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Z; A POWER STRUCTURE STUDY OF AN ALL- BLACK ‘ '
COMMUNITY A STUDY OF BLACK POWER

:‘ Thesis for the Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
FRANKLIN PARKER OLLIVIERRE
if 1969

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ABSTRACT

Powerlessness has been identified as one of the
most pervasive causes of unrest in America's black communi-
ties. Self-determination, that is, black control of the
political power in black communities is a desired and
sought-after goal. The implications of such a development
upon American society has not been fully fathomed especially
as it relates to urban and rural areas with large black
populations. There isaa great potential for dramatic changes
in political control. To partially redress the lack of in-
formation on black communities and black leaders a study
has been made of decision-makers and power wielders in an
almost all-black community which has elected its leaders
for fifty years. An attempt has been made in this community
to determine the power structure, leaders' personal charac-
teristics, bases for leadership, degree of acquaintance-
ship, influential organization, and salient issues. The
purpose of the study is to determine the types of leaders
and the factors which affect their selection when black
people choose their own leaders. The findings of this

study are compared with the findings of other studies of

black leaders and power structures.

The "panel of experts,” that is, the reputed power
or influence and inventory of persons or organizations as
defined by the opinions of community members was used to
identify leaders and organizations.

A list of 130 potential leaders and 44 organizations
was compiled and submitted to ten knowledgeable citizens
who were asked to select the names of ten persons they con-
sidered most influential. The original lists were reduced
to 51 potential leaders and 27 organizations. The smaller
lists were reviewed by six other knowledgeable citizens to
again select the names of ten most influential persons and
most influential organizations. A final list of 29 persons
and 16 organizations was compiled.

Twenty-seven of the 29 persons were interviewed and
filled out a questionnaire on their background and activi-
ties in the community. Also, how well they knew other
leaders, social and committee contacts, and the bases for
their choices. Finally, they were asked to name two issues
or projects they considered most crucial. The findings of
this study are compared with the findings of other studies.

The results of this study are there is an identi-
fiable power structure and that the members hold high
positions in the economic and political structure of the

community. The leaders either control or have access to

scarce resources of money, skill, or status. The leaders
are not representative of the community in social terms;

the leaders are older, have more education, and have higher
income-~96 per cent of the leaders hold white collar posi-
tions compared with 16 per cent in the community as a whole.

The types of organizations thought to be influential
in this study differed with the results from other studies.
~In this study civic organizations rated highest followed by
churches and social organizations. In Seattle, social or-
ganizations ranked highest followed by national organiza-
tions, civic organizations, and religious organizations.

In Atlanta, 40 per cent of the influential organizations
were national in scope and 30 per cent were social organiza-
tions.

The leadership base most highly thought of is Dr-
ganizational Activity and Civic Service. Next highest in
preference is Personal Attributes. There is a high degree
of acquaintanceship among the leaders but there is no solid
evidence of a leadership clique.

In the area of important issues in the community
there is a strong commonality in the types of issues in
alléblack communities. The top issues, in rank order, are
housing, education, and employment. Similar issues have

been found in biracial communities. The difference is, for

example, in biracial communities the issue of housing re-
volves around segregation and open housing. In an all-
black community it revolves around quantity and quality

of housing. The one issue that arises in other communities
but not in an all-black community is the question of police
behavior and police brutality.

The greatest difference between black communities
which run their own affairs and black sub-communities which
do not is that in an all-black community there is greater
concern and community involvement of the black leaders.

The leaders have a greater sense of purpose, identity,

and ethical values of themselves and the community.

A POWER STRUCTURE STUDY OF AN ALL-BLACK COMMUNITY

A STUDY OF BLACK POWER

BY

Franklin Parker Ollivierre

A THESIS

Submitted to
.Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Political Science

1969

To:

Felicia and Franklin Jr.

11

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Field work and interviews for this study were con-
ducted in Robbins in the Fall of 1967. The author wiShes
to thank the many citizens of Rebbins who assisted in ob-
taining the information on which this study is based.

To my adviser, Mr. Charles Press, I owe a debt of gratitude
for his guidance and suggestions. And, I am grateful to

my wife, Angelina for her encouragement and understanding.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INT RODUCT I on O O O O O O O O C O O O O O I O O O O O O 1

Chapter
I. THE BLACK MAN IN AMERICAN POLITICS . . . . . . 4

Politics in the North

Previous Studies of Black Leadership
Research Problem

Community Organization in Black Communities
Issues Confronting the Black Community
Working Hypotheses

II 0 LEADERS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 49
Leadership Group Characteristics
Age Characteristics
Occupation Characteristics
Education
Income
Summary
III. BASES FOR LEADERSHIP . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Acquaintanceship and Cliques
IV. INFLUENTIAL ORGANIZATIONS. . . . . . . . . . . 79
Influential Organizations in RObbins
v. THE ISSUES O O O O O O O 0 O 0 O 0 O O O O O O 85
VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . 93
BIBLIWRAPHY O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 103

General References

iv

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1. List of All-Black Communities. . . . . . . . . 32
2. Votes in National and State Elections. . . . . 37
3. Leadership Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
4. Mutual Choices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
5. Reasons Gavan for Selection of Leaders by

Other Leaders in Poll. . . . . . . . . . . . 69
6. Total Votes by Category. . . . . . . . . . . . 70

7. Influential Organizations. . . . . . . . . . . 81

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1. Map of Chicago . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
2. Mutual Participation in Committees--"Top

Eleven". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

3. Evidence of Closure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

vi

INTRODUCTION

The current emergence of black leadership in
American society requires more knowledge about black leaders
~~especially in view of increasing black control of their
own communities. This is particularly significant for areas
which have large concentrations of black people--the urban
areas of the country. It is also important for large rural
areas of the South which are almost 100 per cent black. The
question of the appropriateness of having black leaders and
leadership has been raised and will continue to be raised by
black people as they progress in their quest for equality.
This study is an examination of the political leadership of
blacks in an all-black municipality.

The locale for this study is the alléblack village
of Robbins, Illinois, which for fifty years has elected its
officials and selected its own leaders. It is two miles
from.the city limits of Chicago, which indicates the village
is not isolated from the recent developments in American
society. Moreover, many of the characteristics and condi-
tions in and around Rebbins are very similar to black

ghettos and communities in the cities of America.

1

The problem of white racism has long affected the
lives of black people in America. But, in the last decade
a revolutionary movement has taken place in which black
people are striving for their long-suppressed participatory
role in American society.

Many of the problems facing black Americans are felt
to be directly related to their lack of power and influence
over the decisions which affect their lives. One of the
thrusts of the revolutionary movement is to rectify their
powerlessness by obtaining control over the communities in
which black people live.

In the effort to assume some control over his des-
tiny, the “invisible man” in American society is taking form
and substance. And, as attempts are made to "know his name"
it becomes apparent that in vital areas there is a lack of
information about the black man and his institutions. Very
little information exists on the power and leadership struc-
tures, and political process of black people in America, par-
ticularly in the governing of their own communities. Previous
studies have always dealt with communities where black men
and their power and leadership structures were part of a
larger white-dominated community. The white-controlled
community in such cases is found to greatly influence the

selection and control the actions of black leaders. These

circumstances are now being challenged. This study should
be useful in helping to bridge the profound information gap
that exists about black political leaders who hold political

power in a Northern urban setting.

CHAPTER I
THE BLACK.MAN IN AMERICAN POLITICS

Background

The amount of attention given to black people in
America today is great--in fact, the prdblem of race is the
most important domestic issue. After a series of racial
disorders in black ghettos in the summer of 1967, President
Lyndon B. Johnson issued Executive Order 11365 which es-
tablished a National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders.
This Commission, commonly called the Kerner Riot Commission
after its chairman, Governor Otto Kerner of Illinois, issued
a report which concluded, "Our nation is moving toward two
societies, one black, one white-~separate and unequal."1
An over-view of the black man's role in American political
history will reveal how the political sphere has contributed
to the present and widening separation of the races.

From America's very beginning, black men have par-

ticipated in her history. In 1492, when Columbus discovered

 

1National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders.

Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Dis-
orders (New Yerk: Bantam Books, 1968), p. l.

 

4

the New World a black man, Pedro Alonzo Nino, piloted one

of the three ships. subsequently, other black people came

to America's shores with French and Spanish expeditions.

They came as explorers, servants and slaves.2
The history of the black man in America, however,

did not begin until 1619, one year before the landing of

the Mayflower. In that year the first cargo of twenty'black

people were sold into slavery in Jamestown, Virginia.3 The

institution of slavery, the Civil War and their effect upon

the politics of America are well documented and beyond the

scope of this thesis. The black man as a direct participant

in American politics did not take place until after the

Civil War.

At the end of the Civil War the overwhelming majority
of black people were former slaves who lived in the South.
But the active role of black people in the politics of
America began in 1865 in the North when Edward G. Walker and

Charles L. Mitchell were elected to the Massachusetts House

of Representatives. They were the first black men to be

 

2Lerone Bennett, Jr., Before the Mayflower: History

of the Negro People 1619—1962 (Chicago: Johnson Publica-
tions, 1962), p. 331.

3Saunders Redding, The Negro (Washington: Potomac
Book, Inc., 1967), p. 3.

6

elected to an American legislative assembly.4

Shortly there-
after, during the Reconstruction period, black people par-
ticipated fully in the political life of America, particu-
larly in the South. The "Reconstruction Era" was a most
politically rewarding period for black Americans.

The Reconstruction Act was passed on March 2, 1867
and by 1868, Oscar Dunn, a former slave, was elected Lieu-
tenant Governor of Louisiana. Later, Mississippi and South
Carolina also had black lieutenant governors. And for 40
days, Louisiana had a black governor when the white governor
was impeached. Furthermore, black men became secretaries
of state, state auditors, speakers of the house, justices of
the supreme court, superintendents of public education and
state senators and representatives by the hundreds. The
first General Assembly of the South Carolina Reconstruction
government, for example, contained a majority of blacks,

84 out of 157 members.5

On the national level during this period, 14 men were
elected to the House of Representatives, and 2 were elected

to the United States Senate. One of the senators, Blanch

K. Bruce of Mississippi, was even mentioned as a possible

 

4Bennett, op.cit., p. 351.

5Ibid., pp. 183 and 352.

vice-presidential candidate.6

Reconstruction did not have a chance of succeeding
in the South because no provisions were made for the
economic security and independence of‘black people. For
their livelihood black voters were at the mercy of those
who were opposed to their exercising the franchise. The
end of Reconstruction began when Rutherford B. Hayes, in
exchange for Southern support for his candidacy for presi-
dent, agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South.

The troops had provided protection for blacks and
their withdrawal, coupled with the economic stranglehold
over blacks by the whites, was enough to effectively and
Reconstruction. ”In the end, the Negro was only slightly
better off than he had been when the war came in 1861."7

To make certain that black people would not have
the political strength to challenge the move to make their
status as a second-class citizen permanent, Southern states
adopted devices to disfranchise them. Poll taxes, and the
“Grandfather Clause" were two of the most effective. In

addition there was always violence, intimidation, and fear.

 

‘Ibidl, p. 184.

 

2John Hope Franklin, "A Brief History of the Negro
in the United States," The American Ne ro Reference Book,
ed. John P. Davis (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,
1966), p. 36.

8
“By 1895, Negroes were legally disfranchised and segregated
everywhere in the South. Indeed, the states of the Old
Confederacy had created a pattern of race relations for
the whole country to follow."8
The last black congressman from the post-Reconstruc-
tion Era left the House of Representatives in 1901. At
that time a total of 20 blackncongressmen had served, rep-
resenting 8 of the 11 southern states, and two senators from
.Mississippi. Moreover, black men who had served in Southern
legislatures and city councils had almost been eliminated.

The heyday of'black participation in American politics was

over 0

Politics in the North

The early part of this century saw the beginning of
a phenomenon which was to have great impact on future black
participation in American politics--the movement of black
people out of the hostile South. In every census from 1790
to 1900, at least 90 per cent of the black population lived
in the South. In 1910, 89 per cent of 9.8 million blacks
lived in the South, by 1920 the percentage was 85; 77 per

9

cent in 1940 and by 1960 it was 60 per cent. Like most

 

8Redding, op.cit., p. 30.

9Karl E. and Alma F. Taneber, "The Negro Population
in the united States," Davis, op.cit., p. 102.

immigrant groups black people concentrated in cities.

In 1910 no city in the United States had as much as
100,000 black people. There were six such cities by 1920
and by 1940, there were eleven. Other urban communities
received thousands of immigrant blacks. This concentration
in urban cities in the North was instrumental in bringing
about the regneration of black political activity.

The black man's record of participation in American
politics in the North was nowhere near as extensive as it
was in the South during Reconstruction. However, where it
was found it bore some semblance of continuity. For in-
stance, there has been a black member of the Illinois legis-
lature, elected from the densely populated south side of
Chicago, continuously since 1882. Participation was in-
creased to two in 1914, three in 1918, four in 1924, and
five in 1928. Moreover, the first black alderman in Chicago
was elected in 1915 and another was elected in 1917. But
the most dramatic election took place in 1928 when Oscar De
Priest of Chicago won election to Congress and became the
first black man in 28 years to sit in that body. His
election heralded the long, slow return of black people to

the political life of this country}0

 

10Harold F. Gosnell, Negro Politicians (Chicago:
university of Chicago Press, 1935), passim.

