STUDENT SOCIAL CHARACTER. AND IMAGES OF THE MCCARTHY ERA: A STUDY IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE Thesis for the Degree of M; A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Jaber F. Gubrium I966 IIIIIIIIHIIIIIIIIIIIIIIW mun '1 3 1293 01729944 Michigan Stat: University APR 3 0 MM, ABSTRACT S‘IUDE‘IT SOCIAL WCTER AND DIAGES OF THE MOCARTHY ERA: A SIUDY IN 'IHE SOCIOLOGY OF KNCMLEDGE by Jaber F. Gubrium 'Ihree aspects of the relationship between students' social background and their conceptions of the McCarthy era are investiga- ted: (l) 1119 nature of the conceptions themselves, (2) The factors of background most consistently related to the conceptions. and (3) The direction of the relationship betwaen crucial background factors and conceptions of the period. The general hypothesis set forth is that, for students (because of their relatively ”classless” roles). political self-conceptions and attitudes will be more close- ly related to conceptions of McCarthyism than such background fac- tors as: class. location of residence, and college rank (the first two being more consistently related to conceptions of the general population). Using questionnaire results from 682 undergraduate students, the data generally substantiated the foregoing hypothesis. STUDENT SOCIAL CHARACTER AND IMAGES OF THE MCCARTHY ERA: A STUDY IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNCMLEDGE By Jaber F. Gubrium A THEIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1966 The history of inquiry into problans in the sociologr of knowledge appears to have been largely limited to epistemological questions. Moreover. overall theoretical elaboration has been highly philosophical and non-empirical in nature. Of course. this is only true with respect to research done under the aegis of the ”sociology of knowledge.” As Merton has pointed out, there has been some perhaps inadvertent empirical work done in this area, but under different names and with slightly different aims in mindn—fbr in- stance. communications and public opinion research.1 Questions of central concern to this sub-discipline have no dearth of literature in social science. All macro-social theories ' have had to take account in some manner, of its mndamental problem, whether knowingly or otherwise. The open issue of consciousness and existence. however. became manifest only in the last century at the hands of Marx. With its development from the varied approaches of historicism and the gestalt mentality, the phenomenologists. German idealism, and structural determinism, the sociology of knowledge has become a major theoretical body in contemporary sociology. Ihe hypotheses and empirical possibilities emerang from this varied theoretical history have been all but consistent. This di- versity has not been entirely ideological in character. but more often stemmed from meta-theoretical choices—one had to begin 10f. Robert Merton's chapter on commnications research in the section ”The Sociology of Knowledge and Mass Communications,“ in Social Theor and Social Structure ((ILencoe, 111.: The Free Prose. 1957). pp. 509-523. somewhere. Therefore. the shapes of existing theories have often been forged from primary assumptions. Historically, the gamut of subsequent. often contradictory theoretical schaas were left with- out emlanationuat least nothing short of dualistic answers. i.e.. no single, economic theoretical schema was available to account satisfactorily for the variations in the possible connections be- tween ideational and behavioral structures but. rather, the com- plexities of the problem necessitated the use, at the least, of dual theories. With the working out of conceptions strikingly similar to those being used in the more physical sciences such as ”relativ- ism” and ”relationism" (being respectively analogous to "comple- mentarity" and "operationalism' in microphysics) . Karl Mannheim achieved at least two triumphs. He, on the one hand, ended some of the extreme ideological bickering extant between contrasting theo- ries. And. on the other. he subsequently made possible the common existence of several previously contrasting theories. legitimizing their simultaneous validities depending on the question asked. This. then, brings us to the problem of where the several existing theories must suffer their limits insofar as reliable em- pirical explanations can be provided to questions of existential and ideational relations.l It has historically been found valid that several theories. whether some sort of Marxian class I'deter-- minis-1" of interest-bound ideoloy. or the logically opposite. ideational motivation, can account for various relations between J’Ibid" p. 505. society and consciousness; however. the problem of the empirical extent and location of applicability of one theory or another has not been solved. Thus, the sociology of knowledge has emerged with a ”single” (non-dialistic). economic, and plausible. general theory (at least, at its most abstract level). but has made little effort to bind it empirically insofar as operationally determining the nature of the relationship between social phenomena and knowledge. And. of course, the further problem of the differential types and limits of existential influence or non-influence on knowledge is left largely unsolved.l With respect to the current state of theorizing, we locate our problem in this research at a much more empirical and operational level. Similar to socio—epistemoloacal concerns. the general prob- lem at hand is one in attempting to uncover the nature of the rela- tionship betwem our efistential focus and the knowledge (”image“) corresponding to it. Although we are studying variations in images, we are not looking at these over time to determine which change more readily than others and which are relatively immune from struc- tural variation. More in the vein of Marxian analysis (but, obvi- ously, on a less monumental level) rather than in ideational l‘l‘his does not intend to imply that no theoretical attention has been given to this issue, for Max Scheler has certainly attempted to develop some preliminary typology of categories of ideational relationships to structural change through his "degrees of artifi- ciality.’ Cf. Merton. op. cit. p. tIr7O--7l. Scheler, however. scans to have ignored the opposite issue of the differential effects of various structural factors on single "sets” of knowledge. investigation such as that undertaken by Max Scheler and P. Sorokin. we are attempting here empirically to find what stmctural factors, if any, are operating so as to influence a particular set of images held constant in time. Insofar as the images themselves, it might be said that they theoretically exist close to the conception "stereotype.“ However, stereotype does not connote the prevalence. extent. or patterning nature of image. Images. also. it seems to a greater extent than the notion stereotype, can exist either consciously or latently.l Moreover. since they are conceived here as rational answers or ”guesses“ to problems at hand. we conclude that the necessity of accounting. by respondents. for issues placed before them would automatically result in statements having as one feature the quali- ties of an image. Variations in images emerge as functions of respondents oc- cupying different social positions, and. changing moods and orienta- tions influencing the style of logic Operating in the formation of images. Image patterning, then. may vary both spatially and tem- porally. From this. it reasonably follows (insofar as we assume that images produced by persons are influenced in some manner by the differential character of and changes in roles occupied by indivi- duals) that in holding an issue and structural variables constant. variations in images of an issue will occur over generations} and likewise, on the other hand, holding both issue and time constant, variations in image are likely with respect to structural variation. Although images are conceived as an integral facet of the process of reasoning in relation to various issues, the notion here is limited to issues with which respondents have at least some mini- mal acquaintance. If issues which are posed have no place whatso- ever in the knowledge of the respondent, then it seems reasonable that ”images” emerging in this case would have little connection to the structural counterparts at hand. Placing our concerns in this study in the context of wider aspects of the sociology of knowledge, our conception ”image” is located as being one facet of the general concern ”knowledge” or ”ideation.” At this level. then, it is to the notion "image“ as opposed to such other types of ideation as myth, dogma. technical “ data. or philosophical style that we are limiting our pursuits. In the existential realm, at the opposite side, we locate the stmctural counterpart of images in the social character of undergraduate students. The general issue around which respondents gave their impres- sions was that of conditions extant and characteristically of public concern in the McCarthy era in the United States. approximately during the years from 1950 to 1955. The period of recent American 10f. Karl Mannheim. ”The Problem of Generations.” in Essm on the Scciolo of Knowled e, ed. Paul Kecskemeti (London: Rout.