UNION ORIENTATIONS, UNION PARTICIPATION; - _ - AND PATFERNS OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION:‘- '- . THE CASE- OF THE ARGENTINIAN .- ' 1 AUTOMOBILE. WORKERS Thesis for the Degree of M. A. . MICHIGAN STATE. UNIVERSITY ‘ JORGE RAUL JORRAT ~ 1968 ' . ... 1-3.9 n‘ao-W‘Q“ . THESIS "‘ I, 1321K? Michigan State University Paafim r '_r a", U '\ . N, .v . ”'— '.) APP. 3.} 5 205 L7 ABSTRACT UNION ORIENTATIONS. UNION PARTICIPATIONS, AND PATTERNS OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF THE ARGENTINIAN AUTOMOBILE‘WORKERS by Jorge Raul Jorrat This study theoretically derived and empirically determined types of workers' orientations toward union functions. On the basis of 203 Argentinian auto workers' responses to an item about the main functions of the union, two main types were distinguished: political or- ientation and economic orientation. These types were intended to explain degrees of union participation, and degrees of integration in the plant, neighborhood, and the wider community. Hypotheses derived from Form and Dansereau were examined in light of the particular historical experience of the Argentinian working-class, and the specific characteristics of the broader social structure where such an experience was generated. Jorge Raul Jorrat As a result of the empirical analysis, it was pro- posed that two life styles seem to underlie the two types of orientation: a) a working-class life style, in which union and wider community play the dominant role, and b) an individualistic life style, in which the plant and the local neighborhood figure significantly. Finally, it was mentioned that the limitations of the heuristic value of the pr0posed orientational types-- as the limitations of all typology——revealed the necessity of alternative approaches to the problem. UNION ORIENTATIONS, UNION PARTICIPATION, AND PATTERNS OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF THE ARGENTINIAN AUTOMOBILE WORKERS BY Jorge Raul Jorrat A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1968 "11 me semble en effet que la sociologie n 'a reussi a construire un systeme d' analyse qu 'au prix de l' abandon a una histoire sociale descriptive des sociétés industrielles contemporaines d'une part importante du domaine observable. Elle parle d' organisation et laisse aux economistes l' etude de l' enterprise; elle definit les formes d' adaptation ou d' inadaptation au changement et abandonne a la science politique la connaissance des mouvements sociaux qui orientent le développement; elle s'intéresse a la stratification urbaine mais laisse aux géographes et aux urbanistes l'etude des politiques urbaines; elle connait bien les contacts de culture. mais plus mal les mouvements de liberation nationale ou ethnique; elle laisse aux historiens l'etude du movement ouvrier. tandis qu'elle s'intéresse aux relations professionnelles.’ ALAIN TOURAINE ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank Dr. Philip M. Marcus for his invaluable assistance as director of the present work, and Dr. William H. Form, who patiently encouraged me throughout all of my career. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l HYPOTHESES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 RESEARCH SITE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 TYPES OF UNION ORIENTATION . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 UNION ORIENTATIONS AND UNION PARTICIPATION . . . . 23 UNION ORIENTATIONS AND PATTERNS OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 COMMUNITY BACKGROUND AND UNION ORIENTATIONS. . . . 41 OCCUPATIONAL STRATIFICATION AND UNION ORIENTATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 REFERENCES CITED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 iv Table II. III. IV. VI. VII. VIII. IX. XI. XII. XIII. LIST OF TABLES REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE ACCORDING TO WAGE— RATE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE ACCORDING TO FUNCTIONAL CLASSIFICATION. . . . . . . . REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE ACCORDING TO SKILL LEVEL 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 C O O O O O 0 UNION ORIENTATION AND UNION PARTICIPATION. UNION ORIENTATION AND UNION INTEREST . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF UNION INTEGRATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF IDEOLOGICAL INTENSITY. . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND PERCEPTION OF UNION BEHAVIOR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND JOB SATISFACTION . . UNION ORIENTATION AND WORK SATISFACTION. . UNION ORIENTATION AND WORK ENVIRONMENT SATISFACTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND SITUS SATISFACTION . UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF OCCUPATIONAL INVOLVEMENT . . . . . . . . Page 19 20 20 24 24 25 26 26 29 29 3O 3O 31 List of Tables.-—Continued Table XIV. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXVI. XXVII. UNION ORIENTATION AND ASPIRATIONS FOR OCCUPATIONAL MOBILITY. . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF NEIGH- BORHOOD INVOLVEMENT. . . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT. . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND POSSIBILITIES OF MOVING FREELY DURING WORK. . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FELLOW WORKERS AROUND DURING WORK . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FELLOW WORKERS WITH WHOM THEY GO TO THE FACTORY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FRIENDS IN THE WORK GROUP. . . . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FRIENDS IN THE DEPARTMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FRIENDS IN THE PLANT . . UNION ORIENTATION AND CONSULTATIONS BY FRIENDS ABOUT UNION OR COMPANY PROBLEMS. UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF WORKERS MET OUTSIDE THE FACTORY. . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND CONFIDENCE IN FELLOW WORKERS WITH RESPECT TO INTIMATE AND IMPORTANT PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . UNION ORIENTATION AND COMMUNITY BACKGROUND UNION ORIENTATION AND SKILL LEVEL. . . . . vi Page 31 33 34 35 35 36 37 37 38 39 39 4O 41 42 UNION ORIENTATIONS, UNION PARTICIPATION: AND PATTERNS OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF THE ARGENTINIAN AUTOMOBILE WORKERS INTRODUCTION The workerIS View of his union, as Seidman §§_al, (l) have pointed out, may be influenced by a variety of factors. Among the most relevant, they noted: a) family background, particularly the unionist experience of the worker's relatives; b) his employment experiences; c) his experiences within the union; d) the age of the union and the strength of its tradition in the industry; e) the eco- nomic situation of the industry and the particular enter— prise; f) "the size of the plant, its location in a small town or a metropolitan area, the steadiness of its oper— ations, and the general attitudes of the community toward unionism may all play a part" (2); g) "Finally, aspects of the worker as an individual--age, sex, education, de- gree of skill, racial or ethnic background, and level of 1 aspiration--may all play a part in determining the worker's attitude toward the union" (3). If a general principle of cultural relativism is taken into account, to all those aspects related with the study of union members orientations should be added some observations about the particular conditions of the country and the working-class under consideration. Given that our work is based on an investigation carried out in an Argen- tinian automobile industry-—Industrias Kaiser Argentina-- as a part of an international research project directed by W. H. Form, the specific characteristics of Argentina and its working—class must be discussed. In this sense, we are going first to introduce some notes related to such a discussion, based on the works of A. Touraine, D. Pecaut, and G. Germani (4). Touraine and Pecaut, in their analysis of the labor consciousness in Latin America, point out that "the Latin American