THE iNFLUENCE 0F CHARLES DICKENS
9N '

THE NOVELS or BEMTO PEREZ GALDbs

Effie Lorraine Ericson
1934

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THE I‘TOVEJIS OF BLEEITO Phi-1:32. GikLDOS

by

Effie Lorraine Ericson

Thesis submitted to the graduate faculty of
Itichigan State College in partial fillfilmen‘b

of the requirements for the degree
of

133.8 SEER OF ARTS

Department of English

East lensing
1934.-

PREFACE

The purpose of this thesis is to show the evidences
of the influence of Charles Dickens on the novels of Don
Benito Perez Galdos. ‘The first three chapters are devoted
to a biographical sketch of Galdds and to a discussion of
the literary, social, and political background in order
to show him.as a product of his age. The next two chapters
are given to observations concerning the English interests
of Galdos, and to a collection of statements by well known
critics who have expressed their opinions on the question
of the influence of Dickens.

In the remaining part of the thesis there is an attempt
to show in detail the influence of Dickens on the principal
novels of Perez Galdos. The novels are treated chronologically
in order that the development and decline of the influence
may be traced. The final chapter is a summary of the points
of similarity which the study has shown.

The foreign research for the paper was done in La
Biblioteca Nacional, La Biblioteca del Centro de Estudios
Historicos, and in the Ayuntamiento in Madrid. Additional
research and reading were done in the libraries of the .
University of‘Michigan and Michigan State College.

The subject or the thesis was suggested to me by Don
Pedro Salinas, Preseasor in La‘Universidad de Madrid and
El Centro de Estudios Historicos. The writing of the paper

was done under the direction of Professor W.W. Johnston,
Dr. C.M@New11n, and Dr.J.0. Swain of Michigan State
College.

Effie Lorraine Ericson

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-1-
Chapter 1
/
The Literary Background of Galdos

{All schools of art are formed to contradict their pron
decessors. The fever of Romanticism came late to Spain.
England, France, and Germany had already passed the literary
crisis and had begun to recuperate from the long siege of
soulsickness. Spain caught the movement on the rebound. In
.its new setting it was destined to burn itself out. The
country thich had been inspiration to the foreign romantic
use not willing to give itself to a movement contradictory
to its national character.

Realism‘had been a classic tradition in Spain, whether
it was uncouth realism or realism tempered by didactic
moralizing. In 1554. (1) Egzarillo gg,Torme§ had introduced
the picaro into literature. A half century later, 223,93110te
issued from the press. The ironic pen of Cervantes dealt the
death blow to the waning sentimentality of the Cabellcrias.
The ggijote stretched realism to a new climax and assured
its place in the chain of Spanish fiction.

The whole romantic movement in Spain was an artificial
one. It deliberately stole French and English ideas. Only
the literary technique and the theme and tone of the literature
tore altered under Spanish.hands. (2) But from the beginning,

 

(l)Historians have referred to an earlier edition (1553),
but there seems to be no actual proof of its existence.
(2) Cesar Barja, Librospy_Autores Modernos, p. 93.

the movement stifled itself. Even the desperate attempts
of radicals like Espronceda, who tried to cast themselves
in the role of Lord Byrons and Gautiers, were only a
pseudo-success. Influence can no longer be valuable when ,
it results in imitation.

While the whole romantic movement was principally a
lyric one, here sore attempts at the prose fiction. As
might be expected, those who used he form looked beyond
the Spanish horizon for their models. With.painful con-
sciousness, they tried to fit Spanish material into the
mould cast by the English Scott and the Franch Dumas. In
all the vast quantity of novels created at the time, there
is not one which rises above the mediocre.CQWhile the originals
could suffer little by those feeble Snanish imitations, the
imitations themselves finally settled down into thick stag-
nation. Spanish literature 1ost the refreshing directness
of its EEEEE. Novels tore turned out hastily and mechanically.
There were "innumerable novels, but no novelist in the orthodox
sense of the word.'(4)

A reaction was inevitable. It came at the cleaving of the
century. Oddly enough, the writer destined to drag Spanish
Literature from the bog w ich threatened to kill its healthy
life or reality use a woman of German extraction,- Cecilia
Bohl de Faber, better known by her pseudonym of Fernan
Gaballero. With her,it may be said, the history of the

 

(3) L. B. Walton, Perez Galdos and the Spanish Novel of the
Nineteenth Century*fiovel, p. 12.

(4) Tblg.’ 13¢ 19.

-5-

nineteenth century novel began. Before her time, the
century had produced no true novel which was at the same
time both original and national. (5)

Ihile Fernan Caballero sounded the pitch for her suc-
cessors, she herself never elevated the novel to anything
like perfection. She was still too close to the historical
romance to divorce herself completely from it. Her La Gaviota
is weighed down.by heavy descriptions and didactic exposition.
But, in spite of her lack of true genius, she served as a
revolutionary force. Transitional writers are seldom
valuable as themselves, but rather as bridges between
extremes.

Seldom does a literary movement rise in a country Iith~
out the added force of external stimulus. All through literary
history. France has had a way of setting standards and than
intentionally, or unintentionally, injecting them into the
consciousness of her neighbors. fhe new realism in Spain;
than, did not arise from any sudden awareness of the national
heritage; it drifted over the Pyrenees from France, and use
carried on by suggestion from England and Russia. The in~
fluence from England was an-efrortless one. A subtle under-
standing had always existed between the tIO countries.

”Spain, like England, placed in the suburbs of Europe. has
had a life of her own, subject to a.hi torical rhythm quite
different from the rest of the continent.” It was natural

W w—

(6) Cesar Barja, 09. cit., p 175. .
(6) Salvador wadariaga,_ghe Genius of Spainj p. 49.

.4-

that Spain should turn to England in a period of literary
fumbling. Besides, England had a debt to pay to Spain.
From the time of their first appearance, the picaresque
novel and Don Qgiiote had been translated, imitated and
adapted in England.

In 1594, Thomas Hashe imitated the rogue errant stories
in his Eye Unfortunate Traveler, a fictitious account of the
adventures of an nsglish boy on the continent. Even Bunyan's
Pilgrim, nearly a century later (1678), wandered through the
world like a Spanish picaro, seeking and meeting adventures.
(7) The only difference lay in his motive for travel. Where
Lazaro and Guzman sought satisfaction for their physical
appetites, Christian wasgoverned by his search for virtue.
The eighteenth century novelists, Defoe, Fielding, and
Smollett, reflected the same picaresque element in their
work. Fielding, especially, revealed the added influence
of the gnijote. All through the history of English fiction
these two indelible contributions from Spain, the picaresquo
novel and Qpn gnijote, had gone hand in hand. To the stark
realism of the picaresque, Cervantes had added an ideal picture
of SpnniSh manners, casting over the blending of the two a
gentle irony . (8)

In the last half half of the Eighteenth Century, the
novel in England gave way to a sudden full gush of lyric
poetry. The Spanish acquisitions. by that time completely
assimilated into the national character of English fiction,

WW v—7 w ~r

(7) Ibid., p. 274.
(8) Rafael Attamira, A Historywof Spanish Civilizationl p. 148.

 

-5-

lay dormant. Then came Thackeray and Dickens. riding along
on the edge of rOmantlcism and anticipating realism. Out
of the past, they drew net the pioaresque and quixotic,

and breathed newglife‘into them. ”It is Dickens, who,
inheriting;the tradition of Smollett and.Egan and profiting
by the reformation purpose of Godwin and Bulwer, first, con-
binod the two tendencies, studying rogues as individuals
and also as social phenomena." (9)

The Spaniehknoveliate iho were pioneers of realism in
their own cmtry, when they turned to England and France
for'modela. turned to those works which had been graftinge
or what Ias their right by tradition. They accepted the
resuscitation or their own golden past as a foreign innovation.
But in the lions; sojourn allay from native soil, the Spnieh no,
element had lost some of its original'ggggig. the EngliEh
had given it a new, distinctly unopenish.hnmour; the French
had added a pmGOision and an analysis of psychological states
that veiled its original identity. (11) Naturalism toe the
name the French gave to this new movement ihich caught on
the eternal pendulum as it swung away from Romanticism. It
became a conscious and deliberate mode of writing. Uith
the customary vogue ihich comes to reactions, thermovoment
non many disciples abroad. It was Only natural that it should
find its day into Spain, too. But Spain was reluctant to
accept its radical impersonality. Spain has always been the

AAA.

w—v
W .fiw—v

(9) Erank W. Chandler. The Literature of Roguery. vol. 11.
p. 411e ’

(10) S1nco I formulated this idea, I have found Perez Galdoe
expressing the some thought in his essay on Clarin,
Memorandg1_pp 125-6.

"I‘I‘ 'LIJ I i

~6-

most individualistic country in Europe. A silent war
raged between the naturalists and a new camp of writers,
the reallata, who Iished to photograph life honestly, but
with no intention or thrusting the crude and revolting into
the foreground. Realism seemed to triumph in the last
quarter or the century, but only no it struck off on a no!
tangent - Regionalism. “It use inevitable that the modern
novel of manners in Spain should be regional. Life is not
uniform in Spain. The country is still a grouping of the
old remoe, each with its traditional customs and murmurs."
(12)

One of the tests of good literature is universality.
While Regionalism can contribute to the evolution of a
national novel, it can never achieve one alone and in its
om right. In oyite of the contributions of Parade, Alarco’h,
and Valera toward immortellzing their provinces, they can
never reach the rank of world literature. It rooted with
mother, Perez Galdds, to create the modern 811111811 novel.

(l2)'t}oorge 1‘. Horthup, A13 introduction to Spanish Litemtm.
p. 36‘. ‘

-7-
Chapter II

Biographical Sketch of Galdés

Little is known of the life of Don Benito Perez Galdés;
that is, little more than the usual facts or birth, education,
travel and death. Clarin, tho wrote a contemporary sketch of
the master, (1) was too close to hin.chronologically and in
spirit, and too carried away by blind enthusiasm to give his
study much value as a record. the work of L. Anton del Olmet
and A. Garcia Csrraffs based ones series of literary conlerh
nations, (2) is perhaps the best source, but even that came
too early to reveal the last years of the novelist. L. B.
Walton's semi-popular biography, (3) shile stimulating and
scholarly in so far as the study of the novels themselves
is concerned, has failed to unearth mudh new material.

Perez Galdo’s Ias born on the fringe of the Spanish
Kingdom, at Las Palms, in the Canary Islands, Key 10, 1843.
It can a halfetropio atmosphere into which he was born. The
bold, picturesque outlines of the volcanoes stand out sharply
behind the deep green of palm and banana trees. lrho full
blue of the ocean mirrors the rich full blue of the sky.

The blush of profuse flowers makes of the Islands a floating
garden, a cool oasis off the African coast. Guidos' parents,
hoiever, had come from the mainland. His fathu', Don Sebastian
Perez,y Maciassas a colonel in the provincial army. His
mother, a refined and very religious woman, was the daughter

w fi—. fi

(1) Leopoldo Alas, ggldos, published Madrid, 1912,
(2) L. Anton del Olmet y A. Garcia Carraffa, Galgos,
published Madrid, 1912.

l...‘ - n. . .__ i---h_ fl_‘ 1.4.. ---L1.—‘AAA T Ann-AA- 1‘30”

~8-

of a Basque who had been sent to the Islands as secretary
of the Inquisition. (4)

The boy Galdos learned his first letters at the mglish
school of Las Palmas. At the adolescent age of thirteen he
transferred to the Colegio do San.Agustin to continue his
secondary education. Fortunately, he was not forced to
another any of his early artistic tastes and aptitudes.

The family, thile'not wealthy, ens comfortably independent.
Beyond those bare facts, ye know little about his formative
years.. Either*through modesty or stubborness, he refused

to speak definitely about his early impressions and activities.
to do know that he dabbled in painting, even up to his novel
writing period. (5) one edition of the Episodios Bagiggglgg
was published with illustrative sketches by the author. As
for his literary inclinations, our knowledge is limited.
Even Clarin, who use fortunate enough to be able to converse
intimately Iith Guides, Ins unable to shed any new light

on his friend's preparatory-years. ‘

”Y nada sabemos de la infancia ni do los prineros moo
do pubertad de.Pérez Galddse El no dice mas que estoxequs

on.el Institute estudid con bastante aprovechamientot «Nada
so me occurs decirle - shadeede mis prdneros anos. Aficiones

lite arias lee tore deeds s1 rinci io, pore sin saber por
aondeEEabIa do low (55 ‘

And we know nothin» of the infancy nor of the first
years of adolescence of P res Galdos. He says no more than
this: that in the Institute he studied with en‘oyment enough;
' Nothing occurs to me to tell you’, he adds, of my first
years. Literary inclinations I hadfifrom the beginning, but
without knowing where I was to go.i1

‘4 ~ ’83P" a A?” 0 Gold ’ c 5r
{5; gear E, Arroyo: gpgggffi,e p.O55.
(6) Leupoldo Alas, 22. c t., p. 13.

 

-9-

Just what those "aficiones literarios”

were, how
extensive they were, and what Galeée meant by ”deede e1
principio” we can only conjecture. But from this impression-
able period emerges the first record of his writing -
articles in the local journals El Pals and El Eco. (7‘

Fathers, in those days, wished their sons to be either
soldiers or lauycrs. Galdds' father was nc exception, and
probably because he himself had been a soldier, was anxious
to launch his son on a lawyer's career. In 1863, he bade
him godspeed and packed him off for the mainland of Spain
to begin his studies at the Universidad de nearid. salads,
in turn, with the proverbial dislike for a career forced
upon him, rebelled and quite forgot his studies in the
bohemian atmosphere of the cafes and pensions. ‘Twenty is
a grand age for making friendships, for dreaming (8) and
for talking long hours over a cafe table.

The capital was a seething nest of political unrest.
Isabella II was tottering uncertainly on her throne.
Narvaez and O‘Donnell, with military assertiveness, each
in his own turn, ruled the state. It was an age of talking,
of questioning, and of doubting. There was a thrilling
expectancy in the moments All Spain seemed to be holding
its breath for the climax which was to come with the‘fievo-

lution of 1868 and the forced exile of the Queen.

—‘-— —v

b

‘7 L. B. Walton . (311., p. 29.
‘8; L. B. Walton: 02. 013:“ p. 29.

 

~10-

But, before that day, salads had much to do. He
must absorb all of what he saw and heard. It nae to
serve him later when he Ias ripe for flhe production of
his‘fladrilian panorama. With reckless abandon, he hurled
himself into the intense current of life around him. Where
others talked, Galdes, ratched, listened and wrote. Reticent
‘by nature, he found conversation difficult. He turned to
triting as his only natural means of expression. Then too,
his years of English training had developed in him an
objective. reflective sense. He continued in the field of
Journalism as a medium of publication. The cafe Universal.
in the Puerta del Sol, nae the favorite rendezvous for the
scintillating 1nte111gexmaa.or the moment. There. the young
Canary Islander made oontacts thioh helped him in.hie early
writing career, (9) for, by this time, the die was cast.
Although he finished his lav studiesin 1869, he never thought
‘ seriously at practising his profession. Afie bent all of his
energies toward making of himself, not just a Journalist, but
a creative writer as well.

Ricardo Molina, at that time an enthusiastic but Obscure
figure like Galdds, introduced him to the editor of La'Nagioé/
In that Journal appeared his first mature work.(lo) At first,
he concentrated on dramatic and art criticisms. but the
meager retards of Journalism finally urged him to attempt
something which, for a long time. he had been.itching to
do n the writing of drama. ha_Expulsidn de losfihorigggg;

 

$9, migo, p. 30
1°) C Bo Walton. OE. Cite, p. 306

~11—

a scenic work in verse, was his first serious efforts. Don
Manuel Catalina, then director of the Teatro del Principe,
promised production. Something or 0th r hap-£ ened; the
promise never became a reality. (11) Posterity has not
been forced to excuse Galdos for an inferior experiment.

Galdo’s continued to haunt the theatres , obsessed with
e. desire to create drama, watching. annotating mentally,
and than writing. But wi th modest reserve, he kegt his
trials to himself. (12) As yet, he was only feeling; his way.

