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1m a/CIRC/Dateouopss-p. 14

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CLASSIFECATECN ARE DOCUME“TATION

OF THE EICHER COLLECTION

OF SELECTED NTGERIAN TEXTILE FABRICS

Ev
Jardt Eu Ha:re--

A PIuAfil E% E3Rk7EIJEFT

Sunm;t:ed to

Micklgan State Univ {SLIy
in pittiat fufriltment or t e reguirements
for the degree of

’1‘ {1'

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Textiles, Clothing afld ReLated Arts

L967

 

£9 Janet Elaine Harrell

1968

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Grateful acknowledgment is expressed to the follow—
ing individuals whose assistance made this study possible:

Dr. Joanne Eicher, the writer's academic adviser,
tor her extensive suggestions for this study, the avail—

ability of her per cnal collection of handcrafted Nigerian

(j)

textiles, her permission to reproduce photographs in this
paper, and for sharing her enthusiasm for the Nigerian
peOple and their textile artifacts.

The writeris committee, Dr° Mary Gephart. depart—
ment chairman, and Dr. Elinor Nugent for their helpful
suggestions and criticisms of the study, Mrs. Grace Martin

9
for her clarification of technical aspects of the hand-
crafted textiles, and Mrs. Barbara Amundsen for her
assistarce With textile laboratory testing and extensive
comments on the manuscript.

Dr. Charles Hughes for supervising research papers
on additional aspects of Nigerican culture which have
enriched-this study.

Finally, the writer‘s family, her mother for en-
couraging and supporting her academic pursuits, and
especially her husband for his encouragement and organi-

\/
zational aSSJStance in completing this study.

’3

.-—_ --

A -..._.—_——‘ “-..—_-

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A'jKNOWLEDGP‘IENTS o o o o o o o o o a o a o n 0

LIST OF

TABLES O O 0 fl 0 O I O O O O O 0 O 0

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . . . . . o . . .

Chapter

I

II

III

IV

V

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . .
Classification System Outline 0 . .
Classification and Documentation

Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . .

HANDCRAFTED TEXTILES OF THE WESTERN
REGION 0 O 0 O 0 C O O O 0 O O O O

HANDCRAFTED TEXTILES OF THE NORTHERN
REG.ION O O O O O I 0 O O O O O O O

HANDCRAFTED TEXTILES OF THE EASTERN
REGION (BIAFRA) . . . . . . . o . .

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . o . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

iii

Page
ii

iv

105

110

LIST OF TABLES

Page
Fabric Inventory for Western Region . . . . 14
Fabric Inventory for Northern Region . . . 58

Fabric Inventory for Eastern Region
(Biafra) O O O O O O O O O I O O O I O O 83

iv

Plate

II

III

IV

VI

VII

VIII

XI

XII

XIII

XIV

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Map of Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Indigo Dye Resist - Clump Technique . . .

Indigo Dye Resist — Machine Tritik
TGChnj—que O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Narrow Band Treadle Loom . . . . . . . . .

Iseyin Narrow Band Spanish Lace

TEChnique O .0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O .

Iseyin Narrow Band - Imitation Spanish
Lace TEChl’lique o o o o o o o o o o o o o

Banyan 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Enlarged View Of Cloth Woven in Bida . . .

Distant View of a Portion of Cloth Woven
in Bida I O O O O O O O O O O O .— O O O

Kano Indigo Dye Pits . . . . . . . . . . .
Scarf Woven in Okene . . . . . . . . . . .
Akwete Cloth Being Woven on Akwete Loom .

Distant and Enlarged View of a Portion of
Akwet-e ClOth O O 0 O O O O O O I O I O O

Handwoven and Handspun Fabric from
Edam Ani O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O

Page

33

37

'45

48

48
53

68

69
75
78

94

97

101

 

 

 

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study of handcrafted Nigerian
textile fabrics is to document the artistic and techno-
logical skills of twentieth century Nigerian textile
craftsmen. Twentieth century handcrafted Nigerian tex-
tile fabrics are aesthetic artifacts reflecting creativ—
ity, tradition, and an integration of the old and the
new.

When viewed in their Nigerian cultural setting,
these fabrics gain an‘expressive vitality, not otherwise
obvious when viewed solely in terms of technological
achievement. Riley expressed a similar view when he
stated:

Generic man is more than an anthropologist's
toolmaking animal. He has used, and still does
~use textiles to emphasize his rank, his prowess
in battle, his sexuality, his aggression, his
tenderness. In a sense, he is shown to be a

past master at deceit and magic. His fabrics
glorify the body and home. He strives to im-
press on his fellow man his idealized version

of reality . . . . It is the scrutiny and dis-
section of this ideal which illumines the content
of a culture. What kind of economy could produce
such complex weaves? What manner of religion
would use these decorative forms? Why this color
for men and the other color for women?

 

lRobert Riley, "The Myriad Worlds of Fabric,”
Craft Horizons, XXI (September—October, 1961), 8.

 

l

r“

 

3....-

.__-' . . _

‘ .‘
'1
r e.
1

“name:

a i

2

It is with a similar philosophy of textile arti-
facts that the writer has undertaken an investigation of
handcrafted Nigerian textiles. This investigation was
prompted by the availability of a personal collection of
handcrafted Nigerian textile fabrics secured by Dr.
Joanne Eicher while living in Enugu, Nigeria from 1963 to
1966. Contained in the Bicher Collection are fabrics
from various locations throughout Nigeria. Some of these
fabrics were purchased for personal use, some were
obtained through the assistance of friends, and others
were received as gifts.

The collection contains 128 fabrics which were in
some way hand—processed in Nigeria. Some of the cloth
has been hand—woven from cotton which was locally hand-
cultivated, —ginned, —carded, —spun, as well as being
hand—dyed in Nigeria. Other fabrics were commercially
printed and imported prior to being dyed by the Nigerian
craftsmen. Still others were hand-woven from imported
yarns.

Fabrics in the Eicher Collection vary according
to their intended end use. Some have been woven in the
size of a finished wrapper, a stole, or a scarf for adult
use. Finished woven fabrics in smaller dimensions have
been intended for children's use. Other fabrics were
purchased by the yard. Also included in the collection
are remnants from fabrics which have been used for con-

struction of personal clothing. There are seventy

to

.‘m"

r a

15 L.‘

3
fabrics from the Western Region, thirty-seven from the
Eastern Region (known as Biafru}, nun twenty—one from the
Northern Region. Descriptions of each fabric included in
the collection can be found in the Fabric Inventory which
follows a general discussion of the fabrics from each of
the three regions reported in this study.

Nigeria is currently experiencing political,
technological, and ideological change, factors which
could make it very difficult to obtain duplicate samples
of the fabrics in the Eicher Collection. Consequently
this collection is historically valuable, as well as
having sentimental and monetary value. For these reasons,
it was deemed desirable that the Eicher Collection of
selected Nigerian textiles be organized, classified, and
documented before valuable information was forgotten or
misplaced and the collection was more permanently stored.
A classification system, which was prepared by the writer
and members of her guidance committee, served as the basis
for classifying each fabric in the collection. In brief,
each fabric is classified according to the region of
Nigeria in which it was handcrafted, the details which
explain the fabric construction, the type of design
process which was used, and the use for which the fabric
was designed. The outline of the classification system

follows.

4

Outline of the Classification System
for the Eicher Collection of
‘ . Selected Nigerian Textiles

I. Region
A. Western
B. Northern
C. Eastern (Biafra)
D. Midwestern

II. Fabric construction
A. Fiber source
1. Nigeria
2. Imported
3. Unknown
B. Fiber type

1. Cotton
2. Rayon

E 3. Silk

I 4. 'Raffia
5. Linen
6. Wool
7. Unknown

C. Yarn construction
1. Handspun
2. Commercially spun

’ 7‘ D. Base fabric weave structure
' 1. Plain

2. Twill

3. Other

E. Base fabric manufacturing process
1. Commercial
2. Handwoven

III. Design process
A. Structural
1. Color variation

a. Warp
b. Weft
c. Both

2. Threading variation
3. Treadling variation
4. Finger manipulated warps

a. Inlay

b. Leno

c. Spanish lace

d. Brooks bouquet

e. Loop technique
w B. Decorative

l. Resist dyeing
a. Tie dye

.’-_ — fl- -4

b

b. Batik
l. Wax
2. Cassava paste
2. Surface print
a. On plain background
b. On commercially printed cloth
3. Embroidery
a. Hand
b. Machine
4. Applique
a. With stitchery
b. Without stitchery
5. Drawn threads
a. Hemstitching

IV. Use
A. Adornment
1. Personal
a. Clothing
b. Accessory
2. .Home
B. Occasion
1. Everyday
2. Special (dress—up)

3. Ritual
C. Sex '

1. Male

2.. Female
D. Age

1. Infant

2. Child

3. Adult

Classification and Documentation Procedure

A small identification tag was attached to each
fabric, on which is indicated: The country in which the
fabric was handcrafted, the region in which the fabric
was handcrafted, the fabric dimensions, and the number
which has been assigned to the fabric. For example,

N — E - 1 would represent Nigeria - Eastern Region -
Fabric number one from that region. The dimensions of

the fabric are given on the reverse side of the tag.

6
The above information is documented on a five inch
by eight inch file card. The numbers, and letters from
the classification system outline which are appropriate
to the fabric appear on the file card. In addition, a
brief verbal description of the fabric and the fabric
dimensions appear in the upper right corner of the file

card, as the following example illustrates.

EXAMPLE OF CLASSIFICATION CARD

 

N — E — 1 III. A. 62" x 80"
I. D., Akwete ' 1., c. Background of black,
yellow, red and-white
II. A. 4., a. warp stripes. Inlay
weft design using
2. IV. A. red and black yarns.
B. l.
l. B.
C. l.
2. C.
D. 2.
l. D.
E. 3.
2.

 

A set of these classification cards is filed with
the Eicher Collection, and a set is also filed with the
Department of Textiles, Clothing and Related Arts, at
Michigan State University, in East Lansing, Michigan.

In order to classify the Eicher Collection, available

7
literature concerning Nigerian textile crafts was reviewed.
It was found that there is very little recorded data
concerning textiles which are handcrafted or machine—
made in Nigeria, or imported from other countries. That
which exists is scattered throughout general accounts by
ethnographers, economists, and journalists. More specific
textile information and original data can be found in
locally published Nigerian media, frequently inaccess-
ible to an American student. The majority of the books
dealing specifically with hand weaving, and printing of
textile fabrics which Were reviewed for this study did

not include data on Subsaharan African textiles. Other
texts included generalizations about West African tex-
tiles, while a few briefly mentioned the textile crafts

of Nigeria. Current periodicals have included several
articles with illustrations of African inspired textile
designs, but their origin and means of fabrication remain,
obscure. The lack of comprehensive, detailed literature
concerning the textile crafts of Nigeria further empha—
sizes the importance of this type of study. It is hoped
that the synthesis of available literature, plus valuable
information obtained through interviews with Joanne Eicher,
and observations and comments reported by the writer and
presented in this study, will be a contribution to the
knowledge and appreciation of Nigerian textile crafts.
Information which was essential to the classification of

the Eicher Collection of Nigerian textiles was obtained

-s‘c—

m ‘7-‘

‘f

8
through interviews with Joanne Eicher throughout the dura—
tion of this study. Information which was obtained from
these interviews is iootnoted using the name, Eicher.

In order to obtain the desired perspective of the
Nigerian textile crafts, a brief description of Nigeria
follows.

In 1960, the Federation of Nigeria was granted
independence from British colonial rule. At the time of
independence, the Federation was comprised of the Northern,
Western, and Eastern Regions, each region having a strong
government.' In addition, one federal government incor-
porated all three regions.1 See map, page 9. Each of
the original regions is the core area of one of the major
tribal groups; the Hausa in the North, Yoruba in the West,
and Ibo in the East, although no region is linguistically
or culturally homogenous. In 1963, the Federal Govern—
ment granted regional status to the Mid-West, which
covers the eastern portion of the Western Region.