- ledge and Kegan Paul, 1935,, pp. 276-320. history of concern here was not directly experienced by most of the students in our sample, for the great number were still early ele- mentary school students at this time. Acquaintance in most cases was indirect. for instance, either through non-personal communica- tion in literature or mass media, or, through discussion or mention by parents, elder siblings, or other persons. Thus, in this study, images of issues coming out of an indirect acquaintance of this period in American history are examined with respect to social varia- tion in order to subsequently determine differential social influ- ences. RELATED EMPIRICAL S'IUDIE Previous research dealing with issues similar to those of concern to this paper has been rather scant. There has been much discussion of and a large number of explanations offered for the causes of McCarthy-ism of the early fifties} but little empirical work has followed it. Most of the explanations have been focused upon the central notion of "anxiety politics.‘ This is a political phenomenon emerging from an increase in relative social or status instability, whether upward or downward, leading to the support of candidates coincident with ”necessary and reassuring" images. Whether the images cited have been the prejudiced ones of rapid upward mobility, 101.. e.g.. Daniel Bell (ed.). The Radical my (Garden City, N.l'.: Doubleday & Company, Inc.. 1954; William Kornhouser. The Politics of Mass Society (Glencoe. Ill.: The Free Press, 1931:): Denna; H. Wrong. “Theories of McGerthyim,‘I Dissent. I (Autmm, 195“). PP. 5-920 or, those characteristic of scapegoating held by persons being dis- placed in stains, the central tendency in the several theories of McCarthyism has been to connect the highly coincident, animal needs of an "ideologically” starved sector of the public with a movement in need of political support. Hence, the mechanism operating so as to give rise to the McCarthy era usually is explained as one of rapid and brief historical convergence. In the empirical area of concern with the McCarthy period, studies by Martin Trow and Nelson W. Polsbyl seem to almost exhaust the efforts. In the first instance, Trow supports empirically a number of extant theories linking status anxiety to McCarthy sup- port. His research, done in Bennington. Vermont, in l95h at the height of the period found that the largest McCarthy support came from small businessmen as compared to the mild following of salaried persons. This. Trow explains as a reaction of lower middle-class business merchants to increasing large-scale industrialization, which had a tendency to eventually displace a great share of their functions. Salaried employees. on the other hand, structurally having moved with the economic trends of the nation, have had no reason not to support its dominant economic institutions. Nelson Polsby locates his research on a political level and explains the emergence of McCarthy not as a result of peculiar 1Martin Trow, ”Small Businessmen, Political Tolerance. and Support for McCarthy.“ American Journal of Sociology LXIV (November, 1958), pp. 270-81; and, Nelson W. Polsby, "Toward an Emlanation cf McCarthyism." Political Studies, VIII (October, 1960). pp. 250-71. public support (which he tends to find theoretically'too varied and empirically'anomalous), but rather as a function of'the reaction of political decision-makers. The phantom images of McCarthy's power extended themselves into highly permissive political attitudes and behavior on the part of cohorts, thus ostensibly making for rela- tively'widespread.political support by Republicans both in the Senate and in.his home state. S The following research involving student's images of the JMcCarthy era differs from the foregoing studies in two major in- stances. First, the study is being conducted a decade later when the issues at stake are not immediately prevalent on the national scene as a crucial political issue. And secondly, the social roles of the sample involved are not, at present, critically tied to in- terests hinged onto the various tenets of McCarthyism. 'Jhese two differences alone serve to alter a number of the hypotheses on the relation between social character and support (in our case, images) of McCarthy as posed by Trow, whose study (of the two cited) more directly'hinges on this research. Insofar as we are attempting, as in Trow‘s research, to relate two theoretically similar conceptions, the problem of the social determination of’kncwledge in our case in analogous to his central concern. The analysis herein attempts to trace any-peculiar‘gggigl consistencies with particular images produced. However. as a result of the widely different social base with which we are dealing, any varied relation between our two major variables and Trow‘s would not be surprising. 0n the basis of both the spatial and temporal divergences between our samples, and, previous findings on the in- fluences of differential student social characteristics on their attitudes and conceptions of various issues, some prediction of the connection between social factors and images could well be made. Research pertaining to the opinions of students with respect to a varied number of issues has had a large place in social psycho- logical studies. This, no doubt, has been somewhat due to the re— lative ease of access of these subjects and the economy of research with them in time when monies fer work in opinion studies was not _as available as it is currently. The fifteen years between approxi- mately'l9ho and 1955 seems largely to have been the high point of such empirical work. . One of the major findings of such studies is hinged crucially’ to our concerns in the relationship of knowledge to social char- acter. In a great many of these studies, it has been fbund that variations in student conceptions cf‘sgmg,issues (primarily social concerns--such as political morality; tolerance of differential economic systems, or social ethics) have been significantly less extensive than diversities in student background would tend to imply. When comparisons of'images of social issues were made with the gen- eral population from which various student bodies emerge, it was found that rather divergent conceptions prevalent in the population tended to converge as images of students so that in many instances for students, regardless of class for example, social conceptions 10 were spread equally.1 This, however, was not true for all issues. For instance, those issues which were relatively closely tied to the various class interests of students were divided in their images in a manner analogous to the conceptions of their respective classes in the general population. Only images hinged to issues not immedi- ate to students economically tended to be uniformly spread across class lines. These latter images of social issues, although spread across class lines, were not homogeneous, but also varied.2 Varia- tions in this case were closely related to ideological moods and contemporary political philosophies.3 The different types of foregoing structural connections to images of students and the general population may be summarized as follows: Images of Images of Interest Issues Social Issues General. Population: VARIEB ALONG VARIE AIDNG CLASS LINES CLASS LINES Students: VARIES ALONG VARIES POLITICALLY CLASS LINES (WITH SELEAIMAGE) 101.. David Riesman, "Intellecmals and Discontented Classes," in Bell, op. cit., pp. 152-53; Peter Blau, I'Orientations of College Students Toward International Relations,“ American Journal of Soci- ology,lLIX (November, 1953), p. 21h: Rose K. Goldsen et al., What Colle e Students Think (Princeton, New’Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Com. pany. Inc., 1935), pp. llh-lS; and Philip E. Jacob, Changapg'values in College (New Monk: Harper & Brothers, 1957), p. 34. 2Jacobs, op. cit., p. 33. .Material here was largely'taken from the Cornell Values Study, more fully documented in Goldsen at 81.. above. 