“Yo enjaretaba dramas y comedies con vertijinosa
rapidez, y lo mismo los hacia en verso que on press;
terminada una 01:12, la guardaba cuidadosamente,
recatafndola de la curiosidad de mis amigos; la ultimo.
que escrihia era para mi la major, y las anteriores
quedeban sepultadas en el cajon do mi mesa." (13

[I was turning out drama as and comedies with a swing
rapidity, doing them in verse as well as prose;
finished with one work, I guarded it carefully, conceal-
ing it from the curiosity of my friendszthe last I
wrote seemed to me the best, and the rest remained
buried 1n the drawer of my desk]

From then on, events piled upon events in hysterical
rapidity. On April 10, 1865. happened the massacre or the
Roche do San panigjl. A little more than a year later (June
22, 1866), came the revolts of the sergeants of the Barracks
of San Gil. Both events , signal fires of the revolution
thich was to flare up in 1868, stamped t; emseves so yividly
on Galdo’s’ mind that they actually affected his literary
temperaments (14) In May 1867, he sent with relatives to

P8313.

A _‘_

w—— y r‘

(ll) Perez Galdos, Memories, 13. 37, quoted in I

 

12 gas A. Balserio, Novelistas Bow les :Modw p.154.
:13; r—rb a.

(14) In Bo Walton' 02o Cite, n. p. 51'

-12-

After the intensity of life in Madrid, Paris was a eelcome
haven of peace. He spent long hours wandering through the
maze of old streets, thumbing the leaves of books ho found
along the quai, seardfing out monuments and the expositions
thich.had first prompted his relatives to take flhe Journey.
(15) If the trip did nothing else, it shifted his attentions
‘from the drama to the novel. The discovery of a copy of
Balzac'e Eggehie Grandet in a book stall along the Seine
Ias what finally decided himot Back in Hadrid, he tore his
Idrnmetic manuscript to bits, and, after a few months, began
Inrk On his first novel, 2a Fontana go 052. (16)

The period of adjustment in.Paris had matured him. For
a while he had been‘able to forget the tenseness of political
life at the Spanish capital. He continued with.his novel
until, in 1868, he finished it in the little French village
of Bagneres de Bigorre. (l7) lifter a prolonged sojourn in
Marseilles, he and.his party crossed the Pyrenees by coach
to Figueroa, and tent on to Gerone and Barcelona.by'rail.
The flames of revolution uere sweeping over the Catalonian
city when they arrived. Galdos' relatives, terrified by
the confusion. fled the scene and set sail for the Canaries.
Galdos, afire with the thought or action for a cause, and
eager to get back to the center of activity, Madrid. quitted
tho'boat at Alioante. To convince his family of his right
of disembarkation, he added the pretext-of his studies at

(15) This was the year of the famous Universal Exposition
in.Peris. Jose A Balseiro, 92, gitg, p. 155.

(16) Perez Galdés, o . cot., pp. 39—40, quoted in Balseiro
cg. cit., pp. 155-56

(17) Ibid.

-13.-

the University. His ardour was rewarded. A few short
hours after his arrival in Madrid, he saw the historical
entrance of Serrano in the Puerta del Sol. {18)

The years 1869 to 1874 were not fruitful years as far as
his novel writing was concerned. In the uncertainty or the
political situation there could be little of the leisure
necessary for novel writing. After the conclusion of’his
lat studies, he returned once more to journalism, this time
in earnest as a member of the editorial staff of Las Cortes.
The task of reporting the speeches in the house of deputies
£911 to Gaidés. It was the period or the great craters of
Spain, Castelar, Pi y Margall, Figueras and others. His
charge was not an east task. It required long. irregular
hours; (19) it meant concentrated attention to all that
use said and done. But Galdos was no shirker of work. The
feeling of pride that must have come over*him as he sat in.the
erotded chambers of the Congresg would more than.repay him
for his labour. It is the pride that comes to one the
instinctively knees that he is breathing the air of history.

The tailoring year,'187o. he began to contribute to
La Revista go Espana. g§_§gg§ra, a long short story, and
El Audaz, another novel which rolloeed the tendencies set
by La Fontana de Oro, appeared as serials in its columns
111 L871. At the same time, he use publishing articles on
politics and literature in Elngehgte, (20) the present

Journalistic instrument of the Monarchist party.

Wfi

18) Le Be wa1t0n’ QP- Cittla pt 32:
19) Ibid.
20) ibid., p. 35.

~14~

Inthe same year, began an association which use to
influence future writing - his friendship with Pereda.
After reading one of the early volumes or.Pereda,
Tipos y paisajgs, Galdosdecided on a Journey to Santander
to meet the author. (21) Twelve years later, he recalled
his first-sight impression of the writer of the Montafiae:
”En la puerte de one tends vi por'primera vez
al que de tal mode cautivaba mi espiritu en 61
orden do gustos literarios, y desde entonoes nnestre
amistad ha ido endureciendose con los anos y
aorisolfindose.ICosa extrana. con las disputes. Antes
de conocerle, habia oido decir que Pereda era ardiente
partidario del absolutismo, y no lo querfa creer.‘(22)
En the doorway of an inn, I saw for the first time
the one Whose writing pleased me so much. Since then,
our friendship has gone on, becoming firmer pith the
years. and, strangely enough. deeper eith.the arguments.
Before knowing him, I had heard it said that Poreda use

an ardent aboolutist, but I could not bring myself to
believe it.) I

Distinctly Opposed in temperament and ideas, these two,
the greatest figures of their age, became fastfriends.
Galdos. to the end of his life, spent several months of the
year in his Santander‘gigga. There they passed the hours
talking and reading. Pereda frankly criticised the theses
of some of Galdos' novels, especially those founded on a
religious theme. and Galdos continued to write as he pleased.
The early novels, La Fontana de ore and E; Audag, mixtures
of two tendencies in the work of Galdos. branched off for
awhile into that was Galdos’ unique contribution to Spanish
'1iterature. the Episodios Regionales. Until the year 1876.
he turned them outset a terrific pace ~ One every three months.
123)

21) Perez Galdos, Memoranda, p. 61.
22) Ib1d,, p. 62.
(23) Le Be Hal-ton, OE. Cite, p. 33

~15.

With the triumph of the Bourbons and the elevation of young

Alfonso to the throne in 1875 , a save of patriotism had swept

over Spain. Once more, pride in country was restored. The

Episodips gainedfor Galdos a pepular reputation which helped

to pave the way for the reception of his Novelas ConteWs.
At the time he first began his historical novels, Galdos

ceased suddenly to frequent the cafe’s and clubs as he had been

used to doing in his Journalistic days. In 1873, he gave up

his social life and sacrificed all of his time to his writing.

For a number of years , he lived like a hermit, (24) evolving

E isodios, and occasionally varying the theme with a novel

on a contemporary problem. Between then and 1883, appeared .

in yearly succession gone Perfecta (1876). Gloria (1877),

Marianela (1878) , La Tamilia de Leon Roch (1879), La geshgm ads

(1881), El amigo Manse (1882), and Moctor Centeng (1883).

That year, 1883, salads took a breathing spell in order
to cross the English Channel and seek out some of those things
thich his English reading had inspired him with a desire to
see. As much as he had loved Paris, he loved London even
more. Hunting out the old corners in the "city”, macbfamous
by Dickens, vas a never-ending source of delight to him. (25)
Re Use to return to England several tines during his life.
staying sometimes with his friend Jose Alcala Galiano, the
Spanish consul at Newcastle, (26) and sometinms sending his

w,

24) Lo Ba Walton, 0p. Cite. Pt» 33-
25) Ibidd, p. 34'
26) This visit was the subject of a later essay, "In Casa do

Shakespeare' published in the volume entitled Memorandga

-16 .-

timo in travol throughout tho island. It was not until his
third visit, in 1889, that he paid the customary touriot's
homage to the memory of England‘s greatest Iritor at the
Shrine in Stratford. (27) '

But Galdoo did not concentrato on France and Emgland
alono. He took long tours through.fiolland, Gormany, Italy
and Scandinavia.‘ Uhon he was not traveling abroad, he ran
riding on third class trains in his oun country. He enjoyed
talking with the people of the villages that he not on his
Journoyo. He enjoyed losing himself and becoming one of tho
oroudzze?oubtlosa, vary for of the peasant: with whom he
converged know that the gentleman with tho kindly smile was
on the ray to becoming one of their country's greatoat
literary figures.

When.he was not off exploring for literary matcrial,
ho was living a quietlife at the capital, studying. writing,
and talking with his literary friends at the old 'Atanao'.
With the literary fame that had come to him, some also added
political honors. In 1886, he was elected a deputy for
Porto Rico to the Cortes. (29). Be hold that office until
1890, In 1907. he was elected rqpresontativo‘by tho ngtido
‘ngggg;,of Hadrido (30)

In 1911, the eyes which had served him for over forty
uriting years, began to grow dim. Oporations did no good,
and finally, in the next year, his sight failed him.

_._Li_

(2?) Ibid.

(28) E Gomez do Baquero (Andrenio), Ronaoimionto do 1a
novela en el aiglo IXX, p. 56 '

:29)‘Ezsar E. Arroyo, o cit , p. 59.

30) IbidO, PG 61.. '

In spite of his tragic handicap, he accepted a position

as artistic director of the Shatro Esggggl. He remained
in this capacity for two years. (31) During that time.

he saw the production or several of his own dramas, for.
late in his career. he had returned to his first love;-
the drama. The productions were successtI. probably not
so much.:rom-a theatrical point of view as from a literary
one. The reputation of Galdds Ins, by this time, assured.
The dramas had only to rest on the easy laurels of the
novel successes.

The greatest honor had come to him in 1894 anon he
was elected a memher of the Spanish Academy. His discourse
on the Spanish novel Ias answered by none other than the
dean of Spanish scholars,‘uenendez y.Pelayo. No man could
ask for more than the recognition of the highest literary
group in Spain. (32)

Whether at Madrid or at his summer residence in
Santander; his tastes were simple and his daily life one
of habit and routine. Andrenio, in.his,lg3§§g_gzg§,
lg; Renacimignto de:;a_nevela gspanola on 1 XIX,
offers some interesting comments on his writing habits:

”Trabajaba metodicamente en as case a horas
fijas, apartado del mundanal ruido. No esoribia,
come cotros literarios, do costumbres, en la mesa
do an cafe, en—en—eare, en un casino, on cualquier
parts. Acabada is labor diaria, so definaba a la

observacion que era su ocio, su placer, y su palestra
para sus futures combats: literarios." (33)

(31) 1731ng DO 61-
:32; one A Balseiro, o . cit., p. 158.
33 Gomez de Baquero lfifidrenio), 22. cit.,jp.56.

~18~

He worked methodically at home at definite hours,
apart from the noise of the outside world. He did not
write, as other literary artists of habit do, at a
cafe table in a casino, or in any place whatsoever
in which they happened to find themselves. Finishing
his daily labour, he gave himself up to observation
which was his pastime, his pleasure, and the proving
ground for his future literary combats.

He carried the same habits with him to Santandcr.
The pleasure of walking through the streets of the "old
town“ in Madrid was there replaced by a.pleasurc in
watching the sea and sitting in his garden, smoking his
eternal cigar.

'Despues de tomar cl deaayuno que lo llevan a1
Jardln, entra en su.despacho. y ascribe tree. cuatro,
cinoo, seis horas, despreocupado on absolute de
cuanto is rodeo y absorbido completamente por su
propia crcacion... I

Con la plums en la mano, con el azadon, con.la
regadera, confine oJos fijos en las cuartillas 6 /
puestos en el mar, en el silencio y cntre conversaciones
animadas, Galdos fuma siempre, siemprc; no so do
nadie qua fume taste some Galdos: para quien as media

Vida e1 cigarro.' (34)

Efter taking breakfast in the garden. he goes to
his study and writes for three. four, five, six hours,
remosed absolutely from his surroundings, and.absorbed
completely in his own creation...

With pen in hand, with the hoe, or the sprinkling
can, with eyes fixed on a manuscript, or turned toward
the sea, in silence or in animated conversation, Galdos
smokes always, always; I know of no one who smokes so
much.as Galdos;.for*him, the cigar is half of lifeJ

His daily life outside of his garden and study was
Just as regular and methodical. The people of Hadrid
were accustomed to his familiar figure, aliays walking

through the same streets at the same hours.

-—__ _._-

(34) Luis Ruiz Contreras, fisheries de un desmgmoriado,
pp. 67 and 71.

.19.

II'Cuando Galdes sun caminaba por su pie, apoyado
en su baston, conel puro en la boca, encorvados
Bus.eSpaldas, cone si en ellos llevase toda su

'inmensa obra de gigante, Galdés era en las calles do

Madrid la figure mas venerable, y mas querida. A
an peso se descuhrian todos, todos. Los viejos
decian a los nines: «Aquel es Don Benito»y una
francs aureolla do admiracion envolvia is figure
amada del maestro. Parecia como que un silencio
de respeto y ternura seaflrendaba constantemente
11 caminar del hombre unico." (35)

[Eben Galdos still traveling on foot, leaning
on his cane, with a cigar in his mouth, his Shoulders
bent as though he were carrying on them his gigantic
work, passed through the streets of Madrid, he use the
most venerable and beloved figure in the city. The
old folks said to the children: "That\is Don Benito”,
and a distinct radiance of admiration envelOped
the beloved figure of the master. It seemed that a
respectful silence was given up like a votive
offering at the passing or this singular mung

He Ias meticulous in everything but his personal

' appearance. There, he was strangely inconsistent.

I

"Vestia con deealifio: una bufands de lane so
arro ha a su cuello; una gabén negro do media uso
cubr a su snore: haste mas abajo de las rodillas;

rel pantalon hacia ya tiempo que habia perdido la

rays, y los pies estaban calzedos con unas bots:
negras y fuertes." (36)

[1e dressed slovenly: a woolen scarf was trapped
around his neck; an overcoat, someuhat worn, covered
his body almost to his knees; his trousers had lost .
their crease some time ago: he Iorerheeyy black bootsfl

For eight years he was unable to write. The active

vigomis‘ ‘-.-'-~ nun who had frequented the tegfliag and

cafes in his youth, not shrunk into a kind-of pathetic

shell of his former self. In February, 1919,.he attended

the ceremonies of the unveiling of a statue erected in

his honour in El Retire. The occasion aroused him to such

 

(35)Ezequiel Endirez, I'Galdos en la Gallo", La Libertad

5 de eneroés 1920.

(36) Cesar E. Arroyo, op. cit., p. 62.

-40 c

an emotional state that he never quite recovered.(57)
Finally, on January 4 1920, death came to close his
blind eyes. His burial was simple and modest like
his life. All Madrid massed the streets to murmur a
prayer for his soul and then hear him away on silent
shoulders to his burial place.

Column after column of thallocal newspapers
the next day and for several days to come, see given to
a series of comments, anecdotes,.and florid.praises.
The Spaniards are moving craters, even on papers They
seem to surpass themselves in times of deep emotions,
Staff Journalists and recognized writers of the time,
alike, laid their offering on the altar of his memory.

Azorin, the geguefio fiidsgfo, wrote in Q; So;:

”1 sin embargo, este hombre, vejado injustament
ha revelado Espana a 0303 de les espanoles que la
deaconooian; este hombre ha hpcho que la palabra ESPAIJ
no sea ans abstracion, algo y sin vida, sino una
reelidad; este hombre ha dado a ideas y sentimientos
que estaban flotantes, disperses inconexos, una
firms solidaridad y unidad3” (38

(And, nevertheless, this man, unjustly attacked,
shes revealed Spain to the eyes of the Spaniards the
recognized it; this man has made the word ESPANA
not just an abstraction, something barren and without
life, but eith.a reality; this man has given to
ideas and sentiments thich were adrift, scattered,
disconnected, a firm solidity and unity;

In the same issue of El Sol, Mariano de Caria
asked, “LDonde y como deberia estar 1a sepultura de
snack?“ [Where and how should be the tomb of Games?)

ww—

i37) Cesar E. Arroyo, O o Cite Be 75'
38) Azorfn, 'Palabras de AzorfnB , El Sol, 4 de enero
(10 1920. .

-21-

Asi como.Pasteur y Wagner y Wagner Don Frederico
Rubia, gacon en las lugaros mismas dondo Cdejaron
los depositos do sumggnio’y su saber, Galdos deborfa
ser enterrado on olncorazon de Madrid.