10

After.Mr. De Priest's election in 1928, the progress
of the black man in politics was excruciatingly slow. .Mr.
De Priest served three terms in the Congress before he was
defeated by.Arthur L. Mitchell in 1933. Mr. Mitchell became
the first black Democrat to serve in the Congress. In 1942,
William L. Dawson replaced Mr..Mitchell in the Congress and
was joined in 1944 by Adam Clayton Powell of New York.
Charles C. Diggs of Detroit and Rdbert Nix of Philadelphia
joined them in 1954 and 1958 respectively. In 1962
Augustus F. Hawkins of Los Angeles and in 1964, John Conyers,
Jr. of Detroit became members of the U.S. House of Represen-
tatives. 3

However, significant events in the 1950's were to
alter the course of American political history and the black
man's role in it. Some people have called the changes
revolutionary, others have called them rebellious. None
have denied that changes have taken place in American so-
ciety-~changes so deep and far-reaching that a true assess-
ment of their impact on American life will not be accurately
measured for some time to come. In fact, the society is
still in an action-reaction and measure-counter measure state
of activity. The future, near and far, is unclear. The
recent past--the 1950's and 1960's--is more apparent.

Most people agree that the precipitating event

11
occurred on May 17, 1954 when the Supreme Court ruled that
segregation in public schools was unconstitutional. This
decision was hailed as the second Emancipation Proclamation
and the hopes and expectations of black people were raised.
However, it soon became apparent that the changes inherent
in the ruling would not be readily forthcoming. The slow
progress and the deliberate attempts to sabotage the Court's
intent provoked disillusionment among black people.11

The second major event occurred on December 5, 1955
in Montogomery, Alabama when a bus boycott gave rise to the
tactic of non-violent resistance. The boycott leader, Dr.
Martin Luther King, received a Ndbel Peace Prize for his
leadership and the tactic of non-violent protest would be-
come a widely used tool in demonstrations against segrega-
tion, discrimination and the political structure.

The first "sit-in," for example, occurred in Wichita,
Kansas in August 1958 and was successfully used to desegre-
gate lunch counters in several cities in Oklahoma. The
tactic was not widely used until February 1, 1960 in
Greensboro, North Carolina when four black students “sat-in"

at a lunch counter. Soon the idea spread until thousands

 

11Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes
and the New Southern Politics (New York: Harcourt, Brace &
World, Inc., 1966), p. 410.

12
of college students were drawn into active protest. They
opened a phase of the non-violent resistance campaign that
swept the country.

The racial protest of school integration suits,
boycotts, freedom rides and voter registration drives did
not produce the sought-after racial equality. Congress
passed voting rights bills, but white Southern resistance
stiffened and a white backlash vote changed the make-up and
attitude of Congress. As white resistance increased, the
mood of some black people, especially younger blacks,
changed. This caused ferment within the civil rights move-
ment and civil rights organizations, and within the black
community. The time was ripe for change and it occurred
July 1966 in Greenwood, Mississippi when civil rights lead-
ers were completing James Meridith's March Against Fear.

At this time, the slogan "Black Power" was introduced to the
civil rights movement.12 ‘The slogan caused a debate within
the country and a reassessment of goals and strategies in
the quest for equality.

Black Power first articulated a mood rather than a

program--disillusionment and alienation from white
America and independence, race pride, and self respect,

or "black consciousness.". . . In politics, Black Power
meant independent action--Negro control of the political

 

12Martin Luther King, Jr» Where Do We Go From Here?
(New Ybrk: Harper 5 Row, 1967), p. 29.

13
power of the black ghettos and its conscious use to
better slum dwellers' conditions. It could take the
form of organizing a black political party or control-
ling the political machinery within the ghetto without
the guidance or support of white politicians.13

The call, then, was for self-determination--black
people controlling and influencing their own communities and
their own destiny. It was the painful realization that if
black people were to gain full equality in American life
they must be full and free participants in political life;
they must vote and elect their own representatives respon-
sible only to them. Evidence of a breakthrough in this re-
gard occurred in November 1967. Two major cities with
large black populations elected black mayors.

Moreover, in addition to the eight black Congress-
men, the first black united States Senator since Reconstruc-
tion was elected from Massachusetts. Nationally, there were
28 state senators, 112 state representatives, more than 160
city councilman, and more than 200 other elected officials.14
It was the greatest display of political participation

'since Reconstruction.

There is every indication this momentum will continue

 

13Commission on Civil Disorders, pp. 232-233.

14Civil Ri hts Di est, I, No. 1 (Washington, D.C.:
0.8. Government Printing Office, 1968),

14
and spread. Black people are becoming more aware of politi-
cal power and increased political activity is assured. It
follows, that we are talking about one aspect of Black Power.

If the black man has any power in American life, it is
Black Power; and so the term is simply descriptive of
a contemporary and, it is hoped, a growing reality in
American life.15

It is reasonably assured that black leaders will
soon be controlling their communities and consequently,
playing a larger and more important role in political life
in America. The question then becomes, what kind of leaders
will black communities produce? How will black leaders who
are power-wielders and decision-makers differ from'black
leaders who are not?

With the potential importance of independent power-
wielding, decision-making black leaders, it is readily ap-
parent that there is a paucity of information which deals
with the subject. Past studies have dealt with black
leaders of sub-communities which were part of larger bi-

racial communities.16

 

15Nathan wright, Jr., Black Power and Urban unrest
(New York: Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1967), p. 20.

16$ee, for example, Floyd Hunter, Community Power
(Chapel Hill: university of North Carolina Press, 1953);
Ernest A. T. Barth and Baha Abu-Laban, "Power Structure and
the Negro sub-Community," American Sociolo ical Review, XXIV
(February, 1959), 69-76: M. Elaine Burgess, Ne ro Leadershi
in a Southern City (New Haven: College and University Press,

1960); James 0. Wilson, Negro Politics (New York: Free Press,
1960).

15

Power Structure Studies

 

The 167 studies of "community power structure" at-
tests to the viability of the community as a frame of ref-
erence within which to examine the location, structure and
functioning of leadership.17

In the findings of some power structure studies the
most active role in community affairs was played by economic
leaders. For example, the majority of the leaders identi-
fied.by Hunter, Lynd, Miller, Form and D'Antonio were occu-
’pants of high positions in the economic organizations of
their communities. However, in studies by Schulze, Dahl,

18

and Scoble, idominence by economic leaders was not found.

The key factor appears to be the social and economic

 

17Scott Greer, "The Shaky Future of Local Govern-
ment," Ps cholo Toda , II, No. 3 (August, 1968), 66;
Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs? (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1961); Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure;
James 0. Wilson, Negro Politics.

i

18Robert and Helen Lynd, Middletown in Transition
(New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1967); Hunter, op.cit.: Delbert
C. Miller, “Decision-Making Cliques in Community Power
Structures," American Journal of Sociolo , LIV (November,
1958), 299—310: William Form and W. Antonio, "Integration
and Cleavage Among Community Influential in Two Border
Cities," XXIV, American Sociological Review (December, 1959),
804-814; Rdbert 0. Schulze, ”The Role of Economic Determin—
ants in Community Power Structures," American Sociological
Review, XXIII (February, 1958), 3-9; Hebert Dahl, Egg
Governs?; Harry.u. Scdble, "Leadership Hierarchies and
Political Issues in a New England Town,“ in M. Janowitz (ed.),
Community PBlitical Systems (New York: Free Press, 1961).

I'I

‘16 I
structure of the community that provides the framework 1
within which the leaders function.

Ecological characteristics of community resources
can be crucial in shaping local power structures. Deter-
minants such as economic base and community wealth are
important factors.

?/ Size may also be critical in that a large reservoir
of individuals with leadership skills may not be present.
For instance, small communities may have a limited number
of people possessing leadership skills.

Even with size held constant, wealth in the form of
industry and financial institutions requires and attracts
such skilled groups as lawyers, engineers, and accountants
who have the education, interest, and time required for
participation in local affairs. This study will adhere to
the guidelines of other works in examining the leadership

structure.

Previous Studies of Black Leadership
The first important study of black political par-
ticipation was by Gosnell,19 who set out to describe the
struggle of a minority group as it attempted to advance

its status by political methods. This study dealt with

 

19Gosnell, o .cit.

17
the personalities and the struggle of black leaders and
the position of black people within government service in
Chicago. Gosnell, however, paid relatively little attention
to tactics and organization of black politics. At the
time of Gosnell's study, black people were 6.9 per cent of
the total population of Chicago and black leaders were
part of the Republican Party.

In a study of elites and community decision-making
and the interrelationship of the two in Atlanta, Hunter in-
cluded a section on the black community and its leaders.20
He was concerned with the relationship of the ghettots
power structure to the power structure of the larger white
community. Hunter's landmark study of community power
structure in Atlanta precipitated other studies. For
example, in a study designed to duplicate Hunter's, Barth
and Abu-Laban reported on the black community of Seattle,
Washington.21 Both studies were concerned with the opera-
tion of influence and power within the context of the black
community. Barth compared his findings with Hunter's so
as to study the functional relationships between the struc-

ture of the influence system and other dimensions of

community structure.

 

20Hunter, op.cit. 21Barth, op.cit.

18
Burgess, furthermore, was interested in the study
of race and power relations in Durham, North Carolina. She
related the issues of desegregation to a study of power and

22

decision-making in the black community. Similarly, Ladd

studied characteristics of black leadership in Winston-
Salem, North Carolina, and Greenville, South Carolina.23
Wilson and Thompson studied black leadership in
Chicago and New Orleans respectively. Wilson explored the
state of black civic and political leadership in an attempt
to illustrate the structure and processes of influence in a

large black community.24

Thompson, on the other hand, was
primarily concerned with the role of black leadership in
their changing status in New Orleans.

It can be seen that without exception previous
studies have concentrated on blacks as leaders and influen-
tials in the sub-community of larger conglomerates. A view
of black leaders and influentials in their own power setting
has not been attempted. This study will deal with this gap

in information and knowledge, by studying the power structure

of decision-makers and power wielders in an all-black community.

 

22Burgess, op.cit.

23Everett C. Ladd, Jr., Negro Political Leadership in
the South (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1966).

24Wilson, op.cit. and Daniel C. Thompson, The Negro

Leadership Class (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall,
1963).

19
Research PrOblemm;

Racial disorders came to American cities indis-
criminately, that is, to progressive cities such as New
Haven and non-progressive cities such as Newark. The ques-
tion is asked as to the cause of the unrest. At the top of
the list of ghetto grievances is the total lack of control
or influence over what happens in the community. The Kerner
Riot Commission called it powerlessness and referred favor-
ably to Black Power. The black

. . . population can assume its proper role in society
and overcome its feelings of powerlessness and lack of
respect only by exerting power over decisions which
directly affects its own members. A fully integrated
society is not thought possible until the Negro minor-
ity within the ghetto has developed political strength--
a strong bargaining position in dealing with the rest

of society.2

The same call for self-determination has been made
by black militant leader Stokely Carmichael and moderate
leader, the late Dr. Martin Luther King. Carmichael as-
serted as imperative that black people first form an inde-
pendent base of political power, choose their own leaders,
and hold those leaders responsible to them.26

The late Dr. King viewed the political arena as a

 

25U.S. Riot Commission Report, p. 403.

26Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black
Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York:
Vintage Books, 1967), pp. 43 and 96.

20
major area of untapped power./{He urged black people to be-
come political activists and'believed that necessity would
draw toward the power inherent in the creative uses of
politics.27

If black power is a desired national goal, it is
then reasonable to ask that/if black people run their own

communities, what kinds of leaders can be expected to de-

,___.. “,1;

velop, what factors will help determine the kinds of leaders,
and how will they compare with other leaders.

The answers to these questions form the basis for
this study. The purpose of this study will be to determine
the power structure, leadersi characteristics, bases for
leadership, degree of acquaintanceshhp, influential organi-
zations, and the salient issues of an all-black community.
The central prdblem to be addressed is if blacks control
and influence their own community what type of people can
be expected to be leaders. As defined earlier, we will
have here an example of Black Power, i.e., black people
running a black community-~what is the result? What is the
functional relationship between the structure of the influ-
ence system and other dimensions of community structure?

What are the differences in the value system when compared

to other communities?

 

27King, op.cit., pp. 146 and 154.

21
Findings of this study will be compared with earlier
studies of black leaders. The value of the comparative

approach has been demonstrated by Form and D'Antonio,27

29 30

Miller,28 Presthus, and Barth. The fruitfulness of
this approach allows specification of conditions relevant
to the type of leadership structure and processes in a
community, and contributes to a typology of community
power structure.

As the primary base for comparison, previous studies
will be utilized: Hunter in Atlanta, Barth and Abu-Laban
in Seattle, and Burgess in Durham. Where there is compar-

able data in other studies, it will be used. This study

is patterned after Barth and will follow it in form.

Comparative Base

Barth and Abu-Laban reported findings from a study
of influence and power in the black sub-community of
Seattle. Their study had been designed to duplicate the

work of Floyd Hunter in the black sub-community of Atlanta,

 

28Form and D'Antonio, op.cit.
29Miller, 0 .cit.
30

Robert Presthus, Men at the Top (New York: Oxford
university Press, 1964).

BlBarth, o .cit.

22
Georgia. Both studies were concerned with the relationship
of the sub-community's power structure to the power struc-
ture of the larger white community. It is evident that
ecological, demographic, and social characteristics have a
bearing upon the power structure peculiar to any given city
and data related to Atlanta and Seattle were as follows:
Atlanta is located in the Southeastern section of the United
States. At the time of Hunter's study, the population was
331,000, of which one-third were blacks. Seattle, on the
other hand, is located in the Pacific Northwest, and at the
time of Barth's study, had a population of 468,000, of
which 3.4 per cent were black.

