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Illt-f’ [ll m.I

 
      

L I B R A R Y
Michigan Sta”
University

inc.» 3

l
l

    
   

This is to certify that the
thesis entitled
A Case Study of Student Activism in

Two Public Secondary Schools

presented by

James Stewart Lantz

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph. D. degree in Administration and
Higher Education

 

W 5. ma

ajor professor

Date April 6, 19?],

0-7639

 

NOV 3 0 2001

ABSTRACT

A CASE STUDY OF STUDENT ACTIVISM IN
TWO PUBLIC SECONDARY SCHOOLS

BY

James Stewart Lantz

Purpose of the StudX

 

This study sought to describe the causes of stu-
dent activism, the behavior of the individuals cited
below, the relative role expectations, the sequential
pattern of activism, the effective responses to student
strategies, and the effective approaches to dealing with
demands.

Description of the above areas was from the per-
spectives of individuals filling the following positions:

a. Board of education members

b. Superintendent of schools

c. Central office administrators who witnessed
the occurrences of activism

d. Administrators in the buildings where the
activism occurred

e. Faculty members in the buildings where the
activism occurred

f. Students in the buildings where the activism
occurred.

James Stewart Lantz

Procedure

 

The district was selected from a list, provided by
an office of the Michigan State Department of Education,
of thirty public school districts which experienced dis-
turbances at the secondary level during the 1969-70 school
year. Districts were selected or eliminated based on the
following criteria: (1) geographical proximity to the
Detroit Metropolitan Area, (2) involvement of racial
issues, (3) percentage of Black students, (4) degree of
activism, (5) special considerations, (6) size of pupil
enrollment, (7) state equalized valuation (SEV), and (8)
geographical dispersion.

The application of the above criteria yielded four
districts, and these districts were contacted. Three dis~
tricts were eliminated due to a minimal degree of activ-
ism, or a reluctance to participate in the study.

The interview schedule was developed and refined
after (1) a review of the literature, (2) a review by the
chairman of the guidance committee, (3) discussion with
the Office of Research Consultation, (4) refinement in
terms of school district files and records, and (5) field
testing of the instrument. -

The study focused on two instances of activism
which occurred during May, 1970, in both a junior and

senior high school of a single district in Michigan.

James Stewart Lantz

The interviews were conducted by the author and
two graduate students, and involved forty-two individual
and two group interviews. Most interviews were tape re-
corded and conducted during and after school hours from

December 8 through 11, 1970.

Major Findings

 

l. The administrative personnel of the school
district noted, in most instances, that they had no pro-
fessional preparation for dealing with student activism.

2. It was also found that the interviewees moved
from rather wide perceptual differences on causes to
rather narrow perceptual consensus on effective approaches
to dealing with demands and prOposals.

3. The interview results indicated that student
activism is subject to multiple causation.

4. Examples of individual and institutional
racism were suggested on many occasions as fundamental
causes. Individual racism appears to be amenable to
efforts directed toward attitudinal change, while insti-
tutional racism suggests the need for structural change
in the formal organization. To separate the two forms of
racism would be misleading, since a simultaneous effort
directed at both the individual and organization is
necessary.

5. Likewise, problems such as housing and paren-

tal attitudes were frequently cited as external causes

James Stewart Lantz

which abetted the activism. Children raised by parents

who themselves grew up in a racially and socio-economically
segregated society transmit the values and attitudes of
their subculture. Thus a strong "self-fulfilling" cycle

is set into motion.

6. Content- and textbook-oriented faculty mem-
bers were also cited frequently as factors contributing
to the activism. This perspective by faculty members
helps to crystallize the educational and organizational
distance between teacher and student. When education is
viewed as a common educational experience involving two
learners, formerly teacher and student, the distance be—
gins to lessen. Furthermore, when the teacher and stu-
dent enter into dialogue on human rights and equality,
the distance is eliminated. Now both parties must deal
with one another as human beings.

7. Bargaining as a means of resolving conflict
was not clearly evident as effective in responding to
all student demands. For example, demands which deal
with the extent to which students are involved in cur—
riculum development are perhaps negotiable. Demands deal-
ing with questions of human rights cannot be subject to
bargaining.

8. It was generally found that no approaches
were effective in responding to student strategies when

activity escalated to the level of violence. At that

James Stewart Lantz

stage, calling in police, closing the schools, and sus—
pending students appeared the only administrative responses
possible.

9. In-service education involving all segments of
the school organization appeared to have been the most
effective long-run approach to dealing with tensions so
that subsequently student demands and proposals could be

dealt with.

A CASE STUDY OF STUDENT ACTIVISM IN

TWO PUBLIC SECONDARY SCHOOLS

BY

James Stewart Lantz

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Administration
and Higher Education

1971

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express my sincere appreciation to Dr.
Stanley E. Hecker who served as chairman of the guidance
committee. His assistance and thoughtful probing of the
study caused it to be a valuable learning experience.

Dr. Clyde M. Campbell provided valuable counsel
over the years not only in relation to my academic work
but also in terms of my beginning career as a public
school administrator.

Drs. Ernest O. Melby, George R. Myers, and John
Useem deserve sincere thanks for their thoughtful and con-
cerned assistance.

The Mott Foundation, particularly its Leadership
Program and Institute, deserve special recognition for
its contribution to my philosophic growth regarding com-
munity education and on two occasions to my financial
support during my years as a doctoral candidate.

To the persons in the State Department of Educa-
tion and in the unidentified school district, I want to
express my appreciation for their cooperation which
helped make this study possible.

To my parents, Ray and Anna, I owe more than can

ever be said for their encouragement and support over the

ii

years. I hope that this dissertation in some small way
expresses my appreciation and represents some fulfillment
for the educational Opportunities which were not open to
them.

To Lova Kay, Nathan, Natalie, and Joshua, wife
and children, I owe so very much for their understanding,
sacrifice, and support. Particularly to Lova Kay and
Nathan, I want to express my deep affection and apprecia-
tion for the hours that they spent without the presence
of a husband and father who was busy being a graduate

student and school administrator.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter

I. THE PROBLEM. . . . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . .

Need for the Study . . . . . .

Purposes of the Study . . . . .

Theoretical Perspective . . . .

Overview of Chapters II, III, and IV .

Role Theory . . . . . . .
Conflict . . . . .

Organizational Reaction to Conflict
Definition of Terms. . . . .

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . .
Major Surveys on Student Activism .
Underlying Dimensions and Causes of Stu—

dent Activism . . . . . .
Historical Dimension . . . .
Social Psychological Dimension.
Legal Dimension. . . . . .
Political Dimension . . . .
Technological Dimension . . .
Economic Dimension. . . . .
Educational Dimension. . . .

Issues and Demands . . . . . .

Issues. 0 O O O O O O O
Demands . . . . . . . .

Violence and Activism . . . . .
Race and Activism . . . . .

White Student Activism . . .

Black Student Activism . .

Similarities in White and Black
dent Activism . . . . .

iv

Page
ii

vii

[—1

HmflmU'lubUJI—‘H

H

|—'
N

12
13

21
21
22
28
33
34
35
36
39
39
41
41
42
42
43

44

Chapter

III.

IV.

Strategies of Activist Students . .
Administrative Responses to Activist
Strategies . . . . . . . .

Bargaining, Negotiation, and Mediation

as Means for Resolving Demands .
Approaches to the Basic Problems . .
New Roles for Students . . . .
Curricular Changes . . . . .
Pre- and In-Service Education for
Teachers and Administrators .
Miscellaneous Proposals. . . .
"Legitimacy" and Implementation of
Demands . . . . . . . .
Constructive Student Activism . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . .

DESIGN OF THE STUDY. . . . . . . .
Introduction. . . . . . .
Selection of the Sample . . . . .

District Selection Criteria . .
Secondary Criteria . . . . .
Contacts with Districts. . . .
Development of the Interview Schedule
Interview Procedures . . . . . .

ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS . . . . . .

Introduction. . . . . . . .

Description of the Community and Its
Schools . . . . . . . . .

Education. . . . . .

Chronology of Events: October, 1967
through April, 1970 . . . . .
Student Activism: May, l970 . . .
Groups Interviewed. . . . . . .
Board of Education Members. . .

Superintendent of Schools . . .
Central Office Administrators. .
Senior High School Principal . .

Senior High School Faculty Members

Senior High School Students . .
Junior High School Administrators

Junior High School Faculty Members

Junior High School Students. .

Page

45
47

48
49
49
52

53
54

55
56
57

61

61
61
62
65
67
68
69

71
71

71
73

74
76
86
86
88
89
90
92
92
93
94
95

Chapter

Responses of the Interviewees . .

Cause or Causes of Student Activism

Description of Actual Behavior
Role Expectations. . . . .
Sequential Pattern . . . .
Responses to Student Strategies
Effective Approaches in Dealing
with Demands . . . . .

Summary . . . . . . . . .

V. SUMMARY, FINDINGS, AND CONCLUSIONS. .

Introduction. . . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . .
Findings . . . . . . . . .
Conclusions and Suggested Areas for
Future Research . . . . .

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . .

APPENDICES

vi

Page

95
95
101
117
131
134

136
140

152
153
153
156
158
163

168

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Page
A. House Subcommittee Survey. . . . . . . 169
B. The Syracuse Study . . . . . . . . . 172

C. School Plans for Coping with Student
Disorder . . . . . . . . . . . 174

D. Michigan Public School Districts Reported
as Having Student Disturbances. . . . 177

E. Interview Schedule . . . . . . . . . 178

F. Months of Unrest, Actions, and Reactions in
Public Schools . . . . . . 181

G. Report from the Racial Balance Committee. . 186
H. List of High School Students' Proposals . . 191

I. Changes in Junior High School Rules and
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . 192

vii

CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM

Introduction

 

This chapter is concerned with the need for and
the purposes of the study. In addition, the theoretical
perspectives are discussed. The chapter concludes with a
definition of terms and an overview of Chapters II, III,

and IV.

Need for the Study

 

The need for this study arises from two observa-
tions about the subject of student activism in American
'public secondary schools. First, the literature on the
subject is often speculative, fragmentary, and devoid of
a theoretical orientation. A recent major survey reveals
that "there has been, to date, very little treatment of
the matter in the scholarly journals. Much of the best
work appears in the more popular media."1 Second, an
understanding of activism is fundamental to the develop-
ment of positive changes in public secondary schools, both

those which have and have not experienced student activism.

 

1Stephen K. Bailey, Disruption in Urban Public
Secondary Schools (Washington, D.C.: National Association
of Secondary School Principals, 1970), p. 3.

 

Student activism as a form of social behavior is
couched in the larger question of man's relationship to
society and its institutions. Furthermore, it raises
questions of social change, conflict, and control.

Gardner very poignantly states that:
Unless we attend to the requirements of renewal,
aging institutions and organizations will even—
tually bring civilization to moldering ruin.
Unless we cope with the ways in which modern
society Oppresses the individual, we shall lose
the creative spark that renews both societies
and men.

Activism, as one facet of social change, is not
new to American education. Weston,3 in a review of
several New York City newspapers from 1870 to the present,
indicates that strikes, boycotts, sit—ins, demonstrations,
and the like have occurred with rather frequent regu—
larity. Interestingly, the issues often parallel those
expressed today regarding dress and discipline. But to

say that the problems are not new is also to say that

they have not been resolved.

 

2John W. Gardner, Self-Renewal: The Individual
and the Innovative Society—TNew York: Harper and Row,
Publishers, 1963), p. xvi.

3Alan F. Weston, "Responding to Rebels with a
Cause," The School and the Democratic Environment, The
Danforth and Ford Foundations (New York: Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 1970), p. 71.

 

 

Purposes of the Study

 

The purposes of this study are:

1.

To describe the perceived causes of student

activism from the perspective of the selected

positions listed below:

a. Board of education members

b. Superintendent of schools

c. Central office administrators who wit-
nessed the occurrences of activism under

study

d. Administrators in the buildings where the
activism occurred

e. Faculty members in the buildings where
the activism occurred

f. Students in the buildings where the
activism occurred;

To describe the behavior of each of the above
from the perspective of each other position;
To describe the behavior which each of the
above believes each of the other positions
should exhibit;

To determine if student activism and the
organizational reactions follow a general
sequential pattern of:

a. Initial student strategies

b. Organizational response(s) to those
strategies

c. Bargaining, negotiations, or third-party
mediation to settle specific demands or
prOposals

d. Implementation of "legitimate" agreed-
upon changes;

5. To determine what approaches were perceived
as effective in responding to student
strategies from the perSpective of each
other position; and

6. To determine what approaches were perceived
as effective in dealing with the demands or

proposals from the perspective of each other

Theoretical Perspective

 

The purpose of this section is to outline the
theoretical perspective of the study. It is assumed that
a school can be viewed as a social system, and more spe-
cifically as a formal organization. It follows, there-
fore, that the formal organization, i.e. the school, has
a unique social structure comprised of roles arranged in
a hierarchy ranging from the roles played by board of
education members to those played by students who "par—
ticipated" in the activism. It is further assumed that
these roles maintain a degree of interrelatedness over
time, in addition to representing differential power,
status, and authority.

Student activism as a form of conflict places
strain on the nonstudent roles in the formal organization

through its initial strategies and demands. This is not

to say that certain strains may not have been initially
placed on the role, power, and status of the students,
thus generating activism. Nevertheless, activist behavior
"causes" certain organizational reactions followed perhaps
by bargaining and implementation of agreed-upon changes.
The remainder of this section is concerned with
specific aspects of: role theory, conflict, and several
propositions regarding organization reaction to conflict

and the effects of bargaining on an organization.

Role Theory4

 

Gross §t_§l., in their review of the literature on
the development and use of role theory, have found that
there is no single role theory but rather variations on
a common theme. It was found that anthropologists
generally define a "role" in terms of normative cultural
patterns, while some psychologists mainly rest their defi-
nitions on personality factors. Sociologists generally
emphasize the importance of "expectations" in defining
a "role."

Since the present study focuses on the behavior
of persons in a formal organization, i.e. a social system,

it is appropriate to select a perspective which provides

 

4Neal Gross, Ward S. Mason, and Alexander W.
McEachern, Explorations in Role Analysis: Studies of
the School Superintendency Role (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, Inc., 1958), pp. 3-75.

 

a good "fit" with the empirical reality. Questions of
cultural patterns and determinants of personal behavior
go beyond the purposes stated earlier.

Therefore this study is based on the findings of
Gross gt_al., that "individuals (1) in social locations

(2) behave (3) with reference to expectations."5 The

 

 

reader will find a discussion of basic terms later in

this chapter under "Definition of Terms."

Conflict

"Conflict," which is a generic social concept, is
subject to many definitions and to a range of values.
Corwin, in an extensive review of the literature on con-
flict, points to this range:

Coser sees conflict as a "disease," Thompson is
concerned with prevention of conflict in its
organizational context, Weber sees it as integral
to social life itself, Simmel indicates that
groups require it to function effectively over
time; Small, Park, Ross and others View conflict
as a central and integrating process; and Dalton
among others has suggested that it is inherent

in leadership positions and a source of flexi-
bility and creativity within organizations.6

In this study, conflict is seen more often as the
fact rather than the fiction of organizational life.

Although it is not generally a phenomenon which one

 

5Ibid., p. 17.

6Ronald G. Corwin, The Development of an Instru-
ment for Examining Staff Conflict in the Public Schools
(Columbus, Ohio: Department of Sociology and Anthro-
pology: 1963): Pp. 14-15.

knowingly or willingly creates within an organization, it
may generate positive changes within the organization.
Certainly those who live intensely in an organizational
context should understand its assets as well as its liabil-
ities.

The following section deals with several proposi-
tions regarding organizational reaction to conflict.

Organizational Reaction
to Conflict

 

 

March and Simon7 have identified three main
classes of conflict phenomena as they relate to formal
organizations: (1) individual conflict, (2) organiza-
tional conflict, and (3) interorganizational conflict.
Student activism is an example of organizational conflict
involving intergroup opposition.
The authors suggest that bargaining is used to
resolve conflict of this nature and that the bargaining
process is characterized by the following:
1. Disagreement over goals is taken as fixed
2. Agreement without persuasion is sought

. Acknowledged conflict of interests

. Use of threats

. Falsification of position
. Use of gamemanship8

mwnw

 

7James G. March and Herbert A. Simon, Organiza-
tions (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1958?,
pp. 129-131.

8

 

Ibid., p. 130.

Although bargaining may be effective in resolving
organizational conflict, it has effects on the organiza-
tional structure which can be far-reaching. March and

Simon have found that:

1. Bargaining almost necessarily places
strains on the status and power systems in the

organization.
2. If those who are formally more powerful

prevail, this results in a more forceful percep-
tion of status and power differences in the

organization.

3. If those who are formally more powerful
do not prevail, their position is weakened.

4. Bargaining acknowledges and legitimizes
heterogeneity of goals in the organization, and
such legitimation removes a possible technique
of control available to the organization hier-

archy.

Definition of Terms
Conflict is used in this study to mean the overt
opposition between nonstudent and activist student posi-
tions in the formal organization ranging from verbal

disagreement to violence.

Consensus is used in this study to mean the degree

 

of agreement between the focal position and the other
positions in the organizational hierarchy on the causes,
behavior, expectations, and effective approaches to con-
flict resolution as measured by expressed perceptions.

Demands or Proposals is used in this study to mean
those specific issues which are overtly and strongly

eXpressed by activist students.

91bid., p. 131.

Expectation is used in this study to mean "an

 

evaluative standard applied to an incumbent of a posi-

tion."10

Expressed perception is used in this study to mean

 

the responses to questions on the interview schedule in
terms of the interviewee's beliefs or feelings about the
given subject.

General sequential pattern of interaction between
nonstudent and activist student positions in the formal

school organization is used in this study to mean the

 

range of interactive behavior including initial strategies,
bargaining, and implementation of "legitimate" agreed-
upon changes.

Initial strategies is used in this study to mean

 

those planned actions and counteractions employed by
activist students prior to bargaining, for the purpose of
securing the most advantageous bargaining position. Ini—
tial strategies frequently include such behavior as peti-
tions, sit-ins, boycotts, strikes, and walkouts.

Issues is used in this study to mean the general
areas of concern, for example the "relevancy" of the
curricula, from which specific demands often arise.

Legitimate agreed-uppn changes is used in this

Study to mean those changes which are perceived as having

10Gross, et al., Role Analysis, p. 67.

 

10

worth and appropriateness by nonstudent positions in the
formal organization.
Position is used in this study to mean "the loca-
tion of an actor in a system of social relationships."11
5913 is used in this study to mean "a set of
expectations applied to an incumbent of a particular posi-
12

tion."

Scope of the social system is used in this study

 

to mean the selected public school district in the state
of Michigan, with focus on two instances of student
activism in two secondary schools during May, 1970.

Student activism is used in this study to mean the

 

range of collective behaviof employed by students in
public secondary schools for the purposes of achieving
certain changes in their role, power, and status within
the formal school organization, including attempts to
change the organizational structure of the school.

Underlying dimensions is used in this study to

 

Inean those broad areas of history, social psychology, law,
finalitics, technology, economics, and education under
tvfrich can be subsumed the "causes" of student activism.
CPIrese dimensions are expressed more specifically in the
issues, and ultimately in the demands (proposals) of the

activist students. For example, it has been suggested

 

ll 12

Ibid. Ibid.

 

11

that one of the underlying dimensions of student activism
is political in nature. Specifically, it is manifested
in demands for draft counseling and withdrawal from

Viet Nam.

Overview of Chapters II, III, and IV

 

Chapter II contains a review of the major surveys
on student activism, followed by a summary of the basic
causes and related topics.

Chapter III contains a discussion of (l) the cri-
teria used in the selection of the school district, (2)
the means employed in the development of the interview
schedule, and (3) the interview procedures.

Chapter IV contains a description of the community
in which the study took place and the incidents of activ-
ism. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the basic
causes of the conflict, the behavior of the people in
various positions in the organizational hierarchy, role
expectations, the approaches used to resolve the conflict,

and the summary of the chapter.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction

 

Although student activism is not new in American

public secondary schools, Education Index first recognized

 

it as a category of literature in 1964. At that time,
most of the material on student activism was concerned
with college student involvement in civil rights and anti-
university administration protests. As late as September,

1969, Education Index had not provided a separate cate-

 

gory of literature concerned with public secondary school
student activism. It is interesting that while this
social unrest was increasing in tempo, much of the litera-
ture in educational administration focused on professional
negotiations.

This review will proceed with a discussion of the
following areas:

1. Major Surveys on Student Activism

2. Underlying Dimensions and Causes of Student
Activism

3. Issues and Demands

4. Violence and Activism

5. Race and Activism

6. Strategies of Activist Students

12

10.

11.
The

follows:

The

the 1968-69

13
Administrative Responses to Activist
Strategies

Bargaining, Negotiation, and Mediation as
Means for Resolving Demands

Approaches to the Basic Problems

"Legitimacy" and Implementation of
Demands

Constructive Student Activism

major surveys on student activism are as

"Survey on Student Unrest in the Nation's
High Schools," conducted by the House Sub-
committee on General Education

"Student Unrest Survey," conducted by the
Community Relations Service of the Justice
Department

"Survey of Newspaper Reports on High School
Disorders," conducted by Alan F. Westin

"A National Survey on the Nature and Extent
of Student Activism," conducted by J. Lloyd
Trump and Jane Hunt

"Disruption in Urban Public Secondary

Schools," conducted by the Syracuse Uni-
versity Research Corporation.

Major Surveys on Student Activism

House Subcommittee Survey was conducted during

academic year. Questionnaires were sent to

29,000 high school principals throughout the United

States, and

15,086 questionnaires were returned. The

results were reported in three categories: (a) all

SChools responding, 15,086; (b) city public schools with

14

a significant increase in ethnic enrollment in the last
five years, 400; and (0) schools reporting riots, 149.

The following summary of the House Subcommittee
Survey1 is concerned with the results obtained for "all
schools responding" in each of the twenty-four areas. A
detailed analysis is found in Appendix A.

Eighteen per cent of the 15,086 schools, or 2,710,
reported some form of activism during the 1968-69 school
year. Most of the schools had an enrollment of less than
1,000 pupils, and the family income of the pupils gen-
erally ranged from $3,000 to $10,000. The schools were
predominately White, with approximately an 8 per cent
Black population. Furthermore, the schools had not exper-
ienced a significant increase in ethnic enrollment in the
past five years. Most incidents of protest occurred only
once, but seldom more than twice. In slightly more than
half the cases, the protests were preplanned. Usually,
less than 5 per cent of the student pOpulation partici-
pated, and seldom were there injuries. Property damage
was usually less than $100. Police were generally not
called as a result of the protest.

In slightly fewer than half of the instances

reported, a variety of student tactics (strategies) were

—_

1"Results of the Survey on Student Unrest in the
Dkrtion's High Schools" (Congressional Record--Extensions
0f Remark, Washington, D.C., February 23, 1970),
P- E 1178-9.

15

used, i.e. underground newspapers, sit-ins, strikes, boy-
cott. In 1 per cent of the cases, riots occurred. The
issues in slightly fewer than half the cases involved
miscellaneous concerns. Next most frequently mentioned
were general disciplinary rules, dress codes, school ser-
vices, condition of facilities, curricula, teachers and
principals, student political organizations, and finally
outside speakers. Racial issues (tensions) were involved
in about 30 per cent of the protests. Specific racial
issues usually covered a broad range of concerns--per
cent of teachers and other personnel from minority groups
and ethnic studies were mentioned frequently. Seventy-
eight per cent of the issues were within the scope of
school policy.

In only 31 per cent of the cases were nonstudents
involved in the protests. Of the nonstudents who par-
ticipated, members of community organizations were men-
tioned in addition to high school dropouts, college
students, parents, and others. Teacher participation was
mentioned in 28 per cent of the responses.

Academically, the protest leaders generally
represented a cross section of the student body.

Action which was frequently taken to resolve the
Protests included: appointment of a faculty-student
Commdttee, alteration of various school rules, meetings

VWith parents, and meetings with minority groups. Seldom

16

were student political organizations or underground news-
papers approved.

Of all the schools responding, 14 per cent antici-
pated more protest in 1969-70. Twenty-eight per cent
declined to respond to this question.

Next, the Student Unrest Survey2 was conducted
by forty Community Relations Service (CRS) staff members
and consultants of the U.S. Justice Department.

The sample included 101 secondary schools with
at least a 10 per cent minority enrollment. The schools
were located in seventeen states and fifty-two cities.
Data were secured through interviews with administrators,
teachers, and students.

The demographic composition of the sample was

as follows:

No. of High Geographical Number of Percentage
Schools Location Students Black
26 Northeast 41,937 67%
12 Midwest 21,423 51%
29 South 32,453 50%
34 West 69,924 44%

26% (Brown)

Seventy-five per cent of the high schools, with a

total student population of approximately 165,737 students,

¥

2"Report on Student Unrest Survey, Prepared by
'the Community Relations Service" (Department of Justice,
VWashington, D.C., September, 1969), pp. 1-7. (Mimeo-
graphed . )

17

experienced some form of unrest during the 1968-69 school
year. "Police were called in to settle disturbances, or
as a preventive measure, in over sixty percent of the
incidents and in half of them used force."

The staff and consultants of CR8 found three
issues frequently mentioned: (a) institutional racism,
(b) institutional irrelevancy, and (c) "a continuous
failure of communication between administrators and
student protestors."

The four major demands were as follows:

1. Place more minority personnel in policy-

making positions 48%
2. End racism and discrimination 45%
3. More minority awareness studies 43%

4. Equal voice in curriculum planning,
formulation of codes of student dress,
and hiring and firing of faculty 33%

The fact that the population surveyed contained
a high percentage of Black students may suggest the
reason that the student demands strongly reflected racial
issues.

The Westin Survey,3 which follows, relies heavily
on secondary sources of information but nevertheless may
help sketch the overall picture of student activism.