éDonde? En uno do esos jardines urbanos quo
alegran tal d'cual plaza, repleta fie historicos
pasados y do rumoros presentes; ahi dende Juegan loo
ninos y van a tomar e1 sol ios viojos; i dondo las
pajaros y enamorados dan to do Vida; ah dondo la
sombre dol gran novelador seguiria percibiendo loo
ocos mil do la Vida madrilena; loo pregones calleJeros,
e1 ruido de los coches, las risas do los pregones
callojoros, el ruido do los caches, las risas do lee
on? as iog)musicos militares y el estruendo del
no 11. 5

Butt as Pasteur und‘Wagnor*and.Frodorico Rubio
lie in the very places shore they left the fruits
of theirgenius, so Galdos ehould be buried in the
var] heart of Madrid. ,

where? In the city gardens of some plaza that is
filled with the atmosphere of the historic past and the
noise of the present. There, there the children play
and the old people sun.themselvos; there, there the
lovers and the birds still keep faith with life;
there, there the ghost of the great novelist might
go on hearing a thousand echoes of Madrid: the call
of vendors in.tho streets, the rumble of coaches, »
the laughs of young blades, the militar bands, and

the olamour'and bustle of tho multitndogf

tilguel do Unamuno sat in the death of Galdés an
Opportunity for linking the work of the novelist with
the philosoyhy he had himself embedded in his Vida do
Don Qgijote.3 Sancho. p1 Liberal_printed the contri-
bution.
'Galdés ha muorto cuando osta muriendo - asi,
cl memos lo queremos creer ~ la tristo Espafia do

is Restauracion y la Regencia, la Espana opisodica
y anoctodica, pero no histories...

(39) Mariano do Caria fibonde y como deberia ester
is eepultura do éaldos?’ El Sol 5 do enero de 1920.

-353-

El mundo, que pasando por ol alma do Galdds
nos ha quedado para siempro en su obra do arto,
es an mundo sin pasiones ni accionos, one so
deja en su mundo agonizar, sin acabar do morirso...

Es un mundo que nacio cansado do 1a.vida. Dosoanse
on pas el mundo do Galdos, come en.paz descansa ya
quien nos 10 ha eternizado.“ (40)

[Galdos has died when is dying also the unfortunate
Spain of the Restoration and the Regency, the Spain
of episodes and anecdotes, not the historical Spain.
So, at least, we should like to believe...

The world created in the soul-of Galdos and.bocomo
immortal in his work, is a world of neither passions
nor actions, a world which is left at the point of
.death, butpunable to die... It is a world yhich was
born tired of life. May the world of Gsldosm
in peace as already rests he the made it eternal.

(40) Miguel de Dnamuno, "La Sociedad Galdosiana',
E1 Liberal, 5§do enero de 1920.

-25-
Chapter III
The Political and Social Background of Galdos

Queen Isabella II was not Just a queen; she was a
woman, and her mother’s daughter. No loss scandalous
than Marie. Christiana'a intrigue with nufiéz had hem
Isabella's conquests. For several years, ever since she
Ins married to quiet, unsuitable Francisco de Asia, her
affairs had been food for court gossip. (l) Unti stingly,
she had let her favorites reach.high.political.positionsa
One of them. Serrano. was for a time the head of the
government: "her affair with Puig Molto’ in 1856 had again
compromised her choice or a government.” (2) ‘At the time
of Galdos‘ entrance into Madrid, the capriciousqueen had
Just added.another to the list. This time she bent her
affections to the lowest rung or'thesocial ladder. Marfori,
the new lover. sue the son of a pastry cook. (3) From the
moment of her acceptance of him, the fate of the queen ras
sealed. This new favorite one not pepular. The public had
reason to fear his political aspirations.{4)

The impulsive queen had been the slave of factions.
Ber reign had suffered, not one, but five military ministers.
(5) Hhat order there had been in the Kingdom had been forced

order. With the Liberals gaining power under Serrano, events

—.‘__.‘ _.._.

1) Robert Sencourt, The Sean181 Crown1A1808-lgsl, p. 215.
2) Ibid., p. 227!
5; Tfiid.

4 .
(5) fiaivador Radariaga, Spain, p. 101.

~54-

finally came to a head. The_;yi§gg with harfori fanned
the flame that had been smoldering for some time.‘ Probably
sensing the approaching storm, Isabella and the Royal
Family left Madrid for San Sebastian in the early fall of
1868. Her two champions, Nerves: and O’Donnell, had both
died a short time before (1867 h 1868). Intuitivoly, she
knew that alone she would be unable to resist the oncoming
flood. When,on September 29, she heard of the defeat of
her party at Alcolea and of the revolt in the capital, she
realized that it was time to desert her country, the country
which was deserting her. She crossed the frontier at Hendaye.
and at Biarritz was greeted and comforted by the French
Emperor and Empress. (6) Sixty~three years later, her grand-
son Ias to enter France, a king without a kingdom.

Spain, in the meantime, was at a loss to know which
'way to turn. prosition to the Queen.had united all the
parties before her flight. Now, disunity and disorganization
reigned in undisputed confusion. "What could they do? ‘
They had lost half a century fighting; fighting against
the French; fighting amongst themselves; fighting the
hostility or a deSpicable court; righting, -' the hardest
fight, herbage. of all - against their own.political

shortcomings.“ (7)

6) Robert Senoourt, OE. Cite pl: 231.
f7) Salvador'hadariaga, op. cit., p. 102.

-25-

An age in need always produces its own leaders. Out
of the confusion arose two figures, Serrano, the head of
the.Provisional Government, and Prim, his first deputy. (3)
.Prim was in favour of leaving the question of the form of
government to the_§9rtes Constituyentes. Ironically enough,
the Cortes decided in favour of a monarchy.(9) The courts
of Europe were canvassed for a possible candidate. The
common distaste for the Bourbons blasted Serrano's hopes
of’plsoing Luisa Fernanda, the sister of Isabella, on the
throne. coburg and his son, at the court of.Portugal, both
refused the honour. It began to look as though no one would
be found. Then the Carlists, tho'had been subdued at the
death of Ferdinand, came forth and reneied their case, this
time 11th the added support of the priests of the Holy See.
Bismark, tnxious to provoke France to ear, offered the
Hohenzollern, Prince Leopold. (10) It seemed'to be no
longer a question of-thc future of Spain alone, All the
eyes of Europe were strained toward the peninsula; all ears
listened for the slightest rumble of internal disorder.
Under Prim‘s leadership, a king was finally found. He ran
to be one of the sons of Victor Emmanuel of Italy, Amadeo
of the House of Saxony, a ”blameless young man with en
agreeable rife." (ll)

 

(9) Ibig.
‘10) Ho art Sencourt, 02. cit., p. 252.
11) 11316... PO 2390

From the beginning, the brief reign of Amadeo
was destined to end in tragedy. On the day that he
disembarked at Cartegena, the mainstay of the govern-
ment, Prim, was assasinated in Badrid. (12) Even
greater confusion resulted. Anodeo held on for two years,
but on February 11, 1872, he abdicated. The democratic
monarchy was dead. The C rtes, in an attem;t to settle
the difficulties, voted a republic. But Spain was, by
nature, a monarchy. She did not know what to do with her
liberty. The Cortes was divided as to procedure. "In
less than one year, the republic knew four'presidents.'(13)
Castellar, the fourth, Ias withdrawn from office by military
decree. With Serrano at the helm.again, the country seemed
to find its bearings for a while. The houarchists, sensing
their advantage, suggested a return of the Bourbons as a
solution. The peOple were tired of the revolution which
had crippled their commerce and production. (14) On December
29, 1874, Alfonso.XII, Isabella's seventeenuyear-old son,was
declared King. (15) The people settled back with a sigh of
relief. The trials of liberty had weighed heavily upon them.
Once more, they were willing to trust their 11Ves to a

royal leader.

Although the new Monarchy solved many of the problems

of the country with amazing rapidity, it could hardly uproot

12) Ibid.

15) Salvador>Madariaga, . cit., p. 103.
14; Robert Sencourt, 02. 015., p. 242.
(15 Dalvador Madariaga, op. cit., p. 105.

-27-

evils of centuries' standing .(16) Thea, too, many of them
were so firmly embedded in the Spanish national character
that they were not apparent as ills. All through the
nineteenth century, Spain was ruled by two tremendous
forces - Clericalism and Militarism. It is impossstble to
study the political history of the century without dis-
covering that it is at the same time the clerical and military
history as sell. militarism.had been the outgrowth of a
need for order. By the same token, the prolonged under—
current of unrest was a result or that very order. Its
fallacy lay in the fact that military order is never a
natural order.

The other force, Clericalism, has been the princinal
determining factor in.modern Spanish life and culture.
It must not be confused uith Catholicism. Catholicism is
the national religion of Spain; Clericalism is a blight of
the religion. ‘The Qoncordstof 1851, thich was in reality
the charter of the Spanish Church, removed the ban hat 13d
been pl ced on some of the clerical nrd rs a few years
before. An involved, misleading document, the Concordat,
provoked a re-invasion of the expe11ed orders. Two evils
resulted: economic and educational. Exempted from Government
regulation, the new orders could devote themselves un-
molested to greedily assimilating wealth and property.
In 1901, there was an attempt to force them to register

in accordance with the law of associations passed in 1887.

_.__.___
y—w—

(16) Robert Sencourt, op. cit., p. 247.

According to the provisions of the Concordat, many of

the orders actually had no right to residence, but a
clever rereading of the flexible charter made when
invulnerable. A vague document is a dangerous document.
It was a delicate question. The civil authorities tore
squeamish about using force tithe holy order. there
persisted the idea that the church was infallible. fhere
‘Iere long years of bitter struggle, of scandal and counter
attacks from the country‘s liberal thinkers. The issue
became a political one, on intense var that use waged
between the Clericals and the Liberals. The revolution of
1931 'as to solve some of the problems.

Hand ;n hand Iith.the economic evil cent the effect of
Clericalism-upon education. the authority of the church
disapproved of education for the many. ‘Womcn and children
should be kept in ignorance to keep them out of. mischief.

The clerical faction set itself up like a military camp

to oppose State education. By establishing relations Iith
the upper classes it brought legacies and endowments to its
private institutions. It used every political device possible
to smother the development of’public education. The foul .
seed it had sown still bore fruit as late as 1923. In that
year, it was estimated that fifty percent or the papubction

of the country were receiving no education 'hatsoever; twenty-
five percent core being educated by theState and the remain-
ing twenty'five percent by the Church. (17)

M A

(17) For a complete study of the problem of Clericalism,
see Salvador Madariaga, m chapter nv.

T

T 1-

Opposition to the clergy came in the form of a
conscious educational movement, led by Don Francisco Giner.
But even he and the Junta para la Ampliacion de Estudiog_
failed to do much for the early education of the masses.
Giner's Instituciéfi was really only e.private university
thich developed into a.kind or laboratory for the testing
or educational theories. Soon the effects or Giner's ideas
began to be felt, but a complete educational program which
would absorb all classes in all provinces could not be built
in a day. After 1859. there had been numerous educational
reforms,‘but 'the maJority of them broke down through the
lack of proper foundation, or were 1ncomp1etely carried out.
xhe interest of the ruling classes in.p0pular education and
scientific culture was more apparent.than real, save in a
few exceptional cases.“ (18)

After the Revolution of 1868, economic life advanced
considerably. Fifty years of internal disorder'had halted
the natural course of economic and industrial development.
With the re-entrance of the Bourbon House had come new
industries. Minerals were exploited throughout the peninsula;
imports and exports eere increased. .Prosperity was in the
air. The natural development was a sluggishnese that rose
out of contentment. The Cuban defeat and the Renaissance
of 1898 were to see many of the decadent institutions jarred
loose from their foundations of self-satisfaction. They
were to add a new link to the endless chain of actions,

reactions and counter reactions.

(18) Rafael Altamira, og . cit.,p. 21:5. For a mu
discussion of the days opment of Spanish education.

~50-
Chapter IV.
Various Influences Contributing to the h'ork of Galdos

It was into such a sea of unrest that Game’s was
plunged when he came to Madrid with the innocent purpose
of studying law. as hundreds of other young; men had come
to fiadrid to study lass. Hie English training; aside him
doubly sensitive to society and politics as he found them.
Even his associations in the cares and political clubs failed
to remold his point of View to that of a native tiadriliane
That capacity for being; able to stand apart and view a
situation imartially and objec. ively was to serve his later
in the development of his thesis novels. In lanmmge. too.
he was almost a foreigner. umoznn the Camry Islands are
a Spanish colony. constant commercial relations with England
have contributed a decided English element. In later years.
Golden confessed to his oon-in~las that, during his youth,
he woke mag-lion more correctly than Spanish. (1) By ”youth"
he may here meant his early years at the English school,
but, at twenty. he would inrdly have forgotten a language
which had figured so decidedly in his formative years.

It was only natural that the nervous tension which filled
the capital should reflect itslf in his work. for seven
years, he was a literary jack-ofe-all-trados, trying his hand
at criticism, dram-a. and finally; the novel. After the first
years of adjustment, and the reinstatement of the momrchy,
Mt Amatjzo ma ready to begin soriougwork. The novel,

(1) J. l’i'arshaw, "The Case museo {Galdos - for sale?"

ginnania X3234.

-31-

he decided, was his forte. He concentrated almost exclusive-
ly upon it in the too forms he had made for himself ~ the
historical episode and the social problem study. do not blur
self up as a deliberate writer,‘basing his cork an observation
and the models he drew from his reading.

All through hie life, caidde had been an earnest reader.
Fortunately; he could read with ease in Englidh and French,
as well as in Spanish. A recent survey of the volumes round
in.his libraries at Madrid and Santander has reveeledlhis
particular taste in foreign literatureo. Far the subject or
this thesis, '0 are interested only in the books in English;
or a total of ninety-six‘Englich prose works discovered in
the two libraries, ninetywtro were in Santander and four in
Madrid. Much of his reflective writing he did during the
summer months at Santander. The names or Dickens, Goldsmith,
and Washington Irving appear frequently in thercollection» (2)

Mr. Varshaw's article on the preposed sale of the Guido:
house in Santander, printed in the Hisganig in 1927, reveals
other English authors represented on the shelves of Geldon‘
library. He mentions, particularly, finding Dickens,
Willard'c United Stateg, Thackeray, The Arabian fl ht , and
Milton, and goes on to say: '

"Of special importance, because of the reflections
plainly neen.in his tritings, is his predilection for

Bhglidh. Many of the books in his library contain
marginal notes in his own handwriting in Engliohqa-(S)

A L

(a) H. c. Borkouitz, ‘La Biblioteca de Benito Perez caidés',
Boletin de la Biblioteoa de Menendez Pelazo XIV: 125-129.
(3) I} fiarshaw, 02. cit.

-53-

No literary movement can remain isolated in one country.
AParallel tendencies produce parallel writers. The ideas
of the masters to whom Galdos turned strengthened the ideas
tiat already raced through.his mind. To make Galdos an
offshoot of numerous other novelists in no way detracts
from his fame and vulneras a Spanish novelist. Be who is
able to recognize and assimilate the best in other writers
has provedfiright to literary existence.

Whiles‘the 3th act of literary influence has often been
distorted into absurdity, in the case of Galdos there is no
denying that certain foreign authors helped to formulate
his charactsr as a writer. Galdds himself acknowledged his
debt to the French and English. The other influences, mile
* perhaps Just as certain, have had to be built on conjecture.

. Actually, th e 'French influence came first with Galdos.

‘_The Journey to Paris revealed to him the genius of Balzac. (4)

;\Be did not rest until he had devoured the vhole collection

nJ novels by the Frenchman. (5) Balzac is important not

{ merely as an influence, but as the deciding force in Galdos'

‘_7 writing. The discovery of Balzac came just at the time that

ghe Ias recovering from the disillusion that had come from

5 his failure as a dramatic Iriter. He was ready to turn to

‘ something else. The study of hBalzasian Comedic Humaigg
'proved.torbe the.determinin3 factor in his-ultimate decision,
of which igfiigntanawggmgrg, an historicalacumnthesis novel, I

. begun in less, was the first fruit." (6)

1

r j a

:43 :ee abgve£g. ll. 1
5 o B. 31 n 22. C 20, p. 31.
a)x_m.; "

b33-

There were bound to be other contributing influences.
}sany of them evolved rith the years of writing, reading,
and traveling. The Russian novelists were in vogue at the
time. Their works were available in translation, if‘not
completely in SpaniSh, at least in French. It is natural
to suppose that Galdés read them. The later mystical Iorks,
like Nazagin, show that 1: he did not know Tolstoy and
Dostoivesky, he had developed a.parallel view of life. (7)

A chord of harmony would naturally be struck between the

two countries. There is in the Russian the same resignation to
and acceptance of the dream that is life which is round in

the Spaniard._

There has been a tendency to disregard the Spanish
influences and concentrate on the foreign ones alone.
Recently , Mr. J. Warshaw came to the defense of the native
element in the novelist’s work, especially the mnifestations
of a dependence on Cervantes. (8)

we are now ready to turn to the English ingredients in
Galdos' work. It is easy to deve10p a biased, bigoted
attitude in an influence study. It is easy to flatly deny
the existence of all other influences except the influence
one is championing. In order to avoid prejudice, i have
tried to take into account all of the literary acquisitions
of Galdos. That he showed a reflection of the French, that

7 The influence of Tolstoy is developed in two essays by

( ) George Portnoi’f, "The Influence of. Anna Karenina on Galdos'
Realidad', Hisganig XV: 203-14, and"The Besinning of the
New Idealism n the works of Tolstoy and aldos ,
Romantic Review XXIII: 53-37.

