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ASA WH'TNEY ANL HIS PAHFKJ
RAQL‘WAY PRU JE ( f T'

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.

Vera Wrigglesworth
1928

 

 

 

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. PLACE IN RETURN BOX
to remove this checkout from your record.

TO AVOID FINES return on or

before date due.

 

"Asa Whitney and His Pacific Railway Project“.

Vera Wrigglesworth.

Subr'zitted in pertiel fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Easter of
Arts in Fiokigan State College of Agricul-

ture and Applied Science.

THESIS

 

--- Outline ---
I. Introduction.
A. The Ynited States, 1845-60.
B. The need for a transcontinental railway.'
1. Political.
a. Oregon problem.
b. California question.
0. Naval delot.
2. Economic.
a. Oriental trade.
. b. Fishing and whaling interests.
0. Hining frontier.
5. Social.
II. Asa Whitney.
A. His place in railway history.

B. Life.

'4

. Business career.

h

. As a railway promoter.

5‘)

3. Later life.
III. Asa Whitney's Plan.
A. The prorosed route.
1. The rwnite.
2. The arguments for it.
B. The plan for financing and construction.

1. Relation of the government to the plan.

ifilliit)

C. The Bill in Congress.
1. Iagortance of the project.
2. The actual bill.
3. Objections to the project.
4. Advantages of Whitney's plan.
O. Opinions outside of Congress.
IV. Other Plans in Opposition to *.'-'hitney's.

A. George Wilkes' project.

B. Hartwell Carver's project.
C. P. P. F. Oegrand's project.
D. Comparison with the southern routes.

V. Conclusion .
A. Reasons for the failure of the measure.

B. Whitney’s importance in American railway history.

The period of United States history from 1845 to 1850
was one of rapid expansion. The Mississippi River had been
crossed and the frontier was moving farther and farther into
the west. In the North, aided by a liberal immigration flow,
the territories of Iowa and Wisconsin were permitted to come
into the Union as states in 1846 and 1848 respectively. The
year of 1846 likewise marked the end of the joint occupation
of the Oregon country by the United States and Great Britain,
and the Treaty of 1846 gave us sole occupation and possession
of the area west of the Rocky Mountains between the 420 and
490 north latitude. To the south additional territory had been
gained by the acquisition of the Republic of Texas in 1845,
and by the land cession following the Mexican war in 1848‘
which added California and the New Mexico Territory. The
Mexican‘War and the subsequently prOposed Welmot Proviso re-
newed the question of the extension of slavery which had been
temporarily settled by the North and South in the Compromise
’of-1820. This issue was to hold the interest of the nation for
the next fifteen years.

The discovery of gold in California was another signifi-
cant event of the period which caused the rush of the "Forty
Niners“ in such numbers that California was admitted as a state
in 1850. With this rapid westward movement the old question

of internal improvements was constantly before the public and

Congress, and the need of railway building loomed to the front
as a vital issue. One of the most essential and interesting
of all the projects of the time was the one for a transcon-
tinental railroad to the Pacific Coast.

The acquisition of the California and Oregon territories,
remotely located on the coast and constituting isolated fron-
tier settlements, brought about the realization of the polit-
ical sigrificance of railroads. In order to bind these newer
communities to the Union, there was the need of some efficient
means of communication. Then too, better transportation fac-
ilities were essential for trade and for carrying the setlers
and trOOps, when necessary, to and from these coastal regions.

To keep these recently acquired territories free from any

outside encroachment was simplv

U

the further application of the
Monroe Doctrine, a principle advocated in an earlier period
of our history.

Our country had considerable interests in this far western
region. The most important was the prosperous commerce with
the Orient which had been develOping wince the American Revo-
lutionary war when EurOpean mardets were closed to us and
outlets for our goods had to be found in other parts of the
globe? In Spite of the long hazardous journey around the

South American Continent by the way of the Cape of Good Hope

‘_
/

several hundred ships made the voyage annually? A second

economic reason for the need of a western railroad was to

 

l. Faulkner, H. A., ”American Economic History" Chap. XI
of: Marvin, W. L., "American Merchant Karine" Chap.III

2. This trade was opened by theWRmppess of China" in 1784.
Elias Desby, the first American Millionaire, made his for-
tune in this trade. See Marvins' ”History of Merchant Narine"
pp. 33 — 197

 

protect and encourage fishing and whaling interests of the
Pacific Waters. This industry had yielded as much as eight
and one half millions of dollars in a year? Thirdly, miners
were prospecting in the Cordillera Ranges and it seemed per-
tinent that adequate means should be developed in getting
supplies into those regions, in order to stimulate the devel-
0pment of further mineral resources where they existed?

More idealistic people were desirous that every step pos-
sible should be taken to open up the West because of the
social, moral and religious benefits which would come from it?
The increasing immigrant population in the eastern cities was
causing poverty, corruption and crime. The whole nation would
benefit if these new comers were attracted into the larm re-
gions of the West. Tiese were those who looked upon the In-
dians as subjects for missionary effort. A railroad would take
civilization to them and make it easier for educational and
religious organizations to reach them? More zeolous souls
even saw beyond the limits of our own nation and dreamed of
the day when the heathen Orient would be Christianized, because
it would be more accessible to the American missionar‘, as a
consequence of a railroad?

3. Committee Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session, no. 140, p 51
4. Paxson, F., "History of the Western Frontier" pp. 448 ad passhl

5. Connittee Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session
N04 140, Appendix 1, p. 25

6. Ibid: Appendix 2, p. 54

7. Haney, L. H., "Congressiona History of Railways to 1850"
P. 406
of: Committee Reports, 31st Congress, lst Session No. 140
Appendix 2, p. 54.

This brief summary indicates how many factors made the
idea of a railroad acceptable at this time. further consider-
ation will be given these later in studying the motives of Asa
Whitney who not only accepted the idea, but attempted to pro-

vide means for its accomplishmen..

La Whitney, among others, claimed the honor of having been
the first to realize the real significance of railway communi-
cation to the Pacific Coast? There are some peOple who would
deprive him of this recognition? Such an idea and the means
of its achievement were not likely to drop from a clear sky,
but rather it is more probable that notion simply evolved
over a period of time as L. H. Haney has suggested, "The Paci-
fic railroad is to be regarded as an evolution not of a nation
of engineers, but of a generation of men who dwelt in an expand-
ing country where horizons were broad%” Whitney was at least
among those who saw beyond the horizon. Perhaps this idea of
western communication and transportation was not original with
Whitney. President Jefferson sponsoring the Lewis and Clark
expedition in 1804 foresaw the need of a well developed route
to the West}1 Thomas Benton in 1819 wrote an essay suggesting
8. Haney, L. H., “Congressional History of Railways to 1850".

pp. 402-404 c£.: Smalley, E. V., "History of the Northern

Pacific” Chap. 5 d 6
9. Ibid: Haney, p. 402; Smalley 51 to 56.
10. Ibid' Pansy, p. 402
ll. Smalley, E. V., "History of the Northern Pacific" pp. 20-32

cf.: Wilkes, George, PrOposal for a National Railroad to the
Pacific Ocean”.

(b)

a project, but did nothing with the suggestion till thirty years
later after someone else had pointed the way;C Both Rever and
Samuel Parker, a missionary, and Doctar Hartwell Carver, who
[resented a Memorial to Congress in 1849, advanced claims f)?
originating the idea]:6 No one could really prove his right, and
it must be conceded with Haney and others, that unquestionably
"Whitney's was the first project to be worked out in detail,
and presented to Congress as a working scheme for the immediate
14
construction of a railway.”

Great men are seldom dnown as men, but are rather remem-
bered for their ideas, projects or achievements. Asa Whitney
lived before Ethgmyhg sought out one's pedigree and before
scientists in sociology and psycholOgy saw the necessity of
accounting for a great man and his work by a thorough study of
his heredity and environment. We can, therefore,learn very
little about him, because scarcely any contemporary literature
has been written about him. He was born in 1797 and grew up
to be a New York Merchant of consideraole wealth, trading prin-
cipally with the Orient}5 In 1830, he made a trip to England.
In taking a thirty-four mile ride on the Liverpool and Manches-
ter railway within_the :eriod of forty-two minutes, an idea
germinated in his mind which was to lead to his later plah%6

12. Haney, L. H, ”Congressional History of Railways to 1850” p 402

13. Ibid: p 402 cf: Smalley E. V., "History of Northern Pacific"
pp 41 - 45; pp 67 - 68

14. Haney, E. V., “Congressional History of Railways to 1850'
p. 404. cf: Hillion, J. W., State aid to Railways in Missouri
p. 55.

15. Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, Vol. 6

16. Committee Reports, lStSession 3l‘t Congress No. 140
Appendix No. 2 -- p. 27

(6)

He was impressed with the importance as well as the possibilities
of railway transportation and communication, and conceived of
their extensive use on the North American continent.

For twelve years, he did not deve10p the idea, but in 1842
while on a trip to China he read a paper which reported our
firSt commercial treaty with that nation, and as a Merchant he
quickly perceived the changes that would thereafter be made
in Commerce%7 He may have gone to China with the purpose of
collecting information on the trade and resources of the Orient
in order to satisfy himself and persuade his countrymen of the
advantage in seeking to open further intercourse with the Far-
Eastern national.8 Whether that was the incentive for his visit
on not it was the result, and he returned convinced that a
railroad to the Pacific would assure us of the opportunities
for the best develOpment of this trade. The oriental commerce
had deveIOped through individual effort but the Government,
as eXpressed in the treaty, now indicated that its true value
was appreciated?9 In the summer of 1845, Whitney made a trip
due west from Lake Michigan for some eight hundred miles to
assure himself that the route which he had conceived would

. 20
be practical. So convinced was Whitney by his own observations
and the earlier reports of Lewis and Clark, Colonel Fremont and
others, that he shortly presented a hemorial to Congress in
second session of the Twenty-Right Congress, 1845, asking for

a landggrant for a transcontinental railroad to the Pacific

17. Ibid: p. 27. Foster, J. W, “Century of American Diplomacy"
p. 290. This was txe Treaty of 1844 made by Caleb Cushing.

18. Executive Documents 28th Congress, 2“d Session_Vol. 25
No. 72. p. 1. cf: Committee Reports. 31° , 1 , Session
No. 140, Appendix 1 -- p. 24.

19. Foster, J. W., ”Centary of American Diplomacy", p. 290.

Coastgl From this time he gave himself solely to the idea and
sought to arouse Congress, the states and the general public
both personally and through his writings. Memorials were pre-
sented again in the first session of the Twenty-Ninth Congress,
1846, and in the first session of the thirtieth Congress, 1848,
during which time he traveled through some twenty states speak-
ing before the legislatures and public meetingslb
His plan failed, but he did live to see conmunication open-
ed to the west with the completion of the Union Pacific in 1869‘.”u
At this time he was keeping a dairy in Washington D. C. and sel-
ling milk to mitigate the poverty of his declining years. He
had given his fortune for his cause, and many of the best years
of his life which ended in August 1872“:4 Even then he was for-
gotten, for the Washington D. C. papers did not even honor him
with mention at the time of his death. He was the author of
two books' “A Project for a Railway to the Pacific published
in New York in 1849, and a second volume published in London
in 1851 entitled "A Plan for Direct Communication Between the
Great Centers of Pepulation of Europe and Asia".25
20. Smalley, E. V., ”History of the Nothern Pacific'p 58.
21. Committee Reports, {518t Congress, IStSession N r140
Appendix 1 p. 23.; cf: Congressional Globe, 28 ‘ Congress
2nd Session, Vol XIV p. 218; Vol V, p. 414.; of; Executive
Documents 28th Congress, 2nd Session Vol. 2 -- No 72, pl.
22. Resolutions were given by states from all sections, New
YOrk, H. I. Michigan, Conn., Tenn., Ga., 111., N. J., Ohio,
Mass., etc. See Senate. Miscellaneous 30th Congress, lst
Session pp. 1,4, 28, 29, 58, 76, 77, 124, and 125.
Meetings thru all sections were favorable. Benton, Miss,
Jefferson, Ind., Cincinnatti, Ohio, Lo. Ky. Philadelphia,etc.
25. Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography Vol VI
24. Ibid: Vol. 6.