workers have, in fact, an access to power, . . . , and this differentiates them from the European workers at the beginning of industrialization" (5). They add that such a process can adOpt indirect or symbolic forms, but that it is fundamental to understand the formation of workers' attitudes in Latin America. As they specify: The European industrialization took place when the workers were still marginal to all form of political participation. On the contrary, the Latin American workers have been very soon ad- mitted within diverse forms of participation, what has allowed them, at the same time, greater possibilities of influence; this ad- vance of the political participation in rela— tion with industrialization has expressed it- self through the "national-popular" movements analyzed by G. Germani; it has been manifested in the precocious development of a social leg- islation which shows less the intervention of the state in the economic life than the influ- ence of the new urban masses; and finally it has been followed by anticipated references to the cultural and consumption models of the in- dustrialized societies (6). Touraine and Pecaut conclude that when this early parti- cipation of the masses in the political system is con- sidered, it should be taken into account that such a par- ticipation is not so much the expression of labor conquests, but the result of a "democratization through the authori- tarian way" (7). The ambiguities of the mobilization process in Argentina, in comparison with the rest of the Latin Amer- ican countries, have been analyzed by Gino Germani as follows: Only in Argentina the transition from partial (though amplified) mobilization toward total mobilization has already taken place: but just here arises the failure in the formation of mechanisms of integration, and the acute prob- lems that this country is confronting are an expression of such a failure. The position and attitudes of the lower classes already "mobilized" will be very different not only in accordance with the rapidity of the mobil— ization process, but also in accordance with the social structure within which such an emergency takes place (8). While discussing the character of the urbaniza- tion process which took place in Argentina as a result of the massive immigrations at the beginning of the century, Germani remarks: The urban growth, combined with the expansion and transformation of the economy, originated substantial changes in the type of society: already at the beginning of the present cen- tury, what we could call the traditional pat- tern had been destroyed and replaced by forms closer to the "modern" model (9). He adds that the measures introduced for the economic de- velopment of the country, together with the impulse given to the internal activities by the great urban concentra- tions, led, in the first decade of the present century, to the first industrial development in the modern sense. The impact of this process in the social structure, notes Germani, was reflected in the fact that the lower strata of the old society-—rural to a great extent-—were replaced by an urban proletariat and a middle-class in a process of rapid expansion (10). Hence, the "two-party" scheme of a traditional society . . . , is substituted in the central areas by a three-party scheme (high, middle, and lower class), or a multi-party one, because the differentiation between strata, especially among the cities, becomes confused and the structure assumes the image of a series of super-imposed positions in which the transi- tion from one to another results difficult to be perceived (11). With respect to the transformations of the strati- fication system in Argentina, Germani mentions that the lower strata, constituted by rural workers, unskilled per- sonnel, old artisans, personnel for domestic service, are transformed in urban workers occupied in industry, busi— ness, and services; that is, activities carried out in accordance with the typical relations of the modern enterprise and concentrated in the cities. In this way, the "mobilization" of the population which inhabited the "central" areas of the country took place, arising in such manner that the conditions for the formation of proletarian movements, in ac- cordance with the typical pattern of the first stages of the industrialization and urbaniza- tion process, acquire the characteristics of "social protest" movements (12). If this was the situation in the first decade of the century, when the country did not have yet the self- image of an "underdeveloped" nation, in the 1930's, points out Germani, as a result of the impact of the world depres— sion of 1929, two convergent processes took place in Argentina; industrialization entered a new and decisive phase, and the massive immigration toward the cities from the interior of the country stimulated urbanization (13). It was a massive exodus by which vast lower strata of the underdeveloped zones--masses un- til that moment completely marginal from the political life-—settled themselves in the big cities and particularly in Buenos Aires (14). These masses rapidly transplanted to the cities, immediately transformed in industrial workers, acquired political significance without finding the necessary chan- nels for their integration. These circumstances persisted, and the "disposable" masses became, finally, the human base of Peronism. But, the Peronist regime, typical "national—popular" movement, because of its origin, because of the character of its leaders, because of the cir- cumstances of its emergence, was called to rep- resent only an ersatz of political participa— tion for the lower classes (15). However, this limited participation was extraordinarily relevant: . . . there is no doubts that the lower classes acquired with Peronism a consciousness of their own significance as a category of great import- ance in the national life, able of exercising certain power (16). All these experiences, adds Germani, developed in the lower classes a clear consciousness of their power and meaning. He concludes that, as a result, "the electorate was polarized in accordance with the line of class divi- sion, a fact that had never happened before in the coun- try" (17). We can summarize, then, the principal elements of this analysis: first, Argentina appears as a predomi- nantly urban country; second, the "mobilization" process was very fast, with very wide effects on the whole social structure; third, the lower classes had an early partici— pation in the political system, although it was a "pro- cess of demoncratization through the authoritarian way." Peronism was the channel for this participation, and as a "national-popular" movement used as its main instrument the obligatory unionization of the workers. The most im- portant consequence of this process, as Germani notes, was that the workers develOped, to a certain degree, a class consciousness; fourth, the obligatory unionization was also extended to many rural areas and, even more, the po— litical socialization included these rural workers; finally, as a result of this, the General Confederation of WOrk (CGT), because of its organization and political neces- sities, extended its influence over all the regions of the country, probably diffusing among those rural workers, without a unionist tradition, a political orientation to- ward the union. On the light of the above discussion, the elements generally distinguished in the analysis of workers orien— tations toward the union will be constantly qualified here under the perspective of two main factors: the particular historical experience of the labor movement, and the spe— cific conditions of the broader social structure in which such an experience is generated. HYPOTHESES One way of approaching the problem of the deter— mination of union members orientations is through the study of the members' internalization of the union's functions. This is the approach proposed by Form and Dansereau (18), whose analysis will guide the present work. Form and DanSereau distinguish three main func— tions of unions: a) improvement of wages and economic security, which can be internalized as economic orienta- tions toward the union; b) protection from arbitrary man- agement rule, internalized as pglitical orientation; and c) the provision of fraternal and social contacts, inter- nalized as social orientation (19). In the following analysis, we will discuss some of the hypotheses pr0posed by these authors on the basis of the above typology, and we will reformulate them taking into account, particularly, the perspective we have al— ready suggested. 