In I966, two relatively severe revolutions were
followed by military rule over the entire Federation.

In May, 1967, the Ibos of the Eastern Region declared
themselves the separate state of Biafra. As this study
is being written, Nigeria continues to experience civil
war.

Many of the tribal differences are related to

 

lPaul Fordham, The Geography of African Affairs

(Baltimore: Penguin Books, Inc., 1965), pp. 100—101.

 

PLATE I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

O 100 290 m1»

\ ..-," Regional Wm

‘

A;

 

m or new

. \

 

lO

divergent religious beliefs. The Hausa—Fulanis of the
North are mainly Moslem, while other small tribes are
pagan. The South,which encompasses the Western and
Eastern Regions, is largely Christian and pagan with some
Moslems in the Western Region.

The kinship structure of Nigerians has been
described by Eicher as follows:

. . . the family structure of Nigerians is, as

for many other Africans, also related to religion.
In the Moslem religion a man can have as many as
four wives; many Moslem men are polygamous. Women
are still treated in a typical or traditional
Moslem way and do not appear much in public. Women
are also not allowed to vote in the North as a
result of the Moslem influence. In the South in

a pagan family, polygamy also exists with no limit
on the number of wives. Christian marriages are
monogamous. However, in both the North and South,
polygamy is not as wide—spread as people like to
believe, because being polygamous usually means
being wealthy. Since it is expensive to have more
than one wife, even in a country where it is
possible, ordinarily monogamy prevails.l

English is the official language of Nigeria. There
are public and private elementary schools, some parochial
and other secular. At the time of independence, there
was one university in Nigeria, today there are five.2

According to Fordham, the wealth of Nigeria lies
in agriculture, which occupies at least eighty per cent

of the working population and supplies approximately

sixty per cent of the national income.3 Each area with

 

lJoanne B. Eicher, "Clothing: A Cultural Habit."
Speech given at Textiles and Clothing Forum, University
of Wisconsin, June 20, 1967, to be published in the
Proceedings of the Textiles and ClothinggForum, p. 8.

21bid., p. 9. 3Fordham, op. cit., p. 110.

ll
its distincrive natural environment is characterized by
different export crops: cotton and groundnuts in the
North, cocoa in the Yoruba areas of the West, and palm
oil and palm kernels in the Ibo East.

Handcraft is one of Nigeria's legacies of a rich
past and still prevails in many of the less urbanized
areas today. The craft industries cover a variety of
activities, including the hand—weaving, dyeing, and print-
ing of textiles. Handcrafted textiles represent a
relatively small proportion of textile fabrics which
are available to Nigerian consumers. Many textiles are
now locally produced by mechanical textile mills. Im—
ported cloth is also available.

Many of the materials and processes used in the
hand production of textile artifacts seem primitive when
compared to modern mechanized methods but a knowledge of
this primitive technology provides a medium for under-
standing and appreciating the peOple who produced them.

The Nigerian textile crafts are discussed accord—
ing to the three major regions of Nigeria, the Western,
Northern and Eastern Regions in respective chapters.

The Mid-West Region has, unfortunately, been excluded
because of the lack of available information concerning
the textile crafts in that region as well as the lack of
examples of fabrics in the Eicher Collection. Each
chapter contains a summary of all of the fabrics in the

Eicher Collection from that region in the form ofva

12

fabric inventory, a synthesis of the literature which was

reviewed for the region, information gained from personal

interviews,

as well as the writer's personal comments.

V

CHAPTER II
HANDCRAFTED TEXTILES OF THE WESTERN REGION

The Eicher Collection contains seventy hand-
crafted textiles from the Western Region of Nigeria.
Fozrty of the fabrics are pairs of matched samples of
Yoruba vegetable dye resist techniques. Twenty of these
samples illustrate the preparation technique, or the
fabric as it appears prior to being dyed. The other
twenty samples illustrate the resulting dyed fabrics.
Sixteen of the fabrics are tie and dye resist prints,
and seventeen of the fabrics are starch resist prints.
Four of the fabrics are hand woven baby ties, and nine
fabrics are narrow hand woven bands. Three of the
fabrics are sanyan, hand woven narrow bands,and one of
the fabrics is raffia cloth.

Each fabric from the Western Region is briefly
summarized in the form of a fabric inventory in Table 1.
The code numbers identify the fabrics in the collection,
and are referred to in the text where the fabric is dis-
cussed. The fabric inventory also serves as a cross
reference with the file cards which accompany the Eicher
Collection. The fabric inventory for the Western Region

follows on Table l.

13

14

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Immua QESHU I mmSHQ omflUCH
Ce Cumuwma mCHHMQUCou
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,m I 3 I z

 

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mm: UmocmuCH

mNHm
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I mxume CuuHum mHnHmH> I
cumuuma vmaHuum HHmum>o CH
mmsan omwucw game a prqu

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mmCUuHum Umumnumo I meHuum
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mSUHCcumu COHumumamua
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18

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8mm x 2mm

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19

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mm I 3.I 2

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20

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Icumu COHumummqu AUCMCV
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Co mCumuqu mSHQ uanA mm I 3 I z

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mSUHCcumu COHumumamuQ
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on: oopcwaH

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21

:

mumaamu3 m.CmE03

:

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ACouuouv

H Co anwuuma
u

wSHQ -
um omHUCH xumo mHv I 3 I z

pron
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ACouuouv mSHQ

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ACouuouv
uCHuQ HMHUHmEEOU :0

saw x :oH mzmuHco mcmHmmo ooflncH w emu .xumfim mm I 3 I z

Acovuouv uCHMQ HMHU
InmEEOU Co mCmHme XUMHQ
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IEOU Co mCmHmmo UHuumEomm
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“courage
wSUHccumu COHumumamuQ
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Acouuouv
mSUHCcumu CCHumumamuQ
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UHuQmL mo
mm: UmoCmuCH

mNHm CHmHuO COHuQHCUme UHuQmm quECZ
UHMQML UHMQML mUOU UHMQME

 

 

 

6m:CHrCOUII.H mqm<e

22

ACouuouv omHUCH

 

a :HH x :66 mamuwco co mumzoaw mafia ucqu mma 3 I z
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ooHUCH xumo Co mCmHmmo

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ACouuouv omHoCH

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Accuyouv msan ucmHH

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23

ACouuouv mumH CmHCmmm

 

 

 

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Couuouv mmoHuum xUMHQ mmucu
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mCmHmmo yocmuw>o UHmHCH
: zmo x :mH cmnmnH vmaaflfiu muHrz a xumam mm I 3 I z
AmHEmu ocm Couuouv
mHu 32mm zmo x 23H cmvmnH mmaHuum mafia a xuman .muHc3 mm I 3 I z
cacao cm>o3
Acouuouv
. OOHUCH xumo Co mCmHmwo
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Acouuouv omHUCH xumo Co
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Acouuouc omHocH
z =os x =mm armpflco co mumzoaw mafia prqu now I 3 I z
UHuQmm mo mNHm CHUHMO COHpQHMUmmO UHuQmm umnEsz
mm: omoCmpCH UHuQmm UHuQmm . mUOU UHuQmm

 

 

UwSCHpCOUII.H mqmdfi

24

ACOuuou d Coxmuv mCmHmmU
mumH Cchmam .meHuum OSHA
unwed ongnsm snow 0» umumam
mcuwh Hum: xuman a «San

 

: com X cm CHmmmH uCOHH mmCumx aumz cooumz mm 3. z
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I “Couuouv mcumm umm3 vdHn
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. Acouuouv
AmHanouov mCMMX ummz msaa CuH3 mCuma
mewsnoau m.cmz zom x :m smscm aumz xumHn a mafia .oaoo pm 3. z
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mm: UmocmuCH UHunmm UHuQmm mUOU UHMQMh

 

 

 

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4 III

2S

 

Acouuou w MHmmmuv meHuum

 

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xHHm 3muv Comem I mCCM»
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w.CmE03 oCm m.CmZ :Hm X :mm moOISQmmH xHHm 3mm mo mocmn 3ouumz Mme I 3 I z
AC03pou w Coxmuv mcumx
uwmz mafia prawn w xumfln
: :30 X :mw CH>®mH mmCum> Qumz cmmuo 3 COOMmE we I 3 I z
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omSCHuCOUII.H mAm<B

 

 

"‘

26

The Western Region of Nigeria is inhabited primarily
by the Yoruba speaking people. In order to gain a proper
perspective of the textile industry in this region, it
will be instructive to provide a brief delineation of the
Yoruba social organization. The smallest social unit in
the Yoruba town is the immediate family, which occupies
part of a house.1 As the Yorubas are traditionally poly-
gynQus, the immediate family includes a man, his wife, or
wives, and their children. Each adult member of the
family group has a separate room in the same house, or
in the same section of'a house if it is shared with other
families. An aggregate of houses forms what is known as
a compound, and there are several compounds in a town.2
The craft industries, which include hand-produced tex-
tiles, are often performed by family members who consti-
tute the primary labor unit.

According to Ojo,3 prior to the establishment of
European contact, every Yoruba woman and her daughters
ginned, carded, and spun. He describes a system whereby
female members of the extended family periodically con—
tributed a specified length of yarn to ensure a steady

and adequate supply of thread for dyeing and weaving.

 

lWilliam R. Bascong "The Sociological Role of the
Yoruba Cult—Group," American Anthropologist, XLVI (Janu—
ary, 1944), 11-12.

ZIbid.
3G. J. Afolabi Ojo, Yoruba Culture (London:
University of London Press, Ltd., 1966), p. 84.

 

 

 

...-'9“—

27

The yarn was then given to each member in rotation at
predetermined intervals.1 This system, which grew
beyond the confines of the extended family, involving
acquaintances and age—groups, is still widely in use
near the town of Oyo. In most areas throughout the.
Western Region, the preparation of yarn for dyeing and
weaVing has become more the province of industry and
foreign firms than that of individual women and their
daughters, and much of the cloth that is dyed in the
Western Region is imported from England and Holland.

The Yoruba peOple are especially renowned for their
pattern dyeing in indigo. According to Wenger and Beier,
this technique, which is known to several West African
tribes, has been elaborated to the greatest perfection
by the Yoruba.2 The following description of the indigo
dyeing materials is based on the material presented by
Ojo, unless otherwise documented.3

The indigo is obtained from the indigofera trees,
whose leaves are subjected to certain regulated processes
which separate the blue dye—stuff known as indigotin from
the unrequired indigo—red known as indirubin. Three
important species, indigofera arrecta, indigo suffricotosa

and indigo tinctoria grow in the bush of northwestern

 

""W"

lIbid.

ZS. Wenger and H. U. Beier, "Adire-Yoruba Pattern
Dyeing," Nigeria Magazine, No. 53 (1957), 208.

3

 

OjO, 02° Cite, pp. 85-860

28
Yorubaland, where Iseyin, Ipapo, Oke Iho, Ilaro, Otu,
Okaka Ago_Are and Shaki are important centers. The
indigo I; also obtained from the woody climber which re—
quires either sun—drying the leaves or pounding, fer—
menting and drying the fresh parts. The dried indigo
obtained from either leaves or woody climber is then made
into balls, varying from three to six inches in diameter.
These indigo-balls will remain in good condition for many
years if kept in a dry place.