From November 1968 through February 1969,

Dr. A. F. Westin of Columbia University monitored
1,800 daily newspapers for reports of high school

3"Research Report Says No Arrest to Unrest,"
Efiggion's Schools, LXXXIV (July, 1969), 42.

 

18

disorders. During the four months, he found
reports of 348 high schools in thirty-eight
states that had suffered "serious episodes"
involving strikes, sit-ins, riots, demonstra-
tions, or other violence.
The 239 instances of serious disturbances account for
approximately 66 per cent of all instances.
The Trump and Hunt Survey,4 which follows, was
reported in May, 1969, based on a questionnaire sent to

a random sample of 1,982 principals, of whom 1,026

responded. The following is a summary of their findings:

Percentage of Schools Reporting Student Activism

 

 

 

 

 

Large Medium Small All

(over 2,000) (801-2,000) (801 or less)
Urban 74 62 60 67
Suburban 81 72 56 67
Rural 67 67 50 53

Percentages of Junior and Senior High

Schools with Student Activism
Junior High Senior High

Urban 59 63
Suburban 61 69
Rural 48 53
All 56 59

 

 

4J. Lloyd Trump and Jane Hunt, "The Nature and
Extent of Student Activism," National Association of
Secondary School Principals Bulletin, LIII (May, 1969),
151.

 

 

19

The following percentages reflect the per cent of

those who reported activism and not the total respondents.

Area of Concern Per cent

1. Quality of education (teachers, homework,

grades, scheduling, etc.) 45
2. Dress code 33
3. Length of hair 25
4. Racial protests (interracial tension) 10
5. Viet Nam 3
6. Draft 2

Eighty-two percent of the schools had pro-
tests against school regulations. Of urban
senior high schools with more than 2,000 pupils,
eighty percent reported protests about the
instructional program. Five percent of the
schools reported SDS activity of some kind.

Finally, the Syracuse Study5 is the most recent
study reported in the literature. The study was conducted
between March 12 and June 30, 1970, in 19 cities and 27
secondary schools. Site-visit interviews, observations,
conferences, and questionnaires provided the means by
which the data were collected. The sample included admin-
istrators, teachers, students, parents, community people,
police, and school district officials. The results of
the survey questionnaire, which was sent to school dis-
tricts with high schools of over 750 pupils, showed that

"85 percent had experienced some type of disruption in the

LDast three years." A summary of societal and in-school

\

5Stephen K. Bailey, Disrgption in Urban Public
fisgcondary Schools (Washington, D.C.: National AssocIation
(>13 Secondary School Principals, 1970), pp. 1-52.

 

20

causes, in addition to administrative responses and
effective approaches to conflict resolution, can be
found in Appendix B.

Perhaps the most striking fact about the surveys
is the wide range of reported activism: House Subcommittee
on General Education, 18 per cent; Student Unrest Survey
conducted by the Justice Department, 75 per cent; Trump
and Hunt Survey, 59 per cent of the high schools report-
ing and 56 per cent of the junior high schools; Westin
Study, 66 per cent of all disturbances were "serious";
and Syracuse Study, 85 per cent.

It appears that the data confirm the obvious
supposition that issues in schools with a high percentage
of Black students center around racial concerns such as
racism, Black studies programs, and number of Black staff
members.

In the next section, the discussion will focus on
the underlying dimensions and the "causes" of student
activism. As noted earlier the underlying dimensions
refer to the broad general categories under which many
of the "causes" can be subsumed. These dimensions are:
historical, social psychological, legal, political,
technological, economic, and educational.

It is with caution that the term "causes" is

Eilpplied to the following explanations of student activism.

ch>where in the literature does there exist evidence of

21

a strict cause—effect relationship. It is always diffi-
cult, particularly in an area where so little substantive
research has taken place, to discern what are the "causes"
and what are the "symptoms" of a problem.

Underlying Dimensions and Causes
of Student Activism

 

 

Historical Dimension

 

Keniston6 discusses a theory advanced by Daniel
Bell and Zbigniew Brzozinski in the excellent article on
student activism entitled "You Have to Grow Up in Scars-
dale to Know How Bad Things Really Are." This theory,
referred to as "Historical Irrelevance," maintains that
student rebellion springs from the fact that students feel
they are historically trapped between the industrial and
post—industrial society. Youths feel the future holds
nothing more than intensified technology and the destruc-
tion of what remains of existing humanism and romanticism.
In the face of this argument, Keniston maintains that our
immediate past is not an adequate basis for speculation
about the future. In short, our society does not have to

be committed to increased technology.

6Kenneth Keniston, "You Have to Grow Up in Scars-
<ia1e to Know How Bad Things Really Are," The New York
.Ziimes Magazine, April 27, 1969, pp. 28 and 122.

 

 

22

Social Psychological
Dimension

 

 

The next explanation of the cause of student
activism and rebellion has been advanced by Lewis S.
Feuer and has been termed the "Oedipal Rebellion."
Keniston, in a discussion of its central theme, indicates
that the source of rebellion is the "blind, unconscious
Oedipal hatred of fathers and the older generation."7
According to Keniston, the theory fails not only because
it is "bad psychoanalysis," but because it does not ex-
plain why the phenomenon occurs in some generations and
not in others. Second, the theory, if universally
applicable, does not explain why middle-class, affluent
students are more likely to rebel than working class and
deprived students.

Alienation has also been proposed as an explana-
tion for rebellion and activism. Hickerson8 and Thomson9
suggest that alienation of students is a result of the
fact that schools are "mirrors of the society" and

reflect the status quo of the social structure. Further-

 

more, intelligence testing and middle-class values found

 

 

71bid., p. 28.
8Nathaniel Hickerson, Education for Alienation
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966),
Pp. 1-98.
9

_ Scott D. Thomson, "Activism: A Game for Unlov-
-Llag Critics," National Association of Secondary School
giggincipals Bulletin, LIIl (May, 1969), 142-149.

 

23

in the schools also serve to further the alienation of
minority group students.

For Glaser,10 youthful rebellion is primarily a
function of the failure which students experience in
school. Student failure is most critical in the areas of
"classroom achievement, making friends, having fun, and
winning the respect of others in responsible ways."
Students are subjected to rote memorization, and to
teachers who have "very little emotional or intellectual
involvement with the individual child."

Stinchcombe extends this argument when he reports
that:

. . . students who have internalized the stand-
ards of success appropriate to a category, but
do not themselves have the means of success,
engage in active rejection of the social world
that places them in this internal conflict.
Expressive alienation occurs when students
replace the success orientation expected of
them with active rejection of the social world
of the school.11

Later the reader will find a discussion of aliena-
tion from the perspective of the formal organization.

Haake and Langworthy,12 officials of the New York

State Department of Education, affirm the belief that not

 

10"Youth in Rebellion--Why," U.S. News and World
Report (April 27, 1970), 42.

11Arthur I. Stinchcombe, Rebellion in a High School
(Chicago: Quadrangel Books, 1964?, p. 9.

12"Recommendations on Student Activism in High
£3(:hools," School and Society, LXLVII (October, 1969), 343.

 

 

24
i

only is student activism positive in nature, but it is the
result of "rising expectations on the part of students."
They continue with the observation that "an analysis of
the national character of student unrest would seem to
suggest that the lack of machinery enabling students_to be
heard in a democratic fashion is a condition common to
many instances of protest."

Cheslerl3 sees the problem, in part, as stemming
from the inability of students and others in the organi-
zation, particularly teachers and administrators, to
communicate because of their age differences. Chesler
maintains that this inability to communicate across age
lines leads to "intergenerational conflict."

Gusfeld, in an extensive study of the effect of
age differences on members of a formal organization, con-
cludes that "when two or more generations appear within
the same organization we may consequently anticipate

factional conflict."l4

 

13Mark A. Chesler, "The Relevance of the Kerner
Commission Report for Secondary Education," A Report to
the Midwest Regional Conference of the National Associa-
tion of State Boards of Education, Lansing, Michigan,
March 28, 1968, prepared by the Center for Research on
Utilization of Scientific Knowledge (Ann Arbor, Michigan:
.By the author, n.d.), p. 8. (Mimeographed.)

. 14Joseph R. Gusfeld, "The Problem of Generations
In an Organizational Structure," Social Forces, XXXV (May,
1957) , 323.

25

Stinchcombe, in a study of rebellion in the high
school which predates most of the present material, points
to the following importance of age.

The system of symbols on which school
authority depends are those of age-grading,
that is, symbols that distinguish adults from
children and justify school authority by point—
ing to age differences. When these symbols
fail to elicit loyalty because the student re—
jects the picture of himself as an adolescent,
expressive alienation results.

Bronfenbrenner, commenting to the question of age
segregation in society, sounds a clear warning as to its

consequences:

As we read the evidence, both from our own
research and that of others, we cannot escape
the conclusion that, if the current trend per-
sists, if the institutions of our society con-
tinue to remove parents, other adults, and older
youth from active participation in the lives of
children, and if the resulting vacuum is filled
by the age-segregated peer group, we can antici-
pate increased alienation, indifference, antagon-
Ism, and violence on the part of the younger
generation in all segments of our society--
middleyglass children as well as the disadvan-

taged.-Lb

Keniston, however, attempts to dispose of this

argument as follows:

If chronological youth alone was enough to
insure rebellion, the advanced societies--
where a greater proportion of the population
reaches old age than ever before in history—-

15Stinchcombe, Rebellion, p. 9.

 

16Urie Bronfenbrenner, Two Worlds of Childhood:
..S. and U.S.S.R. (New York: Russell Sage Foundation,
970), pp. 116-117.

F’q

26

should be the least revolutionary, and primi-
tive societies the most. This is not the
case.

Chesler18 maintains that racial tensions from the
broader society permeate the school, causing racial hos-
tilities to develop among students. During a recent survey
of violence in the Detroit Public Schools, the investi-
gators reported that "during racial trouble in a school,
student militancy and individual violence often feed on
each other."19

Another explanation centers on the importance of
communication and its effect on closing social distance.
Trump and Hunt reported that "respondents from every type
of community and kind of school felt that there was a
growing need for pupils, administrators, parents, and
teachers to know each other better and to open new chan-
nels of communication."20

It seems reasonable to assume that the socio-

psychological nature of the students involved makes them

susceptible to the social forces operating on them.

 

l7Kenniston, "You Have to Grow Up in Scarsdale,"
p. 122.

l8Chesler, "Kerner Commission Report," p. 8.

19

William Grant and Tom Delisle, "Detroit's
Schools in a Time of Violence: The Fears, the Victims--
<and Some Answers," The Detroit Free Press, May 10, 1970,
1?. 1B.

 

20Trump and Hunt, "Nature and Extent of Student
Activism, " p. 157 .

27

Menninger, in a recent analysis of student activ-

ism, states that:

. . . students, particularly high school stu-
dents, have some other special characteristics.
They have the natural struggle of the adolescent
to come to grips with becoming an adult. They
manifest a drive for growth and change, and a
striving which is quite ambivalent, to be inde-
pendent, to be in on the action, to "do their
thing." What complicates matters is that they
still at times very much want direction and
security, somebody telling them what to do.21

Stinchcombe further proposes that rebellion is
caused by the fact that students cannot perceive the
relationship between school activity and their own
career expectations. In terms of the present parlance
on the subject, this condition refers to the "irrele-
vance" of the school curricula.

The social structure either provides or
fails to provide a sensible and appealing
career pattern to the student. Whenever pre-
sent activity fails to make sense by being
clearly connected to future increments of
status, the student tends to become expres-
sively alienated and rebellious. The student
who grasps a clear connection between current
activity and future status tends to regard 22
school authority as legitimate, and to obey.

In a recent survey, Chesler23 found these addi-

‘tional causes mentioned by teachers and students who

M

21W. Walter Menninger, "Student Demonstrations and
Chonfrontations," A Paper presented to the Convention of
tIue Kansas Association of School Boards, January 14,

1969, p. 6.

22Stinchcombe, Rebellion, p. 9.

 

23Mark A. Chesler, "Participants' Views of Dis-
-nlzpted Secondary Schools: A Preliminary Research

28

have experienced activism: outside agitators, mass media,
permissive upbringing of children, and student disrespect
for teachers.

Ashbaugh suggests that the disturbances represent
"acts of emulation as the format of activism moves from
higher education to the high school level."24

The next area is concerned with the legal aspects
of the student in today's society. Legislation, action

of state boards of education, and case law are dramati-

cally redefining the rights of students.

Legal Dimension

 

In recent years, and almost month by month, the
courts have extended to students the guarantees of the
Bill of Rights. In a number of instances, the students
have been responsible for raising these legal questions
through actions such as wearing armbands and "freedom
buttons" in defiance of school rules.

As Benton25 points out, until very recently the

courts have applied the doctrine of in locospparentis

 

4

Report," prepared by the Center for Research on Utiliza-
tion of Scientific Knowledge (Ann Arbor, Michigan: By
the author, August, 1969), p. 3.

24Carl R. Ashbaugh, “High School Student Activ-
ism: Nine Tested Approaches for Coping with Conflict
Situations," Nation's Schools, LXXXIII (Feb., 1969), 24.

25A, Edgar Benton, "Legal Trends Regarding Stu-
dent Rights," Dissent and Disrpption in the Schools: A
Handbook for School AdmInistrators (Dayton, Ohio: Insti-
tute for Development of Educational Activities, Inc.,
1969): P. 5.

 

 

29

and the theory of contract in deciding the rights of
pupils and the responsibility of school personnel. In
applying these doctrines, theories, standards, and tests
in the past, the courts generally decided in favor of the

school personnel. For example, in locos parentis came

 

about as a protection for school personnel, primarily in
cases of corporal punishment. The theory of contract
deals with the promulgation of reasonable rules and regu-
lations for the management and operation of the school.
But as Benton reports, many of the "rules and regulations
in the public schools have little or no relationship to
valid education objectives and often reflect the particular
point of view, even the prejudice, of administrators and
individual boards of education."26
With the wane of the above doctrine and theory,
the standards of reasonableness and due process, along
with the tests of distraction and vagueness, are being

27 ' O I 0
1n a conc1se d1scuss1on

applied with rigor. Grinstead,
of the above-mentioned standards and tests, cites perti-
nent applications. Standards of reasonableness are

frequently applied to questions of administrative judg-

ment in the form of school rules and regulations.

 

26Ibid., pp. 5—6.

27Kenneth Grinstead, "Some Legal Aspects of Stu-
dent Rights," élan (Ypsilanti, Michigan: Eastern Michi-
gan University, College of Education, Fall, 1969),

pp. 3-9.

 

3O

Commenting on the distraction test, Grinstead states
"that the court is advocating a case-by-case approach to

the test of distraction, now requiring actual evidence,

 

rather than a prediction, of a disruption of discipline
in each particular instance."28 Vagueness tests are
generally applied to school rules and regulations, while
standards of due process generally focus on safeguards
and the student's right of appeal in cases involving
suspension and expulsion.

In a recent review of the literature on civil
liberties of public school students, Schwartz29 cites
numerous areas affected by court rulings. The following
is a brief summary of those areas and the related con-
cerns.

Questions of freedom of speech have been con-
cerned with armbands, freedom buttons, dress, and groom-
ing. These forms of expression have been limited if it
can be shown that they result in "material and substan-
tial interference" with the school program. However,
administrators still exercise fairly broad discretion
in this area.

Freedom of the press in school affairs has

generally focused on censorship of articles in school

 

281bid., p. 5.

298. E. Schwartz, "The Civil Liberties of the
American Public School Student" (unpublished Ed.D. dis-
sertation, Wayne State University, 1968), pp. 74-126.

31

newspapers and the printing and distribution of "under-
ground" papers.3O

Freedom of assembly has most frequently been
applied to secret high school societies, fraternities,
and sororities. The survey conducted by Schwartz showed
that assemblies to hear various expressions of political
Opinion are frequently not allowed.

Although there exists little case law on the
right to petition, a student appears to have this right.

Search and seizure is receiving more attention,
particularly with the increased use of drugs and nar-

cotics. Again the courts seem to be moving on a case-

by-case basis, but principals cannot arbitrarily open a

 

student's locker without potentiallyviolating the rights

 

of the student.

The questions of "cruel and unusual punishment"
and "privacy" have not received much attention by the
courts' however, they represent sensitive areas.

Information on students generally contained in
school records has received attention at the college
level, in regard to a student's draft status. At the

secondary level, state statutes regulate the release of

 

30For a compilation of excerpts from high school
newspapers see Diane Divoky, ed., How Old Will You Be in
1984? (New York: Avon Books, 1969), pp. 9-350.

 

 

32

psychological test data by requiring parental permission.
An extension of safeguards in the future may include
parental and/or student review of the school's cumulative
records.

Due process, as it relates to suspension and
expulsion of students, is certainly one of the more
significant safeguards of the rights of students. Assum-
ing that a given discipline code meets standards and
tests of reasonableness, equal treatment and protection,
clarity and specificity, the code should also provide
for procedures to guarantee the student an opportunity

31 However even going beyond due process,

for appeal.
the Michigan State Board of Education resolved that "Oak
Park School District shall provide adequate educational
services in a school setting or in some reasonable altern-
ative manner to students recently suspended by the Oak Park

Board of Education following a school disturbance. . . ."32

 

31For two excellent publications on the matter
see: The Michigan Civil Rights Commission's "Guidelines
for Insuring Equal Treatment, Equal Protection for Stu-
dents; Guidelines for Preventing, Resolving Inter-group
Tension in Michigan Public Schools" (Lansing: Michigan
Civil Rights Commission, 1969), pp. 1-7. Also "Grievance
Procedures in the Secondary Schools: Policy Statement
by the Metropolitan Detroit Branch of the American Civil
Liberties Union of Michigan" (Detroit: Metropolitan
IDetroit Branch, American Civil Liberties Union of Michi-
gan, 1969), pp. 1-10.

32"State Board Acts in Oak Park Suspension,"
The Educational Report, 6 (Lansing, Michigan: Michigan
Department of EducatIEn, June 15, 1970), p. 77.

 

33

Commenting on school rules, Cohodes states that
"they may be good rules, but for the wrong generation."33
After reviewing the literature on the rights of students,
Cohodes' statement appears to approach the truth of the
matter.

Governor Milliken, in creating the Special Com—
mission on the Age of Majority, states that "I believe
society must respond by providing greater rights for
young people, but rights coupled with greater responsi-
bility."34

It appears that student activism and students'
legal rights are inextricably interwoven. It is not

always clear, however, in what way and to what extent

they are.

Political Dimension

 

Politics, beyond sheer partisan considerations,
influences student activism. Perhaps the political dimen-
sion has been more essential to activism at the college
and university level and more a part of "White" activism
in high schools, but nevertheless, political concerns

permeate student activism generally. Basically these

 

33Aaron Cohodes, "Colleges Give High Schools a
Cram Course in Dissent," Nation's Schools, LXXXIII (May,
1969), 34.

34Jeff Sheler, "Rights, Obligations of Young
Focus of Commission's Study," Michigan State News,
August 20, 1970, p. 1.

 

34

concerns have focused on the cessation of the Viet Nam
War, abolition of the military draft, and reduction of
the voting age.

For purposes of this study, the influence of
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) holds the greatest
significance, not because SDS has been particularly
successful, but because the other political "causes"
have been even less so.

The Committee on Internal Security reports that:

The high schools in the United States are

clearly targeted by the radical left, and par-
ticularly SDS, for "activism." High schools are
recognized as the recruiting grounds for future
college radical activists. In the examples
brought to the attention of the committee, it
was indicated that, in terms of recruiting new
members among high school age youth, SDS so far
has been unsuccessful. But in its attempts at
temporary disruption of classroom and school
year activity, SDS has been most successful.
For this reason, educators must be alert to the
potential of SDS in fomenting trouble.35

The Trump and Hunt survey, cited earlier, found

SDS activity in only 5 per cent of the incidents involv-

ing activism.

Technological Dimension
Keniston analyzes succinctly the specific dissatis-

faction which students express about technology:

 

35U. S. Congress, House, Committee on Internal
Security, Report, SDS Plans for America's High Schools,
9lst Cong., lst Sess., 1969, p. 11.

35

Indeed, today's student rebels are rarely
Opposed to technology per se. On the contrary,
they take the high technology for granted, and
concern themselves with it very little. What
they are Opposed tO is, in essence, the worship
Of Technology, the tendency to treat people as
"in-puts" or "out-puts" Of a technological sys-
tem, the subordination Of human needs tO tech-
nological programs.36

Associated with technological concerns, students,
particularly at the college level, have protested in

favor Of environmental quality and pollution controls.

Economic Dimension

 

Some would claim that the "cause" Of activism lies
in the student's Opposition to (a) the capitalistic sys-
tem, and (b) the resultant unequal distribution Of wealth.

Keniston37 states that the Marxist doctrine may
have some applicability tO such Objectives as "ending Of
economic exploitation, the achievement Of social justice,
the abolition Of racial discrimination, and the develop-
ment Of political participation," but the Marxist doctrine
does not provide a suitable frame Of reference for view-
ing the postindustrial period.

Nevertheless, it appears that some students per-
ceive economic factors to be basic to societal ills, and
are willing tO be actively involved in the eradication Of

those ills.

 

36
p. 122.
37

Keniston, "You Have to Grow Up in Scarsdale,"

Ibid., p. 130.

36

Educational Dimension

 

The educational "causes" seem tO lie in the
following areas: (a) "irrelevancy" Of the curriculum and
the quality Of instruction, (b) alienation and paternalism
from an organizational perspective, and (c) administrative
and organizational inflexibility.

The literature is replete with testimony concern-
ing the "irrelevancy" Of the curriculum. As cited
earlier, Trump and Hunt found that 45 per cent Of the
respondents indicated the quality Of education and instruc-
tion as a "cause" Of student activism.

The following discussion is a review Of research
reported in 1967, which seems to tie together the areas
Of instruction quality, alienation, and paternalism.

38
a focused on the above areas Of concern

Rhe
through questionnaires and interviews in two "leading"
Boston high schOOls--0ne public and one Catholic. The
students generally conceded that the curriculum was
"irrelevant." This fact has led some social psycholo-
gists to the conclusion that the "irrelevant" curriculum
caused the students to become alienated from the school

program. Rhea, however, found that even though the cur-

riculum may be "irrelevant," the student still recognizes

 

38Buford Rhea, "Institutional Paternalism in High
SchOOl," draft Of a paper tO be presented at the 1967
meeting Of the American Sociological Association (Insti—
tute for Community Studies), pp. 1-14.

37

that he must have the "paper credentials" for either
college or employment. Thus, for the student, schooling
takes on an instrumental quality—-it is a means tO an end.
Furthermore, the student constructs what Rhea terms the
"myth Of institutional paternalism" as a way Of handling
the two conflicting realities, namely, the irrelevant
curriculum but the need for "paper credentials." This
myth Of institutional paternalism relates to the way in
which the student views the role Of the teacher. The
research showed that the students saw the teachers as
both "competent and benevolent, hence paternalistic."
This View helped mediate the alienation for the student.

Rhea concluded that perhaps alienation is better
than acceptance Of this instrumental definition Of
schooling and the paternalism Of the institution.

The following questions need tO be asked: Would
alienation have been found if the study had been con-
ducted in inner-city high schools? What responses might
one find today? Would it be alienation followed by
activism rather than acquiescence tO paternalism?

Since 1967, when the Rhea study was reported,
students even from "leading" high schOOls have begun tO
re-evaluate the role Of the teacher. That re-evaluation
has led students tO the conclusion that teachers can and

should be performing differently.

38

Finally, some Of the "causes" Of student activism
seem tO center on administrative behavior.

It has been suggested that racist attitudes Of
administrators "cause" student activism. This is gen-
erally taken to mean that the administrator is insensi-
tive tO the educational needs and aspirations Of Black
students.

Students have further charged that administrators
are unaware that society is rapidly changing. Some
principals attend tO a proprietary function in the admin-
istration Of the educational program. Kruger39 has
suggested that "vested interests" are defended by schOOl
personnel, thus increasing the organization's resistance
to change.

Chesler points out the importance Of conflicting
interests.

One Of the things that is clear is that young-
sters and teachers are in some places caught into
intolerable situations where they have mutually
conflicting interests and responsibilities at
stake. The human waste and tragedy is not just
that they're in that bind; the greater tragedy is
that their history together has so divided them

that they can no longer rationally explain and
adapt their positions tO one another. 0

 

39Daniel H. Kruger, "The SchOOl System and the
System Of Change," School Of Labor and Industrial Rela-
tions, Michigan State University (East Lansing: By the
author, n.d.), p. 19. (Mimeographed.)
40Chesler, "The Kerner Commission Report,"
p. 24.

39

The next section is concerned with the issues and
demands which represent the Objectives Of the activist

students.

Issues and Demands

 

Issues, as defined in this study, mean the
general areas Of concern from which specific demands
Often arise. The very nature Of an issue implies the
presence Of at least two points Of View. Therefore, in
stating the following issues, every attempt will be made
to state them in as Objective a manner as possible.

Earlier in this section, the author discussed
theories Of "Historical Irrelevance" and "Oedipal Rebel-
lion" as explanations Of student activism. If, in fact,
these are causes, there are nO apparent ways Of trans-
lating them into an issue with any assurance Of being
able tO solve them. Therefore, it seems appropriate to
move tO those "causes" which can be translated into
issues. Of course this translation assumes that there

is some agreement on the "causes."

ISSUES

1. Whether school personnel and students can re-
structure the school tO play an active role in
re-shaping society.

2. Whether school personnel and students can create
a school setting which reflects the pluralistic
values Of the society.

10.

11.

12.

13.

40

Whether school personnel and students can modify
the deleterious effects Of "failure" as a psy-
chological deterrent tO learning.

Whether school personnel and students can modify
the deleterious effects Of "success" as an
emphasis which causes a focus on the extrinsic
values Of education. For example, "education tO
get a diploma or tO get intO college.“

Whether school personnel and students can share
the fundamental decision-making processes Of
the schOOl.

