tii nag pig t6' lig gb6
llO gb6naa v6 w6le. Loo v6d gb6 gb6naa v6 h66 h66. B6-
111 b66m mb55 d6g pigim lige 6d 100 a d6 la 0. Loo vb d6

112 sing. B6b66m 6d gb6naa v6 ba 66 pa moo y6g6 n6n be a

ms

115 166 babe as, is nii k6n n66 s6ng 6m. I6 nii kaa d6g
114 166 16 dii saale pa moo 6; "Baa v6! I ki 1a 0!

115 Gb6naa v6 moo y6g6 n6n a laa babe d6g6 ags s6 woo o.
116 Y6g6 n6n 'waap6d a 56g saale."

117 Nyag k6'6m6 m66, d66 'waap6d 56g saale k6n gbang
118 k66 v6 'waap6d, sey gb6naa w6 k66 lige w6 daga. B6-
119 b66m ya d66 dii d6g ego d6nne, 'be g6' v6d d6g koede1é

(105) thought R would bring him more food. He went in and

sat on the ground, put his hand into the sack, took out the
horn and asked it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It
answered him, "I'm a horn of sticks." "Do the stick thing so
it can be seen." R blew on the horn toeoed, threw it down on
the ground and left on the run; he put hlS hand behind him to
close the door, leaving (110) the chief there. The sticks
came out and beat the chief for a very long time. R, from be—
hind the house, told the sticks to enter, and they returned
silently sing. R told the chief he should announce that the
next day no one should go to the fields, neither elder nor
youngster. One of the elders went and stood in the village
square and announced, "Gentlemen ! Hear now! (115) The chief
says that tomorrow no one, not even one person, should go to
the fields. Tomorrow everyone must come together in the vil-
lage square."

In the morning the whole multitude came together in the
village square with all the chief's wives; only the chief re-
mained at home. R climbed Up on the drummer's stone, took the
horn out of the sack,

128

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9K-L

(105) they think Rabbit that follows carries them comes
dough other. Rabbit enters (106) goes-down sits ground-on,
puts-in hand sack-in brings-out comes-Up horn in-it-in
(107) asks-it: "Horn this you horn what?" Answers-him:

"I horn stick-cm." (108) "You do thing stick his that
seeing-cm." Rabbit blows horn toeoed, (109) leaves horn
leaves goes-down ground-on goes-out race turns hand behind
closes house leaves (110) chief pl there. Stick comes-out
beats chief pl long-time long-time. Rabbit (111) sits goes-
Up behind house-at says-to stick that-it enters goes cm.
Stick they enter (112) silently. Rabbit says-to chief pl
that they-should announce word tomorrow man that he

(115) goes field-to cm-neg, the-one-who old and child young
too. One-who old village one (114) rises goes stands vil-
lage-square-in announces word says: "Gentleman p1! You
hear go cm! (115) Chief they say tomorrow man he-must go
field-to one self cm-neg emph cm. (116) Tomorrow man all
he-must gather village-square-in."

(117) Mouth morning-in foc, crowd all gathers village-
square-in with chief (118) wife pl all, only chief he re-
mains house-in he one. Rabbit (119) comes climbs stands
goes-Up stone drummer-on, takes horn brings-out comes-Up

sack-from

I"

O

129

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

120 vigi: "G6' y6 m6 g6' 6na?"