.25. Ibid.

III

Asa Whitney prOposed to build a road that might be describ-
ed very generally as running from Lake Michigan to the Pacific
by the way of the South Pass?6 Starting at some point on Lake
Michigan he chose to cross the present state of Wisconsin to
prairie du Chien on the Mississippi River, which was hridgeable
at this point%7 This part of the route was through excellent
agricultural land with plenty of timber available both for the
road building and use of later settlers. The streams to be
traversed could be easily bridged. Fran Prarie du Chien,
Wisconsin, the road was to have proceeded in a slightly south-
western direction across the present state of Iowa to the His
souri River. This region consisted of some three hundred miles
of good soil which could develope into farm areas. There were
a few, but no bad streams, to be crossed, and there was plenty
of stone for such bridges as it might be necessary to build.
This region was for the most part, not a timbered area although
there was some wood at hand or in close proximity to the
proposed route. From the Missouri River the road was to cut
straight across the present states of Nebraska and Wyoming,
at about the forty-second parallel. This was a prarie section
with no timber and poor soil. There was a gradual ineine of
about six feet to the mile as the mountains were approached.
.Although it had few. encouraging features,at the same time, it
jzresented no obstacles to railroad building. At the suggestion
26. Appendix, No. I
237. This point and the following description of the route can

be found: Senate Documents 28th Congress 2nd Session-No 174
Committee Reports; élst Congress lst SeSSion No 140. app. 2

of Colonel Fremont the South Pass was to be used in constructing
the road through the mountains. The Pass was twenty miles

wide and seven thousand and five hundred feet above the gulf
level. It rose so gradually that in the words of Fremont,

”We had to watch closely to find the place at which we had
reached the culminating point".2d There were already several good
roads through the Pass. The railroad was then to follow the
valley of the Columbia River in a Northwestern direction across
the present states of Idaho and Washington to Puget Sound.

The total length of the prospective road was 2,030 miles
estimated as follows%9

Straight from Lake to Ocean, 1,780 miles.

Straight from Lake to Pass, 1,098 miles.

Lake to pass plus detours, 1,148 miles

Straight from Pass to Puget Sound, 682 miles

Pass to Puget sound plus detours, 882 miles
A railroad had to follow, somewhat, the contour of the land,
which eXplains the estimated detours.

Whitney considered several factors in determining the route

for his preposed railroad. In the first place why did he
choose the region about Lake Michigan for a starting point?
The financing of the project, as we shall see, depended on the
‘ sale of the public lands. Here there were undeveloped areas--
_1ands yet in the hands of the governmenp, and of such a nature
28. Senate Documents, 28th Congress, Second Session, Report

No. 174. p. 60; of: Senate Documents 29th Congress, lst

Session Vol. II, Report No. 466, pp.1-7.

29 Committee Reports. Blst Congress, lst Session, Report No. 1405
Appendix 3, p. 38.

 

 

‘ 4.143.!.!in'.\..1!...¢6 a... 1
. . l.. r ‘

as as to be inviting to the prospective farmers?U On the land!
were timter and stone which were necessary materials in road
construction. Besides, they were found in such quantities

that they could easily be taken west to the regions less fav-
orably supplied. The raw and undeveloped resounces would not
build a road alone, however, but again the location was favorable
as the lakes and canals afforded cheap and easy communication
with the East. Iron, which would be used in large quantities
would thus come from the Pittsburg mines. Machinery and equip-
ment, laborers and settlers could come by the same route. The
old Northwest area had deve10ped into a great food producing
section, and contact with this section would be helpful until
the new farms could be made sufficiently productive to feed

the growing western communities. The industrial cities of
America were at this time largely in the East. Therefore this
route was nearer and more accessible to them, than one built
further to the South would have been. In reference to the west,
in was centrally located and on the same parallel with the

Pass in the mountains. Railroads were fast pushing into the
settled areas of the middle west, so that these recently built

woads would make ready connections with the proposed road to

F.

the Western Coast?
Remembering that Whitney's interest was originally aroused
in the project because of the stimulus for the development of

the Oriental trade the route as outlined would furnish ouick
J— 4 ._.___

30. Committee Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session, Report No.
140, Appendix 2, pp. 27--31.

31. Whitney discusses these points in his Second Memorial.
Committee Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session. Report
No. 140, Appendix 2, p. 30.

(11)

and direct communication with the Orient. To prove this point
Whitney outlined the comparative distances in his third memorial
to Congress. He figured that the distance from England to
Singapore by way of the Isthmus of Panama, where a road or canal
had been suggested, was 16,668 miles; by Jay of the Cape of

Good Hope was 14,350 miles; and by using his projected road
across the continent would be 13,533 miles. Thus nothing would
be gained by an Isthmean route which would increase the dis-
tance 2,318 miles as compared with the course then followed

around the Cape; while 3,115 miles would be gained by using

. . . 32
the railroad across the American continent.

In as far as Eng-
land had developed an extensive commerce in the Orient, Whit-
ney chose to show her the advantages rather than any other
33 . . .
country of Europe. To the United States it would mean plaCing
itself in the center of the commercial world, whereby it would
get the volume of commerce from the Orient to the Occident
which would naturally seek the shortest, quickest and safest
route. It is easy to understand why Whitney said ”Nature and
circumstances combined have forced me to select the only route
where I can see any hope for success or possibility of accom-
. . . . n 34

plishing the great obJects we aim at .

As against a road farther South, which was desired by some,
it was argued that the Whitney route was more secure against
the impediments of winter, since the weather became less se-

vere as one went westJ and there were lighter snows than in

32. Committee Reports 3lst Congress, lst Session Report To. 140
Appendix 3, p. 42.

33. Appendix 2.

34. Asa Whitney, "A Project for a Railway to the Pacific“, p32

(12)

the mountains to the south?5 Mr. Thornton, Colonel Emery, and
Mr. Fitzpatrick had come to this conclusion after some study
of the question, and R. Campbell after spending three winters
in the west was willing to vouch for the argument?6 A second
consideration was in regard to the products for tranSportation,
which would be for the most part animal and vegetable. If

the prOposed road were to go farther South in its course, that

is either in our own nation or in Panama, there would be great-

er risk in carrying perishable articles?"7 The great day of
refrigeration cars had not yet come.

How did Whitney prOpose to construct and finance this rail-
road? He asked for a grant of land sixty miles wide extending
from Lake Michigan to the Pacific Coast. He then prOposed
to survey and locate two hundred to three hundred miles of the
road and to let out contracts for the grading of this amount
of the road. Next he desired to secure the machinery and
equipment for construction and then build ten miles of the
road at his own expense?8 When this was finished he intended
to sell one-half of the lands along the completed road, or a
tract of land five by sixty miles, in order to provide Capital
for the next ten.miles;9 This process was to be repeated until

the road was finished to the coast.

'35. Committee Reports, 3lst Congress, lst Session,
No. 140, p}. 7 and 8; Appendix 3, {.43

36. Ibid: pp. 7 and o.
37. Committee Reports, 31st Congress, lst Session; Report 140
Appendix 3, p. 43.; pp. 7-8. of: Congressional }1obe,

39th Congress, lst Session, Vol. 27, p.1244

38. Ibid: Appendix 4, p. 44.

(31
'C

Co:mittee Reports, 3lst Congress, lst Session Report 140
Appendix 3, p. 38

(13)

Whitney estimated the cost in his first and second Memorials
at a total of $65,000,0CC. -- $50,000,060 for construction and
$15,0CC,x00 for exlenses until the road was on a paying basis?
In this third Memorial having already observed how he figured
the distance at 2,030 miles he now estimated the cost at
$20,600 a mile, which reduced the total cost to $60,600,000.

He figured that $40,600,600 would cover the actual cost by
miles, while $20,060,066 would be required for operation, as the
road would earn no income except on the Eastern end until it was
complete?1

The success of the project therefore depended on the sale
of the lands granted to him. It was the only means by which
he planned to raise the capital to go on after the first ten
miles. From a study of the prOposed route it is easy to see
how Whitney was tying his hepes to the first eight hundred
miles of the section which was composed of good saleable land?4
He planned to attract settlers and to raise a sufficient
amount from the sales to tide him over the twelve hundred
and thirty (1230) miles which would not sustain settlement?3
The 800 miles of good land comprised 30,720,000 acres, which
he figured would yield him $52,832,0LC when sold at the gov-
ernment price of one dollar and a quarter per acre, after
having deducted the waste lands and the expense of sale. From
40. Ibid: Apendix 1, p. 25, Appendix 2, p. 31.

41. Ibid: Appendix 3, pp. 38-39.

42. Committee Reports, 3lst Congress, lst Session No. 140
Appendix 3, pp. 37 -38.

(14)

the Missouri River and beyond, he estimated that the poor
lands might sell at half the government price after the ad-
vantage of a railroad had increased their value. In this way
he hoped to realize $27,044,066 from their sale. Whitney
would receive a total of $59,879,060, an amount less than the
cost of the road as estimated by him, but he was willing to
44
take a gambler's chance. The 38,460 acres of the good lands,
a section one mile long and sixty miles wide, sold at the gov-
ernment price would build only two miles of railroad. Since
the rest of the route was less promising, he considered his
only hope for success in thus having a double land grant along
45
the first section of the road. Whitney at first asked for the
land grant, but by 1848 he changed his plan in that he now asked
40
for the right of purchasing the sixty mile strip. He sug-
gested the price of sixteen cents an acre, which seemed
reasonable in that it was more than Congress could ever get
until tranSportation facilities would have increased the land
values. This sale, however, was not to be absolute. In fact,
when first asking for the grant his proposal read, "To grant
to him,his heirs, and assigns such tracts of lands, the pro-
ceeds of which to be strictly and faithfully applied to the
building and completing of the said road, always with such
'checks and guarantees to your honorable body as shall pro-
cure a faithful performance of all the obligations and duties
. . 47 . . .

of your memorialist". In his second memorial his plan was more
44. Ibid: p. 39.
47. Ibid: Appendix 7, p. 26. of: Congressional Globe, 28th

Congress, 2nd Session, Vol. 14, p. 218. of; Executive

Documents, 28th Congress, 2nd Session Vol. 2 No. 72, p. 7

44. Ibid: p. 39 45. Ibid: p. 38 a 39.

(15)

mature and the suggestion was that commissioners should be
appointed by the President and Senate who with Wiitney would

8
give the titles to the lands when they were sold. He asked for
the right to contract land for labor or money, but in either cas»

he would receive no money or give no titles alone. Neither

was the commission alone to grant titles but they were to act as

1(.
‘i-7 . .
checks on each other. The commiSSion, however, was to hold

all the money till the work was satisfactorily completed, agd
o'
it was to pay it to Whitney only for construction purposes.
This meant that the road would be constructed as an individual
enterprise under the control of a congressional commission.
Whitney estimated fifteen years as the time necessary for com-
51

pleting the work.

