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State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled AGRAMMATISM IN SPANISH presented by Karen Lynn Miller has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for MA degree in Linguistics WW V _ Major professor Date M%_¢17 , 2—001 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 1‘ II In "H '1'“. "'r II; M" ""33: "Wy' mi MW!“...I,:.*I¢""""v i'I :‘il‘. ' 6/01 c:/ClRC/DateDue.p65—p. 1 S h K ‘ E —. - ‘. ‘. ..r -Jl.r AGRAMMATISM IN SPANISH BY Karen Lynn Miller A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS Department of Linguistics and Germanic, Slavic, Asian, and African Languages 2001 ABSTRACT AGRAMMATISM IN SPANISH BY Karen Lynn Miller This study aims to provide a descriptive overview of the linguistic characteristics of agrammatic production in Spanish. Methods for data collection and analysis follow those employed by Menn and Obler (1990) and Halliwell (1998). Four spoken narratives were collected from two Spanish-speaking agrammatics in Chile. The T nee-pruning Hypothesis (Friedmann and Grodzinsky, 1997) and the Competition MOdel as presented by Benedet et al. (1998) are reviewed in light of the data. Overall, the Spanish-speaking agrammatics patterned with the agrammatics in previous cross-language studies. The Spanish-speaking agrammatics had most difficulty producing prepositions, articles and verbal inflections. Syntactic structure was simplified and production rate and phrase length was short. On the reading task, substitution errors were generally on grammatical morphemes. The Spanish-speaking agrammatics differed in that they had little difficulty producing strong and weak pronouns and had higher token/type ratios than their controls for nouns. To Rodrigo iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people have contributed to the successful completion of this thesis. I would like to begin by especially thanking my graduate committee: Professor Alan Beretta, Professor Cristina Schmitt and Professor Alan Munn for offering specific suggestions to improve this thesis and valuable advice for carrying out the study. I would also like to extend my appreciation to Professor Rafael Gonzalez at the Hospital Clinico de la Universidad de Chile for his time and effort in locating subjects and discussing my project with me. His extensive knowledge in the field of Audiology and Speech Sciences was extremely beneficial. Special thanks goes to the four subjects who participated in the study for their patience and willingness to meet with me on a variety of occasions. I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Violeta Diaz for taking interest in the study right from the beginning and for all the time and energy she spent preparing for my stay in Chile. I am very grateful to Paula Vicencio and Nelson Saa for contacting patients and allowing me to use their facilities. I am also very grateful to Lilian Toledo Rodriguez and Alicia Villar Moya for their helpful suggestions, their assistance in collecting data and for their friendship. I would like to thank Rodrigo Cardenas, who spent several hours helping me with the transcriptions and formatting of the manuscript. Finally, I would like to thank my family for their continual love, encouragement, and support. This work was supported by a grant from the College of Arts and Letters at Michigan State University. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ vii LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... viii LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................. ix INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1 BACKGROUND ................................................................................................................. 3 1.1 Review of Literature .............................................................................................. 3 1.1.1 Broca’s Aphasia and Agrammatism ................................................................. 3 1.1.2 Linguistic Descriptions of Agrammatic Production ........................................ 4 1.1.3 Theoretical Accounts of Agrammatic Production ............................................ 9 1.2 Spanish Agrammatism ......................................................................................... 18 1.2.1 Spanish Grammatical Sketch ......................................................................... 18 1.2.2 Need for Further Research ............................................................................. 26 1.2.3 Predictions for Spanish Agrammatism .......................................................... 26 CHAPTER 2 METHODS AND MATERIALS ...................................................................................... 29 2.1 Subjects ............................................................................................................... 29 2.1.1 Patients ........................................................................................................... 29 2.1.2 Controls .......................................................................................................... 30 2.2 Methods ............................................................................................................... 31 2.2.1 Tasks .............................................................................................................. 31 2.2.2 Analysis .......................................................................................................... 32 CHAPTER 3 RESULTS ......................................................................................................................... 33 3.1 Morphological Patterns ........................................................................................ 33 3.1.1 Morpheme Errors and Distributions .............................................................. 33 3.1.2 Distribution of Morphemes in Text ............................................................... 42 3.2 Major Class Lexical Items ................................................................................... 45 3.3 Syntactic Patterns ................................................................................................. 46 3.4 Production Patterns .............................................................................................. 49 3.5 Supplementary Language Materials .................................................................... 51 3.5.1 Morpheme Errors and Reading Rate in LRRH Reading Task ....................... 52 CHAPTER 4 DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................... 54 4.1 Spanish Agrammatism Compared Crosslinguistically ........................................ 54 4.2 Theoretical Implications ...................................................................................... 58 4.3 Limitations and Future Research ......................................................................... 66 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................. 66 APPENDICES ................................................................................................................... 68 A LRRH Reading Task ........................................................................................... 69 B Materials .............................................................................................................. 72 C1 JTF: Primary Transcriptions and Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions ............ 73 C2 LTL: Primary Transcriptions and Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions ........... 91 C3 DVT: Primary Transcriptions and Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions ........ 109 C4 AYI: Primary Transcriptions and Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions ......... 120 D1 JTF: Morpheme Errors and Distributions .......................................................... 142 D2 LTL: Morpheme Errors and Distributions ......................................................... 143 D3 DVT: Morpheme Errors and Distributions ........................................................ 144 D4 AYI: Morpheme Errors and Distributions ......................................................... 145 E1 JTF & DVT: Distribution of Morphemes in the Text ....................................... 146 E2 LTL & AYI: Distribution of Morphemes in the Text ....................................... 147 F Major Class Lexical Items ................................................................................. 148 G Production Patterns ............................................................................................ 149 H1 JTF: Reading Errors ........................................................................................... 160 H2 LTL: Reading Errors ......................................................................................... 161 H3 DVT: Reading Errors ......................................................................................... 162 H4 AYI: Reading Errors .......................................................................................... 163 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ I64 vi LIST OF TABLES Table l: Neurological Status of Patients .......................................................................... 29 Table 2: Patient Background Information ........................................................................ 31 Table 3: JT F : Determiner Errors and Distribution ........................................................... 34 Table 4: JTF: Pronoun Errors and Distribution ................................................................ 35 Table 5: JTF: Verb/Auxiliary Morpheme Errors and Distribution .................................. 36 Table 6: LTL: Deterrniner Errors and Distribution .......................................................... 37 Table 7: LTL: Pronoun Errors and Distribution .............................................................. 38 Table 8: LTL: Verb/Auxiliary Morpheme Errors and Distribution ................................. 39 Table 9: JTF: Substitutions .............................................................................................. 41 Table 102LTL Substitutions .............................................................................................. 41 Table 11:JTF/DVT: Distribution of Grammatical Morphemes ........................................ 42 Table 12:LTL/AYI: Distribution of Grammatical Morphemes ........................................ 43 Table 13:.1TF/LTL: Distribution of Grammatical Morphemes ......................................... 45 Table 14:AlI Subjects: Summary of Token/Type Ratios .................................................. 46 Table 15:Noun/Verb and Noun/Adjective Ratio ............................................................... 46 Table 16:JTF/LTL: Modification of Noun Phrases .......................................................... 47 Table 17:JTF/LTL: Reading Errors .................................................................................. 52 Table 18:JTF: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS ................................. 142 Table 19:LTL: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS ................................ 143 Table 202DVT: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS ............................... 144 Table 21:AYI: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS ................................ 145 Table 22:.ITF/DVT: DISTRIBUTION OF MORPHEMES IN THE TEXT ................... 146 Table 23:LTL & AYI: DISTRIBUTION OF MORPHEMES IN THE TEXT ............... 147 Table 24:MAJOR CLASS LEXICAL ITEMS ............................................................... 148 Table 25:PRODUCTION PARAMETERS .................................................................... 149 Table 262JTF: READTNG ERRORS ............................................................................... 160 Table 272LTL: READING ERRORS .............................................................................. 161 Table 28:DVT: READING ERRORS ............................................................................. 162 Table 29:AYI: READING ERRORS .............................................................................. 163 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure I: Tree-pruning Hypothesis based on Pollock (I989) .......................................... 14 Figure 2: Tree-pruning Hypothesis based on Chomsky (1992) ........................................ 16 Figure 3: Summary of Rate of Production ........................................................................ 49 Figure 4: Summary of Phrase Length ............................................................................... 51 Figure 5: Free Grammatical Morpheme Errors in Spontaneous Speech ........................... 56 Figure 6: Summary of Token/Type Ratios ........................................................................ 57 Figure 7: Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie Theft .............................. 150 Figure 8: Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief .......................................... 150 Figure 9: Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer ....................................... 151 Figure 10:Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident .................................... 151 Figure llzPatient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie Theft ............................ 152 Figure 122Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief ........................................ 152 Figure 13:Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer ..................................... 153 Figure 142Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident ................................... 153 Figure 152Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: LRRH ....................................... 154 Figure 16:Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie Theft .......................... 155 Figure I7:Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief ...................................... 155 Figure 18:Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer ................................... 156 Figure 19:Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident ................................. 156 Figure 201Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie Theft ........................... 157 Figure 21 :Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief ....................................... 157 Figure 222Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer .................................... 158 Figure 23:Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident .................................. 158 Figure 24:Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: LRRH ..................................... 159 viii adv adj art aux comp conj det exclm fill neg num prep PAST PL PRES SG LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS adverb adjectives article auxiliary complementizer coordinating conjunction determiners exclamation filler noun negative number preposition past tense plural present tense singular pro cli dem poss rel quant qwh rfl subconj v V Vinf I] /??/ (...) (~) ix personal pronoun clitic pronoun demonstrative pronoun possessive pronoun relative pronoun quantifier wh-question word reflexive subordinating conjunction have/be main verb lexical verb infinitive omission uninterpretable string pause of 2 seconds or more pause of less than 2 seconds Introduction Neurolinguistics aims to show how language is supported in the normal brain. By examining acquired language disorders, neurolinguists hope to find out how lesions in the brain relate to language breakdown. Lesser (1989) pointed out that the study of how brain damage can disrupt the use of language offers a unique opportunity to find out more about the organization of the human brain and provides a testing ground for current linguistic theory. Crosslinguistic comparison of agrammatism is essential for providing accurate generalizations of the disorder. By examining language breakdown in a variety of languages, it is possible to separate those characteristics that seem to be language/patient specific from those that are universal. Secondly, because languages vary, cross- linguistic analysis of agrammatism can bring to light deficits that may have been hidden due to the nature of the particular language under study. For example, because of the almost complete lack of subject-verb agreement in English but the abundant presence of it in Spanish, subject-verb agreement marking errors by agrammatics are more easily observable in highly inflected languages like Spanish. Few studies have focused on the language production of Spanish-speaking aphasics. Benedet et al. (1998) pointed out that “no studies of agrammatism in Spanish speakers have been included in either of the recent large-scale cross-language studies (Bates et al., 1991; Menn and Obler, 1990).” The goal of this thesis is to provide a general overview of the characteristics of production in Spanish agrammatsim. In order to facilitate cross-language comparison, the methods for data collection and analysis follow those employed by Menn and Obler (1990). This thesis examines the speech production of 2 Spanish-speaking agrammatics with Broca’s aphasia: JT F and LTL. The first chapter provides general background on previous research on agrammatic aphasia and several theoretical accounts of the disorder are reviewed. Chapter 2 provides background information on the patients and controls selected for the study and outlines the tasks they performed. Moreover, it explains how the data was analyzed. Chapter 3 presents the results for each patient compared to his control. Both the results of the speech and reading tasks are presented here. Chapter 4 compares Spanish agrammatism cross-linguistically and examines the results in light of current theoretical accounts of agrammatism. Chapter 5 concludes the thesis by summarizing the overall findings. IQ Chapter I Background This chapter provides general background information about Broca’s aphasia and agrammatism, presents previous work on agrammatic production, and reviews theoretical accounts of the disorder. 