Whether schOOl personnel and students can re-
structure the school organization tO facilitate
"intergenerational” communication.

Whether school personnel and students can devise
experiences tO facilitate cross-racial under-
standing and acceptance.

Whether schOOl personnel and students can devise
experiences to facilitate adolescent self-
understanding.

Whether school personnel and students can
develop an understanding Of the influence Of
mass media.

Whether schOOl personnel and students can re-
define the legal relationship between themselves
in terms Of freedom Of speech, press, and
assembly; search and seizure, student records,
rules and regulations involving discipline and
dress codes; and procedures Of due process.

Whether school personnel and students can ex-
plore and work actively on questions dealing
with racial discrimination, the future Of
capitalism, social injustice, technological
development, and other major societal problems.

Whether school personnel and students can work
effectively on curriculum revision and the
quality Of instruction.

Whether school personnel and students can work
effectively to insure personnel and curriculum
representation Of various ethnic groups.

41

14. Whether school personnel and students can
develop an effective student government with
responsibility and commensurate authority.

Based on a recent Purdue University Survey,41 it
appears that high schOOl students are indeed eager to

focus their attention on issues such as these.

Demands

NO attempt will be made to translate these issues
into specific demands, since any issue is redefined in
many different ways by the circumstances which surround
it.

The next section will deal briefly with the rela-

tionship between violence and activism.

Violence and Activism

 

While it is clear that violence and activism are
not frequently associated, there appears tO be an increase
in violence in the schools.

The result Of a preliminary survey Of 110 school
districts, conducted by the staff Of Senator DOdd's
Senate Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency, reports the

following comparative data:

 

41Measurement and Research Center, People Prob—
lems: Population, Pollution, Prejudice, Poverty, Peace
(Lafayette, Indiana: Measurement and Research Center,
June, 1970), pp. 2-19.

 

 

42

Crimes and Acts Of Number of Incidents

Violence in Schools42 1964 1968
Homicide 15 26
Robbery 396 1,508
Weapon Offenses 419 1,089
Narcotic Violations 73 854
Assaults by Students on Teachers 253 1,801
Assaults on Students by Other

Students 1,601 4,267

A survey Of violence in the Detroit Public Schools
and in several Detroit suburban schools suggests that
data on violence in the schools need to be viewed with

43 found that data

caution. The Detroit Free Press Survey
collected by the police and school Officials differed

widely, and that some school Officials failed to report
incidents Of violence. In the House Subcommittee Survey

cited earlier, 149 instances Of group violence or riot

were reported in the 15,068 responses.

Race and Activism

 

 

White Student Activism

The explanations, causes, issues, and strategies
all differ to some degree when comparing White and Black
student activism. White activism is generally found in

the upper-middle-class high schools.

 

42"Violence Soars in Nation's Schools," Educa-
tgon U.S.A. (January 19, 1970), 109.

43

 

Grant and DeLisle, "Detroit's Schools,"
EL 1B.

43

Educators agree the active dissenters con-
stitute only a minority Of affluent students,
and these experts say the reasons for the grow-
ing restiveness are complex. Some youngsters,
Observers say, are undoubtedly being influenced
by campus and ghetto militancy.

Pinkerton characterizes the issues as generally

"community affairs, the war, censorship Of schOOl paper,

"45 Of

and the quality Of their high schOOl education.
these issues, the schOOl newspaper receives most Of the
attention. Pinkerton also states that White upper-
middle-class protest is generally not violent and fre-
quently receives support Of parents and teachers.46
Two Shaker Heights students who are active in
Cleveland's Movement for a Democratic Society see their
role this way: "Students are not oppressed at Shaker--
but they must not let themselves get totally involved

with simply school.47

Black Student Activism
According to Kukla, "Black student revolution-

aries can be placed along a continuum from separatists

 

44Stewart Pinkerton, "High School Students in
Some Rich Towns Begin to Speak Out," Wall Street Journal,
Dec. 26, 1969, p. l.

451bid.

461bid.

47"High School Activists Tell What They Want,"
Nation's Schools, LXXXII (December, 1968), 30.

 

44

48 It is

to Black Power advocates to integrationists."
with the Black Power block that Kukla is concerned. He
characterizes the leaders Of this brand Of Black acti-
vists as middle class, affluent, bright. Their Objectives
are those of independence from a White dominated economic,
political, and educational structure. This independence
is strongly supported by a desire for Black pride and
selfurespect. Finally, the Black leadership is concerned
with assisting lower socio-economic Blacks who are still
locked into poor housing and "dead end" jobs.

Similarities in White and
Black Student Activism

 

 

Despite the dissimilarities in some Of the means
and ends Of White and Black student activism, Kukla indi-
cates that there are two striking similarities. First,
both groups are seeking personal identity.
White student rebels Often experience dissatis-
faction by first immersing themselves in the
established system and eventually finding that
course Of action wanting. Black students Often
experience disillusionment by expecting that
money and education will gain them respect in
white society.

Second, both groups are searching for ways tO improve

society.

 

48David A. Kukla, "Protest in Black and White:
Student Radicals in High Schools," National Association
of Secondary School Principals Bulletin, LIV (January,
1970), 75.

49

 

 

Ibid., p. 78.

 

45

The Lemberg Center for the Study Of Violence at
Brandeis University reports that

black protest--even black student protest--is
more advanced that white student protest in that
the black protest is instrumental, with definite,
localized goals, whereas white protest has been
to date mostly expressive. Only recently has
white protest begun tO program targets.5

Strategies Of Activist Students

 

Student activism, as noted earlier, is collective
behavior which takes a variety Of forms. A review Of
the literature suggests that activism can be understood,
in part, separate from the issues and demands involved.
While it may be granted that demands give activism its
distinctive flavor and coloring, the empirical manifesta-
tions Of activism, such as strikes, boycotts, and so
forth, all share common elements regardless Of the demands.
There is a degree Of similarity between a longshoremen's
strike, a teachers' strike, and a students' strike. It
is also true that one does not conduct a strike or boy-
cott as an end in itself; they are means tO an end.

Activism is only sometimes racial, sometimes violent, but

 

always a form Of overt conflict.

While many Observers seem tO attach little
importance tO the tactics (strategies) Of stu-
dent activists . . . the question Of methods

 

50Lemberg Center for the Study Of Violence,
Confrontation (Walthem, Mass.: Brandeis University,
April, 19707: p. 14.

 

46

merits careful consideration, since the ultimate
contribution Of student activism in the schools
may depend as much on the means used by the
activists as on the ends which they seek.

The Urban Research Center Of Chicago reports that
"almost always, the triggering incident is minor and

innocuous in itself. Disciplinary actions against stu—

dents are also frequently elevated tO "causes."52

The Student Unrest Survey shows that

. . . students tended tO resort tO violence
(arson, building takeover, fights, and destruc-
tion Of property) after it was determined that
the administration would not or could not be
moved to respond through democratic processes
such as petitions, rallies, general protests,
sit-ins, and selective boycotts.

Consistent with the findings Of the Justice De-
partment, Menninger maintains that

thus extreme responses {Of students] are Often
provoked--either Of repression, tO put the lid
firmly on any future attempts to demonstrate
and "show 'em we won't put up with nonsense";
or the Opposite response Of giving in, feeling
guilty about some mistake tO the degree that
an excessive permissiveness is the result.54

 

51"Reflections on Youth Movements," cited in
"Militant Student Activism in the High Schools: Analysis
and Recommendations," by Richard A. Gorton, Phi Delta

Kappan, LI (June, 1970), 545.

52"Student Activism Steers Away from SDS and
Toward Educational Reform," Nation's Schools, LXXXIV
(July, 1969), 42.

53U.S. Justice Department, "Report on Student
Unrest Survey," p. 3.

54Menninger, "Student Demonstrations," p. 11.

47

Administrative Responses tO
Activist Strategies

 

 

Administrative responses to student activism cover
a wide range, and are tO a degree dictated by the strate-
gies employed by the students. The literature contains
a collection Of proposed and tested plans for responding
to activism.

Appendix C contains a tabulation Of plans for
dealing with potential student disorder. The sample Of
thirty—two plans came from 500 such plans developed by
local school districts in New Jersey.

Ashbaugh reports that the following responses have
been used in instances of unrest, presumably with some
success:

1. Disseminate factual information on the unrest
situation.

2. Establish a rumor control center.

Secure a legal injunction against outsiders

if other methods for keeping non-students

out fail.

4. Inform students Of the legal ramafications
Of their absence from classes in cases Of
walk-outs and boycotts.

5. Adopt board Of education resolution indicat-

ing a willingness to discuss demands with

students.

Secure a third party mediator.

Require students tO write out demands.

Hear all VieWpOints.

DO not respond tOO quickly if time is avail-

able for delay.55

Lu

£0QO
0 O

 

55Carl R. Ashbaugh, "High School Student Activism:

Nine Tested Approaches for Coping with Conflict Situa-
tions," Nation's Schools, LXXXIII (February, 1969), 94-96.

 

48

Bargaining, Negotiation, and Mediation
as Means for Resolving Demands

 

 

Demands have been defined as specific issues
which are strongly expressed by student activists. The
demands are generally reflections Of larger issues.

Chesler56 suggests that bargaining is an approach
to activist conflict even though both parties, the admin-
istration and students, are not yet adept at dealing with
one another in this context. It is recognized that admin-
istrators feel that they are politically in an untenable
position if it becomes known that they are bargaining
with students.

Anrig argues, however, that:

Some Observers believe student disputes
should be mediated on the model Of labor-
management bargaining. We found little support
for this concept by those actually experiencing
disorders. Many Of the disorders are viewed by
the students involved as dealing with "gut"
issues such as justice and equity in which there
can be no compromise. Many administrators feel
that disorders threaten the very existence Of
their institutions and the laws under which
they operate. This creates a "non-negotiable"
barrier on both sides, which is further compli—
cated by the formlessness Of student protest
and lack Of continuous spokesmen. In short,
mediation requires bargaining, and bargaining
assumes there are two identifiable sides that
are willing to deal with each other on an equal
basis. Very few, if any, student disorders pre-
sent this kind Of situation.57

 

S6Chesler, "The Kerner Commission Report," p. 13.

57Gregory R. Anrig, "Trouble in the High Schools,"
American Education, V (October, 1969), 3.

 

49

Anrig, however, points tO the value Of a new type
of organization which can provide advisory assistance in
conflict resolution, such as the Center for Dispute
Settlement funded by the Ford Foundation. This organiza-
tion is a branch Of the American Arbitration Association.

Dr. Daniel H. Kruger Of Michigan State Uni-
versity's Department of Industrial Relations has success-
fully acted as a third-party mediator in a junior high
school dispute involving initial conflict between a stu-
dent and teacher. Before the conflict was resolved, the
dispute had "spilled over" into the community and briefly

polarized groups into Opposing sides.

Approaches tO the Basic Problems

 

As noted earlier in reference to administrative
responses to student demands, some Of the following
approaches have been undertaken while others are only
proposed approaches. The solutions can be categorized
as follows: new roles for students, curricular changes,
pre- and in-service education for teachers and adminis-

trators, and miscellaneous proposals.

New Roles for Students

 

It has been proposed that the school organization

be restructured to "institutionalize student

participation."

Schools,59

50

58 An Opinion poll conducted by Nation's

based on a "five per cent proportional sampling

of 14,000 school administrators in fifty states," yielded

the following results:

Should students have a greater voice in the
decision-making machinery Of the school, out-
side Of social and extra-curricular activities?

51% Yes 49% NO

24% as voting members Of a committee

Where should students have more say?

31% general rules and policies

28% student discipline

18% curriculum decisions

14% conduct Of classes

5% selection and evaluation of teachers
4% determination Of grades

What is your basic attitude toward student

74% generally agree with some complaints
and methods
19% do not agree with complaints or

6% generally agree with complaints, but
not methods
1% generally agree with complaints and

 

Ashbaugh, "High School Student Activism,"

l.
2. If yes, in what way?
70% as advisors
6% other
3.
4.
unrest?
methods
methods
58
p. 9.

59"Schoolmen Split over Student Involvement:"

Nation's Schools, LXXXIV (September, 1969), 46.

 

51
5. Has your attitude toward student protests
changed in the past year?
44% less sympathetic
39% stayed the same
17% more sympathetic
Cubberly High School in Palo Alto, California, in
response to student demands, is experimenting with stu—
dent evaluation Of teachers.60
Paskal, Demak, and McClendon61 suggest that stu-
dents can play the following roles: teacher and clerical
aides; counselors Of students under supervision; super-
visors Of student study centers and lounges; advisors to
the faculty, principal, and board Of education; and cross-
age tutors.
The Student Unrest Survey62 concluded with a
recommendation that students form a school-community
human relations committee to facilitate interracial under-
standing.
The National Commission on the Causes and Pre-

vention of Violence recommended the development of volun—

tary nonmilitary service to the community by students.

 

60"Student Involvement: Channeling Activism in
Accomplishment," Nation's Schools, LXXXIV (September, '
1969), 39-50.

61Dolores Paskal, Leonard S. Demak, and Edwin J.
McClendon, "New Roles and Relationships for Students in
School and Community Settings," Wayne County Intermediate
School District, Detroit, Michigan (Feb., 1969), pp. 3-13.

62U.S. Justice Department, "Report on Student
Unrest Survey," p. 6.

 

52

Voluntary public service could contribute to
reduction Of the large backlog Of unmet social
needs, and thus could be an important step
toward a more humane reordering Of national
priorities. And youth service could signify
to the young that our nation is committed to
the achievement Of social justice, as well as
tO military security.

Curricular Changes

The survey conducted by Nation's Schools64 sug-
gested the following types Of curricular responses be
made to resolve the question Of "irrelevancy." The
responses include: work-study programs; Optional attend-
ance enrichment programs in subjects including the "New
Left," jazz appreciation, the draft, legalized abortion,
and racism; community tutorial projects; and freedom
schools.

Scarsdale has even Offered a course in guerrilla
warfare.

This is the second year the course in

guerrilla warfare has been Offered in Scars-
dale. Last year the class mapped a strategy
for taking over the village Of Scarsdale.

This year they took to the woods and staged
a mock guerrilla war.

 

63"To Establish Justice, to Insure Domestic
Tranquility: Final Report Of the National Commission on
the Causes and Prevention Of Violence" (New York: Uni-
versal Publishing and Distributing Corp., 1969), p. 231.

64"Student Involvement," pp. 40-46.

65"Scarsdale's Guerrilla Warfare," Phi Delta
Kappan, LI (October, 1969), 111.

 

53

Black studies programs continue tO receive con-
sideration as a curricular change designed to reflect
the awareness Of the history and contributions Of Black
people. Whether or not Black studies should or should
not be integrated into existing social studies programs
is still a moot point.66

Hickerson67 suggests that changes be made in the
social sciences to render it "raceless and casteless,"
to eliminate IQ testing "as a means Of determining innate
intelligence," and to examine grouping Of students by
supposed ability.

Paskal, §p_al.68 recommend the development Of
courses for high school students on how educational
systems Operate, development Of self-directed study pro-
grams, and the use Of simulation techniques and games.
Pre- and In-Service Education

for Teachers and
Administrators

 

 

Hickerson suggests the following action in regard

tO teachers:

1. Deny entry into the teaching profession
tO all those who are not reasonably free Of race-
minded, social, or economic caste-inspired in-
tolerance.

 

661bid., p. 112.

67Hickerson, Education for Alienation, pp. 95-96.

68Paskal, et al., "New Roles and Relationships
for Students," pp. 3-13.

54

2. Weed out Of the teaching profession
those already in it whose attitudes toward
children are warped because Of race or class
bias.69

Trusty recommends since conflict is an integral
part Of the school organization that administrators need
to develop skills in conflict resolution.

Capitulation, cooptation, negotiation, win-

lose are strategies that, when understood in
terms Of Lewin's force field theory, can help
an administrator give leadership from within

a conflict situation. TO remain unskilled is
indeed to invite extinction.70

Miscellaneous Proposals

 

Nation's Schools71 reports the use Of an "ombuds-
man" as a means by which a third party acceptable to both
administrators and students can intercede on behalf of
the students.

Hickerson72 stresses the importance Of continued
progress in the desegregation of all schools as a solu-
tion to cross-racial understanding.

The Student Unrest Survey recommends:

1. Employment Of paraprofessionals from minor-
its groups

 

69Hickerson, Education for Alienation, pp. 94-95.

 

70Francis M. Trusty, "Educational Administration
and Social Reform," Paper presented to the Knox County
School Administrators (Gatlinburg, Tennessee, September,
12, 1968): P. 4.
71Ashbaugh, "High School Student Activism,"
p. 96.

72Hickerson, Education for Alienation, pp. 97-98.

 

55

2. Encouragement Of decentralization Of large
urban school districts

3. Experimentation with community control Of
schools

4. Encouragement Of business to help train
students.

The Report on the Causes and Prevention Of Vio-
lence recommends, in part, (1) reduction Of the voting
age to eighteen years, and (2) reform Of the draft sys-

tem.74

"Legitimacy" and Implementation
Of Demands

 

 

A crucial question is the extent tO which boards
Of education and administrators View as "legitimate" the
demands Of students. The Student Unrest Survey notes
that only "§_fpy [emphasis added] teachers and adminis-
trators felt that most demands made by students were
legitimate . . . [hence the] failure On the part Of the
school to respond adequately to students and community
needs."75

It is assumed that "legitimacy" must be imputed
tO student demands before they are implemented. If, as

reported, only a few teachers and administrators feel

that the demands are legitimate, then it follows that one

 

73U.S. Justice Department, "Student Unrest Sur-
p. 7.

74National Commission on the Causes and Preven-
tion Of Violence, "TO Establish Justice," p. 280.

75U.S. Justice Department, "Student Unrest Sur-
vey," p. 3.

vey .

56

would expect few tO be implemented. This conclusion is
confirmed by the fact that "only one-fourth Of the stu-
dents' demands are being met. The high school students
have as their greatest support the parents; the least

help comes from school boards."76

Constructive Student Activism

 

Bernard F. Haake, Assistant Commissioner for
Instructional Services for the New York State Department
Of Education, states that:

. . . education leaders must take the initiative
in convincing their profession and their com-
munity that student activism is potentially a
constructive force compatible with basic demo-
cratic principles.
Perhaps the key word above is "potentially," since many
principals have been directly involved in the negative
aspects Of "direct action or confrontation."

Scott Thomson, Superintendent Of the Evanston
Township High School District in Illinois, recognizes
that some students are thoroughly and irreversible "anti-

establishment," but he also maintains that there is a

majority who will work within the structure Of the school

 

761bid.

 

77"Recommendation Of Student Activism in High
Schools," School and Society, LXLVII (October, 1969),
342.

 

57

if the principal will "set wide limits, making sure that
the administration and the faculty retain power."78
Superintendent Thomson, who has dealt directly
with activist students, makes the following Observation:
The activists are very gOOd verbally, but
when it comes down tO continuity and responsi-
bility, they're not much for work.79
Joseph Manch, Superintendent Of the Buffalo
Public Schools, states that one can feel positively
about activism once one recognizes that "students will
be inventive, responsible members of the school com-
munity . . . [if one draws the youngsters] into the main-
stream Of education."80
Harold Taylor, former President Of Sarah Lawrence
College, suggests that activism in the high schools is
"healthy."
The movement into the high schools Of ques-
tioning and Of political and social activity, a
basic concern for issues, is healthy in that we
have never been able tO generate a serious set

Of interests in what is happening in the society
as a whole.

Summary

The literature only recently has begun tO reflect

the development Of student activism in American secondary

 

78"Unrest: An Opportunity for Change?" Nation's
Schools, LXXXIII (March, 1969), 64.

79Ibid. 80

Ibid., p. 65.

81"Student Activism Steers Away from SDS and Toward
Educational Reform," Nation's Schools, LXXXIV (July, 1969),
40.

 

58

schools. Consequently, there is a dearth Of substantive
research studies on the topic. There are, however, five
major surveys on activism, all Of which have been re-
viewed above.

The surveys reflect a wide incidence Of activism.
Specifically, reported activism ranged from 18 tO 85 per
cent. The most accurate estimate is probably contained
in the Trump and Hunt Survey, where 56 per cent Of the
junior high schools sampled and 59 per cent Of the senior
high schools reported some form Of activism.

The "causes" Of activism fall within the follow-
ing categories: historical, social psychological, legal,
political, technological, economic, and educational.
These underlying dimensions and "causeS" are reflected
in the broad issues Of whether or not school personnel
and students are or will be able tO: (l) assist in the
reshaping Of society; (2) permit the schools to reflect
the pluralistic values Of society; (3) reduce the dele-
terious effects Of the school's "failure" motif; (4)
modify the over—emphasis on "success" as it relates to
the instrumental quality Of schools; (5) create avenues
for wider participation Of students in educational
decision-making; (6) provide for intergenerational com-
munication; (7) facilitate cross-racial understanding;
(8) provide avenues for greater adolescent self-

understanding; (9) provide instruction on the influences

59

of mass media; (1) redefine the legal relationship be-
tween students and the school organization; (11) explore
and work actively on the elimination Of racial discrimi-
nation, social injustice, and other major societal prob-
lems; (12) cooperatively revise the curriculum and

assist in the improvement of instruction; (l3) secure
broader representation Of minority groups in the school's
staff and program; and (14) develop an effective student
government.

Violence and student activism are not frequently
found together; however, when individual violence occurs
activism may develop.

There are both similarities and differences in
student activism when viewed from a racial perspective.
According to one author, both Black and White students
are seeking personal identity. The strategies employed
by students and the administrative responses cover a
wide range Of collective behavior.

Presently, there is disagreement concerning
whether or not bargaining between school personnel and
students is both an appropriate and effective method Of
meeting student demands. Third-party mediation has also
been suggested as a possible avenue.

Solutions to the "causes" Of activism generally
fall within the categories of new roles for students,

curricular changes, pre— and in-service education for

60

teachers and administrators, and a host Of miscellaneous
prOposals.

While the negative aSpects Of activism are fre-
quently publicized, there is feeling on the part Of some
school personnel that activism is generally a "healthy"

sign for American public secondary education.

CHAPTER III

DESIGN OF THE STUDY

Introduction

 

This chapter deals with selection Of the sample,
development Of the interview schedule, and interview
procedures.

The study is descriptive and uses the interview
technique as the means for providing a case study Of a
school district which has undergone repeated instances

Of student activism.

Selection Of the Sample

 

The initial sample for this study consisted Of
thirty Michigan public school districts which had dis-
turbances at the secondary level during the 1969-70
schOOl year. A list Of the districts can be found in
Appendix D.

The districts were identified at the request Of
the author by the State Department Of Education's Office
Of Equal Educational Opportunity (OEEO). This Office is
funded under Title IV Of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and
is concerned with (1) providing advisory assistance to

local school districts attempting to desegregate its

61

62

schools racially, and (2) providing advisory assistance
in resolving school disturbances.

After securing the list Of districts from the
OEEO, the following additional information on each dis-
trict was obtained:

1. The perceived issues as noted by the edu-
cational consultants Of the OEEO.

2. The geographical location Of the districts.

3. The percentage Of Black students in the
public schools based on the 1968-69 Racial
Census.

4. The total number of students in the public
schools based on 1968-69 data.

5. The State Equalized Valuation (SEV) per
resident membership based on 1968-69 data.

The next step was to establish the criteria to

delimit the sample.

District Selection Criteria

 

Two general categories Of criteria, the initial
and the secondary, were used in the selection Of the
sample.

The initial criteria consisted Of (1) the loca-
tion Of all districts relative to the Detroit Metropoli-
tan Area, (2) whether or not the perceived issues were
primarily racial in nature, (3) the percentage Of Black
students in the school district, (4) the perceived degree
Of activism, and (5) any extraneous factors which might
tend tO bias the sample. As each Of the above criteria
was applied in succession to each district, the district

was either retained for further testing against the

63

remaining criteria or was eliminated from future con-
sideration. While some districts could have been re-
jected by their failure to meet several criteria, only
their first failure is reported.

The secondary criteria were applied to those
districts as a group which successfully met the require—
ments Of the above initial five criteria. The secondary
criteria consisted Of (1) total public school pupil popu-
lation (2) SEV per resident membership, and (3) geo-
graphical location.

The following is a discussion Of the successive

application Of each Of the initial criteria.

Initial criterion number one: Geographical

 

proximity tO the Detroit Metropolitan Area.--It was

 

decided to eliminate all districts in the Detroit Metro-
politan Area. At least two reasons support this action.
First, the Detroit Public Schools are the focus Of
intense social, political, and educational problems char-
acterized by (l) decentralization and integration moves
which culminated in the recall Of four board Of educa—
tion members, (2) financial hardship, (3) movement Of
Whites to the suburbs, and (4) student unrest. Second,
the above problems and the sheer size Of the district,
approximately 294,000 students, exert a strong "spill
over" effect on the neighboring districts. Therefore,

from a research standpoint, the above problems potentially

64

"contaminated" the study Of student activism both in
Detroit and surrounding schOOls.
The application Of this single criterion elimi—

nated the following schOOl districts.

1. Detroit 6. Lincoln Park
2. East Detroit 7. Oak Park

3. Ecorse 8. River Rouge
4. Ferndale 9. Roseville

5. Highland Park 10. Royal Oak

Initial criterion number two: Racial issues and

student activism.—-The second initial criterion was con-

 

cerned with racial issues. It was decided to reject

those districts where student activism did not involve

in part racial issues as perceived by the OEEO. Instances
Of activism in predominately White districts were few.
Second, some of the districts had been previously re-
jected above. The districts Of Southfield, Livonia,

Waterford, and Waverly were rejected under this criterion.

Initial criterion number three: Percentage Of

Black students.--The third initial criterion dealt with

 

the percentage Of Black students in the public schools.
It was decided to eliminate those districts with a stu-
dent racial census below the state average Of 13.3 per
cent, which is approximately that Of the United States.
The application Of the above criterion resulted in the
rejection Of the districts Of Ann Arbor, Bay City,

Carrollton, Covert, Lansing, and Monroe.