(a) J. Warshaw, 'Galdo’s' debt to Cervantes,‘ Hisgania XVI: 121-142.

 

he often touched the same idealistic key as did the
Russians, that, like the good Spaniard he was, he

built his particular literary m on the most natural
of foundations, the tork of Cervantes, does not destroy
the fact that he shows a remarkable absorption of the
much. Guides was not only a product of Spain, he

as a product or Nineteenth Century Europe «- its problems.
its ideas, its literary forms. The interest should be in
Galdos, not in the triumph of one'll own theory.

-55-
Chapter V
The Critics' View of the Subject

to have already seen that Perez Galdoe early
develoeed a taste for things Englieh. that during his
life he made several trips to England. and that recent
surveys made of the material found in.hie libraries reveal
e continued interest in English authors. (9) As the name
of Dickens is the only one included in r'bbth ‘ the 113%
submitted by or. Berkoeite and that submitted by Mr. Earshot,
it is reasonable to suppose that the number of Velma _

'by that author must have been conspicuously largeu. th
fortmzately, neither men felt a need for copying the when
of the particular novels by Dickens.

It is the purpOee of this thesis to shal'oherein the
reading or Dickene influenced the writing of Galdeeq There
will be no atteipt to identify each character'of Golden ‘
with one of Dickens, nor to interpret an imitation that
easily might have been original. Bye careful study of
Goldes' Hggelae Contempordneog we shall see uhere,conecioue~
13 orHunconeoionely, he reflected the social doctrines or'
the Englishmen, where he homeed the {remover}: of hie mole,
and where be molded characters on the some picareeque forum

It is not e new approach.to Galdos. EVer‘einoe the ‘
time the critics deemed Galdoo worthy of'their criticise.
they have repeated]; mentioned the name of Dickens no hie

“A __;

(9) See above p. 27.

accepted model. Menendez y Pelayo, who wrote numerous
critical articles on his contemporary's novels, early

saw a glint of Dickens in his work.

”Quien intents characterizar su talents, notara
que en el fondo’se educd por pna parts bajc la
influencia anatomica y fisilogica de Dickens, a
.quien es parece en la mexcla de lo plastics y lo
sonado, en la riqueza de los detailes mirados coho
con microscopic en la atencion que concede a lg
pequefio y a lo humilde, en la poesia dc los ninos y
en el arte de hacerles sentir y hablar; y finalmsnteen
en la pintura de los estados excepcionales dc
conciencia, locos, somnombulos, misticos, iluminados y
fanaticos de todo genero como el maestro Sarniento
Carl 3 Garrote, Maximiliano Rubin y Angel Guerra.'tlo)

He who wishes to characterize his talent will
notice that, basically, he was educated partly under
the anatomical and psychological influence of Dickens
whom he resembles in the mixture of the plastic and
the imrainary , in richness of microscopic details,
in the attention he gives to the little simple things,
in his lyric treatment of children and in his art of
making them feel and speak; and, finally, in painting
abnormal states of consciousness - mad men, somnom-

bulists, mystics, and fanatics of all types like
master Sarmiento, Carlos Garrcte, Maxiniliano Rubin.
and Angel Guerrai]

Luis de Revilla, in 1883. referred to the place of
Dickens in the varied character of Galdos’ writing.

'Inspirado, a no dudarlo, en la novels inglesa,
ha cabido eviter los defectos de esta, unir sus
bellezas a los que son propios do Is {rancesa, y dar
a este conjunto un msrcado saber espanol. Grafico,
exacto, minucioso hasta el detalle en lac descripciones
coma Dickens, Collins y Bulwer, atento observador y
analizar eecrupuloso de la vida psicologica come
Balzac, Jorge Sand y tantos otroe ilustres novelistes
tranceses. eabe no pocae veces unir e estos meritos
el vigiroso colorido de los espafioles.” (ll)

(lo)uarce1no Menendez Pelayo, Estudios de critica
literaria (serie V§,p. 113.
(11) u s e a evil a, Obras, p. 114.

 

 

-57-

[Inspired doubtless, by the English novel, he
has known how to avoid its defects, to unite its
features to those he had acquired from the French,
and to give to this combination a distinct Spanish
flavour. Graphic, exact, precise in details of
descriptions as are Dickens, Collins and Buluer,
an intent observer and scrupulous analyzer of
psychological life like Balzac, George Sand, and
any number of other famous French novelists, he
knows how to uni o with these the colorful vigour
of the Spaniardsg

Gui-in goes still further in establishing Galdos'
debt to the English, and calls some of his works direct
imitations of Dickens.

"...£en vez de hacer-sus personajes se le parezcan
pone todos sus eonatos en olvidarse do 31 par ellos y
ser, por mementos, lo que ellos son (siguiendo en
esto e1 buen ejemplo de Dickens que hasta imitaba,
ensayandose al espejo, la: tacciones y gestos do
Bus. riaturas)...(12)
.. stead of making his characters resemble him,

he puts all his efforts into forgetting himself and

» being, at all times, what they are (following the
example of Dickens thomlho imitateito the point or
mirroring the features and gestures of his ”creatures0g

In discussing Galdos' Episodios Nacionales, Julio'
Cejador y Francs makes him the disciple of Erokmann-

Chatrian and then adds a word about Cervantes and Dickens.

"En ellos podemos considerarle como el Erckmanns
Chatrian eepanol, bien as! como en las otras novelas
fue verdadero discipulo de Cervantes y do Dickens.” (13)

[in those, to can consider’him as the Spanish
Erckmann-Chatrian, Just as well as in the other ovels
he was a true disciple of Cervantes and Diclnam-iuJn

A.

12) Leopoldo Alas (Ciel-in), o . c t. p. is.
:13) Julio Cejador y Frauen, fi¥§t3%5a'de la Dengpa 3

Literature Espanola, p. 2 .

 

-38-

Anderino, in his treatment of the Spanish novel
in the Nineteenth Century, divided the honours between
Balzac Ind.Dickons.

'Galdos ha sido e1 Balzac y el Dickens ospafiol
3 so dobo tenor*por nuestro primer novelists
uoderna.” (14)

Elaldos has been the Spanish Balzac and the Spanish
Dickens, and should be considered as the first modern
Spanish novelistq

Rafael Altamira lauded salads for his universal
themes, putting many of them on a par with those of
Dickens. He sent on to point out the parallel tendencies

in the tIo writers.

'Otras [tomes], aunque muy nuestros, tionen igual
cualidad que mocha do los do Dickens que sin dejar|de
oer may inglds, mas nun may lendineses, son.tambien
universalos...

Y'ya que cito a Dickens, repetiré lo que todos
hemos observado; loo analogies ontro ambos novelistas,
derivados, claro es, de influencias del ingles sobro
el espafiol: pore que, a mi Juicio, ostuvioron tambion
doterminados per la igualidad do notes sentimentalos
on el es iritu do ambos. no so trata do un case do
imitacion puramente literaria, also de un acercamiento
ospontaneo do 103 almas a quienes intensaba fundamental-
mente, en gran parts, los mismas clases de hombres y loo
E18 s problemas do la vida orddnaria de las gentee.” (15)

flatbers (themes), although very SpaniSh have the lime
quality as do many of those of Dickens, union although
very English.and still more Londoneso are at the same
time universal...

And now that I mention Dickens, I shall repeat
that we have all observed: the analogous tendencies
in the two novelists, derived, certainly, from the
influence of the Englishman on the Spaniard: but which,
it seems to me, Iere determined by a common sentimental
tone. It is not a case Bf purely literary imitation,
but one of a spontaneous union of two souls fundamentally
interested in the same types and the same problems of
the ordinary life of the pooplcq

_‘.____ _ _l

(14) E. Gomez do Baquoro (Androuio), 22. 013., p. 63.
(15) Rafael Altamira y Groves, Arte 1 Realidad, p. 71.

Maura, in an essay published 1n.the holotfn do lg
Real Academia Espanola, again lists the northern models
of his countryman.

“Sin osruorzo so distinguen loo huellos do Balzac,
do Dickens del par do ingenios alsacionos Erckmann-
Chatrian, do Zola, do Tolstoi, y de otros escritores
nortenoss' (16)

‘Without effort, one can distinguish traces of
Balzac, of Dickens, of the pair of ingenious Alsatians
Erckmann and Chatrian, of Zola, of Tolstoi, and other
northern writers]

The same writer discusses also Galdds‘ choice of
characters, his interest in the helpless mortals whom he
found about him. He compares him to Dickens in this
respect, pointing out, however, the difference in.ettitude
Of the tWOo

'Esto cualidad do Galdos so manifests do mode
diverse que en las obras do Dickens, quion dospliega
mas ternurs, es mas acariciador y mas mimosa, haste
confinar con las expansiones infantilos y romeninos
el afecto humane." (17) ‘

[ibis quality in Galdos is manifested in a different
manner the: it is in the norks of Dickens, who shoes
more tenderness, is more sentimental, and more gentle
to the point of limiting human emotion by the sentiments
of tomen.and childreng

L. B. Walton makes the most detailed analysis that we
have of the point, In his biography of Galdos he
discusses, although briefly, the similarities and dis- '
similarities which he has discovered in the the, dwelling

particularly on their use of humor.

 

(16) Maura, ”Don Benito rare: caldoa' ,- Bolotin do is R aal
Academia Es nola, VII: 140.
(17) o. p. 1420

"There is a rich vein of humor in the works of
Galdds which, in view of the fact that he admired
that writer, has been dubbed somewhat too hastily,
we think "Dickensien". It is difficult on closer
examination to discover any relationship between
the sly irony of Galdos and the hearty Jollity of
Dickens.' The latter, as is well known, was prone
to a certain exaggeration, almost amounting to
caricature, in his delineation of humorous types.
He is suite deliberately funny. hith Galdds the
humour is more subdued, and his comical situations seem
to rise more naturally out of the incidents of the
s~ory.... ,

Like Galdos, also, he attaches great importance to
d»tails of dress; and like Galdos, he is interested
in abnormal psychology." (18)

As mny'be seen by the distinction which.Mr. Walton
draws between the humour of the two writers, not all
critics accept the idea of imitative influence. Senor
Salvador dc Medariaga, with his customary assertiveness,

denies the theory.

"...But, if I may nenture a personal opinion which
may not find ready acceptance, the comparison between
Dickens and Galdos is not so much an honour to Galdds
as an honour to Dickens. Galdds is superior to
Dickens because his humour arises out of human,
universal conditions, while Dickens's humour arises
out of a social or conVentional setting. In Galdds,
humorous situations naturally result from the interplay
of circumstances and character. Moreover, Galdos
easily reaches that high pinnacle of dramatic art which
Shakespeare and Cervantes alone were great enough to
attain before him, homely, the interweaving of comic and
tragic in one and the same scene and even in one and
the same nernon...It is doubtful whether Dickens ever
rose to such heights of dramatic conception. Rather
than tragic, his outlookrmight be fairly described as
melodramatic." {19)

Aubrey Bell, although he describes Galdds' characters
as“marked with a Dickensian"emphasis", nevertheless, derides

(18) L. B. Walton gm cit. pp. 251-52.
(19) Salvador do findariaga,’The Genius of Spain, pp. 59-60.

-41-

those who minimize the originality of the author by placing
too much emphasis on the influence of the English nOVelist.
"Some critics have supposed Galdos to hate been
not onl influenced by the English novelists (chiefly
Dickens , but possessed of an English temperament,
thet of the traditional type of cold and impassive
Englishman. Such critics can scarcely have read
very deeply in Galdos' voluminous works". (80)
On of the latert works on modern Spanish writers,
Idhzgg I Antares Modernos, by Cesar Barja, (21) fails to
I even mention English leaning; although the author Foes
into considerable detail to show the Russian similarities,
referring espaccially to the works of Dostoievsky.
many of the other Spanish commentators have acknowledged
an influence, but have usually added, as though it were an af
afterthought, that, in Spite of all of his assimilations,
he still reamined an original writer, and distinctly
Spanifiho (22)
We should need to go no further for proof of our
statements. When, however, the writer himself comments
on the situation, there ceases to be any shade of doubt.
Although Perez Goiooo was reticent about his childhood
years, (23) he did not hesitate to leave a record of his
testes and methods in some of his essays. In his

discussion of the work of Clarin, (24) he digresses into

 

20 Aubrey'Bell gp, cit. . 54.
21 Published 15 as nngeleg, 1923.

(22) See, in particular, "Galdos ha.mmerto", E; Liberal,
4 d“enero de 1920. Aurelio Espinosa, " e to erez
Galdos", Hispania, £11: 112.

(23) See above P. 80

(24) In.Mb da, pp. 119-40.

-42-

a commentary on the modern Spanish novel, pointing out its
borrowings from the French and English. Commentating on the
fact that Naturalism.had come originally from.5pain, he
continues his argument by discussing the return of the

national genre to its native environment.

"Al.volver a casa la oxda, venfa radicalmsnte desfia ads:
en el peso por Albion hab anle arrebatado la sacarronerigr
espafiola, cue facilmente convirtieron en humour ingles 183 "mm”
hébiles de Fielding_ Dickens y Thackeray, y despojcdo de
aauella caracteristica elemental, e1 Naturalismo camhid
do fisonon a an memos frenceses:” (25)

[En returning to its original setting. it came radically
deformed; in the passe e through England the Spanish cunning
was converted into Eng ish humour under the able hands of
Fielding, Dickens, and Thackeray, and deprived of that
original character, Naturalism.changed still more with the
French :]'

Although the mention of Dickens’ name is only a casual
one, still it does indicate that Galdos, himself a part of
the whole movement, recognized the part Dickens had played
in its fornation.

One of Galdds' visits to England was described by him.in
his essay "La Casa de Shakespeare". (26) In describing the
Hotel Shakespeare, in which he stayed in Stratford, he was
twice reminded of Dickens. Only absolute tamdliarity with
the work of the English novelist could cause him.to make the
ccmgents he did.

"La posada pertenece al genera patriarcal, sin nada
que la asemeje a esas magnificas colmenas para viajeros

que en Londres se llaman el metropolitan ylen Paris e1
Gran hotel. Es mas bien una de aquellas comodas hosterias

que describe Dickens en sus incomparables novelas,'y de las
cuales tamhien Macaulay en su hermosa descripcion de las
transformationssde la Vida inglesa". (27)

 

(25) Memoranga, p. 125.
26 bid.‘ pp. 35-57.
‘27; EBIB.: p. 42.

 

~433—

iihe inn has a patriarcalatmosphere, with nothing about
it to resemble those magnificent bee hives for travelers,
the Eehrnnflllian.in London and the grand Hotel in Paris.
Rather, it is one of those comfortable taverns that Dickens
describes in his incomparable novuls, as also does

Macaulay in his beautiful description of the transformations

in English lifeg

"En el comedor del hotel encuentro tipos de los
que Dickens nos ha hecho familiares. La raza inglesa
es p000 sensible a las modificaciones externas
impuestas por la civilizacion. En algunas he creido
encontrar aquella caste de filantropos inmortalizada
por'el gran novelists, y'les he mirado las piernas
esperando.ver an alias las fammsas polddnas de
M. Pickwick." (27]

In the dining room of the hotel, I found types
like those Dickens has made famous. The English
race is hardly aware of the external.modifications
imposed uyon it by civilization. .Mmong some of them,
it seemed that 1 met that kind of philanthropist
immortalized by thr great novelist and I found myself
tacking at their legs, half-exPecting totsee the
famous gaitcrs of MB. Pickwick.

Galdos went even farther than those casual comments,
After one of his visits to England, made soon after the
death of Dickens, he was reminded of his debt to the
creator of Pickwick. The testimony of the writer himself

can hardly be considered more hypothesis.