10 The first hypothesis proposed by Form and Dansereau is that "Type of union orientation is related to the de- gree of union participation" (20). This hypothesis was formulated noting that Specifically, those socially oriented toward the union would be most active, followed by the political, economic, . . . , orientational types. Theoretically, since the socially or- iented have integrated the union in their way of life, they should be most active. The po— litically oriented, concerned with the struggle with management in various fronts, should also be highly involved with the union. The economic orientation is functionally more specific and may call for less participation (21). In the discussion of workers' orientations, we have pointed out that it is necessary to relate those orienta- tions to particular situations. In the case of the Latin American countries, Touraine and Pecaut have suggested that what is of fundamental importance is the national situation (22). In the characterization of this national situation, they distinguish three phases of development: the first is that in which the pre-industrial society is scarcely disturbed, and the last, on the contrary, is that in which the society under consideration is almost an in- dustrial society, but still linked to the past by certain economic or institutional aspects; the intermediate phase represents the trajectory between these two moments (23). 11 On the basis of the above categorization, the authors have proposed the idea that in its first phase, the popular movement is based on a class vindication, especially peas- ant; it opposes foreign domination and is or- iented toward the initiation of development. In the second phase, characterized by a mas- sive "mobilization" of the population, action is carried out on behalf of those just arrived, of the masses in formation; it opposes a class system conceived as a system of barriers, of privileges and heirdom, and tends toward the integration of the Nation. Finally, in the third phase, the movement is formed in the name of the Nation, that is, of the people con- ceived as the great mass of active citizens; it opposes the irrationality or the inertia of in- stitutions and private interests, and it as— cribes to a class ideology (24). Touraine and Pecaut generalize their reasoning in the following way: the orientations in terms of class, nation, or development, refer, really, to a double move- ment; the orientation in terms of class does not define only a problematic of class relationships at the level of society. Hence, there simultaneously exists a movement of de- fense and a movement of redefinition of the global society: that is really the sense of class action of the European workers of the 19th century (25). Taking into account the present phase of develop- ment of Argentina, it can be expected that the complexity of the workers' orientations will be characterized by a 12 simultaneous movement of defense of the particular cate- gory and of redefinition of the global society, such as it was noted by the above authors. That is to say, we can assume that an articulation between categorical and global vindication will occur. As the global vindication with reference to the nation will imply a "reference to the rationality of the political power" (26), it is pos— sible to think that the economic orientation for the de- fense of the category and the political orientation will both be, as different aspects of a same process, strong determinants of the workers' actions. If those orientations are so strong as we presume, then both will account for most of the workers' responses, and the category of social orientation will tend to re- flect more an idea of class solidarity, and, in this sense, it can be considered as a part of a political or- ientation. Hence, Form and Dansereau's hypothesis is reform- ulated in the following way: I. Type of union orientation is related to the degree of union participation. Fundamentally, the economic and political orientation can be expected to account for most of the workers' responses, but those politically oriented should be slightly more involved with the union life than the economic ones. 13 Another hypothesis discussed by Form and Dansereau is that "Type of union orientation is associated with the degree of integration of the member to plant, neighborhood, and the community" (27). The authors mention that the underlying proposition here is that workers differ in their social class references. Those oriented toward the working—class tend to have diffuse social interests which involve interpersonal relations which are most com— monly found in local associations, such as the union, plant, and neighborhood. workers iden- tified with middle status groups are more spe- cifically concerned with individual economic mobility. They prefer to cut their local and personal ties and become associated with broader community interests, commonly identi- fied with middle status groups (28). Hence, they conclude that those socially oriented should be most integrated with plant and the neighborhood, but not with the wider community. The politically oriented should follow the same pattern, but be somewhat more concerned with community associations (29). Finally, those economic oriented "should be less involved with the plant and neighborhood and more involved in communitydwide activities" (30). It at the Latin American level we do not have fur- ther references related to this problem, given the parti- cular political involvement of the unions it is possible to assume that the politically oriented workers—~taking 14 into account their higher involvement with union activ- ities--will tend to be less involved with the plant and neighborhood, will tend to be more dissatisfied indi- viduals. This situation should also be reflected in a. relatively less involvement with the wider community. In this sense, it seems to us that what Lipset, Trow, and Coleman have pointed out in Union Democracy is also relevant in the Argentinian case: Conservatives come to participate in union af- fairs through first participating in the non— political occupational community, while lib- erals and radicals are motivated more directly by their values toward participation in union politics and are not dependent on social rela- tions as an activating force (31). In the same way, they add that If men bring a strong concern with liberal or radical political issues with them to the union, they will early find an outlet for their interests in the activities of the union. For such men, union politics is a highly satisfactory form of leisure-time ac- tivity. The conservatives, on the other hand, are more likely to look first to the nonpo- litical social and athletic clubs for a so- cial outlet if they seek their social satis- factions among printers (32). If we equate the politically oriented with a more liberal perspective, and the economic oriented with a more conserVative one, we can tentatively propose the following reformulation of Form and Dansereau's hypothesis: 15 II. Type of union orientation is associated with the degree of integration of the member to plant, neighborhood, and the community. The economic oriented should show a higher degree of involvement the community, The last hypothesis sereau is that "Differences partly related to different cupational career patterns" with plant, neighborhood, and than