'What did Whitney expect to gain from his road? It is most
unusual for an individual to have devoted his life and his
fortune to a cause in which there seems to have been no chance
of profit. To some the chance seemed more than amply provided
for. According to the second memorial Whitney and his assigns
were to contract to keep tze road in repair for a given period
of years; to transport free all government troops, mails,etc.;
to tranSport goods for twenty years at half a cent per ton

5?
(2000 lbs.) for distances over two-hundred miles.‘r This meant
that rates would be less than half of what they were on the
other roads. The products, which he e.pected would be important

in the Chinese trade, were especially mentioned. Corn was to

48. Committee Reports - 3lst Congress, lst Session No. 140
Appendix 2, p. 32.

49. Ibid: p. 32.

50. Ibid: ,p. 32.
51. Ibid: p. 32.

(16)

be transported at twenty cents a bushel, and flour at one
dollar and a quarter a barrel. Pasgzngers were to be carried
for half the charges ogfiother roads. Tolls were forever to be
controlled by Congress:. This would seem to have reduced the
proposed road to a system which would yield little profit and
put the tolls beyond his control, so that he could not exact
exhorbitant rates after the road was completed. However, there'
was still some chance of gain. This can be drawn from his own
words. His first idea was "Trat after the faithful completion
of this great work should any lands remain unsold, or any
monies due for lands, or any balance of monies received for
lands sold, which have not been required for the building of
said road, then all and everyone of them shall belong to your
Hemorialist, his heirs, and assigns forever9.) This raised a
storm of protest and the efiect produced can be observed in
his Second Memorial which stated that for twenty years Congress
was to have absolute control of the road, to hold any surplus
monies or lands in trust; to see that all the requirements were
met? Only then would Whitney receive any gain, still leaving
in the hands of the government the5gight to regulate the tolls
according to the needs of the road.

52. Ibid: p. 33.

'53. Ibid: p. 35.

54. Ibid: p. 35.

55. Ibid: p.53.

56. Committee Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session, Appendix 7
p. 26.

57. Ibid: Appendix 2, p. 53.

58. Ibid: Apendix 2, p. 33.

(17)

Whitney emphasized again and again the idea expressed in
his last Memorial, ”Your.Memorialist does not ash your hon-

. 59
orable body for the apprOpreation of one dollar in money? He
hoped to realize enough from the sale of the good lands to build
the road, and to pay the government sixteen cents an acre for
the entirgogrant. If any money or lands then remained they would
go to him. Had Congress adopted either plan suggested of hold-
ing all lands and monies till the road was self-supporting or
for a twenty year period there still would have been little
chance for Whitney himself to benefit from the project. At
this time he was past fifty years of age and was working much
too hard to live long enough to enjoy any possible profits
from the realization of his dream. It must be conceeded that
Whitney had a higher aim than the acquisition of wealth. He
voices this idea himself in closing his second appeal to Con-
gress, ”Your Memorialist has not prayed for any pecuniary pro-
vision for himself till the road shall have been completed and
in operation for twenty years before which time he will in all
human probability be past the wants of this life. His object
in bringing this project before your honorable body and the
people is not for gain of wealth or power, or influence but
because he has seen, and as he thinks, clearly seen, its vast
and incalcuable importance to us as a nation and to mankind"?1
Is his sincerity to be doubted?

How did Asa Whitney and others figure that this road would
have such incalcuable importance to our nation? The advantages
have already been_suggested in the introduction of this essay

59. Ibid: Appendix 5, p. 37.

60. Ibid: Appendix 5, p. 59.

(18)

but it well be necessary to consider them more in detail.

From the economic standpoint there are three important
considerations. First, it would mean better and quicker tran-
Sportation and therefore more commerce between our nation
and the Orient; secondly, it would draw Eurogean commerce,
particularly that of Great Britain through our nation; and
thirdly it would mean improved internal communication and tran-
sportation.

About 1850, our annual commerce with the Orient was estimated
at about $250,000,000 and was carried on in some 2,00L ships,

62

with 50,000 seamen.( Whitney considered that some 1,300,000

tons would change to the railroad route becguse the new route
6

would be a savings in time and in distance. The distance from

New York to the Pacific coast was estimated at 3,000 miles;

from New York to Ch na was 9,200 miles; from New York to Japan

Was 8,600 miles. With the railroad these distances would be

covered in about 50 days as compared with 100 to 150 days it
64

then took to go some 17,000 miles by water. Whitney appealed

to Congress, "Your honorable body will readily see the revolu-

tion to be wrought by this in the entire commerce of the world,

65

and that this must inevitably be its channel”.

Whitney and committees in Congress, which studied the
Oriental trade, have given various statistics to show its im-
portance. The following estimates were made in a study of the
61. Ibid: Appendix 2, p. 56.

62. Asa Whitney, ”A Project for a Railway to the Pacific" p.58
63. Ibid; p. 58.

64. Committee Reports Slst Congress, lst Congress, No. 140
Appendix 7 - p. 25.

65. Ibid: p. 24.

66
United States' commerce in 1845.

 

 

 

 

giade of_pnited fitates in Value Ships Tons Ken

To China §s8,000,000 Q 50 E 21,204 E 915 §
Dutch East Indies : $538,000 : 10 g 3,944 i 150 2
Spanish Islands 2 $633,000 2 9 g 4,023 i 150 2
British East Indiesi$l,276,000 : 26 g 9,500 i 418 i

In the Pacific m_,“ i . 192 : 70,600 24,685 2

Total --------- :: ------ £310,3514999. E 285 £109,275 ;6,326 ;

 

 

 

An increase of some 67,500 tons was7expected to be gained in

' 6
the trade to and from the Far East. .The possibility of obtain-
ing Eur05ean products and taking them to Asia more cheaply than
European nations could co over their old routes was attractive-
ly pictured. Every ship in our merchant marine could make
three or four trips where it now made but one. Furthermore,
there would be the English mail and passengers who could reach
India for a fare of three hundred and fifty dollars, where as

68

the cost at the time was one thousand overland. Baggage would

69

becarried at fifteen dollars per hundred pounds. The foregoing
statements bring out the amount of commerce and traffic that
the projected railroad sought to direct across our country. By
:making this project a reality it was hoped to get a favorable
balance of trade.

Indirectly'Whitney's plan aimed to strike a blow at England's
naval power. Her strength was in her merchant marine and if
the United States could change it or reduce it one third, "What
a blgwt What a pgduction to England's_power"?0
66. Ibid: Appendix 2, p. 35.

C. 55-36.

67. Ibid: p,
68. Ibid: p. 36.

59. Ibid: p. 36.

(20)

The American Merchant Marine would naturally be increased.
In the west there was plenty of material available for ships
and they could be built easily and cheaply. The United States
could soon have a fleet in the Pacific to take care of the ex-
pected increase in the volume of trade. Other nations would
stand ready to employ our means of conveyance. Thus a fleet
in the Pacific Ocean would mean a fleet in the Atlantic Ocean?1

Anotxer important factor previously mentioned was the boom
it would give to the whaling interests which were quite exten-
sive on the Pacific coast. In 1845 they were valued at eight
and a quarter millions of dollars. The products of the indus-
try consisted of 157,900 barrels of sperm oil worth about
3,374,144.; 272,809 barrels of whale oil estimated at $2,864,493;
and 3,195,054 pounds of whale bone worth $1,065,0187d All of the
ships in the industry had been forced to take their products
East to market them and therefore much time was wasted on this
voyage which could have been spent in the fishing grounds?3

A fourth economic consideration was suggested by Senator
Breese?4 Perhaps his motives were more political than commer-
cial. He contended that a railroad would mean an increase in
business in that it would attract crowds to see the western
country. It would be a safe means of travel and many merchants,
travelers, and curious minded would take advantage of this
opportunity to go through our nation. They would note its im-
,provements, the increase of its population, the activity,

70. Asa Whitney, ”A Project for a Railway to the Pacific“ p. 40

71. Committee Report, 3lst Congress, lst Session, No. 140
Appendix 1, p. 24

72. Ibid: Appendix 2, p. 31.

73. Sen. Documents, 29th Congress, lst Session, Vol. IX No. 466
p. 12.

(21)

genious and happiness of its pe0p1e. He then concluded his argu-
ment by hoping they would see the wisdom and advantage of free
institutions.

There were, however, other political situations which were
more significant to us as a nation. First, there was the pro-
blem of Oregon. When the road was first agitated it was a
fargone conclusion.that Oregon would be settled. W.itney and
many others feared that it might become an independent nation

75
or that some EurOpean power might gain control in that region.

In either case it vould draw our trade away from the Far East
and we would have a trade rival on the Pacific coast and in
the fisheries. When this danger was eliminated by the organ-
ization of Oregon territory in 1848, the need for a railroad
did not perish for Congress is obligated to protect its terri-
tories. Besides a road ”Would bind and cement on the largest
and most comprehensive scale and in a most enduring form the
commercial, social, and political relations of our nastern and
76
'Western domain”. The United States already had a naval base
on the Pacific coast Which "with a comparatively small navy
could command the Pacific, the South Atlantic, the Indian Ocean,
77
and the China Sea?. Hany of these arguments may seem absurd
in our day and generation, but tleories, plans and even argu-
ments must always be considered in the light of the period in
‘which they aris_eJ are espoused and are disgygsed.
74. Ibid: No. 466 p. 10.

75. Committee Reports 3lst Congress, lst Session No. 140
Appendix 1, p. £6.

76. Ibid: p. 2-3.

77. Ibid: Appendix 7. p. 24

Raw

.‘

.rU

ed

'1

\VU

or.

 

‘IAI

\‘J‘al

Closely allied with Oregon was the California question. The
discovery of gold was helpful in furthering a railroad project
westward. Transportation was needed for the thousands who
were moving west to prOSpect, and the nation wished to keep
such mineral wealth within its boundaries. Anything which would
reach across the great unsettled areas and bind her to us would

78

Then there was the great problem of immigrants coming to

our shores. In 1845, there were 114,0CO; in 1847, there were
0
255,000; while in 1849, they had increased to 297,0CO. It
meant great difficulty and hardships for them to get to the
west. This condition a railroad would largely eliminate. Be-
sides it would speed up the Opening of vast areas of agricul-
tural land in the region through which the road would pass. It
was pointed out that "the United States would become the cen-
ter of the vast globe with the grand highway or thoroughfare
of nations through it. It will be a new found world; the over-
8C

population of Europe must and will flock to it“. The population
in 1846 was then about 20,CCC,CLC and at the rate of increase

81
Whitney estimated it would double in twenty-two years.

Since it Was so difficult to reach the west, there were
many immigrants who remained in th> Eastern cities. There in
Itime problems of crime, misery and overpopulation were bound

to result. A railroad seemed to provide a remedy for these

social evils in that it might attract these people to.the

 

78. Democratic Review - Vol. 25, p. 245.

79. Haney, L. H, ”Congressional History of Railways to 1850"
p. 402.

80. Committee Reports, Elst Congress, lst Session Ho. 140,
Appendix 2, p. .2.

81. Ibid: t. 32.

L

Uni ‘ ‘
, A

v a T

,7 .. i -
'hn ’
...- «A:
~

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(1;

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«.6

Vfi

b‘

 

rm)

.’\ "i

.r,
(a

country where they could be content and prosperous. Living on
the frontier the newly arrived immigrants would have to work
hard for a livlihood, but the returns on these rich lands
through which the road passed would be an incentive to work

harder and by work “we shall be enabled to educate them to our

'2
1)

system, to industry, prosperity and virtue".