121 N6n k66 ki i6 yogo m66, v6 moo ba g6' nanne t66.
122 G6' hii nyag 6dd6: "mi g6' gb6mgb6looe." B6b66m 6d
125 g6': "Am k6 ya h6n loo w66 mi h6lee." G6' 6dd6: "Am
124 66n sib p6nn6." B6b66m 'b6 g6' 66 tdeded, k66 g6' gb6
125 Z66 haga 'b6 doo w66 6 duge, d66 Z66 16 y6g mb66 kapi-
126 gim. 100 v6 v6d kan was v6, v6 gb6 n6n v6 h66 h66

127 h66 kaa 'waap6d m66 w6nyag m6n. B6b66m mb66 d6g6 ka-
128 pigim 6d 100 a d6 la 0. Loo d6 sing. B6b66m v6' ya

129 'b6 g6' web p6g koeob1é d66 fii 155 woole lige, d66

( r r \s

150 v6d g6' loo w66 d6gg6 p6g e vange, daa 166 laa hoge.
151 Z6g6le mba, Kpoo b6'6 tee d66 15 yaa m66 B6b66m

152 was v6 die mbaalee, v6' v6. Kpoo 6d v6: "G6' nan

155 kii p6n tee, ti s6'6. Mi soo h66 bi v6' p6ng ya 0.
154 Mi soo h6n ne sam." Kpoo d66 vi v6: "Mi ki ba vin

(120) and asked it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?"

When the people heard that, theygaid it was another horn
of food. The horn answered, "I m a h rn for beating you with
sticks." R told the horn, "Do the stick thing so I can see
it." It told him, "Blow me first." R took the horn and blew
toeoed, threw the horn (125) down on the ground, put his feet
to running, and hid behind a house. The stick and its children
came out; they beat the people a very very long time until the
whole village was full of cries. R, from behind the house,
told the sticks to enter, and they returned silently sin . He
came back and took his horn, put it in the sack, and re urned
to his house; he (150) took his horn of sticks out again, put
it in the granary, and went into the bush.

During the day the father B came again to R's children
remaining there and greeted them. He told them, "The horn of
food that you gave me is lost. I've looked a long time in
order to bring it back. I've looked but I can't find it at
all." B asked them again, "I hear you've

150

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9L-M

(120) asks-it: "Horn this you horn what-Q?"

(121) Man when-they hear like that when, they say that
horn dough-cm other. (122) Horn answers mouth says-to-him:
"I horn beat-you-best-stick-cm." Rabbit says-to (125) horn:
"You do come thing stick his I seeing-cm." Horn says-to-
him: "You (124) blow-me already first-cm." Rabbit takes
horn blows toeoed, leaves horn leaves (125) goes-down
ground-on takes foot his guards race-cm, passes goes-down
goes hides sits be-(l26)-hind. Stick they come—out and
child pl, they best man pl long-time long-time (127) until
village all only cry only. Rabbit sits goes-Up be-(l28)-
hind says-to stick that-it enters goes cm. Stick enters
silently. Rabbit returns comes (129) takes horn his puts-
in sack-in passes returns goes his-to house-to, follows
(150) brings-out horn stick his goes-Up-goes puts-in guards
granary-in, passes leaves goes bush-in.

(151) Day-in foo, Baboon father that follows goes comes
finds Rabbit (152) child they are-in-process-of sitting-cm,
greets them. Baboon says-to them: "Horn dough (155) which-
you give-me which, is-lost already-cm. I search long-time
I return carry come cm. (154) I search see-not cm—neg at-

all." Baboon follows asks them: "I hear that you-past

\v-I

A

151

TEXT G--RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

155 d66 nfing g6' nan t66 m6616. Mi hii i p6n mi 16 66 p6
156 day s6ng 66 16 sa'a. G6m d66n v6 ddenné s6m. T66 min
157 v6' p6ng y66n." B6b66m was v6 6dd6: "Am la 'b6 mb66
158 dih v6ng6. Kpoo d66 d6g v6ng6 'b6 g6' vigi: "G6' y6
159 m6 g6' 6na?" 6dd6: "Mi g6' gb6mgb6100e." Kpoo 6dd6:
140 "Am gb6n ya mi h6lee." G6' 6dd6: "Am 66n sie p6nn6.”
141 Kpoo 'b6 g6' 66 toeoed. Loo v6 v6d k6n 56g w66 6m,
142 v6 gb6 Kpoo h66 h66.