"La;ultima vez que visité la Abadia vi en el suelo
del 21300;} de los Poetas una sepultura reciente; en
611a, trazado a} paracer con caracter provisional, lei
esta inscr pcion: Dickens. En efecto, e1 gran/novclador
ingles hab a muerto poco antes. Como este fue siempre
un santo de mi devocion.mas viva contemple equal '
hombre con cierto arrobamient01mistico. Consideraba
yo 8 Charles Dickens camo mi maestro mas amado. En

mi aprendizaje petulante, apenas devqrada‘;g~
a a, de Balzac, me aplique

 

(28) W. p.44.

-44-

con loco afan a la copiosa obra do Dickens. Para un
periodico de Madrid traduje El Pickeicfi, donoss
satire inspirada sin duds on is lecture del Guijote.
Dickens ls escribio cuando era un Jovenzuelo y con
ella adquirio gran,crsdito y fame. Depositando la
flor de.mi adoncion sobre eats gloriosa tumba, me
rat :0 del pantcon de Westminster. (29)

The last time that I visited the Abbey, I saw
a new grave in the floor of the Poets' Corner;
on it, traced in temporary writing, I read this
inscription: Dickens. In fact, the great English
novelist had died but a short time before. As I had
always worshipped him as though he were a saint, I
looked at that name in see. I considered Charles
Dickens my most belovedxmzter. During my petulant
apprenticeship, I had scarcely devoured goomédie Humm
by Balzac, when I gave myself Idth med intensity to
the copious work of Dickens. I translated Pickwick
tapers. a gentle satire inspired, undoubtedly, by the
reading of guijote, for a Madrid newspaper. Dickens
wrote it when he was very young, and by it acquired
reputation and fame. Placing a floral offering on
that glorious tomb, I left the pantheon of westminsteril

 

 

w

(29)“Hemorias de un Desmemorisdo.7 Eg Eefera, ano III,
no. l44e

-46-
Chapter VI.
The Early Novels of Galdos

Galdos’ first novel, Le Fontana do Ore, shows a
combination of thefiendencies which were to‘branch off
later in two directions - an interest in history and in
social prdblems. Here, the tickers closely knit together.
and, instead of hindering, serve each other.

Le Fontana de Oro is the name of one of the political
clubs of the nineteenth century. The debates of the group
that frequented the club gave Galdos en opportunity.for
injecting his own political views concerning the issues of
the day. By hurling fiery darts at the post~revolutionery
,period of 1820-23, he succeeded in attacking his oln times.
He did not. however. confine his criticism to one political
party. Neither the ardent liberals nor the extreme reactions
ists that buzzed eround'Fernando VII were left unscathed.
Extreme political doctrines in any form.he felt were
dangerous.

If influence is to shape a writer's Iork. it is bound
to appear in greater proportion at the beginning than at
the end of his career. Later, he often outgroes his early
inclinations or develops not once. A novel revolving
around politics can hardly drew its plot from 3. foreign
literature. Politics is e purely nltional question.
Dickens had tried his hand but twice at combining history
Iith a thesis - in.Barnaby Budge and in A.gei. of Two Cities.

~47-

!he device was an old one. There is no evidence that Galdos
received from the Englishman the conception of a historical
thesis novel. An influence does not necessarily mean a
complete abandonment to the method of another writer.

The reactionary Elias, while he has no direct
prototype in Dickens, recalls to the mind certain
caricatures of rascals like Uriah Heep and Sampson Brass.
His physical characteristics are exaggerated in order to
senphasizefihis ahreedness. Just as the cadaverons face or
Uriah Heep haunted David Copperfield, (1) so that of Elias
as he is seated in the darkest corner or the political
club which gives the novel its name, leaves an inertdicable
impression on our‘minds. We know instinctively that he is 4

cunning and treacherous.

'Su'mirada are come 1a.mirada do los pajaros
nocturanos, intense, luminosa y mas siniestra por el
contrasts obscure de sus grandee cejas, par 1
elasticidad y sutileza do one parpados sombrzo s que
en la obscuridad so dilatabannnostrando dos pupilos
mu claros." (2)

[$13 glance ass like that of a bird of the night,
intense, luminous, and more sinister because of the
contrasting shadow of his heavy eyebrows and the
elasticity of his drooping eyelids thich.moved in the
dark to show the clear pupils or his eyes.)

Clara, whom Elias had adopted after her father had
been killed fighting against Napoleon, is the first or

several heroina=thet Galdos cuts after much the same

pattern. In spite of her conventional pallid beauty,

‘1) Chapt. Xv-
(2) Cap. II.

~48-

she shows herself capable of intense feeling and thought:
Clara is at her best in the scene which shows her
rebellious stand against the three religious damsels who
’undertake to guide her morals for her. Her blunt
declaration, that a woman must marry to be useful in
civilization falls like a baubshell on this household

of absolute spinsterhood. For all of his feminine
creations, Dickens never conceived a character like Clara
or’her even more individual literary descendants. Bella
Wilfer'ehors some spirit, but only over a personal matter.
Edith Dombey's threat to kill Carker 13 motivated by intense.
unaccountable hate. 0n.examination, it would seem that
Clarin's observation that Galdos never goes to England for
his women characters (3) is quite true, at least in so far
as his heroines are concerned.

Las tres runias [the three wrecks] represent Galdos’
attitude toward religious bigotry and moral hypocricy.
While two of them, Maria de la Paz.and Salome, live under a»
false benignity, 1t is Paulita who is the most dangerous.
Her abnormality is as much pathological as it is spiritual.
She moves behind a mask of piety, unaware of her eupressed
sexuality, until she meets Lazaro, the lover of Clara. All
the feverish intensity which she had given to her religion

she transfers over to her worldly love. At Lazaro’s refusal

_._._._ .V.

(3) LeOpoldo Alas (Clarin)! 0p. 01;), pp. 35-56.

~49-

to accept her proposal of elephant, she retires to a
convent and becomes a ”saint“.

Although Galdos treats the problem as a Freudian
analyst night, he can not hide his contempt for moral and
religious hypocrites, and even.more for those people
who are deceived by the pretense. With Dickens, the
question becomes a personal issue. He could not be
scientific and objective about it. Leaving his hypocritical
clergymen for future consideration, we find two characters,
‘ UrishHeep and Mr. Pccksniff, whom he sets up for scorn.
Through hr. Pecksniff, he satirizes English bourgeois
respectability which blesses the man who says his prayers
every night, no matter what gross, immoral thoughts may
occupy his mind during the day. Uriah Heep is the slinkiag,
fawning clerk who hides his treachery behind his ' 'umble-
ness?.

In description,Chldos often shows a dependence on
the method of Dickens. There is the same good-humoured
irony, often conveniently enclosed in parentheses, the same
love of detail that we find in the descriptions of 951333
Eopperfield and Eicholaspfligggggi, although with.Dickens
the strokes are suifter and rest on suggestion rather than
on actual reproduction. His description of the home of the
sisters.Porréno might have been lifted bodily from a page
of Dickens, if Dickens had ever had occasion to describe
the home of the sisters.Porrcfio. The clock is symbolic
of the whole atmosphere of the apartment of 18s tres ruinas.

-50-

”Tambien exists ( y 31 mal no recordarnos estaba en
la sale) de la misma epoca con su correspondiente fauno
dorado; pero este reloj, que en los buenos tiempos de
los Porrenos habia sido una maravilla de precision,
estaba parade y marcado las dose do la noche del 51 de
Deciembre de 1800, ultimo ano del siglo pasado, en que
es para no volver a andar mas, lo cual no dejaba de
ser significativo en semejante casa. Desde dicha
noche se detuvo, y no hubo media do hacerle andar
un segundo mas. El reloJ como sue smas, no quiso
entrar en este siglo." (4 .

There was also (and we must remember that it was
in the parlour) a clock of the same period as the
corresponding gdlded faun; but this clock, which in
the better days of the Porrenos had been.a marvel of
precision, had been striking twelve on the night of
December 51, 1800, the last year of the past century,
then it stepped and refused to run any longer. In
such a house, it was significant. From that night,
it had remained that say; there was no means of making
it run one second more. The clock, like its owners,
did not wish to enter the new century.

In.narrative technique, Galdos borrowed two devices
of Dickens. By plunging into the action of the story at
the start, he is forced to use digressive chapters to
explain his character-3' places in the novel. In 1:9.
FOntana go 0:2,:he does that with every one of his
characters. It is not until chapter IV that we are given
the background of Elias. The next chapter is devoted to
Clara, and the following one to Lasers. It is difficult
to pick up the thread of the plot after such lengthy
-Implanations. If we can call it a fault, Dickens use Just
.ae guilty as Galdos in this respect. In_Little Dorrit he
does not give his readers the early history of Amy before
chapter VII. Although the habit of attaching a chapter at

w...

 

(4) cap. XVI

-51-

the end of the book to account for all of the remaining
characters may have been a literary custom of the time,
Guides would certainly have remembered examples of it

in Dickens. The Spaniard falls in with the same method
and often spoils alogical, contemplative novel tith hie
insistence on neglecting no one at the end. In‘gg
Fontana de one, He take leave of the characters through a
conversation between Laharo and the ebbe’Carrascosa.

In the early education of Clara at the convent, Galdés
saw an opportunity for‘picturing e child at the mercy of an
inhuman educational system. He deplores a school that has
Ill the aomherness of a content, but Iithout its melancholy
cloister and its peace. (5) He draws a grim picture
of the four years that Clara spent there under the tutelage
:0! the Mother’Angnstias tho punished her pupils with a cane
~and wore green glassee—so thatthey might not know when she
was looking at them. (6) In the same tone are the chnpters
concerning Oliver Trist‘s first years and David Capperfield's
training at Salem.house¢ Both Dickens and Galdos entered
completely into the sufferings of their helpless characters.
,One feels that_Dickene ratched for stray splashes of gruel
just as Oliver did, and that Galdos endured with Clean a

breakfast of garlic soup.

Ah—

(6) Ibid.

E1 Audaz, Galdos’ second novel, is the story of an
impassioned liberal who is eventually thrown into prison
at the very height of his exaltntion. The whole nOVel
suffers from an uncontrolled flow of emotion. Martin,
the protagonist, with fine customary narrow-mindedness cf
liberals33ees only evil in doctrines Opposed to his own.
He denounces all the aristocracy because of‘his unfortunate
contacts with.s few of its members; he calls all the clergy
fanatics, and all government officials chests-(7)

Although the work was probably designed as a study of
fanaticism. Guides was too much of the artist to neglect
In Opportunity to add to the gallery of portraits he had
begun in Q Fontana de Oro. By arranging a picnic party,
he manages to sotirize various social types of his time.
Together, and in contrast, they are more firmly outlined
4 than they would be if drawn separately. The picnic party.
too, is a means or bringing together martin and Susan,
the daughter or the Conde de Corezuelo. It is her father on
them.hartin had vowed Vengence for allowing his father to.
die in prison, accused of a crime he never committed.
After the meeting of Martin and Susana. the story is devoted
to them, and the political issue serves only as a background
for the personals one. The love which they feel for each
other causes them to question lhether he should raise him-
aelt to her*or she should loner herself to him. the

difference in their social levels seems like an insurmountable

M ._.g_ h..__ -

w-

{7) Cap. I "’ IV.

-53...

barrier between them. Finally, Susana. carried may by
the tensor of Martin, follows him to Toledo, where the
£3133 is to have its first meeting. She is willing to
become the feminine counterpart of the tild-eyed liberal.
After he has been seized by the authorities and put in
prison, she hurls herself into the Tajo us a. last proof of
her complete devotion to the cause of Martin.

The uhole novel is one of violence. It has a hysteria
that is herd to reconcile to the later Game’s. Since so
much depends on the plot, it is not much more than a
Inciting story. It has all the trappings of a popular
serial - e kidnapping, . mo in ion with the daughter of
his enemy, and a great deal of action. in. fact that it
was published originally in Just that for: in a Mid
newspaper probebly accounts for its conformity to the-
type. .

Although martin and Susan: are creations of Galdos,
there are certain liner characters in the novel than he
probably borrowed from his English master. Pablo, the
brother of Earth, is doubtless fashioned on a Dickens
Iodel. The early scene in the prison, where "Pablo and
his father are held, recalls the Marshalsea of Littlefirri .
It is one of those institutions where children are born,
”men die and life narrows itself to a world of four stone
walls. When Pablo is attached to the household of the
ceramics, he reminds us of Oliver Twist. Pathetic. ill-
treated, but unprotesting‘he is the object of the taunts

of the other servants just as Oliver was a suffering

victim in the workhouse kitchen.

la resbonsibilidad de cuanto acontecia de esca
ceia sobre Pabillo. Si rodaban, haciendose algun

'Los inocentes chicos llegaron tambden a
participar do aquel rancor, y asi como en otras
occasiones se echaba la culpa de todo al gato entonces
{eras sbajo

chichon,‘Pabillo les habia pegado; si rompian los-

calzones,‘Pabillo lo-habis hecho; si se ensnciaban

de lode, era.Pabillo e1 autor de tamaho deeacato.'(8)
[lbs innocent children began also to share in

that ill treatment, and where on other occasions they

had put the blame on the cat, nos Pablo was responsible

for everything that went on down stairs. If they fell

and bumped their heads, Pablo had hit them; if they

tors their shoes, Pablo had done it; if they got them»

selves muddy, he was guilty of disrespect.]

The similerity betsecn.Oliverbsnd Pablo is even more

apparent when the latter decides on flight after‘ho has

been accused of stealing his mistress’ bracelet. Both

he and Oliver, the had resolved to fly from the work-
house. face the dawn.with the hope of liberty. .Bnt there
Oliver is still timid, Pablo revels in.his new freedul.
He has the carefree spirit of‘a pigggg,ss he takes to the

open road 0

“Con macho trabajo desatranco ls puerts que daba
a1 casino, 3 salié come los pajaros, solo. a recorrer
la tierra en buses de libertad, sin saber (Rondo iba,
n1 dondc podris encontrar ailments, sin penssr en
mahana, ni acordsrse de ayer.” (9)

{bfter some difficulty, he unbolted the door which
opened on.the rOad, and went out like a bird in search
freedom. with no idea where he was going, or where he
would be able to find food; without a thought of to-
morrow or a memory of yesterday.]

58) Cap. V0
9) Ibid.

As was apparent in his portrait of Paulita in
La Fontana dc Ora, Galdo’s follows Dickens in his choice
of abnormal characters. Paulita, however, was not com-
pletely insane: rather, she suffered what psychologists
mid call a complex. In El Audaz, appears Galdas’
first real lmtic. He Ias to have others. José de la
Zam'a delusion that he is living at the time of the
french Revolution makes him fit well into a novel or .
politics. Dickma’ Mr. Dick, with his theory concerning
\Charlcs’ head, is somewhat like him. But there Jose is
recognized as mad, Mr. Dick's "wuss 18 convincing
mough to pass for sanity - at least with Betsy Tmtvood.
Tho most famousfinckens' idiots, Barnaby Range, is more
active than Jose. fie eren Joins the Motors, although
he does not know why he does, and 13 thrown into prison
' " With them. Mingled 11th that dangerous aide lo: idiocy, 13
a childlike simplicity, a delight in the woods and in his
pet raven. Joae', on the other hand, 13 omtorical and case‘-
uhnt of a philosopher.

-560

Chapter VII.
The Religious Problem, '

After the publication of El Audag {GS-1608 aba?*"-d°“93 his
earlier method of mixing a social. thesis with politics,
end concentrated for 0. time on what he felt was the m at
serious problem facing; Spain at the time . religion and
its attendant evils. gone. gergcggg ape-caring in 1876.
ms the first of e carries. 91’ novels critter: in that win.
Out of all the array of Galdo’c' novels, it is perhaps the
met tidely reed «- especially abroad. Overhirdened by a
too obvious thesis, it here led to misconception of the
standard of the work of Galdds. and to misrepresentationc
of religious conditions in' Spain. .

It was not religion nhich Game’s attacked, not even
the church itself, but rather the evil that has grown out.
Of the church «- clericaliem. We have already seen how.
with the political Revolution of 1868, had come also a
revolution in thoughts (1) Galdc’c «pressed what others were
thinking but had not said. Did the church have the right
to interfere in civic affairs?

The scene of mi Pgri’eggg is laid in the fictitoue
town of Orbaioaa, a BM community lmoen chiefly for ite
garlic. Pepe Rey comes to the village on some business
project, and for the edditimal purpose or meeting his
main Rosario, than his father wishes him to marry.

-— .a___.i 4‘ _

(1) See above. p.‘ 28.