Naturally the question was soon raised as to what effeCt
the proposed railroad would have on the Indians who were living
largely west of the Hississippi River. The Sious were the most
powerful tribe and since all Indians were dependent on the
wilderness for food, it was thought that they would go forth
as the road brought on settlement. Small tribes that remained
would be willing or forced to sell their lands and they would

84
be quickly separated and civilized. There were others who with
more missionary zeal aimed not only to reach the Indian, the
85
savage the barbarian and heathen would be brought in", which
included Indians, islanders in the Pacific and even the Chinese
who might be converted to Christian faith and our ways of liv-
ing. A most striking view was pTESLhtEd by Leutenant M. F.
Moury in a letter to Mr. T. Butler King in 1848, "It is diffi-
cult to overestimate the value and importance to the Republic
of a safe and ready means of communication through the West
with these people ----- . The islander will cease to go naked,
the Chinaman will give up his chop sticks and the Asiatic Rus-
sian his train oil, the moment that they find they can exchange
82. Reports of Committees, 50th Congress, lst
5

No. 755, p. 1 cf: Committee Reports

Session, Vol. 3
- s
lst session, To. 14C, Appendix 1, p. 24

l t Congress,

83. Ibid: p. 25.
84. Ibid: Appendix 2, p. as.

85- ThiflO r 7A

the productions of their climate and labor for that which is
86

more pleasing to the taste or fancy". "To us this seems ex-
tremely naive but it was taken with much seriousness in those
87
days.”

For these reasons Whitney felt it important to urge his
measure on Congress. Again there were two situations which
made it imperative that it be a.opted as quickly as possible.
First, the success of his plan, as discussed, was dependent on
the sale of public lands, therefore, it would be necessary to
build before these lands were taken up. In fact the rapidity
of settlement in Wisconsin led him to locate its eastern ter-
'minal at Prarie du Chien in his last apgeal to Congress rather

r8
than on Lake Michigan as he had originally planned. In the
second place it was considered that there was a very grave
danger from Great Britain. Ir. Breese in 1849, quoted the
London times as follows: "Whitney's conception is the most
magnificent scheme of the age and if carried out will make
89
America the axle of the world". It was feared that if the
United States were to reject the plan that the British might
take advantage of it and say, "This is the man for us; the prize
is resigned to our hands and that in less than twelve months
after we shall have trampled it under our feet, its flag will
have been carried across t.e continent in the hands of Brit-
90

ish surveyors, and British engineers on British soil". Van-

couver would get the gain.

86. Haney, L. H., "Congressional History of Railways to 1850"
p. 406.

87. Ibid: p. 407.

88. Committee Reports; 31st Congress, lst Session Yo. 140
Appendix 3, p. 57.

(25)

The plan which Whitney advanced and his reasons for urging
it have been presented and analyzed. It was first presented to
Congress oy Senator Pratt in the Second Session of the Twenty-
Eight Congress in 1845. It was refered to the Committee on

Roads and canals and reported out by the committee toward the
91

close of the session by Senator Owen. The session closed
before any action was taken on the report. Nererthe less, Whit-
ney was not discouraged but worked steadily at his project.

Soon after the First Session of the Twenty-Ninth Congress, Sen-

ator Breese presented a second Memorial for the prOposed rail-
92
road. It was refered to the Senate Committee on Public hands
95
and they made a long report to the Senate in its favor. There

the matter was drOpped. As a result of this failure a third

Memorial was presented in January of 1848 at the First Session
94
of the Thirtieth Congress. A select committee in the Senate

'

composed of Mr. Niles of Conn., hr. Lewis of Alabama, Hr. Bell

'

of Tennessee, Mr. Ritch of Hichigan, hr. Corwin of Ohio, which
was fairly represenative of all sections, sgbmitted a long

.5
report urging the consideration of the bill.: A survey was
moved as the first step, but Mr. Thomas Benton of Missouri
objected and following a heated debate between him and Mr. Niles
of Connecticutt, the measure was laid on.the table by a 27 to

96 97
21 vote. In the House it was also referred to a select committee.

 

89. Congressional Glabe, 28th Congress, 2nd Session, Vol. 14
p. 218 cf: Senate Documents, 29th Congress, lst Session
Vol. IX, No. 466, p. 18.

90. Ibid: p. 18.

91. Reports of Committees, 28th Congress, 2nd Session, No 199.

92. Congressional Globe, 29th Congress, lst Session Vol. 15,p,ll4

‘93. Senate Documents, 29th Uongress, lst Session, Vol. 9 F0 466
Committee of Messrs, Breese, Woodbridge, lorexead, & Ashley

 

 

.-\

 

n-

\mb

1! W».

(26)

Mr. McClelland reported the bill favorably with Mr. Pollack's
report, and it was referred to the Committee of the Whole on
the State of the Union and then laid on the table:8 In the
Second Session of the Thirtieth Congress, however, the bill was
brought up for further consideration?9

Whitney during this time had been traveling through the states
asking state legislatures and public'meetings to send resolu-
tions to Congress approving his plan. Mr. Niles of Conn. in
the Senate was the chief supporter of the bill, while its arch
opponent was Mr. Borland of Arkansas of the Committee on Public
Lands, who did not want a bill considered, but was willing that
surveys should be authorized in order to map out the best and
shortest route to the Pacific coast%OOHr Pollack of the House of
Representatives wanted the Bill considered, but the California
question consumed most of the time of the session and nothing
was accomplished in reference to the railroad hill%Cl

When Congress convened for the First Session of the Thirty-

 

94. Senate Miscellaneans, 30th Congress lst Session-No. 28

95. Senat Rflports, 30th Congress, lst Session-No. 191
cf: Senate Journal 30th Congress, lst Session p. 419

96. Haney, L. H., “Congressional History of Railroads to 1850”
p. 414.

97. Reports of Committees, 30th Congress, lst Session, Vol. 3,
No. 733. The committee was Nessrs. Pollack, Pa; Hilliard,
Ala.; Toombs, Ga.; Woodward, S. C.; Venable, N. C.; Taylor,
Ohio; McClelland, Mich.; Horlay, N. Y.; Dixon of Conn.

98. Committee Reports,5tth Congress, lst Session, Vol. 5, No.753

99. Congressional Globe, 30th Congress, 2nd Session Vol. 20,
p. 381-388—410.

lOO.Senate Reports, 50th Congress, 1st Session, No. 191

lOl.Haney, L. H., ”Congressional History of the Railways to 1850"
p.114

(27)

First Congress in 1849, Mr. Bright of the Senate gave a long
report recommending Whitney's plan, and urging it because some

102
twenty states and many public meetings had voiced their approval.
M . Robinson of the House also gave his report, "Whitney's

103
Railroad to the Pacific". Fr. Bowhn of the Senate gave an ex-
cellent speech at this time which perhaps better than any one
104
document summs up the arguments against the plan. The supporters
of the bill now suggested that five thousand c0pies of the re-
port be printed but it was defeated by a 83 to 51 vote and the
105
whole subject of Whitney's plan was dismissed. The question
of the railroad, however, was not dead and Whitney was not
106
quieted. In fact so many plans had been suggested that Congress
in desperation made an appropriation for a survey of the pos-
107

sible routes in 1853. In all later considerations involving
a great western road frequent references were made to Whitney's
plan or to his route. The Civil War came before any road was
chartered in spite of Davis', Benton's and Douglas's preposals.

102. Congressional Glabe, 3lst Congress, lst Session Vol.22
p. 1809.

103. Congressional Globe, 3lst Congress, lst Session, V0123
pp. 329

104. Ibid; p. 336.

105. Haney, L. H., ”Congressional History of Railways to 1850"
p. 417.

106. Ibid 117. cf: Smalley - "History of Northern Pacific"p. 78

107. Ibid; p. 78.

.(28)

Before considering Just what arguments were advanced for
and against Whitney's plan in its progress through Congress,
it will be necessary to examine the bill which' actually pre-
cipitated the questio. The bill provided:

Sections I and II; That the government should sell to Whit-

 

ney land for a railroad from Lake Michigan to the Pacific coast,
at ten cents an acre (a reduction over the sixteen cents which
he had suggested) some thirty miles on each side of the road.
Such lands were to be held till needed.

Section III, That two hundred feet which would not be

 

saleable, were to be reserved through the entire route for the
railroad.

Section IV, That the grant be made subject to the condition

 

that Whitney Should get the machinery and build ten miles of
the road, which was not to be less than six foot guage and
with rails not less than sixty-four pounds to the yard. If
this ten mile section was accepted by the government committee,
Whitney'was then authorized to sell a five mile strip and ob-
tain the title to the land from the government. If the sale
averaged seventy-two cents for the 192,000 acres, then any ex-
cess should be held to build the road through the bad territory.
The road and the machinery were to be held as security. The re-
served lands were to be sold as soon as the cost of construction
was more than the ten by sixty mile strip would bring.

Section V, That the reserved lands should be sold only for
the building of the road through the poor section, or when
demanded for actual settlement. The lands were to be sold at

auction in lots of 40 to 160 acres, when two months notice had

'been given in two Washington, D. C. newspapers. The conditions

Ilse
1"
. no“
“r
i 9..

m

a u 1 file
Na Na fil \ NIH .. .
r . AD Fwy .31 t .
I pus *5 .rn. «\x

of sale were, that twenty percent should be paid on the day

of the purchase, and the remainder within thirty days, other-
wise the buyer would forfeit both the payment and the claim.

All monies from the land sales were to be held in the Treasury.
Whitney was to be permitted to draw on them as funds were needed
for his work.

Section VI, state that any lands which remained unsold after
a ten year period were to go to Whitney.

Section VII, that until such a time as patents were issued
by the government, no titles from or contracts of Whitney should
be binding.

Section VIII, that if any lands sold were sold within the
sixty mile area at the government price of one dollar and a
quarter per acre before the work was commenced, the proceeds of
such sales were to go to the road. (This was necessary con-
sidering the rapidity with which settlement was advancing in
Wisconsin and the whole Northwest.

Section IX, that Whitney should keep the road in repair;

 

would not ask higher tolls than other roads, and would carry
mails free.

Section X, provided that after a ten year period, which

 

was later changed to twenty, all lands in excess of those nec-
' essary for the upkeep of the road would go to Whitney. If the
tolls became sufficient to support it the land would revert to
-him at such a time.

Section El, that on completion of the road, Congress was

still to have the power of regulating tolls etc. It also stated

(30)

that if Whitney should fail in the upkeep of the railroad, Con-
gress could punish him for such neglect and appoint a successor
to take his place as manager of the road.

Section XII, that Whitney should have the right to enter

 

into contracts with states or corporations that would aid him.

Section XIII, stated that all the route not within a state,

 

and therefore in a territory, was to be exempt from taxation

forever.

Section XIV; that the President of the United States wnh

 

the approval of the Senate could appoint a commission to super-
vise the work for the government. Said commission would give
notice of the land sales, and report the progress and conditions
of the road to each session of Congress.

Section XV, that the land sales would be carried on through

 

the same agents as those in charge of the regular public land
sales.

Section EVI, that the money derived from these sales should

 

be kept as a distinct fund and the Treasurer of the United States
would imburse Whitney when the payment was authorized by the
government committee.

Section XVII, that any timber, stone, fuel, etc. which would

 

be found converient on the unsold government lands could be used

for the construction of the road.

Section XVI_I_I_J stated that if the road were not begun within

 

two years after the passage of the bill, Congress reserved the
right of repeaiing it. If the construction was stopped for a
year Whitney should forfeit the road, but should receive public

lands for recompense according to the amount of the road then

UL...“

1:)
Pg,

I"?!

5..