65

Initial criterion number four: Degree Of activ-

 

ipm.--The fourth initial criterion was concerned with the
degree Of activism. It was decided tO reject those dis-
tricts which did not represent, in the judgment Of the
OEEO, a significant degree Of activism. Without a signifi-
cant degree Of activism, the issues could not adequately

be measured. The application Of this criterion resulted

in the rejection Of the Pontiac and Jackson School Dis-

tricts.

Initial criterion number five: Special consider-

 

ation.--The fifth initial criterion dealt with a special

 

consideration which might tend to bias the sample. The
investigator was employed by the Albion Public Schools
during the period Of unrest. As a result Of his involve-
ment, it was decided to eliminate this district.

After the application Of the above five criteria
tO all districts, the secondary criteria were then

applied.

Secondary Criteria

 

The secondary criteria were: pupil population,
SEV, and geographical location. What was sought was a
fairly narrow range Of pupil population and SEV, but a
geographical dispersion Of districts.

The composite Of the remaining districts were

as follows, in rank order Of size and SEV.

66

Name Pupil Pop. Name SEV
Buena Vista 3,742 Benton Harbor $11,101
Battle Creek 11,475 Flint $18,289
Benton Harbor 12,011 Saginaw $18,350
Kalamazoo 19,094 Battle Creek $18,478
Saginaw 23,235 Grand Rapids $20,191
Grand Rapids 35,632 Kalamazoo $20,416
Flint 47,053 Buena Vista $27,112

Using Lansing, Michigan, as the approximate geo-
graphical center Of the lower one-half Of the Lower

Peninsula, the above districts were then plotted as

follows:
Geographical Geographical
Name Locat1on Name Location
Buena Vista North East Benton Harbor South West
Flint North East Kalamazoo South West
Saginaw North East Grand Rapids North West

Battle Creek South West

Secondary criterion number one: Relative size.--
It has been established that the behavior Of an organi-
zation is, in part, determined by its size. Thus, it may
be assumed that the behavior Of the student population
is affected by the size of the school district. Based
on these assumptions, therefore, Buena Vista, Grand

Rapids, and Flint were rejected when viewed in relation

67

to the other districts in the universe. Buena Vista was
rejected because it was significantly smaller, and Flint

and Grand Rapids because they were significantly larger.

Secondary criterion number two: Relative SEV.--

 

With the elimination Of the above-named districts be-
cause Of size, the remaining districts fell within a
range Of SEV per resident pupil Of $11,101 to $20,416.
This represented a sufficiently narrow range for compar-

ison purposes.

Secondary criterion number three: Geographical

 

location.--After being tested against each Of the cri-
teria, the following districts with their geographical

dispersion remained:

Name Geographical Location
Battle Creek South West
Benton Harbor South West
Kalamazoo South West
Saginaw North East

Contacts with Districts

 

The author visited each Of the four districts
and discussed the study either with the superintendent,
his administrative assistant, or both. One district
agreed immediately to permit the study to be conducted,
two requested time for further consideration, and one

was extremely hesitant.

68

Upon further examination, the district which
immediately agreed to the study was found to have experi-
enced activism tO such a minimal degree that it did not
appear to be appropriate for the study. A second dis-
trict was "dropped" from the sample because Of the reluc-
tance tO participate on the part Of key central Office
administrators. One Of the two remaining districts,
after further study and consultation with the "new" build-
ing administrator, expressed reluctance tO participate.
This district was eliminated.

The remaining district agreed tO study the pro-
posal further and provided the author with the district's
rather detailed policy and administrative rules and regu—
lations on external research. This material was completed
and returned tO the district on October 5, 1970. On
November 11, 1970, the district informed the author Of
its approval tO conduct the study.

A review Of the district's records, reports, and
files was conducted on November 18, 20, and 25.

Development Of the Interview
Schedule

The following steps were taken in the development
Of the interview schedule:

1. The literature was reviewed.

2. The tentative instrument was reviewed with
the Chairman Of the Guidance Committee.

69

3. The Office Of Research Consultation at
Michigan State University was contacted
regarding the instrument.

4. The instrument was refined in light Of the
schOOl district's files, records, notes, and
newspaper clippings regarding the two inci-
dents under study.

5. The instrument was field tested on students
in the district tO determine their under-
standing Of the questions.

6. Final modifications were made tO incorporate
changes reflecting the above considerations.

A copy Of the interview schedule can be found in Appendix

E.

Interview Procedures

 

Forty-two individual and two group interviews
were conducted. The following number Of individuals,
by position, were interviewed:

1. Four 1969-70 board Of education members

2. The superintendent Of schools

3. Five central Office administrators who

witnessed the occurrences Of activism under

study

4. Four administrators in the buildings where
the activism occurred

5. Twenty faculty members in the buildings
where the activism occurred

6. Two groups Of high school students totaling
eight individuals from the high school
under study.

7. Nine junior high school students from the
junior high schOOl under study.

70

All interviewees were apprised Of the nature Of
the study, and assured Of the anonymity Of their responses.

All interviews were: (1) voluntary, (2) face-
to-face when possible, (3) tape recorded with the consent
Of the interviewees, (4) scheduled for one tO one and
one-half hours in length when possible, and (5) scheduled
for the convenience Of the interviewees in regard tO time
and location.

The interviews were conducted by the author and
two other doctoral candidates from Michigan State Uni-
versity, all Of whom have been practicing public school
administrators. One Of the interviewers is Black and
was employed to interview Black interviewees when pos-
sible. The rationale for this decision is supported by
research findings contained in the literature.

Most interviews were conducted during and after
school hours between December 8 and 11, 1970. Subse-
quent interviews were held when the above time was not

convenient tO the interviewees.

CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS

 

Introduction
The purpose Of this chapter is tO describe: (1)
the community and its schools; (2) the chronology Of events

from October, 1967, through April, 1970; (3) the activism
Of May, 1970, at both the senior and junior high schools
under study; (4) the groups interviewed for this study;
and (5) the responses Of the interviewees tO the questions
contained in the schedule.

Description Of the Community
and Its Schools

 

 

The National Municipal League and Lppk_magazine
selected the city for honorable mention as an All-American
City in 1956, and as an All-American City in 1970. In
1970, the city contained an estimated 97,100 residents in
29,400 households. The community is located in the south—
west quadrant Of Michigan's Lower Peninsula and is part
Of a larger metropolitan area Of approximately 192,100
persons.

The economic characteristics per household in

1970 were as follows:

71

72

Income Per Cent Of Households
$ 0 tO $2,999 17.4
$ 3,000 to $4,999 10.5
$ 5,000 tO $7,999 23.3
$ 8,000 tO $9,999 16.8
$10,000 or over 33.0

Over 14,641 Of the households had incomes Of $8,000 or
more. The economy is strongly supported by manufacturing
and agriculture. The unemployment rate was generally
below the national average.

The community is served by the following agencies:
(1) one local daily newspaper; (2) one local television
station and several radio stations; (3) two general hos-
pitals; (4) two major road transportation routes, railway,
bus, and airline service; (5) one university, two private
colleges, and one community college with a combined enroll-
ment Of 25,900 students; and (6) numerous churches repre-
senting fifty-five denominations.

An investigation by the Michigan Civil Rights Com-
mission in 1969 concerning race relations in employment,
education, housing, and law enforcement yielded these

findings:

Employment

1. Decline in the number Of lower or unskilled
positions.

2. Increased need for skilled and technical labor.

3. Insufficient effort tO train minority workers
for the higher level jobs.

4. Minority hiring restricted tO lower job clas-
sifications.

5. Severe underemployment.

6. Discriminatory practices exist on the job.

73

Education

De factO segregated schOOl district, reflect-
1ng the city's segregated housing pattern.
Potential for increased student tension be-
cause Of lack Of fair disciplinary and school
closing policies.

Severe shortage Of minority teachers and
administrators.

Overcrowding and lack Of adequate school facil-
ities on the north side, where most Of the
minority students attend schOOl.

Housing

Pattern Of racial segregation with minority
families concentrated in areas Of the city
containing the highest concentration Of
deteriorating and dilapidated housing and
most overcrowding.

Discrimination in rental accommodations.

Law Enforcement

Only six Black and no Spanish—surname police-
men On the force. p

Reservoir Of discriminatory feelings sometimes
translated into action by some members Of the
department.

Belief, on the part Of many minority citizens,
that law enforcement generally is discrimi-
natory.

Education

 

SchOOl Racial—Ethnic Census: September 26, 1969

Ameri-
can Ori- Spanish %
Indian ental Surname White Black Total Black

Junior High 0 3 4 746 268 1,021 26.2
Senior High 2 3 21 1,608 402 2,036 19.7
District

Total (only

regular 23 67 127 15,239 2,702 18,158 14.9
grades K-

12)

74

Number and Kinds Of School Buildings

Elementary SchOOl Buildings 2
Junior High SchOOl Buildings

Senior High School Buildings

Special School Buildings

I—‘NU‘ILO

1969 District Financial Factors
1. State equalized valuation (SEV): $412,285,280
2. Of the 527 schOOl districts in the State Of
Michigan during the 1969-70 schOOl year, the
district under study was ranked according tO
the following factors:

Factor Rank

 

(SEV) per resident pupil: $22,139. 69
Number Of pupils (includes pro-rated

portions Of instructional time

spent by private schOOl pupils

in the pupil schOOl district):

18,954. 15
Local general fund revenues per pupil:

$666.81. ‘ 30
Total instructional expenses: $696.39. 14
Average teacher's salary: $9,906. 107
3. Allocated millage 9.0

Extra voted millage 19.0

Debt retirement millage 3.9

Total millage 31.9

Chronology Of Events: October,
1967, through Appil, 1970

 

The following chronology is presented tO provide
the reader with a background Of events including student
activism faced by the district prior tO May, 1970. A more
detailed account Of student activism for the period Septem-
ber, 1961 through December, l968,will be found in Appendix

F.

Date

 

October, 1967

November, 1967

December, 1967

January, 1968

February, 1968

March, 1968

May, 1968

June, 1968

July, 1968

August, 1968

September, 1968

December, 1968

75

Event

Bond issue for construction Of a
new senior high school building
defeated.

SchOOl picketed by the Black
ActiOn Movement (BAM). Student
fight at the high school.

Blacks demand Black cheerleaders,
Black history, and Black counse-
lor.

100-150 White students walk out
in reaction tO schOOl board's
response tO Black demands.

Black history course begins.

Board considers plans for two
high schools.

Board revises school discipline
policy.

Board requested tO re-district
the high schools.

Voters approve request for
Operating millage.

Police counselor program approved
by the board Of education.

Superintendent reports to the
Michigan Civil Rights Commission
regarding racial imbalance.

Citizens Committee undertakes a
study Of "Racial Imbalance."
High School closed because Of a
disturbance centering around
high schOOl football coach.
Black Action Movement members
meet with school Officials.

Board approves construction Of
a new high school building.
Superintendent resigns. Recall
Of board members begins after
attempts to balance the schools
racially.

Date

 

January, 1969

April, 1969

May, 1969

June, 1969

August,'1969

September, 1969

October, 1969

April, 1970

Monday! May 4,

76

Event

Deputy superintendent appointed
acting superintendent.

Cancellation of assembly honor-
ing Martin Luther King. Student
unrest results in suspension Of
forty students.

Acting superintendent appointed
superintendent.

School Operating millage ap-
proved by the voters.

Black principal appointed at
the high school.

Fact finder brought in to
settle the teacher dispute.
Board Of education adopts reso-
lution setting in motion the
racial, social, and economic
balance Of the district. See
Appendix G.r

Student unrest (fighting)
occurs at the high school.

Eight mill Operating millage
defeated. Students participate
in "Earth Day" activities.

Student Activism: May, 1970

 

 

At 8:30 a.m. some Black students were "milling" in

the corridors of the high school; they refused to go to

class. Some broke windows, and several students were

attacked. The superintendent was notified Of the situation

by the principal, and police were called to the building;

they waited across the street.

77

The principal asked the Black students either tO
report to class or leave the building. The students
seemed to be concerned about the dismissal Of a Black
teacher-aide. The principal explained tO the students
that the aide had been transferred, and clarified the rea-
son for the transfer. The students, however, did not
believe the explanation. According to the principal:

When they came in that morning, they asked me

if this young man [the teacher-aide] had been
barred. I told them no. At the same time they
came in tO ask me the question, students were
being attacked in the halls. I had a feeling
that, somewhere, this had been organized over
the weekend because the students knew pretty
well what to do.

The students refused to leave the building and
more windows were broken. Then police were called into
the building primarily tO "clear" the halls; most police
activity was confined to the first floor. Four false fire
alarms were turned in and the school received a bomb
threat. Throughout the morning, twenty students and one
teacher were physically assaulted; two Of the assulted
students were Black. Three students were taken to the
hospital. Ten students were arrested Off school property,
and twenty-two were suSpended. By 1:00 p.m., "calm" was
reported at the high school.

At the junior high school under study, some dis-
order was reported outside the building at approximately

12:00 noon. The school personnel received a false fire

alarm and some windows were broken.

78

Tuesday, May 5, 1970

 

At the high school, 656 students were reported
absent, compared with an average daily absenteeism Of 270
pupils. By 8:30 a.m., three students were suspended for
distributing publications urging protest for the Kent
State killings. Throughout the morning, students reported
being harassed and assaulted; these incidents were reported
to the police. Subsequent assaults and harassment were

reported later in the day.

Wednesday, May 61 1970

 

The students continued to be somewhat "up tight"
about the Kent State killings and also the United States'
invasion of Cambodia. Shortly after noon, 120 Black stu-
dents walked tO the administration building. Their be-
havior was above reproach. They met with the superinten-
dent for approximately one-half hour, and raised the
following concerns with him:

1. The students asked if the students who were sus-
pended On Monday were going tO be made an
example Of. The superintendent stated that the
regular disciplinary procedures would be fol—
lowed.

2. The students requested amnesty for the suspended
students. The superintendent stated that the
suspensions would be handled in the usual manner.

3. The students expressed the feeling that the news-
paper coverage Of the incident at the high schOOl
on Monday was unfair to Blacks. The superinten-
dent Offered to invite the editor of the news-
paper to meet with the Black students.

79

4. The students claimed tO have received insult-
ing remarks and beatings from some policemen.
The superintendent agreed to invite the police
chief tO a subsequent discussion Of the matter.

5. The students questioned the reassignment Of the
teacher-aide. The superintendent indicated that
the aide had been assigned full-time tO another
school.

6. The students requested certain curricular
changes be made. The superintendent agreed tO
another meeting to discuss specific curricular
changes which the Black students wanted.

Thursday! May 7, 1970

 

The high school was quiet in the morning. Shortly
after noon, approximately 200 Black students arrived at
the administration building. It is presumed that some non-
students and also junior high school students were in-
volved in this meeting. The students indicated that they
wanted only "yes" or "no" answers. The following concerns
were raised:

1. The students asked if there would be amnesty
for students suspended on Monday. The super-
intendent said "no."

2. The students asked if there would be a public
apology by the police for the "alleged" beat-
ings and insults to the students. The police
Officer present indicated there would be an
apology if the allegations could be proven.

3. The students asked if the newspaper would re-
tract the story about Monday's incident. The
editor asked for the names Of Black youths who
might be contacted to report on the incident
as they saw it.

4. The students indicated the superintendent had
told them, the day before, that he knew Of no
suSpensions. The superintendent replied that
he had general information but no specifics.

80

It is interesting that apparently no mention was
made Of the teacher-aide's transfer or any curricular
changes at this meeting.

The students then walked out Of the administration
building. Since the junior high school is located near
the administration building and along the path to the high
school, some junior high school students joined the group
as it moved toward the senior high. The students arrived
at the high school between 1:30 and 1:48 in the afternoon.
During this time, the police were called by the principal.
Some Of the senior high school students went to the front
of the building, while it appears that some junior high
school students entered through the back Of the building.
Windows were broken and classrooms were entered; some stu-
dents went tO the third and fourth floors and broke windows
on the way. At 2:05 p.m. the police cleared the halls
and remained at all the doors. Only minor student injuries
were reported, including injury to two White students and
one Black.

At the junior high, some students refused to go to
their classes. They met with the building principal and
a counselor. One false fire alarm was turned in, some
windows were broken, and some students were assaulted.

Late Thursday afternoon, the school administrators
met with the city manager and representatives from the

police department. Police protection for the junior and

81

senior high schools was arranged for the next day. It
was reported that some Black parents met on Thursday
evening and agreed to keep their children home from school

for safety reasons.

Friday, May 8, 1970

 

The attendance at the senior high schOOl was down
drastically--only 347 of the 1,900 students were present.
At the junior high school, only 40 per cent Of the stu-
dents attended school. Rumors were rampant throughout
the community that some Blacks and Whites were arming
themselves for a major confrontation, and that outside
"assistance" was coming in to aid both groups.

Saturday, May 9 through
Sunday, May 10, 1970

 

 

At the suggestion Of the teacher's association,
the superintendent announced on Saturday that all schools
in the district would be closed from Monday through
Wednesday. During this time, teachers and administrators
would participate in in-service education programs deal-
ing with racial attitudes. He further announced that
students would return to school on Thursday and Friday.
During this time, students and faculty members would use
regularly scheduled class time to discuss problems of
individual and institutional racism, and the means for

developing positive human relations.

82

Following the announcement by the superintendent,
administrators, teachers, and members of the community
spent the weekend planning the in-service education pro-
gram.

Monday, May 11 through
Friday, May 15, 1970

 

 

The week proceeded as described above. On Monday
evening, a "public forum" was held at the high school
during which interested parties were given an Opportunity
to express their feelings concerning the student activism,
its causes, and remedies.

Saturday, May 16 through
Monday, May 18, 1970

 

The weekend and first day of regularly scheduled

classes proceeded without reported incidents.

Tuesday, May 19, 1970

A "Unity March" was held during which time the
superintendent and central Office administrators, along
with Black and White students, marched from the high
school to the.university campus. Prior to the march, a
thirteen-point prOposal was presented to the superinten—
dent listing the changes which the students wanted. The

proposals will be found in Appendix H.

Wednesday! May 20, 1970

There were no reported incidents Of student

activism on this date.

83

Thursday, May 21, 1970

 

At approximately 8:45 a.m., nearly 125 Black stu-
dents congregated in the main lobby area Of the junior
high school. They expressed concern that (l) the Black
Culture Club which had been promised was not yet organized,
(2) no action had been taken tO place a juke box in the
cafeteria area as earlier approved, and (3) a teacher
regularly on cafeteria duty was allegedly making frequent
derogatory comments.

The students were reportly noisy and inattentive.
At the request Of the school administrators, the students
appointed a ten—member student delegation to meet with
the principal. The remainder Of the students were in-
structed to go to class. Some students, however, moved
through the halls, and some windows were broken. Teachers
moved with the group, attempted to keep the students under
control, and encouraged them to go to their classes.

The building administrators called parents tO the
school to help ease the tensions. By 10:00 a.m. nearly
all of the students were in their proper classes.

At noon and again at the close Of the school day,
members of the staff met with the students tO begin imple-
menting plans for the Black Culture Club which seemed to
be the students' major concern.

Rumors circulated that there would be a "White
Power" meeting in the building before school the next

morning.

84

Friday, May 22, 1970

 

Approximately seventy-five White students at the
junior high school attempted to meet in a classroom at
the beginning Of the school day. At the request of the
principal, the meeting was moved to the cafeteria.
Shortly after it began, approximately forty to fifty Black
students came into the cafeteria and encircled the group
Of Whites. The principal requested that the students
return to class. At that point, both Black and White stu-
dents dashed from the cafeteria. Approximately 100 White
students went to the administration building, where they
met with school administrators later in the morning.

After the White students left the junior high
school, approximately fifteen to twenty Black students
went to seek admission to the cafeteria. Apparently the
Black students assumed a meeting Of White students was in
progress. The cafeteria manager said there was no meet-
ing going on at the time. At that point, the Black stu-
dents reportedly stormed the cafeteria, tipped Over the
cash register, broke several windows, tipped over tables
and chairs, and scattered silverware and other cafeteria
supplies. Although there was no mass confrontation be-
tween Blacks and Whites, two assaults were reported.
Approximately 75 tO 100 Black students then appeared in
the halls and were milling about; police were called to

clear the halls. The homeroom hour was extended until

85

10:00 a.m.; finally, an attempt was made tO permit the
students tO move to their first hour classes, but this
failed. The school was closed at 10:30 a.m. Buses were
sent to the administration building to pick up the White
students, but they refused tO board the buses. Instead,
some returned to the junior high schOOl after it had
closed.

A common request seemed to emerge from both the
Black and White students, namely, for an Opportunity "to
sit down together and discuss their grievances."

Subsequent to the 10:30 a.m. closing, it was
decided that no school would be held at the junior high
school the following Monday through Wednesday.

Saturday and Sunday, May 23
and 24, 1970

 

 

Over the weekend, plans were formulated for an
in-service education program to be conducted at the junior
high school during the three days school would be closed.
Approximately fifty parents, twenty students, and some

staff members participated in planning this program.

Monday, May 25, 1970

 

No classes were held at the junior high school,
but some parents and students met at the school to dis-

cuss the schOOl's problems.

86

Tuesday, May 26, 1970

 

Ninth grade students reported to the school, as
did their parents, who had been requested to report with
them. The principal and staff members discussed the stu-
dents' concerns. The film "Black and White Up Tight" was
shown. The grievances centered on such concerns as dif-
ferent standards Of discipline, the lack Of understanding
and communication, and racist behavior by some students

and staff members.

Wednesday, May 27, 1970

 

Eighth grade students reported to school with
their parents. Certain changes in rules and procedures
were announced by the junior high school principal; a

listing Of these changes can be found in Appendix I.

Thursday, May 28, 1970

 

Seventh grade students reported to school under

the circumstances indicated above.

Groups Interviewed

 

The following discussion contains a description Of
the groups interviewed in the study, and their responses

to questions which bear directly on their group membership.

Board of Education Members

 

Four board members were interviewed. They ranged

in age from forty-five tO fifty-one years. Those

87

interviewed were an attorney, a management consultant, a
print shop owner, and a homemaker. The group consisted
Of one Black female and three White males. The number Of
years they had served on the board Of education ranged
from two to five and one-half. Their length Of residence
in the community ranged from twenty tO thirty-two years.
The four board members interviewed had a total Of nine
children in the public schools.

Only one Of the four members Of the board was in
one Of the schools during the period Of activism; the
board member's presence was as a parent, however. Three
of the four board members interviewed indicated they re-
ceived few or no inquiries from the public regarding the
activism. ’One indicated that first-hand information
sometimes came from persons in the community prior tO the
time it was received from school administrators.

When asked what major concerns had motivated them
to seek board membership, one indicated that he had not
come to the board because Of any particular issue, only
his general concern for education. The other three mem-
bers indicated the following concerns: (1) apprenticeship
training, (2) the curriculum, (3) equal educational Oppor-
tunity for all socio-economic and racial groups, and (4)
vocational education.

When asked to what extent they felt the activism

Of May, 1970, had been planned, one board member indicated

88

“not too much"; another felt it had been spontaneous. The

third member indicated that "it had all been planned."

Superintendent Of Schools

 

The superintendent Of schools is forty-eight years
Old, White, and has an earned doctorate in supervision and
curriculum development. Prior tO becoming superintendent,
he had been a teacher, a curriculum coordinator in two
school systems in the East, and an assistant superintendent
in the district under study.

The superintendent indicated he had had no par-
ticular professional preparation for dealing with activism
per se.

He felt the teachers' association had been sup-
portive Of efforts to deal with the basic causes Of the
activism.

His feeling was that approximately 10 per cent Of
the student population at the high schOOl and approximately
5 per cent Of the junior high school population were in-
volved in the activism. His perception was that, in both
instances under discussion, the majority Of the students
who participated in the activism were academically from
the lower one-third Of the student population.

Regarding the involvement of nonstudents in the
activism, his feeling was that some high school dropouts
and some suspended students had been involved. He verified

the fact that the high school principal had a plan Of

89

action in the event Of activism, and that there was a
district-wide agreement for the use Of police in the event
of activism. He further verified that the police were
called to assist in both instances--at the junior and
senior high schools under discussion--primarily for the
purpose Of clearing the halls Of students. Finally, it
was his impression that the activism was not planned in

either instance.

Central Office Administrators

 

The following central Office administrators were
interviewed: the deputy superintendent Of schools; admin-
istrative assistant tO the superintendent; supervisor of
publications and parent group relations; director Of in-
struction, guidance, and pupil personnel; and the director
Of secondary education.

These persons ranged in age from thirty-nine to
fifty years and all were White. Three of the five had
earned doctorates. All, at some time, had been public
school teachers.

Their professional preparation for dealing with
student activism ranged from none to workshops or con-
ferences dealing to some degree with the subject.

Most Of the interviewees felt the teachers'
association had been supportive Of efforts to deal with
the basic causes Of the activism. Most seemed to agree

that 10 per cent or less Of the student body at both

90

schools were involved in the activism, and the majority
Of these students were academically in the lower one-
third Of the student population. The general feeling was
that the activism was not specifically or deliberately
planned. Some interviewees mentioned the influence or
involvement Of some college students. Some mentioned
that students had been in Chicago on the weekend prior

to the high school disturbance and had attended meetings
at Malcolm X University (College). The influence of

a local organization known as "The Topographical Institute
or Center" was also indicated. This organization is
allegedly nonviolent, but militant in its outlook. One
interviewee stated that in the past, in general, tension
had built throughout the week, with Friday's being more
tense than Mondays. In the case Of the unrest at the
high school, it appeared that the Monday morning disrup-

tion completely surprised the staff.