1.] Review of Literature 1.1.1 Broca’s Aphasia and Agrammatism Broca’s aphasia results from brain lesions involving the lower left posterior frontal lobe, or Broadmann’s areas 44 and 45 (Rosenbek et al., 1989). Lesions resulting in Broca’s aphasia are most commonly caused by a cerebro-vascular accident (stroke), head injury from external trauma, intracranial hemorrhage, or surgery required to remove a tumor. Common characteristics of Broca’s aphasia are severely impaired fluency or agrammatic speech, phonological deficits, difficulty in repeating words and phrases, and right-sided hemiplegia. The first person credited for attributing language breakdown to the left hemisphere was Paul Broca. In 1863, Broca described over 25 patients with aphemie (loss of articulate speech) and in 1865 he concluded that true aphemie is “the loss of speech without the paralysis of the organs of articulation and without the destruction of the intellect” and is linked to the third frontal convolution of the left hemisphere. Agrammatism is a linguistic aspect of Broca’s Aphasia and is generally characterized by slow and halting speech, short and unfinished sentences, and impairment of the syntactic and morphological resources of language. One of the earliest accounts of agrammatic speech was made by Johannes Jakob Wepfer (1690) in “Observationes medico-practicae de affectionis capitis itemis & externis.” Here, he described a 53 year- old patient who produced word order and inflectional morphology errors (cited in Whitaker, 1998). Another early account of agrammatic speech was by Giovanni Battista Vico (1744), who reported a patient that had suffered from a stroke and could produce nouns but not verbs (cited in Whitaker, 1998). This dissociation between nouns and verbs has been reported for agrammatics in modern day studies as well (Miceli and Mazzucchi, 1990; Bates et al., 1991). Later in 1819, Deleuze observed a French aphasic who could only produce the infinitive form of verbs and could not produce pronouns (cited in Goodglass and Menn, 1985) and in 1871 Steinthal refers to a patient who was incapable of building sentences (cited in Kolk et al., (1985). Arnold Pick wrote the first document devoted entirely to agrammatism in 1913. Pick is credited for coining the term ‘agrammatism’, which he used to refer to a speech disorder characterized by “disturbance in the use of auxiliary words, incorrect word inflections, and erroneous prefixes and suffixes” (cited in Whitaker, 1998). He noted that although patients knew the intended meaning they wanted to produce, they were unable to construct the sentences. 1.1.2 Linguistic Descriptions of Agrammatic Production Goodglass and K aplan (1983) Goodglass and Kaplan (1983) devised the Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination (BDAE). The BDAE aims to diagnose the presence and type of an aphasia syndrome and also measure the level of performance on a number of linguistic and nonlinguistic tasks in order to provide a better guide for therapy. Severity level is ranked from “0 — 5”, “0” being the most severe. A score of “0” means that communication (production and comprehension) is impossible while a score of “5” means that the patient has a minimally perceptible speech handicap. Scores on the BDAE are ofien used as a criterion for selecting patients for studies on agrammatism. Tasks on the BDAE involve picture description, free narratives, recitation/singing, word/phrase/sentence repetition, word/sentence reading, writing, mathematics, and drawing. One task carried out by patients is the description of the “Cookie Theft” picture], which was also used to elicit speech in many of the studies discussed in this thesis. Menn and Obler (1990) Researchers in Menn and Obler (1990) examined agrammatic production in 14 different languages. Although they found deficits were often language/patient specific, they concluded that some cross-language generalizations could be made. Characteristics of agrammatism in all 14 languages involved: (I) simplified syntactic structure, (2) morphological errors, (3) lexical errors and (4) heavy reliance on canonical word order. At the sentence level, embedded clauses were almost always absent except for quoted discourse. Within the clause, NPs were simplified and the use of noun modifiers was reduced. Specifically, reduction of content-word modifiers (Adj. + N, N + N) was more common than reduction of function-word modifiers (Art. + N). VP was simplified because the use of optional elements, like those that express mood or modality, whether indicated by free or bound morphemes, was absent. Patients generally produced only VPs with subject and object and had difficulty producing indirect objects. Finally, the omission of auxiliary verbs was extremely common. Overall, morphological errors consisted of omission of free grammatical morphemes and substitution of bound grammatical morphemes. Substitution errors were often only off-target by one feature and were not random but rather instances of ‘ See Appendix B of this thesis. morphologically grammatical forms. In other words, patients did not produce non-words. Free morpheme omission rates tabulated by Menn and Obler (1990) were highest for auxiliaries and empty main verbs followed by pre/postpositions, personal pronouns (strong and weak), articles, and coordinating conjunctions and certain non-lexical morphemes like fillers and conjunctions were often overused. Finally, patients omitted more main lexical verbs than nouns, which might be the result of an inability to combine the correct grammatical morpheme with the appropriate verb stem. However, supplementary tasks indicated that retrieval of lexical main verbs was more difficult than retrieval of nouns. Two oral Object vs. Action Naming tests were administered and two Italian patients correctly produced more objects (71.4% and 79.3%) than actions (51% and 71.6%) (Miceli and Mazzucchi, 1990). This suggests that retrieval of main verbs from the lexicon was disrupted. Bates et al. (1991) Bates et al. (1991) provided a cross-linguistic overview of aphasia by reviewing the findings of 9 papers. Although these studies indicated that aphasia varies from one language to another, some general cross-language characteristics were found. Agrammatics had a preference for canonical word order and grammatical inflections and function words were selectively impaired across all languages. Moreover, patients tended to avoid contexts that required production of difficult morphosyntactic structure. When they made mistakes, they substituted the correct form for a simpler, more frequent and less marked form. Like Miceli and Mazzucchi (1990), they reported that action naming, not object naming, was impaired. They pointed out that the hypothesis linking difficulty in verb production to the amount of grammatical markings that verbs carry is incorrect because they find that although Chinese has no verb or noun inflections, Chinese agrammatics still had more difficulty naming actions than naming objects. Benedet et al. (1998) Benedet et al. (1998) compared Spanish and English agrammatic production. They claimed that Spanish agrammatics outperformed their English counterparts on subject-verb agreement because it is a stronger cue2 in Spanish. However, they failed to take into consideration differences in severity rates of the patients tested. Spanish agrammatics received higher scores on the BDAE3, which indicates that they were not as severe as the English subjects with whom they were compared. Patient 6 is the only exception. This patient received a high score on the BDAE yet scored lower than most on all other elicited tasks; however, this patient was classified as a crossed aphasic and overall his description of the ‘Cookie Theft‘” was strange. For example, he used proper names in his description and seemed to be talking about someone he knew rather than the picture itself. If we reanalyze their results (leaving out patient 6) based on severity rate rather than language type, we find that patient 5, who performed best on the BDAE, also outperformed the rest in almost all other tasks. Patient 4, who performed second best on the BDAE, generally outperformed the rest. Moreover, it no longer appears that the ability to correctly produce subject-verb agreement is dependent on one's native language but rather on the severity of one's language deficit because those who scored highest on the BDAE, namely Patients 5, 4, I, D, performed best on subject-verb agreements. 2 See Section 1.1.3: The Competition Model for a explanation of ‘cue’. 3 Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination. See Section 1.1.2: Goodglass and Kaplan (1983) 4 The ‘Cookie Thefi’ is part of the BDAE. See Appendix B. 5 The only exception to this would be Patient 2 who scored a 1 on the BDAE and scored between 50% - 59% on S-V Agreement compared to Patients B, C, and G, who scored a 2 on the BDAE and scored between 30% - 39% on S-V Agreement. However, this exception is small compared to the rest of the evidence that credits severity as determiner of S-V Agreement score. 7 (1) SeverithRate Patient S-V Agreement Score 4 (5) 80% - 89% 3 (4) 80% - 89% 3 (1) (b) 60% - 69% 2 (3) (n) > 60% - 69% 2 (BXCXG), 30% - 39% 1-5 (F) 10% — 19% *Spanish patients are represented by numerals and English patients are represented by letters. It appears that severity rate can explain many of the differences found between these English and Spanish'agrammatics. Spanish subjects were less severe and therefore outperformed English subjects. The conclusions about agrammatic differences based on language type seem questionable. Fortunately, the Spanish attempt at the ‘Cookie Theft’ narrative was published in Benedet et al. (1998) and could be examined independently. The data found in these narratives paralleled the overall findings in Menn and Obler (1990). Syntactic simplification, omission of auxiliaries and lexical empty verbs, omission and substitution of morphemes, overuse of non-lexical morphemes (fillers) and preference for canonical word order were characteristic of the Spanish data. Although Benedet et al.'s attempt at comparing Spanish and English agrammatism is problematic, the Spanish data does predict possible results of this thesis. Although the previously mentioned studies focused on both comprehension and production abilities of agrammatics, only the results of the production tasks are relevant to this study. Moreover, studies only dealing with comprehension of Spanish agrammatics will not be reviewed because of the variation that is found between grammatical comprehension and production by agrammatics. Many have indicated that comprehension and production do not pattern after each other and many times contradict each other (Benedet et al., 1998; Friedmann and Grodzinsky, 1997; Grodzinsky, 2000). Benedet et al. (1998) found patients had more difficulty with tense than with subject-verb agreement on comprehension tasks while the opposite was found on production tasks. 1.1.3 Theoretical Accounts of Agrammatic Production Jakobson (1963) & Luria (1970) Jakobson’s (1941) book linking the loss of phonemes in aphasic language to the acquisition of phonemes in child language development is widely accepted as the first true linguistic study of aphasia. During the 1960’s and 1970’s both Jakobson and Luria turned toward morphosyntax to account for language impairment in agrammatism. Jakobson (1963) argued that agrammatism resulted from a loss of verbal language while nominative language remained intact. He also noted that the disturbance was not random but obeyed a set of rules. Refening to the aphasia-classification work of Luria (1970), Jakobson (1963) proposed a process of encoding. He argued that the process of encoding starts with a selection of constituents, which are then combined and integrated into a context. The process breaks down in agrammatic Broca’s aphasia because the procedure of combining constituents is impaired. In other words, the linguistic elements that encode relationships between content words tend to disappear from speech. Jakobson (1963) asserts, “the little tools of language—connectives, articles, pronouns which serve to cement the grammatical context are the first to be suppressed in the efferent disorder [Broca’s aphasia].” Unlike the proposals that follow, Jakobson’s proposal does not account for selective impairment of certain functional morphemes over others. Kean (1977) Kean (I977) explained agrammatism under a phonological account. She proposed that non-phonological words are omitted in agrammatic speech. Non-phonological words in English are function words and affixes that are not stress sensitive, in other words, affixes that do not change the stress of the stem to which they attach. Kean pointed out that both inflectional affixes and function words do not affect stress in English and for this reason they are omitted in agrammatic speech. Therefore, she concluded that there is no syntactic deficit in agrammatic Broca’s aphasia rather there is a phonological deficit. One obvious problem is that if inflectional and function words are deleted in English because they are not sensitive to stress and hence not phonological words, how do we account for languages where inflectional affixes are stress sensitive? Spanish is one such language. The past tense affixes of Spanish regular verbs are stressed (penso', escuche) Kean pointed out this fact for Russian and stated that although stress is a factor for determining a non-phonological word in English, it apparently is not a factor for determining non-phonological words in Russian and other highly inflected languages like Spanish. The problem is that both Russian- and Spanish-speaking agrammatics, like English-speaking agrammatics, also make mistakes producing function words and inflectional affixes (Luria, 1970; Benedet et al., 1998). Kean would have to argue that this parallelism in error type between highly inflected languages and English is merely coincidental. The fact that inflectional morphemes and function words are compromised in English is due to their lack of stress but the fact that they are compromised in Russian and Spanish is due to some other factor. Another problem with Kean’s proposal was pointed out by Halliwell (1998). He noted that Kean’s theory does not account for why function words are not always omitted 10 nor does it explain why inflectional affixes are substituted rather than omitted in highly inflected languages. Although Kean indicated that affixes attached to stems that cannot stand alone as words are not omitted, it is not clear why, under her theory, they would be substituted. Grodzinsky (1990) states that Kean’s account “is wrong because it is based on one type of error—omission—where as in reality both omission and substitution errors are observed.” Lapointe (1983) In response to Kean’s phonological account, Lapointe (1983) attempted to capture the same range of data under a morphological account of agrammatism. He argued that the retained elements in agrammatism are generally those stem-level items (of major categories) that are inserted into morpho-syntactic structures during lexical insertion. His account viewed derivational and inflectional affixes differently from the way Kean (1977) viewed them. Lapointe argued that both derivational and inflectional affixes are lexically generated while Kean (1977) argued that inflectional affixes are derived by syntactic transformations and only derivational affixes are generated lexically. Lapointe argued that Kean’s proposal would need to maintain that certain generalizations discovered across the class of derivational and inflectional morphemes would have to be purely accidental while under his own account these generalizations would be expected. Lapointe’s analysis would then account for the overall loss of grammatical affixes. Grodzinsky (1990) declared Kean’s (1977) and Lapointe’s (I983) accounts of agrammatism to be essentially the same and emphasized that Lapointes analysis, like Kean’s, fails because it does not account for substitution errors. 11 Hagiwara (1995) Hagiwara (1995) accounted for the selective breakdown of functional categories in agrammatism under a hierarchical approach. She argued that in the hierarchical structure of a noun phrase or clause, the lower the position of the functional head and its projection, the more available it is to the agrammatic patient. Adopting Chomsky’s Minimalist program (1992), she argued that at the clausal level Neg (negation) is more accessible than T (tense) and both are more accessible than C (operators, complementizers). In other words, Hagiwara (1995) suggests that C tends to be impaired in agrammatism while functional categories in IP tend to be retained. She also proposed that at the NP level P (pm-postpositions) is more accessible than D (detenniners). Hagiwara predicted that if a particular node is impaired all nodes above it should also be impaired. She also predicted that the more nodes that are impaired, the more severe the agrammatism of the patient will be. To support her hypothesis Hagiwara turned to spontaneous speech data of 4 Japanese agrammatic patients, one of whom was a crossed-aphasic. Upon examining the data she found that patients never omitted negatives (Neg) or postpositions (P); however, they did omit complementizers (C) and case-markers (D). Hagiwara also administered a grammaticality judgment task to two agrammatic Broca’s aphasic patients (crossed- aphasic was not included). The results indicated that elements lower in the tree are spared while those higher in the tree are impaired. Reznik (1995) revealed several problems with Hagiwara’s proposal, one of which is related to verbal morphology. Reznik showed that tense was compromised (both substitutions and omissions) in the speech of two Spanish-speaking agrammatics. As noted above, Hagiwara (1995) proposed that C is impaired in agrammatism while 12 functional categories in IP tend to be retained. So, it is predicted that tense markings on verbs will be accessible to the agrammatic because tense is checked in IP. However, Reznik (1995) shows that tense is not retained. Likewise, Halliwell (1998) pointed out that Friedmann and Grodzinsky (1997) provided evidence of impaired tense but not impaired subject-verb agreement, which indicated that [P was impaired in their Hebrew patient. Even though Hagiwara did state that all positions could possibly be impaired if the disorder was severe enough, she cannot account for Friedmann and Grodzinsky’s (1997) data because AgrS (agreement on subject) is higher than T (tense) in the syntactic tree that she bases her proposal on; yet in Friedmann and Grodzinsky (1997) AgrS is spared and T is impaired. F riedmann and Grodzinsky (1 99 7) Friedmann and Grodzinsky also proposed that impairment of inflectional morphemes (like those that indicate verbal tense and agreement) is not random but rather is based on the hierarchical position of functional categories within the syntactic tree (Hagiwara, 1995; Friedmann and Grodzinsky, 1997; Grodzinksy, 2000). Friedmann and Grodzinsky (1997) introduced the T ree-pruning Hypothesis, which predicts that if a functional category in the tree is impaired then all functional categories positioned higher will also be impaired. Their proposal differs from Hagiwara’s (1995) proposal in that they assume Pollock’s (1989) representation of IP and not Chomsky’s (1992) representation of IP. Moreover, Hagiwara (I995) focuses on impairment of CP as compared to IP while Friedmann and Grodzinsky (1997) look at the distribution of impairment within IP as well. The general framework under which F riedmann and Grodzinsky are working is that of split inflection (Pollock, 1989) and the Checking Theory (Chomsky, 1992). 