(51)

completed. One third of the road was to be completed and the
survey of the entire route was to be made in nine years. A
second third of the road was to be completed six years later,
and the final section finished within a twenty-five year period.
Whitney had estimated the time necessary for the full construc-
tion of the road at fifteen years. If these conditions were not
met the road as completed should be forfeited. At all times
Congress reserved the right to amend the act.

Section XIV, provided that the government was to extinguish

108
all Indian titles and have all lands surveyed for sale.

 

The bill was changed in a few minor ways and a few sugges-
tions for other changes were made in Congress, but the substance
of the bill remained in accordance with the preceeding analysis.

Mr. Breese in his report to Congress ably summed up the chief
considerations of the bill, upon which the debates and arguments

109
in Congress were based.

One of the chief points in question was whether such a
grant if authorized in accordance to the measure would be con-
stitutional. There were two chief arguments against the con-
stitutionality of it. It was claimed that public funds should
not be used for such internal improvement, and that to authorize
the_road to be built in a state would encroach upon a stateS'

severeign rights. There was also the constitutional question

regardinggthe authority of Congress to exempt land grants to

 

108. Committee Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session, Report 140
Appendix 4. p. 44.

109. Senate Documents, 29th Congress, lst Session. Vol. IX,
Report No; 466.

(52)

railroads in territories from taxation in light of the fact,
that the territories would later become states and would be no
longer under the control of Congress%lOThose who viewed the
question as within the rights of Congress, at least outweighed
the others in the number of their arguments. To some indivi-
duals the whole question was a settled matter since the consti-
tution reads, "that Congress shall have the power to dispose of
and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the ter-
ritory or other prOperty belonging to the United States".ll"
FUrthermore, the Cumberland road had been authorized through
states already in existence in 1806, and there hadwbecn no
violent obJections at the time of its construction.lcln 1802,
Ohio had been admitted to the Union on condition that she lay
out and make upblic roads%13Therefore such conditions had been
exacted before. There was no reason why the principle thus es-
tablished should not be repeated. Others interpreted the bill
to mean that there should be no objection to a states government
controling the road if it traversed its territory%l4A magazine
of the day dismissed the question with, "No man will pretend
to contest the constitutionality of a measure thatris clearly
necessary for the general welfare of the nation?110

The second issue was that of the means to be used in build—
ing the road. Whitney considered and many agreed with him, that
110. Phamplet--*Kational Plan of an Atlantic and Pacific Rail-

road and Remarks of Albert Pike at Memphis in 1849."
cf: Haney, L. H. “Congressional History of Railroads to 1850

p. 418.
111. United States Constitution, Art. IV, Section III
112“ Senate Documents 29th Congress. lst Session, No 466, p. 2
113. Ibid; p. 2.
114. Reports of Committees, 30th Congress, lst Ses., No 753, p. 2

an individual, private scheme was the only feasible one.
”To rely upon individual enterprise for the accomplishment of
works of internal improvement may be regarded as almost among
the first principles of the creed of republicanism, nor will
the spirit of our government permit it to engage in works which
can as well or better be accomplished, by individuals or com—
116
panics". Whitney dismissed the possibility of a government en-
terprise, but at the same time territory tlrough which the road
would go was practically a wilderness or at least unsettled,
so that there seemed but a slight possibility that peOple of the
117
district could build it. Then too, it was even less probable
that an individual would invest capital in a venture which could
118
not promise a return for many years. The most radical objection
to the means devised came from Mr. Freeman of Mississippi, in
a quotation taken from a Boston pamphlet. This pamphlet pre-
sented the whole scheme in a rediculous light. "Could it not
be reasonably assumed that it would take one year to build ten
miles of railroad, another year to sell the lands, and thnee
more to collect the payments. At this rate it would take 850
119
years to build 1700 miles". To be sure this presented an ex-

treme view but others felt that the plan might fail chiefly for

the_reason that_§an§y has pointed ouL namely; that the whOlc

 

 

115. American Whig ReView, Vol. 10, p. 71.

116. Ibid: Vol. 10, p. 67.

117. Committee Reports, 515t Congress, 1st Session, No. 140, p.27
118. Ibid: p. 27.

119. Senate Miscellaneans, Slst Congress, 1st Session. No. 28,

Appendix F. cf: Haney, I. H., ”Congressional History of
Railroads to 1850”, p. 419

thing depended on the settlers flocking into the new terri-
120

tories and this they were not likely to do. Mr. Breese on the
other hand considered the way and means of constructing the
road, quite adequate. There were abundant materials at the
start, and cheap communication with the atlantic cities would
assure trade with them as well as the trans,ortation of settlers,

121
laborers and materials.

From the standpoint of land values the first 700 miles or
26,800,000 acres at the government price would mean a value of
$33,500,000. On to the Pass $8,400,000 acres would yield the
sum of $48,000,000. These last lands if not valuable for ag-
riculture would be of some value because of their available
water power. The total amount realized would be 81,500,000 and
if compared with the lowest estimate for construction at
$52,600,000, would leave $28,900,000 for repairs and upkeep.

If this were to be compared with the highest estimate of 1
$65,000,000 it still left $12,401,000 for the same purposestak
The chief weakness of this argument is revealed in the fact that
it could be given little value until it could be definitely as-
certained that the lands would sell throughout the entire region.
Hr. Pollack also presented figures to back the same argument by
taking the cost at $60,600,000 and the acerage at 77,968,0C0,

1 l
‘1‘)

‘he estimated tha} the land_wggld_§ell for $59,879JCCO. Thi§___

 

120. Faney, L. H., "Congressional History of Railroads to 1850"

p. 414.
121. Senate Uocuments, 29th Congress, lst Session, To. 4t6,pp 6-7
122. Ibid: pp. 6-7
125. Reports of Committees, 50th Congress, lst Session, Vol. 3

No. 733.

sum would be sufficient to assure success, if not covering the

entire estimate as originally made. Another who supported the
124

praCLicability from the purely financial side was Mr. Bright.

He accepted Whitney's estimate of $60,000,0t0 and compared it

J1
Y.

with the probable cost suggested by Colonel Albert of ol27,500,000
125
if it were to be built as a government enterprise. Cheaper

Q

construction seemed to be guaranteed by Vhitney's plan. If the
plan did not work it would be Whitney’s loss. He would have to
depend on the land sales of the first eight-hundred miles.
Bright said, "The public certainly risks nothing, and are sure
126
to be inmense gainers if he succeeds". In fact his committee
scw no reason why settlement would not follow the road, and
make the plan a safe proposition. Another angle of the prac-
ticability of the scheme was pointed out by Mr. Breese at an-
other time. Since the Lewis and Clark Expedition of 1804, the
proposed route had been accepted as the easiest way to the Pa—
cific. It really was not a new idea, and the plan was upheld
127
by many men of practical experience.

Another consideration to be borne in mind was as to how the
project would affect the public lands. In the condition in
which they then existed they were considered practically un-
saleable. At the sale price of ten cents an acre more money
would flow into the United States Treasury than they would other-
' 128
wise yield. Secondlypgthe railroad would raise the land values
124Senate Reports - 51st Congress, lst Session, No. 194. p. 1.

125. Ibid: p. l.

127. Senate Documents, 29th Congress, let Session, Vol. 9, No 466
p. 5.

128. Ibid: p. 25.

(£56)

in the sections it crossed. Increased production in the East
stimulated by settlement and an enlarged market would add to
the wealth of the nation. According to the plan the settler
after having erected his cabin would work on the road, while
his first crops were maturing. When his produce was ready ior
market, the finished rwumixwould carry it on to other laborers
12%
working: under the same conditions.

The influence of tie projected road upon the great agri—
cultural interests of our nation was a further argument in the
plans form, since it has concluded that it would stimulate
production and mean an actual increase in farm profits, through
the advantage of low rates. Production would be increased oy

130
settlement, and by the stimulus to the Oriental trade. lower
traffic rates would mean cheaper products in the Orient, and
the demand would increase. Hr. Pratt st ted in a letter in
Hunt's Hagazine that, "It is the poor man's road, his hOpe and
promise. It is the farmer and mechanic who will receive the
greatest benefit; their small means and cabin on the rail-
road will purchase the land, from forty to one hundred and six-
ty acres; their labor and crops will be immediately wated by
the road; and if there is a surplus it will have practically

131
free transit to market?

The new agricultural communities and the increased Oriental

demands would in turn mean greater output from our manufactur-

152
ing districts. Distribution within our nation would be improved.

129. Ibid: p. 25. of: Committee Reports, Slst Congress,1st
Session, F0. 140. p. l.
150. Ibid: r. 9.

151. Hunt's Magazine - Vol. 17. p. 478.

132. Senate Oocuments 29th Congress, lst Ses., no 466, Vol 9 p 9

i

Whitney's road would be favorable to the development of the
mineral industry. Iron rails and machinery would be required
for the railroad, cars and vessels. The coal mines would be
forced to increase their output to them running. The finr metals
1 3
would be required as manufacturing was stimulated.

L4

A most lively debate on the whole Question was the one be-
134
tween Hr. Bowlin of Missouri and Er. Robinson of Indiana. Hr.
Bowlin was indeed the most critical of any member of Conress
who was working against the bill.

First, Bowlin asked why land grants should be given to in-
dividuals when they had been refused the states, and particu-
larly when they asked for so much. It was a considerable gift
on the part of the government to give an individual lands worth
$97,500,000, in order to build a railroad at a cost of 350,0CC,
OCO, and then to assure the individual of the ownership of the

135 ‘
road upon its completion. Robinson answered Bowlin by stating
that Bowlin was misrepresenting the facts of the bill, and was
speaking in the assumption that all public lands were worth
136
one dollar and a quarter an acre, which was not true. Secondly,
a very unfair attack was made when Bowlin declared that Whitney
sought no gain but fame. The whole scheme was "an electioneer-
13
ing tale to deceive and nislead the people". "It (the bill)

'not only took everything—-rosd, land, money, implements to

theggranteep but he intended_to show before he was done that it

 

133. Ibid: p. 10.

A.

134. Congressional Globe, 3lst Congress, lst Session
Vol. 23, ip. 329-333.

0

135. Ibid: p. 35

l36.f1bid: p. 33

(J1

13?. Ibid: p. 330.

(«'58)

took them in such a form as to render Congress powerless the
moment the grant was made. The draughtsman of this bill under-
stood his business and new how to manufacture vested rights

138
and corporate powers while seeming to eschew everything. It
had been phrased to annul what sounded like limitations. The
retort was, "As to the bill it was drawn by Mr. Whitney him-
self who had never read a law book in his life, or submitted it

13%

to or had it examined by a lawyer} It had been revised some-
what by the committees, but Whitney in no way could be blamed
for those changes.

Bowlin then continued to attach the measure by anticipat-
ing the trouble which would be brought about in not definitely
routing the road from Lake Michigan to the Pacific. "You
would see states, free, sovereign, independent states rivaling

140
each other in sycophancy to your congressionaly created idol".
A greater evil was the provision permitting contracts with the

141 .
states. The backbone was taken from this objection when Hr.
Whitney had Tr. Bowlin informed that he would be willing to do
142
without this "right of contract with the states".

Neither did Bowlin consider that the government had suf-
ficient control over the road, since Wkitney, "his heirs and
assigns were to to hold the road in perpetuity and collect the

143 '

tolls". He had little proof for his argument and seemed to
_fprget that the road was to be built under the vigilance of a
138. Ibid: p. 330

L39. Ibid: p. 334.

140. Ibid: 30.

r51
0
C»!

1.»:

C2403
vb

141. Ibid: p. 1.

(rd

142. Ibid: p.
143. Ibid: p.

A

\«N
01!
'4

government commission and that the tolls were to be alwas under
the government’s control.