In the early stages of the dyeing industry, indigo—
making and dyeing were integrated. Later they became,
except in a few cases, separate industries. Both dye—
making and the dyeing processes are unusually long opera-
tions which are sometimes done professionally by women
who are called alaros;1 To prepare the dye, a special
ash, which is obtained from burning green fire—resistant
wood in a furnace, is arranged in a sieve in two or three
layers of about six inches thick, and about a foot apart.
Water is drained through the ashes, and is collected in
a pot placed at the bottom of the filtering device. This
product is the chemical which is applied to extract the
dye from the indigo. The indigo and the ash-filtered
water are mixed in varying proportions in the vat,
according to the desired value of the hue. From time to
time, the dye is stirred in the vat and after a few days,

when the desired dye is formed, the vegetable sediments

 

lWenger and Beier, op. cit., p. 223.

29
are removed from the dye solution. Peelings of banana
skins may be added to make the dye fast.

Wenger and Beier state that recently some women
use soda instead of ashes to prepare the dye. The soda
makes the dye adhere more quickly thus shortening the
process, but it is not as colorfast and will wash out more
quickly than the ash preparation.2 Another deviation
from the traditional process is the use of imported dyes.
Eicher reports having observed the use of German indigo
dye in the city of Abeokuta.3

The importance of dyeing in the ancient Yoruba
area is illustrated by the fact that it was practiced
everywhere, even in the smallest villages. Every family,
more frequently the extended family rather than the imme—
diate family, had a dyeing yard behind or close to the
compound. Nevertheless, dyeing was more concentrated in
some areas, partly because of the greater density of
indigo, and partly because of the differential distri—
bution of dyeing skill. Areas such as the following were
found within the northern half of the Western Region,
coincident with the indigofera centers: Oshogobo district,
popularly referred to as the "home of dyeing"; southern
Ilorin Province, including the northern border of Ondo
Province, where nine out of every ten cloths worn, es-
pecially by the women, were dyed dark indigo; and Ogbo-

mosho and Oyo districts.

 

lIbid. 2Eicher.

30

The landscape of many Yoruba settlements was, even
until the 1950's, decidedly affected by the dyeing indus-
try. Until then, large areas of the backyards of house
compounds were marked out as the open—air dyeing ground.
They looked like factories. In Ikiti district, an
average dyeing yard of a few years ago was as large as
500 square yards in area. It would contain different
sized dyeing pots fixed into the ground, ash-water fil-
tering constructions, and pegs of sticks, about five feet
high, at fixed spaces apart, for stretching, drying, and
spooling hanks of thread. If trees did not provide
adequately the much—required shade, a shelter of palm
leaves spread out flat on a simple framework of poles
was sometimes erected.

Adire is the name given to the process of pattern
dyeing cloth in indigo, which in Yoruba means to take, to
tie, and dye.1 Tie and dye or tie—dyeing is a resist
process. It consists of knotting, binding, folding, or
sewing certain parts of the cloth in such a way that when
it is immersed in the dye solution, the dye cannot pene—
trate the prepared areas of the cloth.

The craft of resist dyeing has been practiced
from very early times by people in many parts of the world.
It is uncertain when and where it originated, or whether
in the first place resist dyeing was discovered acciden-

tally. The earliest records, from India and Japan, date

I

 

1Wenger and Beier, op. cit., p. 213.

31

back to the sixth and seventh centuries A.D.l There
are two major methods of adire dyeing which are prac—
ticed by the Yoruba people. The first is termed adire
eleso, which includes variations of tying and/or sewing
the cloth, and is characterized by the visible pattern
on both sides of the cloth. The second method is termed
adire eleko which entails applying starch to the fabric,
which will resist the dye and later will be removed by
washing.

ccording to Maile, the Yoruba women produce the
elaborate adire eleso by the clump, folding and tritik
methods. Raffia and bast are the media used for sewing

and binding. These methods are described as follows.3

Clump

The clump method derives its name from the little
bunches or clumps that are formed by tying up the mate—
rial. The cloth itself is bunched, or arranged in various
ways, and bound; or small objects such as seeds, peas,
beans, corn grains, pebbles, shells, corks, beads, but-
tons, cotton reels, or pieces of wood, are tied in the
fabric.4 Three examples of this technique are found in

the Eicher Collection among the pairs of matched samples

 

1Anne Maile, Tie and Dye (London: Mills and Boon,
Ltd., 1965), p. 11.
2"Art on the Drying Field," Nigeria, XXX (1949),
325.

3Maile, op. cit., pp. 12, 65, 74. 4Ibid., p.47.

32

of resist dyeing obtained in Abeokuta. (N — W - l and
N — W — 2). One of the samples contains small seeds,
tied securely with raffia thread (N — W — 3). Plate II,

on page 33, illustrates the fabric as it appears before
it is dyed. Also illustrated on page 33 is the fabric as
it appears after it has been dyed and the stitching and

seeds have been removed.

Folding

Four main categories are included in the claSsi-
fication of the folding technique: (1) simple stripes,
(2) an individual or edge stripe, (3) folded squares,
and (4) rope tying. Each of these techniques produces
striking patterns and effects, which differ from one
another, but the one most commonly used by the Yorubas
is the rope tying technique. Narrow strips of cloth are
used so that the dye can penetrate into the closely
packed folds. When these cloths are folded and bound,
they resemble rOpes. Where the cloth is fine, a wider
piece can be treated successfully by this method. The
pattern produced is one of stripes or bands of visual
texture. A variation of this method is the production
of diagonal stripes, by pleating the cloth diagonally
instead of following the warp or the weft. There are
many more variations of the folding techniques, and the
interested reader is referred to the text by Maile. In

an unpublished manuscript, Barbour describes a cloth

 

34
which is folded from corner to corner like a concertina
and bound very tightly at various points along the cloth.
When the cloth is bound two or three times in broad
strips, a pattern in the shape of a diamond in alter-
nating broad bands of blue and white is produced. Bar—
bour described this style as the cloth of the year, 1964.1
One example of the rope technique is found among the
pairs of matched samples in the Eicher Collection (N —
W — 4). Among the other fabrics obtained in Abeokuta,
are examples of the simple and diagonal stripes described

by Maile.

Tritik

The sewing or tritik method has been used in most
of the countries where tie and dye is practiced. In
Nigeria, the traditional sewing fiber most often used
for this technique is raffia, the width of which is deter—
mined by the envisaged pattern. The success of the sew—
ing method is dependent on the ability to draw up the
material into gathers so closely on the sewing thread
that the dye cannot penetrate into the folds. It is
essential, therefore, to have very strong thread that
does not break half—way through the operation, and that
will remain taut while supporting the weight Of the

closely gathered cloth during the process of dyeing.

 

1Jane Barbour, "Adire Cloth" (unpublished manu—
script, Ibadan University, n.d.).

35
Fifteen examples of raffia—stitched designs are found in
the Eicher Collectlor (N - W — 5 thrcugh N — W - 15,
and N _ W—3O through N — W — 33). The overcast stitch
was used most frequently.

Commenting on the tritik dyeing process of the
Yoruba, lurray states: "The latest development is the
work of youths who rapidly make dull and mechanical
designs by sewing the cloth on a machine."1 The machine
tritik process to which Murray refers would be much less
time consuming than hand tritik. However, it might be
disputed that the design quality of the mechanical prod—
uct is aesthetically inferior to the handcrafted product.
Cordwell's comments concerning contemporary African art
are apprOpriate to the Yoruba machine tritik designs:

In all areas of Africa south of the Sahara,
Africans have extended their very real aesthetic
appreciation of form, color, and design by the
employment of new media or of earlier media in
new ways. Though the form is sometimes distaste-
ful to those committed to the older forms of African
art as the primary expression of African aesthetic
drives, these newer productions have undoubted
values in their own right.

Use of the sewing machine to prepare cloth for indigo
resist dyeing illustrates the employment of new media in

a traditional Yoruba art form. There are two examples

of machine tritik in the collection (N - W — l9 and

 

1K. C. Murray, "Arts and Crafts of Nigeria:
Their Past and Future," Africa, XIV (October, 1943), 158.

2William R. Bascom and Melville J. Herskovits
(eds.), Continuity and Change in African Cultures (Lon-
don and Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959),
p. 45.

 

36

N — W - 20). See Plate III, page 37. When white cloth
is resist dyed with indigo using the adire eleso tech—
nique, tne designs which result are subtle values of
blue, progressing from light blue to dark indigo blue.

Adire eleko is the second method of indigo print—
ing practiced by the Yoruba women. The use of the adire
eleko technique began about 1910.1 The starch used for
painting these patterns is made from either cassava or
corn meal flour, and can be obtained on the market under
the name of lafun. The lafun must be boiled together
with blue and white alum to make a thick pudding. If
no alum were added, the starch would dissolve in the
indigo vat before the cloth is dyed blue. The boiled
starch is called eko and will usually be wrapped in
etemfe leaves. In this way it will keep fresh for two
weeks, providing the leaves are occasionally renewed.

According to Wenger and Beier, there are two
methods of applying the starch.3 The first method is the
use of a stencil. Stencils are cut by the men from zinc
or lead sheets which are used to pack match boxes imported
into the country. When a stencil is used, the starch
can be applied with a thick brush, thereby hastening the
process. Sometimes the patterns which are meant to
replicate writing result in a picture—type design be-

cause the men who cut the stencils are often illiterate.

 

lWenger and Beier, op. cit., p. 213.

21bid., p. 214. 3Ibid.

 

l I
‘4’
y ,

38

Consequently the writing is just another type of decora—
tion to them.

The second method of applying starch is painting
it on by hand, a much more laborious process. The result,
however, can be more representative of the craftsman's
creativeness. In this process, either a feather or the
rib of a palm leaf may be used to apply the starch.
There are often set patterns which the commercial crafts-
man repeats. A woman often employs a number of children
who help her draw the designs. These children are trained
in this way in order to become aladire, or skilled dyers
of indigo patterns. Each adire eleko design and finished
cloth has a special name. The names and meanings of
these designs are not available at this time to classify
accurately the fifteen adire eleko samples in the Eicher
Collection. Most of the adire eleko designs are geometric.
A few of the designs are stylized animal figures.

According to Wenger and Beier, a recent fashion in
adire eleko consists in taking an European cotton cloth
which is printed with red or yellow designs on white, and
covering the whole cloth with an even zigzag pattern in
starch and dyeing it in indigo. In this way, the whole
tone of the cloth becomes subdued enough to suit the taste
of Yoruba women, and the rather monotonous European
designs are broken up into intriguing patches of red and
yellow that shimmer through the dark tone of the indigo

dye.l Three examples of this technique are found in the

 

lIbid., p. 223.

39
collection (N — W - 37; N — W - 38; N — W - 39). A
similar example appears to have been a commercially
printed fabric which was tied and dyed in indigo (N —
W - 29).

According to Wenger and Beier, thousands of Yoruba
women are still engaged in the making of adire cloth and
thousands of women are still wearing it. Ojo states that
people in the cities of Oshogbo and Abeokuta still spe-
cialize in the making of adire cloth, the latter city is
the location where the matched samples in this collection
were secured. Imported cotton has largely replaced adire
for men's gowns, but the Yoruba women who have a dislike
of loud colors still cling to it.

Originally, adire was made with locally woven
cloth, but now imported cloth is used exclusively. The
women buy white shirting cloth in pieces of ten yards
and this is cut into four pieces which are dyed and then
sewn together to make two women's wrappers.

The collection of indigo leaves and the actual
dyeing process are the labor of Yoruba women while the
Yoruba man cuts the stencils for the adire eleko and
occasionally performs some of the stitching for the
tritik process.

The Yoruba women have long been renowned for their
astuteness as market women, and at periodic market inter—

vals they offer a variety of goods for sale, including

 

lIbid., p. 223. 2Ibid., p. 212.