In addition to the sizefigf the black population,
other important differences between the two cities were
in-migration of blacks and the interracial climate. For
the ten-year period between 1940 and 1950 in-migration in-
creased 16 per cent in Atlanta; for Seattle the increase
was 313.5 per cent. In regards to the interracial environ-
ment, the official policy in Atlanta, supported by law, was
racial segregation in schools and in public accommodations.
In Seattle, however, there was an official policy of non-
segregation. There was a State Fair Employment Practices
Law, a long-standing public accommodations law, and at the

time of the study, the State legislature passed an "Omnibus

23
Civil Rights Bill," with provisions for the protection of
rights in housing and employment.32

In the concluding comparison between Seattle and
Atlanta, Barth summarized that both had an identifiable
structurd of leadership, and the leadership groups had
certain similar characteristics. Nevertheless, the power
structures represented quite different types.

The black power structure of Atlanta was stable,
well organized, and made up of economic dominants who
wielded power within the ghetto and were motivated in some
measure, to maintaining their segregated ghetto.33

In Seattle, black leaders were not power wielders;
they held positions of little importance to the community;
their decisions had no serious effect on the larger com-
munity: and, they were active in civil rights protest or-
ganizations.>{Barth hypothesized that the difference in
power structure was related to Seattle's small black popu-
lation being insufficient to support large-scale separate
institutions, to the rapid expansion of population due to
migration which upset the older patterns of power, and, to
the attitude of leaders to eliminate segregation rather
than support segregated institutions and establish a distinct

ghetto.34

 

32
Barth, op.cit. 33Ibid., p. 76. 34 id.

24
In Durham, North Carolina, Burgess, too, found an
identifiable leadership structure. It contrasted with
Barth's in that black leaders were power wielders and held
positions of importance in the total community as well as

the black ghetto.35

Community Organization in Black Communities

Because decision—making activities may be channeled
through formal organizations and administrative agencies,
as well as stable cliques, Hunter and Barth attempted to
identify them.

The listing of organizations by Barth was similar
to Hunter's in two respects. Although making up one-third
of the listings, fraternal organizations played a minor role
in decision-making activities. Organizations considered
most influential had definitive political content in their
programs. This included the local Urban League although
its major function is community organization and case work.36

Churches--probably the most segregated.black com-
munity organization-~surprisingly, were not mentioned, al-

though two of the top ten leaders were ministers. It was

also noted that no "luncheon“ or “supper" club, or other

 

35Burgess, op.cit., p. 76.

36Barth, op.cit., p. 75.

25
informally organized groups appeared on the list of influen-
tial organizations.

Baath made three observations with respect to or-
ganizations. First, six of the top seven groups were
directly concerned with interracial relations and race
betterment. Second, only one had as its primary interest
the business organization of the community. Thirdly, al-
though black people were fairly widespread within labor
unions, only one union was mentioned and was rated low in
influence. It,was concluded that the major concern of the
ghetto and its leaders were issues that centered around
minority status and group protest.37

Burgess, on the other hand, found an organizational
mix. Some of the organizations were protest, others were
political, racial-uplift, recreational or community service,
or economically oriented. Most crucial in Durham was an

organization that acted as a coordinating group for all

black organizations.

Issues Confronting the Black Community
Included in the Barth study but not Hunter's were
the issues considered most crucial by those who were se-

lected as leaders. The information indicated ghetto leaders

 

37Barth, o .cit.

26
in Seattle were concerned with issues of an interracial
nature, that is, the effects of minority group status and
attempts to change existing social structures in the total
community. It was suggested the interest reflected the
attitude that because of the lack of power, the influence
of ghetto leaders on major issues was minimal.38

In his study of Chicago, Wilson classified issues
into two general categories which he called welfare ends
and status ends. Welfare ends were those which looked to
tangible improvement in the community or some individuals
through the provision.of better services, living conditions,
or positions. Status ends, on the other hand, were those
which sought integration of blacks into all phases of the
community on the principle of equality. It was discovered
that a leader's position on the issues often depended upon
his economic position and class. Upper class leaders were
more concerned with status ends as opposed to lower and

middle class leaders.39

Study Desigp and Methodology

Miller and Form identified three basic approaches
which may be employed in the study of community power or

influence. They are: (1) the study of potential for

 

38 id. 39Wilson, op.cit.

27
power based on the influence and inventory of persons and
organizations; (2) the reputed power or the influence of
persons or organizations as defined by the opinions of
community members: and (3) the study of actual influence
or power as shown by the parts played by persons or organi-
zations in determining the outcome of an issue or project.40

To accomplish the purpose of this study, the second
method, the “panel of experts," will be used and will be
duplicative of Barth, Hunter, and Burgess. A

To locate individuals characterized as influentials,
a list of names was obtained from knowledgeable key inform-
ants in Rdbbins, an almost all-black suburb of Chicago.
Added to this list were the names of office-holders in
public and private organizations, the names of persons
mentioned in the local newspaper who appeared to play a
role in community activities. A listing of organizations
was also compiled.

Two questionnaires were constructed. One carried
the names of 130 potential leaders, the other, names of 44

organizations. A panel of ten respondents, representative

of the various institutional areas of the community, were

 

4oWilliam Form and Delbert C. Miller, Industr ,
Labor, and Community (New York: Harper & Row, 1960), p.
517.

28
selected. A personal interview was conducted with each
respondent to determine how well he knew each potential
influential and was to add names of others whom he thought
to be omitted from the list. The respondent then selected
from the list names of ten persons he would choose "to
help in a major project requiring a decision by a group of
community leaders.“ He was asked to rate each of the or-
ganizations as “most influential," "influential," or "less
influential” in initiating or supporting important actions
in Rebbins.‘

Based upon the number of votes received from the
first ten interviews the list of leaders was reduced to
51 names. In like manner, the list of organizations was
reduced to 27. The modified lists were submitted to six
other informants who were asked to select leaders and to
rate organizations. They were also invited to add names
of those believed to be omitted. The results comprised
a master list of 29 probable influentials and 16 organiza-
tions.

Twenty-seven of the influentials were interviewed
(one refused and another was unavailable). Each was asked
to fill out a questionnaire seeking information about his
background and activities in the community. The respondent

was asked to indicate how well he knew each of the other

29
influentials and to include social and committee contacts
with each. The respondents were invited to add the names
of any leaders believed to be omitted from the list. Each
was asked: "If you were responsible for a 3512; project
which was before the community that required decision by a
group of leaders--1eaders that nearly everyone would accept--
which ten on this list would you choose, regardless of
whether they are known personally to you or not?”

After the respondent had indicated his choices, a
section delving into the bases for leadership, i.e., the
reasons why they chose the leaders, was asked. Respondents
were provided a listing of reasons from.which to choose.

Each influential was asked to rate the 16 organiza-
tions on a three-point scale of influence, and to add other
organizations thought to be omitted. Finally, they were
asked to name two issues or projects considered to be "most

crucial" to the community.

Research Site

The general context of a community, that is, the
ecological, demographic, and socio-economic characteristics
provide the framework within which leaders function. Barth

and Burgess both refer to structures of leadership and power

30
as dependent upon local conditions.41 Elements such as
history, immediate traditions, and institutional and social
characteristics appear to mold the leadership structure.

Furthermore, Presthus emphasizes the close relation-
ship of the socio-economic structure of the community to the
effectiveness of the power structure. He concluded,

". . . community resources as wealth, dindustrial strength,
skill, energy and value consensus tend to determine the
composition and effectiveness of its leadership elite.“42
We shall review Rebbins, Illinois as the community setting
for this study.

The Village of Robbins, Illinois is located in
southern Cook County, 17 miles south of the central business
district of Chicago. The southern boundary line of Chicago
is approximately two miles from the village limits (see
Figure 1). Census data for Rebbins in 1960 reported a
population of 7,511 persons. Of this number 7,445 or 99.1

per cent were black.43

Robbins enjoys the distinction of
being one of a dozen all-black communities in America with

a population of 1,000 or more of which more than 95 per cent

 

41Barth, op.cit., p. 76, and Burgess, op.cit., p. 189.
42Presthus, op.cit., p. 175.

43Northeastern Illinois Metropolitan Area Planning
Commission, suburban Factbookt 1962.

 

Chicago

Lake Calumet

 

 

C)

Robbins

Fig. l--Map of Chicago

31

32

are non-white. These communities are:

TABLE 1

LIST OF ALL-BLACK COMMUNITIES

 

 

 

 

Incorpora-

tion Date Form
Brooklyn, Illinois 1874 Village
Mound Bayou, Mississippi 1898 Village

1912 Town

Rdbbins, Illinois 1917 Village
Lawnside, New Jersey 1926 Borough
Fairmount Heights, Maryland 1927 Town
Glenarden, Maryland 1939 Town
Lincoln Heights, Ohio 1946 City
Utbancrest, Ohio 1947 Village
Kinloch, Missouri 1948 Town
Grambling, Louisiana 1953 Town
North Shreveport, Louisiana Unincorporated
Richmond Heights, Louisiana (7) Unincorporated44

Hence, Robbins is the only community in the Chicago area

with this classification and one of the few communities

in the country governed and influenced solely by black

officials.

Just as most of the other communities in the

Chicago metropolitan area, Robbins was influenced by the

urban pattern which developed in response to the economic

logic and geographic symmetry of Chicago's suburban develop-

ment.

 

44

Harold M. Rose, "The All-Negro Town: Its Evolution

and Functions," The Geographical Review, LV (July, 1965), 362.

33

The history of the settlement of the Chicago metro-
politan area suggests three major stages of development.
The first stage was the era of water transport, 1840-1880,
with the area noted for agricultural processing and a trad-
ing center. The second stage was the railroad era, 1880-1920,
and the growth and development of the industrial suburb.
And, the third stage, the automobile era, 1920-1960, was
the growth and development of the dormitory suburb.45 Robbins
evolved during Chicago's railroad era when all residential
and manufacturing areas were influenced by a railway net-
work. The routes of twelve suburban railroad lines radi-
ated out of a central hub into various sectors of the metro-
politan area. The railway lines served as the axes for
most of the towns with a population of 2,500 or more.46
Robbins is one of those towns and is located on the lines
of the Rock Island and Pacific Railroad Company. As
Chicago grew in size and population industry began to dis-
perse according to the rules of the economics of location

and transportation, which, at the time, was access to

either water or the railroads. In the Chicago m 313;

 

4sNortheastern Illinois Metropolitan Area Planning
Commission, A Social Geography of Metropolitan Chicago
(Chicago, 1960), p. 15.

461bid., p. 31.

34

metropolitan area industry dispersed into industrial satel-
lites along access routes.

In the south sector of Chicago an industrial satel-
lite formed at the mouth of the Chicago and Calumet Rivers
and Lake Michigan (see map Figure 1). The river, dock, harbor
and railway lines brought to this sector, known as the
Calumet area, heavy industry such as steel mills, large
plants, refineries and laboratories.47 The workers same
with the industry. The distribution of urban workers were
affected by these factors--the cost, distance, and time
of work travel. Hence, there developed ”. . . close—in
working class lower income suburbs like Robbins, Phoenix
and Munster whose residents work in the Calumet district. . . ."48
The early citizens of Robbins were attracted by the prox-
imity of employment, '. . . a place for the children to
play unmolested, of friends and neighbors." They worked
and sacrificed so as ". . . to feel the independence of
owning a bit of ground and their own house."49

Rdbbins is named after Eugene S. Robbins a white

realtor who developed the site as an independent community

 

47Ib1d., p. 26. 48Ibid., p. 16.

 

49Chicago Commission on Race Relations, The Negro
in Chicago (Chicago: university of Chicago Press, 1922),
p. 139.

35
for black people only.50 The first black settlers moved
into the area in 1892 and by 1917 more than 300 persons
were in residence. On December 11, 1917, the people
elected to become incorporated. On December 14, 1917,
Rdbbins was declared a Village by order of Cook County

Court . 51

At the time, there were some who regretted inde-
pendence and talked of asking the larger, neighboring town
of Blue Island to annex Robbins. But the majority of the
people were proud of their independence and sure of its
future.52
Rebbins has a representative form of government
with a mayor, six trustees and clerk. Local elections are
non-partisan, are held in April in odd-numbered years.
The mayor and trustees serve four-year terms. Elections
of trustees are staggered, three trustees are elected
every two years.
Rebbins is located in both Worth and Bremen Town-

ships. The following election data relates to those dis-

tricts which lie entirely within the boundaries of Robbins.

 

50Ibid., p. 369, and Federal‘Writer's Project,
American Guide Series, Illinois: A Descriptive and Historical
Guide (rev. ed.; Chicago, 1947), p. 398.

5101d newspaper clipping, n.d.

52Chicago Commission on Race Relations, p. 139.

I‘

36

These districts are: Worth Township Districts 43 and 64;
and Bremen Township Districts 2, 3, 19, 23, 30, and 37.
Election returns from Bremen Township Districts 1, 13, 17,
and 50 are not used because they serve Robbins and neigh-
boring communities.

In state and national elections Robbins is solidly
Democratic. The percentage of Democratic vote ranges from
a low of 63 per cent in the 1956 presidential election when
Adlai E. Stevenson ran against Dwight D. Eisenhower to a
high of 98 per cent in 1964 when Lyndon B. Johnson defeated
Republican Barry W. Goldwater. In the 1960 presidential
race between Democrat John P. Kennedy and Republican Richard
M. Hixon, Kennedy received 75 per cent of RObbins' vote.
Democrat Hubert H. Humphrey polled a substantial 92 per cent
of Robbins' vote in his 1968 presidential race with Richard
.M. Nixon. For state offices, in the respective years,
similar percentages were recorded in the Democratic column.