Bowlin branded the whole idea, "Just a stock-jobbing con-
cern", for who were assigns if not those who took interest in

- 144
the assignment of stock? Once that the bill was passed he pro-
phesied indiscriminate issues of stock. ,"The man who supposes
Whitney is to await the slow process of this road to realize
his dreams of a fortune judges but poorly of human motives for
l 5
human behavior".4 Wilkes in a pamphlet suggested the same dan-
ger by stating that Whitney would probably advertise the open-
ing with much noise, and that there would probably be a great
deal of speculation injthe roads stock, and that as a conse-
.46
quence he would retire. Both Bowlin and Wilkes foresaw a still
graver danger in that the stock would go where money was avail-
able and that would be to EuroIe. It was ieared that specula-
tors in any nation might "gratify their own schemes of Spec-
147
ulation at the eXpense of the peOple".

The retort to this argument was that the very nature of the
bill would not permit stock jabbing, since there could be no
stock. The whole fallacy, it was pointed out to Bowlin, rested
on the fact that he argued as if Whitney was to get all the land,
while in reality he was only to get the use of the money from it

148
through the United States Treasurer.
144. Ibid: p. 331.

145. Ibid: p. 331.

146. Wilkes, George, "A Proposal for a National Railroad to the
Pacific Ocean".

147. Congressional Globe; 3lst Congress, lst Session Vol. 23,p 332.

148. Ibid: p. 355.

(40)

The next attack was derived from the clause providing a tax
exemption through the territory or any states which might later
be created out of them. As to this Bowlin sarcastically com-
mented, "This is a new article in the Constitution to be leg-

149
islated in for the benefit of this grand and magnificent scheme".
Robinson in turn pointed out that the provision was made simply
to secure a greater advantage to the old Eastern states since
such taxes would raise the traffic rates of the railroad. He
also stated that it applied only to the actually constructed
road and not to the grant as a whole, because the lands once

. 150
sold were beyond the control of the government.

Senator Bowlin then again referred to the relation of Con-
gress to the proposed road. He considered that Congress limited
itself in making possible the repeal of the act only in a few
specified cases of neglect, or refusal to go on with the con-

151
struction. Knowing that his opponent would cite the power to
amend the bill at any time, Bowlin hastened to interpret this
power to mean such as did not impair the rights and privileges
152
of Whitney and his assigns.

The extinguishing of the Indian claims again drew Bowlin's

criticism, even though it had been put in by the committee.

"The original draughtsman had not the boldness to ask Congress

to bind itself to that which might cost the blood of the treasure

and of the nation to execute for the sale and exclusive benefit
153

_gf Mr. Wkitney and his assigns. Bowlin overlooked the fact that

149. Ibid: p. 331.

150. Ibid: p. 334.

151. Ibid: p. 331.

152. Ibid: p. 351.
153. Ibid: p. 331.

(41)

the road promised to do more for the nation as a whole, than
it did for the builder. And further stated that if any diffi-
culty did arise it would be in the interest of the country at
large. Mr. Robinson remembering that Bowlin came from Hissouri,
asked him just how would the Fissouri plan get around the fact
that the road would be through sections which Congress had
154
officially reserved to the Indians? Bowlin doubted that there
would be any Indian question. He saw no guarantee that the road
would go beyond the good lands. In fact he thought man was very
gullible in believing that Whitney would go beyond the profi;
155

table point of construction. Was it not true, that if he stop-
ped at the end of the good lands or at any other place along
the prOposed course, he was to be compensated in accordance to
the amount of the road completed?

Bowlin also claimed that the provisions had quasi-corpor-
ation tendencies. He believed that the courts would declare
the grant to be a private corporation becouse Congress had

156
practically given up all its control. He could have well re-
served this objection, for Whitney was perfectly willing to have
the provision in the bill read that tze courts should never
157

declare the railroad a corporation in the legal sense.

Tie objections of Mr. Bowlin were against the bill as it
was presented to Congress. There was a second deluge of Oppo-

sition to the idea of such a land grant. It was on this princi-

ple that the whole scheme depended. The first objection used_.

 

154. Ibid: p. 535.
155. Ibid: p. 551.
156. Ibid: p. 351.

157. Ibid: $31-$32.

*(1

158
was in reference to the large amount of land required. Advo-

cates of the plan answered this criticism in asserting that in
view of the one billion acres of public lands the plan called
for less than one tenth of that land, and that the very nature
of the plan would later enhance the value of the other nine-
159
tenths, as well as enCourage settlement. Others took the op-
posite view that the improvement in the areas, through which
the road would go, would detract from the public domain. From
time to time prOposals had been made for the free diSposal of
163
public lands. Others wanted the government to build a road.
Either policy of the government would deprive the treasury of
money in the possibility of its accumulation. Whitney's plan
_ 164-

would be instrumental in adding revenue to our national coffers.

Then too, there were some who feared, that the grant might

165
lead to a monoply of land control and retard settlement. It
might result in concentrating too much wealth in one individual.
The opportunity for making a great fortune did not look very
promising as Mr. Robinson pointed out. The cost estimated for
ten miles would have been $260,000 and to have sold the five
by sixty mile section, as Whitney suggested at the possible
price of eighty-one cents an acre from the sale of the other
160

portions of the public comain. However, the chances were that

158. Senate Documents, 29th Congress, lst Session, Vol. 9
' No. 466, p. 24.

159. Ibid: p. 24.
160. Ocumittee Reports, 51st C ngress, lst Session, Fo.l40,p. 12

161. Ibid: p. 1

(‘3

162. Congressional Globe 32nd Congress, lst Session Vol. 7 p. 1274.

163. Committee Reports, filst Congress, lst Session, No. 140 p. 12

164. Ibid: p. 12.

(43.

the land sales would increase in all areas, because immigrants
starting west.iursnuflx inducments would.suuttter and settle

161
throughout the unoccupied lands. Others laughed at the whole
idea of increasing land values. Senator Freeman raised the
question that "If 5C0 of the 800 miles were without timber so
it would always be difficult to secure fuel and 140C miles were
openly avowed to be too poor to sustain settlement, how could
the lands be given value? It would not open the public domain

162
to immigration or cultivation".
But whether the land sales were extensive or not, to have sold
any land would have yielded the government more revenue than
holding the areas. The acreage sold would have netted only
$153,6CO,COO. He would have had to make up $47,400, by the in-
creased land values which would have left little chance for

166

an immense profit. This was Thitney's only chance of gain,
since the tools were to have been in government control and
only sufficient to cover the actual expenses of the road.

In case the road was not completed the governuent would
would have lost much valuable time considering and providing
for it, which could have been given to a project where aiccess
was more likely to be assured. Secondly, that it would be an
actual financial loss to the government to the extent to which

167
expenditures had been made for the surveys and other preparation.

This criticism was hardly Justified since Kr. Whitney was to

make all the surveys himself. Hr. Robinson said that the chances

 

an

165. Committee Reports, 28th Congress, 2nd Session, No.199 p.
166. Committee Reports, 51st Congress, lst Session, No 140, p. 14

16?. Committee Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session, No. 140 p.15

(44)

were that it would oe done with "greater fidelity with vastly
greater rapidity, enerxw and completeness than by government

agents who will have no other interests than good pay, and in
168

protracting the WJTk as long as they could". If Asa “fitney

had allowed the government to have made the surveys that alone

might have meant the defeat of his plan. Had the survey been

dragged over a period 01 time the good lands would have been

taken and the basis for the whole plan vanished.

The objections to the plan may be summarized in four classes:
first, constitutional difficulties; second, objections against
a grant; thirdly, criticisms against the conditions of the
grant; and fourthly, objections to the proposed route.

Even though there was very much criticism of the place, it
had a decided advantage over any other which had been suggested.
These advantages were gained by (1) asking the government to
undertake a road as a government project, (2) loaning the cre-
dit of the government to a company,(5) by reserving a portion

169
of the revenue from the land sales for the gurpose.
Since money cost of any project is always of primary interest

to any peOple, the first great advantage came in that the road

required no money from the United States Treasury, either as

.CJ.

a gift or a loan. It created its own cap.tal or means of con-
struction through the increased land values. In the words of

Kr. Bright, ”It_was all the nope satisfactory as it will not cost

 

 

 

168. Ibid: p. 15.

169. Senate Reports, Slst Congress, lst Session, No 194. p.2

(451

I

the government and the peOple of the United States a single
170

cent". A second advantage was the low tolls to be exacted, which

were made possible by covering only current expenses and not the
171

interest in a big capital outlay is a profit for dividends.

There were to be special rates on corn and flour vhile the gen-

eral merchandise rates were to have been about ten dollars a

172
ton. This would mean an actual gain to the producer. Passen-

175
gers might travel the 2050 miles for the fare of twenty dollars.

While the plan of financing the road would not have,ca11ed
for a national outlay of money, it would have been on the other
hand an actual and positive gain in national revenue. Some
78,000,000 acres of land at ten cents an acre would have
amounted to $7,800,0t0 in the United States Treasury. Not more
than one third of the public domain was considered as saleable

174
lands.

As a private enterprise the projected road offered the fol-
lowing advantages: First, it would be cheaper than government
construction. The difference in estimates between the $68,000,000
made by Whitney, has been noted as well as the estimate made

175
by Colonel Abert for the government construction at $127,500,000.
As a private interest it would also seek economy and would not
be subjected to the waste and corruption characteristic of

176
governmentgprojects.

170. Ibid: p. 2.

171. American Whig Review Vol. 10,p. 68 of: Committee Reports
51st Congress, 1st Session, Vol. I No. 140, p; 78

172. Senate Reports, 31st Congress, lst Session, Yo. 194, p. 2
175. Ibid: p. 2.
174. Ibid: p. 2.

175. Ibid: p. 3.

(46)

Secondly as a private scheme it would be kept out of the
hands of politicians. There would be no reward to the party in
power for its construction and there could be no patronage.

This was a point worth striving for, since the work would other-
wise be handicapped by changing administrations and would face
the danger of never reaching completion as had been the fate of

177 '
the Cumberland Foad as originally projected.

"We can easily imagine the violent jeolousies that it must
have awakened among the representatives of the several sections,
the painful animosities to which it must give rise and the
pernicious plans of log rolling as well as of individual
Corruption that will grow out of it inevitably in any protracted

178
course of legislation?

Thirdly, greater funds would probably be raised from the
lands for defraying the eXpenses of the road under this plan
than the government could raise were it to take the same section
and to give all monies realized from its sale to the road.

The government could not speculate on land sales. The rates of

sale of public lands were determined by legislation and not

by market value. They could not be raised every time that
179

popular demand agitated it.

Fourthly a private scheme would be more likely to remove
further danger of sectional rivalry because Whitney could have

180
decided for himself_iust where the lands would have sold best.

 

176. Putnam's Hagazine, Vol. 2, p. 501

177. Ibid: p. 4. cf: Committee reports, 31st Congress
1st Session, No. 140 p. 7-8.

178. Putnam’s Nagazine, Vol. 2. p. 502
179. Senate Reports Slst Congress, 1st Session, ho. 194, p. e

180. Ibid: p. 7.

(4'7)

This danger was clearly in evidence in such plans as those of
Wilkes, Benton and others, who wanted a Southern route.

Fifthly, the government had the power to dispose of the
public lands, while such a vast undertaking by it might have
conflicted with the Constitution. It therefore would have

181
practically eliminated any question of constitutionality.

Another decided point in the form of the scheme was to be
found in the fact that it could not well be a monOply in spite
of the fact that this had been one of the strongest arguments

182
advanced against it. According to the plan the lands were to be
sold at public auction and secondly, Whitney was not to hold ary
183 -
lands ten years after the road was completed. Furthermore it
would not necessarily mean a monoply of trade, since Whitney
184
did not ask for sestrictions on the building of rival roads.