13 Pollock (1989) proposed that IP is split into two separate projections: Agreement and Tense (and negation). According to Pollock, verbs start out in the nonfinite form and raise to acquire agreement and tense inflectional markings. According to Chomsky (1992), verbs start out inflected and raise to check these features. The inflectional nodes must match the verb in tense and agreement. Under Pollock’s account, an impaired node would block the verb from raising to acquire inflection while under Chomsky’s account, an impaired node would block the verb from raising to check its inflectional features. Pollock’s representation of IP positions T higher than Agr. CP Only C Impaired T’ Only C and T Impaired /\ C, T, Agr Impaired A VP Figure l. Tree-pruning Hypothesis based on Pollock (1989) Basing the Tree-pruning Hypothesis on Pollock’s representation of IP, Friedmann and Grodzinksy (1997) show a Hebrew agrammatic who failed to produce correct tense markings yet almost never failed to produce correct subject-verb agreement markings. Moreover, their patient was unable to produce Wh-questions and embedded clauses. 14 They argued that Agr was intact while T and C were impaired. The T rec-pruning Hypothesis based on Pollock’s representation of IP is formally stated in (2). (2) The Tree-pruning Hypothesis (Pollock’s tree): 1) C, T, or Agr is underspecified in agrammatism. ii) An underspecified node cannot project any higher. Friedmann and Grodzinsky (1997) based the Tree-pruning Hypothesis on Pollock’s (1989) representation of IP because previous studies have assumed this representation for Hebrew; however, other representations of IP exist. Chomsky (1992) adds AgrS to Pollock’s representation of IP. AgrS dominates T, which in turn dominates AgrO. Turning to Baker’s (1985) Mirror Principleé, Belletti (1990) argued for Chomsky’s (I992) representation of IP in Italian. After examining the future tense in Italian, Belletti ( 1990) concluded that inflectional markings for tense precede inflectional markings for subject-verb agreement, which indicates that the AgrS dominates T in Italian. The Tree-pruning Hypothesis based on Chomsky’s ( I992) representation of IP is shown in Figure 2. 6 Baker’s Mirror Principle is as follows: “Morphological derivations must directly reflect syntactic derivations (and viceversa).” 15 CP Only C Impaired /\ C’ S Only C and AgrS Impaired Only C, AgrS, and T Impaired -1 >§ '° "U C, AgrS, T, AgrO Impaired 83>; Figure 2. The Tree-pruning Hypothesis based on Chomsky (1992) Chomsky’s (I992) representation of IP is widely assumed to be the correct representation for Spanish (Demonte, 1991; Bianchi and Silva, I993; Mendikoetxea, 1993) and is formally stated in (3). (3) The Tree-pruning Hypothesis (Chomsky’s tree): i) C, AgrS, T, or AgrO is underspecified in agrammatism. ii) An underspecified node cannot project any higher. The Tree-pruning Hypothesis according to (2) and (3) predicts different results for Hebrew and Spanish agrammatism. In Hebrew agrammatism (based of Pollock’s representation of IP) if subject—verb agreement is impaired, tense must also be impaired. However, in Spanish agrammatism (based on Chomsky’s representation of IP) if subject- verb agreement is impaired, tense may or may not be impaired. However, if tense is impaired, subject-verb agreement must also be impaired. 16 Finally, the Tree-pruning Hypothesis predicts variation in agrammatic severity across patients. The level of severity is related to the level of impairment in the syntactic tree. That is, the lower the impaired node is on the syntactic tree, the more severe the impairment is. The Competition Model The Competition Model has been used to account for language breakdown in a variety of languages (Bates et al., 1991). Researchers working within the Competition Model have shown that speakers rely on the cues (the most frequent and reliable sources of information) in their language in order to determine meaning. For example, it is said that an important cue for determining subject in Spanish is not word order (like English) because Spanish allows the subject to precede and follow the verb in declarative sentences. Rather an important cue for subject in Spanish would be morphological agreement between the verb and subject (Benedet et al., 1998). The effect of relying on the most valid cues in one’s particular language is termed cue validity. There are two components that determine the cue validity of a morpheme: cue reliability and one availability. Cue reliability is the correlation between a particular morpheme and information that it provides. A morpheme that has only one meaning or grammatical function is high in cue reliability. A morpheme that is used for several different grammatical functions or meanings would be low in cue reliability. Cue availability refers to the presence of a particular morpheme whenever a particular meaning is present. A morpheme that is consistently present whenever a particular meaning is conveyed is high in cue availability. Bates et al. (1999) stated that the “different sources of information (cues) converge, compete and/or conspire to determine the outcome of sentence processing, with the different outcomes depending on the 17 relation of strengths of cues from one language to another.” This competition between two cues is termed conflict validity. Although the cue strengths of a particular language are the same for production and comprehension, cue costs can vary. Two types of cue costs are perceivability costs and assignability costs. A morpheme that is difficult to perceive, because it is not stressed or has a small number of syllables, is high in perceivability costs. Assignability costs refer to the amount of information that must be held in working memory in order to utilize a particular structure or morpheme. Constructions that involve dependencies across more than one constituent are high in assignability costs. Cue validity minus the cue costs determines the availability of a particular construction in a language. Bates et al. (1999) stated that the most valid cues are those that tend to be the first ones used by children, the most prone to transfer during second language learning, and the most resistant to loss following brain damage. 1.2 Spanish Agrammatism 1.2.1 Spanish Grammatical Sketch This section is not intended to cover all aspects of Spanish grammar but rather to provide some background information for better understanding types of errors made by patients. Verbs The nonfinite form of regular and irregular Spanish verbs always ends in -ar, -er, or -ir. Removal of an ending from a regular verb yields the verb stem. This stem alone is not a word; rather, affixes marked for tense, aspect, mood, person and number must be attached stem-finally. Affixes on finite forms vary according to whether the nonfinite verb ends in -ar, -er, or -ir. 18 (4) Finite Verb Endings with Stems Affixes also attach to stems of irregular verbs; however, simply removing the stem-final endings (-ar, -er, -ir) from the nonfinite irregular verb form does not always Stems with Affixes Nonfinite Verb Types -ar verbs -er verbs -ir verbs hablar to speak comer to eat vivir to live l/SG habl + 0 com + o viv + o 2/SG habl + as com + cs viv + cs 3/SG habl + a com + e viv + e I/PL habl + amos com + imos viv + imos 3/PL habl + an com + en viv + en provide the appropriate verb stem. Rather, irregular verb stems vary. (5) PRES: l/SG PRES:3/SG PRES:3/PL PRESISBJV21/SG PAST: 1/SG PASTIIMPF: l/SG FUT:1/SG d_ar_to_gbe doy da dan de di daba dare’ ser to be soy es son sea fui era seré 1_T_L0_gQ voy va van vaya fui iba ire' The participle is created by attaching -ado or —ido to the end of -ar or -er='—ir stems, respectively. It is combined with the verb haber to form the perfect tenses and does not agree in number and gender with the subject. When a participle is combined with estar, it acts as an adjective and agrees in number and gender with the subject. The participle follows ser to form a passive. In a passive, the participle agrees in number and 19 gender with the passive subject. Ser passives are rare in spoken language but are often found in formal writing (Sole' et al. 1977). The gerund form of the verb is created by attaching -ando or -iendo to the end of -ar or -er*’-ir stems, respectively. A gerund is combined with the verb estar to create progressives. (6) Present Perfect (Aux. + Ve@ Estar + Adi. (V + Adj) Ella ha comido Ella esta enojada She has eaten She is mad Passive (Aux. + Verb) Present Progressive (Aux. + Verb) Ella fue expulsada Ella esta hablando She was expelled She is talking Verbal periphrasis will be distinguished from nonperiphrastic verbs in this paper. Verbal periphrasis takes place when two verbs are combined to form one predicate unit. The first of the two verbs acts an auxiliary and is marked for agreement and tense while the second of the two verbs acts as the main verb and must be an infinitive, gerund or participle. Periphrastic verbs behave like the compound verbs mentioned above and will be transcribed as “auxiliary + gerund/participleNinf” (Torrego, 1999). Nonperiphrastic complex verbs are formed by combining two verbs that do not form one predicate unit. Rather one of the two verbs forms the predicate of the main clause and the other verb forms the predicate of the subordinate clause. 20 (7) Verbal Periphrasjs acabar + de + Vinf. to have just finished * gerund ir + a + Vinf. to be going + V inf. tener + que + Vinf. to have + Vinf. poder + Vinf. to be able + Vinf andar + gerund to go + gerund Nonperiphrastic Complex Verbs necesitar + Vinf. to need r V inf. desear + Vinf. to want + V inf. prefiero + Vinf. to prefer 4— Vinf. temo + Vinf. to be afraid + V inf caminar + gerund to walk ‘+ gerund The auxiliary and verb in verbal periphrasis can be directly connected (poder + Vinf) or indirectly connected by a preposition or complementizer. Torrego (1999) suggests that que in tener + que and haber + que appears to have come from the complementizer que in sentences like T engo cosas que hacer (T engo que hacer cosas). However, since the construction is viewed as one predicate unit rather than two, que in this construction will not be counted as a complementizer. Nouns Most Spanish nouns are marked for gender and number. Masculine nouns generally end in -0, but may end with a consonant or -e. Feminine nouns generally end in -a, but may end with a consonant or -e. Plural nouns end in -es when the noun is consonant-final and -s in all other environments. Determiners Spanish definite articles are marked for gender and number and agree with the noun they modify. However, singular nouns that are vowel-initial are usually preceded 21 by the masculine definite article el, as in el agua, el hacha, and el alma. Moreover, the same noun may follow a masculine definite article to create one meaning and a feminine definite article to create another, as with el policia (the policeman) vs. la policr’a (the police in general). (8) Definite Articles litasculine Feminine Neutral Singular e1 la 10 Plural los las 10 Unlike English, Spanish definite articles are required on plural subjects (9), days of the week (10) and they combine with the prepositions a (to) and de (from) to form al (to the) and del (from the) (l l). (9) Los gatos son pequefios. . *Gatos son pequefios. c. Cats are small. on” (10) El Martes voy al cine. . *Martes voy al cine. 0. Tuesday I am going to the movies. cr'e (11) Fui a_l (a + el) cine. 1 went to the cinema. er?” a. Volvi (_le_l (de + el) campo. b. I returned from the country. Demonstratives agree in number and gender with the noun they modify and possessives always agree in number but not always in gender with the noun they modify. Only the 1st and 2nd person plural forms agree in gender with the noun they modify. 22 (12) Demonstratives Masculine Feminine Neutral este/estos esta/estas esto ese/esos esa/esas eso aquel/aquellos aquella/aquellas aquello (l3) Possessives 1‘" erson sing. yo mi/mis fjperson sing. tu tu/tus 3rd person sing. él, ella, usted su/sus I" erson plur. nosotros, nosotras nuestro(s)/nuestra(s) fierson plur. vosotros, vosotras vuestro(s)/vuestra(s) 3'” person plur. ellos, ellas su/sus Indefinite articles in Spanish are marked for gender and number and agree with the noun that they modify. However, singular nouns that are vowel-initial are usually preceded by the masculine indefinite article un, as in un alma and un hacha. There is no neutral form of the indefinite article in Spanish. (14) Indefinite Articles Masculine Feminine Singular un una Plural unos unas Finally, quantifiers also agree in both gender and number with the noun they precede. 23 (15) Quantifiers Masculine Feminine English algun/algunos alguna/algunas some ningun/ningunos ningunalningunas none demasiado(s) demasiada(s) too much mucho(s) mucha(s) a lot otro(s) otra(s) other P0000) poca(S) few vario(s) varia(s) several Adjectives Adjectives are marked for number and gender and agree with the nouns they modify. They can follow or precede nouns. Pronouns Personal pronouns in Spanish are shown in (l6). (16) Personal Pronouns Sing. Plur. 1" yo nosotros/as 2'” hi, usted (formal) vosotros/as, ustedes (formal) 3", e'l, ella, ellos, ellas Subject pronouns are generally omitted. Chilean speakers of Spanish rarely use the informal form of the 2nd person plural. Instead they use ustedes both in formal and informal contexts. However, they do use both the formal and informal forms of the 2"(1 person singular. The 2“d person formal forms (usted ustedes) are grammatically 3rd person. The 1"t and 2“d person singular forms change to mi and ti’ when preceded by a preposition. However, the preposition con combines with the lSt and 2nd person singular forms to create conmigo and contigo. 24 Clitic pronouns can be used as direct and indirect objects. The direct and indirect object clitics are the same for ISt and 21nd person but are different for 3rd person. Moreover, when both direct and indirect object clitics are used within the same sentence, the 3rd person indirect object clitic changes to se. (17) Direct Object Indirect Object I" sing. me me 5101“ nos nos sing. te te 3"i sing. 10, la, 1e 1e (se) 3rd plur. los, las, les les (se) Clitic pronouns precede finite verbs and follow nonfinite (gerunds and infinitives) and positive imperative verbs. In the latter cases, the clitic attaches to the end of the verb to form one word. Spanish reflexive pronouns are me, te, se, and nos. Like direct and indirect object clitics, reflexives precede finite verbs and follow nonfinite (gerunds and infinitives) and positive imperative verbs. In the latter cases, the clitic attaches verb-finally to form one word. Fillers The phrase “asi' que... ” will be considered a filler because it is often used in 9, Chilean Spanish and tends to have the meaning “and so... . Other fillers are “a ver” (“let’s see”) and “entonccs” (“so”). 25 1.2.2 Need for Further Research This study seeks to investigate the nature of agrammatic aphasia in Spanish. Currently, very little is known about Spanish agrammatic production because research has failed to focus on the Spanish-speaking population (Benedet et al., 1998). Yet today this population continues to grow in the US. There are well over 12 million Spanish- speakers in the US. today (over 137,000 in Michigan), making it the 2nd largest language group in the US. (US. Bureau of the Census, 1990). The goal of this study is to provide a descriptive overview of the linguistic characteristics of Spanish agrammatic production. An overview of this nature is valuable because it allows linguists to test current theories of agrammatic production and it allows medical professionals to better evaluate patients. As Benedet et al. (1998) pointed out, "...the study of language breakdown in Spanish is important for the treatment of thousands of Spanish-speaking aphasic patients [and] placed within the framework of comparative aphasiology, it can enhance our scientific knowledge of language processing." 1.2.3 Predictions for Spanish Agrammatism Morphological Patterns Bound morphemes were substituted rather than omitted in Menn and Obler (1990). Substitutions of bound grammatical morphemes were not random but rather instances of morphologically legal forms. Spanish has two types of bound morphemes: verb stems and clitics attached to the end of a gerund, nonfinite verb, or positive imperative. It is predicted that Spanish agrammatics will rarely, if ever, omit bound morphemes. Instead, verb stem and enclitic errors will involve substitution; moreover, patients will not produce any morphologically ungrammatical forms (non-words). 