Senior High School Principal

 

The high schOOl principal was the first Black
principal to be appointed in the schOOl district and had
previously served the system as an elementary principal.
He indicated he did not have professional preparation for
dealing with activism. He felt the role Of the teachers'
organization had been supportive of efforts to deal with
the basic causes Of the activism. Only 1 per cent Of the

total school population, he said, directly participated

91

in the incident at the high schOOl. Academically, a few
Of the participating students were from the upper one-
third Of the school population, but most Of the students
came from the lower one-third. The students who did par-
ticipate were primarily those who had experienced little
success in school, as well as some students who were under
suspension. Students involved in athletics did not par-
ticipate.

The closing Of the schools came as somewhat Of a
surprise to the principal; he was not directly involved
in the decision. The suggestion that the schools be
closed was recommended to the superintendent by some
Officers Of the teachers' association. The principal
noted that he was in agreement after he had listened tO
the rationale for the closing.

The principal felt that some high schOOl dropouts
were definitely involved in the activism, as were some
college and/or university students. He verified what has
been stated by the superintendent, that the school did
have a prescribed plan in the event Of activism.

He confirmed that the police were called primarily
for the purpose Of clearing the halls after the students
had been told either to leave the building or gO tO class.

It is interesting that the principal did feel
that the activism was planned. He noted that one par-

ticular student, who normally came to schOOl nicely

92

dressed, appeared that day in Older clothes. When com-
menting on this tO the student's parent, the parent said,
"yes, it was very much planned outside Of the school."
The principal further stated that in talking with persons
in the neighborhood after the disturbance, he ascertained
to his satisfaction that the disturbance had been planned.

Senior High School
Faculty_Members

 

 

Ten members Of the high school staff were inter-
viewed. These included four teachers, four counselors,
one librarian, and one nurse. They ranged in age from
twenty-five to fifty-eight years. Eight Of the ten inter-
viewed were male and two female; seven of the staff mem-
bers were White, three Black. Most teachers were selected
on the basis Of nomination by the high school principal.

Senior High School
Students

 

Interviews with high school students were dis-
couraged by the high schOOl principal. It appears that
the situation at the high school was and is such that the
interviews might tend tO lead to additional unrest or
activism. However, six Black and two White students were
interviewed after schOOl hours.

With the exception Of one student, the Black stu-
dents interviewed were all in the twelfth grade; five

were female and one was male.

93

The second group consisted Of two White students,
one Of whom was a twelfth grade male; the other was an
eleventh grade female. An additional member Of the group
was a White, male, ninth grade student.

Junior High SchOOl
AdminiStrators

 

 

The all White administrative staff Of the junior
high school consisted Of a principal and two assistants,
ranging in age from forty-one to forty-eight years. All
had at least a Master's degree, and all had been teachers
prior tO becoming administrators. With one exception,
all indicated they had little professional preparation for
dealing with activism.

They felt the teachers' organization was generally
helpful and supportive.

The administrators estimated that from 10 to 25
per cent Of the student population participated in the
activism. The higher number generally reflected the stage
Of activism when both Black and White students were in-
volved. Academically, the students who directly partici-
pated in the activism generally came from the lower one-
third Of the school population. The principal indicated
it was his recommendation to the superintendent that the
school be closed.

The administrators generally agreed that there

was only slight nonstudent involvement in the activism at

94

the junior high school. Nonstudent involvement included
an unidentified community organization, some parents,
college and/or university students, and some brothers and
sisters of students from the high school.

There seemed tO be some question whether or not
there was a plan for dealing with student activism. All
three administrators agreed there was such a plan. The
principal indicated that the student disturbance plan was
distributed to the staff in the fall Of 1969.

All administrators verified that the police were
called by the principal primarily for the purpose of stu-
dent safety. One administrator said that when the police
arrived there appeared tO be a brief escalation of the
violence, but then it subsided.

The feeling was that the activism was not well
planned. There was rumored information that the students
were influenced by a community organization. One Of the
assistant principals received a telephone call from a
Black parent after the disturbance, indicating that she
was aware that the disturbance was going to occur.

Junior High SchOOl
Faculty Members

 

 

Ten persons holding staff positions were inter-
viewed.. This group included eight teachers, one librarian,
and one counselor. They ranged in age from twenty-three

to forty-five. Eight were male and two were female; seven

95

were White and three were Black. Most faculty members
were nominated for the interview by the 1969-70 junior
high school principal.

Junior High School
Students

 

 

Of the nine junior high school students inter-
viewed, seven were male and two female. Six Of the stu-
dents were White and three Black. Eight Of the nine were
interviewed individually, and one was interviewed with
the two White senior high school students indicated above.

Most of the students interviewed were nominated
for the interview by the 1969-70 junior high school princ-
ipal in order to secure a cross section Of the student
population.

The following section Of this chapter deals with
how each of the various groups responded to each of the
questions in the interview schedule. The interview

schedule is contained in Appendix E.

Responses Of the Interviewees

 

Cause or Causes Of
Student Activism

 

 

First, the interviewees were asked to respond to

the following question: In May, 1970, High

 

School and Junior High School experienced stu-

 

dent activism. What do you feel was the basic cause or

causes?

96

Board of education members.--Generally, the board

 

Of education members saw the causes Of the activism at the
high school and junior high school as essentially the same.
The causes noted by the board members are as
follows: (1) de facto segregated housing patterns in the
city, (2) lack Of action on changes requested earlier by
the students--the students lost faith in talking, (3)
unwillingness Of the community to work toward solutions
to the problems, (4) lack Of humane qualities in some
teachers, (5) "irrelevant" textbooks, (6) some students'
feelings that some teachers and other students exhibited
racist attitudes and engaged in racist activities, and

(7) lack of discipline and permissiveness.

Superintendent Of schools.--The superintendent

 

cited the following causes of the activism: (1) influ-
ence Of the Topographical Center, which engaged in indoc-
trination of some Black students; and (2) White students

"baiting" Black students.

Central Office administrators.--The following list

 

represents a collectivity Of causes cited by those central
Office administrators who were interviewed: (1) poor

relations between Blacks and Whites in the community; (2)

 

racial segregation in the community; (3) lack Of low in-
come, low cost housing dispersed throughout the city;

(4) strong right-wing political thrust in the community;

97

(5) Blacks' feeling that little has been done tO alleviate
their problems; (6) segregated elementary schools; (7)
little preparation of students for their first inter-
racial contact at the junior high school level; (8) over-
crowded facilities at the high school; (9) extreme rigid—
ity of some staff members; (10) some staff members being
extremely "book oriented"; (11) little professional train-
ing for working with Black students; (12) not enough
action taken quickly enough on racist teachers; (13) high
school problems "spilling over" to the junior high; (14) lack
Of a relevant curriculum in some instances; (15) institu-
tional racism; (16) cumulative effect Of undealt-with
issues; and (17) teacher attitudes and how they relate to

students.

Senior high school principa1.--In response to the

 

question dealing with the cause or causes Of activism at
the high school, the principal noted the following:

I would say community problems, attitudes Of
some parents and students with little or no in-
terest in academic work. Actually, I don't say
they have no interest but have difficulty achiev-
ing academic work. I noticed these students who
were suspended, most Of these students have poor
attendance, problems, probably failing in all sub-
jects or, at least, fifty percent Of them and
things Of this nature. SO, I think these things
really are our problems here. It can be very well
traced to community problems. I think in many
cases and for those parents of students involved--
I think (the parents felt) the students could do
the job better if they'd protest. They [the
parents] are afraid Of losing their jobs.

98

Commenting further On problems which some members Of the

community related tO the principal, he cited the following:

Oh, I think that, at that time and especially
in the Black community, there had been a teacher
in a predominately Black school that had just
whipped a child, according to the information I
got from the community, had whipped him with a
board. This teacher was White. I think they
more or less demanded that this teacher be fired;
the teacher was not fired, he was transferred tO
another school. They felt that this had been un—
fair and, again, [an example Of the] double stand-
ard. Had it happened in a White school, the
teacher would have been fired right away. I think
at that time, also [the] housing propositions had
just been defeated. I think [all of this] had an
effect on the students and I think this erupted
in the school. I went back and talked with the
community. They began to pull these things and
they were high on their list as we began to talk
with the community during their anger and frus-
tration, etc.

Senior high school faculty members.--The high
school teachers indicated the following causes Of activ-
ism: (1) Black student movement from the local univers~
ity, (2) transfer Of a Black teacher-aide, (3) racism,
(4) less hesitancy Of people to express themselves, (5)
rise Of minority peOples, (6) policy and tactical vacil-
1ation on the part Of school authorities, (7) Black stu-
dents' disenchantment with society, (8) national influ-
ences, (9) Black students looking for a place for
themselves in society, (10) teacher racism, (11) student
hopelessness, (12) student frustration and lack Of suc-
cess, and (13) inability of minority students to deal

with racist institutions.

99

Senior high school students.--Severa1 Black stu-

 

dents cited the following causes Of the activism: (1)
double standards; (2) attitudes of Whites toward Blacks,
particularly racist behavior; (3) counselors telling Black
students what they can and cannot do (presumably this in
part refers to academic and vocational counseling); and
(3) segregated elementary schools.

The White students cited "lack of identification"
as the basic cause of the activism. According to them,
"the school is broken down into four groups: the Blacks,
the scholars, the athletes, and the so-called 'silent
majority.'" The interviewees contended that "this 'silent
majority' group is the subversive fourth in the school

and had a great deal to do with the activism of last May."

Junior high school administrators.--The following
list represents a collectivity Of causes cited by the
junior high school administrators: (1) general community
tension following closing Of the high school earlier in
May; (2) students coming from a wide geographic area and
socio-economic range, thus not feeling a sense Of com-
munity; (3) influence from the visit to Malcolm X
University (College); (4) kinds of food Offered in the
cafeteria; (5) behavior of some cafeteria aides; (6) the
quality Of bus transportation for Black students; (7)
racial insults; (8) general rise in expectations of lower

socio—economic groups, thus wanting their share of the

100

"goodies"; (9) real or imagined personal problems Of stu-
dents; (10) discipline involving suspensions; (ll) influ-
ence of older brothers and sisters attending the high

school; (12) some students participating only as a "lark";
and (13) the "spill over" effect from the problems at the

high school.

Junior high school faculty members.--The junior

 

high school teachers noted the following causes: (1)
double standards between Blacks and Whites, (2) teacher
racism in some classrooms, (3) take over by Black power
organizations, (4) demand for a Black Culture Club tO effect
curricular change, (5) demand for a "rap" room, (6) demand
for an Afro-American History class, (7) return of ala
carte dishes and ice cream to the cafeteria menu, (8)
demand for more passing time in the halls, (9) Black stu-
dents' desire to be able to gather in the halls without
being dispersed simply for assembling, (10) general over—
tone of the nation, (11) "spill over" from the senior high
school, (12) influence of older brothers and sisters,

(13) prejudice, (l4) lack of communication, (15) precon-
ceived notions about race, (16) strong leadership on both
sides, (17) frustration, (18) rumors, (19) reflection of
the community attitudes expressed in interracial distrust,
(20) housing patterns, (21) activity at the local uni-

versity, and (22) influence of the Topographical Center.

101

Junior high school students.--The following re-

 

sponses were Offered by both Black and White students
regarding the causes Of the activism: (1) parents who do
not care about their children, (2) name calling or "bait-
ing" by some students, (3) reaction to the meeting Of
Black students (mentioned earlier in the events Of Thurs-
day, May 21, 1970, p. 83), (4) cumulative effect Of Blacks
and Whites fighting over a period Of time, (5) lack Of
interracial understanding, (6) demand for a Black Culture
Club, (7) "Whites were tired of being 'pushed around' so
they decided to meet in the cafeteria and organize,"

(8) lack Of communication, and (9) desire Of some stu-
dents simply tO get out Of school.

One student said that annually, in May, when the
weather is hot, junior high school students look for any
reason to stir up the school, whereby they might be dis-
ruptive and be dismissed. He suggested that we (the
interviewers) not disregard this annual attempt on the
part Of the student body as a cause Of the activism.

Description Of Actual
Behavior

 

This section records the responses Of the inter-
viewees to the following question: TO the extent that you

had actual contact with each of the following persons or

 

groups, what did each d9 during the instance(s) under

discussion?

102

1. Board Of education members

2. Superintendent of schools

3. Central Office administrators

4. Building administrators

5. Faculty members

6. Students who did not participate in the
activism

7. Students who did participate in the activism

Board Of education members.--One board member indi-

 

cated that the board had not acted quickly enough on ques-
tions involving teacher tenure. The board member felt

the board should find a way to dismiss teachers who ex-
hibit racist behavior. A second member stated that the
"board could not pat itself on the back as board members
for the work that they had done."

In referring to the performance Of the superin-
tendent, one board member indicated that he had done an
excellent job. Another indicated that the superintendent
had acted as a mediator by implementing a program Of in-
service education.

None Of the board members had actual contact with
other central Office administrators during the instances
Of activism; therefore they could not respond to this
question.

The board members said they felt the high school

principal had done an excellent job.

103

Generally, the members had little contact, if any,
with the faculty members at either Of the schools. One
board member, however, characterized the faculty as exist—
ing on a continuum, some Of whom accepted change rather
readily, while others did not.

Generally, the board members had little, if any,
contact with the students, with the exception Of those who
appeared at board meetings after the incidents. One board
member stated that some of the students who did not par—
ticipate in the activism, in fact, sought to "contain" the
activism at a "high cost of social and psychological
harassment" by those students who participated.

While board members did not have actual contact
with students who participated in the activism, they gen-
erally felt that activist behavior included physical
attacks on students and staff, destruction Of prOperty,

and general lawlessness.

Spperintendent of schools.-—The superintendent Of

 

schools felt that, generally speaking, the board members
did not witness the actual disruption. However, they were
informed by the superintendent Of the events that occurred.

The superintendent indicated that the director of
information primarily handled communications with the news
media at the time of disruption. The deputy superintendent
of schools answered telephone calls from the public and,

at times, from irate parents. The administrative assistant

104

to the superintendent was sent to the scene Of the disrup-
tion to gather facts through Observations and to communi-
cate those facts to the central Office. Other selected
central Office administrators were also sent to the scene
and performed the function Of telephoning their informa-
tion to the central Office.

Contact between the superintendent and the princi—
pals was generally by telephone. The superintendent said
the principals maintained a "command post" in their Offices
and used their assistant principals as their "eyes" and
"ears" throughout the building. The assistant principals
then reported to the principal on the status of events.

The superintendent indicated that faculty members
had been given specific assignments and taught classes as
best they could. Faculty members, in response to the
directive from the principal's Office, delayed class pass-
ing to reduce the congestion in the halls.

The superintendent felt that the students who did
not participate in the activism generally remained in the
classrooms. He also confirmed that some students who par-

ticipated in the activism assaulted some other students.

Central Office administrators.--Most central office

 

administrators who witnessed the student activism indi-
cated they had no contact with the board Of education mem-
bers, with the following exception. One central Office

administrator reported seeing a board member at the school

105

at the time Of one Of the incidents. After the incidents,
however, board members became involved in various com-
munity groups in an attempt to communicate with these
groups, and some board members attended the "public forum"
held at the high schOOl following the activism. One admin-
istrator also indicated that the board members tended to
call the central Office frequently after the incident.

Central Office administrators who had contact with
the superintendent indicated that he did the following
things: (1) answered telephone inquiries, (2) received
information for the building administrators, (3) coordi-
nated personnel, (4) contacted the news media, (5) con-
tacted community persons in leadership positions, (6) met
with principals to recap the day's events, and (7) helped_
plan the in-service program after the high school incident.

Central administrators who remained at the Office
were seen by other Office administrators as having per-
formed the following functions: (1) the deputy superin-
tendent performed a role quite similar to the superinten-
dent's, (2) the director Of public relations attempted to
stop rumors when possible, and (3) the above persons were
also involved in the in-service planning sessions.

The central administrators who went tO the build-
ing generally moved throughout the students who were

actively participating, attempted to reduce the level Of

106

tension, and encouraged students tO return tO class or
_1eave the building.

Central administrators who had contact with build-
ing administrators reported that they attempted to do the
following: (1) tried to encourage students to go back
into their classes, (2) informed central administrators
and the superintendent Of what was occurring in the build-
ing, (3) prevented fire alarms from being pulled, (4) pre-
vented attacks on students, (5) worked with police to
clear the halls, and (6) called parents Of students in-
volved and afterwards sent these students home.

The above-mentioned central administrators who
were in the building indicated that the faculty members
did the following things: (1) tried to keep their classes
under control, and (2) teachers without classes were in
the halls working to calm students in an attempt tO get
them out Of the halls.

The degree Of involvement Of any given faculty
member depended in part on his location in the building.
It was mentioned that one part Of the building could be
affected quite drastically, while in another part classes
went on as usual. It was further reported that some of
the faculty members were "up tight," some retreated to
their rooms, some were frightened, and some did not come
to school the next day. Some faculty members were ulti-

mately "docked" for using their sick days. Teachers were

107

asked tO identify students who had been actively involved
in the incident.

Central administrators who had actual contacts
with nonparticipating students reported they exhibited the
following kinds Of behavior: (1) most students stayed in
their assigned classes; (2) some left the building; (3)
some were quite anxious, apprehensive, and were crying;
and (4) others telephoned their parents.

The above-mentioned central administrators indi-
cated that the students who participated in the activism
exhibited the following kinds Of behavior: (1) refused
orders from staff members to do what they were told, (2)
participated in name calling, (3) milled about in the
halls, (4) tipped over lockers, (5) attempted to enter
classrooms, (6) tried through intimidation to get students
to join them in the halls, (7) resisted arrest in some
instances, (8) roved in bands throughout the building,

(9) ran up and down the corridors, (10) assaulted persons,
(11) threw chairs through windows, (12) put lighted
matches in wastebaskets, (13) shouted Obscenities, and
(14) generally screamed and hollered.

Associated with the group of students who were
very actively participating, there was also a much larger
group Of "fellow travelers," who tended to move in and out

of participation, depending on the circumstances.

108

Senior high schooljprincipa1.--The high school

 

principal indicated that he had no contact with board mem-
bers during the activism. His contact with the superin-
tendent was that Of informing him about what was occurring.
The superintendent, he reported, sent central Office admin-
istrators to the high school and, in one instance, came to
the building himself. The major contact with central
administrators after they arrived in the building was
simply having them Observe what was happening. The princi-
pal utilized his two assistants as his "eyes" and "ears"
within the building, gathering information and communicat-
ing that information to him so that he could make the
necessary decisions. The principal reported that

some of the faculty members who had been through

it for four or five years were getting a little

tired and, Of course, at that time they were

verbalizing quite vociferously [about] what

should be done. I think, that under this type

of situation, the faculty did rather well.

The principal stated that those students who did
not participate in the activism generally did what was
reported above.

The students who participated in the activism
triggered false fire alarms and the principal did receive
a bomb threat. The principal indicated that one Of the
most disconcerting aspects with which he had to contend

was screaming girls. Evidently the screaming served

further to charge the situation.

109

Senior high school faculty members.--Three members

 

Of the high school faculty indicated they had no contact
with board members during the unrest. The remaining group
generally made negative comments regarding board members,
such as "they did not do much during the instances Of
activism," "were immobilized by conflicting pressures from
the community regarding how they should respond to the stu-
dents," "were out Of touch with what was going on," and
"did not act on the information provided for them over the
last two years."

Generally, faculty members seemed to be divided
as to what the role of the superintendent had been. Some
indicated that they saw him in the building, gathering
information and walking the halls. He maintained close
contact with the building administrators and gave posi-
tive direction in handling the activism. Several faculty
members indicated the superintendent made no real move to
deal with the situation--"he met with students and then
refused to do anything." He gave permission to the build-
ing administrators tO call the police and finally did the
best he could but"tried tO appease both sides, hence leav-
ing himself in a bad light with both."

Generally speaking, the faculty members saw the
central administrators in the role Of walking the halls,
Egathering information, keeping in touch with the central

CXEfice, trying to calm students, and talking with them.

110

Others indicated the central administrators were in the
building, but the faculty did not know what they were
doing. One staff member indicated he felt central admin-
istrators were simply "out of touch." The faculty mem-
bers, without exception, felt the senior high school
principal performed very professionally, tried to calm the
students, talked with them, tried tO keep people from get-
ting injured, and addressed the staff over the public
address system during the height Of the incident.

Faculty members, commenting on their own col-
leagues, noted a wide range Of behavior. Some simply
stood along the "side lines," others patrolled the halls,
some did nothing, and others did as much as they possibly
could to alleviate the situation. One person noted that
Black teachers even had trouble trying to calm Black stu-
dents. Some teachers were quite "jittery," while others
seemed to be quite calm under the circumstances. If the
teacher had a class, he attempted to remain with his stu-
dents. One teacher noted that he saw some other teachers
get very "up tight" about the situation.

In general, the faculty members reported that stu-
dents who did not participate in the activism mainly ex-
.hibited behavior as follows: (1) some "went about
IDusiness as usual," (2) some remained in their classrooms,

(3) some were extremely fearful, and (4) some left the

111

building--this group included both Black and White stu-
dents.

It was noted, however, that students going home
as individuals were exposed to great danger Of asSault by
roaming groups Of students. One teacher noted that most
Of those who were not involved were "just not aware Of
what was going on."

Faculty members noted that students who partici-
pated in the activism exhibited the following behavior:
(1) threw chairs; (2) confronted teachers verbally-~these
were generally male students; (3) pulled over some un-
fastened lockers; (4) carried clubs and pipes, although no
teacher reported seeing them used; (5) assaulted students
for no apparent reason; (6) articulated demands to whom-

ever would listen; and (8) broke windows.

Senior high school students.--The subsequent

 

statements will primarily be those of the White high school
students interviewed.

The students indicated they did not know what the
board members had done during the period Of activism.
This was also their response to the performance Of the
superintendent and central Office administrators. They
said the principal had tried to maintain order.

The students reported that, in their Opinion, some
:Eaculty members exhibited great physical fear, and a few

i:eachers tried tO promote order and maintain discipline.

112

The students who did not participate in the activ-
ism were largely frightened. Some literally jumped out
the windows, and some took advantage Of the incident tO do
things they wanted to do which had nothing to do with
activism.

The students reported that the activist students
spent most Of their time running from one floor or room tO

another.

Junior high school administrators.--The junior

 

high school administrators reported no contact with board
Of education members. They indicated, however, that on

at least one occasion the superintendent was in the build-
ing during the incidents of student unrest. The principal
maintained the "hot line" between the building and the
central Office. He conferred with the superintendent and
selected central administrators at the end Of the day, and
planned for the next day. The principal reported that
selected central administrators were Often in the building,
serving essentially in the role described above. The prin-
cipal reported that the assistants acted as his "eyes" and
"ears," and that they directed student movement in the
halls. Following the incident, the building administrators
spent much time in court, where action was being taken
against some students. The principal pointed out that it
was very easy to become tOO involved with individual stu-

dent problems at the time Of activism, while the group

113

problems tended to multiply. The junior high school
administrators concurred with those from the senior high
school, that faculty members attempted to hold students
in classrooms for indefinite periods of time, while at-
tempts were made to quiet students in the halls. Some
faculty members who did not have classes attempted to get
students into classrooms.

The administrators further reported that those
students who did not participate in activism went about
their classes as usual. This was, by far, the majority
Of students. A few students were quite confused and
frightened of physical harm. It was again reported that
some students attempted to leave the building; they were
primarily those who were frightened and/or instructed to
do so by their parents. Those students who participated
most actively beyond the "fellow travelers," generally
roamed through the halls and some participated in assaults

on other students.

Junior high school faculty members.--While it is
evident that some teachers and faculty members did not
see or have actual contact with board Of education mem-
bers during the period of activism, some Of their responses
indicated their willingness to extrapolate what they felt
occurred. One teacher indicated that the board simply
"harangued among each other," and then gave in to some

pressure groups while not listening to others. One

114

indicated that the board ordered police into the building.
Another said they simply listened, and even though they
were informed by central administrators about the prob-
lems, the board members took no action. "Board members
were shook" and simply reacted, but were not leaders.

They treated the symptoms, sent central administrators to
the building, and supported the in-service program. Some
noted that board members began tO work with rules and
regulations, and took disciplinary action against the
students involved.

Faculty members indicated that the superintendent
exhibited the following range Of behavior: (1) showed
vague inactivity, (2) tried to keep the building Open and
safe, (3) listened, (4) was pushed into taking a position,
(5) was present in the building, and (7) supported in-
service training for teachers. One staff member indicated
there was simply not tOO much the superintendent could do.

Faculty members indicated that the central admin-
istrators were in the halls; provided extra manpower, but
not leadership or direction; listened to students and
others involved; lacked realization of the problem;
"scurried around"; patrolled the halls; and gathered and
dispersed information.

Faculty members indicated that the building admin-
istrators could not do much, under the circumstances.

There was allegedly not "good" communication between the

115

staff and the administration. The administrators identi-
fied activist students, suspended some, tried to present

the facts to the central Office administrators, lacked an
organized plan for dealing with the disruption, were con-
cerned with control, were involved with the disciplinary

action, and attended evening meetings regarding the inci-
dents.

Faculty members who made Observations regarding
what other faculty members had done indicated that "many
couldn't be found." Counselors and teachers tried tO get
students back into the classrooms, supervised students,
and planned for the in-service program. Some were con-
cerned with control and some really wanted to improve the
situation. One noted that the faculty "stuck together,"
and some showed humanistic concern for students.

Faculty members commenting on the behavior Of non-
participating students indicated that: (1) some tried to
find a safe place, (2) some tried to "ride the school year
out," (3) some students simply watched the incident, (4)
some sat in the classrooms--some classes discussed the
incident, and (5) some students went home.

Faculty members commenting on the behavior Of
activist students noted that they: (1) tried tO get non-
participating students involved, (2) roamed the halls,

(3) threw stones, (4) left the building, (5) broke windows,

(6) assaulted teachers and students, (7) threw chairs,

116

(8) pulled the fire alarm, and (9) collected in large
groups.