145 B6b66m was k66 ki loo ka die Kpoo gb616 m66, v6

144 166 vangna v6 16 s6' v6ng gb6 Kpoo ting woole. Kpoo

145 w66 w6ny6g h66 h66 656.

146 N6n6n a goed 100 v6 m66, p61e. Kpoo tii n6 noo
147 d66.
148 Kpoo ks noo y6 si', loo v6 b66 gb6 mb66 v66 w6le

149 h66 nya sey B6b66m ks fii ya h6ge.

(155) found another horn of food. I want you to give it to
'me and I'll go blow it for your young brothers so they can
'eat. They're very very hungry. Afterwards I'll bring it
back." R's children told him, "Go take it; it's in the gra-
nary. He climbed into the granary, took the horn and asked
it, "Horn, what kind of horn are you?" It told him, "I'm a
horn for beating you with sticks." He told it, (140) "Best
me so I can see it." It told him, "Blow me first." He took
the horn and blew toeoed. The stick came out with its whole
herd too; they beat B for a long long time.

R's children, when they heard the sticks beating B, went
fast and put the cover on the granary, leaving him inside.
He (145) screamed a long long time.

There was no one to muzzle the sticks. B turned over
and died like that.

Even though B was dead, the sticks kept beating him
until R arrived, returning from the bush.

152

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA-TEXT G 4-9M-N

(155) follow find horn dough other foc-cm. I want you give-
me I go blow give (156) neighbor young that-they eat cm.
Hunger is-good-for-not them much-neg at-all. Then I-will
(157) return carry bring." Rabbit child they say-to-him:
"You go take sits (158) is—there granary-in. Baboon climbs
goes-Up granary-in takes horn asks-it: "Horn this (159) you
horn what-Q?" Says-to-him: "I horn beat-you—beat-stick-
cm." Baboon says-to-it: (140) "You beat-me come I seeing-
cm." Horn says-to-him: "You blow-me already first-cm."
(141) Baboon takes horn blows toeoed. Stick they come-out
and herd its also, (142) they beat Baboon long-time long-
time.

(145) Rabbit child when-they hear stick when is-in-
process—of Baboon beating when, they (144) leave fast they
go cover granary leave Baboon in it-in. Baboon (145) cries
cry long-time long-time longbtime.

(146) Man he muzzles stick p1 foc, is-there-not. Ba-
boon turns liko-that dies (147) passes.

(148) Baboon although dies this although, stick they
sit beat sit thgy there (149) until arrives time Rabbit

when returns comes bush-from.

 

153

TEXT G-—RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA

150 Sey B6b66m ka yaa m66, ki h6n gb616 v6ng ting,

151 vi was v6: "En die v6ng ting6?" V6 6dd6: "Kpoo b6

152 yaa y61e, vi v6 g6' y61e, v6 6dd6: "G6' dfb v6ng6." As
155 d66 d66 d6g 'b6 g6' tfi. K66 ki loo ks gb6 h6n maa, v6
154 gang kuu v6ng s6' gb6go d66le." B6b66m mb66 d6g haga
155 6d loo a d6 la 0. Loo v6 d6 sing.

156 B6b66m d66 d6g v6ng6 166 m66, nfing Kpoo noo S6'6.

157 B6b66m g6ng Kpoo nom gb6 Z66 haga, was v6 w66 g6ng

158 16 gb6 h6d ting. Daa si' 16 w616.

(150) When he came, he heard the beating in the granary
and asked his children, "What's in the granary?" They told
him, "B came here and asked us for the horn; we told him,
'The horn's in the granary.‘ He climbed in himself, took the
horn and blew. When we heard the sticks beating, we took the
granary cover and covered it, leaving him in there." R, from
the ground (155) told the sticks to enter. They entered
silently 8 ng.

He climbed up into the granary and found B dead.

He threw the dead B down to the ground and his children
dragged him and threw him into the grass. The story ends
there.