the political ones. considered by Form and Dan- in union orientations may be community backgrounds and oc- (33). While discussing the effects of the urbanization process in the Latin American countries, Touraine and Pe- caut conclude that in general, the urban experience can contribute to define the labor orientations. But, by it— self, it seems that it must not produce more than scarcely ellaborated forms: the isolation within the city can surely develop a certain consciousness of the social barriers; but the representation which follows that fact has more probability of expressing itself under the form of a hierarchy of orders than under the form of class conflict. The access to the world of con- sumption can, without doubts, engender a certain reference toward development; but over all it produces a vague consciousness of change. Sim- ilarly, through the means of mass communication it can appear without doubts a certain conscious- ness of participation in the nation; but under a confuse form. In one word, this urban exper- ience is fundamental; but by itself it favours heteronomous modes of action. It can be expected, then, that this experience will be even more im- portant for the individuals who have a marginal work, than for those that, through the work ex- perience, achieve a certain autonomy (34). 16 If the urban experience cannot allow us conclu- sive predictions, some particular historical factors re- lated with the urbanization process in Argentina suggest that the workers of urban and rural background could tend to differ in their orientations. The fundamental exper— ience of the rural workers was the political character of their participation in union activities, while the ur- ban ones add to their political experience an old tradi— tion of economic defense. On the basis of these considerations, we can spe- cify the first part of Form and Dansereau's hypothesis as follows: III. 1. Differences in union orientations may be partly related to different community backgrounds. In the Argentinian case, it could be expected that the urban workers will approximately show an even pattern of political and economic orien- tations, while the rural ones will prin- cipally express a political orientation. Taking into account the different phases of evolu- tion of industrial work described by Touraine (35), Argen- tina can be considered within that phase of develOpment where class references express themselves with a contra- dictory character, and where such a contradiction is re— flected in the confrontation between craft and 17 mechanization, between the professional autonomy and the system of organization of the enterprise. As Touraine points out, if the skilled worker has less propensity to discuss the decision—making system than the unskilled, to that extent will his status determine a stronger identification with his work. On the other hand, he remarks that the skilled worker will also feel himself strongly drawn to discussion, to the extent that he is more directly threatened by a system of organization which permanently tends to limit his autonomy (36). Along this same line, Touraine and Pecaut mention that a study of workers' attitudes in France, the same like other investigations in different countries, has shown that the skilled workers almost always possess capacity to autonomously organize their action within the enterprise; instead, the un- skilled workers frequently react in accordance with an elemental calculus, by means of which they correlate the professional difficulties of work, the obtained wage, and the possibilities of maintaining that wage in other occupations (37). As a result of these observations, the second part of the hypothesis can be stated in the following way: III. 2. Differences in union orientations may be partly related to different occupational career patterns. Specifically, those most skilled should tend to reveal a higher political orientation than the less skilled. RESEARCH SITE The field work on which this study is based was carried out in Cordoba, Argentina, a city of almost six hundred thousand, from October, 1965, to July, 1966. As it was mentioned before, the field work was a part of an international research project directed by William H. Form. The principal sources of employment in Cordoba are automobile manufacture, state government, and trade. To these, should be added some other less important in- dustries. The workers studied were those employed in "Industrias Kaiser Argentinas," who are members of a local of the national Metallurgic Labor Union, the second local in order of importance after Buenos Aires. R. Gale, who was the director of the field work in Argentina, notes that the study population is limited to workers with at least one year seniority at the time of the study employed in tool and die making, experi- mental, machining of parts, inspection, and re- pair, and final assembly departments. The ra- tionale for concentration on these departments is two—fold. First, these departments 18 19 constitute the core of the automobile manufac— turing process, and consequently would be ex- pected to reflect maximum similarity across cultural boundaries. Secondly, they represent a range of skill levels (38). With respect to the sampling procedure, Gale men- tions that "the study sample was drawn from listings of workers in selected departments mentioned above" (39). In total, 315 IKA workers living in the city and the sur— rounding urban areas were interviewed in their homes. From these, 275 are included in the representative sample used in the study. The "representative sample" not only includes different degrees of skill, but "also reflects the wage distribution of workers in the departments from which the sample was drawn" (40). Tables I, II, and III, respectively, show the representative sample according to wage rate, functional classification, and skill level: TABLE I REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE ACCORDING TO WAGE-RATE (41) t ‘Wage-Rate IKA'WOrkers "Line-rate" 22% "Above line-rate" 59 "Skilled trades" __12___ Totals (N) 100%.(275) 20 TABLE II REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE ACCORDING TO FUNCTIONAL CLASSIFICATION (42) Functional Classification IKA'WOrkers Assembly Line 33% Machine operator 31 Test, inspection, or repair 26 Skilled trades 10 Totals (N) 100%.(275) TABLE III REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE ACCORDING TO SKILL LEVEL (43) Skill Level IKA workers Unskilled 49% Semi-skilled 35 Skilled 16 Totals (N) 100%.(275) TYPES OF UNION ORIENTATION Form and Dansereau theoretically derived and then empirically determined the different types. The empirical location was carried out on the basis of the workers' re— sponses to the question of what they consider to be the main functions of the union. This will be our approach also. Political Orientation Approximately 37%.of the workers considered that the most important function of the union was: a) to change the political and social system of the country (5%9, and b) organize workers to make them feel socially united (32%9. This second alternative was considered by Form and Dan- sereau as the basis of the "social orientation" type, but, as we have noted, in the Argentinian situation this item appeared intimately related with the political orienta- tion, as meaning an idea of class solidarity. 