Contrary to the above comments, one faculty mem-
ber stated that "they were not hostile or mean; they just

wanted something done [about their concerns]."

Junior high school students.--Again, most Of the

 

students had nO actual contact with board members, but
they were not hestiant to project what it was they thought
the board had done. They suggested that the board members:
(1) tried tO think Of ways to solve the problem, (2) de-
cided to call the police each time an incident occurred,
(3) did nothing, (4) closed the school, and (5) wanted

the Black and White students tO meet together.

Commenting on the behavior of the superintendent,
one student indicated that he "never does nothing" and
two others indicated essentially the same response.

Most students did not recognize the central Office
administrators as having been in the building. One stu-
dent made the comment that they just "sit in their air-
conditioned Offices."

The students commenting on the behavior Of the
building administrators indicated they: (1) tried to do
their best, (2) stood in the halls, (3) broke up groups Of
students, (4) never did anything, (5) suspended many
sstudents--mostly White as far as they knew, (6) talked

cyver the public address system and told the students tO

117

go to their classes, and (7) tried tO quiet the students,
"but it didn't help much."

The students commenting on the role Of the faculty
members noted the following behavior: (1) "handled it all
right," (2) stayed in their rooms, (3) locked the doors
and tried tO keep students in the rooms, (4) tried tO stop
the incidents, (5) kept students quiet in the classrooms,
(6) kept students out Of the halls, and (7) "some simply
didn't do much."

Students indicated that nonparticipating students
did the following: (1) stayed in the classrooms, (2)
went home, (3) stayed out Of the activism, and (4) "did
a lot of talking but not much else."

Students commenting on the behavior of activist
students noted that they: (1) broke windows, (2) "beat
up" boys and others as the activists went to the cafe-
teria, (3) took over the gymnasium, (4) fought, (5) tried
tO get others involved, and (6) turned over chairs and

tables.

Role Expectations

 

The following analysis deals with responses to the

question: "TO the extent that you had actual contact with

 

the following persons or groups, you earlier described
‘what they did during the student activism:
1. Board Of education members

2. Superintendent Of schools

118

3. Central Office administrators
4. Building administrators
5. Faculty members
. 6. Students who did not participate in the
activism
7. Students who did participate in the activism
If a similar situation Of student activism occurred,

what should each Of them do?

 

Board Of education members.--Board members comment-

 

ing on what should be done in the future stated they
should: (1) evaluate the effectiveness Of some building
administrators, (2) halt the practice Of retaining some
administrators based on favoritism, (3) eliminate divi-
sions on the board and find some common meeting ground,
and (4) come better prepared for the task Of being a board
member. One board member indicated that discipline should
be enforced more strictly in the future.

Board members commenting on the rOle the super-
intendent should play indicated he should: (1) conduct
a study Of role and function Of central Office adminis-
trators--"every organization has some dead wood," and (2)
stop making concessions to students.

One board member indicated that central Office
(administrators should be more responsive to change.
IMnother board member indicated he had no contact with

Central Office administrators.

119

Commenting on the building administrators, one
member said they should: (1) exercise good judgment and
(2) express humane qualities. Another indicated that the
building principal should have absolute authority and
hinted that there may have been a countermanding Of the
principal's orders at the high school.

Concerning faculty members and participating and
nonparticipating students, the board members did not state
any specific changes in their roles. Presumably, however,
they felt activist students should halt the violent as-

pects Of their behavior.

Superintendent Of schools.-~When asked what change

 

in behavior might be exhibited by the board members, the
superintendent indicated that he thought perhaps the
board members should be at the scene Of a disturbance to
get a feeling for what is occurring.

Relative to his own role, he indicated that he
felt a definite need tO remain in his Office as he had
done in the past, with few exceptions. However, this
appears to be in conflict with what some staff members
expect; namely, they feel he should be in the building at
the time Of a disturbance.

The superintendent felt the central Office admin-
istrators should perform essentially the same role as they

had in the past.

120

The building administrators should perhaps in-
crease their "preventative" efforts.

The superintendent felt most Of the faculty mem-
bers did "a fine job," but noted that some were "scared
and some over-reacted and dared students tO move a muscle."

The superintendent noted nO particular change in
role for the nonparticipating students. He noted that
some Black students are beginning to realize they are not
resolving their problems through disruptions. Perhaps
students are coming to the realization that they can work
through the prescribed channels. The students are trying

to keep the situation "cool."

Central Office administrators.-~One central Office

 

administrator indicated he felt the board should continue
to remain in a policy-making role, and work more with city
and township authorities, particularly on problems relat-
ing tO jurisdictional authority in the use of police. It
was also expressed that board members should not speculate
on what occurred in instances Of activism. They should
rely on information provided by the central Office admin-
istrators. Finally, it was suggested that some board
members should stop predicating their board decisions on
what a few teachers had tOld them about the disturbances.
Most central Office administrators said the role
of the superintendent should remain essentially what it had

been in the past. One central Office administrator

121

indicated that the superintendent should insist that
agreed-upon procedures for handling a disturbance be
followed at the building level.

Central administrators felt the role Of other
central administrators should remain essentially what it,
had been in the past, but perhaps more preventative work
needs to be done. One expressed the need for more finan-
cial resources to carry out this work. It was also ex-
pressed that all central administrators who are asked to
help in times of disruption should be informed about the
content Of the "hot line" information which the superin-
tendent receives.

One central administrator suggested the building
administrators should give students wider decision-making

powers.

In the main, most central administrators felt
the faculty and nonparticipating students should continue
essentially in the roles they had performed in the past.
One administrator noted that teachers need to become more
involved in avenues leading to deeper human relations.
Also, nonparticipating students should enter into the dis-
cussions dealing with race relations.

Of course, participating students should stop the
destructive and disruptive roles they have played in the
past. The participating students should "work through

prescribed channels."

122

Senior high school principa1.--The principal
essentially limited his responses to the change in roles
for the superintendent, himself, and the faculty members.

The principal felt the superintendent and he
should not attempt tO deal with student demands while the
students are emotionally excited and are still in the
large group. Commenting on dealing with student frustra-
tions in the large group, the principal noted that:

[One] can have it all come down upon you at
that time, and I think all Of us who lived
through it do not find it something we want. It
affects your whole life; it affects your family,
your children, your wife, and your telephone
rings incessantly. You get some very nasty tele-
phone calls, and you have people who will tell
all kinds Of tales.

Commenting on the faculty, the principal Observed

that:

They can do a lot Of good or do us a lot Of
damage. We've got to have teachers, Black and
White, who will look at the problems on an over-
all basis. We had a large number Of teachers who
decided tO stay home, about twenty-five Of them.
Then, I think they began wondering if it was going
tO affect their pocketbooks. Students see it.

Teachers should be prepared to deal with students
concerning racial considerations in an Open, honest manner.

To this end the principal Observed that:

I do feel that closing the schools for those
three days was very helpful, especially the two
days we talked with students. I think we should
do more Of this but we haven't done it this year.
The students say "we never get a chance to talk."
They are locked into first hour, second hour,
fifth hour, sixth hour, on the bus, goodbye.
[During the abovementioned two days] a student
could gO to the teacher and sit there and talk,

123

express his feelings. It is interesting to note,
we found some students that this type Of thing was
foreign to him. [sic] They couldn't adjust to it.
We had some teachers who couldn't adjust tO it. I
think they felt it was a waste Of time. They
wanted to get along with the thing at hand; for
instance, they were tOO far behind in math. I
remember one youngster came in, he didn't want any
"talk session," he wanted tO get his math so he
could get into college.

Senior high school faculty members.--It was gener-
ally agreed upon by teachers at the high school that the
board Of education does, in fact, have a role tO play.

It was suggested by several teachers that the board

should be at the school when the incidents occur. They
should endorse in-service education approaches, be avail-
able tO all groups in the community, and provide money

for "crisis counselors" and intergrOUp specialists. They
should fund a meaningful, on-going human relations work-
shop with trained personnel. The board should get all

the facts and get in "close touch" with students. Fur-
ther, they should establish guidelines for handling activ-
ist situations fairly and justly.

Faculty members generally felt the superintendent
should implement the above board decisions, be more
"aggressive" with persons under his control, and develop
a plan for removing racist teachers. Further, he should
be more decisive in whatever course Of action he takes.

The superintendent should implement the above-suggested

human relations workshop. One teacher indicated she did

124

not think the superintendent should come to the school
during an incident because Of the negative feeling toward
him.

Teachers said the central administrators should
make themselves available to the building staff tO assist
in whatever way possible and implement the in-service pro-
grams for teachers. Faculty members felt central admin-
istrators should help implement whatever guidelines are
established for handling disturbances. They further indi-
cated the prospective teachers should be carefully screened
before they are permitted tO teach in the school. Finally,
central administrators should continue to bring in police
during periods Of violence and disruption, and be "where
the action is" during disturbances.

As faculty members looked at themselves as a
group, some suggested they should attempt to remain calm
and protect students to whatever degree possible. Some
faculty members said all faculty members should be "forced"
tO attend the in-service programs. Some also said that
some Of their number should'find out what is going on out-
side school."

The faculty members felt the nonparticipating stu-
cients should leave the building or remain in their class-

rraoms during a disturbance. It was suggested that those
Strudents who did not participate should "find out what is

gcting on outside the school." They should continue to do

125

what they did, but both Black and White students should
calm down and become involved in sessions Of interracial
discussions.

Faculty members generally felt that students who
actively participated in the incidents should participate
in efforts tO resolve them. They noted that some activ-
ists did not participate in the attempts to bring various
groups together. It was reported that activist students
need to find positive ways Of getting their views ex-
pressed tO administrators. Other faculty members felt
penalties should be meted out to those who participated,
as a way Of curtailing their activism. Finally, one
teacher indicated that activist students should not use

peer pressure to involve other students.

Senior high school students.--The students said

 

that board members should become aware Of the real con-
cerns of students. They contended that board members
spend their time in meetings which have little or nO
value relative to the day-to-day kinds Of experiences
occurring in these particular schools.

They said the superintendent should continue to
be as alert to the problem as he has been in the past.
frhe students contended that they really do not understand

svhat role the central administrators perform.

126

The students said that the building principal
should continue to stimulate new experiences, whereby stu—
dents can discuss questions involving race.

The role Of the faculty should be similar to that
Of the principal, but in addition they should "zero in"
on racist members Of their group.

The students who did not participate should par-
ticipate, not in the activism, but in the student govern-
ment and other activities which bring students closer
together.

The students did not suggest what activist stu—
dents should do, but they did say there should be a griev-
ance procedure for them to follow--"If the school con-
tinues to ignore their concerns and feelings, they have

nO choice but tO take it into the streets."

Junior high school administrators.--The junior
high school administrators suggested the board members
should not be directly involved, as Observers, in the
instances Of activism, but should be more supportive Of
the administrative action taken. It was further suggested
that they should not be "splintered" in their support Of
a board position. It was also suggested that the junior
Ihigh school should increase its personnel, as an aid in
Ihelping students with their problems. It was indicated

'that this request had been made but not fulfilled.

127

It was generally agreed that the roles Of the
superintendent, central office administrators, and build-
ing administrators should remain essentially what they had
been in the past. The central Office administrators
should continue their reporting function. Generally speak-
ing, the building administrators see the roles Of the
teachers and nonactivist and activist students remaining
essentially what they had been in the past. Nonactivist
students should become more involved and support what they
believe in, in a responsible way. Further, they should
become participants in the governance Of their schOOl.
Activist students should dissent through accepted channels
and become involved in the decision-making avenues Of the

school.

Junior high school faculpy members.--Faculty mem-
bers at the junior high school felt the board members
should become aware Of changes relative to students, set
policy based on first-hand Observations, and come to the
school to talk with teachers immediately after an occur-
rence. One felt that the problems had been well defined,
and that now is the time for the board to take action,
bring in outside human relations consultants, and allocate
the necessary funds to deal with the causes Of the prob-
lems.

The junior high school faculty members stated

there is not tOO much the superintendent can do. Others

128

said he should recommend to the board new ways of dealing
with the students. The superintendent should go to the
building in question, and not have the students come to
the administration building. Another faculty member indi-
cated the superintendent should be on hand as an Observer,
and one indicated that "he must . . . make a decision
regarding overtly racist teachers."

Faculty members indicated that the central admin-
istrators should "follow through" on board and superin-
tendent decisions. One indicated there is not much that
they can do while the unrest is in progress. Another
indicated that the central administrators should aid the
superintendent, and yet another faculty member said they
should meet with the students to Obtain an understanding
Of the different life styles Of the students.

In reference to building administrators, one
faculty member indicated they should make recommendations
to the superintendent on what needs to be done, and another
indicated there is not much they can do under the circum-
stances, except remain sensitive tO the problem, respond
immediately, not use police if possible, and be consistent
with their discipline.

Faculty members commenting on themselves as a
group indicated they must become aware Of student needs;
be consistent in their treatment Of students; perform as

they have in the past; and get together with students.

129

Those who are not involved should begin to develop human-
istic concerns for students.

Teachers felt that those students who did not
participate should simply try to find a safe place to
stay. Others said that the students should become in-
volved. Students need to know how to structure their
demands, find out what the problems are, and get involved
in discussions before things happen.

Faculty members felt that those students who did
participate should become aware Of other means for resolv-
ing their problems, and realize that the disturbance they
are creating is a symptom of the problem and will be
treated as such. Faculty members went on tO say that

activist students should not cause physical damage.

Junior high school students.--Junior high school.

 

students commenting on what the board Of education mem-
bers should do indicated that they should do nothing other
than what they have been doing. One indicated that the
board should not let the Black students have meetings, but
the board should: (1) come to the building, (2) suspend
students, (3) take them to court, (4) have meetings and
discussions regarding the problem, (5) understand that
police are not needed, (6) involve more concerned parents,
and (7) suspend students if they have racist meetings.
Commenting on the role Of the superintendent, the

(Students suggested he should refrain from putting police

130

in the building. They admitted he has a "pretty hard job,"
but he should "come to the school and find out what the
problems really are," get more parents in the schools, and
bring police into the schools when necessary.

Students did not know or did not have any feelings
about what the central Office administrators should do.

Students felt the building administrators should
involve themselves in student meetings to see what they
are about, establish their own meetings, try tO find out
what the problems are, spend some time listening to stu—
dents, call the police when necessary, do the same things
that they have done in the past, "should be able to hit
kids," and dismiss school when necessary.

Students felt the teachers should keep students
in the classroom during activism. One noted that teachers
are afraid tO try to stop the problem; those who are con-
cerned should become more so. One student noted that
teachers are afraid to do anything, but should be fair
in their treatment of both Blacks and Whites.

The students felt the nonparticipating students
should try tO explain "the folly Of their actions to those
students who did participate," stay out Of the activism,
sit back, or go to the Office and call their parents.
Several indicated there is not much they can do.

Commenting on what the activist students should

do, the students indicated the following: "If they think

131

what they are doing is right, they should continue to do
what they are doing, "fight back during the 'riot'"

(activism), present reasonable demands.

Sequential Pattern

 

The next question tO which the interviewees were
asked to respond was: "DO you feel that the activism at
the high school, junior high, or both schools followed
an order similar to the following?"

1. Initial student strategies

2. Administrative responses to those strategies

3. Bargaining, negotiation, or third-party

mediation to settle specific demands or
proposals

4. Implementation Of "legitimate" agreed-upon

changes.

Board Of education members.--The board of educa—

 

tion members were evenly divided on the above question.
Two members stated emphatically that that sequential
pattern was followed while the other two said that it was

not followed.

Superintendent Of schools.--The superintendent

 

indicated that the activism did not follow the sequential

pattern; the incidents were simply a "blow up."

Central Office administrators.--Of the five
central administrators interviewed, four indicated that

the activism did not follow the pattern outlined. One

132

indicated that the initial student strategies and admin-
istrative responses were followed; however, bargaining,
negotiations, or third-party mediation occurred only to

a slight degree.

High schOOl principa1.-—The high school principal

 

indicated that the sequential pattern was not followed

precisely as outlined.

Senior high school faculty members.--Only one high

 

school faculty member said that the activism followed the
sequential pattern. Five indicated that they were not
certain. Two members said that the activism followed the
pattern outlined but only to a limited extent. The final
two faculty members essentially labeled the activism as

an act Of "spontaneous desperation."

Senior high school students.--The students seemed

 

to concur that the first two steps of the pattern occurred
as outlined. They stated that the Black students and
school Officials met, and the Officials sincerely felt

they were conforming to the students' grievances and con-
cerns. There was no indication however that bargaining,
negotiation, or third-party mediation occurred. The inter-
viewees maintained that the school Officials were "naive
and made some mistakes by not really trying to implement

the demands Of the students."

133

Junior high school administrators.--Again, there

 

was a difference Of Opinion as to whether the activism
followed the pattern. One administrator said it did, but
only partially. Another indicated "yes, somewhat" in
response to the question. The final administrator was
fairly emphatic that the activism did not follow the

pattern.

Junior high schOOl facultypmembers.--Generally

 

speaking, the junior high schOOl faculty members were
divided on this question. While several indicated they
did not feel the activism followed the pattern, others
said it was really not as structured as outlined above.
There did not seem to be evidence Of an identifiable
degree Of bargaining, negotiation, or third-party media-

tion.

Junior high school students.--Again, the students

 

were almost divided as tO whether or not the activism
followed the four points outlined above. Two students
answered "yes" in response to the question; three were
uncertain; and three said "no."

Those interviewees who felt that the activism
did not follow the sequential pattern generally cited the
absence Of the third step, namely, bargaining, negotia-

tions, or third-party mediation.

134

Responses to Student
Stratagies

 

 

The interviewees were asked tO respond tO the ques-
tion: "What approaches, in the short run (at or near the
time Of the disturbance), do you feel were effective in

reSponding to student strategies?"

Board Of education members.—-One board member said

 

that closing the schools was effective, but not a positive
solution. The use Of police may have been effective, but
not positive. Another member noted that the use Of police,
prior to closing, was not a particularly effective approach.
"Airing" views in the "public forum" did serve a very posi-
tive end. Finally, one member said the enforcement of

discipline was an effective response to the strategies.

Superintendent Of schools.--The superintendent did

 

not feel any of the immediate responses were effective.
The days Of discussion and in-service education had some

"therapeutic" value.

Central Office administrators.--Centra1 Office
administrators were generally divided on the question of
effective short—run approaches to the disturbances.

One expressed the importance Of meeting some student de-
mands immediately to show good faith. "If you can give
on small things, you can hOld on the big things" until

one has an Opportunity to study them with the students.

135

Small group work with students at the time Of the inci—

dents also proved effective.

Senior high school principa1.--The senior high
school principal noted the following responses to student
strategies:

I think one Of the things that the students
want to realize is that you are listening and when
you listen you do something about it. They asked
for a "rap room"; they got it. They asked that
the detention hall be eliminated; we eliminated it.
They asked that hall passes be eliminated; we elim-
inated them.

Senior high school facultyjmembers.--The approaches

 

which appeared effective to the faculty in the short run
included: (1) closing the school, (2) establishing an
immediate dialogue between teachers and students, and
(3) being prepared. They suggested every faculty member
must feel the responsibility to work together and bring

in persons who can relate to the students.

Senior high school students.--The students did not

 

note any effective approaches in the short run; however,
they said that the school's use Of two psychologists
helped to improve interracial understanding. The psy-

chologists however were used during December, 1970.

Junior high school administrators.--Junior high

 

school administrators felt no approaches were particularly

effective in the short run. Meeting with large groups Of

136

students only tended to aggravate the situation. The use
of police only had a temporary effect. They indicated
one should always be sensitive to the problems and attempt

to solve them as soon as possible.

Junior high school faculty members.--Many Of the

 

suggestions by this group agreed with those cited above.
It was also noted that bringing in parents immediately
proved to be effective. Again, the teachers noted the
importance of instituting some of the students' prOposals
immediately. To a limited extent, the use Of police and

closing the school were also effective.

Junior high school students.--The students were

 

almost totally in agreement on what kinds Of things they
thought were effective. They cited: (1) closing the
school, (2) calling the police, (3) calling in parents,
and (4) sending instigators home.

Effective Approaches in
Dealing with Demands

 

 

The interviewees finally were asked to respond to
the question: "What approaches, in the long run, do you
feel were or are effective in dealing with the demands or
proposals?" Some Of the following approaches have been

put into effect and others are under discussion.

137

Board Of education members.--Board Of education

 

members cited the following kinds Of effective approaches:
(1) remove racist curriculum material, (2) inform White
students Of Black contributions to history, (3) hold a
hearing under the state teachers tenure law on racist
teacher behavior or try such a case in court, (4) enforce
discipline, and (5) change curricular Offerings.

Some board members Observed that a student should
have the right to choose his own teachers, have a course
outline before registration, and have the right to change
a course if it is not the course he wants. One board mem-
ber said that “nothing makes a Black kid more militant
than to have a lousy teacher." Finally, one member noted
that board members need training on the subject Of stu-

dent activism.

Superintendent Of schools.-—The single most effec-

 

tive long-run approach to responding tO student demands,
according to the superintendent, is centered in "Open com-

munications" between and among persons and groups.

Central office administrators.--The central Office
administrators noted the following effective approaches:
(1) require Black History for both Black and White stu-
dents, (2) develop performance criteria for all courses,
and (3) provide students with some control over the cur-

.riculum. A student advisory committee is presently

138

Operating in this area. One psychology course has already
been developed. A course in leadership is presently being
developed at the ninth grade level; its purpose is tO pro—
vide students with strategies for identifying problems,
developing interviewing techniques, and analyzing data.

One central Office administrator noted that the
tendency of the community to overreact to student unrest
presents a major problem in resolving the conflict. This
overreaction can lead to polarization Of the involved
groups.

Finally, one administrator Observed that racial
and socio-economic integration is still a viable answer

tO improving racial attitudes.

Senior high school principa1.--The principal

 

stated that the most effective approach lies in being
honest with the students.
I think, most Of all, they [the students] want
you to be truthful. I think if one can be truth-

ful with the staff, student body, and parents, that
this is what they want.

Senior high school faculty members.--The senior

 

high school faculty noted the effectiveness of involving
parents, particularly when the schOOl is disrupted.
Furthermore, avenues need to be found to involve activist
students in the discussion groups and in-service education
endeavors. One staff member noted the need for additional

minority professional personnel and paraprofessionals.

139

One Black teacher observed that the Black students
have been told the problem is "racism." In fact, there
seems to be a general consensus that it is a major factor.
What he seemed to be alluding to is the fact that the stu-
dents do not understand why racism is the problem, nor dO

they understand the dynamics involved.

Senior high school students.--With the exception

 

Of outside-trained human relations experts, the high
school students did not note any effective long-run

approaches.

Junior high school administrators.--Basica11y, the

 

junior high school administrators saw further involvement
Of students in the decision—making processes of the school
as the most effective long—run approach tO solving student

activist conflict.

Junior high school faculty members.--The junior

 

high school faculty noted the need for follow-through

on the type Of student-teacher communication which was
initiated when the school was closed in May. Again, the
use of psychologists, who dealt with interracial groups
during December, 1970, was mentioned as a very positive
and effective approach. Unfortunately, the psychologists
were utilized for a very brief time and only at the junior

high school.

140

One teacher suggested the wisdom Of differentiated
pay for teachers employed at the junior high, to stem the

high teacher turnover.

Junior high school students.--The students empha-

 

sized the importance Of establishing some sort Of dialogue
between Black and White students. At least one student
still felt that taking some students to court was an
effective approach. Without specifying any particular
approaches, students mentioned the importance of working

with parental attitudes.

Summary

The one junior and one senior high school in this
study are part Of a district which is ranked fifteenth in
pupil enrollment in comparison with Michigan's 527 school
districts. The major portion Of the district is comprised
Of a city of 97,100 residents, and is part Of a larger
metropolitan area with a total of 192,100 residents in
1970. The city was voted an All—American City in 1970 by
the National Municipal League and ippk_magazine.

The income statistics for the city and metropoli-
tan area compare quite closely. Over 14,641 Of the house-
holds in the city had incomes of $8,000 or more per year
in 1970. The economy is strongly supported by manufactur-
ing and agriculture. The unemployment rate is generally

below the national average.

141

One university, two private colleges, and one com-
munity college, having a combined enrollment Of 25,900
students, are located in the community.

An investigation Of the community by the Michigan
Civil Rights Commission in 1969 focused on employment,
education, housing, and law enforcement. Concerning edu-
cation, the Commission noted that: (l) the school district

was de facto segregated, (2) the district lacked a fair

 

disciplinary and school closing policy, (3) there was

severe shortage Of minority teachers and administrators,
and (4) the district had overcrowded, inadequate school
facilities where most minority students attended school.

The junior high school under study had an enroll-
ment Of 1,021 students, of whom 26.2 per cent were Black;
the senior high school had an enrollment Of 2,036 stu-
dents, Of whom 19.7 per cent were Black.

The district ranked fourteenth in the state in
total instructional expenses of $696.36 per pupil, and
sixty-ninth in state equalized valuation per pupil Of
$22,139.

From October, 1967, to April, 1970, the district
experienced intermittent Black student activism, defeat
Of a bond issue for construction of a new high school, an
attempt to recall board members following board action to
re-district the schools racially and socio-economically,

and labor disputes with the teachers' association.

142

The activism at the senior high school began on
Monday, May 4, 1970, and concluded on Friday, May 8. May
9 and 10 were spent in preparation for the in-service pro-
gram tO be held May 11 through 13. On Tuesday, May 19,
1970, a thirteen—point proposal was presented tO the super-
intendent by some high schOOl students. The content Of
the proposal is found in Appendix H.

The activism at the junior high school began on
Thursday, May 21, 1970, and continued the next day. Again,
the following weekend was used in preparation for the dis-
cussions and in—service program which began on Monday, May
25, and continued through Thursday, May 28, 1970.