~57-

- Pepe represents the force of the new learning, shile Dofia
Perfecta is the symbol of the old order. The story
becomes a conflict betseen ideas as well as between wills.
‘Pittcd againsthepe is not only his aunt but also the
gafigr'Penitenciarig and practically the whole village.
Rosario eventually returns'hcr cousin’s love, but even
she has had the idea or his atheism instilled so strongly
into her that it takes some persuasion to make her believe
in his sincerity. Their plans for escape are discovered
by Dona.Perfecta, Iho by this time is so caught on in the
fire of her ovn.purpose that She is blind to all else.

The sight or Pepe in the garden is enough to drive her
fierce fanaticism to its climax. Without hesitation,

she gives her command to Cabulloco, the servant.

'DOfie.Pefecta adelento algunos loos. Sn vos
ronca que viraba con acento terrible, disparo estas
palabras: Cristobal. Cristobal... Natale!" (2)

(Dana Perfecta advanced a few steps. fieerenacing
voice, vibrating with its terrible accent, hurled .
forth these words: "Cristobal, Cristobal. Kill him!"]

Dickens. like the good serialist he was, often used
murder in his novels. His last work, the Ezntgzy_gg
Edwin Droog showed that he never abandoned the theme.

But even Dickens' taste for murder: vould.hsrdly
conceive of such a horrible situation. Jonas Chuzzelsit

flight plan carefully for days the murder of Mr. Pecksniff,
but the fact here that the murder'is done repulsively,

(2) Cap. xxxx.

-58-

and under the guise of religious zeal, would put it out
of the-scope of Dickens. The closest he ever came to a
study of fanaticism was in Barnaby Budge. where the
persecution of the catholics by the Gordon rioters use
one of the principal incidents in the plot.

As for the characters, they are distinctly Galdosian.
Pepe Hey is the 'noble scientist type“ (3) Ibo has sufficient
2contact with the outside world to make him irreconcilable
to the narrow bigotry of Orbajosa. There is nothing of the
Dickens hero about him. It was only natural. John Babesmith
and Nicholas Nickleby never had occasion to face Pope‘s
problem. For heroes could. But Dickens never gave the
religious problem much thought. He was too occupied with
the Poor Law and prisons and industrialism.

Rosario is a meek. innocent heroine. less impassioned
than'Susana, but dynamic enough to realize flhat she must
shake off the yoke of her mother. The other two principal
characters,Dofia Perfecta and Don Inocencio, are both
exaggerated, but their exaggeration is necessary to the
purpose of the novel. The accusations which they hurl at
Pepe could hardly have been borne with more christian
patience than they core by him whom they called atheistic.

We cannot say rhether the choice of their names,
Perfecta and Inociencio, was an accident or an intentional
ironical twist given by Galdos to a device employed by

Dickens. Mr. Bounderby in Hard Times and the Veneerings

 

(3)8alvador*¥adariaga, The Genius of Spain, p. 51

in Our Mutual Friend are all that their names suggest.
Galdos' method of making the name the opposite of the
character gives it a new originality and is in keeping
with the whole ironical spirit of the story.

As '6 have seen, Dickens had no more respect for
religious hypocrites than did Galdo’s. He did not an are
the clergy any more than he did Pecksniff. Brother
Stiggins in Pickwick Paper; and the Reverend Melchisedeoh
in Dombey and Son are hardly worthy oftheir order. They
cannot be treated with the respect due to clergyman, but
Dickens does not taste his irony on them. Instead he
makes them ridiculous, and vorthy only of a raised eyebrow
and an amused smile.

The following year, 1877, Galdos continued with a new
phase of the same problem. While Dona Perfecta is a
study of the forces within a religion, Gloria is a study
of two religions. Gloria is a Christian and a Catholic;
Horton is a Jew. They are brought together by love and
then held apart by religion. Galdos does not condom
either religion for itself, but both for their inability
to forget creed. Gloria says what is probably Galdos'
on belief.

“No ves que hablamos de religion? Y la religion
es hemosa cuando one; horrible y cruel cuando ”para.“

(4) .

[Don't you see that we are speaking about religion?
And religion is beautiful when it unites; horrible and
cruel when it separatesg

 

(4) Cap. XXIX.

-60c

Dickens' attitude toward the Jews was never

developed into the thesis of a novel,l but in Our Mutual
Friend he shows himself tolerant of them. Riah, the
adopted 'godfather” of Jenny firen, is a sympatheticfigure,
despised by ”Fascination” Fledgby,who is unable to torst
ihim. Dickens does not look on.him.mere1y as a Jew rith
a right to Jewish viees, but as a persecuted individual.
He enjoyed championing victims of society. Half- amusedly,
he contrasts Lizzie Hexam’s friendship Iith the Jew and his
life with the halt-suspicious attitude of the Reverend Frank
Milvey'e spouse.

”I could not have done it all, or nearly all, of

myself,” said Lizzie. ”I should not have wanted the will:
but I should nothave had the power, without our managing

partner.'
“Surely not the Jew she received us?“ said.hrs.
Milvey.
”My dear, observed her hquand in parenthesis,
“why not?”

”The gentleman certainly is a Jen, said Lizzie,

'und the lady, his wife, is a Jewess, and I was first
brought to their notice by a Jew. But I think there
cannot'be kinder people in the uorld.’

”But suppose they try to convert you' ”suggested
Mrs. hilvey, bristling in her good little way, as a
clergyman' 8 life.

11 To do what, ma 'am?” asked Lizzie, lith a modest
3m 64

'To make you change your religicn,‘ said Mrs. Milvey.

Lizzie shook her head, still smiling. ”They have
never asked me what my religion is. They asked as what ,
my story was and I told them. They asked me to be in-
dustrious and faithful and I promised to be so...'(5)

In the first chapters of the novel, Galdds satirizes

Gloria’s education.

-61..

' "Después do redidir algunos ones en un colegio, y

que debs nombro uno de las advocaciones mas piddosas
- de la virgen Maria volvio’ Gloria a on case on complete

posesion del Catecismo, duena do is Historia Sagrada y
do part6 do la profane, con mus as, a que confuses,
nociones de geografia, astron o y f sioa, msoullendo el
francés sin saber e1 espanol y con medians conquistas
{in los dwinioe del arte do is aguja. Se sabia do
memoria, sin omitir letra, los debegos defi hmpg, y are
regular maestro on tocar el piano, ha ose capes do
poser los monos on cualquiera do esas horribles a
que son encanto do las ninas tocadoras, terror do loo a doe
y baldon del arte musical." (6)

[After living some years in a private school directed
by one of the holiest orders of the Virgin, Gloria
returned home in complete possession of the catechim,
mistress of the sacred history and a part of the profane
with several confused notions of geography, astronomy an
natural philosophy, a stsmmoring or French without knowing
Spanish, and lithe moderate number of conquests in the
dominions or needlework. She knew by memory, without
leaving out a single letter, the dut%es 2; fig, and use
a real master at playing the piano, 8 g a e to put her
hands in any of those contortions that charm young piano
players but are a terror to the ears and an insult to
the art of mic;

In W, Dickens has a similar passage.

"They comprised a little English, and a deal of .
Latin - names or things, declensions or articles and s
substantives, exercises thereon, and preliminary rules -

a trifle of orthography, a glance at ancient history, a
sink or two at modern ditto, a for tables two or three
weights and measures, and a little genor information,"(7)

The ironies]. humour of these two passages is so closely
in tune, that it seems as though Galdo’s might have had the

page in Dickens before him as he wrote. Neither author can

conceal his scorn for this method of developing young minds,

'— +

(6) Tone 1, cap. III.
(7) Chap. III.

«6:3-

Thc scene of the shipwreck at the beginning of the
novel has its parallel in @3316. Copmrfgald. (8)There
is the some feclizm of suspense and hysteria in the crowd
lined'up along the shore, and. in both the interest is
focused on the tigers of one of them as a rescuer. Ham
Peacoty of Dickens become-s Don Silvestre, with the priest,
with Salads. The hmuhle Ham plunges into the waves, feeling
that it may be his fate to lose his life saving camera.
With the brown: priest, on the other hand, there is the
feelim of (limitation that comes from the thought of
battling aith the elements.

The strength of Clog 13 lies in the fact that neither
Gloria nor Morton rcnouncee hie faith.cr*her faith. If
they had, Galdoa’ thesis would have ceased to be a problem.
In sharp contrast with the rest of the novel. is the obviously
manufactured adz‘?t~heatrical death 01' Gloria. In the death-bed
scenes or both asides and Dickens it alsays seems that the
rectlighte have been lonered and that the curtain is eloely
falling.

In 1879. too years after the publicatiOn of Gierig,
another two-volume Well with a religious these came off
the press. This time, Geldds adopted a situation.quite
different from that or the two previous works. It is con“

corned with the difficulties that arise from a marriage

4.... ........-

W

(8)0hap. LVQ

-63-

between a mystic Catholic and an intellectual agnostic.
Leon Roch, the man, 13 Pepe Rey, amplified and intensi-
fied. Maria, the wife, 13 something like Paulita 1n
{éngontgna de 029, Beneath.her mysticism, smoulders a
primitive physical love.

Pepe, the other.woman 1n the plot, serves as a foil
to the character of’Marfa. Galdos cannot conceal his
enthusiasm for’here She is intelligent and broadnminded,

. Valerhf, in a letter written to flenehdez Pelayo

August 27. 1891, refers to the Dickens element in this novel.

'Y’aunque lmzte a Dickens y a otros autores, lo huoe
como se debe poniendo en lo Imitada el sello propio, y
no cggiendo deamafifiamente.’ (10)

End although he imitates Dickens and other authors
he does itras it should be, putting his own stamp 0n the
imitation and not copying clumsily.

Inasmuch as Valera states earlier in the same letter that
Le Familia:de Leon Roch 18 the first of Guidos' uork‘he has
Over read it would seem that in this novel he found points
of similarity between the two authors. Undoubtedly, he
referred primarily to Gamés' treatment of his child
characters. Galdoh never seemed to hurry flhe scenes in
which they appear. The pleasure that comes to Leon in
loving Papa’s small daughter, Monina, seems to be a pleasure
Ito Galdos too. One of the most touching scenes in the book

is the one in which Monina hovers betleen life and death.

there Is no false sentiment in having.Pepa and Leon, both

u L w

w

(10) Quoted in Jose A Balseiro, o . c1t., p. 189-

fi

-64-

confirmed cynics, kneel before the altar and pray for the
life of the child.

In satirizing a social class by concentrating on one
family Gsldds employs a method that Dickens used in‘hartin‘
Chuzz-deit and in other novels. The family of Maris. is a
part of the decedent aristocracy that is penniless but
possessed of a revolting confidence in its own superiority.
Ehey welcome Lech Roch as a brother-in-law because he is a
solution to their financial difficulties; They cling like
leeches to him when they wish to be reimbursed, but all the
time they despise him because he represents the new bourgeois
nristocracy which rose out.or the Revolution of 1868.

Besides Marie's father, the dissipated Marques de Telleria,
and her mother, a spoiled remnant of better days, there are
three sons: smug, self-satisfied Gustavo the barrister,
Leapoldo tho literally demands its money from Leon, and Luis,
the mystic. Game's sets each of this group off by himself
in a separate chapter and studies him as the type that he is.
Luis is the most interesting member or the family. He is
obsessed with a desire to show his devotion to his religion
by becoming a martyr to it. But we have the feeling that,
'for all his self-torture, he derived pleasure in being set
lpert and in being looked upon as a divine. It is in
connection with a reference to the members or the clergy who
visit Luis that Galdos cements on the worthy members of the

holy orders.

-65—

”Esra re: se vein all! a los graves cures
espafioles, que cuando son huenos, son los clerigos
mas clerigos, digamoslo asi, de la cristiandad,
verdaderos minstros de Dios por la serieded real,
la sensedumbre sin erectacidn y la sans sabiduria."
. ll,‘

LRarely were there seen there the grave Spanish
priests who, when they are good, are the most clerical
of the clergy, so to week, of Christianity -- true
ministers of God because of their genuine sincerity,
their'unaffocted meekness, and their wholesome
knowledgeq

Neither was Dickens the one to disregard the worthy
members of the church. In sharp contrast to his ridicule
of the Reverend Stiggins, is the Reverend Milvey of 232
Enid/2:1}: Friend and the Minor Canon, Septimus Crisp! rkle,
in ghe Mystery of Edwin Brood. The two writers, Dickens
and Galdos, both were willing to acoe‘t and resgect

sincere clergynen.

_..._
_.r

(11) Toma I, cap. XVIII.

~66-
Chapter VIII
A Poetic Idyl

Mr. Walton's description of Marianela as a ”Lyric
interlude” (12) is perhaps a more set title for it than
"Poetic idyl”. Chronologically. it came betveen Glggia
and La Fan lie de Leon Bach, and its complete difference
from either-of those novels makes it-seem strangely inr
consistent with the rest of’Galdos' work. The theses which
ruled.his writing were for the msment put aside and he created
the simple story of a pagan.creature the died or a broken
heart. Because it is so distinctly opposed to anything else
in Galdos, one feels that it must have been very close to
his inner poetic self, and one tould ezpect to find more
sentiment than is usually found in Galdos.

Dickens had any number of pathetic characters to offer
him as models. There was the Marchioness in The Gig
Curiositx Shog.whose grovth.had been stinted by overwork,
and Jenny Wren, the dolle' dressmeker in Our Mutual ngggg,
than her creator described as"a child - a dwarf ~ a girl —
a something.“ (15) Galdos made or Marianela en undersized,
repulsive~looking creature of indefinite age tho had been
deformed by a fallearlier in life. But Galdos‘tenderness -
can not resist giving her a beautiful voice and a beautiful
soul. At times, she seems hardly human. Instead, she is
an elf of the woods, 1 pagan spirit of the mountains.

 

 

‘12) L0 B0 Walton, 220 CitO, p. 121.
(13) Book II, chapt. I.

-67‘

The plot is a conventional one, leaning heavily upon
pathos. Because of her deformity, harianela is unable
to do any cork other than not as a companion and guide
for*Pable, the blind son of a Iealthy man of the village.
Golfin, a doctor, restores Pablo’s sight to him, and by so
doing brings tragedy tetherianelae. When he can blind,
Pablo loved her. How, he cannot conceal his dissilnsion
at the sight of her sizened body. there is nothing left
for the sensitive Marianela to do but die. The death
scene turns into sentimentality a story shiCh otherwise
might have‘bcen one of romantic charme-

sven in a lyric interlude, Game's could not resist
probing existing social ills. He digresses briefly from
the main thread of the plot to present Sofie, a type of
woman the organizes bazaars and pink balls for‘chsrity.
Through his satire, he shows the sane contempt for organized
philanthropy that Dickens does in.Ihe Mistegy of Edwin Dgggg
and some of his earlier Mela. He prefers, instead, the
humanitarian spirit which prompts Florentine, Pablo's
beautiful cousin, to see for the poor and give her services
privately and cheerfully to theme Thercheeryble‘brcthers
in ggchelas Nicklebz,are examples or characters of Dickens
the may have helped to influence Galdds’ conceptions of

benevolence.

-58-

Chaptttr IX

The Contemporary Novels

Two years elapsed between the publication of he Familia

 

de Lech Roch and the next novel, La Desheredada. They must
have been two years of intense thought to have.madc Galdos
change his methods as radically as he did. Where before he
had fitted each character, each scene, and each speech into p
the mosaic of a thesis, nos he‘sas content Iith picturing the.
life an individual with.his own right to existencce The
truths he draws from the progress of the novel, not from a '
previously imposed thesis. with such a purpose in mind, it
was only logical that he should turn to the new school of
Naturalism for his method. But Galdos was too well schooled
in the traditional realism of Cervantes and the picaresque
novel to let himself he conffixmfll to a list of sordid details«
that the Naturalists demanded. He never neglected the sweet
for the bitter. He gives us a complete picture of“Madrid
‘n the last quarter of thenineteenth centurya the broad
avenue of Recolletcs, the crossing and recrossins of life
in the.Puerta del 801, the odours and sounds of the patios
in the ”berries bajos”, and the rumble of life in the Cello
de Toledo: ‘ _

£3 Deshergada is the first of a series of novels on
contemporary life. The story concerns the attempts of
Isidore Rufete to establish claims to an aristocratic birthe
Her father, in the_hope of benefitting by the hoax, had
forged a document to the effect that Isidore is the ille-

-69—

gitimate child of Marquess de Arcnsis' dead daughter.