The national and state election returns in Robbins

for the years 1956, 1960, 1964, and 1968 are:

TABLE 2

VOTES IN NATIONAL AND STATE ELECTIONS

37

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

195653
For President Votes Per Cent
Democrat Adlai E. Stevenson 1398 63
Republican Dwight D. Einsenhower 818 37
Total 2216
For U.S. Senate
Democrat Richard Stengel 1289 62
Republican Everett M. Dirksen 788 38
Total 2077
196054
For President
Democrat John F. Kennedy 2020 75
Republican Richard M. Nixon 661 25
Total 2681
For U.S. Senate
Democrat Paul H. Douglas 1952 76
Republican Samuel W. Witwer 609 24
Total 2561
For Governor ’
Democrat Otto Kerner 1765 74
Republican William G. Stratton 649 26
Total 2414
196455
For President
Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson 3198 98
Republican Barry W. Goldwater 72 2
Total 3270
53

54

Cook County Election Board.
.Election November 6, 1956‘ Democrat and Republican.

 

November 8, 1960.

55

 

November 3, 1964.

Abstract of Votes,

. Abstract of Votesleeneral Election,

. Abstract of Votes, General Election,

38

TABLE 2--Continued

 

 

1964

 

Votes Per Cent
For Governor
Democrat Otto Kerner 3027 94
Republican Charles H. Percy 196 6
Total 3223

196856

 

For President
Democrat Hubert H. Humphrey 2325 92
Republican Richard M. Nixon 189 8
Total 2514

For U.S. Senate
Democrat William G. Clark 2199 92
Republican Everett M. Dirksen 195 8
Total 2394

For Governor

Democrat Samuel H. Shapiro 2155 88
Republican Richard B. Ogilvie 279 12

Total 2434

 

The 1964 election is noteworthy in two respects. First is
the large vote for the Democratic nominee, 98 per cent, and,
secondly the increased number of voters. In 1960 the Re-
publicans received 25 per cent of the vote in Robbins, in
1964, at 2 per cent, the Republican vote is practically

nil. It increases slightly, to 8 per cent, in 1968.

Total votes cast, however, reveals another condition.

 

56Cook County Election Board. Abstract of Votes,
General Election, November 5. 1968.

39~
In 1960 there were 2,681 votes cast for president, in 1964
the total votes increased to 3,270, and in 1968 decreased
to 2,514 which is even less than the vote totals of 1960.
This phenomenon could be explained by the theory that
people will go out and vote when they are dissatisfied or
feel threatened. The latter was certainly the case in 1964
and obviously not in 1968 in spite of the candidacy of
racist presidential candidate George C. Wallace. For 1968
one apparent explanation supports the contention black
people boycotted the election because they did not see any
real difference between the candidates. Another explana-
tion backs the theory that when people are confused or
"cross-pressured” they stay home and do not vote.

Early economic activity in Robbins consisted mainly
of commercial enterprises related to personal and business
services and retail facilities which offered food and drug
commodities. During the post-incorporation period, Robbins
established a local school system and a police and fire
department. A federal post office was established. The
physical and economic growth of the Village, however, was
severely crippled by the Depression when 90 per cent of
the labor force was unemployed. Many of the problems
plaguing the community today can be traced to the Depres-

sion years. Having an essentially residential tax base

40
development and improvement ceased due to the severe eco-
nomic wrench of having so many people unemployed. Tax
receipts have barely kept up with operating expenses and
capital improvements such as paved streets, water, and

sewer facilities have been neglected.57

Population Characteristics

By 1940, the population of Robbins had grown to
1,349 persons. In 1950 the population was 4,766 and in
1960 was 7,511. The increase of 2,745 persons between 1950
and 1960 represented a growth rate of 67.6 per cent. For
the same period of time, Northeastern Illinois was growing
by a rate of 20.1 per cent; suburban Chicago by a rate of
71.5 per cent, while Chicago lost population at a rate of
-1.9 per cent.58

The median age in Robbins in 1960 was a rather low
20 years of age. Forth-eight per cent of the population
was under 18 years of age. In comparison, Northeastern
Illinois had a median age of 31.3 per cent of population

under 18 was 33.8. Chicago and Chicago suburbs had median

ages of 32.9 and 29.2 years of age and populations under

 

57Comprehensive Plan: Robbins, Illinois, 1966, p. 7.

58Suburban Factbook, Table 4.

41
18 years of age were 31.1 per cent and 37.4 per cent re-

59
spectively.

Socio-Economig Characteristigg

In school years completed by persons 25 years of
age and older, the median in Robbins was 8.7 years. For
Northeastern Illinois, median school years completed was
10.8 years, in Chicago it was 10.0 years, and in Chicago
suburbs, it was 12.1.60 The 8.7 median school years com-
pleted for population over 25 years and older indicates that
in 1960 over 50 per cent of the adult population had less
than one year of high school. Furthermore, 17 per cent of
the population had completed high school and 2 per cent
completed four years of college.61

Median annual family income in Robbins in 1959 was
$4,491 per family. Twenty-eight per cent of the families
had income under $3,000, 31 per cent between $3,000 and
$5,000, 25 per cent between $5,000 and $7,000, 11 per cent
between $7,000 and $10,000 and 5 per cent had income over

62

$10,000 per annum. .Median family income for Northeastern

Illinois in 1959 was $7,342, for Chicago it was $6,738, and

 

Table 1. 6° id.

., *

591b1d
61Comprehensive Plan, p. 29.

621bid., p. 32.

42
for Chicago suburbs it was $8,158. The per cent of families
with income over $10,000 was 25.9 in Northeastern Illinois,

21.3, in Chicago, and 32.1 per cent in the suburbs.

OccgpationalpCharacteristics

The total number in the labor force for both sexes
in 1960 was 2,387 persons. This means that 32 per cent of
the total population was part of the local labor force. The
percentage of the total labor force unemployed in 1960 was

16.4, the highest in the state.63

At the same time, unem-
ployment in Northeastern Illinois was 4.3 per cent, in
Chicago 5.4 per cent, and in Chicago suburbs 2.6 per cent.
For those employed, the occupational groupings in
1960 were Professionals or Managers 6.6 per cent, Clerical
or Sales 9.7 per cent, Craftsmen or Operatives 27.2 per
cent, Laborers 18 per cent, Service Workers 14.2 per cent,
and all other 24.3 per cent. The total white collar work-
ers, that is Professional or Managers and Clerical or Sales,

64

was 16.3 per cent. The percentage of white collar in

Nertheastern Illinois was 45.5 per cent, in Chicago was 41.7

per cent, and in Chicago suburbs was 51.5.65

 

631b1d., p. 222.

64Suburban Factbook, Table 10.

651bid., Table 1.

43

SocigrEconomic Rank

The 146 municipalities with populations of 2,500 and
over in Suburban Northeastern Illinois in 1960 were ranked
by socio-economic class. The socio-economic class was de-
rived by giving equal weight to four 1960 census character-
istics and then rank communities on a 15-number scale: 1
being the highest and 15 the lowest. Census characteristics
utilized were median school years completed, median family
income, percentage with annual income over $10,000 and
percentage employed in white collar occupations. In all
four categories Robbins was ranked fifteenth for a composite
socio-economic rank of 15. (Only ten other municipalities out

of 146 had composite rankings of 15.66

Schools

The Village of Robbins is served by three school
districts, two of which also serve neighboring all-white
communities. Within the three school districts there are
seven elementary schools, three junior high schools and
two high schools. Four of the seven elementary schools and
one junior high school obtain their entire enrollments from
Rubbins and are therefore all black. The other three

elementary schools are located in neighboring all-white

 

661mm, Table 8.

44

communities and draw students from Robbins.67

Housing Characteristics

There were 1,760 total housing units in Robbins in
1960. This total represented a growth of 617 units over
the total for 1950. The vacancy rate was 0.93 per cent in
1960 and the average household size was 4.2 persons. Of the
146 municipalities in Northeastern Illinois only seven
other suburbs had a vacancy rate less than 1.0 and only one
other suburb had a vacancy rate lower than Robbins'.68

Of 1,760 housing units in 1960, 27 per cent were
built before 1940 and 38 per cent were built after 1950,
and 51 per cent were in sound condition with all plumbing.
For Northeastern Illinois, 83.4 per cent of the housing
were sound with all plumbing, for Chicago 78.5 per cent and
for Chicago suburbs 91.0 per cent.69

Fifty-eight per cent of the housing units were
owner-occupied. Only nine other Chicago suburbs had lower
percentages. Median value of homes in Robbins was $10,300.

Only two other suburbs had lower median values. For North-

eastern Illinois, Chicago, and Chicago suburbs, the median

 

Gigggngghengive Plan: Robbins, Illinois, Prelim-

inary Report 2, 1966.

68Suburban Factbook, Table 12.

69 1a., Tables 1 and 13.

45
value of homes were $18,600, $18,000, and $18,900 respec-

tively.70

Egonomic Base

Robbins has no industry and commercial activity
consists of establishments which offer convenience type
goods such as food, drugs, gasoline and automotive acces-
sories.71 In 1963, there were 30 retail establishments in
Robbins with total retail sales of $2,228,000. By business
grouping, 15 establishments were food stores, eating and
drinking places and drug stores. Six were automotive and
gasoline establishments, and six were other retail estab-
lishments. Average annual sales per establishment was
$74,300.72 The majority of these establishments are black
owned.

The community of Rdbbins, Illinois has been reviewed
in terms of its population, socio-economic, occupational, and
housing characteristics and, economic base as a prelude to a
study of its leadership structure. Community resources such

as wealth, industrial strength, skill, and value consensus

have a tendency to determine the composition of a leadership

 

7OIbid., Tables 1 and 14.
71Comprehensive Plan, p. 44.

721bid., p. 40, Summary.

46

grouping. Moreover, the socio-economic structure of a
community is closely related to the effectiveness of a power
structure.73

This study of influence and power in an almost all-
black suburb in a large Northern metropolitan area will at-
tempt to make a substantive contribution to the knowledge
of black communities and :gain an insight into the nature
of black leadership.

Building upon research assumptions and theories rela-

tive to black sub-communities and community power structure

studies the following working hypotheses will be tested.

Working Hypotheses
I. Leadership Group
A. There is within the Village of Robbins an identifiable
structure of leadership.

Corollary 1. The leadership group would be stable and well
organized.

Corollary 2. The leaders would be drawn from the dominant
economic and professional institutions.

Corollary 3. The leaders would hold positions of importance
in the Village's institutional structures and
their decisions would have serious ramifications

for the Village.

 

73Presthus, o .cit., p. 175.

47

II. Base for Leadership

A. Social power in the form of wealth, prestige,
knowledge, status and position would.be related to
the choices for leaders.

Corollary 1. The leaders would be atypical and not repre-
sentative in socio-economic terms of the
entire Village.

III. Degree of Acquaintanceship

A. Within the leadership group there would be closure
of the top leaders.

Corollary 1. The top leaders would be acquainted with each
other to a higher degree than with other
members of the leadership group.

Corollary 2. The top leaders would have more social and
committee contact between themselves than
with other members of the leadership group.

Corollary 3. There would be a correlation between the
number of votes received as top leaders and
the number of mutual choices.

IV. Influential Organizations

A. The type of organizations considered to be influ-
ential would be those whose functions are primarily
social in content. Civic or political interests

would be secondary.

48
B. Churches would be considered to be influential.
V. Salient Issues
A. The types of issues thought to be salient would
be welfare issues such as better streets, jobs, or

school facilities rather than status issues.

CHAPTER II

LEADERS

Leadership Group Characteristics

This study is primarily concerned with the 27 prob-

able leaders whose names received three or more mentions by

the panel of 16 judges. The names of these leaders, their

occupations, and the number of votes each received as a

"top leader" are listed in Table 3.

TABLE 3

LEADERSHIP GROUP

 

 

 

Name Votes Occupation
1. Stafford Jacques 20 Chemist
2. Edward Starks 16 Contractor--Building
3. Marion Smith 15 Businessman—-Rea1 Estate
4. Mapel Spearmon l4 Asst. Housing Mgr. (Gov.)
5. George Kimbell 13 High School Principal
6. Violet Malone 13 High School Counselor
7. Ernest meey (Mayor) 13 Insurance Executive
8. Rev. George Wright .13 Minister and Barber
9. Eddie Lou Allen 12 Cook
10. Irene Brodie 11 Teacher
11. Rev. W. Cook 11 Minister
12. Myrtle Dunn ' ll Businesswoman--Serv. St.
13. Albion Ward 11 Photographer
l4. Caleb Johnson 10 Teacher
(Trustee)

49

50

TABLE 3--Continued

 

 

 

Name Votes Occupation
15. Vinson Sanders 10 Radio Station News Dir.
16. Rev. H. Stephens 10 Minister
17. Lois Rayon 9 Neighborhood Service

Worker (Govt.)

18. Aaron Stout 9 Police Chief

l9. Ester Gladney 7 Businesswoman--Notions
Store

20. Roland Lee (Trustee) 6 Trustee--Governmental

21. Rev. G. Brewton 4 .Minister and Newspaper

22. Ivory Gladney 4 Contractor--Building

23. James McCrary 4 Businessman--Hardware
Store

24. Fannie Ore 4 Businesswoman--Restaurant

25. Azzarine Cooper 3 Youth Officer--Govt.

26. RObert Jones 2 Businessman--Real Estate--

- Insurance
27. James Jackson 1 Businessman--Package Stowe

 

In the 1960 Census there were 3,835 females in
Robbins, which was 51 per cent of the population. By
eliminating the population under 25 years of age, there
were 1695 females and 1600 males in Robbins. This repre-
sents the segment of the population from which leaders in
this study are selected.

Nine (or 31 per cent) of the leaders are women and
hold high positions in the leadership structure. For
example, women rank as high as Number 4 and as low as 25.
In between, they rank in positions 6, 9, 10, 12, 17, 19,

and 24, a rather even dispersal. For the group of_27

51
leaders, women received an average of 9.3 votes which is
equal to the average vote for men.