The activism at the high schOOl initially centered
on transfer Of a Black teacher-aide, suspension Of stu-
dents involved in the incidents, alleged unfair newspaper
coverage of the role played by some Black students, alleged
insults and beatings received by some Black students, and
requests for some curricular modifications.

The activism at the junior high school centered
primarily on a demand for a Black Culture Club. The
following day some White students organized to discuss
their concerns about the situation at the school. Finally,
a common request seemed to emerge from both Black and
White students, namely, for an Opportunity "to sit down

together and discuss their grievances."

143

In both incidents, at the high school and junior
high, a wide range Of behavior was exhibited, including
assaults and destruction Of property. Following the inci-
dent at the high school, all schools in the system were
closed for three days. After the junior high school inci-
dent, only the junior high was closed, with students being
"phased back in" on Tuesday through Thursday.

The following individuals and groups were inter-
viewed for the present study: board Of education members,
superintendent of schools, selected central Office admin-
istrators, the senior high school principal, selected
high school faculty members, selected senior high school
students, the junior high school administrators, selected
junior high school faculty members, and selected junior
high school students.

The above individuals and groups were asked to
state what they felt to be the paaig cause or causes Of
the student activism which occurred at the junior and
senior high schools during May, 1970. The two most fre-
quently mentioned causes centered around (1) community
problems, particularly as they relate to de facto segre-
gated housing patterns; and (2) institutional and indi-
vidual racism on the part Of some teachers and students.
The second most frequently mentioned cause involved the
influence of some local university students, the TOpo-

graphical Center, and the Malcolm X University (College)

144

in Chicago. Also mentioned with some frequency were (1)
the lack of action by the school system on past demands,
(2) the negative influence from students attending segre-
gated elementary school, and (3) the lack Of success and
frustration with the school program experienced by some
students.

The following causes were also suggested, but with
somewhat less frequency: (1) national influences, coupled
with the rising expectations of minority peoples; (2) the
application of "double standards" in dealing with Black
and White students, particularly in the area of discipline;
and (3) a lack of communication between and among all
segments of the school organization.

When specifically commenting about the disruption
at the junior high school, the following factors were
frequently mentioned: (1) the influence of Older brothers
and sisters from the high school, (2) the "Spill over
effect" from the earlier high school disruption, and (3)
White students "baiting" Black students. A wide range of
miscellaneous causes for the activism in both schools were
also mentioned.

Next, the interviewees were asked to describe the
behavior of those individuals and groups with whom they
had actual contact.

The board members were seen as having done or not

done the following things: (1) did not take action against

145

racist teachers, (2) did not visit the school during the
activism, (3) became involved in public meetings after
the activism, (4) called the central office for informa-
tion, (5) "were immobilized by conflicting pressures from
the community regarding how they should respond to the
students," and (6) "gave in" tO some pressure groups
while not listening to others.

The superintendent was seen as having performed
the following role: (1) implemented an in-service pro-
gram dealing with the activism, (2) only occasionally
visited the school during the activism, (3) communicated
via the telephone with selected central Office adminis-
trators in the building and with the principal, (4) coor-
dinated the use Of personnel, (5) contacted community
persons in leadership positions, (6) transmitted informa-
tion on the activism to board members, and (7) "tried to
appease both sides, hence leaving himself in a bad light
with both." With some frequency, teachers and students
indicated that there was not much the superintendent
could do. Almost without exception, the board and central
Office administrators responded favorably to the perform-
ance Of the superintendent. Most negative comments about
the role of the superintendent came from teachers and stu-
dents.

According tO the interviewees, the central Office

administrators had done the following things:

146

(1) transmitted information on the activism to other
central Office personnel, (2) answered public inquiries,
(3) communicated with the news media, and (4) those in the
building worked with students to reduce the level of ten-
sion. Some faculty members and students were quite criti-
cal Of the role played by central administrators, and
indicated they lacked a realization Of the problem. Stu-
dents, particularly, were unable tO identify them as
central administrators.

Interviewees commenting on the high school princi-
pal noted that he: (1) had done an excellent job, (2)
maintained a "command post" in his Office, (3) used the
assistant principals as his "eyes" and "ears" throughout
the building, (4) tried to encourage students to go back
into their classes, (5) prevented attacks on students,
(6) worked with police to clear the halls, (7) called
parents of students involved, and (8) addressed the staff
over the public address system. Without exception, faculty
members felt the senior high school principal had per-
formed very professionally.

Commenting on the role of the junior high school
administrators, the interviewees noted the following:
(1) the principal used the assistant principals as his
"eyes" and "ears" throughout the building, (2) they tried
to clear the halls, (3) they stopped attacks on students,

and (4) they pressed charges against some activist

147

students. There appears to be some question whether or
not the building administrators communicated to the
faculty their plan for dealing with student activism.

The following responses relate to the role of the
senior high school faculty members. They: (1) performed
specific student control assignments, (2) continued teach-
ing their classes as best they could, (3) identified stu-
dents involved in the activism, and (4) attempted to stop
assaults on students. Some central Office administrators,
faculty members, and students noted that some faculty mem-
bers retreated from the situation and exhibited fear and
were "up tight" about what was occurring.

Commenting on the role of junior high school
faculty members, some faculty members: (1) attempted to
' encourage students in the halls to return to classes,

(2) delayed the passing of their classes to minimize con-
gestion in the halls, and (3) tried to stop incidents of
assault. While there was no mention of fear on the part
of faculty members, it was mentioned that at the time of
the disturbances some faculty members "couldn't be found."

There did not appear to be any major differences
between nonparticipating senior high school or junior
high school students. The nonparticipants ranged from
those who attended class as if nothing particularly
abnormal were occurring, to those who showed signs Of

fear, cried Openly, and left the building.

148

Concerning the behavior of activist students,
there did not appear to be any major differences between
activist senior high school and junior high school stu-
dents. The activist students were perhaps aptly defined
as an "amorphous mass of disgruntled students." They:
(l) attacked fellow students and teachers, (2) refused
orders from staff members, (3) attempted to enter class-
rooms, (4) intimidated students, (5) generally screamed
and hollered, (6) broke windows, and (7) ran through the
halls. In addition to the students who were actually
exhibiting the above behavior at any given time, there
was generally a group of students who followed the
activist students. Some "fellow travelers" from time to
time entered into the activity.

‘The following part Of this summary deals with the
responses Of interviewees to the question of role expec—
tations and what the various individuals and groups

should do under similar circumstances Of student activism.

 

The suggested changes in role behavior represent a com-
posite from all positions interviewed.

According to the interviewees, the board of educa-
tion members should: (1) come better prepared for the
task of board membership, (2) visit the scene of activism
while it is occurring, (3) remain in their policy-making
role, (4) financially and philosophically support the use

of trained human relations personnel, (5) get in "close

149

touch" with the students, and (6) find ways of involving
more parents in the schools.

The superintendent should: (1) develop a plan to
remove racist teachers from the staff, (2) implement an
on-going human relations workshop, (3) involve more parents
in the schools, (4) visit the scene of activism while it
is occurring, and (5) not deal with demands while stu-
dents are in a large group.

The central office administrators should: (1) be
more responsive to needed changes, (2) screen prospective
teachers carefully, (3) continue the reporting function,
and (4) meet frequently with students.

The building administrators should: (1) give
students wider decision-making powers in the operation of
the school, (2) create and encourage new interracial
experiences for students, and (3) become more involved
with students before the activism occurs.

The faculty members should: (1) de-emphasize
their textbook- and content-orientation to learning;

(2) learn how to deal with students first of all as
people; (3) become more involved with avenues leading to
deeper human understanding; (4) eliminate "double stand-
ards" in dealing with students, particularly in disci-
pline; and (5) not overreact to student activism.

The nonparticipating students should: (1) enter
into racial discussions before the activism occurs,

and (2) become involved in the governance Of the school.

150

Generally speaking, most interviewees saw student
activism as "healthy." However, the use Of violence was
deplored.

The activist students should: (1) participate
in racial discussions, (2) participate in the governance
of the school and existing efforts leading toward our-
riculum revision, and (3) stop the use of peer pressure
to coerce other students.

The interviewees next were asked to respond tO
the question: "Did the activism follow a sequential
pattern of initial student strategies; administrative
reaponses to those strategies; bargaining, negotiation,
or third-party mediation to settle specific demands or
proposals; and implementation of 'legitimate,' agreed-
upon changes?"

The respondents were almost equally divided as
to whether or not the activism followed the sequential
pattern. There was little disagreement that initial stu-
dent strategies and administrative responses were present.
Most disagreement centered on the question Of whether or
not bargaining, negotiation, or third-party mediation
occurred. It appears doubtful that these processes of
resolving conflict occurred in any formal manner. Cer-
tainly not all demands were agreed upon and hence imple-

mented, i.e. amnesty for suspended students.

151

Next, the interviewees were asked to cite what
approaches they felt were effective in responding to
student strategies at or near the time Of the disturbance.
Although it is not clear that violence was a part Of stu-
dent strategies, assuming the activism was somewhat
planned, most were in agreement that the only response to
violence is to call in the police and close the school(s).
Also cited as effective in responding to activism were
the following: (1) airing views in the "public forum,"
(2) in-service education immediately following the dis-
ruption, (3) meeting some demands immediately, (4) listen-
ing to students in small groups, (5) bringing in parents,
and (6) suspending students who participated in violent
acts.

Finally, the interviewees were asked to cite the
approaches which were effective in reSponding to student
demands or proposals in the long run. The following
actions were seen as effective: (1) eliminating racist
curriculum material, (2) eliminating "petty" rules and
regulations such as hall passes, (3) instituting an in—
service education program, and (4) Opening lines Of com-
munication between and among all segments Of the school

organization.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, FINDINGS, AND CONCLUSIONS

In every institution there are vested inter-
ests. The term "vested interests" is usually
associated with people of wealth and power. But
in every human organization vested interests
exist at every level. The teachers have vested
interests, the principal, the business Office,
the athletic department, all have vested inter-
ests. Every change, therefore, threatens some-
one's privileges, someone's authority and
someone's status. Vested interests impede organ-
izational renewal. Every group is concerned
about its own interests.

One of the things that is clear is that
youngsters and administrators and teachers are
in some places caught into [sic] intolerable
situations where they have mutually conflicting
interests and responsibilities at stake. The
human waste and tragedy is not just that they're
caught in that bind; the greater tragedy is that
their history together has so divided them that
they can no longer rationally explain and adapt
their positions to one another.

 

1Daniel H. Kruger, "The School System and the Sys-
tem Of Change," School of Labor and Industrial Relations,
Michigan State University (East Lansing, Michigan: By
the author, n.d.), p. 19. (Mimeographed.)

2Mark A. Chesler, "The Relevance Of the Kerner
Commission Report for Secondary Education," A Report
to the Midwest Regional Conference Of the National Associ-
ation of State Boards Of Education, Lansing, Michigan,
March 28, 1968, prepared by the Center for Research on
Utilization of Scientific Knowledge (Ann Arbor, Michigan:
By the author, n.d.), p. 24. (Mimeographed.)

152

153

Introduction

 

The purpose Of this chapter is to summarize the
study, report the findings of the case study, and present

conclusions and suggest areas for future research.

Summary

This study began with the Observation that the
literature on student activism in public secondary schools
is Often fragmentary, speculative, and devoid Of theoreti-
cal orientation. It was assumed that an understanding of
activism is fundamental to the development Of positive
changes in public secondary schools.

The district in this study was selected from a
list, provided by an Office Of the Michigan State Depart-
ment Of Education, of thirty public school districts which
experienced disturbances at the secondary level during
the 1969-70 school year. Districts were selected or
eliminated based on the following criteria: (1) geo-
graphical proximity tO the Detroit Metropolitan Area,

(2) involvement of racial issues, (3) percentage of Black
students, (4) degree Of activism, (5) special considera-

tions, (6) size Of pupil enrollment, (7) state equalized

valuation (SEV), and (8) geographical dispersion.

The application of the above.criteria yielded four
districts, and these districts were contacted. Three dis-
tricts were eliminated due to a minimal degree of activism,

or a reluctance to participate in the study.

~

154

The interview schedule was developed and refined
after (1) a review Of the literature, (2) a review by the
chairman Of the guidance committee, (3) discussion with
the Office of Research Consultation, (4) refinement in
terms Of school district files and records, and (5) field
testing Of the instrument.

The study focused on two instances Of activism
which occurred during May, 1970, in both a junior and
senior high school Of a single district in Michigan.

The interviews were conducted by the author and
two graduate students, and involved forty-two individual
and two group interviews. Most interviews were tape re-
corded and conducted during and after school hours from
December 8 through 11, 1970. i

The study sought to describe the: causes of
activism, behavior Of the individuals cited below,
relative role expectations, sequential pattern Of activ-
ism, effective responses to student strategies, and
effective approaches to dealing with demands.

The description Of the above areas was from the
perspectives of individuals filling the following posi-
tions:

a. Board Of education members

b. Superintendent Of schools

c. Central office administrators who witnessed
the occurrences of activism

155
d. Administrators in the buildings where the
activism occurred

e. Faculty members in the buildings where the
activism occurred

f. Students in the buildings where the activism
occurred.

The theoretical perspective Of the study utilized
theories focusing on role and organizational reaction to
conflict.

A review Of the literature showed that the "causes"
of activism fall within the following categories: histor-
ical, social psychological, legal, political, technologi-
cal, economic, and educational.

The strategies employed by students and the admin-
istrative responses cover a wide range of collective be-
havior. Presently there is disagreement concerning whether
or not bargaining between school personnel and students is
both an appropriate and effective method of meeting stu-
dent demands.

Solutions tO the "causes" of activism generally
fall within the categories of new roles for students,
curricular changes, and in-service education for teachers
and administrators.

Apart from the violent nature of some activism,
there is feeling on the part of some school personnel that
activism is generally a "healthy" sign for American public

secondary education.

156

This section deals with the findings of the
study.

1. The administrative personnel Of the school
district noted, in most instances, that they had nO
professional preparation for dealing with student activ-
ism.

2. It was also found that the interviewees moved
from rather wide perceptual differences on causes to
rather narrow perceptual consensus on effective approaches
to dealing with demands and proposals.

'3. The interview results indicated that student
activism is subject to multiple causation.

4. Examples of individual and institutional rac-
ism were suggested on many occasions as fundamental
causes. Individual racism appears to be amenable to
efforts directed toward attitudinal change, while insti-
tutional racism suggests the need for structural change
in the formal organization. To separate the two forms
of racism would be misleading, since a simultaneous
effort directed at both the individual and organization
is necessary.

5. Likewise, problems such as housing and parental
attitudes were frequently cited as external causes which
abetted the activism. Children raised by parents who them-
selves grew up in a racially and socio-economically seg-

regated society transmit the values and attitudes Of their

157

subculture. Thus a strong "self-fulfilling" cycle is
set into motion.

6. Content- and textbook-oriented faculty mem-
bers were also cited frequently as factors contributing
to the activism. This perspective by faculty members
helps to crystallize the educational and organizational
distance between teacher and student. When education is
viewed as a common educational experience involving two
learners, formerly teacher and student, the distance
begins to lessen. Furthermore, when the teacher and stu-
dent enter into dialogue on human rights and equality,
the distance is eliminated. Now both parties must deal
with one another as human beings.

7. Bargaining as a means Of resolving conflict
was not clearly evident in responding tO all student
demands. For example, demands which deal with the ex-
tent tO which students are involved in curriculum develop-
ment are perhaps negotiable. Demands dealing with ques-
tions Of human rights cannot be subject to bargaining.

8. It was generally found that no approaches
were effective in responding to student strategies when
activity escalated to the level Of violence. At that
stage, calling in police, closing the schools, and sus-
pending students appears the only administrative response

possible.

158

9. In-service education involving all segments
Of the school organization appeared to have been the
most effective long-run approach to dealing with tensions
so that subsequently student demands and prOposals could
be dealt with.

Conclusions and Suggested Areas
for Future Research

 

 

1. It is an ancient adage that "an ounce Of pre-
vention is worth a pound of cure," but the question is
how educators can deal effectively with activism when
they have control over few Of the major variables (those
woven into the fabric Of society) and have had little or
no professional preparation for understanding and handl-
ing the phenomenon.

Thus it seems reasonable that institutions which
deal in the preparation Of teachers and administrators
need to initiate instruction on the dynamics Of activism.

2. Although it seems that "integration" is pre-
sently out Of vogue in educational circles, it is pro-
posed here as a step in bringing together the hetero-
geneous pOpulations of some urban areas. If not feasible
for the major matropolitan areas Of the country, at least
integration is possible for cities the size Of the one
in this study. Racial attitudes are too well established

by the junior and senior high school years; those

159

attitudes need to be dealt with at the elementary school
level.

3. Board members must see first hand the impli-
cations Of their policies. One or two meetings per
month for three or four hours cannot apprise board mem-
bers of the realities which students face in the schools
today. Therefore, board members can find insight through
actual contact with the reality Of the school.

4. Learning experiences, not necessarily defined
as courses, which bring together students and teachers,
experts and laymen, young and old, can assist in reduc-
ing social conflict such as student activism. Genuine
problems such as racism, environmental quality, and the
effects Of technology on the "human condition" provide
a common arena in which human understanding can be forged.

5. Students need to be in major part responsible
for the direction of their education. They can no longer
and are no longer willing to be the passive ones in the
educational dyad. It is proposed that students and
teachers cooperatively develop performance criteria,
against which educational change or growth can be mea-
sured. NO longer can we afford to play a "guessing game"
regarding the educational expectations Of both teachers
and learners.

6. New methods Of differentiating staff func-

tions and relations must be found, to capitalize on the

160

assets Of the individual staff member. Furthermore,
indigenous community persons can be brought into the
schools in numerous helping roles, and in addition can
provide meaningful liaison relations with the community.
7. New organizational structures, which are much
more flexible and less hierarchical, need to be found tO
accommodate the above changes. There will probably always
be tension and conflict between the hierarchy of an organ-
ization and the press for democratic participation in
decision making. New methods of organization, however,

could reduce this conflict.

 

8. Boards Of education and superintendents must
identify teachers and other school personnel who exhibit
racist behavior. After identification, boards and super-
intendents must find ways of changing their behavior or
develop a procedure for their dismissal. Of course, the
dismissal procedure should include due process safe-
guards.

9. Administrators in cooperation with the faculty
must develop plans beforehand for dealing with student
activism. These plans should delineate the role and
function Of school personnel and be clearly understood by
all parties concerned.

10. Finally, community education Operating through-
out all strata of society can provide a "common meeting

ground" for the diverse needs of all peoples in the

_ Pj'rl '3'?

161

community. Furthermore, that same community can be used
as a "living laboratory" for the educational development

of students who are now "school bound."

 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

162

 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Bailey, Stephen K. Disruption in Urban Public Secondary
Schools. Washington, D.C.: National Association
of Secondary School Principals, 1970.

Benton, Edgar A. "Legal Trends Regarding Student Rights."
Dissent and Disruption in the Schools: A Handbook
for School Administrators. Edited by the staff.
Dayton, Ohio: Institute for Development of Edu-
cational Activities, Inc., 1969.

Bronfenbrenner, Urie. Two Worlds of Childhood: U.S. and 2
U.S.S.R. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1970. . j

721)-} '

 

‘Corwin, Ronald G. The Development of an Instrument for
Examining Staff Conflict in the Public Schools.
Columbus, Ohio: Department of Sociology and
Anthropology, 1963.

Divoky, Diane, ed. How Old Will You Be in 1984? New
York: Avon Books, 1969.

Gardner, John W. Self-Renewal: The Individual and the
Innovative Society. New York: Harper and Row,
Publishers, 1963.

 

Gross, Neal; Mason, Ward 5.; and McEachern, Alexander W.
Explorations in Role Analysis: Studies of the
School Superintendency Role. New York: JOhn
Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1958..

Hickerson, Nathaniel. Education for Alienation. Engle-
wood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966.

March, James G., and Simon, Herbert A. Organizations.
New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1958.

Stinchcombe, Arthur I. Rebellion in a High School.
Chicago: Quadrangel Books, 1964.

'Weston, Alan P. "Responding to Rebels with a Cause."' The
School and the Democratic Environment. Edited by
the staff. New York: Columbia University Press,
1970. '

163

164

Raports--Published

 

Measurement and Research Center. People Problems: Popu-
lation, Pollution, Prejudice, Poverty, Peace.
Lafayette, Indiana: Measurement and Research
Center, 1970.

National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Vio-
lence. Final report Of the Commission. TO
Establish Justice, to Insure Domestic Trafiquility.
New York: Universal Publishing and Distributing
Corp., 1969.

Periodicals

 

Anrig, Gregory R. "Trouble in the High Schools." American

Education, V (October, 1969), 3.

 

Ashbaugh, Carl R. "High School Student Activism: Nine
Tested Approaches for Coping with Conflict Situa-
tions." Nation's Schools, LXXXIII (February,
1969), 94, 94-96.

 

Cohodes, Aaron. "Colleges Give High Schools a Cram Course
in Dissent." Nation's Schools, LXXXIII (May,
1969), 34. ‘

Gorton, Richard A. "Reflections on Youth Movements."
Phi Delta Kappan, LI (June, 1970), 545.

 

Grinstead, Kenneth. "Some Legal Aspects of Student
Rights." élan, III (Fall, 1969), 3-9.

Gusfeld, Joseph R. "The Problem Of Generations in an
Organizational Structure." Social Forces, XXXV
(May, 1957), 323.

Keniston, Kenneth. "You Have to Grow Up in Scarsdale to
Know How Bad Things Really Are." 'The New York
Times Magazine (April 27, 1969), 28, 122.

 

Kukla, David A. "Protest in Black and White: Student
Radicals in High Schools." National Association
Of Secondary School Principals Bulletin, LIV
(danuary, 1970), 75.

Lemberg Center for the Study Of Violence. "On Student
Activity--and Faculty TOO?" Confrontation
(April, 1970), 14.

 

1... &'_“.s.. ' -

at.“ _ -

165

 

Staff Reporter. "Channeling Activism in Accomplishment."
Nation's Schools, LXXXIV (September, 1969),
39-50.

"High School Activists Tell What They Want."
Nation's Schools, LXXXII (December, 1968), 30.

 

"Recommendations on Student Activism in High
Schools." School and Society, LXLVII (October,
1969), 342.

 

"Research Report Says No Arrest to Unrest."
Nation's Schools, LXXXIV (July, 1969), 42.

 

"Scarsdale's Guerrilla Warfare." Phi Delta
Kappan, LI (October, 1969), 111.

 

. "SchOOlmen Split over Student Involvement."
Nation's Schools, LXXXIV (September, 1969), 46. fl

 

. "Student Activism Steers Away from SDS and
Toward Educational Reform." Nation's Schools,
LXXXIV (July, 1969), 40, 42.

 

. "Unrest: An Opportunity to Change?" Nation's
Schools, LXXXIII (March, 1969), 64.

. "Violence Soars in Nation's Schools." Educa-
tion U.S.A. (January 19, 1970), 109.

 

. "Youth in Rebellion--Why." U.S. News and World
Report (April 27, 1970), 42.

Thomson, Scott D. "Activism: A Game for Unloving
Critics." National Association of Secondary
School Principals Bulletin, LIII (May, 1969),
142-149.

Trump, J. Lloyd, and Hunt, Jane. "The Nature and Extent
Of Student Activism." National Associapion Of
Secondary SchOOl Principals Bulletin, LIII TMay,
1969), 151. .

Newspaper Articles

 

Grant, William, and Delisle, Tom. "Detroit's Schools in
a Time of Violence: The Fears, the Victims--and
Some Answers." The Detroit Free Press, May 10,
1970, 1B.

166

Pinkerton, Stewart. "High School Students in Some Rich

Sheler,

Towns Begin to Speak Out." Wall Street Journal,
December 26, 1969, p. 1.

Jeff. "Rights, Obligations Of Young Focus Of

Commission's Study." Michigan State News,
August 20, 1970, p. 1.

Unpublished Materials

Chesler, Mark A. "Participants' Views Of Disrupted Second-

ary Schools: A Preliminary Research Report."
Prepared by the Center for Research on Utiliza-
tion Of Scientific Knowledge. Ann Arbor, Michi-
gan: By the author, August, 1969.

. "The Relevance of the Kerner Commission Report
for Secondary Education. A Report tO the Midwest
Regional Conference of the National Association
Of State Boards Of Education, Lansing, Michigan,
March 28, 1968, prepared by the Center for Re-
search on Utilization of Scientific Knowledge

Ann Arbor, Michigan: By the author, n.d.'
(Mimeographed.)

"Grievance Procedures in the Secondary Schools: Policy

Kruger,

Statement by the Metropolitan Detroit Branch of
the American Civil Liberties Union Of Michigan."
Detroit: Metropolitan Detroit Branch, American
Civil Liberties Union of Michigan, 1969.

Daniel H. "The SchOOl System and the System of
Change." School of Labor and Industrial Rela-
tions, Michigan State University. East Lansing,
Michigan: By the author, n.d. (Mimeographed.)

Menninger, W. Walter. "Student Demonstrations and Con-

Paskal,

frontations." A Paper presented to the Conven-
tion of the Kansas Association of School Boards,
January 14, 1969.

Dolores; Demak, Leonard S.; and McClendon, Edwin
J. "New Roles and Relationships for Students in
School and Community Settings." Wayne County
Intermediate School District, Detroit, Michigan,
February, 1969.

"Results Of the Survey on Student Unrest in the Nation's

High Schools." Congressional Record--Extension
of Remarks, Washington, D.C., February 23, 1970.

167

"Report on Student Unrest Survey, Prepared by the Commun-
ity Relations Service." Department of Justice,
Washington, D.C., September, 1969.

Rhea, Buford. "Institutional Paternalism in High School."
Draft of a paper to be presented at the 1967 meet-
ing of the American Sociological Association
(Institute for Community Studies).