He dies before he is able to tell Isidore the truth, and

she goes on believing in the dreams that he father had
insgired in her. She narrows hsr life down to the one

purpose of proving her birthright. Never once does she

lose sight of her goal. She makes use of wealthy lovers

to raise her standard; she even.goes to court to yrove her

' claims. When that last effort fails, she is disillusioned~~«vs
and becomes a prostitute.

True to the naturalistic vein of the work, many of the.
characters are abnormal. Tomas Rufeto is a lunatic; Isidore‘s
son is o macrocephalic. Isidore herself is an introvert,
end the victim of an abnormal imagination. Over against her,
is he: 23:: 0 Pan: aunt, LgSanguijuelegg, the scoffs at
her niece’s hopeless aspirations. #he scene in which she
punctuates her verbal lashing of Isidore with a few sound
reps with her hand is one of the amusing scenes in the
book.(1) we do not pity Isidore for her humiliation. The
situation is made to seem ridiculous and provokes the some
sort of smile that the drollery of Dickens does in his
description of the beating that the sellers, Sam and his
father, gave to ”red-nosed hr. Stiggins." (2)

In this novel Geldo’s introduces the Fez family, thich
appears in its various branches in later novels. They

‘prcvide him lith an opsortunity for satirizing nepotism.

M

{1) Cap. III.
2) Chapt. LII.

-70-

His sermon delivered on the power of the Peces reminds

‘us strongly of Ddckens"burleeque tirade on the administra~

tors of the Circumlocution Office - The Bernscle:fnmily.

W7

"The Barnacle.1hmlly'had for some tile helped to .
administer the Circumlocution Office. The Tito Barnacle
Branch, indeed, considered themselves in a general nay
as having vested rights in that direction, and took it
111 if any other family had much to say to it. The
Barnacles were a very high family, and a very large
family. They tore very dispersed all over the public
offices, and held all sorts of‘public places. Either
the nation Ins under*e load of obligation to the
Barnacles, or the Barnacles Iere under a load of
obligation to the nation. It was not quite unanimously
settled which; the Barnacles having their'opinion, the
nation theirs." (3) *

En los mismos dias verials rep rtidos por tode. la
redondez de ls.Peninsula numere considerable do funcion-
erios que por llevar el clero nombre de Pez, manifestaban
ser sobrinos. primes segundos, cusrtos d’seti s o’
siquiere parientes lejanos de D Manuel. Hob a cuetro 6'
cinco.Peces entre los ofioiales generales del ejercito, to-

ios con buenoe lotes en direcciones o capitanias generaleso

Les magistrados y Jueces y promotores fisicales del
genera Pez se contaban per centenares distribuidos por
toda Espene. Para que en todas las Jerarquias hubiers
algun miembro de este omniscente familis de bendicibn,
tambien habia nn obispo Pen, 3 haste doce candnigos y
beneficiados, que pastaban enrol hence del Cults y Clerc.
En eyudantes de ebras publicae, oapeteces, recaudadores _ U
do contribuciones, empleados do Snnidad. vistas.de “""'
Adusnas, inspectores de Consumes, Jefes dc Fomento,
oficiales cuartos, setimos y quincuagesimos de Gobiernes
de provincis, e1 numero ere ya tel que no se acertaba a
conter. Invoquemos el tezto divine: grescite et multipli~
sssinii.et-replete_eguse-msri8o' (4) ,

In those days, there were distributed throughout
the peninsula a considerable number of officials the.
because they bore the name oflPez, declared that they
Iere nephews, second, fourth or seventh cousins. or
at least distant-relatives of D. Manuel. There rere four
or five Peces among the general officials of the army,
all with good allotments or~genersl captainciee. The
magistrates and judges and fiscal promoters of the Pen
stock tore estimated to be in the hundreds throughout

3) Book 1, chap. It
4) 08‘). XIII

~71 :-

311 Spain. In order that there might be some member

of this blessed omniscient family in every hierarchy,
there was also a bishop Pen and as many as twelve canons
and beneficiarins tho grazed upon the banks of the Church
and the clergy. Among the sdjutants of public works,
overseers, tax collectors, health inspectors, cusumn
house officials. inspectors of consumption, chiefs of
fomentation, fourth, seventh, and fiftieth officials in
the provincial governments, the number was so large that
it can scarcely be calculated. We invoke the divine
‘text: gypscite et multiplicamini!yet replete_aqggg maria.

But not only in characterization and satire does Galdos
follow the example of Dickens in this novel. -!he scene»et
the beginning of the book in the pauper? ward of the insane
asylum where Tomas Rufete died recalls the inhumaness of the
debtors' prisons in Pickwick Pagers end.Little Dorrit. The
~descrdption in Gsldos' novel is not completely objective.
The author feels its horrors too intensely to refrain from
commenting on the need for~reform. the apostrophe to the
down soon from‘behind the bars of the asylum window Hr.
Salton sites as done in.the'Dickeneinn manner» {5)

”Le lurore., nun en one case do locos es alegre: sun
all! son hermosos e1 risueno abrir del die y le.primert
mirada que cielo ytierre, arboles y cases, montes y
‘Vall s so dirigen...' (6)

The dawn! Even in a madhouse it is a thing of Joy;
even there the smiling awakening of day and the first
glances eXChanged by heaven and earth, the trees and
houses, the mountains and valleys ere beautiful..J

In F1 ‘uico Haneo (l882), Galdcs continued his study
of individual character. At the same time, he made of the

novel an illustrated discourse on education. In construction,

it is probably the most original thing that Gsldos ever did.

(5) Le B. Walton, 22. cit.. p. 134.
(6) Toma 1, cap. I.

.932...

El Amigo Manse confesses at the outset that he has only
been created by the author to bear out an idea on the
education question. (7) The story he lives shows the
tragedy that comes to a scholarly temperament when it
comes face to face with renllty.

hasimo Manse is a university professor Who rules his
life by reason. At the death of his companion mother,
he retires to bachelorhood. He becomes interested in the
son of a neighbor.and offers to be the young man's tutor.
Difficulties arise when, after a close friendship has grown
up between the two, they both_fall in love with the some
girl. Minion has only oisdom to offer'her besides his
affection. Manuel has youth. Reality has defeated El
Amigo Manso.‘ He accepts the defeat resignedly and after
his death looks back on his burial and, like an oracle,
tells the fate of the other characters in the novel. He
is still nothing more than an idea.

The references to the childhood of Irene, the girl sham
Manimo loves, reveals.again Goldos' love of-children. He
has sympathy for Irene as Dickens had for the harchioness
in gh£:01d Curiosity Shgpg=:hith genuine compassion, he
describes her rugged dress, her torn shoes, her hat shaped

like a deformed basket.

, /
In this novel, Guides, for the first time, makes use

of a device in characterization that the Spaniards call a

#—

(7)It is interesting to note that.Pirandello and
Uhamuno used the construction, that of letting
the charcters know their unreality, later,with
notable success.

-75-

muletilla. It is a phrase or word used repeatedly enough
by a character to cause it to become a part of his
character. Gsldds used the method several times in his
later novels. In E; Amigo Manse, Irene says the word.
'tremenda' so many times that it finally suffers the fate
of most intensives. As Merino Manse remarks; he paid no
attention to it because she usedffor everything. (8)
the device is such a noticeable one in Dickens that Geldos,
borrowing as many other things as he did, must have token it
over and adapted it to his needs. Dickens saw the value an:
terseness of it in swift characterizetion. Berkie' cetch ,
' phrase in ngi9 Copperfield is 'Berkil is Iillih." And Joe}
of GreatEgpectationg summed up ell of his emotions in the i
one word ”astonishing." ’
In the next novel, E; Doctor Centeno, (1883)fGeldda __'q¢
"expends his views on education. He does not present .n§% Ha I
new ideas; he merely enlarges on those he suggested in
gaggle, Because of the almost parallel situations in this .
novel and in Eicholas Nickleb11_it is worthy of ruther cere- K
ful examinetion. In a study of Geldos' herein for their '
can sakes, this work would be especially interesting. for
there are indications that it is, in parts, autobiographical.
By this stage in his career, he probably felt, as Dickens
did, that he should put something of his own life into his
fiction. Alejandro Miquis of Galdos corresponds toiDavid-

.___A J
w ‘ .94

(8) Cap. m. ‘ 3

Copperfield of Dickens. Alejandro is a law student and an
ambitious dramatist. A.hatred of the law develops out of
his reflections. He hates it now for its inhumanity and
for its regulation of individual lives. Stephen Blackpool
1n gord T1meg_las the mouthpiece for Dickens‘ ideas on the
subject. Game’s may have paused and meditated on the

following passage.

'3..So, I mun be ridden '0 this woman, and I
‘Iant to know how?

'30 hoe, ’ returned Mr. Bounderby.

'If I do her any hurt. sir, there‘s a law to
punish me?‘

'Of course there 15.‘

'If I flee from her, there‘s a la! to-punish me?'

'Of course there 18.’

'If I marry t'oother‘ dear lass, there’s a law
punish me?’

‘Of course there 13.‘

'If I was to live wi’ her and not marry her - saying
sueh.a thing should be: rich it never could nor Iould.
an her so good u-there’s a law to punish me, in over:
innocent child belonging to me?’

'Of course there 13.’ -
'Now, a’ God’s name,“ said Stephen.Blackpool,
FshOI me the law to help me!’

'Hem2There‘a a sanoity in this relation of life,”

eg§d Mr. Bounderbz, 'and 3 and ~ it must be kept up.‘ ”

The autobiographical part of the novel and the treatise
on education come together through‘Felipe. (ironically
culled "E1 Doctor Centeno")« In the school of Don Pedro y
Corteo, this young waif goes through much the same sort of
treatment that Smike does in Squeers"Yorksh1re School.

The imitation is less severe than the original, but the effect
1n.both is disagreeable. Although he beats his young charges

u...

(9) Book I, Chapt. x1.

and seems to enjoy doing it, Polo does not do it, as
Squeere did, for the pleasure of seeing his victims
suffer, but because he Iishes to drive his learning in
deeper Iith every blow. He thinks of the understanding
*of a child as being like a castle which should be stormed
and taken by force, sometimes by surprise.(lo)

When El Doctor Centeno leaves the school, he becomes
a kind of servant companion of Alejandro. ‘i'heir relation-
ship is like that of Smite and Nicholas in Nicholas Nicklegx.
Together Alenjendre end his young slave live a mention
life in.the cheep pensions of Madrid. Alejandro meets the
some dieillusion that Guides did Iith his poetic dramas.

A director promised production for~one and then shelved it.
‘All through the first chapters of the second volume of the
novel, Galdos lives ageinihis apprentice years. Perhaps he
felt that he should have liked to have as a companion some-
one like Felipe Uho, although he does not know a thing about
the thettre, has an understanding heart.

Don Florencia morales. an elderly friend of Alejandro
and his student companions. is given a muletilla as an aid
to his characterisation. He punctuates his honorestrictive
explenatione Iith the lords ”entre parentesis.’

In most of the rest of the catalogue of Galdos' novels.
the influence that may be detected runs in channels already
ent‘by'previoue torts. There is a continued interest in
shildren. in dbnormel characters and unfortunates, an

 

(10) '8e 1e representnba a1 entendimiento de un nine coma
' castillo que dcbia oer embestido y tomodo e viva
fuerza, ya veoes por sorpresa.“ fibmo I, Cap. II.

-76 «-

oocasionel reference to the educational problem, and to
Galdos' particular forte ~ the religious problem.

La dc Engages, Lo.nghibido, and Tormentg are all
studies of characters in some degree abnormal. so might
take Foflunata y Jacinta as the supreme example of a.
combination of’all the interests and characteristics of

 

Guides the writer. Coming between two decidedly inferior
novels, (11) its brilliance is amazing. The novel not

only sums up Gsldohx it sums up Hadrid during its first

yours of adjustment following the Revolution. All social ‘
levels ere represented; politics are discussed, but only as
the subject comes from the characters themselves; the
differences in class dialects are reproduced with the accuracy

~ of Dickens in his novels of London. There is no one thesis; ~- -
there are may, and no one is superimposed on the plot. The
characters We and talk like humhbeings. _

As the sub-title, goo historiastdc passage, (two stories -
of marriages) . wuld seem to indicate, it is concerned Iith
let-rings, but actually interest focuses particularly on the
two men in those marriages -. Jacinta, of a realthy bourgeois-
family, and Fortunate, of the 'gento hajo.” .Fortunata. true
to Galdos‘ shill in portraying loser class life, is by far
the best portrait in the book. She has all of his sympathy,
but it is sympathy with not a suggestion of sentimentality
There is no attempt; as there is in Dickens. Little Do it,
to prove that. in spite of her low birth, she is a more

M __.__.__

(11) Lg_ProhibidQ_(1884~85) and Minn (1888).

“77‘

admirable character than those of a higher class.

Instead of varnishing over her crudities, he lets her

go her own way. In the novel, she is a distinct
individual; viewed in her native element, she is typical '
of lower Madrid.

Jacinta, in contrast, is something like Maria
Egipciaque in E Familia de Lag Roch, but with none of
her veiled sensuality. Here and Juanito's problem is not
one of religion alone: rather it is one of marriage, and the
restlessness that comes to some men who are incapable of
constancy. Mani, the husband of Fortunate, is the principal
abnormal character in the novel. Galdo's makes a minute
study of his religions-sexual complex; it is the most minute
study he has ever made of a psychological state up to that
time. me novel is long,(16:57 pages), and he has room to
expand. his ideas as he riches.

Galdo’s" love of children is revealed again in his
chapters concerning “31 Pitusin”, the child who Jacinta
believes is that of her husband and Fortunate. One feels
that Galdds fully enaoyed seeing this young lower class
animal put his fingers in a dish of rice and then ripe
them in the curtains. (12) Galdo’s had the some ability
that Dickens did of projecting himself into the life or his
characters.

 

(12) Toma 1, cap. I.

:2“?

-73-

We might mention in passing, that in this "epic"
there are two more examples of the muletilla_in character—
ization. Estu,ina, a servant in the family or Juanita
Santa Cruz and a familiar figure at the 'tertulias” of
shopkeepers, boasts of having seen the complete history
or nineteenth century Spain. On being asked if in living
that history he has ever seen Prim, or Isabella, or some
other sell knoun public figure now defunct, his invariable
reply is, ”Como 1e estoy viendo a usted.9 {gs I see you
hang] Dofia Lupe, the castizan aunt of maxi, makes her
subleties obvious in her habitual phrase; ”En taco e1 sentido
de la palabra.’ En the full meaning of the word.]

From the publication of Eprtunata I Jacinta (1886-87)
to the time he began to concentrate on drama, Galdo's _ , 1‘
shosed no really new acquisitions from Dickens. He had -l-”»W
written.thirteen novels before he began his masterpiece,
and.many or them had consisted of two or three volumes.
It was only natural that he Should have developed a style
and method of his own, that the influence which shaped his
earlier writing should now be completely absorbed into his
' gsggnblismo. The four-volume cycle of Torguemada (1889,
1893. 1894, 1895) deals with.the 'socisl and spiritual
evolution of that terrible figure” - Don Francisco de
Torquemada. (14) He advances from a money lender’to a
sealthy, relentless landlord. That his evolution is
qpiritual as well as material places him above the plane

*—

(14) Le Be Walton, QR. Cite, p6 2000

-79-

of Dickens' Ralph Hickleby and BalzacEyPere Goriot. He is
a giant of avarice. But The has other emotions than that
of avarice. He hopes, fears, suffers, even loves. ‘Herein
lies the strength of Galdos' characterization - that he
has created a figure of flesh and blood, not an idealized
abstraction. " (15)

The religious problem Ian presented again in Hazaris
and its sequel, gains, Both of the novels show a decided
Russian influence; they attack the problem from a humanie
tarian angle. Angel Guerra in the novel of the same name
is a revolucionarig convegtidg. After the death of his
child, he turns his back on his former life and follows
the child's governess to Toledo,there she goes to become a
sun. the physical love which he had for her expands into
what he believes is a purely spiritual relationship. lit
his death, he realizes that he has been deceiving himself:
his conversion has only been a blind. the novel is~a
laboratory study. All of the characters are abnormal,
either physically, mentally, or spiritually.

the last novel earthy or note is Misegicoggia,
published in 1897. It is not a thesis novel. There is no
attempt to cast every character in an.abnormal role. It
is a study of pevertyltreated sincerely. Benina (16),
the protagonist, is the servant of a bourgeois woman tho
because of her extravagance is reduced to poverty. Benina

(15) A. L. Owen, ”The Togguemada of Galdos“, Hispania
VII: 1700

(16) Galdos probably gave her this name_Benign to
characterize her.