The grant of land to Whitney was not to be absolute, but he
merely asked thrt this area of land be set aside as the basis
for a fund for the proposed road construction. Considering the
amount of public lands available at the time this was not an ex-
horbitant demand. One half the lands were to be held to guar-
antee the work. Some eight hundred miles of completed road were

185

to be the security for the rest of the road. No titles to the

iland even to be given by Whitney but by the government, and not

 

lFl. Committee Reports, 3 st Congress, 1st Sessizn, No. 140, p 7-

U

i—J
m

8 . American Whig Review, Vol. 10, p.6-8
183. Ibid: p. 68
184. Ibid: p. 68

185. Senate Reports, 51st Congress, lst Se sion Report No. 194
P8- 4-

 

 

until the road was built and paid for. All construction and
sale of lands were to be under the supervision of the government
agents. If Whitney failed the government was to take everything;
if he died, the conditions of the plan were to be imposed on his
heirs: if he failed to operate it as the government desired,
Congress could give it to someone else.

Speculation seemed out of the question till the road would
be completed, at least, as only then would Whitney receive any
lands, and there seemed to be little danger that much wuuld

187
remain as surplus. There were to be no stocks or bonds.

Even after these long debates in Congress and after favorable
reportsby practically every committee had been made, the plan
was doomed to fail. This was not because it was argued down
but rather it was the usual fate of measures advanced before
their time. Whitney himself was a prOphet, but the nation at
large was not ready for the idea which he had visioned. Twenty
long years had to elapse before this idea of Whitney's was
mature in the charter to the Union Pacific Railroad in 1862.

As most of the objections to Whitney’s plan came from
Senators Bowlin and Benton of Missouri, the Opposition took on
something of a sectional nature both in and out of Congress.
“Extension on free soil, and settlement would be prejudiced to
the South by increasing_a pOpulation hostile to her institut-
186. Ibid: No. 194. p. 4.

187. Committee Reports, 51st Congress, 1st Session No. 140
Appendix 2, p. 32.

188. Debow's Review, Vol. 9. p. 601.

(49)
188
ions. This statement must be qualified because it was not tru.
in the first years of the Western railroad agitation. Wlen Whit-
ney was traveling through the states speaking in behalf of his
project and seeking the endorsement of the public the towns (and

cities in the “outh as well as the North, and the legislatures

Yorthern states passed resolutions fav-

U)

of Uouthern as well
orable to his plan and sent them to Congress. "The Sbuth has
generally favored Hr. ”hitney's scheme and several state leg-
islatures have adopted resolutions in its favor recommending
its adoption, but since the agitation in California and the in-

creased agitation of the slavery question, she has felt a strong
189
desire to have the road located as far South as possible".

I’

Whitney had traveled in fact from hississippi to New England and
19C
had received support throughout this whole section. The only
191
place in fact where he was unsuccessful was in New York City.

In most places the city officials and influential men became
enthusiastic over his project and worked with him in presenting
192

it to the peOple. We might conclude that the peOple in general

favored it. The hemphis Appeal for October 30, 1849 said"since

 

Mr. Whitney has been heard we believe it to be the general Opin-
ion that it is the only plan that can he carried out". This wa.
concluded in the light of the petitions and memorials, voices
of eminent men, action of some twenty states and the favorable
’jgeports in Congress and in public meetings. Their (meaning the
188. Debow's Review, Vol. 9, p.601

189. Ibid: p. 602.

190. Committee Reports, 31st Congress, lst Session No. 140,
Appendix 5. “.

191. Senate Miscellaneans, 30th Congress, lst Séssion Nos. 124,
l, 4, 5, 18, 29, and 58.

192. Smalley, 8., History of the Northern Pacific" p 59

.. u’l. .li‘...
.hlibilb.

peOple) endorsement is more prOperly interpreted as an expres-

sion of the deep and absorbing interest felt and taken by the

whole American peOple in having railroad communication opened

acrOSs their territories to the shores of the Pacific, than as

a positive approval of any one specific plan for building such

193

a road". They favored Whitney's plan because the idea appealed

to them, was brought to them personally, and presented clearly.
Besides the sectional opposition agitation against the route

was prompted from various sources and for several motives. The

Pacific Hail Company did not want it, because it would by its

free carriage of mail be a rival at least, and in all probability

_ 194

drive it out of business. Speculators opposed it, because they

didn't want to see the possibility of public land pass out of

their clutches. This opposition was particularly well develOped

a little later, when speculators in soldiers warrants expressed

their wish that the amounts of available land should not be re-

”1.195

duced,

193. Democratic Review, Vol. 30, p. 552.

A.

194. Haney. L. H., "Congressional History of Railways to 1850"
p. 419

[.1
t0
01

Ibid: p. 419.

[.4
'0
03
o

”ilkes, George, "PrOpasal for a National Railroad to the
Pacific Ocean (New York - 184) cf: Smalley, E. V. "History
of the Northern Pacific" - p. 67.

(51)

IV

Other plans that have been incidentally referred to were be-
ing Sponsored while Whitney's plan was before Congress.

Most important of these other projects was that of George
Wilkes of New York whose "Plan for a National Railroad to the
Pacific" was based on the idea of setting apart a portion of

96
the income from the land sales to build the road. His original

H

contribution was a propoSal to have a commission elected by the
legislatures and peOple of the several states to manage and
build it. It was to be a government enterprise. He was not
so interested in a route, as he was in tle means of financing the
197
road.
The idea of loaning the credit of the government to a com-
pany to finance a road was embodied in the plan of Hartwell Car-
198
ver, also of New York. His proposal was brought forth rather
late in 1849. Although he advanced a claim for originating the
whole idea, it must be largely discounted. He wanted an ex-
clusive and perpetual charter granted him together with 8,CCL,OLO
acres of land on credit. The land would be paid for in road
stock when it was completed. He was to forfeit 5,0CC,OCO acres
if he failed, which would still assure him of a S,OCC,OOO acre
' 199
profit. The scheme never received serious consideration. his
196. Wilkes, George, "Proposal for a National Railroad to the
Pacific Ocean (hew York - 184) cf: Smalley, E. v.1 ”Hist-
cry of the Northern Pacific" p. 67.

197. Smalley, E. V. "History of Northern Pacific? p.66.

198. Ibed: p. 67-68 cf: Proceedings of the Friends of a Rail-
road to the Pacific at Boston April 19, 1849"

199. Pamphlet - "Proceedings of the Friends of a Rail
. . . .. .1 l. J. . . . ._road to the
PaCific at Boston, 18Z9"

(523)

route was to have been from Lake Eichigan by the way of South
20L
Pass to San Francisco.

P. P. F. Uegrand had a plan for another private scheme. He
claimed its merits were to be found in that it required a single
land grant and that all the materials would be of domestic or-
igin. He asked for a charter giving him the right to boild the

201
road on a Sourhern route.

Thomas Benton's plan drew considerable attention for he was
an active member of Congress. It was no more successful than
the others. His project called for government ownership and
government work on a road which would have gone from St. Louis
to San Francisco with a branch leading to Oregon.

In addition to the fact that none of the means proposed to
build these southern routes were acceptable, there were other
objections which would apply equally well to all of them. First,
the climate over the proposed routes was too warm for the best
transportation. Materials were less available for construction
when the road had to start in settled territory, and there was

202
little timber as the road reached westward. The lands already
sold in Missouri would yield no income and beyond that state a
road would strike into Indian territory, where the lands could

0"
(JO 3
not be sold. Further,west‘were the mountains which were higher

 

_200. Ibid: Pamphlet cf: Smalley E. V., "History of Northern
Pacific", p. 67.

201. Ibid: Pamphlet: Wilkes, George, "Proposal for a National
Railroad to the Pacific Ocean" - 1847

202. Debow's Review, Vol. 3, p. 475

203. Congressional Globe, 51st Session lst Congress, Vol. 25
p . i355 .

"5;, - .Hfl—

and more difficult to cross, and would call for greater construc-

tion costs. Of minor importance, there were more streams to be

bridged. It was further claimed that the Puget Sound Ports were
204

better and more congenial to the Hississippi Valley products.

The greatest opposition to these prOposed southern routes was

the sectional service and benefits they would render.

On the other hand it was claimed that the proposed southern
routes met more connecting roods from the region east of the
Mississip3i River; that a southern route would be some 900 miles
shorter; that it would be pleasanter all the year round for
travel; that greater settled territory would be an advantage in
the construction and progress of the rood, and that it would
penetrate into the mining regions and Open up sources of minerals

205
so that it would pay for itself quickly.

Besides these plans proposed for a railroad in the United
States, were tie prOposals for either a road or a canal across
Panama or Tenuantepec--the so-called Isthmian routes. How did
these compare with Whitney's route? First, by a study of com-
parative distances there was absolutely no saving in distance

206
by such routes. In fact these routes would have increased the
distance from China to Europe and would have required a longer
time forgpassage. The climate in the Isthmus would have been,
204. American Whig Review, Vol. 10, p. 73

205. Debows Review, Vol. 5, p. 475.

206. Appendix No. 3

(54)

207
a handicap. Altogether the risk and expense would have been in~

creased. Seeondly, the climate WJuld have made it impossible
for Northern workmen to have carried on the construction work,
and there would have been no labor available there. Not only
was there a sparse population but there was a lawless population
which would have required a strong military force in the region
208

all of the time. A further handicap the region presented was
the absolute lack of materials necessary for the road construc-

(a I."
tion.

The route would have been outside of our country and dif-
ficult to have kept under our control; the nation would have
received no special benefit from the trade through this region
and roads might later have been built on the continent which

210
would have been rivals.

All plans were likely to fail at this time. First, the
idea was in advance of its time; secondly, California in 1850,
and oregon (1859) were in the Union and some of the grave dan-
gers which had prompted the railroad project had been removed.
But more significant was the fact that the extension of slavery
had become a big issue before the nation. Other problems

faded away before its onslaught, both in Congressfiand in the

 

207. Reports of Committees, filst Congress, lst Session, No.140
New York Herald, Tues. June 12, 1849.

208. Hunt's Hagazine, Vol. 17, p. 390.
209. Ibid: p. 590

210. Ibid: p. 390

minds of the people. A railway was a thing of the future, while
slavery was a pulsating reality requiring immediate consideration,
Before the Civil War was over the importance of communication
and transportation had been forced upon the nation largely as
the outcome of the Homestead Act of 1862, and the Union Pacific
Company was chartered by Congress in that year.

Asa Whitney, however, in spite of his failure to realize
his dream, destrves a place among the men who have rendered a
great service to our nation. He Spent eleven years in collect-

211
ing information both in Asia and the United States. Thisinform-
ation was very valuable to the government. Whether he originated
the idea of the Pacific railway or not is a matter of small
vconsequence, but he was the first to have called the public's
212
attention to its significance and to have worked out a plan.
It has well been said that "Not only to him is due the honor
of first suggesting the project but he is also entitled to the
merit of being the chief agency for colling public attention to
it, and of collecting and laying before the country a vast amount
213
of information relating to it. In Congress the same apprecia-
tion of his work was expressed." We are indebted to him for the
origination of the Iroject, for the maturing of the first plan,
for the large amount of practical information he has brought to
bear upon the subject, and for the awakening of public attention
214

to its importance.“

211. Reports of Committees, 51st Congress, lst Session No. 140
p. l

212. Nillion, J. W., "Slate Aid to Railways in Missouri" p. 55
2 5. Hunt's Magazine Vol. 21 - p. 78

214. Committee Reports blst Congress - lst session No. 140 p.l

(56)

There were many who have felt that Asa Whitney was simply,
a mighty speculator, who hoped to reap an immense fortune at
the expense of the nation. He realized this criticism himself.
"Not-r because I am an individual and not in the pay of the people
and propose to do all this it is feared there may be something
wrong, as it can hardly be imagined that any individual would
without present compensation devote his whole life to a work
requiring his whole life for its successful accomplishment,
scle with a view to benefit his country and his fellow man. I
am willing to have my acts scanned and judged by my countrymen,
but as I am willing and do propose to place myself under the
entire control of the people and of Congress, I do feel that
while all is in the power of Congress to restrict me to what I
propose -- that I ought not to be doubted, when I say that.vhat
I have done, and what I prOpose to do, is not for the gain;of

wealth or power or influence but for the good which I am per—
0‘"
(1")

ant

suaded it must produce to our whole country."