21 22 Economic Orientation Another 37% of the workers considered as the most important function to secure higher wages. Mixed Type The remaining 25%.answered that the most important function of the union was to obtain better working condi- tions. The classification of these answers was difficult, because the item could suggest either an economic or po- litical vieWpoint. In the analysis of the data, such type tended to randomly agree with one or the other main types. Finally, as a first tentative approach, it was left as a kind of mixed type, without further relevance in the development of the present study. UNION ORIENTATIONS AND UNION PARTICIPATION In the first hypothesis we considered that while the economic and politically oriented would be both highly involved with the union, the latter will tend to participate more. The index of participation was determined taking into account the frequency with which workers attended union meetings, the offices they held in the union, their participation in union activities, their knowledge of current local officers' names, and, finally, their concurrence to vote in the last election of local officers. We can observe in Table IV that those politically oriented tend to reveal the expected pattern: 62%.fa11 in the category of high participation, while only 55%.of those economic oriented show the same degree of partici- pation. If these differences are small, the data, in gen- eral, systematically shows the politically oriented more involved with the union. The methodological approach here is to look for the consistency of the findings, more than for their significance (44). 23 24 TABLE IV UNION ORIENTATIONS AND UNION PARTICIPATION Union Paricipation Union Orientations Economic Political "T High 55% (57) 62% (62) 119 Low 45 (46) 38 (38) 84 103 100 203‘ Totals 100% _ 100% Following the same pattern, as Table V shows, the politically oriented are more interested in the union (52%9, than the economic ones (48%). TABLE V UNION ORIENTATION AND UNION INTEREST Union Interest Union Orientations Economic Political T High 48% (49) 52% (52) 101 Low 52 (54) 48 (48) 102 103 100 203 Totals 100%' 100% In general, those politically oriented are also more integrated with the union (40%) than the economic ones (31%): 25 TABLE VI UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF UNION INTEGRATION _-: —* ff Union Integration Union Orientations Economic Political T High 31% (32) 40% (40) 72 Low 68 I70) 59 (59) 129 Not ascertained 1 ( l) l ( l) 2 Totals 100%103 100%100 203 The index of integration is determined through the workers' evaluation, interest, and level of participation in the union. If we equate again the politically oriented with a more liberal outlook then the economic ones, our findings agree with the observations we early cited from Union De— mocracy. In this sense, our data show the politically or- iented reflecting a higher ideological bent, a more mil- itant perception of union behavior; The index of ideolog- ical intensity was built on the basis of the workers' agree- ment or disagreement with the following items: a) "It is better to take the position of live and let live than to insist on a point of View that it is really right;" 26 TABLE VII UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF IDEOLOGICAL INTENSITY Ideological Intensity Union Orientations Economic Political T High 30%. (31) 34% (34) 65 Low 70 (72) 66 (66) 138 103 100 203 Tom” 100% 100% b) "Once one makes a really important decision one mustn't pay any attention to other points of view no matter how convincing they may seem;" c) "One shouldn't let his family suffer because he believes in an ideal which can be real- ized only in the distant future." TABLE VIII UNION ORIENTATION AND PERCEPTION OF UNION BEHAVIOR Perception of Union Union Orientations Behavior Economic Political T More Militant 35%. (36) 42%. (42) 78 Less Militant 61% (63) 57 (57) 120 Not Ascertained 4 ( 4) 1 ( 1) 5 103 100 203 Totals 100%_ 100%. . 27 While only 30% of those economic oriented express a high ideological intensity and 35% tend to see the union as fighting militantly, 34% of those politically show the same degree of ideological intensity and 42%.perceive union behavior as more militant. Lipset §E_al,'s obser- vations that the more conservatives tend to be more in- volved with nonpolitical activities should be reflected in a higher involvement of the economic oriented with the neighborhood, or the "pOpular barrio" (45), and the wider community. We will see later that our data corroborate this assumption only to a certain extent. In general, we can see that the empirical find— ings agree, to a certain degree, with our assumptions. That is, if the differences are not significant, they systematically reveal the politically oriented as more interested and more active in union life than the economic ones . UNION ORIENTATIONS AND PATTERNS OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION Data in Tables IX, X, XI, and XII, tend to corre- spond with our initial assumptions: the economic oriented worker appears as the most integrated with the plant. They show higher job satisfaction (28%) than the polit— ical (22%); they also show higher work satisfaction, 82%, against only 73% of the political; again, they reveal a higher satisfaction with the work environment, 96%, against 94% of the political; finally, and in the same sense, they tend to feel higher situs satisfaction (74%) than the political (67%). Of course, it can be seen that the differences are also small here, but their con- sistency in the same direction seems to us highly rele- vant. The same occurs, as it is reflected in Table XIII, with the degree of occupational involvement, whose index was built on the basis of the workers' occupational ful- ‘fillment and interest: 60% of those economic oriented ap; pear as highly involved with their occupation, while only 53% of those politically oriented express the same pattern. 28 29 TABLE IX UNION ORIENTATION AND JOB SATISFACTION Job Satisfaction Union Orientations Economic Political T High 90%» (93) 83% (83) 176 Low 10 (10) l7 (17) 27 103 100 203 T013315 100% 100% ' TABLE X UNION ORIENTATION AND WORK SATISFACTION Work Satisfaction Union Orientations Economic Political T High 82% (85) 73% (73) 158 Low 15 (15) 24 (24) 39 Not ascertained 3 ( 3) 3 ( 3) 6 T t 1 103 100 203 0 a S 100% 100% 30 TABLE XI UNION ORIENTATION AND WORK ENVIRONMENT SATISFACTION . e . , , Work Env1r0nm nt Union Orientations Satisfaction Economic Political T High 96% (99) 94% (94) 193 Low 4 ( 4) 6 ( 6) 10 103 100 203 Totals 100% 100% TABLE XII UNION ORIENTATION AND SITUS SATISFACTION L —_ Situs SatisfaCtion Union Orientations Economic Political T High 72% (74) 67% (67) 141 Low 23 (24) 30 (30) 54 Not ascertained 5 ( 5) 3 ( 3) 8 Totals 103 100 203 100% 100% 31 TABLE XIII UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF OCCUPATIONAL INVOLVEMENT Occupational Involvement Union Orientations Economic Political T High 60% (62) 53% (53) 115 gLow 40 (41) 47 (47) 88 103 100 203 Totals 100% 100% However, the economic oriented appear also as the most mobile individuals, a fact that is reflected in Table XIV: Asked if they have ever thought about changing their TABLE XIV UNION ORIENTATION AND ASPIRATIONS FOR OCCUPATIONAL MOBILITY ‘ L 47 j —_-_— Aspirations for . Union Orientations other occupatlons Economic Political T Yes 60% (62) 50% (50) 112 No 40 (41) 50 (50) 91 103 100 203 T tal O S 100% 100% 32 present occupation, 60% of those economic oriented gave an affirmative answer, while only 50%.of the politically oriented answered in the same way. In the same sense, they were also found to be the most unstable, particularly when we analyzed data referring to aspirations for other jobs, other types of work, and changes of shift. With respect to the last part of the present hy— pothesis, our data tend to differ. While the economic oriented appears as more involved with neighborhood ac- tivities, the politically oriented tends to be more in— volved with the wider community. As Table XV shows 86% of those economic oriented reflect high neighborhood in- volvement, against 75% of the political ones. The index of neighborhood involvement is based on the workers' an- swers to the questions: would they like to continue liv- ing in the neighborhood or move, what number of friends and acquaintances they have in the neighborhood, were they disposed to attend meetings to discuss neighborhood prob— lems, what number of relatives they have there, do they exchange visits with neighborhood friends, and, finally, do they perceive problems in the neighborhood or not. 33 TABLE XV UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF NEIGHBORHOOD INVOLVEMENT Neighborhood Involvement Union Orientations Economic Political T High 86% (89) 75% (75) 164 Low 14 (14) 24 (24) 38 Not ascertained - l ( l) 1 103 100 203 T013” 100% 100% On the other hand, the reverse relation holds in the case of involvement with the wider community: while 73% of those politically oriented reveal a high involve- ment, only 66%.of the economic ones fall in the same cate- gory. The index of community involvement takes into ac- count the workers' answers to the questions which refer to: a) satisfaction with community of residence, b) in- terest in local or national news, c) membership in volun- tary organizations, and, d) perception of community prob- lems. In accordance with Lipset §§_§1,'s observations, the idea of the economic oriented worker participating 34 TABLE XVI UNION ORIENTATION AND DEGREE OF COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT Community Involvement Union Orientations Economic Political T High 66% (68) 73% (73) 141 Low 29% (30) 24 (24) 54 Not ascertained 5 ( 5) 3 ( 3) 8, 103 100 203 Rm” 100% 100% more in the neighborhood and the community seemed to us consistent at the very beginning. But, the parallel be- tween conservatives and economic oriented workers does not hold at the level of the social relations. It seems that, given his necessities of defense of the category and so- cial support, the economic oriented workers tend to be somewhat involved with the union and to participate more in neighborhood activities, but this circumstance is not reflected in a higher number of friendships. The politi— cally oriented, on the other hand, given his stronger so- cial orientation supposedly expressed in the idea of class solidarity, tends to develop more friendships than the 35 economic ones, even when the latter have slightly more possibilities to do so. TABLE XVII UNION ORIENTATION AND POSSIBILITIES OF MOVING FREELY DURING WORK Mobility during work Union Orientations Economic Political T High 55% (57) 54% (54) 111 Low 45 (46) 46 (46) 92 103 100 203 Totals 100%, 100% TABLE XVIII UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FELLOW WORKERS AROUND DURING WORK Number of workers around Union Orientations Economic Political T High (more than 5) 76% (78) 75%. (75) 153 Low (5 or less) 24 (25) 25 (25) 50 103 100 203 Tom” 100% 100% 36 TABLE XIX UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FELLOW WORKERS WITH WHOM.THEY GO TO THE FACTORY Number of workers they nion rie a ' 90 to the factory U 0 nt tions Economic Political T High (more than 10) 64% (66) 44%. (44) ‘ 110 Low (10 or less) 36 (37) 56 (56) 93 103 100 203 Totals 100%} 100% We can see in the preceding Tables that there are practically no differences between the political and the economic oriented with respect to the distance they can freely move during work and with respect to the number of fellow workers around them while they are working. But, the economic oriented go to work with more workers than the political: while 64% of the former go together with more than ten workers, only 44%.of the latter go with the same number. However, as we have pointed out, data in Tables XX, XXI, and XXII, show that even if the economic oriented worker has slightly more objective possibilities for friendships, it is the political who reveals himself having more friends. 37 TABLE XX UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FRIENDS IN Number of friends THE WORK GROUP ~— L in the work group Union Orientations Economic Political T High (more than 5) 11% (ll) 11% (ll) 22 Low (5 or less) 89 (92) 89 (89) 181 103 100 203 Totals 100%. 100% TABLE XXI UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FRIENDS IN THE DEPARTMENT Number of friends . . . in the department Union Orientation Economic Political T, High (more than 5) 16% ‘(16) 23%. (23) 39 Low (5 or less) 84 (87) 77 (77) 164 T t 1 103 100 203 O a S 100% 100% 38 TABLE XXII UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF FRIENDS IN THE PLANT Number of friends in the plant Union Orientation Economic Political T High (more than 5) 11%. (11) 19% (19) 30 Low (5 or less) 89 (92) 81 (81) 173 103 100 203 Totals 100% 100% It can be observed that, if again there are no differences at the level of the work group, the politically oriented has more friends in the department; while 23%.of the latter answered that they have more than five friends, only 16% of those economic oriented mentioned having more than five friends in the department. The same with re— spect to the plant: while 19% of the political have more than five friends, only 11% of the economic oriented show the same pattern. Also, and in the same sense, data in Table XXIII reveals that 57% of those politically oriented answered that they are consulted by friends, against 51% of the economic ones. 39 TABLE XXIII UNION ORIENTATION AND CONSULTATIONS BY FRIENDS ABOUT UNION OR COMPANY PROBLEMS If consulted by friends Union Orientations Economic Political T Yes 51% (53) 57% (57) ' 110 No 49 (50) 43 *(43) 93 103 100 203 Again, with respect to the social relations out— side the factory, Table XXIV shows that 24%.of those po— litically oriented meet outside with more than five fellow TABLE XXIV UNION ORIENTATION AND NUMBER OF WORKERS MET OUTSIDE THE FACTORY Number of workers . . . . Union Orientations met outSide factory Economic Political T High (more than 5) 15%. (15) 24%, (24) 39 Low (5 or less) 85 (88) 76 ((76) 164 103 100 203 Tom” A 100% 100% 40 workers, while only 15% of the economic ones reflect the same circumstance. Finally, the most confirming instance is expressed in Table XXV, where we can see that while 71%.of the politically oriented workers answered that they can trust fellow workers with respect to very intimate and important problems, only 63%.of those economic oriented gave an affirmative answer. TABLE XXV UNION ORIENTATION AND CONFIDENCE IN FELLOW WORKERS WITH RESPECT TO INTIMATE AND IMPORTANT PROBLEMS If can trust workers Union Orientations Economic Political T Yes 63%. (65) 71% (71) 136 No 37 (38) 29 (29) ' 67 Totals 103 100 203 100% 100% COMMUNITY BACKGROUND AND UNION ORIENTATIONS Data in Table XXVI do not allow conclusive inter- pretations in regard to the relationship between community background and union orientations. Practically, workers reared in rural and urban areas tend to reveal the same pattern of orientation: of those economic oriented 29% come from rural regions and 71%.of urban ones, while 27% of the politically oriented are rural and 73 are urban. The very small difference of 2%.in the sense that the economic oriented would be slightly more rural and the political slightly more urban, in the absence of further data cannot be taken into account. TABLE XXVI UNION ORIENTATION AND COMMUNITY BACKGROUND Community Background Union Orientations Economic Political _T__ Rural 29% (30) 27% (27) 57 Urban 71 (73) 73 (73)_ 146 Totals 103 100 203 100% 100% 41 OCCUPATIONAL STRATIFICATION AND UNION ORIENTATIONS Form and Dansereau note that "social and economic attitudes are frequently associated with position in a stratification system and with mobility aspirations" (47). In their analysis, the most important index of stratifi- cation used was occupation. In the present work, also the most important available index is occupation. TABLE XXVII UNION ORIENTATION AND SKILL LEVEL Skill Level Union Orientations Economic Political T Skilled 11% (ll) 23%. (23) 34 Semi-skilled 39 (40) 31 (31) 71 Unskilled 50 (52) 46 (46) 98 103 100 203 Totals 100% 100% 42 43 Data in Table XXVII show that those most skilled tend to be more politically oriented: 23% of the latter fall among those most skilled, while only 11%.of the eco- nomic oriented fall in such a category. The reverse re— lation holds for the semi-skilled: 39%.are economic or- iented, while among the politically oriented we only find 31% of semi-skilled. A similar pattern is revealed by the unskilled: among the economic oriented.50%,are un- skilled, while only 46%.of those politically oriented fall in this