40
their adire cloth. According to Barbour, the two main
markets for adire cloth are located in Abeokuta and at
Oje, a district of Ibadan. The cloths are marketed in
Abeokuta every four days, and in Oje, every sixteen days.
Barbour also states that fashion is an important determi-
nant of the adire patterns which are available at any
one time.1 Some of these patterns continue from year to
year, while others disappear rapidly. A more recent
development is the dyeing of cloth in adire patterns,
with colors other than indigo. The Eicher Collection
contains three such examples, one is medium brown (N -
W - 15), and the other two are light red (N — W - 2 and
N — W — l4), and appear to have been produced from vege-
table dyes because the colors are less intense than the
colors obtained from imported dyes. Three other fabrics,
similarly patterned, have been made with colorfast dyes
in bright hues of blue,,green and yellow ( N - w — 34
through N — W — 36).

Adire cloths are used by the Yoruba for both
personal and domestic adornment. Women use them for
head—ties, wrappers and baby clothes. They may also be
used by men as sleeping cloths.2 As interior decora-
tion, they may be used as cushion covers and window

curtains.3 Adire cloth has recently been used by non-

 

lBarbour, op. cit., p. 4.

2Wenger and Beier, Op. cit., p. 212.

3"Art on the Drying Field," op. cit., p. 327.

41

Nigerian men and women for sport shirts and dresses.
The colorfast adire cloths are especially desired by non—
Nigerian women for various styles of dresses.1

Weaving as well as pattern dyeing is a craft which
was widely practiced by the Yorubas. According to Ojo,2
weaving as a domestic industry flourished throughout the
West in the past when a great number of women wove, as
well as assisted on the farms. Weaving became localized
in areas where cotton grew best, and where alternative
occupations were rare. It became a specialized industry,
especially when men and women could be absent from the
farm for long periods during the year due to the shorter
growing season. The main weaving centers were: Akoko,
Owo, Ekiti, Ondo, Oshogbo, Ibadan, Iseyin, Oyo, and
Ilorin. Vertical weaving is more important than the.
horizontal weaving in Owo, whereas horizontal weaving
preponderates in the other areas. Most of the hand—
woven samples from the Western Region in the Eicher
Collection are from Iseyin and Ibadan. A few were pur—
chased in the Enugu market, and resemble those from
Ibadan and Iseyin in fiber content, color combinations
and weaving techniques.

Cotton is grown and spun in Nigeria, but much

imported yarn is used, especially for the warps.3 The

 

lEicher. 2Ojo, op. cit., p. 87.

3 .
Murray, op. Cit.

42
imported yarn provides extra strength which is needed
for the warp yarns. Today, fewer women gin, card, and
spin cotton, and these are usually the illiterates.l
Boyer2 and Worsley3 describe the process which is used
by the Yoruba women who prepare cotton.

De—seeding is accomplished by rolling the cotton
away from the body, between an iron rod and a block of
wood, andenspressure is applied, the seeds are extracted.
After the cotton is fluffed with a bow, it is ready for
spinning. In her right hand, the spinner holds a six—
inch wooden spindle, weighted by a clay whorl. This is
twirled on a calabash, or piece of cloth. When sufficient
yardage has been obtained, the yarn is wound into skeins,
either around the legs of the worker or over pegs set in
opposite ends of a bamboo pole. A finished skein is
secured with a small portion of thread, twisted into
shape, and is then ready to be transferred to spools if
natural color is used, or to be taken to women dyers.4
If the yarn is dyed, the process used is similar to that
described above for the indigo pattern dyeing of cloth.

Boyer lists dark blue as the favorite color of the Yoruba,

 

leo, op. cit., p. 90.

2Ruth Boyer, "Narrow Band Weaving Among the Yoruba
of Nigeria," Craft Horizons, XXIV (November-December,
1964), 52.

 

3Marie Worsley, "Nigerian Weavers," Handweaver and
Craftsman, XII (Spring, 1961), 45.

 

 

4Eve deNegri, "Nigerian Textile Industry Before
Independence," Nigeria Magazine, No. 89 (June, 1966), 98.

 

43

. ‘Q_

followed by a rich tan.l Red, yellow, greens, and magenta

are les frequent choices because the materials for making

(D

them are often difficult to obtain. Pre—dyed skeins of
European origin are available in a wide range of colors,
and many of these are popular when not too expensive.
Sometimes, the weft color which is used differs from the
hue of the warp. Boyer lists as prevalent color combina—
tions, red or green with indigos, or beige with light
blue. The colors of the fabrics in the Eicher Collection
reinforce this opinion.

Prior to warping the loom, all threads must be
wound onto spools. This is the task of young male weav—
ing apprentices. The first step is to spread the skein
around the four pegs of a simple revolving reel. One
peg is located at each end of the two crossbars. The
worker inserts a long plug inside the spool to be used.
Then holding the plug in his right hand so as to twirl
the spool, he disentangles the threads on the reel with
his left hand and the thread is transferred from reel to
spool.

The warping process follows the preparation of the
yarns. The threads are lain out along the ground accord—
ing to a predetermined arrangement by the master weaver.
The apprentice places the spool of thread on a peg ex-
tending from a stick. At the lower end of the stick is

an eyelet through which the thread passes. Therefore,

 

lBoyer, op. cit., p. 52.

| V

44
when the stick is held by its upper end, the eyelet is
pointed down and the thread is fed out close to the ground.
A common variant is a warping stick with multiple pegs,
each carrying its own spool. The forward movement of
the apprentice releases a trail of threads in parallel
rows. Warps may vary from twenty yards to hundreds of
yards in length.

The male weaver uses a horizontal narrow band
treadle loom, which Hambly describes as having a West
African distribution from Gambia to Lake Chad.1 Instead
of using a rectangular wooden frameworkzto support the
reed and two harnesses,3 the Yoruba weavers take advan-
tage of their shelter. They employ the rafters as sus—
pension points for the necessary cords. Each of the two
foot treadles is equipped with a loop which fits aroundg.
the weaver‘s big toe. The weaving is done in a long, low,
open-fronted shed, in front of which stretch the warps
and the finished fabric. A shed may contain as few as
two or three, or as many as thirty-five looms (Plate IV,
page 45).

The textiles produced on this narrow loom are
usually four inches wide, are plain weave, and are warp

faced so that the various colors included in the warp

 

lWilfrid D. Hambly, Culture Areas of Nigeria.
Field Museum of Natural History. Publication 346. An-
thropological Series, XXI, No. 3 (Chicago, 1935), 413.

2Ling Roth, Studies in Primitive Looms (Halifax:
Scott Bros., Ltd., 1950), p. 57.

3C. B. Dodwell, "The Town of Weavers," Nigeria,
No. 46 (1955), 122.

 

 

 

f v

46

emerge as lengthwise stripes. According to Boyer,l the
design within the narrow band may be symmetrical, asym—
metrical, or a series of repeats. Asymmetrical patterns
are slightly more prevalent than the others. Occasionally
the Yoruba make monochromatic bands without patterning,
but neither these nor the weft striped patterns are highly
esteemed. However, those which combine both warp and
weft stripings to form plaids or checks are popular. The
number of colors used in a particular band has no apparent
bearing on price, but many Yorubas prefer the more intri—
cate designs.

Except for unpatterned strips, most bands are named.
First, the weaver names his pattern, then if it is chosen
to represent a certain organization, it may be given
another name, and the terminology may be complicated even
further by the seller who may give it another name. The
names given by weavers tend to describe the quality,
color, or general pattern of the band. Examples are
plain cloth with one stripe, or something which has white.
Examples of other names are cricket legs, albino maiden,
or yam porridge which has red. Some of the names do not
seem to have a logical connection with the textile.

In an article on the weaving performed in Iseyin,
Dodwell describes the narrow woven bands from that town.

Unless otherwise documented, information pertaining to

 

lBoyer, op. cit., p. 52.

47
Iseyin weaving is taken from this article.1 The three
main qualities of Iseyin cloth are: (l) a smooth-tex—
tured cloth woven entirely of imported yarn, (2) a slightly
heavier and rougher textured cloth of mixtures of imported
and local yarn, and (3) a heavy-weight, closely—woven
cloth entirely of local yarn. The Iseyin cloth in the
Eicher Collection is smooth—textured and woven entirely
of imported cotton yarn. There are examples of narrow
bands with weft and warp stripes as well as combinations
of both. Some of the more decorative fabrics have an
inlaid design of lustrous rayon (N — W - 63 and N — W —
64), and one has been structurally decorated by using the
Spanish lace technique (N — W — 63). (Plate V, page 48.)
Upon close examination of some of the narrow bands it was
discovered that the weft and warp yarns had been separ—
ated by an object which was forced through the fabric in
order to Simulate the Spanish lace technique (N — W — 56
and N-— W — 61). The fabrics in which this technique was
observed were less elaborate in color and lacked the
inlaid design (Plate VI, page 48).

Dodwell further comments that the demand for
various designs differs from area to area. At the time
his article was written, the local Iseyin demand was for
the traditional patterns in the combinations of darker
blues. In Ibadan and Lagos, on the other hand, where the

influence of settlers from the Northern and Eastern Regions

 

lDodwell, op. cit., pp. 118—143.

J; ..

 

“L-

49
exists, there was a preference for the lighter colors and
combinations of fawn, red and yellow.

Iseyin cloth is valued for its stiffness, its
absorbant properties, and the protection it gives from
the sun. Throughout the Western Region it has a reputa—
tion for excellence and its use denotes the prosperity
of the wearer.

The output of an individual weaver depends on his
degree of skill, dexterity and industry, as well as on
the type of yarn he is using. Although imported yarn is
much finer than the local yarn, it allows a faster rhythm
of work and less time is lost through yarn breakages. A
weaver's average daily production ranges from five—sixths
of a square yard for heavy—weight cloth of local yarn,
to over one square yard for imported plus local mixtures,
and up to two square yards a day for cloth woven entirely
in imported yarn.

The accumulation of stocks of cloth is very re—
stricted. This is attributed to the limitations of avail-
able capital and to the astute appreciation of the fac—
tors which may cause price fluctuations.

The Nigerian markets for Iseyin cloth are the
towns of Iseyin, Ibadan and Lagos. The Iseyin market
serves the immediate vicinity and occasional traders who
come from as far away as Onitsha, but is not, however,
ordinarily visited by cloth traders from other areas.

These areas are served by the Iseyin cloth traders who

50
travel to the Ibadan and Lagos markets.

The marketing structure is highly organized. The
individual, independent weavers may dispose of their cloth
in three ways: (1) by sale to a particular customer who
has ordered it from him, (2) by sale to some cloth trader
with whom the weaver is accustomed to deal, or (3) by
sale to any purchaser in the early evening market in
Iseyin. Few weavers rely exclusively on any one of these
channels. The main marketing channel is the Iseyin cloth
trader. Those weavers with a small trading capital con—
fine their activities to the Iseyin market, but those with
more capital form two trading groups, one group traveling
to sell in the Ibadan market, the other in Lagos. A new
group member will be introduced to reliable middlemen
traders in the distant market, he will have the support
of his comrades in any dispute that may arise there, and
he will be introduced to reliable yarn dealers.

Consumers may purchase Iseyin cloth in the form
of the long narrow bands or as wide cloth comprised of
several bands sewn together. Iseyin cloth is used in
wrappers and head—ties for women, and caps, robes, and
trousers for men. The cloth is considered to be a semi-
luxurious product, it is more expensive than the imported
cottons, and it competes with the more costly imported
printed cottons, artificial silks, velveteens, and bro—
cades.

In addition to the textile crafts of resist dye

51
printing and weaving with cotton and rayon, Nigerians
also produce fabrics from indigenous silk. According
to an article written by Ene, silk is grown in all three
regions of Nigeria and is described as follows.1 The
silk is made from protective nests spun by anaphe cater—
pillars. The silks they produce are known as anaphe and
are distinct from the bombyx and tussah silk of China and
Japan, and the eri silk of India. The silk of the indi—
vidual anaphe cocoons is pale in color and is not as
strong as the casing silk.