"All who are acquainted with the history of mankind know
full well that all great enterprises which have resulted in the
greatest good to man have been brought about by perseverance;
toll and I may say, suffering of individual man without mercen-
ary aim or end, and I eXpect none other. It is an individfl man
who has labored, suffered and died for his fellow man".

He certainly shamed himself to be a most unselfish man in
giving his entire fortune and the best years of his life for the
advancement of a scheme from which he expected no gain. He

worked for the welfare of the public when his fortune could have

 

 

215.. Asa Whitney ~ "A Project for a Railroad to the Pacific" p.41

(5’7)

for idle luxury or the amassing of greater personal fortune.
Time and again he emphasized his utter indifference to the pro-
fit which might have been his. In one of his books he defied
all such acousations, "And if it is feared that the remuneration
may be disproportioned to the extent and importance of the work
then I am ready to relinquish any claim I may have for a com-
pensation and let the peOple give me anything or nothing as they
please. If they will allow me to be their instrument to accom-
217
plish this great work it is enough. I ask no more”. And he
was not the only one to vouch for his sincerity and nobleness
of purpose. "It is too low and groveling a thought to suppose
that pecuniary profit should be theonlg motive of the projector
of such an enterprise. It is due to the man who could conceive
and mature such a plan, and it is no more than generous to give
him some credit for the loftier and purer aspiration of being
a public benefactor, and of realizing the enduring fame of hav-
ing achieved so great a work. Certainly a man must live by his
calling, but the highest merit of existence here is to have
lived for others, and the best reward for that merit, to be re-
218
membered for the good one has done".

A prisent day authority on railroad transportation furtherh
has defended his honesty of purpose. The very safeguards he
set for his own interests show that he was no cracked-brained
enthusiast, even if he may have been too optimistic; he won
many converts which is a tribute to his sincerity and earnest-
216. Ibid: p. 41
21?. Ibid: p. 34.

218. Committee Reports 318t Congress lst Session Report 140 p 15

(58)

ness; Hr. Carver his rival reSpected him and commended his

zeal, and his strong nationalism as he rose above sectional

prejudice. In concluding, he states, "That he sought the

glory of the enterprise there is no doubt; that is fitting

for a great man“, so we conclude with him that "when it comes

to a critical estimate of Whitney's motives, our conclusion
219

must be a favorable one".

219. Haney, L. H

., "Congressional History of Railroads to
1850”, p. 419.

No.

2:62h:05¢-233bt7noucu§u:8 :25... Shite... 2:. z. 2‘... < «:2

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1"- IIIIIIIIIIuI

'Ill *u‘

fipfendix No. 2.

Imforts and eXforts into and from Europe and America from all
Asia.
Committee REIOPLS, 51st Congress, lst Session, No. 140,

Attendix 2, t. 51

L

 

Great Britain $85,527,120:$59,187,185:

France - 16,SOC,2 5: 8,238,85C:

AntwerI-ITQ statistics, but '7 ships ;

must have averaaed

: 70L,CCO: ' SCC,OCC:
Hamburg, Avera¢e were tran for 5 : : ;

ships. ; 500,ccc, 400,000:

Bremen, Average more than for 6

 

shizs- : _eco,coo: 400,000:

The Netherlands : 23,527,390: 4,702,130:
United States : 11,458,403: 5,443,828:
United States from Whale Fisheries . g :
157,7CC barrels of Sperm oil 0 ; ; i
as 2 4,574,144 : ; :
272,809 barrels of whale oil C : ; :
75% 2 2,864,493 : ; :
3.19.,054 lbs of whale bone C . : :
35% : 1'065'013 =14gigi§f;:g: 78,871,995:

.mdd Russian Trade Overland : 12,048,C55: 7,581,295:

Total trade ----------- -- :158,866,980: 86,453,288:

Argendix r0. 5.

Com arative distances from Europe to the Jrient as given by
Whi tney.
(Committee Reports, 51st Congress, lst Session, To. 190,

Aifendix)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

To Valparaiso gist. in miles
From Plymouth to Ralyo, Via canal 5,578
Thence to Valparaiso *3,400
8,978
To Valparaiso around Cape Horn 9L4CO
Difference in favor of canal '422
From Sydney to England, via Iroposed Canal 14,848
From Sydney to Eng., via of Cape Horn 15,848
Against a Canal ~ 1,000
From Canton to England via Canal 15,558
From Canton to England via Care of Good 14,940

Hare.

Against a canal' 2,228

Appendix No. 4

Resolution of the City of Philadelphia:

"Whereas the completion of a railroad from Lake Hichigan
to the Pacific would secure the carrying of the greater por-
tion of the commerce of the world to American enterprise,
and open it Open to it the markets of J3 an and the vast
empire of China,,of all India and of all the islands of the
Pacific and Indian Oceans together with those of the Western
Co st of Hexico and uouth America;

"And whereas, we have in our public lands a fund suf-
ficient for and appropriate to the construction of so great
and beneficient a work; ani the grOposition of Asa Whitney,
Esq., of New York, to construct a railroad from Lake Michigan-
to the Pacific for the grant of a strip of land sixty miles
wide, offers a feasible and cheap, if not the only, plan for
the early completion of an avenue from acean to ocean; there-
fore,

"Resolved, That we cordially opprove of the :roject of
Asa Whitney, esq., for tie construction of a railroad to the
Pacific, and respectfully petition Congress to grant or set
apart, before the close of the present session, the lands

1
prayed for by Kr. Whitney for this purpose."
1. As quoted by Smalley, E. V., "History of the Forthern Pa-

cific", p. 62.

is :.

BOOKS
Appleton's

Bailey, W. n.,

Railroad"

Coman, Katherine
(1914)
Davis, J. P.,

Dunbar, Seymour,

(4 Vols. 1915)
Faulkner, H. 11.,
Foster, J. W.,

Fuess, C. 11.,

Haney, L. H.,

1850", (1906)

Holland, R. 3.,
Hungerford, Edward
Innis, H. A.,
Larrabee, William,
Marvin, W. L,
Fillion, John, W.,
Paine, Ralph
Paxson, F. 1.,
Reigel, R. 3.,

Ring) Valt, (T - 140A,-

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. " . V 7‘
.TPOFTS 117 COI~CP*-.3.‘3

 

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Vol. 14 (1844-45) Twenty-Eighth Congress,
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r

V O l

!_J
()1

. (1845-46) Twenty-Ninth Congress,
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(~
-{-”_

Vol. 25 (1849-50) Thirty-First Convress,

First session pp. 529 and 555

-4
‘1
O
.J
{\D
x}
I“
‘ .1
’3)
:11
H
I
1 11
PO
‘ -J

Thirty-Second Congress,

First Session, pp. 941 and 1274

CC] SIITTEE REPORTS:

 

1844-45, WMFth-F1igkth Congress, Second Session, No. 199.
1846-46, Twenty-Ninth Congress, Fj_r st Session, No. 775.
1847-48, Thirtieth Congress, First Session, to. 755

1 1848- 49, Thirtieth Congress, Second Session, F0. 145.

1849-50, Thirty-First Congress, First Session, Io. 140.

EXEC UTIVE UOCH'SYTE‘

 

184 4- 45, Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, F0. 72

U

HOUSE .TOTTRYAI.

 

47

(D

1847-48, Thirtieth Congress, First Session, pr 62C, 755,

A

HOUSE 1- LISP ELL/31‘ -10__ IE‘

 

1847-48, Thirtieth Congress, First Session. 19° 72 47» 68' 7

SEI'ATE SOCKET??? 1:5

 

"1844-45 Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, Vol. III
NO. 69 .

1844-45, Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, Vol. IV
F0 174.

1845-46, Twenty-Yinth Congress, First Session, Vol. IV,

No. 161; Vol. IV, No. 466.

1846-47, Twenty-Hinth Congress, Second Session, Vol.111

SENATE TOIR?‘

 

1847-48, Thirtieth Conrress, First Session,

J

1:»
r“
1" T)
.13
(,4
J3
.31
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1848-49, TLirtieth Congress, Second Session p.

Senate ffi sc el‘l_13_r_1_eg us

 

‘

1847-48, Thirtieth Congress, First Session Io.
pp. 1; 4, 5, 18, 29, 5?. ; Yo 2'

1849-50, Thirty-F rst Congress, First Session,
A;1%nuiix PH

Senate Reports

 

‘T

1847-48, Tlirtieth Congress, First Session, 10

1849-50, Thirty-First Congress, First Session,

PERIODICALS

 

American Whig Review:

 

V51. X, 1849, 3;. 67-79, 3-

\.

|_J

’14
I

p

1.;
\fl

U -

 

1 V51. 1, 1845,
Vol. III, 1847, p. 148, 475-485, 485-502
V01. IV, 1847, pp. 164-176
V01. V11, 1849, pp. 1-57.

V01. VIII, 1849, If. 217-252

Vol. IX, 1850, pp. 001-014.

Democrati

——

'0

Review:

Vol. 21, pp. 558-545.
Vol. 25, pp. 405-512
Vol. 25, pp..215-248
Vol. 27, p 556-541

Vol.50, pp. 229-255

Hunt's Iaga21ne:

 

Vol. 15, 1846, pp 477-480.

YT--! -

 

Vol. 55, 1855, p 659
Niles Register:
Vol. 69, t 67

.L

Overland nagazine:

 

Vol. 14, t. 9.

 

Putnamls Hagazine:
Vol. 2, p 270-277, SEC-508
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V01. 14, fp 544-549, 551.

ravspipsrs

 

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‘M 'H 1‘
Pin LPHIJJ’t _- K.)

 

r”

"Letter of Hr. Whitney, January 4 ,1851"
(Gideon and Co, printers)
"Letter from Colonel Berton to the People of Hissouri,
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California", (Snell and Blanehtrd, :rinters)

0
(I1
8
:3

“National Plan of an Atlanti Pacific Railroad, and
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"Proceedings of the Friends of a Railroad to San Francisco

at Boston, Agril 19, 1849"

-5-

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New York - Daniel Adee, Irinter 101 Fulton St. 1847)

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"Speech of Hon. U. E. Howard of Texas" (House, July 6, 1852)

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"Whitney's Address before the Legislature of Pennsylvnia"

PCP: - .r _ . -_ 1-. o -'
(J. G. h Linley and J. h. Iescuie, printers, aarrisoorg

1848)

.14.- u i F s . v. 4.4 -, .r... f 4L9-.. a}. .3
. .- 5s... ... -:., .. .4 ¢. 1.. . \.
.hug‘ff £5341» uVIh-WHL? Ants-u. ,

.« wi....h ‘.N. . .f... .
. . .Evuffrr. .0;

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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