This finding of a high percentage of women in the
leadership structure is supportive of Barth who found 44
per cent of Seattle's ghetto leadership structure to be

female.2

However, the finding contrasts sharply with
Burgess, Hunter, Thompson and Matthews. In Durham, North
Carolina only 7 per cent of the leaders were female and for
four communities in the South, Matthews found 9 per cent

3

of the leaders to be female. Thompson reported, ". . . only

a few Negro women in New Orleans may be classified as “top"
community leaders."4 3
Table 4 lists the leaders by mutual choices, that
is, the number of votes they received from other leaders
included in the leadership group. It should be noted
that three women are tied for third place in the ranking.
The leadership group as a whole holds memberships
in 11 of the 18 organizations considered “most influential."
The 18 men who participated in this study averaged 1.9

memberships per organization while the 9 women averaged 2

memberships per organization. It is hypothesized that this

 

2Barth, op.cit., p. 72.

3Bufgess, op.cit., p. 102 and Matthews, 0 .cit., p. 180.

4
Thompson, op.cit., p. 25.

TABLE 4

MUTUAL CHOICES

52

 

 

 

Name Votes
1. Kimball (5)* 9
1. Smith (3) 9
2. Jacques (l) 8
3. Dunn (12) 7
3. Malone (6) 7
3. Spearmon (4) 7
4. Allen (9) 6
4. Maxey (7) 6
4. Starks (2) 6
4. Ward (13) 6
4. Wright (8) 5
5. E. Gladney (19) 5
5. Stout (18) 5
6. Brodie (10) 4
6. Johnson (14) 4
6. Ore (24) 4
6. Rayon (17) 4
6. Stephens (16) 4
7. Cook (11) 3
7. I. Gladney (22) 3
7. Sanders (15) 3
8. McCrary (23) 2
8. Cooper (25) 2
9. Lee (20) l
9. Brewton (21) l
9. Jones (26) 1
9. Jackson (27) 1

 

*Rank in Leadership Group, Table 1.

generally higher position of women in the leadership struc-

ture of Robbins is probably due to the nature of their

participation in the organizational activities of this

community.

53

Based upon his study and the small number of female
leaders, Mathews noted that in the political realm the long-
accepted notions about the matriarchial character of the
black subculture again was cast in doubt. But, matriarchy
is said to be a characteristic only of working class blacks
and the leaders are overwhelminglylmuddle class.5

Furthermore, Thompson related that black women in
New Orleans rarely initiate, stimulate, coordinate or direct
the activities of the black masses in the solution of major
social problems. They have played a secondary or supportive
role.

The findings in Robbins and Seattle seem to indicate
that black women in the North differ from their Southern

sisters in assuming and being accepted in leadership roles.

Age Characteristics
The median age for the Village of Rebbins in 1960
was 20 years. Moreover, 50.5 per cent of the population was
under 19 years and 61.6 per cent was under 29 years. Hence,
the age group over 30 years of age makes up 38.4 per cent
of the population. The leaders of Robbins are drawn from
the group over 30 years of age.

The findings related to age distribution of leaders

 

5Matthews, op.cit., p. 180.

54
are again supportive of Barth's findings in Seattle and
differ from the findings of Burgess, Hunter, Matthews and
Thompson. For example, in Robbins, the mean age of the 27
leaders is 46 years; the range is from 32 to 67.

The mean age for black leaders in Seattle was 44.8
years,6 but in Atlanta, it was 54.3 years.7 In Durham,
it was 53.7 years and in New Orleans it was 55 years.8 ~For
four communities in the South, Matthews found leaders'
mean ages ranged from 51 to 61 years.9

Thompson suggests that leadership is not a matter
of age but of class and social position and as will be
shown later, the leaders in Robbins are middle class. Howe
ever, there is an almost ten-year difference in mean age
between leaders from Northern black communities as compared
to Southern black communities. This phenomena is believed
to be related to migration.

In the study of four Southern communities, Matthews
stated that potential leaders among young blacks tended to
migrate. Further, the Northern black community was viewed
as a system of migration where in-migrants arrive, come to

terms with the community in some fashion and begin to move

 

7

6Barth, op.cit., p. 72. Hunter, op.cit., p. 121.

8Burgess, o .cit., p. 102. 9Matthews, op.cit., p. 184.

55
from the crowded points of entry in the black areas of the
city to the more desirable areas on the periphery.10

Due to the need for workers in defense industries
during World War II migration to Seattle was substantial
with the black population increasing 313.5 per cent in a
ten-year period.11 The impact of migration upon the black
leadership structure of Seattle was revealed when only 11
per cent of the leaders were locally‘born; 60 per cent
coming on gradually from the South.12 The black leadership
structure of Seattle which existed prior to the great in-
flux was disrupted and almost destroyed by the impact of
the migrants.13 '

For Atlanta's 19 black leaders, only 3 were born
locally, 5 were born in smaller communities in Georgia,
and 11 in other states.14 Further, as reported by Wilson,
most of Chicago's black leaders were born in the South.15
In Durham, 55 per cent of the black leaders were born out-

side of North Carolina.16

Rubbins follows the pattern of the above-cited black

 

10Thompson, 0 .cit., p. 27. 11Barth, op.cit., p. 70.

121b1d., p. 73. 13Ibid., p. 76.
14 15
Hunter, 0 .cit., p. 122. Wilson, op.cit., p. 11.

16Burgess, o .cit., p. 103.

56
communities. The majority of Robbins leaders have migrated
to the community; only 4 leaders (15 per cent) are locally
born. Fourteen (52 per cent) were born in the South; 6 (22
per cent) were born in Chicago; and 3 (11 per cent) were
born elsewhere in the North. The path of migration to
Robbins is illustrated thusly: 14 (52 perccent) came to
Robbins from Chicago, 5 (19 per cent) directly from the
South, and 3 (11 per cent) from elsewhere in the North. It
appears that Rubbins, as in other communities, attracts
blacks of leadership quality rather than developing them
locally. Moreover, this pattern of leadership migration
tends to support Wilson's theory of migrants leaving the
ports of entry for more desirable areas on the periphery.

Only in New Orleans were most of the leaders born
locally. Some came from other Southern communities but
none came from outside of the South. Thompson explained
that New Orleans is an old, tradition-oriented city with
many established individuals and families that serve as

the source for leaders.17

 

17Thompson, op.cit., p. 28.

57

Length of Residence

 

The leaders resided in Robbins over varying lengths
of time. However, 23 out of 27 (85 per cent) had lived in
Robbins over 10 years. Of the remaining 4, 3 had resided in
Robbins from 6 to 10 years and only one leader had lived

there less than 5 years. The breakdown was:

 

All of their life 3
Over 20 years 11
11 to 20 years 9
6 to 10 years 3
Less than 5 years 1

27

Twenty-three out of 27 (85 per cent) owned their own home
and the same number were married. There were no leaders who

had not been married.

Occupation Characteristics

As listed in Table 1, the occupations of leaders
fall into the following categories--ll (40 per cent) of the
leaders in Robbins are self—employed and 14 (52 per cent)
are professionals. The self-employed leaders supervise an
average of 10.8 employees. Some professionals also super-
vise employees. The leadership group as a whole supervises
380 employees. One leader supervises 100 employees, while
others supervised 80, 75, 45, 34, and 15 employees. Nine

other leaders also supervise some employees.

58

Similar to Burgess in Durham, North Carolina, and
unlike Hunter in Atlanta, there is no significant correla-
tion between the number of persons supervised and the
leadership ranking of the leader supervising.18

It is evident that most of the leaders' occupations
locate them in the institutional structure of Robbins.
Thirteen of the 27 leaders are engaged in business. The
businesses are building contractor, insurance, real estate
and photography. Others are proprietors of a service
station, hardware store, notions store, package store,
restaurant, newspaper, and barber shop.

Of the fourteen professionals, 4 were ministers, 2
teachers, a junior high school principal, a high school
counselor, a chemist, an assistant manager of a housing
project, a police chief, a radio station news director,

a youth officer, and a politician.

Several of the leaders play dual roles. For example,
the Mayor and 2 of the 6 village trustees are included in
the leadership group. The Mayor by profession is an insur-
ance executive and one of the trustees is a teacher. More-
over, of the 4 practicing ministers, one, in addition pub-

lishes a newspaper and another owned and operated a barber

 

18Burgess, o .cit., p. 105.

59
shop. For all indicators of Robbins' economic and social
base these leaders hold the top positions in the community.

Twenty-five of the 27 leaders are either self-
employed entrepreneurs or professionals. If power within a
community derives in part from high positions in its eco-
nomic or political structure, the members of this leader-
ship group possess such power. Moreover, the representa-
tion of the professionals reflects the stability of social
structure.

The leadership structure of Seattle's black community
compares favorably with Robbins'. In Seattle, 50 per cent
of the black leaders were professionals, and 52 per cent
were self-employed. The self-employed leaders averaged 3
employees under their supervision and only 2 leaders super-
vised more than 10 employees. These findings differ greatly
from those of Atlanta where Hunter found the top leader
supervising 1,800 workers and 11 others supervised 25 or
more workers.19

Hunter categorized the occupations of black leaders
in Atlanta in the following manner. Nineteen (56 per cent)

of the leaders were professionals, 11 (32 per cent) were

commercial enterprisers, bankers and insurance operators.

 

19Barth, op.cit., p. 72.

60

The professionals were a lawyer, a doctor, 4 educators, 6
ministers, and 7 social workers.20

In Durham, North Carolina's black community, the
black leaders were fairly evenly distributed between
business and the professions. However, they represented
only 23 per cent of the total leadership group. The re-
mainder were salaried employees of larger firms.21

In New Orleans, Thompson found that black ministers
constituted the largest segment of the leadership class.22
This finding was substantiated by Matthews in 4 Southern
communities. Black preachers and ministers accounted for
34 per cent of black leadership in the South. The next
closest categories were school teachers with 12 per cent,
and farmers and businessmen with 11 per cent.

The pro-eminence of preachers among black leaders
was explained by Prothro as resulting from the fact that
the ministry was one of the few professions that included
members in almost every black community. Further, where po-
tential leaders were scarce, the mantle of leadership may

fall to a local preacher by default.23

We have seen that ministers make up 15 per cent of

 

20Hunter, 0 .cit., p. 116. 21Burgess, op.cit., p. 102.

23

22Thompson, op.cit., p. 34. Matthews, 0 .cit., p. 180.

61
the leadership group of Robbins; 6 per cent in Seattle; 18
per cent in Atlanta; 13 per cent in Durham; and 34 per cent
in the 4 cities of Matthew's study.

The black minister, Wilson observed, is of greater
significance in cities where black politicians lack an in-
dependent base of power, that is, where the politician
must rely on the support of other non-political groups.
However, the greater the degree of professionalization in
any black community in terms of professional politicians
and other professionals, the less the activity and the

narrower the role of lay leaders including ministers.24

Education

The educational achievement of leaders in Robbins
is relatively high. For the leadershappgroup, the average
number of school years completed is 14 years and 24 out of
27 (88 per cent) have graduated from high school. Ten of
the leaders have earned a baccalaureate degree, and 7 of
the 10 have studied beyond the bachelor's degree.

The significance of this information is that, as
recorded in the 1960 Census, the number of persons in Robbins

who had completed high school was 556 of 17.1 per cent of

 

24Wilson, op.cit., p. 299.

62
the population over 25 years of age.25 Of more significance
is the data on the college-educated. In 1960 there were
51 persons in Rebbins who had completed 4 or more years of
college.26 Based upon these data the proportion with a
college degree who are recognized as leaders is 20 per cent.

The phenomenon of high educational achievement of
black leaders is repeated in other studies. In Seattle,
black leaders averaged 16 years of school.27 In New
Orleans, all of the black leaders had attended high school
and 65 per cent had received college degrees. Moreover,

more than half held one or more graduate degrees.28

This
relatively high percentage of college degrees for New Or-
leans' black leaders is not surprising in light of Thompson's
study of a black leadership class which was composed of
successful representatives of the ministry, lawyers, union
leaders, businessmen, teachers, and doctors.29

Durham, North Carolina had within its black leader-
ship structure a high number of persons with college de-

grees. Only one leader had no formal education, and three

others attended but did not complete college.3o For the

 

25Comprehensive Plan, Table 4, p. 30.

26
Ibid. 27Barth, op.cit., p. 73.

28Thompson, 0 .cit., p. 30. 29Ibid.

30Burgess, op.cit., p. 102.

63
31 black leaders the median years of education was 17 and

the mean years was 15.3.31

Both figures are understandable
because of the location of a black college in Durham. In
fact, the study reveals that 6 college administrators or
faculty members are part of the leadership group as are 4
attorneys.32

For the 95 leaders Wilson interviewed in Chicago,
"most were college educated, and many had professional or

graduate-school education."33

Income
The average income from all sources in 1966 for the
leaders in Robbins was $13,192. Twenty-four out of 27 re-
ported having an income over $5,000 per year. Of the 24
leaders who reported income, 7 had an income between
$5,000 and $7,499 a year; 5 had an income between $7,500 and
$9,999 a year; 9 had an income between $10,000 and $20,000
a year: and 3 had an income over $20,000 per year.
For the Village of Rdbbins, in 1959, the median in-
34

come per family was $4,491. The leaders' income in 1966

was nearly three times as much. Moreover, in 1959, 70

 

31Burgess, op.cit., p. 102. 32Ibid., p. 103.

33Wilson, op.cit., p. 11.

34Comprehensive Plan, Table 5, p. 32.