The silken nests are collected from the wild, and
the food plants of the caterpillars are not cultivated in
any way. The collection depends entirely on chance. If
a farmer or hunter happens to see a nest while walking
through the bush or clearing farmlands, he will take it
to the nearest market and sell it. The silks of the
anaphe moths which occur in Eastern and Mid—Western
Nigeria are not used for the production of cloth, but the
caterpillars may be eaten.

After the nests have been collected, they are
treated with a special mixture of wood ash to remove the
gum which binds the silken threads together. The ash and
the nests are seived free from debris, are mixed with
water to form a paste, and are moulded into lumps. These

are first dried in the sun and then baked in a hot oven,

 

lJ. Chunwike Ene, "Indigenous Silk-weaving in

Nigeria," Nigeria Magazine, No. 81 (June, 1964), 127-36.

52
after which they are spun into a coarse thread.

The cloth woven from the coarse thread is known as
sanyan. Traditionally, sanyan is woven as a narrow band
four to six inches wide, and fifty to sixty yards long.
It is then cut into three or six—yard lengths and sewn
together side by side. This material is not usually
bleached or dyed, and is brown or greyish brown color.
If not specially ordered, the weft yarns are made of
cotton threads.

The major weaving centers for sanyan weaving are
Iseyin and Ondo. Burning tests have indicated that the
average sanyan in the Ondo market contains a higher pro-
portion of cotton fibers and is consequently paler in
color than the Iseyin sanyan.

Nigerian silk which has been degummed by the

process described above, tends to lose the luster that is

-regarded as one of the prime qualities of silks. The

yarn is hand spun by women from the tangled silk mass and
never reeled as single denier filaments. It is therefore
rather lumpy, and yields a coarse cloth invariably mis-
taken for cotton.. The Eicher Collection contains three
widths of sanyan which were purchased in Ijebu—Ode (N —

W - 65a, b, c). When the weft yarns were inspected under
a microscope, the fiber content was identified as cotton.
Each width contains several narrow woven strips which
have been sewn together (Plate VII, page 53). These

three widths of fabric constitute the basis of a

PLAYS VII

 

54

traditional Yoruba woman's costume; wrapper, stole, and
head—tie, with which a contrasting blouse would be worn.
Sanyan is worn by both men and women for special occa—
sions and as wedding garments by the bride and the groom
as well as the wedding guests.2 ,

The Eicher Collection contains four fabrics pur-
chased in Ibadan, for which no descriptive literature was
found. These fabrics average fourteen inches by sixty—
six inches and when used, they are tied around the waist
of an adult as a support for carrying a baby on the
mother's back. These fabrics are called baby ties.3 Two
of the baby ties are a plain warp—faced weave (N - W — 52
and N - W — 54). The fiber used for the weft yarns is
cotton and the warp yarns are ramie fiber.4 The third
baby tie is cottonfiber woven in a plain ground weave,
on which groups of cotton yarns have been inlaid in the
warp direction, and clipped to form a bow—tie design
(N — W — 53).. The other baby tie is cotton with a plain
ground weave on which weft yarns have been looped to form
an overall textured surface (N — W - 55). All of the baby
ties are hand woven and have fringe on each end.

Another fabric which was purchased in Ibadan was
not described in the literature. It is similar to the

above baby ties in size and weft yarn fiber content;

 

3

2Ibid. Ibid.

J'Eicher.

4Fiber content identified by inspection under

microscope.

 

 

55
however, the warp yarns are raffia. The use for which
this fabric was intended is not known (N - W - 66).

Although the literature did not describe the baby
ties, photographs of Yoruba women supporting a baby on
their back are indeed symbolic of a pattern of life. Each
family member who is capable, pursues some type of task
which is not always in the home. In order to continue
her work, the Yoruba woman ties the baby on her back.

The narrow bands, which are woven by Yoruba men on
horizontal narrow looms, are illustrative of another
aspect of the Nigerian culture. Technologically, the
narrow looms are inefficient. If the looms were wider,
an increased quantity of cloth could be produced in the
same amount of time. However, a technological change such
as this would eliminate the attractive texture which is
produced by sewing together the narrowabands of cloth.

Technological change is also evident in the craft
of resist dyeing as visualized by the use of imported
dyes to produce the traditional indigo blues, and the use
of sewing machine tritik resist preparations. Tradition
also prevails in the face of technological change as
exemplified by the continued Yoruba preference for subtle
indigo blues which are obtained by dyeing commercially
printed cloth.

In the Opinion of many non—Nigerians, the indigo
adire cloths, varying in values from the lightest blue to

almost black, are keenly expressive textile artifacts,

56
and are valued for the Nigerian craftsman's accomplished

execution of color and design.

CHAPTER III
HANDCRAFTED TEXTILES OF THE NORTHERN REGION

The Eicher Collection contains twenty-one hand-
crafted fabrics from the Northern Region of Nigeria. One
of the fabrics is composed of narrow woven bands and is
believed to have been handwoven in Ilorin. Three fabrics
are wide, handwoven cloth from Bida. One fabric is a
cotton blanket comprised of six handwoven strips of cloth.
One of the fabrics is a Hausa embroidered bedsheet. Six
of the fabrics were handwoven in Okene. One fabric was
woven on a foot—powered loom in Kano. Five of the fabrics
were handwoven in Lokoja. Two were handwoven in Yola,
and a large blue rayon blanket was woven in Maiduguri.

Each of the fabrics from the Northern Region is
briefly summarized in the form of a fabric inventory
which follows in Table 2.

The majority of available literature describing
the textile craft industries of the Northern Region per-
tains to the city of Bida, which is inhabited by the Nupe
speaking peOple, a group which is in numerical minority
to the more populous Hausa and Fulani tribes.l Therefore,

the following account can not be viewed as representative

 

lFordham, op. cit., p. 100.

57

58

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59

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61
of the entire Northern Region of Nigeria; however, many
of the aspects may be typical.

In an account of Bida written by Nadel, craft
industries are described on the basis of individual and
guild—organized crafts.l The individual crafts include
glass-bead making, brass casting, tailoring, embroidery,
indigo dyeing, straw—hat making, mat making, and basket-
work. The craft of weaving is listed among the guild-
organized. The guild is a co—operative group in which
the membership is largely hereditary within families,
outsiders being admitted only through a formal adoption
into the craft profession after a period of apprentice—
ship. In weaving for example, the work organization con-
sists of a section of the family group working together
under a senior relative who acts as the leader, directs
group co—operation, supplies the means of production, and
distributes the proceeds from the group work. He also
pays taxes for his co-workers and provides them with food,
clothing, and bride price. At the death of this man, the
man who is next in seniority takes his place. Young men
are not interminably bound to this co-operative group,
howeVer to establish themselves elsewhere would be very
expensive. Young boys are taught the weaving craft by
assisting with auxiliary work such as spooling the cotton
thread, or preparing the yarns for warping, and in general,

obserbing the weaving process.

 

1S. F. Nadel, A Black Byzantium (London: Oxford

University Press, 1946), pp. 257-58.

 

62

Describing the male weavers in Bida, Vernon—
Jackson states that there are three distinct groups, two
Nupe and one Nupe in appearance but Yoruba in descent.
All three groups belong to one craft guild, whose head-
ship passes in no established order from one group to
another upon agreement among the councils of elders of
the guild and, like all guild headships, is held for life.
This opinion agrees with the presentation by Nadel on the
position that there are three distinct groups of weavers,
however, it is in disagreement on the basis that Nadel
contends that gash group of weavers has its own guild
head.2 This discrepancy may exist because in 1946, when
Nadel's work was published, there was a greater number of
weavers whose guilds were more elaborately organized than
in 1960 when Vernon-Jackson's work was published.

The following description of the Bida weaving
process is based on Nadel's account unless otherwise
documented.3 The loom is of the narrow upright kind,
worked with treadles, and is common all over Northern
Nigeria. These looms produce narrow strips of cloth five
inches wide and thirty feet long.4 The looms are placed
in an open—faced shed, similar in structure to the

weaving sheds described in the Western Region, six to

 

lHugh Vernon-Jackson, "Craft Work in Bida," Africa,
XXX (January, 1960), 54. '

2Nadel, op. cit., p. 282. JIbid., pp. 279—82.

 

4deNegri, op. cit., 89; and Vernon—Jackson, op.
cit., S4.

 

l

63
seven sheds are situated in the inner courtyard of the
compound. The weavers purchase a large proportion of
their tools from other craftsmen, such as the shuttle
and the wooden posts on which the loom rests, the iron
rods used as treadles, and the iron take—up bar upon which
the finished strips of cloth are wound. Only the weaver's
reed is produced by the weavers.

The individual weaver is free to plan his work
independently, and to select from a number of different
methods. The long narrow strips of cloth, woven on the
Nupe looms to a standard length of about thirty feet,
are produced in five days. One man may produce from
three to four lengths every month. The cloth is then cut
into five strips and sewn together, edge to edge, to form
the complete ede cloth. This cloth is worn by women
around the waist or as kerchiefs over the head.

The Nupe weavers work every day except Friday, but
much time is involved in marketing the cloth. A weaver
can entrust his goods to one of the brokers who has a
shop on the Bida night market. The broker often takes
considerable time selling the cloth, and sometimes does
not sell it at all. Many younger men prefer to sell their
own cloth in village markets where there is less competi-
tion in both Nigerian-made and European goods. Instead
of cutting and sewing together the cloth in the form of
an ede, the weaver can also sell the full-length cloth

to the cap makers, or as another alternative, he can make

64
it into caps himself. Cap making is more profitable
because hats are in great demand; however, cap making is
regarded as a slightly degrading occupation.

In the villages cheaper qualities of cloth, mostly
native-dyed, are produced. Even when the village weavers
produce the same kind of cloth as the Bida craftsmen,
they sell it more cheaply, being content with a smaller
profit. The work and materials of the village weavers
are known to be inferior to that of the Bida craftsmen
because they use a cruder indigenous dye instead of Euro—
pean dyes, gin their own cotton and work with the result-
ing inferior cotton thread which breaks frequently during
the weaving. They take ten days for the weaving of a
piece of cloth which the Bida craftsmen finish in five.
Because they limit themselves to cheaper and cruder
materials and cater exclusively to the less wealthy cus—
tomers, they can withstand the competition of European
cloth better than the Bida weavers who have specialized
in more ambitious and expensive work.

The Eicher Collection does not contain samples of
Bida narrow woven fabric of either quality. The only
narrow fabric from the Northern Region represented in
the collection is believed to be from Ilorin. Ilorin is
on the border between Northern and Western Nigeria and
the weaving done there illustrates a meeting of the two
cultures. For example, the men do narrow weaving on a

horizontal loom, which is technically more advanced than

65
the wide vertical loom because it contains a mechanically
operated heddle. This mechanism, while enabling a much
greater weaving speed, is still inefficient because the
woven cloth is only four to six inches wide and conse—
quently must be sewn together to make widths suitable for
use as garments.

Clarke states that most of the Ilorin cloths are
designed with stripe arrangements in blues, browns, and
white.1 The Ilorin cloth in the Eicher Collection is
comprised of narrow bands which are medium blue with black
warp stripes (N - N - 1). Uses for the Ilorin cloth, which
is comprised of narrow woven bands, suggested by Clarke
are: men's African evening dress which is a full length
garment draped over one shoulder; cap and cloak for a
young boy; ceremonial dress for Gold Goast (Ghana)
chiefs; and as bedspreads and curtains by Europeans.2

Wide cloth is woven in Ilorin by women on primitive
vertical looms. It is a slow process which produces
cloth about eighteen inches wide and six or seven feet
long.3 This type of weaving is similar to that described
for the Yoruba and has been practiced for over a thousand.
years. There are no examples of wide cloth from Ilorin
in the collection.