category. Form and Dansereau mention that "workers may also be stratified according to their aspirations for higher jobs and the degree to which they accept their present status" (48). In our case, we have only data to deter- mine the degree of mobility, but not its verticality. However, such observations can be suggestive with respect to the aspirations for upward occupational mobility. Ear- lier in this work, we found that those economic oriented affirmatively answered that they were thinking in a dif— ferent occupation in'a higher proportion than those po- litically oriented. In the same sense, the number of oc- cupations they had before entering IKA is higher than in the case of the political ones. As shown in Table 44 15%.of those economic oriented had more than five occu- pations, against only 5% of those politically oriented. Here again, the "Janus-faced" character of our economic oriented worker reveals itself: while he is the most stable, the most satisfied with all the aspects of the plant, the most involved with the local community, he is also the most mobile individual, that with higher aspir- ations for mobility. C ONCLUS I ONS At the end of our examination, a provisional char- acterization of the orientational types can be suggested. The economic oriented workers seem to be those most conservative, those less active in the union, those who show a lower degree of ideological intensity, those most satisfied with their job, their work, their immediate en- vironment such as the plant and the local neighborhood, and, hence, those most stable. But, at the same time, they appear as the most mobile, as the individuals with higher aspirations for change. The politically oriented, on the other hand, are those most involved with union life, those who show the higher degree of ideological intensity, those less involved with the immediate environment, and those who have devel- oped more ties with the broader community. In this distinction, a controversial fact arises at the level of the social relations in plant and the neighborhood. The observed systematic and consistent tendency of those politically oriented to develop a bigger 45 46 number of friendships seems that should account not only for a higher involvement with the community, but also with the immediate environment. However, the circumstance that they tend to participate less in the latter could be ex- plained at a more structural level: Payne, in his study of Labor and Politics in Peru, has pointed out that the Latin American workers is reflected in the political char- acter of the strikes, by means of which the workers con- tinually threaten the executive stability (49). Their typical political participation requires a wide involve- ment with the national political problems. This circum— stance is most outstanding in Argentina after Peron's fall in September 1955, particularly because since then the CGT was continually looking for alliances with different po- litical groups; the stability of all the governments which were in power after Peron depended on their relations with the CGT and, indirectly, with the whole Peronist Movement. As J. C. Torre has noted, the overthrown of the Peronist regime, the weak- ness which then characterizes the organization of the social movement, the questioning of the "public status" of the working masses produces an extension of the representation that the union holds. The union becomes the organ of representation for the working masses not only as a productive category but also in their condition of consumers and citizens. Its action 47 will constantly transcend the professional vin- dications and the ambit of the civil society to which the union is institutionally ascribed, and it will claim a higher participation in the more general political decisions (emphasis in the original) (50). He adds that it could be argued that the political fea- tures of the Argentinian union were a distinctive note under the Peronist regime. However, he observes that under the Peronist regime, the State not only recognize and stimulates the political role of the union, but it defines the terms themselves within which such a role should be played. As an instrument of mobilization of the working masses for the objectives of the national- popular movement, the union undergoes a derived and not an organic politicalization. After 1955, however, the union will be the only sub- sisting organization of the Peronist social movement; it will tend, then, to resume a broader gammut of vindications than those which emerge from its institutional ends, and, by this way, its contractual activity will tend to be replaced by that of a pressure-group (51). All these observations tend to show that the political life of the Argentinian workers is much beyond the limits of the union. That is, while the politically oriented par- ticipate more in the union and the national political life, it seems that these circumstances conspire against their wider involvement with the immediate environment. While Form and Dansereau suggest that union orien— tation could be accounted for the community background 48 and skill level of the workers, it is only the latter factor which revealed here certain relevance. In ac- cordance with our analysis, those politically oriented appeared to be the most skilled ones. As it was suggested, such fact could be understood as a result of the conflict between craft and mechanization, in the sense pointed out by A. Touraine. In his discussion, Touraine gives a pic- ture of the most skilled worker as the individual whose professional autonomy is threatened by the organization, at the same time that the development of a class conscious- ness appears as the appeal to a professional principle of vin- dication opposing to a social power considered as hostile, within the technical system to which the worker feels to belong and to par- ticipate"(52). Class consciousness, adds Touraine, can only achieve a maximum development when a principle of affirmation of the rights of work coexists with the opposition to the social conditions of the organization (53). Of the seven industries studied by Touraine, this coexistence revealed itself more firmly established among the skilled and spe- cialized workers of the metallurgic enterprises which are not based on mass production and the use of the assembly- line and they can maintain certain autonomy. Colabella, 49 in his review of Touraine's work, remarks that the skilled workers in the metallurgy of mass production defend themselves in a more classist way against those pressures (of the assembly-line) . . . . The worker does not already rely on his craft but on the consciousness of an economic exploi- tation carried out in behalf of the modern sys- tem of production (54). It is this freedom from the impositions of the assembly—line, or the fight against them, which seems to account for the political orientation of the most skilled workers. Even more, with respect to the French workers, Touraine observes that the contradiction between capitalism and the general interest is fundamentally affirmed by one category, that which maintains a profesé sional principle in the center of the big mechanized and rationalized enterprises (55). Of course, it should be remembered that Touraine is re— ferring here to a particular phase of develOpment in the evolution of industrial work, where Argentina could tentatively be included. In their conclusions, Form and Dansereau observe that two assumptions underlie much research on local labor unions: a) that a greater degree of mem— bership participation may attend union sta- bility, and b) that union stability elicits greater membership participation in the plant, neighborhood, and community (56). 