64
families had income over $10,000.35 If these figures were
held constant, 15 of the leaders, or 21 per cent of those
in this income bracket were leaders. For the black leader-
ship class of New Orleans, only the youngest families had
income of less than $5,000 a year. The large majority had
incomes of $7,500 a year and over, and a few “. . . acknowl-

edged annual incomes of $20,000 or more.“36

Summary
The following illustrates the socio-economic charac-
teristics of the leaders of RObbins in contrast with the

socio-economic characteristics of the entire Village:

Leadership
Robbins Group
.Median Age 20 years 46 years
Median School Years 8.7 years 14 years
Average Income $4,491 $13,192
Total White Collar Workers 293 or 16.3% 26 or 96%
of population of leader-
ship group
Professional, Technical 65 or 3.26% 14 or 52%
and Kindred of population
Managers, Officers, 66 or 3.31%. 11 or 40%
Proprietors of population
Clerical 162 or 8.13% l or 4%

of population

 

BSIbid.

36Thompson, 0 .cit., p. 30.

65

The evidence strongly indicates the members of the
leadership group represent the substantial element of the
community--an economic and educational elite. Against the
background of the community, the leadership group is 2.3
times as old as the community as a whole.

Further, the leaders are 1.6 times as educated;
have 2.9 times as much income, and are overwhelmingly white
collar--96 per cent for the leaders versus 16.3 per cent
for the whole Village. These factors indicate the leaders
have high prestige and status. The group is composed of
persons who are successful and who have arrived in terms of
occupational and social position: In addition, due to the
economic base of Robbins, the leaders occupy key positions
in the institutional structure of the community.

It would appear, then, the credentials for leader-
ship in RObbins, with few exceptions, would include rela-
tively long residence, a high income, high educational
attainment, and a white collar job.

The studies of black leaders in other communities
confirm the general findings of this study. In two North-
ern communities, black women play a more active role than
their Southern counterparts: and ministers in the South
are more likely to be named as leaders than in the North.

As hypothesized, there is in Robbins an identifiable

66
structure of leadership. The leaders are "power wielders"
and "decision makers" in the sense in which the terms are
used by Hunter and Mills37--they hold positions of impor-
tance to the Village's institutional structure and their

decisions have serious ramifications for the community.

 

37Mills argues that power resides principally in the
realms of economic, political, and military organization, and
suggests that the structure of the "power elite" is related
to the rate and nature of Social change in a society at
any given time. C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite.

CHAPTER III

BASES FOR LEADERSHIP

The occupations and social and economic background
of the persons named as leaders in Robbins indicate they
are overwhelmingly middle-class. This finding is in agree-
ment with findings of other studies of black leadership.
As indicated earlier black leaders in Atlanta, Chicago,
Durham, North Carolina, New Orleans, Seattle, and four
Southern communities were decidedly middle- and upper-
class. The leadership group in Robbins is primarily com-
posed of persons who have gained a measure of success in
occupational and social positions. From the data on
Robbins, it can be seen that the composition of its power
structure is closely related to the socio-economic struc-
ture of the community. As in other studies community re-
sources such as wealth, industrial strength, skill, energy
and value consensus tend to determine the composition of a
community's leadership elite.

The social and economic structure of the community
provides the framework within which leaders function, but

community power is thought of as ”. . . the network of

67

68
influences among persons and organizations involved in
community issues or projects."1

It has been suggested by Rossi that citizens are
(not equal and it is the inequality of status, wealth, pres-
tige, knowledge, competence, office and function which is
at the base of power. It is important therefore to look for
the bases for power among leaders-~to “look for the attributes
of people or social position which can yield effective in-
fluence.“2

In order to provide a more comprehensive explanation
of leadership in Robbins, we will look at individual attribu-
tions of the leaders of Robbins by analyzing the reasons
they gave for making their choice for leaders. As a
corollary we will discover the basic values and norms for
leadership as viewed by the leaders. The vote justifications
are classified in Table 5. Each respondent was given a list—
ing of leaders and a sheet on which he could register the
reason for his choice of leader. The leader could only
indicate for the leaders he chose and could vote in as many

categories as deemed appropriate. The first category,

 

1William H. Form and Delbert C. Miller, Industr ,
Labor and Community (NBW'YOIk: Harper & Bros., 1960), p. 434.

2Peter H. Rossi, “Theory, Research and Practice in
Community Organization," SocialpScience and Communit Action,

ed. Charles R. Adrian (East Lansing, Michigan: Institute for
Community Development and Services, 1960), p. 12.

69

TABLE 5

REASONS GIVEN FOR SELECTION OF LEADERS
BY OTHER LEADERS IN POLL

 

 

 

 

 

Institutional Organiza-
Posipion Personal tional Ace
Occupa- Poli- Attri- tivity &
Leader tional t;cal Civic butes Civic Sepyice
Violet Malone (5)* 9 4 ll 10 11
Edward Starks (2) 9 6 9 10 11
Rev. Wright (5) 9 2 10 9 10
Stafford Jacques(l) 7 10 4 ll 7
George Kimbell (5) 9 - 9 10 9
Marion Smith (3) 5 7 0 5 8
Mapel Spearmon (4) 4 l 8 7 9
Irene Brodie (7) 10 - 4 8 6
Albion Ward (7) 2 9 6 9
Myrtle Dunn (7) - 6 8 4 7
Lois Rayon (9) l 4 7 6 7
Rev. Cook (7) 6 - 4 8 6
Caleb Johnson (8) 4 5 5 4 6
Vinson Sanders (8) 6 2 7 4 5
Aaron Stout (9) 6 4 3 6 5
E. L. Allen (6) - l 7 5 10
Ernest Maxey (5) 3 9 3 4 3
Esther Gladney(i0) 3 2 4 6 6
Rev. Stephens (8) 5 1 5 4 5
Fannie Ore (12) 2 2 4 3 3
Ivory Gladney (12) 3 l 3 2 3
Roland Lee (11) 1 4 2 3 2
Rev. Brewton (12) l 2 - l 2
James.McCrary (12) l 2 - l 2
Robert Jones (14) l l - l 2
A. Cooper (13) - - - - 2
J. Jackson,Sr.(15) - l - l -

 

*Rank in Leadership Poll, Table l.

70

Institutional Position, includes family status, business
and professional positions, political office, and civic or
associational positions. The second, Personal Attributes,
includes courage, special training or experience, poise,
individual status, intelligence, honesty, morality, re-
spectability, dignity, and reliability. The third, Organi-
zational Activity, includes performance, reliability, ac-
tivity, number of organizational memberships, degree of
service, and success in fulfillment of responsibility.3

Table 6 sums up the votes by category and clearly

indicates the leader's predilection for leadership qualities.

TABLE 6

TOTAL VOTES BY CATEGORY

 

 

Per Cent of Possi-
ble Maximum Vote
Bases Votes (270)

Organizational Activity

and Civic Service 169 63
Personal Attributes 150 55
Civic Position 132 49
Occupational Position 104 39
Political Position 83 30

 

By far, the most highly thought of leadership base

is organizational activity and civic service. The vote for

 

3Burgess, o .cit., p. 81.

71
it is twice that of political position. What is signifi-
cant is that the top two categories are Organizational Ac-
tivity and Civic Service and, Personal Attributes. The
institutional positions rank, in descending order, Civic
Position, Occupational Position, and Political Position.

In this instance the top two choices are not directly re-
lated to bases of power that can be used to influence
others in order to obtain more power. But, rather, are
related to personal characteristics. It would indicate
that prestige, competence, performance, service and knowl-
edge are the most important leadership bases in Rdbbins.
In addition, as already noted, most of the leaders possess
such resources as wealth and office.

This conclusion is further substantiated by leaders'
answers to the question, “Suppose a person wanted to become
a leader in this community-—could you give me your ideas
about what he would have to do?” Twenty-five of the 27
leaders answered the query.

A sampling of the answers are "working with all
organizations that are working for the improvement of the
Village of Rdbbins,? "by working with various committees
supporting worth-while projects . . . projects that would
benefit the community."

Further thoughts on how to become a leader in Robbins

72
were to "show concern for the life of the Village by‘become
ing active in some group." To “manifest a knowledge and
concern for the problems of the Village."

Several other suggestions were to "work hard, show
an interest in the Community, make a contribution.“ And,
“. . . be identified with all of the worth-while civic,
political and religious efforts for the advancement of
the community." The comments can be summed up generally
by one which stated a potential leader would have to
". . . have to take to heart the concerns of the Village."

It appears, then, the most highly thought of base.
for leadership in Robbins is Organizational Activity and
Civic Service for the benefit of the community. At best,
this leadership base is not powerful in itself, but it
would afford access to sources of local power.

We hypothesized the base for leadership in Rubbins
would be social power in the form of wealth, prestige,
knowledge, status and position. This proposition is sub-
stantiated by the research. But a furthet explanation of
this phenomenon is that the focus of activity of leadership

must be directed towards the betterment of the community.

73,
Acquaintanceship and Cliques /
While power and influence may rest on various bases
or resources--status, wealth, prestige, knowledge, competence,
office and function--these bases are not themselves power
unless they are utilized in organized association with one
another.; As Hunter concluded, "the power of the individual
must be structured into associational, cliques, or institu-
tional patterns to be effective,"4 In the study of
Atlanta's black community, Hunter demonstrated that the top
leadership group tended toward closure in two ways. First,
almost all of the leaders were known to each other (90 per
cent knew each other well or at least socially). Secondly,
his sociometric data revealed a correlation between the
number of votes received as a top leader and the number
of mutual choices.5
Similarly, in Seattle, Barth analyzed the black
community's structure for closure and found evidence of a
"leadership clique." He found 7 ”top leaders," who were
distinguished from other leaders by superior educational
attainment, shorter length of residence and by sex, all but
one being a man. All 7 owned their homes and 4 were self-

employed.6

 

4Hunter, 0 .cit., p. 6. 51bid pp. 118-119.

fi.’

6
Barth, op.cit., p. 73.

74
Acquaintanceship among Seattle's black leaders was
also very high with 93 per cent knowing each other “well”
or "socially." This held true for the top 7 leaders. The
findings in Seattle confirmed Hunter's findings in Atlanta.7
Barth further demonstrated indications of a ”closed"
top leadership group in two ways. First, was the well
known correlation between sociometric leadership rating
and the number of reciprocated choices. The top 7 received
an average of 7.9 votes while the remaining leaders averaged
2.0 votes. The second indication was the relationship be-
tween the actual number of mutual choices and the total
number of possible choices. For the top 7 black leaders
of Seattle with 21 possible mutual choices, 13 (or 62 per
cent) were made. The one major differentiating character-
istic of the top 7 black leaders was the degree to which
they participated with others in organizational committee
activities. Their participation average with other leaders
was 1.5 times as much as the contacts for the remaining
leaders. The participation supported the contention that
the top leaders attained their top position because they

were active in organizational activity.8

 

7Barth, op.cit., p. 74.

BIbid., p. 74.

75
The "Top Eleven Leaders"

In an attempt to determine whether or not there is
any "leadership clique" among black leaders in Robbins, a
special analysis was made of 11 persons mentioned as leaders
by one-half or more of the 27 people interviewed ppg who
received one-half or more of the mutual choices.

These 11 "top leaders" are slightly distinguished
from theother leaders by: superior educational attainment--
14 school years for the leadership group versus 14.9 school
years for the 11; younger age-~46 years old for the group
and 43.3 years for the 11; higher income--$13,l92 for the
group and $13,590 for the top leaders; and, most importantly,
longer time in the community-~8 top leaders have lived in
Robbins over 20 years. The 11 top leaders are comprised
of 7 males and 4 females--roughly the same percentage as
that for the leadership group as a whole.

Acquaintanceship among the 27 leaders in this study
is very high with 98.5 per cent of the leaders reporting
knowing each other "well“ or "slightly." Among the top 11
leaders, all but one reported that they knew each of the
others well.

The correlation between sociometric leadership
standing and the number of reciprocated choices achieved as

a leader, holds for the top 11. Thyreceived an average of

77
7 such choices whereas the remaining leaders averaged 3.

A mutual choice is defined as the instance in which
there is a reciprocal selection as a top leader. Within the
top 11, of the 55 possible mutual choices, 44 (or 80 per
cent) were actually made. This, according to Barth, gives
an indication of a “closed" top leadership.

There is further indication of closure in the par-
ticipation with other top leaders in committee activity.

A schematic drawing, Figure 3, illustrates a high degree of
committee contacts of the top 11. This supports Barth's
contention that top leaders achieve top leadership positions

because of their organizational work.

 

 

 

 

 

Fig. 3--Evidence of Closure

Several different analyses were applied to the data
on black leaders in Robbins in order to discover more
definitive evidence of leadership closure. For example,
mptual choices were schematically drawn in search of con-
stellations or concentrations of reciprocal votes. What

became evident, rather, was a dispersion among the top 11.

78
No one, two, or three members of the top 11 appeared to be
pivotal. The only indication of an "in group" appeared
with respect to the four female members of the top 11 and
their mutual choices. Figure 2 illustrates this point.

From this information it is concluded that by using
criteria established in other studies, there are indications
of closure--such as large percentage of mutual choices--and
committee contacts. But, because the ”Top Eleven" is the
only logical cutting-off point in delineating the possibil-
ity of a "clique” makes it seem imprObable that one exists.
If the number were smaller it would have more credence; but
to say that 40 per cent of the leadership structure makes
up a clique is not acceptable. Hence, in spite of the
”evidence“ it is believed that a leadership clique or
closure of top leadership does not exist among the leader-
ship group in Robbins.

Acquaintanceship on the other hand, is clearly es—

tablished as being very high.

CHAPTER IV
INFLUENTIAL ORGANIZATIONS

Formal organizations as well as less formal but
relatively stable cliques offer mechanisms through which
community decision-making may be channelled. For instance,
institutions, social classes, associations, power and lead-
ership groupings and other enduring units comprise the
social structure of a community. The social structure of
which institutions and other such units are a part also
reflect the power relations in a community. While power
may rest on various bases or resources--wealth, knowledge,
prestige--these bases are not themselves power unless they
are utilized in organized association with one another. We
shall look at Rebbins to discern what organizations are
thought to be influential and concerned with durable in-
terests in the community.