According to Vernon-Jackson, considerably more

weaving in Bida is done by women than by men, but there

 

1J. D. Clarke, "Ilorin Weaving," Nigeria, XIV

(1938), 121.

21bid., 123-24. 3Ibid., 121.

66
is no organization or craft guild of women weavers.
Nadel has classified women's weaving as an indiVidual
craft, and from his treatment of the subject, there is
reason to believe that he might have concluded the women's
weaving to be less important and less prevalent than that
of the men. The following discussion from Nadel's work
provides the basis for the above assumption.2 Women's
weaving is done on the upright broad loom, twenty—one
inches wide, which, although produced today by the Bida
carpenters, appears to have had its origin in the southern
Yoruba country. This technique of weaving is said to be
comparatively new, and not traditionally Nupe. It may
have been introduced to the Nupe from the Yoruba in the
times of the Yoruba wars, through the medium of Yoruba
wives and slaves of the Nupe nobility. Women's weaving
is restricted to the upper classes of Nupe society and
only wives and daughters of the nobility or the intelli—
gentsia possess a loom and practice the craft. This
suggests an explanation for the limitation of this craft
to a specific social stratum. Only women who have serv-
ants to help with housework and to run errands for them
can find the leisure for this long and delicate work.
The restriction of this woman's craft to one sodial
stratum is made possible through the existence of a uni—

lateral class endogamy on the part of the women who

 

1Vernon-Jackson, op. cit., 54.

2Nadel, OE. cit., p. 297.

67
rarely marry beneath their class.

The review of literature produced no detailed
description of the Bida cloth woven by the women, other
than the size, which deNegri classifies as wide,1 which
the writer assumes to be approximately twenty inches,
based on the twenty—one-inch loom described by Nadel.

Two of the three examples of wide cloth from Bida in the
Eicher Collection are twenty-five inches (N - N - 3), and
twenty—six inches wide (N — N — 4), indicating the use of
a wider loom than described above. These fabrics have
a plain ground weave, with inlaid geometric designs of
‘rayon and cotton yarns. The ground weave is more accurately
classified as a basket weave variation of a plain weave
because two warp yarns pass alternatively over and under
1
three weft yarns. The inlaid designs are visible only
on the right size of the fabric because they are inlaid
on a single shed. Neither the inlaid rayon yarns nor the
inlaid cotton yarns were plied prior to being inlaid.
Plate VIII on page 68 provides an enlarged view of Bida
cloth. Plate IX on page 69 illustrates a portion of the
same Bida cloth. The other Bida cloth is less wide,
without inlaid designs, and could have been woven on
the twenty-one inch loom (N - N - 2). The Bida cloth in
the Eicher Collection would be used as one of three units

sewn together side by side to form a woman's wrapper.2

 

ldeNegri, op. cit., 89. 2Eicher.

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70

Concerning the weaving in other parts of the
Northern Region, Gervis comments on having seen in a
small Village, men stretching out a warp of coarse cotton
spun in with goat hair, and another man working a hand
made loom on which he was weaving strips of cloth about
nine inches wide. When finished, these strips would be
sewn together with five or six others to make a blanket.1
One fabric in the Eicher Collection which was purchased
in the Northern Region resembles this description. It
is structurally decorated with blue and gold float yarns
which form one stripe on each strip of fabric (N — N - S).
Eicher reports that this fabric would be used as a blanket
or a bed covering.2 Gervis also comments on the textile
industries in Ilorin Province where considerable weaving
is done from cotton which is grown and dyed locally. He
continues to explain that spinning is undertaken by the
village women and the weaving is done by men and boys
who sit on benches before their horizontal looms set under
trees or thatched roofs. Women also weave using the
upright loom indoors.

According to Bne, silk of the type described in
the Western Region is also found in the Northern Region.
The degumming agent is a special wood ash which is boiled
in water with the nests of the caterpillars. Nests are

then stirred thoroughly and allowed to stand for an hour,

 

lPearce Gervis, Of Emirs and Pagans (London: Cox
and Wyman, Ltd., 1963), p. 91.

2Eicher. 3Ene, op. cit., p. 132.

 

71

after which they are washed, dried, and teased open by
hand into single silk threads. The Hausas use this silk
for embroidering elegant robes.l Examples of Hausa silk
embroidery are not found in the Eicher Collection.

The craft of embroidery, according to Beier, is
a highly developed traditional art among the Hausa people.2
He contends that traditional embroidery 1% performed by
men and is usually applied to men's dresses, the designs
being abstract and severe. The embroidering dOne by women
is of very recent origin and would not have been observed
a few years ago in the Kano market. Today however, there
is an increasing turnover among embroiderers, and new
patterns are constantly being created. Beier states that
these designs are embroidered on long strips of white
imported cloth, with brightly colored silks, but he does
not indicate whether or not the silks to which he refers
are of Nigerian origin. In contrast to traditional de—
signs, the new ones are abstract geometric figures.
Usually the same design is repeated four times in a row.
Often the colors are mixed and sometimes two designs
alternate. The most common design subjects are animals.
Less frequently there are designs of decorative mosques
and there are some which represent human figures.

The stylistic differences between these two types

 

lIbid.

2Ulli Beier, "Nigerian Folk Art," Nigeria Maga-

 

zine, No. 75 (December, 1962), 28.

72
of embroidering are very noticeable. Folk art, accord-
ing to Beier, is less skillful, and the more relaxed
designs are applied in brighter colors. These embroi—
deries are used for table cloths, or bedspreads or simply
used to decorate the walls.

The Eicher Collection contains a bridal bedhseet
which was embroidered by the Hausa people (N - N - 6).

The design of animal figures was embroidered in hues of
blue, orange and yellow on a white cotton plain woven
fabric. The embroidering yarns are rayon. It is not
known whether the embroiderer was a man or a woman.

Nadel classifies Bida embroidering as an individual
craft for which there is no guild organization.1 He
comments that embroidery is, however, a more delicate
work, requiring more taste and skill, than other individual
crafts such as tailoring and mat weaving, and has become
the pastime of many members of the intelligentsia. Nadel
further contends that most important chief's dress is of
the more expensive kind, such as embroidered trousers,
or possibly an embroidered Bida robe.2 Embroidered Bida
gowns are famous throughout Nigeria, and are completed in
fifteen to twenty days.3

Weaving with grass is another craft which is char—
acteristic of the Northern Region, and according to Ahmed,

mats constitute the greatest proportion of the grass-woven

 

lNadel, op. cit., p. 286.

21bid., p. 61. 3Ibid.

73
products which he describes.1 Mats serve as seats, beds,
carpets, and ceiling boards. They are used for screening
off areas, for fencing in compounds, and are woven into
boxes, raincoats, hats and many othr items. Several kinds
of palm leaves and grasses are used in the production of
these products. The method of coloring grass woven prod-
ucts is the same throughout the Northern Region. Red,
yellow, and black locally obtained dyes are used. Red
is obtained by boiling the sheaths of a kind of guinea-
corn stalk. Yellow is made from roots called rawaya plus
black from guinea—corn stalks. There are no examples of
this type of weaving in the Eicher'Collection, but they
are mentioned in this study because they provide an exam-
ple of the products used by the peOple of Northern
Nigeria which would be substituted by cloth fabrics and
other more durablenaterials in the Western world.

Indigo dyeing is another craft practiced in the
Northern Region although it is much less prevalent than
in the West. According to Nadel, indigo is gained from
both the indigo grass and the indigo tree which either
grow wild in the bush that surrounds most Nupe villages,
or are cultivated in the areas which have been cleared.2
The following discussion of the indigo crafts is based on

Nadel's description.3 The source and the cultivation of

 

lS. Gimba Ahmed, "Grass Weaving," Nigeria Magazine,

No. 74 (September, 1962), 11-14.

 

2Nadel, Op. cit., p. 235. 3Ibid., pp. 235—95.

( 3

74
the indigo plant determines if it will be used by men or
women dyers. The indigo plants and trees which have been
grown and cultivated in the cleared areas provide the dye
which will be used by the Nupe men dyers. The cultivated
indigo grass or leaves are cut, and left to dry from two
to three months. The indigo dye is obtained by placing
the dried indigo grass or leaves in a mortar, pounding
the leaves to a powder substance, adding water to the
indigo powder and allowing it to ferment. Ashes are then
mixed with the fermented dye solution. The resulting
combination of dye and ashes is dried and may be shaped
into balls. The Nupe men dyers produce the indigo dye
by filtering water through a sieve, which contains the
dried indigo, into the deep clay cemented dye pits
(Plate X, page 75). The Nupe and Hausa dye making pro—
cesses are the same. Similarly, both Nupe and Hausa men
do more dyeing than Nupe and Hausa women.

The uncultivated indigo, which grows wild in the
bush, is gathered and made into dye only by the Nupe
women. The method of preparing the indigo dye used by
the women is the same as that used by the men dyers.
However, the dyeing receptacles used by the women are
large earthen pots situated above the ground. Nadel
attributes this type of dyeing to the Yoruba-Konu,l who

introduced weaving and indigo dyeing in Yoruba fashion.

 

lNadel, op. cit., 20, 188. Konu in this sense
refers to the descendants of prisoners of war, now barely
distinguishable from the original Nupes.

I'IJDI'JC

PLATE. X

DYE FITS USED OIJLY

7..

o4 ‘,

.i'z

 

‘4

76

He further contends that indigo dyeing by women is prac—

‘ticed only in the few Konu groups in Nupe country where

the men are the weavers and the women are the dyers.
These women dye not only the cotton thread which is used
later by the men in weaving, but they also dye any kind
of readymade cloth, old and new, that is brought to them
by outside customers. Dyeing is usually done individually,
and each woman has her own dyeing pot and makes her own
dye. After the cloth is dyed, it is spread on the felled
trunk of a tree and beaten with wooden clubs, then rubbed
with round stones to make it shine.1

In Nadel's opinion, the market for indigo in Nupe
country is very limited. The small quantities manufac-
tured by the wives of the Konu weavers are either used by
the wives or are sold in the village markets. A larger
output of indigo dye, produced by indigo cultivators, is
distributed through middlemen to the Yorubas, who provide
the most favorable market. In the city of Bida, modern
products have almost completely replaced the native tech-
nique of dyeing.

The Eicher Collection contains no indigo dyed
cloth from the Northern Region.

There are three fabrics from Okene in the Eicher
Collection. The only literature found concerning the
textile crafts produced in that city was an advertisement

from the University of Lagos Library:

 

lVernon-Jackson, op. cit., p. 55.

77

DISPLAY OF OKENE WEAVING . . . The woven samples
of cloth, here displayed, represent the labours of
present day folk who live in Okene, Kabba Province,
who are following an Igvira tradition established
over two centuries ago. The original Igvira weav-
ing was with locally grown cotton and spinning
machines.

Silks, now characteristic of Okene cloth, were
introduced by Yesufu Otohu in 1948. Since his
innovation, silks are now very popular as weaving
material.l

Two of the Okene cloths in the Eicher COIIeCtion are a
plain weave cotton, with inlaid designs formed by groups
of rayon and cotton yarns (N - N - 7a, b, c and N - N -
8a, b). The inlay technique used to produce the Okene
cloths is the same as that described above for the Bida
cloth. Eicher reports that these cloths are sewn together
to form women's wrappers. These wrappers are currently
used by Nigerian women for special occaSions. especially
. 2 '
in Lagos.
The third cloth from Okene is 100 per cent rayon,
a double woven background, with an inlaid design forming
checks on both sides of the fabric (N - N - 9). The
fabric is five inches wide, suggesting that it would be
used as a scarf.J (Plate XI, page 78)
Kano is reputedly a weaving center in Northern
Nigeria; however, lack of available literature prevents

discussion of the textile crafts in that city. Hambly

merely mentions the presence of the narrow band treadle

 

lAdvertisement from University of Lagos Library
(n.d.). Silk Okene cloth is not represented in the
Eicher Collection.