50 As a result of their study, they suggest that such assump— tions "need to be refined to take into account the dif— ferent meanings which labor unions have for their mem- bers" (57). In this sense, they add that their research revealed different union orientations, which were dif— ferentially related to the degree of integration within the union, the department, the neighborhood, and the com— munity (58). A cleavage was found to exist for some union orientational types between integration with union and plant, on the one hand, and neigh- borhood and community, on the other (59). Finally, the authors conclude that . . . three dominant life styles seemed to un— derlie both union orientations and broad pat- terns of integration. They are: a) a working- class life style in which the union and plant play a dominant role, b) an individualistic life style in which community associations are more vital, and c) an "isolated" life style in which the family and possibly the neighborhood are primary sources of social integration of the person (60). If we refer the conclusions of our analysis to those of Form and Dansereau, some similarities and dif— ferences should be pointed out. On the one hand, our study also allows us to conclude that the central assump- tions underlying union research have to be qualified on the basis of the differential orientation of the workers 51 toward union functions. But, on the other hand, the clea- vage they found assumes here a different pattern: while the political orientation implied a high integration with the union and the wider community, the economic orienta- tion was reflected in a higher integration with the plant and the local neighborhood. Given this situation, if fol— lowing Form and Dansereau we distinguish dominant life styles underlying the types of orientation and the pat— terns of integration, our conclusions lead to a final dif- ferentiation. That is, we will only distinguish a working- class life style in which the union and the community play the dominant role, and an individualistic life style in which such a role is played by the plant and the local neighborhood. However, this differentiation is not con— clusive. If a main characteristic of the Latin American working-class life style should be, as Touraine has pointed out, their active participation in the culture of the "pOpular barrio"--the local neighborhood-—our distinction would loose heuristic value. At this level, both life styles appeared intermixed, in the sense that their con- nections with the "bario" were one-sided: in the working- class life style the social relations with the neighbor— hood--the srystallization of friendships-~were more vital, 52 while in the individualistic life style it was the mere participation in neighborhood organizations which seemed to be the decisive one. One possibly final speculation of the present analysis is that this apparently contra- dictory situation could imply a more extreme differentia- tion of the proposed dominant life styles: on the one hand, the individualistic character of those economic or— iented could be reflected in the fact that, even when they have somewhat better structural possibilities for devel- Oping friendships, such a crystalization does not take place. On the other hand, even when those politically oriented have slightly less structural possibilities to involve themselves in neighborhood's friendships, they are--on the assumption of a stronger working-class soli— darity-—who tend to find more friends. The limitations of the prOposed orientational types, as the limitations of all typology, lead us to sug- gest the possibility of alternative approaches to account for the observed empirical relationships. On the other hand, if it is a typical pattern in sociological research to finally observe that "further research is necessary" to support the preceding conclusions, it is not our pur- pose to break such a well—established tradition. This 53 necessity reveals itself most imperatively in the present comparative approach, where the possibilities of differ— ential communication with workers subjected to similar questions remain as an uncontrolled variable. Unfortu- nately, we cannot repeat here, as Samuel Becket in Endgame, "always the same questions, always the same answers." (l) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (l3) (14) (15) REF ERENC ES C IT ED J. Seidman, §t_al,, The Worker Views his Union, The University of Chicago Press; (Chicago, 1958). Ibid., p. 241. Ibid., p. 242. A. Touraine and D. Pecaut, "Conciencia Obrera y De— sarrollo Economico en America Latina," Revista La- tinoamericana de Sociologia, 2 (2): 150-178 (Buenos Aires, 1966). G. Germani, Politica y Sociedad en una Epoca de Transicion, Editorial Paidos (Buenos Aires, 1964). Touraine and Pecaut, op. cit., p. 155 (My own trans— lation). £1319, p. 156. 12;g., p. 156. G. Germani, op. cit., p. 232 (My own translation). Ibid., p. 233. Ipid., p. 235. Ibid,, p. 235. IQ}Q,, p. 237. gpgg,, p. 250. 121g,, p. 250. IQ}§,, p. 251. 54 (l6) (17) (18) (19) (20) (21) (22) (23) (24) (25) (26) (27) (28) (29) (3Q) (31) (32) (33) (34) 55 ipgg,. p. 255. ‘ppgg., p. 255. W. H. Form and H. K. Dansereau, "Union Member Orien- tations and Patterns of Social Integration," in W. A. Faunce (ed.), Readings in Industrial Sociology, Meredith Pub. Co. (New York, 1967). Epig,, p. 440. gpgg,, p. 440. Ipid., p. 440. Touraine and Pecaut, 0p. cit., p. 154. lpiQ., p. 154. gpig,, p. 158. pp;g,, p. 159. IpiQp, p. 159. Form and Dansereau, 0p. cit., p. 440. 1p;§,, p. 441. Ipi§,, p. 441. 1p;g,, p. 441. S. M. Lipset, gp,al,, Union Democracy, Anchor Books, Doubleday & Co. (Garden City, New York, 1962); p. 111. Ibid., p. 112. Form and Dansereau, op. cit., p. 441. Touraine and Pecout, op. cit., p. 161. (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) 56 He summarizes this evolution by describing it as the passage of a phase A, defined by the autonomyi of the professional work, to a phase C, dominated by the integration of the means of production, pass- ing through a phase B, which frequently symbolizes the work in the assembly—line, and where the pro- fessional work and the scientific-rational organ— ization of work begin to coexist. Phase B, the most relevant for our analysis, is seen as "a con- tradictory union of elements which represent the Opposing systems of work," and in this circumstance labor consciousness itself must be considered as contradictory. "Here labor consciousness confronts the most important event in the social history of classical industry; the confrontation of craft and mechanization, with the correlative changes in the direction of enterprises." A. Touraine, La Con- science Ouvriere, Editions du Seuil (Paris, 1966). After S. Colabella's review in Revista Latinoamer- icana de Sociologia, 3 (3) (Buenos Aires, 1967); pp. 511—513 (My own translation). Ibid., p. 513. Touraine and Pecaut, op. cit., p. 155. R. Gale, "Industrial Man in Argentina and the United States: A Comparative Study of Automobile WOrkers," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State Uni- versity, 1967; p. 79. Ibid., p. 80. Ibid., p. 81. Ibid., p. 83. Ibid., p. 84. Ibid., p. 85. See in this sense the methodological note in the Appendix I of Union Democracy, particularly pp. 480- 485. (45) (46) (47) (48) (49) (50) (51) (52) (53) (54) (55) (56) (57) 57 Touraine notes that in certain proto-industrial so- cieties predominates the pOpular consciousness, which fundamentally develops itself in the "popular barrio" more than in the enterprise. By this way, Touraine himself is questioning the privilege of the work situation, in the sense that the work ex- perience overshadows all the other experiences of the worker, an idea that was generally accepted in his study. Colabella, while discussing Touraine's analysis of the Opposition between class conscious— ness in the work situation and the workers' class representation of society, also observes this con- tradiction. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Ch. Scribner's Sons (New YOrk, 1958); p. 179. Form and Dansereau, op. cit., p. 449. Ibid., p. 450. J. L. Payne, Labor and Politics in Peru: The Sys- tem of Political Bargaining, Yale University Press (New Haven, 1965). J. C. 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