3mm. ASSUMPTIONS & HIPOTHESES The fundamental assumption of this research is that students can produce some kind of meaningful image of a period of American history with which they have had little direct experience. More- over, we also assume that as a result of the intervention of several factors, both historically and stereotypically, between the occur- rences of the McCarthy era and the roles of students, variations insofar as changes in images over time will have occurred. This would ave us reason to believe that conceptions or images of occur- rences in the McCarthy era have changed for students and will change in years to come. The issue at hand, then, is more complex than mere structural change would explain it to be, for students also are immersed in varying climates of political Opinion. For example, students in the fifties might be said to have been relatively eco- nomicale and politically conservative, while presently on the other hand, several discussions have noted a liberalizing tendency in student culture.1 This change seems to have taken place regardless of structural variations among students, and thus would affect images independently. Based on a review of previous research related to our study, viz., those studies having investigated the culture and values of students, and, the general theory of the "declassed' structural 10f” e.g., Hanan Selvin and Warren 0. Hagstrom, The Bulwark of Liberty (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1959), Menu- script; and David Riesman, op. cit., pp. 152-53. 12 character of the student role,1 we have developed a set of'hypothp case on the extent of relationship between our several social vari- ables and the diversity of images. These ”existential" variables (social character) are of three types: political character, social background, and educational factors. we have further divided these into the fellowing categories: . POLITICAL CHARACTER Political Tolerance Political selfLImage Political Awareness Party Sentiment Economic Institution Attitudes SOCIAL BACKGROUND Class Religion Location (places of birth and home residence) Social-Physical Factors EDUCATIONAL EACTORS Rank IAcademic Major From the available evidence, the following hypotheses have been formulated pertaining to relations between student social 1This conception has been much more developed and researched with respect to intellectuals. Theoretically, the notion has an even longer history. 13 character, and images of McCarthyism:l (l) Social-Physical factors (such as age and sex) should have the least relationship to the existence of particular images. (2) Based on our general model of the structural connection between student social character and their images of the McCarthy era (see p. 9), political char- acter would most readily be influential in the formation of particular images. (3) The following hypothetical hierarchy, ranked according to the highest being most influential, is tenta- tively proposed for variations in influence on images existing between physical factors and political character: 1The first three hypotheses pertain only to the relationship between base and image, 1.6., they conjecture on the magnitude of influence which various factors of student social character (base) have on the formation of images. Here we are guessing, in effect, as to which background factors are most consistently related to stu- dent conceptions of the McCarthy period. Hypothesis four, on the other hand, is concerned more with the images in themselves. “Direction" pertains to the manner (di- rection) in which consistently related factors (hypotheses one to three) of student social background are influential, viz., which type of students (referring only to related factors of the base) contribute most to the formation of the general (what we call the ”character“ of the image) image. ”Character“ refers to the general image regardless of varying differential student influences in its formation. As an example of the distinction we are making between these two latter conceptions, we might say that . . . the character of students' images (general image) of the McCarthy period has changed in the decade since the mid-fifties, and, certain types of students contribute more to the direction of the change in character than others. 11+ Class Location Educational Factors Academic Major Rank Religion With respect to the formation of specific images in them.- selves, we propose the following hypothesis: (4) Insofar as students are affected by prevailing stereo- types in their milieux, then the character of, and, direction of varying social influences on, images of occurrences in the McCarthy era will take on contmporary distortions. DEIGN The number of social variables. which are obviously many. possible for investigation in this type of study are of two general types—temporal or longitudinal. and spatial. In this research. we have limited the formulation and testing of hypotheses to the latter. Social background and educational factors were elicited as responses to closed-ended questions. With political character, on the other hand. only sentiment and self-image were operationalized in the same manner. A measure of political tolerance was based on an additive index of replies to four questions involving the extent of student allowance of minority political views in expressing their .15 opinions in mass media.1 Degrees .of political awareness were com- piled on the basis of number of correct answers on an eighteen question test of knowledge pertaining to contemporary political affairs. With respect to the placing of persons in categories ac- cording to their attitudes toward large corporations and unions in the United States, answers to two questions asking respondents their feelings toward these institutions served so as to provide four general viewpoints.2 Images of occurrences during the McCarthy period were ob- tained from responses to several hypothetical statements dealing with such issues as: speech and literary censorship, limitations on professorial and student freedom, investigations of union activ- ities, mass media sentiments toward the Soviet Union and Communism, and extent of inhibitions on literary pursuits having sue relation l'I'ne questions and index were largely taken from Trow's study of Bennington, Vermont businessmen. Cf. Trow, op. cit., p. 272. line index was compiled by giving a score of 2 to "Yes“ responses, 1 to “Yes, qualified," and 0 to ”No." In this study, those receiving a score of 6 or more comprised the most tolerant group. The ques- tions were: (1) ”In peacetime, do you think the Socialist party should be allowed to publish newspapers in this country?”' (2) "Do you think members of the Communist party in this country should be allowed to speak on the radio?" (3) “Do you think newspapers should be allowed to criticize our form of government?” and (1+) ”Do you feel that the Communist party should be given equal time, like other political groups, to express their views on television?” 2Taken from Trow, o . cit., p. 275, the two questions are: Do you agree or disagree that (l) "The way they are run now, labor unions do this country more harm than good,” and (2) “Big companies control too much of American Business." Varying responses were 1&- beled as follows: (1) Disagree—(2) Agree, ”labor-liberals:' (1) Agree- (2) Agree, unineteenth-century liberalism" (1) Disagree-(2) Disagree, "status-quo politics or moderate conservatism; " (1) Agree- (2) Disagree, ”right-wing conservatism." 