 

154

RABBIT AND THE CORNUCOPIA--TEXT G 4-9N

(150) Time Rabbit when comes when, hears thing beating
granary in, (151) asks child pl: "What is-there granary
in-Q?" They say-to-him: "Baboon that (152) comes here,
asks us horn here, we say-to-him: "Hernia-there granary-
in." Self (155) passes climbs goes-Up takes horn blows.
When-we hear stick when bests thing when, we (154) carry
cover granary cover leave-him is-there." Rabbit sits
goes-Up ground-from (155) says-to stick that-it enters
goes cm. Stick théy enter silently.

(156) Rabbit climbs goes-Up granary-in goes when,
finds Baboon dies already-cm. (157) Rabbit carries Baboon
dead leaves goes-down ground-on, child they drag carry

(158) go leave grass in. Thing ends goes there.

APPENDIX B
PRONOMINAL PARADIGMS

The PN-MR-T tagmeme composite fillers may be conve-
niently labelled according to their series (gi,,§g, or bi)
with additional notations to distinguish the tenses.

The subscript ggbj means 'non-reference timeless', and
the subscript 3 means 'future/past'. Future forms (listed
below) have a higher tone than past forms (not listed here),
but are otherwise identical.

Suffix allomorphs occur when the preceding word is
kg 'subordinator, time past'. Note synonyms for the 5 s
in the git set. The predicate and its suffixes and pronoun
object (if any) occur between the two halves of the l pli

discontinuous morpheme.

m—j'-sub;i I-n-j-'t E‘qubj Eisubj 2t
l s -n/mi min 6n bi min
2 s -m/m6 m6n 6m bi bin
5 s H w6n/si6n a bi bin
d be ban ba bi ban
1 ple v6 v6n 66 bi v6n
l pli ba...vi ban...vi ba...vi bi ban...vi
2 p1 vi vin i bi bin
5 p1 v6 v6n 66 bi bin

155

APPENDIX C

COMPLETED ACTION AED INTERROGATIVE CLAUSE MARKERS

The completed action clause marker /s6'6/ seems to have

several allomorphs, not all of which occur in the corpus:

s6'6, sis, ma, sie..¢1/o/. Little can be said at present

 

about contextual pressure on the choice between these allo-

 

morphs, which is so strong a characteristic of the indic-
ative clause marker. There does, however, seem to be much
more freedom in the choice of allomorph here than in the
indicative.

Only the following tentative statements about context
seem to be consistently valid: 1) if a verb closes the
clause, the form §6L6 is used, 2) if one or more peripheral
tagmemes occur following the predicate, the allomorph sie...

:/0/ is used. In such case, the /o/ of this allomorph is

 

distributed in context like the indicative clause marker
/0/ (Table 5, p. 24). Significant differences of order in-
volving this split morpheme have already been discussed
in 4.1.1.

The negative completed action clause marker morpheme
/sie...ne/ seems to have the following allomorphs, only two

of which occur in the corpus: sie...ne, na...ne, nd6...ne,

156

157

s6'6 ne. The meaning is 'not yet'. No distinctive distri-

 

bution can be discovered for these allomorphs.

The interrogative /a/ might be analyzed as being a
clause marker or as a distinctive interrogative morpheme.
When it occurs, it may be said in general to replace any
vowel the clause marker had. In addition to the clause
markers, verbal nouns, numerals, the temporal-locative /le/
'time-place', and ko ie...wogo 'like' all replace their
final vowel with g, as a rule of thumb. The completed
action clause marker pg;g replaces 'both' vowels, since
emically two short identical vowels split by a glottal stOp
are treated as a single long vowel in Duru. The indicative
clause markers (Table 5) and the completed action clause

markers above, when followed by /a/, appear as follows:

 

 

affirmative[negative interrogative
-e -a
6
¢ 6
no a/na
ne ns/nela
-le -1a
yo 8/38
s6'6 sa'a/s6'6la
sie...1/o/ sie...a
sie/na/ndé...ne sie/na/nd6...na

s6'6 ne s6'6 na

APPENDIX D
SUBORDINATING PHRASES

The two subordinating phrases which concern us here
are those which occur in the temporal-locative-conditional
and the relative subordinate clauses.