2Eicher. 3Ibid.

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79
loom.J Eicher reports having attended a modern weaving
center in Kano, and one cloth in the collection was pur—
chased from a handcratt center in that city.2 This fabric
is sixteen and one—half inches wide, of plain weave, and
decorated with one~half inch designs of uncut inlaid
overshot (N — N - 10). The use for which this fabric was
intended is not known.

Two examples of cloth from LOkoja are included in
the Eicher Collection, and the descriptive literature
concerning the cloth produced in Lokoja was stated by
deNegri: "Among the Igbirra of Lokoja, women make finely
textured cloth into which they incorporate many silk
threads and beautiful patterns."3 The two fabrics in the
collection are both of cotton fiber content, one is a
check (N — N - 11a, b, c) and the other is a plaid
(N - N - 12a, b). Both are of a plain weave, and approxi-
mately nineteen inches wide, indicating the use of a
broad loom. It is believed that these fabrics would be
used as part of a woman's wrapper.

Two cloths in the collection were handwoven in
Yola and purchased in Lagos. The Yola cloth is similar
in appearance and structure to the wide Bida cloth. The
cotton ground fabric is a basket weave variation of the
plain weave, with cotton yarns inlaid on a single shed

(N — N - 13a, b). The Yola cloths are also believed to

 

1',—

lHambly, op. cit., p. 412. 2Eicher.

fideNegri, op. cit., p. 89. 4Eicher.

80
be part of a woman's wrapper.1

The Eicher Collection contains a bed cover pur-
chased in Maiduguri. The fabric is a plain woven back—
ground, with bright blue, yellow, and red weft float
yarns which produce geometrical designs (N — N - 14).
The length of the float yarns indicates the use of an
eight—harness loom. The appearance and the hand of this
fabric misled many observers to believe that the fiber
content of this bed cover was wool or an acrylic fiber.
However, when the fibers were examined under a micro—
scope, it was determined that the fibers were definitely
not wool, but possibly rayon or nylon. Burning tests
indicated that the fibers were rayon.

The rayon blanket, woven in Northern Nigeria, is
illustrative of an economic aspect of the Nigerian cul—
ture. Rayon yarns, not produced in Nigeria, are a prod-
uct of Nigeria's import market.

Imported rayon yarns are also employed by men and
women in the craft of embroidering. Formerly, Moslem
women did very little embroidering and that which was
done was not sold. Within the past few years, however,
an increased amount of embroidering is done by women, and
some of their products are sold at the market.

Like embroidering, the craft of weaving was not
performed traditionally by Moslem women. Today Moslem

women weave, but they are usually members of the upper

 

1Ibid.

8i
caste, and perform their weaving in their tomes. Unlike

fhe Yoruba women in the West, the Nor*hern Nigerian women

"7

do not market their cwn cloth or ctner handcraf ed prod—
ucts. This could be an influence or the Islam :aith.
Moslem women occupy a status inferior to Moslem men and
do not appear often in publico

Cultural diffusion among the regions of Nigeria
has undoubtedly encouraged the Northern women to engage
in the textile handcraftso For example, the broad looms,
and tte indigo dyeing techniques used in the North are
adaptations from the Yoruba in the WeSL. Also, the
inlaid designs woven in the Bida, Okene, and Yola cloths
are accomplished by a technique similar to that used by
the Akwete weavers in the Eastern Region.

Altrough womenls weaving is of recent occurrence
in Northern Nigeria, the wide cloths in the Eicher Col-

lection, woven by women in the Northern Region, represent

skillful execution of both color and des1gno

CHAPTER IV

HANDCRAFTED TEXTILES OF THE EASTERN
REGION (BIAFRA)

The Eicher Collection contains thirty-seven hand-
crafted fabrics from the Eastern Region of Nigeria.
Twenty-three of the fabrics were handwoven in Akwete
using an inlay technique. A pair of fabrics which were
called Akwete cloths were purchased at the Enugu market.
Another fabric, purchased at the Enugu market, was hand—
woven in Edam Ani. Four of the fabrics were handwoven in
Edam Ani using handspun and locally dyed yarns. Two of
the fabrics are from Udi, one was handwoven from hand-
spun yarns and resist dyed in indigo, the other fabric
was handwoven from imported yarns. One of the fabrics,
handwoven from ramie and cotton yarns, was purchased at
the Enugu market. One fabric was finished in Aba and one
fabric was handcrafted in Buguma.

Each fabric from the Eastern Region is summarized
in the form of a fabric inventory which follOws on Table 3.
The Ibo and Ibibio are the principal tribes of
people inhabiting the Eastern Region. Their social organi-
zation is similar to that described for the previous two

regions, however they lack the traditional political and

82

83

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UmSCHuCOUII.m mqm<a

86

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87

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88

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UmSCHuCOUIlom mqmdB

91
military organization characteristic of the North and
the West.1 This factor may account for the lack of or-
ganization found among the craftsmen in the textile
industries which prevailed in the Western and Northern
Regions.

Very little literature was found concerning the
textiles in this region. One reason for this may be
because the people of the Eastern Region live in a forest
environment,2 where wood—carving has been more typical of
their labors, and consequently a more attractive tOpic
for authors writing about the Ibo and Ibibio crafts.

One exception to this has been the weaving per—
formed in the small town of Akwete, for which three
references were found. The majority of information for
the following description of Akwete weaving is based on
the article written by Ukeje unless otherwise documented.3

Ukeje contends that the location of Akwete has
been responsible for the irregularity of demand for
Akwete woven cloths. When Opobo was a major slave and
palm oil trading port, the location of Akwete, enroute
from the hinterland to Opobo, enabled facile trade with
the populations of the former Calabar and Owerri Prov-
inces; consequently, weaving was a flourishing industry.

The women wove and the men marketed their products,

 

lFordham, op. cit., 105. 2Ibid., 110.

3L. O. Ukeje, "Weaving in Akwete," Nigeria Maga-

zine, No. 74 (September, 1963), 33—41.

 

92
sometimes traveling long distances. Today, Akwete is
not located on one of the major transport routes, and
due to the decline in trade, many of the men have sought
jobs elsewhere. Many of the women have necessarily had
to spend more time in subsistence agricultural pursuits
and less time weaving, which, according to Ukeje, has
declined to hobby status. Eicher reports that during the
years from 1963 to 1966, Akwete cloth was very popular
for use as women's wrappers and was observed in many
areas throughout Nigeria.1 The widespread popularity of
Akwete cloth, which Eicher reports, would indicate that
Akwete cloth is now being produced to fill demands of an
expanding market, rather than as a hobby.

Sisal hemp, raffia, and cotton are the most common
fibers used for weaving. Hemp is used for weaving rOpes,
hats, coarse cloth used in masquerading and a type of
headgear worn by warriors. Raffia is woven into an un—
common type of cloth used for certain religious occasions
and by mourning women. Of the three, today cotton is
the most frequently used fiber.

Formerly all the cotton used in Akwete weaving was
produced by the womeanKDgrew it among their other crops.
The yarns were dyed black, indigo, violet, yellow, and
a dull red using vegetable dyes. Today, however, imported
dyed yarn is used except when special orders are placed

by clients who prefer the traditional colors which are

 

1Eicher.

93
not always available in the imported yarns. The vege—
table dyes produce less intense hues than the imported
dyes.
People of Akwete weave on a vertical cotton loom
which is described as follows by Roth: (Plate XII, page
94)

The West Coast modification [loom used in Akwete]
consists of a square frame made up of an upper and
lower piece of palm leaf mid—rib or stem into which
are fixed two uprights; occasionally, instead of
the ends of the uprights passing through holes in
the upper and lower ribs, they are merely lashed on
to the latter. The lower rib forms the breast beam,
which is sometimes furnished with a supplementary
rod; the upper rib itself occasionally forms the
warp beam, but usually another rib suspended below
it does this. As the palm leaf mid-rib employed
does not possess much rigidity, the two beams sag
towards each other when the warp is beamed. On
the West Coast the warp is continuous . . . .

The weaving proceeds from below upwards. Generally
the heddle consists of two very thin pieces of cane
with spiral leashes intertwined.

Roth also describes some details of the Akwete
weaving process:

Coloured geometrical weft pattern weaving on
these looms has reached a high pitch of excellence,
all things considered; blue, yellow, red, and White
yarn being used over a blue warp and weft with
generally a few inches of coloured warp at both
selvedges. The pattern is woven on top of the plain
web as the latter proceeds, and is woven right
across the web or in part only as required; if in
part only the ends of the weft hang down . . .
until further required. For this type of pattern
weaving the worker is guided by the special way
in which the warp is laid out. Every third, fourth,
sixth or twelfth warp, as the case may be, is made
to pass over the pattern rod . . . and in order to
ascertain at which warp the pattern weft is to be
inserted or withdrawn the weaver must apparently

 

1Roth, op. cit., pp. 48-50.

L
' ”‘ ' “morn- a.

I. I O 1.9-.

PLATE XI I.

O 'O-ON‘I. C9! t

ru. 0
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c a M“"'“" " ‘

 

 

 

95

run his finger from that warp on the pattern rod

down to the web, and where that warp passes into

the web he will insert or withdraw this spool as

the case may be.1

Ukeje discusses some of the designs which fre-
quently appear on Akwete cloth. Among the designs listed
as having special significance is the ebe, or cross,
which was formerly produced on fabric used only on reli—
gious occasions or fabric used by the people in times of
stress, and by warriors in the battlefield. Recently
this design has been used less discriminately and can be
found on cloth used for purposes other than those noted
above. The tortoise, which according to Ukeje is sym—
bolic of royalty, is another design found on many Akwete
cloths. Formerly it was woven into cloth for use by
people of noble birth and it was a crime for a commoner
to adorn himself with this design. In a brief descrip-
tion of a photograph of Akwete cloth, it was stated that
the tortoise is also the hero of mahy Ibo fables. Other
motifs frequently used were listed in this article: the
maltese cross, the chess board, the sleeping mat, fruit
of the oil—bean tree, eating utensils and animals.2
The Eicher Collection contains twenty-five Akwete

cloths woven by a process similar to that described by

Roth (N - E — 1 through N — E - 20). Examination of the

Akwete fabrics in the collection has provided a basis

 

lIbid., p. 54.

2

Nigerian Ministry of Information, Enugu, Nigeria (1960).

"Eastern Nigeria," periodical published by Eastern

96
for the following description. The base fabric construc-
tion is woven in a plain weave from commercially spun
cotton yarns. In the base fabric, the yarns which form
one warp and one weft unit are not twisted, therefore,
the base fabric is more accurately classified as a basket
weave variation of the plain weave. Each warp unit usually
consists of three yarns, and each weft unit contains
from five to eight yarns. The structural designs are
produced by finger manipulated warps using the inlay tech—
nique described above. The materials frequently used to
produce the geometrical inlaid designs are lustrous rayon
filaments which have been losely plied to produce a two
ply yarn with very low twist. Becahse these rayon yarns
have such a low twist, and also because dull cotton weft
yarn passes over them on only one shed in the inlay pro-
cess, the resulting rayon geometric designs are very
lustrous.

Often the designs inlaid with rayon yarns are
combined in the same fabric with designs inlaid with cot-
ton yarns. When cotton yarns are used for the inlay
process, several parallel yarns are used as one unit.
They are not plied like the rayon yarns (Plate XIII,
page 97).

The designs on the Akwete cloth in the Eicher Col-
lection are visible only on the right side of the fabric
because they are produced by laying in the motif thread

on a single shed. Therefore, the designs have one thread

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E5LARWFU v:.n or ABO”E Akwyty r:‘r

98
over them and three threads under them.Hfiking them
invisible on the wrong side of the material. The designs
on two Akwete fabrics in the collection appear on both
sides of the material (N — E — 2 and N — E - 7). These
designs are produced by laying in the motif thread with
an equal number of warp yarns over and under the motif
threads.