In other studies, black leaders of Seattle and
Atlanta nominated organizations that were similar in two
respects. First, was the number of organizations of the
Greek letter variety. Close to one-third of the nominated

organizations were of this type. However, the indications

79

80
were that organizations of this type played a relatively
minor role in decision-making activities.

In both Atlanta and Seattle, the top two organiza-
tions were local branches of national organizations. In
Atlanta the two top organizations were the NAACP and the
YMCA.. In Seattle, the top two were the Urban League and

the NAACP.1

The high ranking of national groups reflects
the fact that many of the problems affecting black people
locally have national significance and are handled best by
national associational groupings.

An interesting finding in Seattle is that only one
black church was mentioned although two ministers are
listed in the top ten leaders. However, 6 of the top 7
organizations in Seattle are directly concerned with inter-
racial relations and race betterment; only one is an organi-
zation which had business as its principal interest; and
although union membership was widespread, only one union
was mentioned and was low in influence. It was concluded

that in Seattle the major concern of the black community

and its leaders were minority status and group protest.2

 

1Hunter, op.cit., p. 125 and Barth, op.cit., p. 75.

2
Barth, op.cit., p. 75.

81
Influential Organizations in Robbins

Table 7 lists organizations the leaders in Robbins

consider more influential in initiating and supporting

projects within the community.

TABLE 7

INFLUENTIAL ORGANIZATIONS

 

 

 

Name Votes Type
Volunteer Fire Dept. 19 Municipal
Anti-Poverty Council 12 Civic
NAACP--Robbins Branch 11 National
Celebration League 8 Civic
Jr. Women's Fire Dept. 8 Civic
Village Activities Guild 8 Civic
Great Hope Baptist Church 7 Religious
Suburban Federal Credit Union 7 Ecenomic
Alpha & Omega No. 121 F&AM (Masons) 6 Social
Senior Boosters Scholarship Club 6 Civic
United Citizens Party 5 Political
Ministerial Alliance 5 Protest
Senior Women's Fire Dept. Aux. 4 Civic
Good Shepherd Lutheran Church 3 Religious
Bethel AME Church 2 Religious
Pride of Robbins Temple 915 (Elks) 2 Social

 

It is interesting to note that although the Volun-

teer Fire Department rates highest with the leadership

group no member of the leadership group is a member of the

Department.

16, were devoted to civic betterment and uplift.

However, most of the organizations, 6 out of

Three

were churches, 2 were social groups, and one each of a

82
national group, protest group, political party, and economic
organization.

Two organizations, the Ministerial Alliance and
Operation Breadbasket should be noted. In the Spring of
1967 there was a fire in one of the elementary schools in
Robbins and the school was damaged. In the Fall when the
new school year began, the damaged part of the school had
not been repaired. The Ministerial Alliance--a group of
black ministers--called a successful boycott of classes in
the school. This action caused a furor in the community.

Operation Breadbasket is the economic arm of the
late Dr. Martin Luther King's Southern Christian Leadership
Council. Its primary functions are to obtain business op-
portunities and jobs for black people and, where black
people are already employed, Obtain fair treatment in
promotions and training.

The Ministerial Alliance is listed as an influential
organization and garnered 5 votes. Operation Breadbasket,
on the other hand, is not listed nor was it added to the
list by either the 16 informants or the 27 leaders. Two
leaders listed membership in Operation Breadbasket. It
should be noted that a membership drive was taking place
at the time of this study.

The majority of influential organizations are

83
community oriented. By far the most influential is the
Volunteer Fire Department and 5 of the next 6 are civic
organizations concerned with civic betterment and uplift.
What is of added interest are the Ministerial Alliance and
Operation Breadbasket.

The significance of the Ministerial Alliance and
Operation Breadbasket in Robbins is the nascent manifesta-
tion of the more militant activist attitude prevalent
among black people. This activity could have interesting
implications in the future for the community and the lead-
ership group.

From all indications, most of the organizations
considered most influential are those which have a strong
community orientation and interest.

In the study of Chicago, Wilson commented that the
black man in the North had the ability to create and sustain
organizations of some kind. In Chicago's black community
there was a plethora of organizations at all social levels
and their principal function was social. Civic or politi-
cal purposes were secondary.3

In RObbins, the converse is true and the reason

could be that in Robbins, black citizens control the

 

3Wilson, 0 .cit., p. 307.

community and thereby are more concerned about it. In
Chicago, black people are classically powerless and would

turn their attention to social activity.

84

CHAPTER V
THE ISSUES

In the study of black politics in Chicago, Wilson
distinguished two categories of issues. For convenience,
the categories are called welfare issues and status issues.
Welfare issues are those which bring tangible improvement
to the community or individuals in it through the provision
of better services, living conditions, or positions.
Examples of welfare issues in Chicago's black community are
the provision of more and better schools, construction of
more low-income public housing, location of a branch hos-
pital in the black community, an increase in black politi-
cal representation, and an increase in the supply of housing
available to black people.

The other category, status issuesylis concerned
with the integration of black people into all phases of
the community on the principle of equality. Black people
would be granted the opportunity to obtain the services,
positions or material benefits of the community on the
basis of principles other than race. The principles in-

clude the ability to pay and personal achievement or
85

86

qualification. Examples of status issues are integration
of public schools, desegregation of private hospitals, and
open-occupancy in the real estate market.1 Seventeen spe-
cific issues are listed by Wilson. The issues fell into
6 general categories: Housing: Police; Employment: Educa-
tion: Medicine; Business. The 17 issues were almost evenly
divided between welfare issues and status issues.2

In the study of black leaders in Seattle, the
question was asked: "What, in your opinion, are two of the
major issues before the Negro community-~either immediately,
past or current?"3

It was apparent that the issues of concern to the
black leaders of Seattle were those associated with prdblems
of interracial relations, the effects of minority group
status, and attempts to change the existing social structure
of the community.4

The issues of relevance to the black leaders of
Seattle and frequency of mention were: Minority Housing--
33; Civil Rights Legislation--l7: Concentration of Minority

Children in Schools--ll; Park and Recreational Facilities in

Minority Residential Areas--4; Discrimination in Employment

 

lWilson, o .cit., p. 185. 21bid., p. 15.

3 4

' Barth, o .cit., p. 74. Ibid., p. 75.

87
and Career Counseling for Children--4; Police Brutality--l:
and Unity in Action within the sub-Community.S Using the
Wilson criteria the issues in Seattle are four welfare
issues-~housing, parks, police brutality, and unity. The
other three issues are status issues.

In Durham, North Carolina, the issues identified
by black leaders were: Better Housing Facilities; Financial
and Job Security: Better Facilities and Academic Standards
in Schools: Better Recreation Facilities; Desegregation of
the Schools; Desegregation of other Local Facilities: Better
Communication with White Community; More Community Spirit
and Participation; Better Medical Facilities: and other
programs—-better streets, school transportation, street
lighting, etc.6 To use Wilson's criteria there are 7
welfare issues and 4 status issues. The status issues are
jOb security, desegregation of schools and other public
facilities, and better communication with whites. It
should be noted that 3 of the 4 status issues are directly
issues of race relations. Needless to say the question of
race has a bearing upon most of the issues presented. In

the study of black leaders in New Orleans, Thompson found

 

5Barth, op.cit., p. 75.

6Burgess, op.cit., p. 86.

88
3 major issues. They are citizenship, earning a living, and
education.7

The concept of citizenship includes equal protection
of the law, equal rights of political participation, and
equal access to public facilities.

Equal protection of the law is further defined to
include inequalities in housing, economic opportunities,
transportation, education, segregation, arrest, court pro-
cedures, and punishment for crimes.8

The study of issues in New Orleans is more involved
than other studies. For instance, there is a discussion of
the relative ranking of issues. The black leaders of New
Orleans are unanimous that first-class citizenship meant
equal economic rights. There is difference of opinion,
however, as to the importance of economic discrimination
relative to other forms of discrimination.

According to Thompson, about 20 per cent of the
black leaders rank economic discrimination as the number
one problem of black people in New Orebans. About 5 per
cent rate economic inequality below certain other forms
of discrimination. The overwhelmingly majority of black
leaders, 75 per cent, see the problem of earning a living

inextricably interwoven with all other facets of the black

 

7 8
Thompson, op.cit., p. 5. Ibid., p. 81.

89

man's status in American society. Some find it difficult
to say which form of racial discrimination could be given
priority.9

The issues in New Orleans as they relate to blacks
and as presented by Thompson are, using Wilson's criteria,
status issues, because of the emphasis put on the principle
of equality as the key to the solution of problems.

In Robbins, the 27 leaders were asked to list the

two most important issues. The type of issues and the fre-

quency of mention are listed in Table 8.

TABLE 8

CRUCIAL ISSUES

 

 

Issue Votes

 

|-'
0

Housing

Economic Activity (industry--
business district--jobs)
Recreation

Education

Village Improvements
Concern with Youth
Village Politics

Library

Lack of Programs--Unity
Lack of Doctor--Hospital

Hmwwmmmmm

 

 

9Thompson, op.cit., pp. 120-121.

90

From Table 8 it is apparent that most of the issues
of concern to the leaders identified in this study are those
inextricably concerned with problems reflecting the socio-
economic structure and physical condition of Robbins.

The issues mentioned most mirror the problems con-
fronting Robbins. Older housing is a prdblem which plagues
the Village as does lack of recreational facilities. The
U.S. Census of Housing reported 58 per cent of the housing
units in Robbins are considered in sound cOhdition: while
for the Chicago Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area
(SMSA) 88 per cent are classified as being in sound condi-
tion. Similarly, Robbins percentage of deteriorated hous-
ing was 23 per cent with the Chicago SMSA having 9 per cent
deteriorated housing.

The category, "Economic Activity" reveals a concern
for the lack of an economic base. Members of the leadership
group mentioned plans to bring in industry, a shopping cen-
ter and a centralized business district. Under "Village
Improvements" were improved streets, lighting, alleys, and
other physical improvements. "Concern for Youth" includes
juvenile delinquency and job programs: and "Village Poli-
tics" displays a dissatisfaction with the incumbents in
political office.

Using the Wilson criteria, issues in RObbins are

91
all welfare issues, that is, they look to tangible improve-
ment of the community or replacement of some individuals
in leadership in order to provide better services and liv-
ing conditions. Status issues, those which seek the inte-
gration of black people into all phases of the community
on the principle of equality, are precluded within Robbins
because of its all-black population.

Some of the issues in Robbins are issues in other
black communities. Housing, employment, and education are
common issues for black people in Chicago, Seattle, Durham,
New Orleans and Robbins. Parks and recreation are issues in
Seattle, Durham and Robbins. And, the issue of health
services and medically related topics are issues in Durham,
Chicago, and Robbins. Where Robbins differs from the other
cities is on the issue of police and police behavior. All
of the police in Robbins are black.

Education, however, is one issue which does have
racial overtones. Robbins is served by 3 school districts
which also serve neighboring white communities. Segregated
education has been a continuing source of contention through-
out the communities served by the school districts, but is
beyond the scope of this study.

The commonality of issues throughout black communi-

ties are a direct consequence of the second-class role and

92
status of black Americans in American society. Therefore
it is not surprising to find that black people and their
condition are very similar no matter where they live. The
obviously significant difference is that racial antagonisms
within Robbins are eliminated because of its all-black

composition.

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

As hypothesized there is an identifiable power
structure in Robbins. Members of the leadership group hold
high positions in the economic and political structure of
the community. And, because of the socio-economic structure
of the community, they are the economic dominants who either
control or have access to the scarce resources of money,
skill, and status.

The leaders constitute a small proportion of the
community and are not representative of it in social terms.
On the average, when compared to the rest of the community,

- leaders are 26 years older and have 5.3 years more educa-
tion. Whereas median income for the community is $4,491,
for the leaders it is $13,192. Further, 16 per cent of the
population are white collar workers while 96 per cent of the
leaders are in that category. What we find is an elite who
possess more of the skills and qualities for leadership.

When Robbins is compared with the leadership studies
of other black communities, there are more similarities

than differences. On the question of participation Of women

93

94
in the leadership structure, it is noted that both Robbins
and Seattle have a high percentage of women in the grouping.
This is in contrast to Atlanta, Durham, New Orleans and four
Southern communities studied by Matthews. A readily apparent
distinction is a North-South dichotomy. One explanation
for this difference is that the high ranking and percentage
of black women in the leadership is their organizational
activity in the community. This conclusion was further
strengthened by leadership bases which served to highlight
the most highly thought-of base as Organizational Activity
and Civic Service.

The leadership structure of Rdbbins and Seattle are,
again, similar in regards to the ages of leaders. In
Robbins the average age of black leaders is 46 years; in
Seattle it is 44.8 years. The black leaders in Southern
communities, on the other hand, are at least 10 years older.
In Atlanta the average age is 54.3 years: Durham 53.7
years: New Orleans 55 years; and for four Southern communi-
ties it ranges from 51 to 61 years. A possible explanation
for difference in age between Northern and Southern communi-
ties is the factor of migration. It was noted that young
black Southerners with leadership potential were more apt
to migrate North. With an average age of 46 years and with

many leaders having resided in Robbins 10 or more years--

95
many over 20 years--they were relatively young upon coming
to Rdbbins and would support that proposition.

There are other instances of similarity in the
studies of black leadership. For instance, in Robbins, 52
per cent of the leaders are professionals, in Seattle 50
per cent are professionals, and in Atlanta 56 per cent are
professionals. The self-employed in Robbins and Seattle
make up, respectively, 40 and 52 per cent.of the leadership
structure. This rather high dominance of professionals in
the leadership structure is due, in part, to the lack of
“economic dominants" in the usual sense. In many studies,
leadership structures areheavily weighted with economic
dominants. In the case of Rebbins with its lack of indus-
try and large businesses, the professionals and self-
employed are, in effect, the economic dominants of the com-
munity. They have control of, or have access to whatever
wealth, skills, expertise, and resources available in the
community.