The TLC subordinating phrase may be introduced by a
locative root (e.g. 12 'place'), a temporal root (e.g. ggy
'time'), or a condition root (39 'if'), the latter two
morphemes borrowed from Fulani. The subordinator kg, filling
the head slot, may then occur immediately preceding the
PN-MR tagmeme composite. Either a demonstrative (especially
m66 or,t§§) or the adverb g6; 'so' may close the clause.

The phrase is thus made Up of three optional discontinuous

elements, but one of them must occur. The formula:

a.

':T___—' I . 1 .
Sthlc = :Initiali/te/l/tg ... 1H:kg ... 1F1na1:dem/na'

 

The relative subordinating phrase is also a discon-
tinuous phrase, and again both elements are Optional. There
are some relative clauses whose only overtsignal of their

nature is the 6g series pronoun filling the PN-MR tagmeme

158

159

composite slot. The head slot, filled by the subordinator
kg or kg, occurs immediately preceding the PN-MR tagmeme
composite, and the clause may be closed by a demonstrative

or n6' 'so', or nii 'mesning unknown'. The formula:

SbP = :zH:ks/2g ... :Final:dem/n6' nii

rel

APPENDIX E

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

I J phonetic brackets

/ or

/ / morpheme title indicator

¢ zero allomorph, morpheme

’ high tone

‘ low tone

(d15f) reference to corpus

(2-2) reference to personal notebooks

- joins two or more English words used to gloss
a single Duru word

' ' enclose glosses

+ obligatory

1 optional

r——-———1 joins discontinuous elements of a linguistic
unit

r-5L-——' indicates agreement, concord

r——-+ -——L both elements are optional, but only one may

1 + occur in a s1ngle construction

+(+...+...) or [——+—-1 both elements may oc-

' ‘ + + cur, but one must

occur

140

CA

CG

Cl
CM

CHI

C-to—F

c-to-f

dem
desc -
desid
di

Dir Quo

foc

FUl

IA

Ideo

Impv

complement tagmeme

completed action
mode

complement-ss-goal
tagmeme

clause

clause marker tag-
meme

clause marker

contrary-to-fact
mode

contrary-to—fact
particle

dual
demonstrative
descriptive
desiderative
ditransitive
direct quotation
emphasis tagmeme
focus

Fulani

head slot

indirect object tag-

meme
intransitive

instrumental-ac—

companiment tagmeme

ideOphone tagmeme

imperative mode

141

inch

indep
Indic

Ind Ord

Ind Quo

Init

lim

MR

neg

NP

perc
p1
ple
pli
PM
PN

PN—MR—T

pr

inchoative
independent
indicative mode

indirect order derived
clause

indirect quotation
derived clause

initial slot
locative tagmeme
locative

limiter

manner tagmeme

mode-reference tag-
meme

noun
negative

noun phrase

object tagmeme
predicate tagmeme
perception

plural

plural exclusive

plural inclusive

= PN-MR—T
person-number tagmeme
person-number-mode-
reference-tense tagmeme

composite

pronoun

142

Prim primary sentence vn verbal noun
slot
. . VP verb phrase
Q interrogative
qual qualifier
rcp reciprocal
Rel relative subordi-

nate derived clause

rfx reflexive

S subject tagmeme

s singular

Sb subordinator/sub-
ordinate

Sb Desid subordinate desid-
erative derived
clause

SbPrel relative subordi-
nating phrase

Sthlc temporal-locative-
conditional subordi-
nating phrase

T tense tagmeme

t tense

Te temporal tagmeme
te temporal

TLC temporal-locative-

conditional subordi-
nate clause '

tr transitive

VN . verbal noun mode

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