16 to Soviet culture or the Soviet Union. Respondents were asked to check whether they felt the preceding, "Most likely did occur," "Might have occurred," or "Most likely did not occur.” The com- pilation of responses to these questions constitute the students' images of the McCarthy era. The respondents used in this study were a sample (nonproba- bility) of undergraduate students at Michigan State University. Selections were made from introductory sociology and required social science courses. This assured maximum ”randomization” within the possibilities of the necessities of the design. A more random sam» ple could not be picked due to the questionnaire having a test of political awareness making it necessary to administer it directly. Although the resulting sample was heavily weighted with social science and education majors, other groups were sufficiently represented so as to make possible an analysis of any images specific to them. A total of 682 questionnaires were completed (with no re- fusals). This represents the final administration. Prior to this a pre-test was conducted on a group of approximately 175 students similar to our sample group. Subsequently, a revision of the test of political awareness was made in order to gain a better distribu- tion of scores. Also, a few irrelevant statements were deleted. The data emerging from the tabulation of questionnaire res- ponses were analyzed only with respect to consistency in the direc- tion and relationship between variables of concern. Hence, when findings are said to be significant, a statistical meaning is not intended but rather significance in this study is synonymous with l7 “uniform" consistency. The general hypothesis is rejected if greater (or sole) consistency is found between social and/or educational factors and images of students, than between political character and images. A statistical analysis of'our data would not be legitimate, for we do not have a random sample. Tests for the measure of strength of relationship between variables are consequently not applicable. The use of these tests here, if the results did prove significant, would make it appear as if the findings from.our sam» ple were true of the general student population. Because of our manner of selection, we do not know to what extent our model is one of the population and thus could not estimate the extent of the error involved in any inferences. Hence, we have limited analysis to the relative proportions and trends of our data. FINDINGS The existential base from.which images of the MeCarthy'era were drawn was analyzed with respect to three major variables, viz.. social, political, and educational. Results of responses to ques- tions on social character provided a general portrait of the base (or type of students) to be related to "emergent" conceptions. 'With respect to rank, the bulk of students were in the first three years of undergraduate work. This constituted 80.3% of the sample. Specialization or academic major was heavily representative of business administration, education, and social science groups. Together these constituted 75.h%lof the students. Physical science and humanities majors were split fairly equally, respectively being 18 5.5% and 5.2%¢of the group. Other majors and their proportionate representation were: Pre-professional, 6.7%; agriculture and veter. inary medicine, 3.1%; home economics, 2.h%; and engineering, 1.3%. The unequal representation of various majors in the sample is not necessarily a profile of the general student population, but rather is a result of the manner of sampling. The students constituting our base are largely middle-class persons whose fathers are fairly well educated and enjoy a comfort- able income. The figures listed in Table 1 show that over 77% of TABLEl DISTRIBUTION OF FATHERS ' OCCUPATIONS Occupation Percentage Professional and Semi- Professional ............... 28.6 SdlfLEmployed, Businessmen ............... 31.2 White Collar ............... 17.8 Skill & Unskilled ............... 17.3 Farmer ............... 0h.9 the students come from either white collar, selfLemployed, or pro- fessional families. Since the type of university which these stu- dents attend is one which has almost total "on-campus” residency, the lack of'lower income groups becomes reasonable. Sampling from a non-residential, urban university would have increased representation I V A § I O A A A I I O C O 6 a o o A I O I I 4 4 4 i Q a G ‘ 19 of lower income students. As would be expected then, in our case most fathers were at least high school graduates, 55% having had the minimum of some college experience. only 20.5% belonged to labor unions. Since the University is located in a highly agricultural area and also has traditionally been oriented similarly, a higher propor- tion of students is drawn from smaller towns than in.more urban universities, as Table 2 suggests. Moreover, as is characteristic TABLE 2 DISTRIBUTION OF SIZES 0F PLACE OF PREENT HOME RESIDENCE Population Percentage 5,000 or less . . . . . . . . . . 21.3 5-50.000 . . . . . . . . . . 17.6 50-500,000 . . . . . . . . . . 18.2 500-1 million+ . . . . . . . . . . 16.8 mmm .........- we of the American nonpurban population, the proportion of persons of Protestant faith is greater than in highly urban areas, where, on the other hand, Jewish and Catholic groups increase preportionately. Respectively, Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish students represent 58%, 21.8%, and 8.7% of'our sample. Students were almost equally divided between males and females. 20 ,Age‘was distributed along the same lines as academic rank, with most students being between.l8 and 22 years of age. Race as a variable of our base was eliminated because of the overwhelming homogeneity of the sample in this respect. Ninetyaseven per cent of the students responded as being Caucasian. The nature of political character of undergraduate students obtained by our questions on tolerance, awareness, and various attitudes places them in the sphere of political sympathies oppo- site to that recorded by many similar surveys taken a decade ago. There has been a liberalizing tendency in student political life since the mid-fifties. The Cornell Values Survey, for instance, characterized students as being politically and economically con- servative.1 This does not appear to have been strikingly different from.the general population, for the fifties was a rather conserva- tive, isolation-prone period in American.history. This has been characteristic of postawar "malaise" politics. The student popula- tion, although it participates in a sub-culture different from that of the general population, also is influenced by the general and prevalent political mood of the country. Thus, it would not be surprising to find that both groups (students and general population) tend to move in the same direction politically. The extent of movement, however, in any direction is not necessarily of the 1Goldsen, op. cit., p. 98. 21 same magnitude.1 In the sixties, the mood of American politics, although having been characterized by conservative reaction, has been inter- national, relatively non-anti-intellectual, and liberal. Students, as found in our questionnaire, seem to reflect these sympathies. 'With respect to tolerance of minority political groups, viz., those which have not historically been well entrenched in American TABLE 3 DISTRIBUTION OF SCORES ON TEST OF’POLITICAL TOLERANCE Score Percentage o O O O O O O O O O O 00.8 1 O O O O O O O O O O 02.9 2 . . . . . . . . . . 08.9 3 . . . . . . . . . . 08.3 4 . . . . . . . . . . 19.5 5 . . . . . . . . . . 12.7 6 . . . . . . . . . . 21.3 7 . . . . . . . . . . 09.7 8 . . . . . . . . . . 15.4 1Moreover, aside noon the fact that the political moods of the general population and students may not be quite coincident, it must be noted that the type of student political mood discussed in this research has been further influenced (possibly making for further divergences from.the general population) by our manner of sampling. Since we have deliberately chosen introductory social science stu- dents, the mood portrayed might have been Skewed to the “left.“ 22 politics institutionally,1 students appear largely'unprejudiced. Responses to questions concerning the allowance of Communists or Socialists the use of mass media facilities to express their polit- ical views were heavily weighted towards tolerant rathe' than intol- erant attitudes. On a scale of 9 possible degrees of tolerance (see Table 3), h6.4$ scored 6 or above, while 20.9% scored 3 or below. This puts almost half of the scores of political tolerance in the highest third of the tolerance scale, while only one-fifth of the scores occupy the lower #43 of possible scores on the scale. Distributions of scores on a test of political awareness were similar to that of a normal spread. The extremes in scores on this scale will be analyzed with respect to various images in order to ascertain whether there is some relation between degree of awareness and types of image produced. In the light of scores on the scale of political tolerance towards groups such as Communists and Socialists, it would be most likely the case that (aside from "status-qua" political sympathies) a relatively large group of students would express "labor- libertarian” attitudes toward large-scale economic institutions in the United States. Table h indicates that this group represents 25.9% of all students-—these being those disagreeing that "labor unions do this country more harm than good” and agreeing that "big 1Of course, these groups have had a great deal of influence politically, but they have never been a major political institution in the United States or had the long—time allegiance of a particular class. 