26 Free grammatical morphemes were generally omitted in Menn and Obler (1990). Omission of free morphemes was highest for auxiliaries, empty main verbs, prepositions, personal pronouns (strong and weak), articles and coordinating conjunctions. All of these morphemes, with the exception of some weak pronouns (enclitics), are free in Spanish as well. On the other hand, patients overused sentence initial conjunctions. It is predicted that Spanish agrammatics will also omit free morphemes but overuse fillers and sentence- initial conjunctions. Distribution of Grammatical Categories and Major Class Lexical Items The distribution of actual morpheme production was compared with the distribution of context production (“Actual” vs. “Context”). The score under “Actual” refers to every instance that the subject produced a particular morpheme while the score under “Context” refers to every instance that a particular morpheme was expected to occur. In other words, “Context” scores will include all instances that the morpheme was expected to be produced and was either produced correctly or omitted/substituted. Menn and Obler (1990) did not provide a summary of the distribution of grammatical and lexical categories across all 14 languages. For this reason, the results of the Italian data in Menn and Obler (1990) were examined. Miceli and Mazzucchi (1990) found that the production of morphemes (“Actual”) and production of contexts (“Context”) patterned after each other. It might be concluded that patients generally do not produce contexts for morphemes that cause them difficulty. Therefore, in order to see whether patients were avoiding certain morphemes, they were compared to their controls. Both patients set up more contexts for Have/Be main verbs and fewer contexts for complementizers than their matched controls. Agrammatics also showed similar token/type ratios as their controls on nouns, verbs, and adjectives. However, the 27 noun/adjective ratio of patients was much higher. Moreover, one patient showed a much higher ratio for noun/verbs than his matched control. This seems reasonable since, as mentioned earlier, their patients were able to name more objects than actions in the two oral Object vs. Action Naming tests that were administered. Finally, patients had a tendency of omitting more lexical verbs than nouns. Based on their study, Spanish agrammatics are predicted to show the same patterns. Syntactic Patterns and Word Order Preference Menn and Obler (1990) reported syntactic simplification across all languages. At the sentence level, embedded clauses were almost completely absent, except for quoted discourse. Specifically, relative clauses were almost never produced and subordinate clauses were never correctly produced. Clauses were simplified and canonical word order was preferred across all languages. It is predicted that Spanish agrammatics will rely on simple syntactic structures and SVO word order, even though Spanish allows the verb to precede the subject. Production Patterns In all 14 languages presented in Menn and Obler (1990) rate of production was slow and phrase length was short. This is predicted for Spanish agrammatism as well. 28 Chapter 2 Methods and Materials Chapter 2 provides background information on all subjects who participated in this study, a description of the tasks they performed and an explanation of the data analysis that was carried out. 2.1. Subjects 2.1.1 Patients Background and Neurological Status Patient JTF is a 48 year old, right-handed, Spanish-speaking male who has had 13 years of formal education. Before onset, he worked as a mechanic in a factory in Chile. He has been clinically diagnosed agrammatic and scored a severity rate of 2-3 on a Spanish version of the BDAE (Garcia-Albea et al., 1986). He has demonstrated no significant comprehension, hearing or vision disabilities and has no history of drug/alcohol abuse. Two years before he was interviewed, JTF suffered from an ischemic CVA (stroke). CT-Scans confirmed a unilateral, left-sided lesion that involved the left frontal lateral Fissure and Broca's Area. At the time of the interview, Patient JTF suffered from mild hemiplegia of his right side. Table 1. Neurological Status of Patients JT F LT L Aphasia Type Broca’s Broca’s Motor Deficit mild hemiplegia mild hemiplegia Visual Deficit no visual defect no visual defect 29 Patient LTL is a 57 year old, right-handed, Spanish-speaking male who has had 18 years of formal education. Before onset, he worked as a dentist in Chile. He was clinically diagnosed as agrammatic with a severity rate of “”.2 He has demonstrated no significant comprehension, hearing or vision disabilities and has no history of drug/alcohol abuse. Fourteen months before he was interviewed, LTL suffered from an ischemic CVA (stroke). Medical records and speech pathologist confirmed unilateral, left-sided lesions to the Middle Cerebral Artery, including Broca's Area, and the enlargement of the left Lateral Ventricle. At the time of the interview, Patient JTF suffered from mild hemiplegia of his right side. 2.1.2 Controls Background and Neurological Status Controls were matched for age, sex, education level and region of Chile. Control DVT is a 47 year old, right-handed, Spanish-speaking male who has had 12 years of formal education. He works as a secretary in a university in Chile. He demonstrates no significant cognitive, comprehension, hearing or vision disabilities and has no history of drug/alcohol abuse. Control DVT is matched with Patient J TF. Control AYI is a 51 year old, right-handed, Spanish-speaking male who has had 19 years of formal education. He works as a doctor in a hospital in Chile. He demonstrates no significant cognitive, comprehension, hearing or vision disabilities and has no history of drug/alcohol abuse. Control AYI is matched with Patient LTL. 30 Table 2. Patient Background Information Patients Controls JTF L TL D VT A Y] Age 48 57 47 51 Years of 13 18 12 19 Education mechanic dentist secretary doctor Occupation Ischemic CVA Ischemic CVA - - Etiology 24 months 14 months - - Time Post-onset 2.2 Methods 2.2.1 Tasks Formerly, research was generally carried out only on English-speaking patients and large samples of agrammatic speech in other languages were rare and generally not comparable. Using methods employed by researchers in Menn and Obler (1990), Halliwell (1998) examined the nature of Korean agrammatic aphasia. Because of uniformity of data collection and analysis by Menn and Obler (1990) and Halliwell (1998), their studies have been fundamental for determining deficits that are universal from those that are language specific and for bringing to light agrammatic characteristics that do not surface in English. Spanish agrammatism must also be firlly examined. In order to facilitate cross-language comparison, methods for collection and analysis of Spanish data followed those employed by the above researchers. Four types of spoken narratives were obtained from patients: (1) description of a complex action picture (Appendix B), (2) description of a sequence of pictures (Appendix B), (3) description of accident, and (4) telling of the story “Little Read Riding 31 Hood’. Although one patient was unable to carry out task (4), both patients were able to produce spoken narratives for tasks (I) - (3). Both patients also read aloud the story “Little Red Riding Hood” (Appendix A). The same data from controls matched for age, sex, occupation, and region was also collected. All spoken narratives were audio- recorded 2.2.2. Analysis The data was transcribed under the conventions used in Menn and Obler (1990). The Primary and Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions for all patients are located in Appendices C1 — C4. Data was examined in the following four areas: (I) morphological patterns (substitution and omission of bound and free morphemes), (2) distribution of grammatical categories/major class lexical categories, (3) syntactic patterns and (4) production parameters (tabulation of phrase length and speech rate). All results were tabulated and compared to controls. Results for (I) — (3) were based on the Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions, not the Primary Transcriptions. Results for (4) were based on the Primary Transcriptions. Finally, because normal controls rarely made mistakes, error rates of 10% or higher indicated impairment. 32 Chapter 3 Results Chapter 3 presents the results of this study. Section 3.1 outlines the morphological patterns by examining morphological errors and distribution. Section 3.2 summarizes the token/type ratios of the major class lexical items. Sections 3.3 and 3.4 review the syntactic and production patterns, respectively. Finally, Section 3.5 provides the results of the LRRH reading task. 3.] Morphological Patterns 3.1.1 Morpheme Errors and Distributions The Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions were examined and the substitution and omission errors of both patients are presented in this section. It must be noted that although most morphological errors could be clearly determined, it was sometimes difficult to establish what exactly the patient intended to say. For this reason, the transcription line number for each error is given so that the reader can examine the errors more carefully. Patients are then compared to each other and also to their controls in the summary that follows. Appendices D1 — D4 show the omission and substitution errors for all subjects while Appendices El — E2 show the distribution of morphemes in the text. Case 1. JT F Articles JTF produced 50 contexts for articles and correctly produced 42. Of these 42, only 2 (4%) were indefinite articles. He omitted 3 articles (12, 12b, 44a) and substituted 6. Substitution errors consisted of providing the wrong gender on the definite article (12 33 12b, 20a, 25a, 26). JTF also supplied the wrong gender on the definite article in (35); however, the context required the preposition de, not a definite article. Table 3. JTF: Determiner Errors and Distribution I II III Correctly Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % Total Articles 42 84 6 1 2 3 6 50 Other Determiners 2 100 - - - - 2 Other Determiners JTF supplied one indefinite determiner (41) and one possessive determiner (28b). Prepositions There were 13 contexts present for prepositions. JTF correctly supplied 9 prepositions, omitted 3 (19a, 29a, 34) and substituted 1 (35). As mentioned above, in (35) the patient replaced the preposition de with the definite article e1. He provided no contexts for “preposition + definite article”. Adjectives JTF correctly produced 7 adjectives (20a, 27a, 28b, 30, 45, 50, 50) and omitted one (31). It is unclear whether the patient had trouble producing the omitted adjective or whether he just decided not to finish the sentence due to the seriousness of the topic. Pronouns JTF produced 5 strong pronouns correctly. Two (36, 46) were personal pronouns and three (11, 31, 37a) were demonstratives. JTF did not produce any relative pronouns. 34 Table 4. JTF: Pronoun Errors and Distribution I II III Correctly Sgpplied % Substitutions % Omissions % Total Personal 2 l 00 - - - - 2 DO/IO Clitic 9 9O 1 IO - - 10 Reflexives 6 I 00 - - - - 6 Demonstrative 3 1 00 - - - - 3 Possessive - - - - - - - Relative - - - - - - - Cl itic Pronouns JTF correctly produced 9 direct object clitics and incorrectly substituted 1 direct object clitic (41). Six of the object clitics (1 l, 22, 40, 42, 44a, 45) occurred in the form of, “me die...” Of these 6, four were indirect object clitics (41, 42, 44a, 45). He correctly produced 6 reflexives. Four of the 6 reflexives occurred in the question, “Co'mo se llama”. Auxiliary Verbs JTF produced 22 contexts for auxiliary verbs in which he correctly supplied 16 auxiliaries and omitted 2 auxiliaries (2, 9). He provided the wrong tense (32, 33a) twice and wrong number (16, 26) twice. Of the 6 errors made, 3 were self-corrected in (16a), (32a) and (33a). Have/Be Main Verbs The Have/Be main verbs used by JTF were estar, ser, toner, and haber. Out of 22 obligatory contexts, JTF correctly supplied 17 Have/Be main verbs and substituted 5. Substitution errors involved providing the wrong tense (33, 35) and wrong number (19, 19a, 28). 35 Table 5. JTF: Verb/Auxiliary Mo heme Errors and Distribution I II III Correctly Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % Total Auxiliaries 16 73 4 18 2 9 22 Have/Be Main Verbs 17 77 5 23 - - 22 Main Lexical Verbs 33 87 3 8 2 5 38 Lexical Verbs JTF produced 38 contexts for lexical verbs. He correctly produced 33, omitted 2 and substituted 3. Of the 33 correct lexical verbs 10 were gerunds and 8 were infinitives. JTF used the idiomatic expressions “Me dio ” 7 times and “Como se llama” 4 times, which accounts for 11 of the 33 correct lexical verbs. All substitution errors were a result of providing the incorrect lexical verb. C omplementizers Although it appears that J TF produced 3 complementizers, it was noted in the grammatical sketch that instances of “que " inside of the periphrastic verb “tener a que + . Vinf” was not counted as a complementizer. Therefore, he correctly produced only one complementizer (49). Subordinate Conjunctions JTF produced 1 subordinate conjunction (22) correctly; however, it was part of the unfinished idiomatic phrase “chuta que me dio...”. Coordinating Conjunctions Fourteen coordinating conjunctions were correctly used sentence-initially (5, 19, 27, 28, 29, 40, 42, 44, 46, 47), to connect noun phrases (20a, 41), and to connect adverbs (35). JTF did not omit nor substitute any coordinating conjunctions. 36 Case 2. LT L Articles LTL correctly supplied 48 articles but should have produced 67 articles in context. Of the 48 articles be correctly produced, only 5 (7%) were indefinite articles. He omitted 17 articles (7, 7, 7a, 8, 10, 12, l3, I4, 14, 14, 14, 14a, 14b, 19, 27a, 29c, 40a) and incorrectly substituted articles twice (5, 18). In (5) he incorrectly used an indefinite article and in (18) he supplied the incorrect gender of the definite article. Table 6. LTL: Determiner Errors and Distribution I II III Correctly Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % Total Articles 48 72 2 3 17 25 67 Other Determiners 4 100 - - - - 4 Other Determiners Like JTF, LTL did not produce many contexts for other determiners. All other determiners used by LTL were possessives. He correctly supplied four instances of the possessive determiner mi (21, 23, 25, 26). Prepositions LTL produced contexts for a total of 35 prepositions but omitted 16. Of the 16 prepositions omitted, 4 were part of verbal periphrasis (7, 73, 20b, 40a), 2 were case- marking (10, 40a) and 2 were selected for by the verb (7a, 14b). Of the 35 overall contexts for prepositions, 24 were contexts for lexical prepositions while 11 were contexts for grammatical prepositions. Of the 24 contexts for lexical prepositions, LTL omitted 6 (25%). Of the 11 contexts for grammatical prepositions, LTL omitted 10 37 (91%). Two prepositions were used where no preposition should have occurred (4, 14b). There was 1 context where a “preposition + definite article” was expected, but it was omitted (14b). There were no substitution errors. Adjectives LTL correctly produced 3 adjectives (25, 26, 35). Pronouns LTL correctly produced 4 strong pronouns. Three (21, 27, 29) were personal pronouns and 1 (29b) was a demonstrative. LTL did not produce any contexts for possessive or relative pronouns. Table 7. LTL: Pronoun Errors and Distribution I II III Correctly Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % Total Personal 3 100 - - - - 3 DO/IO Clitic 5 100 - - - - 5 Reflexives 1 3 100 - - - - 1 3 Demonstrative l 100 - - - - 1 Possessive - - - - - - - Relative - - .. - - - .. Cl itic Pronouns LTL produced 4 contexts for DO clitics (26, 37, 37a, 38) and l context for an 10 clitic (7). He also supplied 13 contexts for reflexive pronouns (5, 7, 8, 9, 13, 24, 25, 27a, 27b, 29b, 35, 36, 36a). In all contexts the correct form was supplied. Although it appears that most clitics and reflexives produced by JTF were actually part of idiomatic expressions, this was not the case for LTL. 38 Auxiliary Verbs LTL produced 13 contexts for auxiliary verbs in which he omitted the auxiliary twice and incorrectly substituted the auxiliary 3 times. Substitution errors involved supplying incorrect tense (2, 4b, 25) while omission errors involved dropping the third person singular form of haber (5, 8). Auxiliaries used by LTL were estar, haber, and tr. Have/Be Main Verbs LTL produced 8 contexts for the main verbs estar and tener. He made two errors by providing the wrong tense once (8) and omitting the verb once (31). Lexical Verbs LTL produced 48 contexts for lexical verbs in which he omitted 3 (4b, 7a, 23) and substituted 6. Substitution errors involved leaving the verb in the infinitive form (9), providing the incorrect tense (23, 24, 25, 30a) and attempting to regularize an irregular verb (30). Of the 45 actually produced lexical verbs, 5 were gerunds, 4 were participles and 8 were infinitives. Table 8. LTL: Verb/Auxiliary Mo aheme Errors and Distribution I II III Correctly Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % Total Auxiliaries 8 62 3 23 2 15 I3 Have/Be MVs 6 75 l 13 l 13 8 Main Lexical Verbs 39 81 6 13 3 6 48 C omplementizers LTL did not produce any complementizers. 39 Subordinate Conjunctions Five contexts for subordinate conjunctions were produced. Four were correctly supplied using que (7, 8, l8) and cuando (21). The subordinate conjunction que was omitted once (26). Coordinating C onjunctions Eleven coordinating conjunctions were correctly supplied and used to begin sentences (40, 20b), connect sentences (7, 14, 29, 35, 36, 40a,) and nouns (19, 20a). Summary of Morpheme Errors and Distributions The morphological patterns of JTF and LTL were similar throughout. Both patients produced few indefinite articles. Moreover, both patients omitted definite articles and prepositions, provided incorrect inflectional markings on verbs and auxiliaries, never used relative pronouns and almost never produced complementizers7. Both patients were successful in producing strong and weak pronouns, reflexives and coordinating conjunctions. There were some differences between patients. J TF and LTL differed in the types of errors they made on inflectional affixes and the number of omissions they made on definite articles and prepositions. Although JT F overused sentence initial conjunctions, LTL did not. Finally, most clitics and reflexives used by JTF were part of idiomatic expressions and this was not the case for LTL. Both JTF and LTL substituted and omitted articles while their controls made no mistakes on articles. Substitution errors for both patients consisted of providing the wrong gender. Omission rates of articles were much higher for LTL. He omitted 25% of all articles while JTF omitted only 6%. 7 The reason patients never used relative pronouns and almost never used complementizers is because they produced almost no embedded clauses. 