Schwartz, S. E. "The Civil Liberties Of the American Pub-
lic School Student." Unpublished Ed.D. disserta-
tion, Wayne State University, 1968.

"State Board Acts in Oak Park Suspension." The Educa-
tional Report,\UZ(Lansing, Michigan: Michigan
Department Of Education, June 15, 1970), 77.

 

 

The Michigan Civil Rights Commission. "Guidelines for
Insuring Equal Treatment, Equal Protection for
Students; Guidelines for Preventing, Resolving
Inter-group Tension in Michigan Public Schools."
Lansing: Michigan Civil Rights Commission, 1969.

Trusty, Francis M. "Educational Administration and
Social Reform." Paper presented tO the Knox
County School Administrators, Gatlinburg, Tennes-
see, September 12, 1968. '

.U. S. Congress, House, Committee on Internal Security,
Report. SDS Plans for America's High Schools.
9lst Cong., lst Sess., 1969.

APPENDICES

168

 

lea.
.Q

L

[I

I

1‘ i

- Fl

n. 'V

'-

10.

11.

12.

13.

APPENDIX A

HOUSE SUBCOMMITTEE SURVEY

Areas Surveyed

 

Location Of School
city
suburb
rural town

Enrollment
less than 1,000
1,000 to 2,000

Family mean income
$3,000 tO $10,000

Predominant ethnic enrollment
White American
Black American
Mexican American

Description Of the school
public

Significant ethnic enrollment
increase in the past five years
no

Protest activity in 1968-69
yes
no

Number Of protests
l
2

Protest planned in advance
yes

Percentage Of students participating
less than 5 per cent
5-10 percent
10-25 percent

Number of injuries in protest
none

Property damage resulting from protest
less than $100.

Police called as a result of the protest
no

169

Per cent

25
20
54

68
23

79

86

78

18
78

68
20

52

59
19
10

91

91

76

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

170

Areas Surveyed

 

Tactics Of student protest
misc.
underground newspaper
sit-ins
strike
boycott
riot

Issues involved in the protest
misc.
general disciplinary rules
dress codes
school services and facilities
curriculum
teachers and principals
student political organizations
outside speakers

Racial issues involved in protest
yes

Specific racial issues
percentage Of teachers etc. from
minority groups
ethnic studies programs
other issues

Issues outside school policy
no

Nonstudents involved in protest
nO

If nonstudents, they were
members Of community organizations
high school dropouts
college students
parents
others
teachers

Protest leaders ranked academically in the
top 1/3 of class
middle 1/3 of class
lower 1/3 Of class
cross section Of above

Action taken to resolve protest
appointed faculty-student committees
altered various school rules
meetings with parents
other action taken
meetings with minority groups
approved student political organiza-

tion or underground newspapers

Per cent

69

56

43
32
30
28

21
17

37

44
40

27
15

171

Areas Surveyed Per cent

23. Protest activity anticipated in 1969-
1970 school yeara

yes 43
no 51
declined to respond 6

24. Protest activity anticipated in 1969-
1970 school yearb

yes 14
no 53
declined to respond 28

 

aPercentages based on number of schools responding
"yes" to question 7.

. bPercentages based on total number Of high schools
re3ponding.

APPENDIX B

THE SYRACUSE STUDY

The Study cited the following societal causes as
factors in the unrest:

1. Violence in America
2. Success of the Civil Rights protests in the
1960's
3. Visibility and apparent success of college
protests
4. Expression Of ethnic and racial pride
5. Participatory democracy as exemplified by
the Office Of Economic Opportunity community
involvement programs
6. Slum life styles
7. Black revenge
8. Black and White racism
9. The television generation
10. Situation ethics and the new permissiveness

The Study cited the following "in-school" causes
as factors in the unrest:

1. Student involvement in policy formation relat-
ing to social codes, athletics, and curriculum

2. School facilities

3. Restrictions on behavior

4. Cross-cultural clashes

5. Classification Of students and career counsel-
ing

6. Increasing politicalization Of schools

The Study further summarized a range of responses
to student activism,among which were the following:

1. Development Of special schools

Development Of emergency tactical procedures
Understanding and honoring cultural differences
Engagement of a school's natural community
Nonacademic outreach personnel

Paid, neighborhood-based security aides at

the school

dune-cow
O O O

172

 

follows:

173

Employment of paraprofessionals
Community ombudsman or advocate
Decentralization

major findings Of the Syracuse Study are as

The size Of the student body is a more im-
portant variable than the size Of the city in
which a school is located. Larger schools
have more problems.

Disruption is positively related to integra-
tion. Schools which are almost all White or
all Black are less likely to be disrupted.

Integrated schools with higher percentages
of Black students are less likely to be dis-
rupted if such schools also have high per-
centages Of Black staffs.

Disruption and average daily attendance are
directly related. Where average daily attend—
ance is lower, disruption is higher and vice
versa.

Principals with the least experience in their
Office:

a. Report greater Black enrollments

b. Endorse a more active response to dis-
ruption (in contrast tO riding it out)

c. Report a greater concern for positive
preventive training programs

d. Are more hesitant to project the blame
for disruption onto external, nonschOOl
factors.

APPENDIX C

SCHOOL PLANS FOR COPING WITH

STUDENT DISORDER1

"In determining whether there has been a disorder,
school officials tend to use two criteria: (1) Was a stu-
dent gathering authorized? (2) Did it disrupt the school
program?"

"NO district Offered a distinction between the
terms 'disorder' and 'demonstration.'"

1. All districts . . . had notification plans for
actual disorders. These plans called for immediate noti-
fication of the building principal and superintendent.

2. All but one plan involved the police. No
plan instructed the police on how to handle disorderly
students.

3. 65.6% planned to use punitive action.

4. 43.8% planned tO involve police as a lever to
disband students.

5. 40.6% planned to request simply that students
disband.

6. 40.6% planned to request parents Of dissidents
to come and remove their children.

7. 37.5% planned to set some time limit for dis-
banding students "or else."

 

l"School Plans for Coping with Student Disorder,"
Phi Delta Kappan, LI (February, 1970), 334.

174

 

175

8. 37.5% planned to request representative
spokesmen from the ranks Of disorderly students to come
forward to discuss the concerns.

9. 34.4% planned to seek out the causes Of the
disorder by meeting with the disaffected students.

10. 31.3% planned tO inform Officially (via
loudspeaker, written statement, etc.) disorderly students
that they are in violation of school policy or regulation
and must comply.

11. 31.2% planned to use immediate suspension
against students who did not comply.

12. 28.1% planned to retain nonparticipating
students in their classes.

13. 28.1% planned to direct teachers to take an
attendance check for identification Of missing students.

14. 25% planned to provide plans for COping
with disorder as soon as early signs of potential dis-
order appeared.

15. 25% planned to exclude unauthorized persons
from school grounds.

16. 25% planned to use threats Of suspension and
public prosecution.

17. 21.9% planned to ask.nonparticipating per-
sons to leave the disorder area.

18. 21.9% planned to request staff members
(other than administrators) to assist in containing the
disorder.

19. 21.9% planned tO expect staff members tO
identify disorderly students.

20. 20% planned tO notify teachers and board
president Of the disturbance.

21. 18.7% planned to prosecute disorderly stu-
dents in civil court.

22. 15.6% expected to dismiss school at the
superintendent's discretion.

176

23. 15.6% planned to insist that students dis-
band before any issues are discussed.

24. 15.6% planned to call for student organiza-
tion leaders to be "on hand" to speak with the dissidents.

25. 15.6% planned to secure buildings, filing
cabinets, unused facilities, etc., as well as possible.

26. 12.5% planned tO ban outside telephone calls
by unauthorized personnel.

27. A few districts showed signs Of meeting dis-
order with swift, harsh action (e.g. "Any person who
consciously ignores or acts contrary to any school . . .
ruling shall be deemed an incorrigible person and shall
be dealt with accordingly.").

28. Two plans freely stated that they will allow
a demonstration to continue if it does not interfere
with the Operation of the school.

29. In general, the most complete plans attempt
to employ a phase-by-phase process for coping with dis-
order.

 

APPENDIX D

MICHIGAN PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICTS REPORTED

AS HAVING STUDENT DISTURBANCES

The sample will consist Of those school districts

which were known to the Michigan State Department Of Edu-

cation tO have had disturbances during the 1969-70 school

year. They

1.

29.
30.

are as follows:

Albion School District

Ann Arbor SchOOl District
Battle Creek School District
Bay City School District
Benton Harbor School District
Buena Vista School District
Carrollton School District
Covert School District
Detroit School District

East Detroit School District
Ecorse School District
Ferndale School District
Flint School District

Grand Rapids School District
Highland Park School District
Jackson School District
Kalamazoo School District
Lansing School District
Lincoln Park School District
Livonia School District (Slight)
Monroe School District

Oak Park School District
Pontiac School District

River Rouge School District
Roseville School District
Royal Oak School District
Saginaw School District
Southfield School District
Waterford School District (Slight)
Waverly School District

177

Q?

h. ' I

a. - ..-fii- “Y" .

 

APPENDIX E

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Instructions to the Interviewer

 

1. Identify yourself as a graduate student from
Michigan State University.

2. Please inform the interviewee that his assist-
ance is being sought in conjunction with research on stu-
dent activism and specifically with that which occurred in
May, l970,at High School and/or Junior High
School.

3. Inform the interviewee that he will not be
identified by name in the final document,thus insuring his
anonymity.

4. Ask the interviewee for his permission to
record the interview.

5. Be sure tO keep the two incidents separate
( High School and Junior High School) when
asking for responses.

6. Provide the interviewee with the following
definition of student activism: The range of collective
behavior employed by students in public secondary schools
for the purpose of achieving certain changes in their role,
power, or status within the formal school organization,
including attempts to change the organizational structure

Of the school.
178

 

H.

179

In May, 1970, High School experienced student
activism. What do you feel was the paaig cause or
causes?

In May, 1970, Junior High School experienced
student activism. What dO you feel was the paaig
cause or causes?

How did these basic causes lead to the activism Of
May, l970,at High School?

How did these basic causes lead to the activism Of
May, l970,at Junior High School?

To the extent that you had actual contact with each Of

 

the following person(s) or group(s), what did each do

 

during the instance(s) under discussion?

1. Board Of education member(s)

. Superintendent Of schools

Central office administrators

Building administrators

Faculty members

students who did not participate in the
activism

7. Students who did partipate in the activism

ONU'Irwa
O 0.

What did you d9 during the instance(s) Of activism?

What would you do differently in a similar situation(s)

of student activism?

TO the extent that you had actual contact with the

 

following persons or groups, you earlier described
what they did during the student activiSm:

Board of education members
Superintendent Of schools
Central Office administrators
Building administrators
Faculty members

(fl-book)!"
O .0

jufl" '1'“. .5. -

 

FI‘

.5153)!"

180

6. Students who did not participate in the
activism -
7. Students who did participate in the activism
If a similar situation of student activism occurred,
what should each Of them do?

I. DO you feel that the activism at , , or
at both schools followed an order similar to the
following: .

1. Initial student strategies

2. Administrative response(s) to those strategies

3. Bargaining, negotiations, or third-party
mediation to settle specific demands or pro-
posals

4. Implementation of "legitimate" agreed upon
changes

J. Do you View bargaining, negotiations, or third party
mediation as an appropriate way Of dealing with the
demands or proposals?

K. What approaches in the short run do you feel were
effective in responding to student strategies?

M. What approaches in the long run do you feel were or

are effective in dealing with the demands or prO—

posals?*

 

*The actual questions discussed in the study will
be drawn from the above, and will emphasize the causes Of
student activism, the behavior Of the individuals, the
relative role expectations, the sequential pattern Of
activism, the effective responses tO student strategies,
and the effective approaches to dealing with demands.

I
age;
1

 

APPENDIX F

MONTHS OF UNREST, ACTIONS, AND REACTIONS
IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS

September, 1967-~December, 1968

When school Opened in September, 1967:

The Nation's eye was on the causes Of racial unrest
and a summer Of rioting in various cities.

Public Schools reviewed procedures and activ1ties
aimed at easing tensions and maintaining a good edu-
cational program for all pupils in the schools.

1. The personnel department's employment practices
called for active recruiting Of qualified Black
staff members. These practices were being carried
out. .

2. The social studies teachers were including new
materials in regular courses to reflect contribu-
tions of minority groups in American history and
were developing a course in Black history.

3. Similar materials were being assembled for use in
other subject areas.

4. In-service projects and classes were scheduled to
improve backgrounds of teachers, with emphasis on
ways to work effectively with poverty area stu-
dents and with members of minority groups.

5. Among the experimental programs approved was the
shift to modular scheduling in two junior highs
in an attempt tO improve school traffic patterns
and student discipline.

6. Recognizing that serious overcrowding in the high
schools encouraged behavior problems, the Board
had studied schOOl building needs, as had a citi-
zens committee, and called a special election for
October 23 seeking approval of a bond issue to
finance adequate high school facilities and other
construction in the district.

181

 

F.

182

September 5, 1967 tO November 20, 1967:

Problems: At High School, during the first six
weeks Of school, a series of incidents occurred. Stu-
dents misbehaved in the shopping areas near the school;
gathered in parking lots nearby, exhibiting miscon-
duct; reported harrassment of girls by other girls in
the High School rest rooms. There were approxi-
mately 12 reported unprovoked assaults in or near the
school occurring on three different days in a three-
week period; two gatherings Of Whites, in one instance
armed, outside the school; gatherings near and enter-
ings Of the school by nonstudents causing disrup-
tions; picketing by Black Action members on two occa-
sions after school; demands made by Black Action to
the coach, tO the principal, and finally to the Board
indicating that areas needing attention at High
School included: counseling, Black history Offerings,
and Blacks on the cheerleader squad.

Actions:

1. Frequent conferences were held between school and
police Officials to outline procedures for dealing
with illegal behavior. Conferences included an
early one at which the police chief, principal,
and superintendent met. Police patrolled area
around High School, diapersed gatherings
in parklnq lots and near school, enforced loiter-
ing ordinance in connection with nonstudents,
and stationed men within the building. Police
investigated reported assaults and they and the
school Officials urged witnesses to identify
assailants and to file charges.

2. A biracial committee of administrators, teachers,
and counselors and a representative from the police
department plus two board of education members
began regular meetings to ascertain the source of
problems at High School and ways to deal
with them.

3. The Black Action letter was referred tO the admin-
istration.

4. Teachers began monitoring the girls' rest rooms.
5. At least five organized community groups and num-

erous individuals petitioned the board to take
various types Of actions.

 

PI '3' m—h‘

' '43:...

183

In late November, school administrators and police
Officials met with the prosecuting attorney to
review procedures for dealing with persons commit-
ting acts Of violence.

November 20, 1967

The board Of education reaffirmed its stand that "law and
order shall prevail" in the schools Of the district by
taking action on recommendations to:

l.

Reaffirm its intention to continue to utilize its me
legal right tO suspend or expel those students i
who disturb the orderly progress of learning or
who endanger the physical welfare Of another per-
son.

Jul-sir”

Bum" V." “as "I.“ . . '.'

Continue to work cooperatively with all law en-
forcement agencies tO protect person and property.

 

1‘5"" ‘

PT-

Encourage students to prosecute whenever prosecu-
tion is appropriate.

Develop guidelines for the suspension and expul-
sion Of students and for working with those stu-
dents who need tO prosecute.

In keeping with State Department Of Education recommenda-
tions and the local curriculum department's direction, the

board:

5.

6.

Approved a course in Black Cultural History to be
Offered in the high schools during second semester.

Urged the Social Studies Department subcommittee
to speed up its activities in locating materials
on contributions Of minority groups and introduc-
ing them into required courses.

Asked that the book examination committee select
a United States History text which accurately
presents the Black in American history for review
and adoption for use in the next school year.

Asked that pictures Of people Of all nationali-
ties, races, and both sexes be gathered and made
available for display in the schools.

184

The board also:

9.

10.

Authorized additional staff members at

High School to include another counselor, a
second assistant principal, and up tO two addi-
tional staff members as needed. Asked that‘the
counseling function continue under study.

Approved the appointment Of a committee tO review
the cheerleading situation and to recommend pro-
cedures for making application for tryouts,
selection criteria and procedures, and training
provisions, and indicated that two Black girls
should be added to the High School squad
at that time.

All except the first four actions were in keeping with a
list of ten urgent problems listed by students during
their sessions and reported by the staff committee the
previous week.

By the Opening of school, September, 1968, the board Of
education approved a series Of recommendations resulting
in the following:

1.

A committee Of teachers and administrators
appointed by the superintendent Of schools and
the City Education Association reviewed
district policies and procedures pertaining to
student discipline. The guidelines were reviewed
by all administrators before school Opened and
schools were instructed to add their own school
building regulations and to implement the pro-
cedures.

Following a series Of meetings in the spring and
summer with a supplier, a contract was signed in
August calling for student identification cards
at the high school.

The board of education approved the employment of
twenty—one additional personnel, both teachers
and. paraprofessionals, to join the High
School and four junior high staffs in an effort
to maintain improved discipline in the schools
and to better meet the problems of students.

The superintendent called a moratorium on all
staff meetings scheduled for September to provide
time for implementing behavior guidelines in the
buildings and for working on problems Of human
relations.

 

185

5. A micro-lab was conducted for school administra-
tors and a week-long workshop in human relations
Open tO all instructional personnel before school
started.

6. The board Of education suspension—expulsion policy
was revised and nongraded rooms approved for
students unable to adjust in the regular school
situation.

7. Board Of education members met with city com-
missioners to discuss mutual concerns.

8. Meetings involving parents and school personnel
were initiated in various parts Of the school
community to improve communication.

9. A continuing close relationship between the
schools, police, and courts was approved as a
means Of dealing with young people more effec-
tively.

 

September to December, 1968

Following incidents at High School in September,
1968, the board Of education pledged its support Of the
school administration and faculty and, upon receiving
recommendations from the High School faculty,
approved a series Of actions to:

1. Maintain a closed campus at High School,
excluding all but authorized personnel and stu-
dents from the premises and adding teachers to
permit door guards and hall patrols on all floors
while school is in session.

2. Develop, under faculty guidance,

a. an improved communications system among
teachers, administrators, parents, and stu-
dents at High School,

b. behavior codes governing conduct of students
and Of staff and the implementation of the
codes.

3. Provide in—service activities for teachers to im-
prove their understanding Of and their skills in
working with all students.

The board, once again, urged that firm disciplinary
action and/or legal proceedings be employed to deal with
students exhibiting disruptive behavior.

APPENDIX G

REPORT FROM THE RACIAL BALANCE COMMITTEE

An Integration Program for the
Public Schools

Phase One: September, 1969

 

to September, 1970

 

Significant progress must be made during this

period in the following steps to prepare the school system

for integration:

1.

2.

Through recruitment and upgrading, twenty per cent
of administrators and supervisors will be Black.

Twenty per cent Of teachers and counselors will be
Black.

Teachers, counselors, administrators and supervisors
found guilty of overt acts that are racist in nature
should not be transferred to another situation within
the public schools, but instead should be dismissed,
because it is harmful to all students when school
personnel cultivate racism.

In-service training programs should be designed and
carried out in all schools to give school personnel a
better understanding Of the minority group students,
so they may better relate to those students and be
more sensitive toward them.

A more effective recruiting method should be designed
to attract Black personnel.

The present method of selecting members to a screen-
ing committee for the purpose of screening applicants
for administrative positions basically excludes
Blacks. We, therefore, strongly recommend that two
more individuals be added to the screening committee,
in addition to those selected under existing personnel
policy. These two individuals should be voting age
residents Of the school district. One member should
be White and the other member Black. The Black

186

 

187

community will select its own representative to these
committees. Their selection will be done through the
Association for Educational Advancement.

A special committee should be established, consisting
of twenty-four people and headed by the director Of
curriculum. Two-thirds Of this committee should be
selected from the community at large with adequate
Black representation. Black members will be chosen
by the Black community through the _AEA. The remain-
ing third of this committee should consist Of school
personnel. The task Of this committee will be to:

a. Review the present curricula at the elementary
and secondary levels.

b. Review the materials being used to teach students.

c. Make specific recommendations to the school admin-
istration concerning curricula and materials.

Plans should be made and carried out to communicate
to students, teachers, parents, and the whole com-
munity on the meaning Of segregation and on the
reasons for the schools' integration program. These
communications should take every possible form--
printed informational materials, news media presen-
tations, large and small meetings.

This committee should be reconvened in November to
review the progress of the foregoing recommendations
and report back to the School Board.

Phase Two: September, 1969

 

to September, 1971

 

1.

2.

There shall be continuing review Of progress on the
preparatory steps Of Phase One.

Exchange visits by children and teachers in predomi-
nantly Black and predominately White schools will be
arranged for and carried out by the school adminis-
tration.

Joint meetings Of predominately Black and predomi-
nately White PTA's will be encouraged.

Imaginative suggestions to ease tensions and to pre-
pare the community for Phase Three will be sought out
and implemented.

 

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188

Phase Three: September, 1971

 

1.

A full integration program will begin in all elementary
schools and individual classrooms. This will achieve
racial and economic balance in each Of five enlarged
elementary school districts, based on revised junior
high attendance areas. Thus the neighborhood school
concept will be maintained, but the neighborhoods

will encompass larger areas. Certain elementary
schools would house grades K-l-2-3, and others would
house grades K-4-5-6.

Integrated classes will begin at the seventh grade
level in each Of the five junior high schools, based
on the same junior high attendance areas described
above. The eighth and ninth grades will begin inte-
gration in successive years.

Integrated classes will begin at the tenth grade level
in the two high schools. The eleventh and twelfth
grades will integrate in successive years.

TO prepare for this phase, a model of school attend-
ance patterns should be set up by use Of an already
available computer program, such as the free program
developed by the Institute Of Technology.

 

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189

PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Office Of the Superintendent

RESOLUTION PASSED BY BOARD OF EDUCATION
ON SEPTEMBER 15, 1969

 

 

WHEREAS The Board Of Education of the School District Of
the City of appointed a committee to make recom-
mendations regarding racial, social and economic balance
in the schools of the School District; and

WHEREAS the committee met weekly from November, 1968 tO gea
July, 1969; and !:3

WHEREAS THE committee Of 16 members unanimously endorsed
the report Of the committee;

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NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that this Board Of Educa- 7 , .
tion commends the members Of the committee for their -
remarkable dedication and for their excellent service to
the community in stating so well the goals and policies of
this school system and Of this Board Of Education.

 

‘35 ".1 ‘3}

Be it further RESOLVED that the secretary write to each
member Of the committee expressing the appreciation Of
this Board and including a copy of this Resolution.

Be it further RESOLVED that this Board adopt phases 1 and
2 Of the report and directs the Administration to report

back to this Board on October 6, 1969 of steps taken and

tO be taken to implement the same, subject to the follow-
1ng:

1. In paragraphs 1 and 2 Of the report, 20% shall be
used as a guideline;

2. The school attorney shall state to the Board its legal
powers and limitations with regard to enforcing para-
graph 3 regarding the elimination Of racism and the
Administration shall develop guidelines through defi-
nitions and illustrations, as an aid to the staff and
to the community in this area;

3. With regard to paragraphs 5 and 6, the Administration
shall develop and report to this Board procedures for
positive employment practices to bring minority people
into teaching and administrative positions.

4. With regard to paragraph 7, the Administration shall
develop procedures for bringing members Of the

190

community and especially members Of minority groups
into an effective advisory body in order to utilize
to the maximum community resources in curriculum
planning.

5. The administration shall establish a timetable for
reporting to the Board on progress in the implementa-
tion of phases 1 and 2.

Finally, BE IT RESOLVED that the Administration report tO
the School Board at its convenience, but not later than
the first regular meeting in May, 1970, as tO possible
methods Of attaining the goals set forth in phase 3 Of
the report and shall present an analysis Of the implica-
tions, including budget and curriculum.

 

 

 

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11.

12.

13.

APPENDIX H

LIST OF HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS' PROPOSALS

May 19, 1970
Required Black history, because when text books were
printed initially, facts concerning Blacks were not
included.

Written works Of Black authors included in English
courses.

Music classes should study the contributions Of
Black musicians and composers.

Hiring Of two more counselors at , and that
they be young.

Black students be allowed to set up their own stu-
dent government.

A workable grievance procedure be implemented.

Detentions be abolished unless they serve an intended
purpose.

A student-teacher-administration disciplinary board
be established.

Elimination of compulsory examinations and instead,
exams at the teacher's discretion.

Establishment of a pass-fail system.

A "Rap Room" be set up for students to discuss
problems.

One afternoon a week be set aside for seminars similar
to those held during the three days when school was
closed.

The final proposal dealt with the apology Of police

department Officials for the behavior Of the force
during the disturbance on May 4.

191

 

10.

11.

APPENDIX I

CHANGES IN JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL

RULES AND PROCEDURES

May 27, 1970

Improved supervision Of boys' physical education pro-
gram by rescheduling Of staff.

Students can leave school only with permission Of
both school authorities and parents and only after
direct contact between the school and a parent.

Students are tO remain in class unless properly ex-
cused or given hall passes.

Personally owned phonographs and radios will not be
allowed in school.

The possibility of piping music into the cafeteria
will be investigated, with music selection to be made
by a representative group of students.

Two additional regular telephone lines, plus one un-
listed number for administrative use, are being sought.

Student meetings can be held in the building only
(1) after school hours, (2) under faculty supervi-
sion, (3) if scheduled at least one day in advance
and (4) results Of the meeting are reported on paper
to the staff and, if appropriate, to other students.

Students tardy for school must report to the east
front door where they will be escorted to the Office
to report before going to class.

The possibility Of installing public address system
speakers in the hallways is being checked.

A student grievance procedure is to be completed and
announced Monday. A suggestion box has already been
placed in the main Office.

Students will work on student council reform.

192

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193

In-service training Of staff will continue.

As part Of a systemwide study, the junior high is
continuing a look at possible curricular changes.

 

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