23 TABLE 4 STUDENT ATTITUDES TOWARD LARGE ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS Attitude Percentage Political Type Agree-Unions ' 15.8 Moderate, Right- Disagree-Business wing Conservatism Disagree-Unions 25.9 Labor-libertarians Agree-Business Disagree-Unions 46.9 Status-quo Politics Disagree-Business Agree-Unions 11.2 19th c. Liberalism Agree-Business companies do control too much of American business." Those who ac- cepted the present state of both institutions represent the largest group, comprising h6.9%. Both types of contemporary conservatism together constitute less than one-third of the students represented. In contrast to tolerance and attitudes toward economic in. stitutions, political selfzimage and political party preference (eliminating ”center" and "other" respectively) are equally divided between left and right, and Republican and Democrat (see Table 5). The latter of these two political characteristics seems to be more closely tied to the sympathies of parents than either tolerance, economic institution attitudes, or political selfzimage. These, on the other hand, involve (at least insofar as the phrasing of ques- tions used to elicit responses) politically moral judgments. And, as has been the case in previous research findings of this type, 24 TABLE 5 DISTRIBUTIONS 0F RESPONSES TO POLITICAL SELF-IMAGE AND PARTY PREFERENCE Self;Image % Party Preference % Left 13.0 Republican 47.5 Right 13.2 Democratic 47.7 Center 73.7 Other 4.6 the results in most cases mirror "campus" political moods and ethics rather than family background. Two questions were included in the survey that asked for responses of a type somewhat different from.that of tolerance, party preference, economic attitudes, or political self-image. These were in reference to sympathies toward the Civil Rights Movement TABLE 6 ATTITUDES TOWARD CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT AND MCCARTHY METHODS OF INVESTIGATION Civil Rights Mymt. % McCarthy Methods % Sympathetic 74tl Favor 9.0 Unsympathetic 10.0 Opposed 81.7 Indifferent 15.7 Indifferent 9.2 and McCarthy methods of investigation. In both cases, responses resembled those of tolerance and economic institution attitudes. 25 Fer Civil Rights, 74.1% of the students said they were sympathetic, while only 10% listed themselves "unsympathetic." Similarly, one would expect from this that most students would consider themselves opposed to McCarthy methods. As Table 6 indicates, this was the case. The reSponses and sympathies expressed in these two instances seem to have been influenced by what has been labeled the campus laboralibertarianism of the sixties. These (Civil Rights and McCarthy method responses), and, political tolerance, selfhimage, and economic institution attitudes appear to be a configuration of hinged responses being all influenced by contemporary student political moods rather than class background. 'Although we have treated the last four categories as part of‘ our existential base, it seems that they, in contrast to class, rank, and location for instance, exist most closely to the level of images in our case. Consequently, we might predict that they would be most related to particular types of images. How students see them- selves politically, then, more than their social background, would ' seem to be most critically hinged to their images of the McCarthy era (see hypotheses, p. 13). Images of the McCarthy era were obtained in six.different areas of concern to this period. In many cases, these various conceptions reflect current stereotypes, thus making the ideas emerging from these students largely a function of the prejudices of their culture. In asking students to respond to statements pertaining to possible occurrences of speech and literary censorship at various 26 universities in different areas of the United States, their answers reflected the prevalent stereotypes of many students attending midwestern universities. Universities were not specifically named, but rather images of events at various types of universities were elicited (except for the students' home university). The South, being viewed by students as reactionary and conservative to many TABLE 7 STUDENT DIAGES OF EXTENT OF LITERARY AND SPEECH CEISORSHIP AT MSU AND OTHER UNIVERSITIES IN THE UNITED STATES Location of University D1 M DN MSU 36.3 29.3 34.2 Midwest 34. 4 36.0 29. 5 East (private) ' 28.7 30.4 40.8 South 41.2 33.6 25.0 West Coast 22.9 33.0 44.0 1 These headings have been abbreviated from "Most likely did occur” (D), "Might have occurred" (M), and "Most likely did not occur" (DR), respectively. areas of contemporary political involvement was seen as having the most extensive censorship of literature and speakers critical of the United States. The West Coast, presumably hinged in their minds to some aspect of the (Berkeley Free Speech Movement, was seen as having the least censorship, as Table 7 shows. The East also was seen as highly permissive of freedom in literary and speech activities. 27 In this case, statements were limited to the private universities of New England, which have been traditionally (perhaps stereo- typically) known to be most tolerant of academic freedom. The home university of these students is viewed in a manner similar to other universities in the Midwest. When comparing universities with reSpect to types of censor- ship conceived by the students to be most extensive, it was found that inhibitions on public speakers received the highest proportions of "did occur" responses. In all cases, as Table 8 indicates, stu- dents responded with conceptions of inhibitions on Speakers being TABLE 8 COMPARISCN OF STUDENT IMAGES OF EXTEGT 0F LITERARY AS OPPOSED T0 SPEECH CENSORSHIP AT MSU AND OTHER UNIVERSITIES IN THE UNITED STATES Location Did Might Have Did Not Sp. Lit. Cw Sp. Lit. Sp. Lit. MSU 50.4 12.0 38.3 41.1 11.2 46.7 Midwest 43.9 13.2 46.6 48.7 10.0 38.0 East (private) 33.5 14.6 46.1 #0.? 20.2 144.6 South 47.1 22.5 45.0 46.6 7.8 30.? west Coast 28.9 9.4 52.0 41.9 18.9 48.6 more prevalent than censorship in literature, regardless of type of university and location. The finding of a consistent difference in 28 type of censorship is most likely an indication of the awareness of the present large number of movements of free speech and student freedom on various university campuses throughout the United States. The McCarthy period was overwhelmingly concerned with the threat of Communist infiltration in this country. ‘we asked students to respond to similarly worded statements referring in one case to literature associated with Communism and on the other hand.to that merely critical of the United States in order to determine the effect of association with Communism on image formation. In all cases (see Table 9). regardless of area of the country, literature TABLE 9 COMPARISON OF CENSORSHIP OF LITERATURE AT VARIOUS UNIVERSITIES IN THE UNITED STATES‘WITH RESPECT TO ASSOCIATION WITH COMMUNISM Location Did Might Have Did Not Comm.1 Crit. Comm. Crit. Comm. Crit. Midwest 15.7 13.2 51.9 48.7 32.3 38.0 EQSt (priv.) 1600 1406 “’203 [+007 4105 “1406 South 27.8 22.5 46.4 46.6 25.7 30.7 ‘West Coast 9.8 9.4 44.1 41.9 45.9 48.6 1 ‘Headings are abbreviations fer, ”Identified with Communist Party" (Comm.), and "Critical of the United States" (Crit.). associated with Communism was felt to have received more censorship as a result of McCarthy pressure than merely critical works. Differences in proportions of responses to Communist associated literature per se (or critical literature alone) are again due to student stereotypes of universities in various locations. 'With respect to speakers associated with Communism (limited to activi- ties at MSU), students again felt that McCarthy activities made for more prohibition of these speakers than mere public criticism of the nation. Limiting our tabulations to the responses of Midwest students only, a comparison of student images was made with respect to speech censorship at various Michigan colleges and universities. Table 10 COMPARISON OF STUDENT IMAGES OF SPEECH CENSORSHIP AT VARIOUS COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES IN THE MIDWEST Institution Did Might Have Did Not Mich. State 56.9 32.3 10.6 Albion Coll. 53.9 36.6 9.3 Alma Coll. 54.1 37.4 8.3 Acquinas 0011. 