~80-

is forced to seek their means of livlihood by begging.

One day she is seized by the authorities and taken to a
Iorkhouse, San Bernadino, because she was begging in a

street in which the law had Just forbidden the practice.

But, like a true Spaniard, she resigns herself to shatever
fate awaits her. When she is finally released, her mistress?
the has regained her former position, dismisses her; and.lina
is forced to turn again to the streets.

As the titlc itself suggests, the novel is a sympathetic
treatment of beggary'and of the dregs of society. Galdos
shows a humanitarian interest in the victims of a social
system. In that respect, he is a disciple of Dickens.

,The English Hard Times is an impassioned protest against
the evils of machine production. Rachel, with her com-
‘passion for the drunkard rife of Stephen.Blackpool. Iould
have made a model for Rina, except that the latter~has a
Spanish picaresqueness that is totally absent from the
English picture.

-81-
Chapter X
Dickens and Gsldos - Conclusions

Glancing back over the analysis of each individual
novel of Pesos Guides, we see that there are certain CwIIHLte
signs of the influence of Dickens. In the first place, both
were voluminous writers. In the manisulstion of the story,
the mothod is mush the some. especially the habit of going
back and explaining characters after the action has begun'
and that of accounting for all of the left—over characters
in an informative final chapter.

A survey of the novels of either writer would roves] a
galaxy or individual creations who, after the storics are
forgotten, remain as vivid in the memory as though they
were acquaintances in real life. Each writsr did his best
lurk in his delineation of.10ssr-class characters. Fortunsts
hrs become a classic figure in Swanish literature. Quilp
end Fagin hold an.undi:pnted since as the supreme caricatures
of Rasccldom. But whers Geldos could treat one of the class
obJectively, Dicksns never could. His compassion overhslsnced
his artistry, and his victims of_socicty like Stephen Blackpool
and Oliver Twist ere shadowy, unconvincing figures.

Closely allied w th an interest in the proletariat. is
the use or children in the novels of both writers. At
times, uaflj hrs used to illustrate a grievance against the-
social systsm, and then again thsy exist for their own
sakesJas Pip and David do with Dickens, and : Pitusin and

Marianels with Geldos.

-32-

As an aid to characterization, Gsldos undoubtedly
borrowed the do vice of the muletille from his English
predecessor. 0n the point of style, it is difficult
to trace influences in a foreign agifigg. However,
certain passages of drscription,show that if they were
not conscious imitations, at least they followed the
spirit of Dickens. There are scenes like that of the
shipwreck in Gloria and the flight of Pablo in g; Auden
which seem to show not only influence but direct borrowing.

‘Whfiumour may be considered as a.pert of style. In that respeotym
there are both similarities and dissimilarities. Both writers
relied on it for their effects, but where Dickens’ humour is
rolliking Jollity, Galdoh’ usually becomes irony. His is a
humour that appeals more to the intellect.

In social doctrines, these two writers may be said to
agree almost entirely, although many of Gsldos' ideas rose
out of esserience rather than.through his contact with Dickens.
Clericelism was not a problem in England anylmore than in!
dustrielism tee in Spain. Education was, however, and time
and again each came'bsck to the pulpit to preach liberal
education. But the doctrine which was underlying all of
the others use that of’hunenitarienism. Even if Guides
had conceived the idea before he read Dickens; he could not
have helped being influenced by the Englishman's panacea
for all social ills. A system of education, an industrial

organizetion, even a religion founded on.’€xs humane principle

~83-

were to both Dickens and Gnldds the solution to the

misery they both saw around then. But Galdos sent

further than Dickens in studying the problem. With

Dickens, it was only a vague generalized solution. With
Galdos, it is conceived first as manifesting itself in
individual lives. The Spaniard is always a supreme
individualist. ”Cede hombre es un mundo” Each man is a
world in himself. Angel Guerra says. (1) Society is composed
of individuals; as such it may perfect itself. To him, love
was the One positive force in the world (2), love of God,
and love of one's fellow men.

The man who reduced all life to one word — love, even
up to the time of his death, looked on the master who never
knew his disciple,nith a reverence that approached worship.
After nearly fifty years of successful writing, he was still
proud to be called by the name of another - the Spanish
Dickens. Following his death, in 1920, Joaquin Montaner
recalled an incident of the year before; it occured after
theggtgeno of his play, gents guans‘de gestille in
Barcelona.

No olvidaremos nunca su despedida. Fue’un banquete
en el hotel Bristol. Al acebsr la comida, Santos
Oliver se levanté a hnblar en nombre de todos, y le
llamd el Dickens espenol. Don Benito, de pronto, so .
incompro, ayududo par unos amigos, contestd"Gracias.
gracias', y entre el general silencio salid’afuera.

‘Ya en in parts, se detuvo palido dijo con.uns voz
do ultratumba:
~~ Adios, senbres!

Y despsrecio. ,
Un escalofrio inexplicable so desparrano per nuestra

 

(1) Tone III, cap. 11.
(3) Salvador Madariaga, o . cit., p. 63

espalds. Hos parccio vs? one ls Intrnsa 1: cncsjaba
el sombrero y lo amorataba los manos. Desdc aquella
nacho, siamprc homes visto muorto a D. Benito. (3)

{flower shall we forgot his farewell. It was at
a banquet in the hotel Bristol. After finishing the
meal, Santos Oliver got up to sp oak in the name of
all 01’ 1'18 and called him tho Spanish Dickens. Don
Bonito rose immediately with the help of his friends
and ropliod. ”Thank you, unank you,” and in the
general silence went out. .

When he reached the door, he stopped, pale, and
said with a voice like one coming from the tomb:
"Goodbye, Gonolcmen."
.And he dissgpoarcd.

An inxplicablo chill came over us. It sssmsd to
us that the Intruder had laid him out for burial.
From that night on, to always thought of Don Bonito
as desdg] . ‘

__k I AL.

(3) Joaquin Montaners ”Don Bonito on Barcelona -
l"Adios. aonorcsl, El Sol, 5 do snore do 1920.

W

@ fiO‘V‘EISjF PE’REZ Gmds nmmormp wIN m mag

Wane: de 010,. 1870.

W, 1871.
g Sombga, 1871.
Doz‘ia Perfecta, 1876.
gm. 1876-2771
W, 1878.
g fmina (1g Leon m, 1879.
Mesheredada, 1881.
E; amigo E31189, 1882.
Elfidoctor Centepg, 1883.

e ta, 1884.
W: 1884‘
:9 gohgbido, 1884; 1885.
lofiggata I Jacggga, 1886-87.
m, 1888.
MW. 1889.
53350; Guegga, 1890, 1991.
W. 1895.
gornuemada en el Purgatorgo, 1894.
2ggggwdg 1’ San Peggo, 1895.
flazarég, 1895.
w, 1895.
Miggeflcofiia, 1897.

 

 

g-gta T cyltlcg a, t. 11), Jfirid, 19:33.
“Lt-31:10; "1113 (1:3 11:: <39 1C??- wiud) , La "" .111. 110. 14:. 1918.

w

Mtica i=7): :3- 1a, (fil—ZW’LS megg’tag) , “$1114., 1933

 

ikzc‘irid, 152‘. .3...

 

3'9 333 433" 3‘33 "£03593 03'? r3"? ”L 0: 32:23:21]“. (“fifth

in!

1" DG.- inf?) ‘tfima e 0'33: @1018, Q iiiz-Clrid '. 19333;.

2236316., 19:32, (Conferencia

Aicardo, J. 3.1., 12.

 

 

/
Alwcan Ca jella ,
en el Ateneo. 13 fcbrero 1922)

TGViS‘ 95' S. Li". arid, 2.3.9.

     

Alas, 1x20902130 (Clnrfn) , 34321352

 

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"3:4:11310 113.5202; (35:10.133". no. matron,
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KZQV 3 (1- 9433 at
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L. 1112*“ cmmazmw Eaaflrid, 13-387..
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_. £10“! f $63 C3,"?Zt‘ifl. Ek‘adrid, 1833..

.—.—~.

2313mm, Rafael. AK: )1: 5350315; 1:333:31}. hadrid, 3.898.,

 

 
  
  

 

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3 9 1: pg Immoralozm, 19531.
A 9 "ex-sayinzzwa, Ehfll’ifi. 19125.

   

 

Andi-é, M", "Pe’rez Game’s”, ” Corregnggdegg, CGIKXVIII:
306-16, 1920.

Auto/n del omet, L. y A. Garcia Cal-ram, Galdos, Madrid, 1912.

mg, c. 3., Galao’s, Madrid, 1930.

Ina Ajhengeum, (Annual Article on Contemporary Literature),

first week Of July, 1875-1902.
Balseiro, Jose, M... Novelistqs eflafioles modernos, flew York...
1933.

Barja, 0., Lgbros#z;autpres modeggggJ Los Angeles, 1935.

Basset,iR. E., art. Modern Lam, 3 Notes, IXX, 1904.

, Madrid, 193.9.

   

Bella, L.." * inacioncs sobre Ma Q

 

, "Para 1a revisiofi de Galdds", Lectura, 1X:49-51,

 

1920.

Berkowitz, H.C., "Galddb and fiesoncroifiomanos", Romania
W muzzol-s, 19:52..

, "Gleanings fram.Galdés’ Correspondence",
Efiimaniga xv: 249-91, 1955.

, ”La billioteca de Benito Pérez Galdés",
‘Bglfiiin_gg_1§_fiigllgieca da Henendez.Pe;axo,
XIV: 118-34, 1954.

, "The‘Youthful firitings of P5382 Galdds",
gmngmg Review, I, 193:5.

Bishop, Egfla, "A Day in Literary Madrid", Scribners' :

 

 

187-201. 18900
A. ”Benito Pérez Galdés",§£grnefs Libgggz, vol.

KI or XVI, Torénto, 1917.

~88-

Bravo Moreno, F., 3£_; omas_ do la patologfa mentg; en $91505,
Barcelona, 1923.
Brinton, 0., "Galdos in Ln: .lish", Crgtio, iLV: $49—50, 1904.
Caria, do Kariano, "Coho y ddhde deberé estar la sepultura
de Benito PeEez Galdoo?", El Sol, I: 86-8,
5 enero 1920.
Catorelo, V., "Catdlo:o sincronico do los obxas do Perez
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/ ‘ / I
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31 romanticismo a nug§trq§ dias,

 

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1912.
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1 . "Palabras de fizothF, E; SQ},

, 4 enero 1980.

,... 9cm, Paris, 19:33.

nun-cm

 

Lama, A...

 

/
u

(aura. A" "Dan Benito Perez Galflos”,_ 10...t3.=1 5173-3 353531
:1, VII; 1.33.4.9, 19:30.

9 "Ga-2.15919, cm 1111 cant/1:230 (1:: ans ohms." , 2 law
Acnfl.e:;1a .snr‘ialn '7, 2: 3.51”- ~57, 1920

.29"! (-1 Emma?

   

 

 

__ m, "Zfecrologia (19 Dan lien ‘99 Per - 169160397, $33.93;;
£9 .122 '93.. 92:79 92“"; " , 1’17.” r.- 2.210 52, 19:- 30.

 

3.1.13.0... "Galdoia y (21.01.; mm carts. 990915199", $33: 9.9"“ It
252.38, 1930.
13222913693 y l’elayo, Larcelino, ”Don Benito Pérez- 89.11159.
93:22:16. (2.92;.(10 (20:10 21m. “7.1.1.5551" ,
#312349: $11.31;. 11318192.. 3.3-; 1.3.141;
5.3 Berle, Fezflrié, 135’}.

. "1319111110 Perez 68.16.58”, gqsnjsrns,

v..-

XXIIV 3 88-10 "

‘1.

.. ,1 !. 212.913.1199. (10 3.9:: J’;€L$51310{:Q§93

wgulfi . HI? 5121!}, 1700-1.
3233 79 y 83., 1936.

 

Lieaa_ Ii. (19, 7 lvocacion rnlnoaian‘” £3,913: 2"" ,
1.39.99, Rafael, Pot... 0.1% (9&2; -wg 3:39:33; 3:: “£3;
mm, Iladrid, 19:30.

3.111101; 75., "i-I'ovels of Gnldés“,
1901.. Mama ~,~.«~;~.~ mafia-1:- 217-93, 1901.

wrafioh, c... Gal-dos, intmo", L903; m, 19:20.

I-(Zontrmer, Jomuin, "Dan Eenito Pelrez 9916.013 en Barchom”,

331,391,, 5 enero. 19:30.
Marc, J}, m, whim 1919.

 

,. . CCEQPJI $03-17.

 

-93...

Mora‘ae, L., geatro y Novggg, Liudrid, 1906.

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de Digs, m 1 EH, 1890.

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A-

W. 13.11.. Madrid,1952.
. ”Valor d3 Galflos“, 130805203, 11232 ~35,

1928.
Ortega M11121, J... ”El remordimiento nacional", 11903339...
I: '70 y 33., .920.
, Los vie 10:3 mesgggs, Galdos, Barcelona, 1920.
Ortega, M19, 1., Historia de Esga’fia, ts. VI, VII, 7111,
Madrid, 1908.
Oteyza, Luis de. Las mieggs dewla literatuga. hiadrid, 1917.;
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."Torouemada of Galdos", “HQ 1231, VII: 165-

 

 

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t. 1), Madrid, 1892.
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9 £9; e’geos 2; csmdgos ggteraréog (gym
Cflletas, t. V13159~261}, Madrid, 1892,
P312222 , imge'lica, ”Don Benito Pe’i'ez Galdo’s", Mere 0 Fe 0
(Lima), 1?: 20 y 822., 19:30.

-94-

PeE'ez de Ayala, IL, Qwervantes 3r €315.63, Itadrid, 1920.

Pitollet, 0., “Cament v11: 13 patriarche flea lettres
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Portnoff, George, "The Beginnings of the new Idealism in the
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, ”The Influence of Tolstoy's gm Karenggg on
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; k w, Lg liteggtvm 3 ga en Esjoofia, New York. 1932.

Ramirez, Eng-e]. 3., "Pe’rez Gfildo/s, intimo. Los ultimos anos

 

del Maestro”, W... ’7 enero .1923.
Real, 9., "6316.55” mm: 55 y gs... 1920.
Repide, P., Lei-92 Galdos novelgsta, -Fwadrid 1920.»
Revilla, Manuel de la, Cgiticos, 2.8 series, Barges, 1885..
w F ,"Galdo’s" (an my. Madrid, 1883.
Rogers, Paul P... ”Galdés suggested a league of fiations",
W. III: 3348, 1921.
Rojas, Ricm‘mo,F W, Valencia, 1908.
Ruiz, Constantino Equia, “El, espfiolimo de Pe’rez Caleb/8",.
Ragga 3; ge'. LVI: 437 y as... INII:
41 y 83., 1920.
Ruiz Cantatas, 131.15, Memogg, as de m desmemoggfidg, Madrid, 1916.
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Scatori 3” WWQ. Toulouse.

1926.

 

 

~95-

Sencourt, Robert, The; an sh Crown 1808—- 93 .._ New York,
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Trend . J, 3,, FREE or MQgGEg 52am, Boston, 1921.

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5 were 1920.

., "Galdo’s en 1901", Lectga, xx: 45-6, 1920-.

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68-9, 5 enero 1920.

Vezinet, F. , Lee maftres dumgomfig esgago; contemoggin.

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Walton, L.B., £§zgz El do’e Q d the m; 5g blaze; of the
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r
‘0

 

,Tsde e dosbea de obraede
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e , "The Camk‘mseo Games for 5818?". Himi ania, XVI:

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-95-

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‘ f , flew York, '19 24 ..

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flew York ,

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8.
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Romera-Navarro, m... Hgggog de uteraflra esgafiola, Nueva York,
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-97-
ER 5. !! Elé QF DICMIS m3}; ONED IN THE THESIS

[The Pickwicg quegs, 1836-57.
9;;vez Twist, 1857-58.
W. 1838-39-

13; o;g Cg;}os}t1‘sggg, 1840-41.
W. 1841.
W, $84-$44.
W! 1845‘4‘8'

David nggerfiegd, 1849-50.
mm 1852.
W, 1855—57.

A male 3;; pm Cities, 1859.
nggfi Eznggggt;ons, 1860-61.
mum; 1864-65.

Ihfi Eigtezx Qi'nggg Egggd, 1870.

##3##

 

7:11 313133 @3333 r