40 JTF supplied 13 contexts for prepositions and omitted 3 (23%) while his control DVT supplied 22 contexts and omitted none. LTL provided 35 contexts for prepositions and omitted 16 (46%) while his control AYI provided 95 contexts for prepositions and omitted none. Again patient LTL had a higher omission rate than patient JTF. Auxiliaries were substituted and omitted by both patients. IT F substituted 18% and omitted 9% of all possible auxiliaries. Substitution errors involved incorrect tense and number. LTL substituted 23% and omitted 15% of all possible auxiliaries. Substitution errors involved incorrect tense. Have/Be main verbs were substituted and omitted by both patients. JTF substituted and/or omitted 23% of all Have/Be main verbs while LTL substituted and/or omitted 26%. Main lexical verbs were also substituted and omitted by both patients. JTF substituted and/or omitted 13% of all main lexical verbs while LTL substituted and/or omitted 19%. Substitution errors on verbs involved incorrect number and tense for JTF but only incorrect tense for LTL. Although both patients had difficulty producing the correct inflectional marking on auxiliaries and verbs, they differed in that JT F made mistakes on both agreement and tense while LTL only made mistakes on tense. Table 9. JTF: Substitutions Gender Number Person Tense Articles 5 - - - Other Determiners - - - - Nouns - - - Adjective - - Auxiliaries - 2 - Have/Be Main Verbs - 3 Main Lexical Verbs - - - - NNI 41 Table 10. LTL: Substitutions Gender Number Person Tense Articles 1 - - - Other Determiners - - - - Nouns - - - - Adjective - - - Auxiliaries — - - Have/Be Main Verbs - - - Main Lexical Verbs - - - w—‘wU Both JTF and LTL had little difficulty producing strong and weak pronouns, reflexives and coordinating conjunctions. Like their controls, they almost never omitted or substituted these morphemes in the speech production tasks. Moreover, the distribution of these three categories was similar for both patients and controls. The only difference was that JTF overused sentence-initial conjunctions while the other three subjects did not. 3.1.2 Distribution of Morphemes in Text This section examines the distribution of morphemes in the text to see if patients avoided or overused any categories. Overall, morphological distribution for patients and controls was similar. Patients are first compared to their controls and then to each other. Appendices E1 and E2 show the results for all morphemes examined. Patient: J TF vs. Control: DVT The distribution of adjectives, strong pronouns, and coordinating conjunctions was similar for both JTF and DVT. Distribution of articles was similar for both control and patient. However, as noted earlier, DVT actually produced many more indefinite articles than JTF. Out of all the articles actually produced by JTF, 2 (4%) were indefinite while 46 (96%) were definite. Out of all the articles actually produced by his control 42 DVT, 20 (45%) were indefinite and 24 (55%) were definite. DVT also provided more contexts for prepositions and complementizers. Table 11. JTF/DVT: Distribution of Grammatical Morphemes J TF DVT actual context actual context N % N % N % N % Articles 48 18 50 I9 44 19 44 I9 Prepositions 9 3.4 13 5 22 9 22 9 Comp. 1 0.4 l 0.4 6 3 6 3 JTF seemed to produce just as many contexts as DVT for nouns and lexical verbs; however, these numbers may be misleading. The token/type ratio for nouns and verbs was much higher for JTF than for DVT. JTF had a token/type ratio of 2.1 for nouns and 2.4 for verbs while DVT had a token/type ratio of 1.3 for nouns and 1.1 for verbs. This indicates that the verbs and nouns used by JTF were often instances of the same type. Finally, although JT F did set up more contexts and actually produced more clitics than DVT, as noted earlier, the clitics used by JTF were generally part of idiomatic expressions. Patient: LT L vs. Control: A Y] AYI produced many more indefinite articles than LTL. Out of all the articles that LTL actually produced, 5 (7%) were indefinite while 44 (93%) were definite. Out of all the articles that his control AYI actually produced, 73 (67%) were definite while 36 (33%) were indefinite. AYI also produced a higher percentage of contexts and actually produced more complementizers and subordinate conjunctions than LTL. Although AYI produced twice as many prepositions as LTL, the distribution of prepositions in the text was only slightly higher for AYI. 43 Table 12. LTL/AYI: Distribution of Grammatical Morphemes LTL actual context actual context N % N % N % N % Articles 50 18 67 21 109 15 109 15 Prepositions 2 1 8 35 1 l 95 1 3 95 13 Comp. - - - - l9 3 19 3 Sub. Conj. 4 1 5 2 29 4 29 4 Out of all morphemes examined, it appears that LTL had a higher percentage of nouns than AYI. However, it must be noted that LTL had a much higher token/type ratio for nouns. LTL had a token/type ratio of 2.1 for nouns while AYI had a token/type ratio of 1.4. This indicates that although nouns made up a large portion of the morphemes produced by LTL, they were often repetitions of the same type. AYI supplied more contexts and actually produced a higher percentage of auxiliaries and verbs than LTL. Although AYI produced 23 clitics while LTL produced only 5, the percentage of clitics produced out of all morphemes examined is similar for both. For LTL 2% of all morphemes produced were clitics and for his control AYI 3% of all morphemes produced were clitics. Similar distribution was also found for reflexives. Unlike JTF, the clitics produced by LTL were not generally part of idiomatic expressions. It was predicted that Spanish agrammatics would have difficulty with clitics. Reznik (1995) provided data from two Spanish-speaking agrammatic patients who generally substituted or omitted clitic pronouns. Menn and Obler (1990) found that overall error rates were high for personal pronouns (strong and weak). For this reason, it is unclear why LTL does not present more difficulty in producing them. 44 Patient: J T F vs. Patient: L TL LTL produced a higher percentage of prepositions than JTF. Out of all the actually produced morphemes examined for JTF, only 3% were prepositions while 8% were prepositions for LTL. LTL also produced more contexts for prepositions. It should be noted that the percentage of contexts for prepositions that LTL produced, patterned with the percentages of both controls. This is not true for IT F. On the other hand, LTL made more mistakes than JTF on prepositions. It could be concluded that JTF did not make many mistakes on prepositions because he avoided them. LTL, on the other hand, did not avoid prepositions; hence, his deficit was more observable. Although JTF had a higher percentage rate for clitic pronouns, it was noted earlier that these were mostly part of idiomatic expressions. On the other hand, the clitic pronouns produced by LTL were not. Moreover, LTL had a higher percentage than JTF The percentage for Have/Be main verbs was higher for JTF while for reflexives. percentages for auxiliaries and lexical verbs were similar for both. Table 13. JTF/LTL: Distribution of Grammatical Morphemes J TF LTL actual context actual context N % N % N % N % PrQositions 9 3.4 13 5 2 l 8 35 1 1 Clitics 10 4 IO 4 5 2 5 2 Reflexives 6 2 6 2 1 3 5 1 3 4 Have/Be MV 22 8 22 8 7 3 . 9 3 3.2 Major Class Lexical Items The results of this analysis are reported in the Appendix F. Patients J TF and LTL showed much higher overall token/type ratios for nouns than their respective controls. 45 Also, the overall token/type ratio for verbs was higher for J TF (1.8) than for his control DVT (1.1). This is not the case for LTL (1.5) and his control AYI (1.6). Table 14. All Subjects: Summary of Token/Type Ratios Nouns Verbs Adjective Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio JTF 2.1 1.8 1.75 DVT 1.3 1.1 1.5 LTL 2.1 1.5 1 AYI 1.4 1.6 1.2 The noun/verb ratio of both patients patterned with that of their controls. The noun/adjective ratio was higher for both patients than for their controls. Table 15. Noun/Verb and Noun/Adjective Ratio Noun/Verb Noun/Adjective Token Type Token Type JTF 1.6 1.9 7.7 6.5 DVT 1.5 1.3 5.3 5.7 LTL 1.5 1.1 25.0 11.7 AYI 1.3 1.5 5.2 4.5 3.3 Syntactic Patterns Noun Phrase Level Modification of noun phrases (NP) by adjectives, prepositional phrases (PP), and relative clauses (CP) was examined in order to determine the level of noun phrase complexity for each subject. In this analysis, all modified and unmodified NPs were counted even when they were produced with grammatical error. However, if the noun inside the NP was omitted, then the NP was not counted. Moreover, NPs headed by 46 proper nouns, pronouns and number were not counted, for example, “el 21 de mayo.” The number of NPs modified by agrammatic patients is presented in Table 16. Table 16. JTF/LTL: Modification of Noun Phrases Unmodified Total NP+ Adj. NP+ PP NP+ CP NPs NPs JTF 10 (20%) - - 39 (80%) 49 DVT 9 (19%) 5 (10%) 6 (13%) 28 (58%) 48 LTL 3 (5%) - - 61 Q5%) 64 AYI 24 (20%) 27 (22%) 19 Q6%) 51 (42%) 121 Clearly both agrammatic patients produced much simpler NPs than their controls. Neither agrammatic patient modified NPs with a CP or a PP. Instead, adjectival modification accounted for the few number of modified NPs they produced. JTF left 39 NPs unmodified (80%). Ten NPs were modified with adjectives (20%). LTL modified 3 NPs with adjectives (5%) and left 61 NPs unmodified (95%). On the other hand, both controls modified NPs with CPs and FPS and adjectives. As the data show, the ability to create complex NPs has been compromised for both agrammatic patients. Verb Phrase Level The complexity of syntactic structures at the verb phrase (VP) level was evaluated by examining the number of prepositional phrases attached to verbs and the number of subordinate clauses produced. All VPs were counted except for those where the main verb was omitted. The total number of “verbs” was compared to the total number of “verbs + prepositional phrases”. VPs were not counted if they were idiomatic expressions or repetitions in an attempt to self-correct. 47 Of 45 W8 produced by JTF, only 3 (7%) were followed by a PP (19a, 29a, 33) but the preposition was missing in two of the FPS and the third PP was left unfinished. Of the 41 W5 that his control DVT produced, 15 (37%) were followed by a PP. Of 50 W5 that LTL produced, 16 (32%) were followed by PPs but the preposition was missing in 7 of the FPS and 1 PP was left unfinished. Of the 117 VPs his control AYI produced, 54 (46%) were followed by a PP. The results indicate that the ability to form “VP + PP” constructions was impaired for both agrammatics. In order to examine patient ability to form subordinate clauses, a main clause/subordinate clause ratio was calculated for both agrammatic patients and then compared to the ratio for their controls. Clauses were only counted if the main verb was present. JTF produced 46 main clauses and 2 subordinate clauses, giving him a ratio of 23. Of the 2 subordinate clauses he produced, I had an uninterpretable string between the main clause and the subordinate clause (47). His control DVT produced 35 main clauses and 3 subordinate clauses, giving him a ratio of 11.7. LTL produced 39 main clauses and 5 subordinate clauses, giving him a ratio of 7.8. Of the 5 subordinate clauses he formed, 2 were left unfinished (7, 8), l lacked the subordinate conjunction (26), and the fourth one had la inserted ungrammatically. His control AYI produced 61 main clauses and 28 subordinate clauses, giving him a ratio of 2.17. Both agrammatic patients had a much higher ratio than their respective controls. Although LTL (7.8) had a lower ratio than JTF’s control DVT (11.7), only one of the subordinate clauses produced by LTL was actually completely correct. Therefore, it appears that both agrammatics were impaired in their ability to produce subordinate clauses. The results clearly indicate that syntax was simplified at the VP level. 48 3.4 Production Patterns The primary transcriptions were used to count words/minute, phrases/minute and phrase length. Except in the case of self-correction, repetitions of single words were counted as one instance of that word due to the fact that both patients, especially JT F, repeated one word several times whenever they were stuck. Words that were not phonologically clear enough to understand were not counted. Also, enclitics and reflexives that were attached to an infinitive, gerund, or imperative were not counted separately while those clitics and reflexives that were free and preceded a finite verb were counted separately as a single word. Appendix G has the rate of production results and phrase length results for all subjects. Rate of Production Agrammatics produced far less words/minute than their controls. On all spontaneous speech tasks combined JT F produced at total of 38.8 words/minute while his control DVT produced 107.2 words/minute. LTL produced 38.2 words/minute while his control AYI produced 134.8 words/minute. 150 7' 134.8 | 100 J Words/Minute JTF DVT LTL AYI Subjects Figure 3. Summary of Rate of Production 49 The number or syntactically continuous phrases/minute for agrammatics and controls was similar. The criteria for a syntactically-continuous phrase follows the standards used in Menn and Obler (1990); a string of words bounded by a pause of at least 2 seconds, by falling intonation contour, by the beginning of a parenthetical remark, or by the omission of a major class lexical item. Retracing of two or more words and self-correction, which attempted to produce a different target word, were considered boundaries. On all spontaneous speech tasks combined JTF produced 10.3 phrases/minute while his control DVT produced 14.6 phrases/minute. LTL produced 11.3 phrases/minute while his control AYI produced 10.8 phrases/minute. Although the number of phrases/minute was similar between both groups, the length of the phrases differed. Phrases were much shorter for agrammatics than for their controls. Phrase Length The mean number of words/syntactically-continuous phrase was calculated and Appendix G shows the results for each patient for each individual task. The number of words/syntactically-continuous phrase was substantially lower for both agrammatic patients. On all spontaneous speech tasks combined, the mean number of words/phrase for JTF was 3.87 while the mean number for his control DVT was 7.36. The mean number of words/phrase for LTL was 3.47 while the number for his control AYI was 12.86. 50 12.86 , 14— >0 =c6£€ " {Ho‘- ‘ we as... :3 (I) ze-E '°:: 3— 08 3 J TF DVT LTL AYI Subjects Figure 4. Summary of Phrase Length 3.5 Supplementary Language Materials Each subject was asked to read aloud the story “Little Red Riding Hood” (Appendix A). Transcriptions of readings are located in Appendices C1 — C4. Reading errors are listed in Appendices H1 - H4. Note that not all reading errors resulted in ungrammatical constructions. All subjects tended to switch back and forth between a noun and its diminutive form. Also, all subjects tended to add the definite article before proper names even though it was not written this way in the story. For this reason, definite articles before proper names and diminutive forms of nouns or omission of the diminutive on a noun will not be counted as reading errors. All other reading errors whether resulting in ungrammatical or grammatical constructions were tabulated and then those errors that resulted in ungrammatical constructions were separated and reported in the paragraphs that follow. 51 3.5.1 Morpheme Errors and Reading Rate in LRRH Reading Task Oral Reading of LRRH Although both agrammatic patients were able to read the entire story, they read much slower that their controls. It took JT F 3:41 minutes to read the story while it took his control DVT only 2:18. It took LTL 7:21 minutes to read the story while it took his control AYI only 2:03. It is clear that LTL had the most difficulty on the reading task. Not only does it take him much longer to read the story but he also makes more mistakes than all other subjects, including JTF. Both agrammatic patients made more mistakes than their controls on the reading task. Of the 21 reading errors reported for IT F, 16 resulted in ungrammatical sentences. The main errors for JTF were replacing subordinate conjunctions with the preposition “de” 3 times and pluralizing singular nouns 6 times. The 6 instances of making singular nouns plural were counted as substitution errors. Of the 5 reading errors reported for his control DVT, only 1 resulted in an ungrammatical sentence. There are 60 reading errors reported for LTL. Of these 60, 28 resulted in ungrammatical sentences. The main errors for LTL consisted of substituting and omitting prepositions, agreement errors on verbs, and omitting coordinating conjunctions. LTL also substituted lexical verbs for others that were semantically similar. He read preguntarle (21) although hablarle was written and dijo (23) although pregunto’ was written in the story. AYI made no errors that resulted in ungrammatical sentences. He inserted an extra clitic once and a complementizer once, both of which resulted in grammatical sentences. Table 17 shows the reading error distribution for free and bound grammatical morphemes and content words. Note that clitics and reflexives are bound if they occur with infinitives, gerunds or positive imperatives and are free elsewhere. Other bound 52 morphemes examined were inflectional affixes on verbs, auxiliaries, nouns and adjectives. Table 17. JTF/LTL: Reading Errors JTF LTL Free Gram. Bd. Gram. Content Free Gram. Bd. Gram. Cont. morphemes morphemes words morphemes morphemes words Omissions 2 - - 19 - 2 Substitutions 6 8 - 16 8 3 Correct 160 155 152 128 155 147 Total in text 173 163 152 I73 I63 152 Additions 5 - - 10 2 - Overall, both patients were able to read the story without too much difficulty. However, LTL produced many more reading errors than JTF. Out of all the morphemes examined, about 9.8% were either substituted or omitted by LTL but only 3.3% were substituted or omitted by JTF. Both patients had more difficulty reading functional morphemes than content words. All reading errors made by JT F were on fimctional morphemes while LTL had 43 reading errors on functional morphemes but only 5 on content words. Neither patient omitted bound grammatical morphemes. Instead, all reading errors on bound grammatical morphemes were due to substitution. Finally, patients sometimes added morphemes to the text that were not written in the story. Most additions resulted from the patient adding clitics. 53 Chapter 4 Discussion The goal of this thesis was to present an overview of the general characteristics of Spanish agrammatic production that could be compared cross-linguistically. Chapter 1 outlined the general characteristics of agrammatic production reported in earlier studies and made a number of predictions for Spanish agrammatism. Chapter 2 described the methods for collecting and analyzing data and Chapter 3 presented the results. These results are discussed further in this chapter by comparing them to the predictions made in Chapter 1 and by determining what consequences they have on current theoretical accounts of agrammatic production. 4.1 Spanish Agrammatism Compared Crosslinguistically Free Grammatical Morphemes Much of the Spanish agrammatic data presented in this paper patterned with agrammatic data fi'om other languages. Based on previous studies, it was predicted that Spanish agrammatics would have difficulty producing free grammatical morphemes and would most likely omit them. Although both agrammatics showed difficulty in producing articles in the spontaneous speech tasks, only LTL had a high omission rate (25%). On the other hand, JTF had a high substitution rate (12%). Substitution errors generally resulted from changing the gender on the article. Agrammatic patients rarely produced indefinite articles during the spontaneous speech tasks. On the LRRH reading task, only LTL had difficulty reading definite articles. He omitted and substituted 13% of all definite articles written. 