54.1 38.9 6.8 Central Mich. 45.2 45.5 8.3 western Mich. 45.3 42.6 11.9 wayne State 32.2 43.8 22.0 U. of‘Mich. 30.9 41.5 27.5 gives a summary of answers. From the results, it appears that several types of schools exist in the students' minds in relation to their 3O conceptions of the possibilities of public speaking in the early fifties by persons identified with the Communist Party. First, there are the small, private colleges which are affiliated with religious bodies (Albion, Alma, and Acquinas). These, the students in our sample feel most likely censored speakers in the early fifties. Next, an intermediate type of school is evident, being universities in both cases but not to the degree of having exten— sive graduate schools. The universities conceived as being most tolerant in the McCarthy era were those which were large, highly urban (being situated in a large, metropolitan area), and having fully developed graduate schools (wayne State University and Uni- versity of Michigan). It is not perhaps too consistent that their home university was seen as having a high degree of censorship since it is both large and also has an extensive graduate school: however, there seem to be several intervening variables at work in this case. The image is likely due to four possible factors--three being that, the University is relatively highly oriented to rural affairs, is located in a rural area of the state, and has recently experienced heavy concern, both academically and from its students, with problems of speech freedom and political leniencies. The major factor (coupled with the first three) contributing to this seeming "inconsistency” is that this is the students' heme.univer- sity. In a sense, they tend to over—criticize because of this, thus making their images appear other than they would be if students 31 could have been more objective.1 In one other respect, students responded to statements re- garding censorship. These involved conceptions of literary prohi- bition in various types of cities in the United States. Cities were divided into five different types-(l) large, metropolitan cores (New Yerk, Chicago, Detroit); (2) a Southern City (Savannah, Geor- gia): suburbs (Dearborn, Grosse Pointe); an intermediate size city, population-1960, 202,000 (Grand Rapids); and a small city in a rural area, population-1960, 15,000 (Escanaba). Each of the large metro- politan cores received images of least censorship (see Table 11). This coincides with students' conceptions of extent of censorship at private Eastern and west Coast universities, both being highly' characterized as urban. The Southern city of Savannah was also conceived in its censorship in public libraries, in a manner similar to Southern colleges and universities. Suburbs and small, Michigan cities were placed between these extremes, with the former being closest to reSponses expressed regarding large cities. The relation of students social character to the foregoing images of speech and literary censorship was analyzed in order to find any significant aspect of the former acting so as to influence particular conceptions. Images of censorship were run against each 1This might possibly be a special case of a general polarizing effect which images tend to assume. If, for instance, a university and student body have a'well-established and prestigious selfbimage, then their images of issues pertaining to the university would be unduly laudatory. In our case, Michigan State University is still struggling to achieve such a self and public image-thus distortions go in the opposite direction. 32 TABLE 11 TYPE OF CITY AND IMAGES OF CENSORSHIP OF BOOKS ON COMMUNISM IN PUBLIC LIBRARIES Type of City Did Might Have Did Not New York 13.7 39.0 47.1 Chicago 12.1 44.7 43.0 Detroit 12.9 42.5 44.4 Savannah, Ga. 26.1 48.2 25.5 Dearborn, Mich. 20.5 39.8 35.8 Grosse Pt., Mich. 21.1 43.1 35.6 Grand Rapids, Mich. 15.6 47.5 36.8 Ebcanaba, Mich. 22.1 41.6 36.1 of the aspects of what we have generally labeled "student char. acter.” There was little or no relationship between particular images of censorship and physical factors such as age or sex; However, in most cases of images of censorship, males had a tendency to see more of this occurring, both for Speech and literature in various universities of different regions than females, who in most cases saw censorship as only possibly occurring. Two factors, being aspects of college experience, were run against images, these being rank and academic major. Previous findings in studies of values of students found that values tend to converge in relation to increasing rank in college. Seniors‘ 33 and upperclassmen, then, would have a tendency to think more alike than entering freshmen, for instance.1 In our case, one might pre- dict from this that images would have more disparity as a function of progressive levels of college experience. An analysis of our data with respect to images of literary and speech censorship at various universities in most instances tended to corroborate this hypothesis.2 For most areas, seniors had greater disparity in pro- portions of images for “did“ and 'did not” occur than did freshmen, who tended more toward equalized responses to both categories. Although rank is a highly structural variable in universities, we cannot imply that increasing rank directly causes convergence of images. Rather, progressive levels of university experience (which is highly correlated with rank, for students) tend to immerse the student deeper and acquaint him further with the currently ac- cepted values of student political mood. Academic major, in contrast to the relationship between rank and images, was not significant in the formation of particular con- ceptions. Social science majors were not proportionately more dodnate in one category of image than humanities or physical science concentrates. This finding was like that stated in other research 1&1‘8011. OE: Cite, p0 1170 2This was not the case, however, with respect to images on all other issues. 31; working with similar variables among college students.1 From this we might conjecture, then, that as a result of the non-influence of acadusic major on the inages coming out of this study, this facet of student social character is not significantly related to student political culture. This is not to deny that it might be related to other facets of their consciousness though. Class and religion did not in most instances aerge as being greatly associated with specific conceptions. with respect to questions regarding father's income, education, and occupation, re- sponses were distributed variously over each category of possibili- ties of occurrence. However, father belonging to a labor union seued to be somewhat disproportionate for specific conceptions. Table 12 shows that, with the exception of speech censorship in the Hidnst, students whose fathers belong to labor unions tend to see the McCarthy period as having had more censorship activity than those whose fathers are not union numbers. In view of the composi- tion of our salple, naaely its high proportion of upper middle in- come and self-employed persons, and, because the class indicants used in this study do not always focus clearly on labor interests, labor union aesbership was employed to locate labor-libertarians- in students' backgrounds. The ”union-oriented” image of some 10f. Leonard N. Ferguson, "Socio-Psychological Correlates of Primary Attitudes Scales-«I Religionisu. II Humanitarianisnfl Jog of Social Psycholog, In (February, 19%), p. 92; Jacob, 22, ci ., p. 5; Readers Newcomb, Personality and Social Me; Attitude lbrnation in a Student Comnit New York: Dryden Press, i§5359 PPe 3E5. f\ e \ . O . . I s ‘6‘ w. 35 o.e¢ m.~e o.mH ~.¢H N.Nm m.~m mow m.¢¢ m.He m.w s.o~ ¢.Hm o.m~ oz umeoo umoz m.m~ o.om H.0N e.m “.ms m.me H.0m o.o¢ m.m~ n.eH ~.ne m.nm mow {an H6.» mAN Tm ml} s6.» 93 0.3 m.: o.- mics m.~m oz susom Aouo>fiunv ummm H.mm o.me “.0H m.o w.we m.Hs o.mm n.~e n.5H N.m H.m~ o.mo mow H.mm o.me ~.~H n.m m.ms m.ee o.¢e H.oe m.oH m.