The ends of the Akwete cloths are not square, a
factor noted by Hollos: "One problem which has never
been satisfactorily solved is the problem of weaving
square ends, an extremely difficult objective to attain."1
The Akwete fabrics in the collection are three to four
inches wider on one end than they are on the other end
and in the middle. Although Hollos classified this dis-
tortion as a problem, it does not detract from the beauty
of the Akwete cloth. If the cloth continues to be used
for wrappers, the distorted end can easily be concealed
in the portion which is rolled. It would be more notice-
able in those cloths used as stoles, or as wall hangings.
However, even in this case, the distortion is not un—
attractive because it shows that the Akwete cloth was
handcrafted.

The traditional Akwete cloth colors, blue, yellow,
red and white, listed by Roth, are still woven in various

combinations for the Nigerian consumer. Akwete cloths

 

lDennis Hollos, "The Heritage of Akwete," The Sea
(June, 1964), 4.

99
woven for expatriatesl exhibit a wider range of colors,
and the finished cloth is usually of only two hues.
Three Akwete cloths in the collection are monochromatic;
black on black (N — E — lla, b), and white on white
(N — E - 15).

A pair of matching fabrics in the collection was
received as a gift and called Akwete cloth by the giver
(N - E — 9a, b). The weave in these cloths is very
regular. The ground weave is plain, however, it is not
warp faced. The rayon yarns used for the inlaid designs
are plied more tightly than the rayon yarns which were
used in the Akwete cloths described above. It is not
certain if these fabrics were handwoven, however, the
traditional Akwete weaving techniques discussed above
were not used to weave the two fabrics which were called
Akwete cloths.

According to Hollos, the crafts of dyeing and
spinning are not practiced in Akwete.2

Concerning the other areas of the Eastern Region,
Murray states that the craft of tie and resist dyeing is
unknown to the Ibibio people and among the Ibo, it is

3

practiced only in the North—East. The Eicher Collection

 

lEicher. The term expatriate is used by Nigerians
to classify any person who is not a native Nigerian.

2Hollos, op. cit., S.

3K. C. Murray, "Tiv Pattern Dyeing," Nigeria,

No. 30 (1949), 41.

100
contains four fabrics which were purchased in Edam Ani.
The yarns of these fabrics have been locally dyed in
indigo, or brown (N — E — 23 through N — E — 26). (Plate
XIV, page 101). These fabrics have been handwoven from
handspun yarns.

A fabric in the collection which was purchased at
the Enugu market and believed to have been handcrafted
in Udi, has been resist dyed in indigo (N - E — 27).

It is handwoven in a plain weave, with elliptical designs
which were produced by a combination of the folding and
stitching resist dye techniques. These fabrics from Edam
Ani, and from Udi, are used for men's undergarments.1
Another handwoven fabric believed to have been handcrafted
in Edam Ahi, is light tan, handwoven from handspun yarns,
and is believed to be used for men's ritual clothing

(N - E -28).

A fabric with one quarter inch weft stripes of tan
and red is believed to have been handwoven in Udi (N — E
- 30). The use for which this fabric was intended is not
known.

Another fabric which was purchased at the Enugu
market is eighteen inches wide by sixty—seven inches
long. The fabric is handwoven from imported yarn. Yarns
of maroon, red and yellow form the plain ground weave.
White cotton yarns are inlaid on a single shed to form

small geometrical designs on the right side of the cloth.

 

lEicher.

 

102
The technique used to produce the inlaid designs on this
cloth is similar to the inlay technique used in weaving
Akwete cloths (N — E — 22). This fabric would probably
be used as part of a woman's wrapper.

A narrow fabric, eleven inches by sixty—three
inches was also purchased at the Enugu market. A plain
weave is formed by lavender, ramie weft yarns and blue,
black and light brown cotton warp yarns (N — E — 29).

The narrow width of the cloth suggests that it would be
used as a baby tie.

Descriptive literature was not found for a dark
brown fabric which was finished in Aba, and sold at the
Calabar market (N - E — Bl). The cotton cloth was com—
merically woven and has been dyed dark brown on one side.
The cloth has a shiny finish but does not have a glazed
finish. The shiny finish may be the result of a beetling
process, whereby the fabric is pounded to produce a shine
and a more compact weave. Because the dye penetration is
not even, the cloth is darker in the center, and because
the cloth is more shiny in the center, it is suggested
that this fabric may have been used to cover a surface
on which other fabrics were beetled.

A unique and interesting fabric from Buguma, located
in the Rivers area provides an example of skillful tex—
tile craftsmanship. The original fabric was a plain weave
imported cotton, commercially woven in England with a

pattern of white checks formed by warp and weft stripes

103
on a blue background. The Buguma women have removed
portions of the stripes by hand—picking out small amounts
of warp and weft yarns, producing another design on this
fabric1 (N — E — 32).

The time, dexterity, and precision involved in
producing the designs on the Buguma cloth are not unique
to the craftsmen in Buguma. These same skills and abili-
ties are also vividly expressed in the beautiful Akwete
cloths. The Akwete craftsman possesses considerable
artistic skill in order to design the Akwete cloth motifs,
to select and to coordinate the colors she will use. The
accomplished Akwete weaver must also possess the ability
to interpret and to implement a design ordered by a
customer. These skills are evident in the Eicher Col-
lection Akwete cloths which display beautiful design
attributes. For example, harmony in the Akwete designs
is achieved in many ways: by repeating motifs within
the cloth, by repetition and progression of the size of
the motifs, by variation of color values and intensities,
and by integrating two or more colors of yarns in one
portion of the design inlaid in one shed. The tortoise,
formerly symbolic of royalty, is an Akwete design which
incorporates the past with the present and perhaps is
also symbolic of increased personal freedom in that the
right to wear the tortoise design is no longer limited

to individuals of royal birth.

 

llbid.

 

104

The monochromatic Akwete cloths and those woven in
two hues are also symbolic. They represent the Nigerian
craftsman's flexibility and perception of market poten—
tials. This flexibility has altered only one aspect of
design — color. The motif lines and shapes, as well as
the Akwete weaving techniques remain traditional.

If the traditional woman's wrapper is replaced by
another style of dress, the demand for Akwete cloth may
decline. Hopefully, however, the appreciation for the

skillful art of Akwete weaving will not cease.

CHAPTER V
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

From this investigation and classification of
selected handcrafted Nigerian textile fabrics, it is
apparent that the Nigerian textile craft industries are
both traditional and dynamic. Tradition or stability is
visualized by the Yoruba continued preference for subtle
colors, especially indigo blues. The village weavers in
the North reflect tradition by their use of locally pro-
cessed cotton yarns and indigenous vegetable dyes. Akwete
weavers also perpetuate tradition by the use of their
inlay weaving technique.

Change is evident in the same aspects of the tex—
tile handcrafts. The Yoruba may actuate their preference
for subtle blues by using imported commercial indigo
dyes. The Northern village weavers, employing indigenous
media, may compete with the city weavers who employ im—
ported yarns and dyes. The Akwete weavers execute Euro—
pean color choices in the traditional inlaid designs.

Traditional and dynamic aspects of the Nigerian
textile handcrafts are not easily or even beneficially
dichotomized. The art of textile design is a part of the

Nigerian culture, an expression of human values, aspirations,

lOS

JOb
and creativity. As Riley implied,* an examination of

a culture‘ textile fabrics can prOVLde conSLderable

If)

knowledge of the peOple of that culture.
This study has illuminated many aspects of Nigerian
culture. In the first place, concerning the Nigerian

technology, it is seen that four types of techno.

O
(Q
<

{1)

H

(D

Operating at the same time: (l) primitive weaVing is
done by women on broad vertical looms, (2) men use a less
primitive narrow horizontal loom into which is incor—
porated a mechanically—operated heddle which makes a
much greater weaving speed possible,2 (3) foot powered
hand looms are used, and (4) fully mechanized looms are
operated in the textile mills.3

Secondly, aspects of the Nigerian economy have
become evident from this investigation: (l) the existence
of a money exchange system, of which fibers and fabrics
are a part; textiles are imported and exported from out-
Side the African continent as well as among African
countries, (2) labor is collectivized to some extent as
exemplified by the yarn rotation system in the extended
family, and (b) middlemen exist to market the yarns and

fabrics at distant markets.

 

l .. .
Riley, op. Cit.

2Clarke, op. cit.

3R. A. Akinola, "Factors Affecting the Location of

a Textile Industry——Example of Ikeja Textile Mill," The
Nigerian Journal of Economic and Social Studies, VII
(November, 1965), 247.

lO7

Thirdly, aspects of the Nigerian division of
labor are exemplified: (l) in most areas, men weave on
narrow horizontal looms, while women weave on the wide
vertical looms, (2) women cultivate, card, and spin cot—
ton in most areas, (3) in some areas both sexes embroider
but the type of items which they embrOLder are exclusive
to the sexes, and (4) dyeing is done primarily by men in
some areas, while in others, it is the domain of women.

Finally, the basic social unit of Nigeria has been
viewed in a stage of transition. Some extended families
still perform the entire processes of cloth fabrication,
however examples of this situation are becoming less
prevalent as the traditional family unit of labor gives
way to the demands of specialization which frequently
require individual family members to seek employment away
from the extended family.

There are numerous aspects of the Nigerian culture
which are currently experiencing both stability and change,
and this investigation of the textile crafts in that
country has provided only a glimpse of these phenomena.

While surveying literature and conducting inter—
views for this study, several suggestions for further
research have emerged:

l) investigation of the kinds of fibers, yarns,

fabrics and dyes used in the production of
handcrafted textiles and the sources of their

origins would document more accurately the

I D

2)

3)

4)

S)

6)

7)

108
history of Nigerian textile crafts.
determination of the spinning, weaving and
dyeing techniques used by craftsmen in specific
areas and analysis of the diffusion of these
techniques from one area to another.
survey of the number of craftsmen who spin,
weave,anuidye to assess the economic importance
of the textile craft industries.
investigation of the number of men, women, and
families who have abandoned or entered the
textile crafts and an analysis of the reasons
for these occurrences to more accurately reveal
the changes that are developing in this industry.
analysis of the symbolic representation of
textile design motifs to better understand the
social implications represented by these de-
signs.
more comprehensive investigation of the ulti—
mate uses of handcrafted textiles in order to
assess the fabric in terms of functional or
aesthetic qualities, or both, in the opinion
of Nigerians. A longitudinal study of this
tOpic would be particularly interesting in
terms of stability and change.
determination of the durability of handcrafted
textiles by means of standard textile labora-

tory tests to reveal the strength, abrasion

109
resistance, colorfastness to light, launder—
ing. and crocking, and also wrinkle resistance.

In addition to the above suggested topics, Nigerian
handcrafted textiles could be investigated in relation
to specific aspects of the culture. For example, textile
crafts could be examined in relationship to political
change as it may influence the status of the craftsman,
his family, or their textile products.

Finally, it is suggested that the Nigerian textile
import market be investigated to determine the quantities
and types of textile goods imported and the sources of
importation. The results of a study such as this would
be especially enlightening because the future of the
Nigerian textile craftsmen, as well as the future of the
five mechanized Nigerian textile mills, depend on their
ability to compete with imported textile products.

Knowledge gained from the foregoing suggested
research topics would provide needed additional informa—
tion for filling the presently inadequate knowledge and
appreciation of Nigerian textiles. The Nigerian textile
craftsmen produce intricate, distinctive and beautiful
artifacts. It is the opinion of the writer that they
deserve recognition equal to that accorded textiles from

other parts of the world.

{“3

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