Another finding of similarity with other studies
is the role of black ministers as leaders. It had been
conceded that the clergy was the principal source of black
leadership. In areas where black politicians lack an inde-
pendent base, the black minister can play a significant

role. In areas where there is an absence of leaders such

96
as in some Southern communities, the mantle of leadership
falls upon the clergy. Information from the studies of
black communities tends to support this proposition. In
Robbins, ministers make up 15 per cent of the leadership
structure, in Atlanta 18 per cent, in Seattle 6 per cent,
in Durham 13 per cent, and for four communities in the
South 34 per cent.

In the over-all analysis, the leadership structure
of Robbins is decidedly middle- and upper-class. In this
regard it is the same as the black leaders of Atlanta,
Chicago, Durham, New Orleans, Seattle and four Southern
communities. A

In comparing the findings of studies of black com-
munities where black people are in control with communities
which are not black-run marked differences begin to appear
by the types of organizations thought to be most influential
by the black leaders.

In Robbins the most influential organization is the
Volunteer Fire Department. This might be an aberration be-
cause of the size of the town and the importance of the
Fire Department to the well-being of the Village. It
could be a sacrosanct local institution because of the large
role it plays in the life of the community. Moreover, the
Village is quite proud of its Fire Department and it has

\

a good reputation.

97

The difference is more apparent in other areas of
comparability. In Robbins civic organizations represent
38 per cent of the organizations nominated as influential.
This is double the next highest nominated organization--
churches at 19 per cent: Social organizations represent 13
per cent of the organizations listed.

In Seattle, on the other hand, 52 per cent of the
organizations listed are social. The next highest, at 15
per cent, is national organizations, followed by civic or-
ganizations, at 12 per cent and religious at 8 per cent.

In Atlanta, 40 per cent of the organizations are
local branches of national ones. Next highest at 30 per
cent are social organizations.

The Hunter study in Atlanta was published in 1954
and the Barth study in Seattle was published in 1959.
Therefore, it is not too surprising to find that protest
organizations did not make the list of influential organi-
zations in view of the revolutionary movement of black
Americans towards racial equality. Yet, even in Rdbbins,
there is evidence that protest groups are present--although
of unknown strength.

The significance of the municipal organization and
the high percentage of civic organizations is the focus

and concern for the health and well-being of the community.

98
The community belongs to black people and it is only natural
their attention is focused towards uplift of the community.
This is contrasted to other black communities which are
really sub-communities of larger white-controlled communi-
ties. Hence the power and control of the community is not
shared with blacks and, being powerless, they turn their
attention to other interests.

This theme of greater sense of community and com-
mitment is reinforced in the bases for leadership in the
community. In Robbins the attribute most highly thought-of
for leadership is Organizational Activity and Civic Serv-
ice. This attribute is most evident in that 63 per cent
of the votes cast are for this leadership quality. The
next highest category is Personal Attributes by 55 per
cent. The leaders of Robbins were asked the reason for
their choice of leaders and were given the opportunity to
select from five bases. Included under the category Organi-
zational Activity and Civic Service were performance, reli-
ability, activity, number of organizational memberships,
degree of service, and success in fulfillment of respon-
sibility. The overwhelming vote for Organizational Ac-
tivity clearly demonstrates the predeliction for activity
in and for the community.

In the search for evidence of a leadership clique

99
there are superficial signs that one exists. One of the
more distinct clues is the amount of contact between the
“top eleven" at committee activity. Further, it is hy-
pothesized that high committee activity is another pre-
requisite for leadership status.

It is in the area of important issues in the com-
munity that the most dramatic difference is evident between
a black community which is self-run and those sub-communities
where blacks are powerless.

In analyzing the most salient issues in black com-
munities, there is a strong commonality in the type of
issues prevailing. The issues of housing, education and
employment are raised in Robbins, Chicago, Seattle, Durham
and New Orleans. The only difference is in the direction
of the interest. In bi-racial communities the housing issue
is related to availability and accessibility to black
people. The questions of segregation and open occupancy
play the dominant role in this assue. Obviously in an
allbblack community, segregation and open occupancy are
not the prdblems--the prdblem of housing is related to the
question of quality of housing available which then is a
problem of economics rather than race.

There is a large amount of poor quality housing in

Robbins. This has been caused in large part by the policies

100
of banks and lending institutions which refuse to lend money
to blacks. Hence much of the early housing in Robbins was
done on a piecemeal basis. Also, black people have been
forced to live at the lower end of the economic scale and
what money was available went for basic survival items
such as food and clothing.

Employment and Education also are issues in all five
communities and here the concern has similar causes--
segregation and discrimination. In employment employers by
and large are white and their living and paying practices
would affect a black man no matter where he lived.

Education also has similarity in root causes. The
prdblem without question relates to quality education and
integrated education. In Robbins, however, the prdblem
was directed more to quality education in lieu of integrated
education due to Robbins' geographical location and school
district boundaries. Robbins shares its school districts
with surrounding all-white communities. There is some in-
tegrated education but the concern is also for quality
education in the all-black schools.

In black sub-communities the emphasis is the same:
quality education in all-black schools, but, the opportunity
for integrated education is greater in theory only. Other

issues such as the lack of parks and recreational facilities,

101
availability of medical facilities, and the establishment
of businesses are directly related to the black man's status
in a minority group that has been systematically and delib-
erately deprived of all opportunity to participate in
American society. It is only natural that the consequences
of such denial is reflected in the communities in which
black people live.

The area which is not an issue in Robbins but is in
other communities is police behavior. Robbins has an all—
black police force which could explain why police brutality
and police harassment fail to become issues.

The greatest difference between black communities
which run their own affairs and black communities which
do not is in areas of community involvement and community
concern. In Robbins where this condition exists, black
leaders are overly concerned with the community in which
they live. They are handicapped in the amount of good they
can do by the economic condition of the people.

It is the finding of this study that given the
condition of choice black people will select leaders who
have a background and economic standing similar to leaders
in most communities. In this instance the leaders hold
high positions in the institutional and social structure

of the community. Moreover, they possess more of the

102
qualities of leadership including the necessary ingredients
of education, interest, time and energy.

It has been demonstrated here the black leaders in
Robbins are a product of the community. And, the community

is a product of the racial conditions in the Country.

__ l '_ _—9‘_’-_-‘_! .__

 

 

 

iii. xlnlmm

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Ladd, Everett C., Jr. Negro Political Leadership in the
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Matthews, Donald R. and Prothro, James W. Negroes and the
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104

Presthus, Robert. Men at the Top. New York: Oxford
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Redding, Saunders. The Negro. Washington, D.C.: Potomac
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Thompson, Daniel C. The Negro Leadership Class. Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963.

Wilson, James O. Negro Politics: The Search for Leadership.
New York: The Free Press, 1960.

Wright, Nathan, Jr. Black Power and Urban Unrest. New
York: Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1967.

Articles

Barth, Ernest A. T. and Abu-Laban, Baha. "Power Structure
and the Negro Sub-Community.“ American Sociological
Review, XXIV (February, 1959), 69-76.

Franklin, John Hope. "A Brief History of the Negro in the
United States" in The American Negro Reference Book.
Englewood, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966.

Rose, Harold M. “The All-Negro Town: Its Evolution and
Functions.” The Geographical Review, LV (July,
1965), 362-381.

Rossi, Peter H. "Theory, Research and Practice in Community
Organization." Social Science and Community Action.
Charles R. Adrian (ed.). East Lansing, Michigan:
Institute for Community Development and Services,
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Smyth, Hugh. "Negro Masses and Leaders Characteristics:

An Analysis of Current Trends." Sociology and Social

Research, XXXV (September-October, 1950), 31-37.

Wilson, James O. "The Negro in American Politics: The
Present" in The American Negro Reference Book,
John P. Davis (ed.). Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966.

 

1'3““! "

105

Wilson, James O. "The Negro in Politics" in Talcott
Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark (eds.) The Negro
American. Boston: Beacon Press, 1967.

Zimmer, Basil. "The Adjustment of Negroes in a Northern

Industrial Community.“ Social Problems IX (Spring,
1962), 378-386. ,

Documents and Reports

Chicago Commission on Race Relations. The Negro in Chicago.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1922.

City Planning Associates, Inc. A Comprehensive Plan for

the Village of Robbins, Illinois. Parts 1 and 2.
1966.

Federal Writer's Project, American Guide Series. Illinois:
A Descriptive and Historical Guide. Chicago, 1947.

National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Report of
the National Advisory Commissionoon Civil Disorders.
New York: Bantam Books, 1968.

Northeastern Illinois Metropolitan Area Planning Commission.

A Social Geography of Metropolitan Chicago.
Chicago, 1960.

. suburban Factbook, 1962.

 

United States Commission on Civil Rights. Civil Rights

Digest. Vol. I, No. 1 (Spring, 1968). Washington:
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106

General References

Books

Banfield, Edward and Wilson, James O. City Politics.
Cambridge: Harvard university Press, 1963.

Bennett, John and Tumin, Melvin. Social Life. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1949.

Clayton, Edward T. The Negro Politician: His Success and
Failure.. Chicago: Johnson Publishing Co., 1964.

Coleman, James S. Community Conflict. Glencoe: Free Press,
1957.

Dahl, Robert A. Who Governs? New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1961.

Drake, St. Clair and Cayton, Horace. Black Metropolis.
New York: Harper & Row, 1962.

Frazier, E. Franklin. The Negro in the United States.
New York: Macmillan Co., 1949.

Lasswell, Harold D. and Kaplan, Abraham. Power and Society.
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960.

Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilemma. New Yerk: Harper &
Boos., 1944.

Parsons, Talcott. Essays in Sociological Theory, Pure and
Applied. Glencoe: Free Press, 1945.

Pettigrew, Thomas A. Profile of the Negro American.
Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1964.

Price, Hugh D. The Negro and Southern Politics. New York:
New York University Press, 1957.

Articles

Biddle, William E. and Geis, Gilbert L. "Racial Self-
Fulfillment and the Rise of an All-Negro Community

in Oklahoma." Phylon, XVIII (3d quarter 1957), 247-260.

107

Bierstedt, Robert. "An Analysis of Social Power." American
Sociological Review, XV (December, 1950), 730-738.

Clubok, Alfred and De Grove, John M. “The Manipulated
Negro Vote: Some Pre-Conditions and Consequences."
Journal of Politics, XXVI (February, 1964), 112-129.

Cox, Oliver. "Leadership Among Negroes in the United States“
in Studies in Leadership, A. W. Gouldner (ed.).
New York: Harper & Bros., 1950.

Dahl, Robert A. "The Analysis of Influence in Local Com-
munities“ in Social Science and Community Action,
Charles R. Adrian (ed.). East Lansing, Michigan:
Institute for Community Development and Servides,
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. “A Critique of the Ruling Elite Model.”
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. "Hierarchy, Democracy and Bargaining in Politics
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Edwards, Vinson A. ”Negro Leadership in Rural Georgia
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90-93 e

Fleming, G. James. “The Negro in American Politics: The
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Hall, Inc., 1966.

Frazier, E. Franklin. "Race Contacts and the Social
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(February, 1949), 1-11.

Glantz, Oscar. “The Negro Voter in Northern Industrial
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Hill, Mozell. ”The All-Negro Communities of Oklahoma: The
Natural History of a Social Movement.” Journal of
Negro History, XXXI (July, 1946), 254-268.

 

 

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108

Hill, Mozell. "Basic Racial Attitudes Toward Whites in
the Oklahoma All-Negro Community." American
Journal of Sociology, XLIX (May, 1944), 519-523.

. and Thelma D. Ackis. ‘"Social Classes: A Frame
of Reference for the Study of Negro Society."
Social Forces, XXII (October, 1943), 92-97.

Killian, Lewis and Smith, Charles U. "Negro Protest Lead-
ers in a Southern Community." Social Forces,
XXXVIII (March, 1960), 253-257.

Kornhouser, William. “The Negro Union Official: A Study
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Marvick, Duane. "The Political Socialization of the
American Negro." Annals of the American Academy
of Political and Social Science, CCCLXI (September,
1965), 112-117.

Orum, Anthony. "A Reappraisal of the Social and Political
Participation of Negroes." American Journal of
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Ottenberg, Simon. "Leadership and Change in a Coastal
Georgia Negro Community.” Phylon XX (lst quarter,
1959), 7-18.

Parenton, Vernon J. and Pellegrin, Roland. "Social Struc-
ture and Leadership Factors in a Negro Community."
Phylon, XVII (1st quarter, 1956), 74-78.

Pfautz, Harold. "The Power Structure of the Negro sub-
Community: A Case Study and Comparative View."
Phylon, XXIII (Summer, 1962), 156-166.

Rossi, Peter H. "Community Decision Making.“ Administra-
tive Science Quarterly, I (March, 1957), 415-441.

Smyth, Hugh. "Changing Patterns in Negro Leadership.“
Social Forces, XXIX (December, 1950), 191-197.

“Negro Masses and Leaders Characteristics: An
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109
Documents and Reports

Kramer, John E., Jr. and Walter, Ingo. Final Report: An
Analysis of the Socio-Economic Structure of an
All-Negro City. United States Health, Education
and Welfare, CRD 351-7-217, 1967.

United States Commission on Civil Rights. Political Par-
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Printing Office. May, 1968.

unpublished Manuscript
Hill, Mozell C. The All-Negro Society in Oklahoma. Un-

published Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of
Sociology, University of Chicago, 1946.

 

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