~H o.am o.om .oz zn z a zn z a Zn 2 n zn z a fine .unn .nm .usn . .cm -nmnaoz $0332 om: mmaaam anHza may zH mMHaHmmm>Hz= maon<> 2H mHmmmomzmo mommmm nz< mmammqu no mmuazH nz< mumma02 mHmUHM AH>HO Gm<3OH mMQDHHHH< Hm mdmmfl 05 attending HSU were not substantially related to either attitude toward Civil Rights. As in previous results, Commnist or Marnst association increased the responses of all groups of students toward “did occur.” Political self-image, that is whether students thought of themselves as “left,” ”right,” or "center,“ here was inconsistent in its support of particular images. In some cases, a leftist self-image saw more occurrences of limitations on student and pro- fessorial freedom, while in others the reverse was noted. Tolerance, in most instances, was consistent with patterns previously noted. Students who scored high in tolerance of poli- tical minority groups also conceived of the McCarthy period as making for required loyalty oaths from students, banned Marxist student political organizations, and the withholding of degrees for unpatriotic behavior (Table 22). In one instance, with refer- ence to classroom "bugging," an inconsistency in this tendency was noted, but this was not diagonally uniform in any direction. With respect to limits put on professorial freedom, a similar finding aerged. Students were asked to respond to the following statements: ”Some college instructors who were critical of many aspects of life in the United States were dismissed from this Uni- versity because of such charges," and "Several professors at this University who had at one time visited the Soviet Union were re- quired to appear before the McCarthy subcomittee and explain the circumstances. " For the first statement, highly tolerant persons responded with images of high occurrence. However, in this case, m.no m.n~ m.¢ m.wm m.m¢ ~.oH n.Hm n.0m ¢.HH sou o.mm o.¢m m.NH o.mm w.mm H.¢H o.om H.mm w.oH .pmz N.Hm m.Hm ¢.NH m.Hm m.m¢ m.mH q.w¢ 5.9m m.¢H swam msumo muamzoq .honHa you wHonSuH3.moonwon H.¢H m.~m m.mm m.n~ o.m¢ o.m~ H.Nm o.H¢ H.om. m.mm H.¢¢ ~.oH ,304 m.w o.mm m.mm 0.0H m.o¢ m.mm o.NN ¢.om ¢.HN m.om n.e¢ o.oH .vmz m.e m.~m ~.He H.mH «.me m.mm H.eN m.~n e.m~ «.mm m.ee w.mH ewe: zn z n 29 z a 29 z a Zn _ z a nonuo :mz nosuo sz_ .Hoa condom .wuo .vnum umwxnmz wawwwam eooummmau [3 ZUQMMMm HZMQDHm zo mZOHH¢HHZQA mo mmwdzH 92¢ MUZem 29 z n 29 z a Zn. 2 a .HHOU nonuo 3m: 3m! wwsuwuum eouannnoum .wno .eeum sewage: 'Hl" Il IN» mnumo muam%oq mnomHHZVNmHmcw .oozuwum< ououaoo .mmsm.oz mwmaHumamm flaw: $32 20 Ego: mo Hodma mo mZOHHthZOU Qz< mwgumAMm gHHHAom om mag 55 Political selfkimage produced images consistent with tolerance in the direction of image-character relationship. In most instances, those who defined themselves as being politically left also saw more intolerance of Russian culture in the mass media due to McCarthy' activities (see Table 30). In the last instance, we asked students to respond to state- ments concerning activities of ficCarthy and their possible effect on labor unions. One statement referred to the investigation of unions in general for alleged Communist leadership and the other more directly concerned questionning of leaders befbre McCarthy‘s subcommittee. In both instances, as Table 31 illustrates, students conceived of these inquiries as highly possible occurrences. TABLE 31 STUDENT CONCEPTIONS OF IMPACT OF MCCARTHY ON LABOR UNIONS D M m Leaders questionned 76.5 22.7 0.? Unions investigated 73.? 25.2 1.0 _w— _— .As with previous images, students who considered themselves to be politically left proportionately contributed more to images of occurrence than.persons who conceived themselves as being right (Table 32). This was diagonally uniform. Other factors showed no 56 TABLE 32 POLITICAL SELF-IMAGE AND CONCEPTIONS OF IMPACT OF MCCARTHY ON LABOR UNIONS, Self-Image Leaders question. Unions investig. D M A m D M BR Left 83.3 16.6 00.0 80.7 17.9 1.2 Right 80.? 17.9 1.2 79.14 19.2 1.2 Center A 7503 23.7 0.9 7201 2606 1.1 particular relationships betweenximage and background that were consistent in either direction. IMPLICATIONS The relationship between our existential base, viz., the social character of undergraduates, and the various images that have emerged in this research has generally supported the hypothe- ses which we originally posed. The findings with respect to type of existential factor most related to the images of McCarthyism have consistently been the same. 'Ihose social characteristics most like the images called for have been most influential in pre- dicting what aspects of character would be most related in some consistent manner to image formation. Our initial hierarchy of varied degrees of influence that each stated social factor would have has generally held true. How- ever, a more equalized position for both class and location is necessary in their respective influences on the types of image of 57 concern to this research. Consequently, our third hypothesis, on the basis of our data, would necessitate the placing of location at least next to class in intensity after the various aspects of political character in its consistent relationship to specific images, although all the factors listed in‘Lthe hypothetical hier. archy were nearly equal in their consistently minor relatedness to images. A The hypothesis formulated in reference to image formation per se has worked itself out in the peculiar types of conceptions that emerged on the effects of McCarthy on varied activities of the period. Although the various statements listed in the ques- tionnaire were all in some way of importance to the early fifties (that is, they were issues widely discussed publicly), images of occurrence are not necessarily, in any specific case, close to what actually occurred. What is a property of image theory is that conceptions of what might have occurred are very much influenced by the prevalent stereotypes and moods of the milieu of those persons imagining. Thus, stereotypes that emerged (such as location in the United States of most prevalent activities) or the "direction” of specific images for the most related character-image ties, seems to beL‘highly influenced by contemporary cultural factors. The nature of the images that emerge from any group can be influenced by a large number of possibly varying factors. For this research, we have held constant such variables as: historical experience influencing images, and, university structure and 58 culture. In considering each of these cases, existing theory would tend to make one predict that deviations in the nature (character) of images from.those coming out of the research would be evident. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bell, Daniel (ed.). The Radical Right. Garden City, N.I.: Double- day & Company, Inc., 19 . Blau, Peter. ”Orientations of College Students Toward International Relations,” American Journal of Sociolo , LIX (November, 1953). PP. 270-81. Boulding, Kenneth. The Ima . Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 1961;. Ferguson, Leonard N. "Socio-Psychological Correlates of Primary Attitudes Scales-.1 Religionism, II Humanitarianism,‘ Journal of Social chholog, In (February, 19%), pp. 81-98. Goldsen, Rose K., et al. that Cells 9 Students Think. Princeton, N.J.: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1%5. Jacobs, Philip E. Changflg Values in College. New York: Harper & BTOtherS. 1957c Kornhauser, William. The Politics of Mass Societ . Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1961. Mannheim, Karl. Esme on the Sociolog of Knowledge. Edited by Paul Kecskemeti. London: Routledge 8. Kegan Paul Ltd., 1961+. Merton, Robert K. Social Theo and Social Structure. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1351. N ewcomb, Theodore. Personalit and Social Chan e: Attitude Forma- tion in a Student Community. New York: Dryden Press, 191:3. Polsby, Nelson W. "Toward an mcplanation of McCarthyism, " Political Studies, VIII (October, 1960), pp. 250—71. Selvin, Hanan, and Hagstrom, Warren 0. The Bulwark of Liberty. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1959. Manuscript. Trow, Martin. "Small Businessmen, Political Tolerance, and Support for McCarthy, " American Journal of Sociolo , LXIV (November, 1958). pp. 270-5‘1.'—""—"—g Wrong, Dennis H. "Theories of McCarthyism," Dissent, I (Autumn, 1951+). pp. 385-92. 59 APPE-IDIX Questionnaire Dept. of Sociology Spring, 1966 Although you may not have direct knowledge and perhaps haven't read much about the McCarthy era, if you had to guess at the answers to the following questions based on your impressions of this period, how would you respond to them? The following questions concern possible occurrences in the United States during the years from approximately 1950 to l955—-the "McCarthy period.” (a) Most likely gig occur, Part I. Mark the following as either: (b) Mi t have occurred, or (0) Most likely M occur. Most Might Most likely have likely did occur- did not occur. red. occur 1. Books on Commnism were removed from this University's library. 2. Books or other literature on Com- munism were removed from: (a) other university librar- ies in the Midwest. (b) private university li- braries in the fist. (c) college or university 1i- ?‘.braries in the South. (d) major university librar- ies on the West Coast. 3. Literature critical of the United States was removed from public access in this Uni- versity's library. 14., Literature critical of the United States was removed from public access in: (a) other large university li- braries in the Midwest. 