54 Both patients had high omission and low substitution rates for prepositions in the spontaneous speech tasks. JTF omitted 23% while LTL omitted 46%. LTL also showed great difficulty in reading prepositions in the LRRH reading task, where he omitted 17% and substituted 20% of all prepositions. Omission rates for auxiliaries were rather high in previous studies and this was predicted to be true of Spanish agrammatism as well. Although both patients omitted auxiliaries, only LTL had an omission rate above 10%. He omitted 15% of all auxiliaries while JT F omitted 9%. Finally, although patients did not omit nor substitute coordinating conjunctions in the spontaneous speech tasks, LTL did omit 16% of all coordinating conjunctions in the LRRH reading task. The agrammatic patients presented in this study did not make errors on all free grammatical morphemes. Neither JTF nor LTL seemed to have difficulty producing or reading strong pronouns, clitics, and reflexives. As noted earlier, most of the clitics and reflexives supplied by JT F in the spontaneous speech tasks belonged to idiomatic expressions. Since his control DVT only used 6 clitics/reflexives in all of the spontaneous speech tasks, it appears that JTF’s performance on clitcs and reflexives was normal. Moreover, he made no mistakes reading clitics and reflexives in the LRRH reading task. LTL made no mistakes on clitics, reflexives, or strong pronouns in spontaneous speech; however, be substituted 2 clitics and omitted l clitic in the LRRH reading task. He also added 4 clitics and 4 reflexives in the LRRH reading task that were not written in the text; however, only 2 resulted in ungrammatical sentences. Reznik (1995) pointed out that her Spanish agrammatic patients avoided clitics and Menn and Obler (1990) stated that clitics were often omitted when free. It is not clear then why patients in the present study did so well on producing and reading clitics. 55 100 -7 Percentage wrong I j T art. prep. pro. clitics refl. aux. coor. conj. Figure 5. Free Grammatical Morpheme Errors in Spontaneous Speech Bound Grammatical Morphemes Based on previous studies, it was predicted that Spanish agrammatic patients would not omit but rather substitute bound grammatical morphemes. Both patients substituted inflection on auxiliaries and verbs. JTF substituted tense or number on 18% of Have/Be main verbs and 23% of auxiliaries. LTL substituted tense on 10% of main lexical verbs, auxiliaries and Have/Be main verbs. Notice that although JTF made errors on both tense and number, LTL made only errors on tense, except in (30a) where the form of the verb “venir” is wrong on both tense and person. On the LRRH reading task, JTF substituted tense on only 2 verbs (3%). LTL substituted number on only 3 verbs; however, it appears that the null subject in these sentences caused him confusion (63, 66, 70). It seems that LTL considered “ojos grandes”, rather than the null 2“d person 56 singular, to be the subject in these sentences. Neither patient made significant errors on bound clitics or reflexives. Distribution of Grammatical Categories and Major Class Lexical Items It was predicted that Spanish agrammatic patients would set up more contexts than their controls for Have/Be main verbs. Only JT F set up more contexts for Have/Be main verbs. LTL did not. It was also predicted that Spanish agrammatics would show similar token/type ratios as their controls for nouns, verbs, and adjectives while the noun/adjective ratio of patients would be substantially higher. However, both verb and noun ratios were higher for JTF than for his control DVT. JTF had a verb ratio of 1.8 while his control had a verb ratio of 1.1. Moreover, JTF had a noun ratio of 2.1 while his control DVT had a noun ratio of 1.3. Adjective ratios were similar for both JTF and his control. Patient LTL also had a higher token/type ratio for nouns than his control AYI. LTL had a ratio of 2.1 while his control AYI had a ratio of 1.4. These results were swprising because they were not found in previous studies (Menn and Obler, 1990; Halliwell, 1998). 5 _ 4 .1 .2 l nouns Ti 2" Iverbs . El adj ectivesj DVT LTL AYI Subjects Figure 6. Summary of Token/Type Ratios 57 Syntactic Patterns and Ward Order As was predicted, syntax was simplified at all levels. Relative clauses were almost completely absent from agrammatic speech. Patients never used prepositional phrases to modify NPs. Moreover, modification by adjectives was low. At the VP level, very few subordinate clauses were produced and those produced almost always involved error. Even on the LRRH reading task, JTF substituted 3 subordinate conjunctions and LTL omitted 1 of 7 complementizers. Production Parameters It was correctly predicted that Spanish agrammatics would have slow rate of production and short phrase length. Words/minute produced by agrammatics was much lower than words/minute by controls. Moreover, phrase length was much shorter for agrammatics. 4.2 Theoretical Implications This section examines the Competition Model and the T rec-pruning Hypothesis in light of the data collected in this study. The data can only shed light on these proposals; it cannot completely determine if they are correct accounts of the deficit. Further research is needed before either proposal can be accepted or completely rejected. First subject-verb agreement and tense production by Spanish agrammatics will be discussed. Then, the Spanish preposition ‘a’ will be examined. Benedet et al. (1998) found that the Competition Model accounts for the fact that their Spanish agrammatic patients did better on subject-verb agreement than English agrammatic patients. As noted in Section 1.1.2, it is possible that this was a result of agrammatic severity rather than language difference. Moreover, they stated that in Spanish tense marking was higher in one costs than subject-verb agreement marking 58 because tense marking carries independent semantic meaning and therefore requires additional working memory. They predicted and they found that their Spanish agrammatics did better on producing subject-verb agreement than on producing tense. On the spontaneous speech tasks, LTL seemed to confirm their findings because he had no subject-verb agreement errors but he incorrectly produced tense for 10.1% of all auxiliaries and verbs. However, this is not the case with IT F. In the spontaneous speech tasks, JTF incorrectly produced subject-verb agreement for 11.4% of all auxiliaries and verbs while he incorrectly produced tense for 9.1% of all auxiliaries and verbs. JTF had a slightly higher percentage in error rate for subject-verb agreement marking than for tense marking, which is not predicted by the Competition Model as presented by Benedet et al. (1998). Under the Competition Model, one would expect the percentage of tense marking errors to be a great deal higher than the percentage of subject-verb agreement errors. In other words, agrammatics would not be expected to show similar number of errors on subject-verb agreement and tense. Friedmann and Grodzinsky (1997) proposed that the breakdown of hierarchical structure accounts for the impairment of subject-verb agreement and tense. As noted in Section 1.1.3, Chomsky’s representation of IP positions subject-verb agreement higher than tense and this is generally the representation assumed for Spanish. Under this representation, if tense is impaired, subject-verb agreement and the creation of embedded clauses and Wh—questions should also be impaired. However, if only subject-verb agreement is impaired, the formation of Wh-questions should be impaired but not tense. It appears that the data produced by LTL does not support the T ree-pruning Hypothesis. Because he made only tense errors, it appears that he has an impaired T and an intact 59 AgrSS. He also seems to have an impaired C. LTL produced 5 contexts for subordinate clauses while his control produced 29 contexts. Moreover, of those 5 contexts, only 1 subordinate clause was produced without error. LTL produced no contexts for relative clauses while his control produced 19 contexts. Finally, LTL produced 2 Wh-questions but 1 was ungrammatical (37a) while the other was an idiomatic expression. This indicates that LTL has an impaired C and T but not an impaired AgrS, which is not predicted by the Tree-pruning Hypothesis. It is not clear whether the data collected from JTF supports the T rec-pruning Hypothesis. He made errors on both subject-verb agreement marking and tense marking. Under the T rec-pruning Hypothesis it would be argued that he has an impaired AgrS and T. If this is the case, he should also have an impaired CP. JTF produced 1 context for a subordinate clause; however, it was an idiomatic expression. His control only produced 3 contexts for subordinate clauses. Although his speech was slightly unclear, it appeared that JTF produced 1 context for a relative clause (49-also see primary transcripts). His control produced only 6 contexts for relative clauses. Finally, JT F produced 5 questions using Wh-words. However, 4 of them were idiomatic and it is unclear whether the fifth was produced correctly or not (49-also see primary transcriptions). In the spontaneous speech data it is difficult to determine whether JTF had an impaired CP. Since he did not carry out the LRRH reading task, which requires the subject to produce more instances of CP, enough data is not available. Although the Competition Model can account for LTL’s speech, it does not account for IT F’s speech. The T rec-pruning Hypothesis does not account for the errors 8 LTL did make 3 errors on subject-verb agreement in the LRRH reading task; however, it appears that this was a problem with determining the correct subject (subject was null) and not in providing correct agreement inflections (see transcriptions). 60 found in LTL’s speech and enough data is not available to determine whether it accounts for the errors found in JTF’s speech. The Competition Model predicts a somewhat large difference in error rate between subject-verb agreement marking and tense marking due to cue validity and cue costs. Under the T rec-pruning Hypothesis, it is only predicted that subject-verb agreement marking and tense marking will either be impaired or not impaired. However, it does not predict that tense marking will be more impaired than subject-verb agreement marking. Under the T ree-pruning Hypothesis, it seems plausible that an agrammatic with an impaired AgrS and T would show a similar number of errors on both subject-verb agreement marking and tense marking since neither node should be accessible. This seems to be the case with JTF; however, as noted above, it is not clear whether JT F has an impaired CP. The reading data collected in this study does not support the T rec-pruning Hypothesis. Although JTF substituted 3 subordinate conjunctions and LTL omitted one, both patients read Wh-questions and embedded clauses without too much difficulty. F riedmann and Grodzinksy (1997) stated that agrammatics should have difficulty reading instances of CP, if Agr and/or T are impaired. They pointed out that, although their patient did better at reading Wh-questions than at producing them in spontaneous speech, her ability to read them was still disturbed. They concluded that Wh-questions were impossible to produce and hard to read and that the ability to read embedded clauses was also impaired for their patient. Working within the Competition Model, Benedet et al. (1998) suggest that the Spanish preposition ‘a’ is low in one reliability because the preposition can have many different meanings and high in perceivability costs because it is a single unstressed syllable in a sentence context. They state that this is true for production and 61 comprehension. It would be predicted then that agrammatics would tend to omit the preposition ‘a’ due to its low cue validity and its high cue costs. In part this is true. Production of all prepositions was clearly difficult for LTL. He made a number of substitution and omission errors in both spontaneous speech tasks and the LRRH reading task. However, if the data is examined more closely, it appears that errors are not random. In the spontaneous speech tasks, LTL omitted the preposition ‘a’ when it case- marked a direct object and when it was part of the construction ‘ir + a + infinitive’ (19). In the LRRH reading task, LTL omitted or substituted the preposition ‘a’ only when it case-marked a direct object. LTL never omitted the preposition ‘a’ when it provided meaning. (18) Preposition ‘a’: Omission el nir’io va [ a] conseguirle la galleta (7) el asendado va [a] ir a la ciudad (20b) Spontaneous Speech el lobo va [a] matar [a] Caperucita (40a) la policia sorprende [al] ladro'n (14b) 9.0 ST.” e. para preguntarle [a] Caperucita (9) Reading (19) Preposition ‘a’: Preservation Caperucita vuelve a la casa (36) el nifio pasa la galleta a la nifia (11) Spontaneous Speech c. e] asendado va [a] ir a la ciudad (20b) 9"!” d. Quiero que meg la lleve(s) a la casa (6) Reading Zurif and Caramazza (1976) found similar patterns in Broca’s aphasics. When faced with sentences like (20a), the patients were able to place the preposition in its correct position. However, when the preposition appeared as an infinitival complementizer (within verbal periphrasis) like (20b), patients made mistakes. 62 (20) a. John gave the cookie to Bill b. She likes to eat candy So, Benedet et al. (1998) would need another cue cost relevant only to case- marking and infinitival complements to account for this dissociation between what looks like functional prepositions and prepositions that provide meaning. They suggest that for production but not comprehension case marking ‘a’ is high in assignability costs because a speaker must hold the entire propositional message in working memory to assign case. This would account for the dissociation between case marking ‘a’ and lexical ‘a’ (but not infinitival complement ‘a’) during the spontaneous speech tasks but it is not clear whether this would account for the dissociation during the LRRH reading task. The production and comprehension of lexical and functional prepositions following brain damage has been the focus of a number of studies (Friederici, 1982; Grodzinsky, 1988). Friederici (1985) showed that agrammatic patients were faster at recognizing open class words than closed class words. Moreover, the agrammatics in her study recognized lexical prepositions (with semantic content) much faster than obligatory prepositions (without semantic content). Her results indicate that, unlike obligatory prepositions, lexical prepositions are involved in processes at the semantic level. However, since patients were also slower at recognizing lexical prepositions than at recognizing other lexical categories, it appears that lexical prepositions are also involved at the structural level. On the other hand, obligatory prepositions seem to be processed at the structural level only. Based on this evidence, it appears that prepositions that play a 63 purely functional role will be more impaired in agrammatic speech than those with semantic content. However, F roud (2001) reported that her aphasic patient, who demonstrated a strong dissociation between reading lexical and functional categories, treated all lexical prepositions like functional categories. His reading of single-word functional categories, including locative prepositions, was impaired while his reading of lexical categories remained intact. Because of this dissociation between functional and lexical categories and because the patient also made a large number of errors reading locative prepositions, F roud (2001) suggested that all prepositions are functional. Although her patient was tested on just locative prepositions she pointed out that he behaved the same way on non- locatives as well. This study suggests that prepositions are functional categories and there is no separation between what has traditionally been called lexical and functional prepositions. However, it was not clear whether prepositions in her study were as severely impaired as the other functional categories and whether there was any variation in error rate among the types of prepositions the patient read. It is possible that lexical prepositions (like the ones in her study) fall somewhere in between substantives and functional categories. F roud (2001) pointed out that on previous studies, MC (her aphasic patient) was tested on reading single-word functional categories and substantives. He got only 12.13% of all function words correct but 84.31% of all substantives correct. However, on the locative preposition study he read 30% of all prepositions correctly and 75% of all substantives correctly. It might be suggested that MC’s ability to read lexical prepositions falls somewhere in the middle between his ability to read lexical categories and and his ability to read purely functional categories. This seems to indicate, as 64 F riederici (1985) suggests, that lexical prepositions have to meet processing requirements at both the structural and semantic level. This could also account for the dissociation found between functional ‘a’ and lexical ‘a’ in LTL’s speech. The low reliability cues and high perceivability costs of the Competition Model do not seem to get the right results, especially in Friederici (1985) and Froud (2001) where target words used could belong to either lexical or functional categoriesg. Although it seems they should be identical in reliability cues and perceivability costs, agrammatics did better when the target word was presented as a lexical category than when it was presented as a purely functional category. 4.3 Limitations and Future Research The goal of this study was to provide a general description of agrammatism in Spanish. The results provide a good deal information about the nature of Spanish agrammatism and also reveal how it patterns with agrammatism in other languages. Moreover, this study provides some insight on recent theoretical accounts of agrammatism. However, one major shortcoming of this study is that it is based on the data of only two patients. Moreover, patients were not forced to produce any particular forms, as they were in the studies supporting the Competition Model and the T ree- pruning Hypothesis. For these reasons, it is necessary that more data be examined and compared to the results of this study. 9 For Froud (2001) words like ‘behind’ (the behind of the elephant vs. behind the house) were used that could be either a noun (lexical) or a preposition (for Proud, fimctional). For Friederici (1985) all prepositions tested could be used as either obligatory prepositions or lexical prepositions. 