60 61 Most Might Most likely have likely did occur- did not occur. reda occur. (b) private university li- braries in the East. (c) college or university libraries in the South. (d) major university librar- ies on the West Coast. 5. Books on Commnism were removed from public libraries in: (a) Chicago (b) Dearborn, Michigan (c) Detroit (d) Escanaba, Michigan (e) Grand Rapids, Michigan (f) Grosse Pointe, Michigan (g) Mansfield, Ohio (h) New York City (1) Savannah, Georgia 6. Speakers known to be greatly critical of the United States were not permitted to speak on this University's campus. 7. Speakers known to be critical of the United States were not permitted to speak atL (a) other large university campuses in the Midwest. (b) private university campuses in the East. (c) college or university campuses in the South. (d) major university campuses on the West Coast. 8. Persons with political views ‘ strongly opposing Senator McCarthy were not permitted to speak on this Univer- sity's campus. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. lit. 62 Persons with political views strongly opposing Senator McCarthy were not permitted to speak at other colleges and universities. Persons identified with the Com- munist Party were not per- mitted to speak on this University's campus. Persons identified with the Com- munist Party were not per- mitted to speak at: (a) Albion.College (b) Alma College (c) Aquinas College (d) Central Michigan.University ' (e) Northern.Michigan University (f) University of Michigan (g) wayne State University (h)'western'Michigan University Sale college instructors who were critical of many aspects of life in the United States ‘were dismissed from.this Uni- versity'because of such charges. . . . from other colleges and universities. Several professors at this Uni- versity who had at one time visited the Soviet Union were required to appear before the HcCarthy sub- committee and explain the circumstances. Might have occur- 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 63 likely have did occurb occur. red. . . . several professors at other universities. At the height of the.McCarthy period, music by Russian composers was not played or sung by orchestra or choral groups at this University. . . . by orchestral groups in large American cities. Radio and television stations refrained from carrying pro— grams dealing with Russian culture. The mass media portrayed Russians in a highly negative and stereotypic fashion. Radio and television stations with anti-McCarthy'editorial policies were investigated by the McCarthy Senate sub- oomtteee There were a small number of an- thenticated instances, not revealed until several years later in which classrooms and faculty offices at this University were wired or ”bugged" in an effort by McCarthy investigators to secure evidence against college 'subversives.' . . . at some other colleges and.universities. likely did not occur. Mbst Might Most likely have likely did occur. did not occur. red. occura 23. .McCarthy's chief investigators, Cohn and Schine, visited campuses of colleges and uni- versities. during which time, among other activities, they urged students to act as “stool-pigeons” or infbrmers in reporting evidence of subversion.on the part of their professors. 2“. In a few instances, higher de- grees. such as M.A.'s and Ph.D.'s were withheld from qualified students at this University because of their alleged membership in "un- patriotic” organizations. 25. . . . at some other colleges and universities. 26. Loyalty oaths were required from entering students at many colleges and universities in order to register. 27. Student political organizations espousing any Marxist ideas 'were not permitted on this University‘s campus. 28. . . . at other colleges and universities. 29. No organization with Marxist ideas was ever banned from this University‘s campus. 30. . . . from.other college and university'campuses. 31. Trade and industrial unions were investigated fbr alleged Communist leadership. 32. 33- 65 likely have did occur- occur. red. Union leaders were questioned before the McCarthy sub-conunittee. Several novelists, playwrights, and poets, both American and foreign ear—patriot, were in. vestigated by McCarthy be- cause of alleged Communist influence in their works. Part II. Supply the answers for the following 1. 2. 3. a. 5. 9. a_uestions in the blanks at the right. Richard J. Daley is currently Mayor of the City of Chicago. True or False? Who was Secretary of..State of the United States in 19507 In which House of the United States Congress must bills for raising revenue originate? General George C. Marshall was Supreme Allied Com- mander during World War I. True or False? Name the current Junior United States Senator from Michigan. The Nebraska legislature is unicameral. True or False? Alger Hiss was an official in what branch of the federal government? Who was the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Con- nittee at the close of the 87th Congress? In 1962, in a case involving the voter registration of Negroes in Alabama, the Supreme Court ruled that Federal Judges have the right to order specific persons onto the voting rolls. True or False? Most likely did not occur. 66 10. Who was the losing candidate for Governor of Califora- nia in 1962? 11. Who is the present United States Senate minority leader? 12. What new Cabinet department was created by legisla- tion signed by President Johnson on September 9. 1965? 13. What state was Senator Joe McCarthy from? lit. The 0.8. Supreme Court in 1965 upheld a section of the 1959 federal landrum-Griffin Act which made it a crime for a Communist to be an offi- of a labor union. True or False? 15. Who is the current Secretary of Defense in Johnson's administration? 16. Who won the New York City mayoral primary for the Democratic Party on September 1h, 1965? 17. In 1954. several members of Congress were shot and killed in the Senate chamber by Cuban specta- tors. True or False? 18. What German-born atomic physicist, having at one time worked at Los Alamos, New Mexico, pleaded guilty on March 1, 1950 at Harwell, mgland to viola- ting the Official Secrets Act and received 14 years in prison? Part III. Answer the following questions at the rigt in the gpaces provided. 1. In peacetime, do you think the Socialist party should be allowed to publish newspapers in this country? 2. Do you think newspapers should be al- lowed to criticize our form of government? Yes Yes, ified No 67 I H: m m *4 m 5' :2: o 3. Do you think members of the Communist party in this country should be allowed to speak on the radio? 1+. Do you feel that the Commnist party should be given equal time, like other political groups, to express their views on television? Hark‘the following gpestions 'agee or 'disagee' Agpee Disagpee 5. The way they are run now, labor unions do this country more harm than good. 6. Big companies control too much of American business. Part IV. Remndent's backmpd (Please do not write your name on this questionnaire.) ls Age 0 2. Sex 0 3. Are you Negro _, White _, Oriental _, or other (specify) ? Grad. Stud. 1+. Place or birth: . g 0 city state country 5. Present home residence: , , . (not school address) city state country 6. Present rank at this university: Freshman __ Sophomore __ Junior __ Senior __ 7. 9. 10. 13. lk. 15. l6. 17. 68 If graduate student, at what college or university did you earn your bachelor's degree? 0 Name of college or university' location Field of specialization at this University (your present academic major): Father's occupation: . Is your father self-employed? no ___, yes ___, If’ppp,se1f-employed, for what type of business or industry does your father work? A . _— —.———i Does your father belong to a labor..union? no _, yes _. What is the 1ast grade your father finished in school? 1—8 9-11 High SChe grade Some College College grad. What would you estimate your father's income to have been for last year? ‘0 M0" $5 , 000 B. $5,000--$10,000 (circle one) C. $l0,000-$l5,000 D. $15,000-$20,000 E. Above $20,000 What is your religious preference? Catholic Jewish ___. Protestant Other ‘Where would you place yourself politically? Left Right ___. Center'___ Do you usually find yourself supporting Republican ___, Democratic‘___, or other‘___ candidates? 69 18. Do you feel that you are sympathetic _, unsympathetic _, or indifferent __ to the Civil Rights Movement? 19. If you had been (or were) an adult during the McCarthy period, do you think you would have been in favor _, opposed _, or indifferent __ to his methods of investigation? HICHIGRN STRTE UNIV. LIBRQRIES 31293017299441