65 Chapter 5 Conclusion The goal of this thesis was to describe the general characteristics of Spanish agrammatism. Studies of this nature had been carried out in several languages (Menn and Obler, 1990; Halliwell, 1998); however, this is the first report done for Spanish. In order to facilitate cross-language comparison, the methodology for collecting, examining and presenting data followed the methodology used in Menn and Obler (1990). Predictions for Spanish agrammatism were based on the findings of several cross- language studies. Overall patients JTF and LTL patterned with the agrammatics in previous studies. They produced slow telegraphic speech, had short phrase length and supplied few words/minute. They also had difficulty with free and bound grammatical morphemes in both the spontaneous speech and LRRH reading task. Syntax was simplified at all levels; patients very rarely used modification or subordinate clauses. Patients JTF and LTL differed from agrammatics in previous studies in that they seemed to have no difficulty producing bound/free clitics and reflexives and they had high token/type ratios for nouns. JTF also had a high token/type ratio for verbs. This might suggest that both patients in the present study had word-finding difficulty; hence they relied on the same set of nouns and/or verbs in the spontaneous speech tasks. Although this thesis provided a general overview of language breakdown in Spanish agrammatism, it did not explain why certain properties of language are impaired while others are left intact. Several accounts of this nature have been put forth and some of these were reviewed in this thesis. Moreover, some aspects of the Competition Model (Benedet et al., 1998) and the T rec-pruning Hypothesis (Friedmann and Grodzinksy, 66 1997) were examined in light of the production data collected from JTF and LTL. It is unclear whether the errors found in the spontaneous speech of JTF support the T ree- pruning Hypothesis; however, the errors found in the spontaneous speech of LTL did not. Moreover, the T ree-pruning Hypothesis was not supported by the data from the reading tasks. The spontaneous speech data from LTL seems to support the Competition Model, with respect to subject-verb agreement and tense; however, the errors found in JTF’s speech does not. As was noted earlier, one major limitation of this thesis is that it was based on only two patients. For this reason, the results are not conclusive. 67 APPENDICES 68 APPENDIX A LITTLE RED RIDING HOOD READING TASK Spanish Erase una vez, una nifiita que vivia con sus padres. Su madre le habia fabricado una capa roja con un capuchon, y por eso, todos le llamaban Caperucita Roja. Un dia, su madre le dijo: "Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comida. Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta enferma en su cama. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque repentinamente encontro a un lobo. E1 lobo pare a hablarle a Caperucita, y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella 1e llevaba una canasta con comida. El lobo preguntoz "Caperucita, Ly donde vive tu abuelita?" y ella le contesto que su abuelita vive en una casa en medio del bosque. El lobo le dio las gracias y se fue. Caperucita continue caminando sin apuro, parando para recoger flores y para comer frutillas. Finalmente, ella llego a la casa de su abuelita. Caperucita toco la puerta, pero nadie respondio, asi es que ella entro a la casa y encontro a alguien en la cama, que penso era su abuelita, y que vestia el camison y gorro de su abuela y que las frazadas le cubrian hasta el cuello. Caperucita dijo: "Buenos dias abuelita, te he traido una canasta con comida." Y el lobo, que estaba pretendiendo ser la abuelita, le pidio que acercara la canasta hacia la cama. Asi, Caperucita acerco Ia canasta hacia la cama y dijo: "Abuelita, ipero qué ojos grandes tienes!" y el lobo contestoz "para verte mejor." Entonces, Caperucita dijo: "Abuelita, jpero que grandes oidos tienesl", y el lobo contesto: "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: "abuelita, ipero que 69 dientes grandes que tienes!" y el lobo salto de la cama diciendo: "ipara comerte mejor!" y trato de atrapar y comer a Caperucita. Caperucita comenzé a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando por ayuda, pero el lobo la alcanzo y se la comio. Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por los alrededores y que habia escuchado los gritos de Caperucita, entro a la casa y mato al lobo. Luego le abrio la barriga a1 lobo y Caperucita y su abuelita saltaron sanas y salvas. Y asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, felices y contentas. English Once upon a time, there was a young girl that lived with her parents. Her mother had made her a red cape with a red hood and, for this reason, everyone called her Little Red Riding Hood. One day, her mother told her: “Little Red Riding Hood, I have prepared a basket with food. I want you to take it to your grandmother’s house because she is sick and in bed. Little Red Riding Hood took the basket and left. While Little Red Riding Hood was walking in the forest she ran into a wolf. The wolf stopped to talk to Little Red Riding Hood and he asked her where she was going with all of the food. Little Red Riding Hood said that she was going to visit her grandmother, who was not feeling very well and that she was taking her a basket of food. The wolf asked her: “Little Red Riding Hood, Where does your grandmother live?” and she answered him saying that her grandmother lives in a house in the middle of the forest. The wolf thanked her and left. Little Red Riding Hood continued walking without any hurry, stopping to pick flowers and eat strawberries. Finally, she arrived to her grandmother’s house. Little Red Riding Hood knocked on the door, but nobody answered. So, she entered the house and found someone in the bed that she thought was her grandmother and that was wearing her grandmother’s nightshirt and nightcap and that was covered up to the neck by the 70 blankets. Little Red Riding Hood said: “Good Morning grandmother, I have brought you a basket with food.” The wolf, who was pretending to be the grandmother, asked her to bring the basket closer to the bed. So, Little Red Riding Hood brought the basket closer to the bed and said: “Grandmother, what big eyes you have!” and the wolf answered: “the better to see you with.” Then Little Red Riding Hood said: “Grandmother, what big ears you have!” and the wolf answered her: “the better to hear you with.” Then Little Red Riding Hood said: “Grandmother, what big teeth you have!” and the wolf jumped from the bed saying: “the better to eat you with!” and he tried to trap and eat Little Red Riding Hood. Little Red Riding Hood began to run, crying and screaming for help, but the wolf caught her and ate her. At that very moment, a hunter who was passing by and who had heard the screaming of Little Red Riding Hood, entered the house and killed the wolf. Later, he opened the belly of the wolf and Little Red Riding Hood and her grandmother jumped out healthy and safe. And, this is how they lived happily ever after. 71 APPENDIX B 72 APPENDIX C I JTF: PRIMARY TRANSCRIPTIONS AND INTERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRANSCRIPTIONS List of Symbols and Abbreviations adv adj art aux comp conj det exclm fill N neg num prep PAST PL PRES SG adverb adjectives article auxiliary complementizer coordinating conjunction determiners exclamation filler noun negative number preposition past tense plural present tense singular Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions Line 1: Corrected or expected forms Line 2: Morphemes produced by subject (italics) Line 3: Morphemic translation with grammatical labels abbreviated Line 4: English equivalent of Line 2 Supplementary Language Materials: LRRH Reading Task Line 1: Reading produced by subject Line 2: Reading task Line 3: English equivalent of Line 2 Subscripts: Reading errors pro cli dem poss rel quant qwh subconj Vinf [l /??/ (...) (-) 73 personal pronoun clitic pronoun demonstrative pronoun possessive pronoun relative pronoun quantifier wh-question word reflexive subordinating conjunction have/be main verb lexical verb infinitive omission uninterpretable string pause of 2 seconds or more pause of less than 2 seconds PATIENT JTF: PRIMARY TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie Theft Patient: Examiner: Patient: Examiner: Patient: (124 seconds, 56 words) Ya. La—esta la—la lola esta...esta...(sigh)...El——el—el——el lolo . la ltuwando/ la—tomando la galleta. Lo—la—la nifia esta jugando. La seiiora esta.../abr/ ah.../lava/——lavando—lavando losa. Y...la . la...la...la sefiora... chu (whispers). . . Ahora no hay gato ahora. Ahora no hay gato. (in reference to other version of Cookie Theft with cat) No, no hay gato en esta. (“,Hay al go mas que Ud. desea agregar? La sefiora . ghablando?...no eh...Eso chuta me dio...(sigh)...Plato lo el—el—el—el plato la . plato la—la—Ia sefiora esta jugando la—esta /conver/— /conversa/ (whispers)—g,/conver/? gsecando los platos? Exactamente. Exactamente. Thief (132 seconds, 58 words) Patient: Examiner: Patient: El...el ladron...ladr6n eh...esta...abriendo la, no la puerta, la...(snaps fingers) la (whispers).../??/ chuta (whispers)...ventana...la ventana. La lsell—la—el otro—el otro. Eh . el ladron ya-—ya estan—esta...(sigh)... esta... .Chuta (whispers)...g,Como se llama?.../abral—g,abriendo? . la . gla ventana?...la ventana. La—el-—el-——el—el ladr6n...esta...esta...eh... (sigh)... Chuta (whispers). Si le cuesta Ud. puede seguir con el proximo. Y . y el—el ladron ya estan...el . e1 ladron estan...la /polici/—la policia. La policia esta. . . lko/ el——el—el—-la policia y la ladron estan junto(s). Farmer (129 seconds, 70 words) Patient: Examiner: Patient: Eh. . . gCémo se llama?. . . Chuta que me dio . pero... gLe ayudo un poco? ya 74 Examiner: Patient: gSembrar? Se-se-sembrar. El——el——el—el—el—el—el lolo esta sembrando. Eh . la—la—el mi(s)mo—la mi(s)mo...esta alla. /su/ La mi(s)mo estan.../sembra/ (whispers)...El——el maiz—y el maiz esta——esta—esta se—se (clitics)...el maiz esta ya esta listo. Y—y el—el—el—el choclo estan—estan—esta—esta... (sigh)... su choclo esta . listo para—para— para . comer. Y el—y el——y el 1010 lo—lo...el . e1 1010 esta...el camion. Todo(s) lo(s)—todo(s) lo(s) choclo(s)——choclo(s) estan...estan—estan listo(s) ya 'poh' (pues). Accident (105 seconds, 133 words) Patient: Eh eso e(s) muy...El...el veinte-uno de—de mayo...eh...estoy—estaba trabajando. Ya estoy en el—estoy—estaba trabajando...en . en el—en el...eh...Estaba nthsmbHsmbHstoy—estoy—estoy el noche ma(s) o men0(s). gSe acuerda /uste/? (asking speech pathologist) Ahi gcémo se llama ese? eh...eh...Estaba—estaba trabajando. Era—era—era noche ‘poh’ (pues). Esta—esta—esta...Y me dio...me dio...g,c6mo se llama?...un vahido...no /??/ se dio un /mai/-vahido o otra cosa no me acuerdo. Y me dio quack! Todo. Y... bueno ya lo—lo . veinte-uno, veinte- do(s), veinte-tre(s), veinte-cuatro, veinte—cinco, veinte-sei(s), veinte-siete, veinte-ocho, /treint/ hasta seis de /jul—hasta justamente a—ayer, no, anteayer, hace 2 afio(s) atras...me dio infarto. Me dio infarto cerebral. Y alli estoy yo. Pero tengo que hablarle /??/ me dijeron. Tengo que hablar. poco a poco. Que’ lo que va hacer? Tengo que todo(s) lo(s) dia(s) 'po' (pues) todo(s) lo(s) dia(s) hablar hablar hablar. PATIENT JTF: INTERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie Theft (1) La lola estd *[j'ugando] ' art N aux+[V] the girl is the girl is [playing]. *The prosody suggests that estar is an auxiliary and the patient was unable to provide a lexical verb. The gerund of jugar was inserted because JTF uses this verb in (3a). 75 (2) El [010 the boy the boy [estaltomando la galleta ‘ taking the cookie [is] taking the cookie. (3) La nir‘ia estajugandor' the girl is playing the girl is playing. (4) La sefiora esta lavando losa” The lady is washing dishes The lady is washing dishes. (5) Y la seriora..-” And the lady And the lady... (6) Chu/ Shoot Shoot! (7) A horar” no hay gato ahora‘ Now, no there is cat now Now, there isn’t a cat now. artN [aux]+V art N art N aux+V artN aux+V N conj art N exclm adv neg v N adv (8) Ahora no hay gato/ adv neg v N Now no there is cat Now there isn’t a cat. Examiner: No, no hay gato en esta. (Hay algo mas que Ud. desea agregar? No, there isn’t a cat in this one. Is there something else you wish to add? (9) La senora [esta] hablando“. " The lady talking The lady [is] talking? * Wrong lexical choice. (10) No/ No No. 76 art N [aux]+V neg (11) E30” chuta me dio [fuerte] dem exclm cli V [adv] This, shoot me (it) gave This, shoot it (the stroke) hit me [hard]. la:F/SG (12) [El] plato [0* [art] N art plate the:NEUT [The] plate the *Article should be feminine to agree with sefiora. It appears patient is trying to say “The plate. The woman is drying the plate. ” Self-corrected below. (12a) el plato la art N art the plate the the plate the (12b) [e1] plato [art] N plate [the] plate secando el:M/SG la sefiora estajugando“ la *[plato] */' art N aux+V art [N] the lady is playing thezF/SG the lady is playing the [plate]. *Wrong lexical choice for verb. The article la does not agree with the noun plato. The noun plato has been omitted because the patient tries but fails to self-correct the verb in (12c). secando (120) esta conversando *./ aux+V is conversing is conversing? *Wrong lexical choice for verb. Examiner: (secando los platos? drying the dishes? (13) Exactamente/ Exactamente/ adv adv Exactly Exactly Exactly. Exactly. 77 Thief (14) (14a) (14b) (14c) (14d) (15) (16) El ladrén esta abriendo la“ The theif is opening the The theif is opening the, no la puertaf' no the door not the door, la the the C huta/ Shoot Shoofl la ventanai’ the window the window. El otro/ The other art N aux+V art neg art N an exclm artN artN The other one (referring to next scene). estaz3/SG E l ladro'n ya estan * The theifz3/SG already arez3/PL The theif already are art N adv aux *The noun and verb do not agree in number. Self-corrected below. (16a) (16b) (16c) esta is:3/SG is C huta/ Shoot Shoot! Co'mo se llama“ How REF L (it) calls How does one call it? aux+ (exclm qwh rfl V) 78 (16d) abriendo la ventana * V art N opening the window opening the window? (l6e) la ventana" art N the window the window. *Description seems strange since the second picture shows the thief “entering through the window” and not “opening the window”. Furthermore, the patient already mentioned the thief opening the window in (14). ( 17) El ladron esta' [robando] [valores/ * art N aux+[V] [N] The theif is The theif is [stealing] [valuables]. *It is difficult to determine what verb the patient intends to use but [robando valores/ seems to correspond to picture. (18) Chuta/ exclm Shoot Shoot! Examiner: Si le cuesta Ud. puede seguir con el proximo. estaz3/SG (19) Y el ladro'n ya estan“ conj art N adv v And the theif:3/SG already arez3/PL And the theif are already *The noun and verb do not agree in number. estaz3/SG (19a) el ladro'n estan“ [con] la policia art N v [prep] art N the theif:3/SG arez3/PL the police the theif are (with) the police. *The noun and verb do not agree in number. Self-corrected below. It appears that IT F has difficulty getting the thief and the police in the correct relation to the verb. He attempts again in (20) and is successful in (20a). (20) La policia estci art N v the police is the police is 79 (20a) la policia y the police and the police and el:M/SG la* ladrén estan junto(s) the:F/SG theifiM/SG are together the theif are together. ‘The article and noun do not agree in gender. Farmer (21) (22) Como se llama» How REF L (it) calls How does one call it? Chuta/ que me dio Shoot that me (it) gave Shoot, it (the stroke) hit me pero [fuertef but ’ really [hard]. Examiner: (Le ayudo un poco? (23) Can I help you a little bit? Y a" Ok Ok. Examiner: (Sembrar? (24) To sow? Sembrarr" To sow To sow. (24a) El 1010 estd sembrando* The boy is sowing The boy is sowing. 80 art N conj art N v adv qwhrflV exclm subconj cli V conj [adv] adv Vinf art N aux+V (25) El mismo art N The same The same one el:M/SG (25a) 10* mismo esta allaf art N v adv the:F/SG samezM/SG is there the same one is over there. *The article and noun do not agree in gender. el:M/SG estaz3/SG (26) La" mismo estan" sembrando art N aux+V The2F/SG same onez3/M/SG arez3/PL sowing The same one are sowing. *The article la and the noun mismo do not agree in gender. Moroever, the subject el mismo and the verb estan do not agree in number. There is only one person in the picture so the verb should be singular. (27) Y el maiz esta' conj art N v And the corn is And the corn is (27a) ya esta listo/ adv v adj already is ready is already ready. estaz3/SG (28) Y el choclo esta'n* conj art N v And the com:3/SG arez3/PL And the corn are *The noun choclo and verb estan do not agree in number. Self-corrected below. (28a) esta v is:3/SG ‘ is (28b) su choclo esta’ listo para comer.” det N v adj prep Vinf his corn is ready to eat his corn is ready to eat. (29) Y el 1010 conj art N And the boy And the boy 81 (29a) el 1010 esta [en] el camionf' art N v [prep] art N the boy is the truck the boy is [in] the truck. (30) T odo(s) lo(s) choclo(s) adj art N All the com All of the corn estan listo(s) ya 'poh' (pues) v adj adv fill are ready already then are already ready then. Accident (31) Eso es muy [terrible /- * dem v adv [adj] This is very This is very [terrible]. *It is difficult to determine which adjective the speaker intends to use and it is possible that he left the sentence unfinished due to the seriousness of the topic. estaba: I/PAST (32) El 21 de mayo estoy” art num prep N aux The 21 of May (I) am:1/PRES The let ofMay I am *The auxiliary should be in past tense. Self-corrected below. (32a) estaba trabajando" aux+V (I) was working I was working. estaba: I/PAST (33) Ya estoy“ en el [taller/l adv v prep art [N] Already (I) am:1/PRES in the I am already in the [shop]. *Auxiliary should be in past tense. Self corrected below. estaba: l/PAST (33a) estoy*/ estaba trabajando aux aux+V (I) am: l/PRES (I) was: l/PAST working I am, I was working 82 en el [taller/r in the in the [shop]. *Auxiliary should be in past tense. Self-corrected. (34) Estaba [dc] noche It was night It was night [out] estaba:3/PAST (35) Estaba/ estoy“ (It) wasz3/PAST (I) am: 1/PRES It was, I am de el* noche mas o menos. the:M/SG nightzF/SG more or less night more or less. prep art [N] v [prep] N VV art N adv conj adv *There are a number of errors in (35). First of all, the noun noche and l/PRES form of the verb estar do not agree in person and the verb should be in the past tense. Not only does the article el not agree in gender with the noun noche, it should not be used here. Instead the preposition de should occur in place of the article. (36) Se acuerda uste[d]/* REF L remember you Do you remember? *Patient adresses speech pathologist (37) AM” From there And so, (3 7a) co'mo se llama ese/ How calls this How does one call this? (3 8) Estaba trabajando/ (I) was working I was working. (39) Era noche ‘poh ' (pues) (It) was night then It was night. 83 rflVpro adv qwh rfl V dem aux+V vNfill (40) (41) (42) Y me did” And me (it) gave And I had, Como se llama” how REF L (it) calls how does one call it? un vaht'do/ a fainting spell a fainting spell. me /??/ se dio un vahi'do o otra cosa gave a faint or something else One could faint or something else no me acuerdo” No me (I) remember I don’t remember. Y me dio quack * And me (it) gave quack And I went quack! conj cli V qwhrfl V artN cli V art N conj det N neg rfl V conj cli V exclm *chk is a noise the patient used as he moved his hand past his neck. (43) (44) (443) T odo/ Everything Everything. Y/ bueno ya/ lo veinte—uno» veinte-dofls)‘ And, well then the 21 22 And, well, the let, 22nd veinte-tre(s)/ veinte-cuatro/ veinte-cinca’ 23 24 25 23rd, 24th, 25th, veinte-sei(s)/ veinte-siete/ veinte-ocho/ treinta/ 26 27 28 30 26th, 27th, 28th, 30th, hasta el 6 deju(nio) until the 6 of June until the sixth of June, 84 quant conj fill fill art num num num num num num num num num prep art num prep N (45) (46) (47) hastajustamente ayer/ prep adv N until precisely yesterday until precisely yesterday, no/ anteayer/ hace 2 ario(s) atras neg N V num N adv no yesterday (it) makes 2 years ago no, yesterday, two years ago me dio [un] infarto.? cli V [art] N me (it) gave stroke 1 had [a] stroke. Me dio infarto cerebral cli V N adj Me (it) gave stroke cerebral I had a cerebral stroke. Y allt' estoy yo/ conj adv v pro And here am I And here I am. Pero tengo que hablarle“ conj aux+comp+Vinf+cli But (I) have that to speak+him But I have to speak to him *It is acceptable to use the direct object clitic here in some dialects of Santiago, Chile. (43) (49) /? ?/ me dijeron/ cli V me (they) said /??/ they said to me. T engo que hablar poco a poco/ aux+comp+V adv prep adv I have that to speak little by little I have to speak little by little. Qué e(s) lo que va a hacer*.* qwh v cli comp What is it that (one) goes to do aux+prep+V What can one do? ‘It is difficult to determine if all words were present in this question because it was spoken rather quickly. See primary transcriptions. (50) T engo que” aux+comp+ I have that I have to, 85 todo(s) lo(s) dia(s) pues (adj art N fill all the days then every day then, todo(s) lo(s) dia(s) hablar." hablar.! hablar" adj art N) Vinf Vinf Vinf all the days speak speak speak everyday speak, speak, speak. PATIENT JTF: SUPPLEMENTARY LANGUAGE MATERIALS LRRH: Oral Reading (227 minutes) 1. Erase una vez, una nifial que vivia con su(s) padre(s). Erase una vez, una niflita que vivia con sus padres. Once upon a time, there was a young girl that lived with her parents. Su madre le habia fabricado una capa roja Su madre le habia fabricado una capa roja Her mother had made her a red cape con un capuchon, y por eso, todo(s) 1e llamaban Caperucita Roja. con un capuchon, y por eso, todos le llamaban Caperucita Roja. with a red hood and, for this reason, everyone called her Little Red Riding Hood. Un dia, su madre le dijo: Un dia, su madre le dijo: One day, her mother told her: ”Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comidasz. "Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comida. “Little Red Riding Hood, 1 have prepared a basket with food. Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta enferma en su cama." Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta enferma en su cama." I want you to take it to your grandmother ’3 house because she is sick and in bed. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Little Red Riding Hood took the basket and left. Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque repentinamente encontro a un lobo. Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque repentinamente encontro a un lobo. While Little Red Riding Hood was walking in the forest she ran into a wolf 86 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. El lobo parr') y3 hable-hablarlele4 a Caperucita, El lobo paro a hablarle a Caperucita, The wolf stopped to talk to Little Red Riding Hood y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. and he asked her where she was going with all of the food. Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said that she was going to visit her grandmother, quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella le llevaba una cana-canasta5 quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella 1e llevaba una canasta who was not feeling very well and that she was taking her a basket con comida. con comida. of food. El lobo pregunt6:"Caperucita, (,6 donde viva7—vive tu abuelita?" El lobo pregunt6:"Caperucita, Ly donde vive tu abuelita?" The wolf asked her: “Little Red Riding Hood, Where does your grandmother live? " y ella 1e contesto deg su abuelita vive en sug casa y ella le contesto que su abuelita vive en una casa and she answered him saying that her grandmother lives in a house en medio del bosque. El lobo le dio la(s) gracia(s) y se fue. en medio del bosque. El lobo 1e dio las gracias y se fue. in the middle of the forest. The wolf thanked her and left. Caperucita /continu/10 caminando sus“ sin apuroslz, Caperucita continuo caminando sin apuro, Little Red Riding Hood continued walking without any hurry, parando para recogerselg—recoger flores y para comer frutillas. parando para recoger flores y para comer frutillas. stopping to pick flowers and eat strawberries. Finalmente, ella llego a la casa de su abuelita. Caperucita toco la puerta, F rnalrnente ella llego a la casa de su abuelita Caperucita toco la puerta, Finally, she arrived to her grandmother’ s house. Little Red Riding Hood knocked on the door, 87 l9. pero nadie respondio, asi es dem aquellols—asi es que aquello“; entren a la casa y pero nadie respondio, asi es que ella entro a la casa y but noboay answered So, she entered the house and encontro encontro found 20. a alguien en la cama, que pensabalg—que penso era su abuelita, a alguien en la cama, que penso era su abuelita, someone in the bed that she thought was her grandmother 21. y delg vestia alzo camison y delu gorro—del gorrozz de su abuela y que vestia el camison y gorro de su abuela and that was wearing her grandmother ’s night shirt and night cap 22. y que las—y que lasz3 frazadas le cubrian hasta el cuello. ,4 i y que las frazadas le cubrian hasta el cuello. ' and that was covered up to the neck by the blankets. 23. Caperucita dijo:"Buenos dias abuelita, Caperucita dijo:"Buenos dias abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said: “Good Morning grandmother, 24. te he traido una canasta /comi/—con24—con comidaszs." Y el lobo, que estaba te he traido una canasta con comida." Y el lobo, que estaba I have brought you a basket with food. ” The wolf who was pre-pretendiend026 pretendiendo pretending 25. ser la abuelita, le pidio que acercara la canasta hacia la cama. ser la abuelita, 1e pidio que acercara la canasta hacia la cama. to be the grandmother, asked her to bring the basket closer to the bed 26. Asi, Caperucita acerco la canasta hacia la cama Asi, Caperucita acerco la canasta hacia la cama So, Little Red Riding Hood brought the basket closer to the bed 27. y dijo: "Abuelita, [pero qué ojos grandes tienes! " y el lobo contesté: y dijo: "Abuelita, {pero qué ojos grandes tienes!" y el lobo contestt'): and said: “Grandmother, what big eyes you have! ” and the wolf answered: 28. "para verte mejor." Entonces, Caperucita dijo: "para verte mejor." Entonces, Caperucita dijo: l “the better to see you with. ” Then Little Red Riding Hood said: i i 88 29. "Abuelita, ipero que’ grandes oidos tienes!", y el lobo contestoz "Abuelita, ipero que grandes oidos tienes!", y el lobo contestoz “Grandmother, what big ears you have.I ” and the wolf answered her: 30. "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: “the better to hear you with. ” Then Little Red Riding Hood said: 31. "abuelita, gpero que' dientes grandes que tienes!" y el lobo salto "abuelita, [pero qué dientes grandes que tienes!" y el lobo salto “Grandmother, what big teeth you have! ” and the wolf jumped 32. de la cama diciendo: " [para comerte mejor! " de la cama diciendo: "gpara comerte mej or! " from the bed saying: “the better to eat you with.’ ” 33. Y trato de atrapar y an corner a Caperucita. Y trato de atrapar y comer a Caperucita. and he tried to trap and eat Little Red Riding Hood. 34. Caperucita comenzo a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando Caperucita comenzo a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando Little Red Riding Hood began to run, crying and screaming 35. per ayudaszg, pero e1 lobo la alcanzo y se la comio. por ayuda, pero el lobo la alcanzo y se la comio. but the wolf caught her and ate her. 36. Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por—porzg los alrededores—alrededore.s30 Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por los alrededores At that very moment, a hunter who was passing by 31 que habia escuchado 105 y que habia escuchado los and who had heard the 37. gritos de Caperucita, gritos de Caperucita, screaming of Little Red Riding Hood, 38. entro a la casa y mato al lobos32. entro a la casa y mato al lobo. entered the house and killed the wolf. 89 39. Luego 1e abrio la barriga—4a barriga33 al lobOS34 y Caperucita y su x‘abue 35—— Luego le abrio la barriga al lobo y Caperucita Later, he opened the belly of the wolf and Little Red Riding Hood y su abuelita y su abuelita and her grandmother 40. saltaron sanas y salvas. Y asi viven36 por mucho tiempo, saltaron sanas y salvas. Y asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, jumped out healthy and safe. And, this is how they lived 41. felices y contentas. felices y contentas. happily ever after. 9O APPENDIX C2 LTL: PRIMARY TRAN SCRIPTIONS AND INTERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRANSCRIPTIONS List of Symbols and Abbreviations adv adj art aux comp conj det exclm fill N neg num prep PAST PL PRES SG adverb adjectives article auxiliary complementizer coordinating conjunction determiners exclamation filler noun negative number preposition past tense plural present tense singular Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions Line 1: Corrected or expected forms Line 2: Morphemes produced by subject (italics) Line 3: Morphemic translation with grammatical labels abbreviated Line 4: English equivalent of Line 2 Supplementary Language Materials: LRRH Reading Task Line 1: Reading produced by subject Line 2: Reading task Line 3: English equivalent of Line 2 (italics) Subscripts: Reading errors pro cli dem poss rel quant qwh subconj Vinf II /??/ (...) () 91 personal pronoun clitic pronoun demonstrative pronoun possessive pronoun relative pronoun quantifier wh-question word reflexive subordinating conjunction have/be main verb lexical verb infinitive omission uninterpretable string pause of 2 seconds or more pause of less than 2 seconds PATIENT LTL: PRIMARY TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie Theft (128 seconds, 101 words) Patient: Ya...eh...la madre esta limpiando...la madre esta limpiando un plato. El . agua...el agua estaba cayendo. /Es/-/eska/ cayendo . un charco. El 3 la madre...la madre . esta eh...la madre estaba eh...la madre (whispers)...no se dado cuenta . un charco. La nifia...la nifia. . . quiere galleta. El nifio . va . consegirle la galleta pero no se ha dado cuenta que nifio...trata...el nifio eh... eh trata eh... .s-se dado cuenta que...el nifio...el nifio estaba en...eh el nifio eh. ..lball-lbaliansarl-lbel-lal-lbialansarsel. El nifio . coge la galleta en un costado. El nifio. . . pasa la galleta a la nifia. Thief (101 seconds, 27 words) Patient: Farmer Patient: Accident Patient: Examiner: Patient: Examiner: Ya . eh...ladron...ladr6n...ladr6n...ah eh ladron eh...ladr6n.../esku/ eh ladron en-entra...entra. Después, eh ladron...ladr6n...ladron eh...ladr6n se mete . en la casa. Ladron roba...roba...roba...cajone(s) comoda y ladron... ladron eh...ladr6n eh . no ladron el—la policia . sorprende ladron . de saliendo la casa (67 seconds, 39 words) El...choclo (whispers).../l/ eh...el asendado.../se/—la semilla. D- despué(s) eh . la lensendado/ ve . que . la . /froece/-/fi'orecen/ las /vemilla(s)/. Aqui estan eh . la(s) semilla(s) y...bastapajaro(s). Despué(s) ...la—el choclo...y . a el asendado eh.../eh/ asendado eh...choclo...y /lasendado/ va . ir . a la ciudad. . . /u/ busca choclo. (1 3 5 seconds, 107 words) Eh si . El...yo eh . cuando...yo estaba en . mi casa . entonce(s) eh . perdi el habla. Despué(s) eh . bafio en mi casa entonces eh...eh . [verespe]??? por el tele'fono. Asi que no no se puede. (Ud. estaba solo? Mi otro hijo esta durmiendo . entonce(s) . eh no se puede. El....mi hijo mio eh eh....me eh...a ver eh me dijo eh estaba eh...una hora. Entonce(s) yo...yo eh . eh...ambulancia me fui—me fui...la ambulancia . a ver en ...do(s) hora(s). gUd. estaba en la casa dos horas antes de que llego la ambulancia? 92 Patient: Examiner: Patient: Claro. Si. Y después, gcuanto tiempo tenia que quedar en el hospital? Cinco dia(s) pero despué(s) eh...yo eh...una...do-do(s) semana(s) despue'(s) ya eh tuve eh geomo se llama esto?...esto ehm.../si/-/si/-silla rueda(s) . veni eh viene para aca...asi sin (ha)cer terapia. Después eh . la Paula . fonoaudiologo . la terapeuta. Asi que . ahi eh tuve uno do(s) tre(s) mese(s). . . sin andar. Little Red Riding Hood (117 seconds, 75 words) Patient: /Perucita/ Roja. /Perucita/ Roja...eh.../ab/—la abuelita . /Perucita/ . /Perucital Roja.../an/-/a/—anduvo... por el—el pueblo...eh el pueblo . y . e1 lobo feroz...se comio a la abuelita. Entonce(s) eh /per/ Caperucita /vluelve/——/vuevle/ a la casa...y...y...se . no se ha dado cuenta la—la /Carucita/. Entonce(s) el lobo...le dice...eh—Caperucita le dice, Con quien—con quién eh esta en...los ojo(s)—los ojo(s)...eh...los ojos eh...Para comerte mejor. Para ver mejor . y . /calerucita/...llega eh...el lobo...el lobo el...el lobo eh Caperucita . lobo...va /me/-matar /larucita/ pero un /lob/ eh—lefiador. boom! PATIENT LTL: INTERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie T hefi (1) La madre esta limpiando un plato“ art N aux+V art N The mother is cleaning a plate The mother is cleaning a plate. estazPRES (2) El agua estaba“ cayendo" art N aux+V The water is:PAST falling The water is falling. *Switches tense to past. (3) Esta’ cayendo [en] un charco.” aux+V [prep] art N (It) is falling a puddle It is falling [into] a puddle. 93 (4) A "‘ la madre prep art N To the mother To the mother *The preposition should be absent. Self-corrects below. (4a) la madre esta art N aux the mother is the mother is esta:PRES (4b) la madre estaba" [lavando] [losa] art N aux+[V] [N] the mother was:PAST the mother was [washing] [the] [dishes]. *Switches tense to past. (5) La madre no se [ha] dado cuenta art N neg rfl [aux]+V+N The mother no given notice The mother [has] not noticed del un“ charco.!" art N a puddle a puddle. *Definite article needed since reference to charco has already been made. The preposition de must occur after dar cuenta and must be combined with the definite article el to form the preposition + article del. (6) La nifia quiere galleta */ art N V N The girl wants cookies The girl wants cookies. *The noun (galleta) can act as a mass noun in Chilean Spanish. The article is not necessary. (7) El nifio va [a] consegirle art N aux+[prep]+Vinf+cli The boy goes get+her The boy goes [to] get her Ia galleta art N the cookie the cookie 94 pero [la] [mama] conj [art] [N] but but [the] [mother] no se ha dado cuenta neg rfl aux+V+N no has given notice hasn’t noticed que [el] nino trata* subconj [art] N V that boy tries that [the] boy tries *Due to prosody and the lack of a pause between the subordinate conjunction que and the noun nifio that follows it in (7), it appears that the patient is attempting to form a subordinate clause. The subject of no se ha dado cuenta is unclear", however, since la madre is the subject of this predicate in (5), it appears that la madre is the intended subject. The only other possibility for subject would be el nifio, which would make the meaning of the sentence unclear. (7a) el nifio trata [de] [sacar] [las/[galletas/x“ art N V [prep] [V] [art] [N] the boy tries the boy tries [to] [get] [the] [cookies]. (8) [No] se [ha] dado cuenta“ que [neg] rfl [aux]+V+N subconj given notice that [She has] [not] noticed that estazPRES el nir‘io estaba* en [un] [pisoj' art N v prep [art] [N] the boy was:PAST on the boy was on [a] [stool]. *Switches to past tense. Due to prosody and the lack of a pause between the subordinate conjunction que and the NP el who that follows it in (8), it appears that the patient is attempting to form a subordinate clause. The subject of [no] se [ha] dado cuenta is unclear; however, since la madre is the subject of this predicate in (5), it appears that la madre is the intended subject. The only other possibility for subject would be el nifio, which would make the meaning of the sentence unclear. sc balansea:3/SG (9) El nirio balansearse *r’ N Vinf+rfl The boy to balancesz The boy to balance himself. *Verb lacks tense and agreement. 95 (10) (11) Thief (12) (13) (14) (14a) (14b) El nino cage la galleta The boy picks up the cookie The boy picks up the cookie en un costado [de][la][cocina]” in a side on one side [of] [the] [kitchen]. El nir'io pasa Ia galleta a la nir'ia” The boy passes the cookie to the girl The boy passes the cookie to the girl. [El] ladron entra “ theif enters [The] theif enters. Despue's/ Afterwards Afterwards, [el] ladro'n se mete en la casa theif gets into the house [the] theif gets into the house. [El] ladro'n roba theif steals [The] theif steals [de] [los] cajone(s) [de] [la] co'moda drawers dresser [from] [the] drawers [of] [the] dresser y [el] ladron/ and theif and [the] theif, no [e1] ladro'n" not theif not [the] theif, la policia sorprende [al] ladron the police surprises theif the police surprises [to] [the] theif 96 artNVartN Prep art N [Prep] [art] IN] artNVarthrepartN [art] N V adv [art] N rfl V prep art N [art]NV [prep] [art] N [prep] [art] N conj [art] N neg [art] N art N V [prep+art] N de” saliendo [de] la casa " prep V [prep] art N from leaving the house from leaving [from] the house. *Preposition should occur after the verb “salir " and not before it. Farmer (15) El choclo.../ art N The corn The com... (16) El asendado.../ art N The farmer The farmer... (17) La semilla....“ art N The seed The seed... (18) Despue'(s).«/" adv Next Next, el la’ll asendado ve art N V the:F/SG farmer:M/SG sees the farmer sees *Wrong agreement between article and noun. que la* florecen las semilla(s) subconj art V art N that they grow the seeds that seeds the grow. *It is unclear if la is a definite article or a direct object clitic. espantapdjaros ('19) Aqui estan la(s) semilla(s) y [un] bastapajaro(s) *. adv v art N conj [art] N Here are the seeds and stopbirds Here are the seeds and stopbirds. *Correct word is espantapajaros (scarebirds) not bastapajaros (stopbirds). 97 (20) (20a) De.spue'(s)x' Afterwards Afterwards, el choclo y el asendado...” the corn and to the farmer the corn and to the farmer... (20b) y el asendado“ * Although it is clear that the feminine article was used in (18), it is not so clear whether and the farmer and the farmer va [a] ir a la ciudad is going go to the city is going [to] go to the city adv art N conj art N conj art N aux+[prep]+Vinf prep art N the patient said “el asendado” or “la asendado” in (20a) and (20d). In these last two cases, LTL is given the benefit of the doubt and the articles are transcribed as being correctly produced. xi? ? */ busca choclo“ (he) looks for corn /??/ he looks for com. VN */??/ indicates that there was an uninterpretable string which makes the intended meaning of (20d) unclear. Accident (21) C uando When When yo estaba en mi casa/ I was in my house I was in my house, entonce(s)/ then then, subconj pro v prep det N fill perdi el habla/ V art N (I) lost the speech I lost my speech. (22) Despué(s)/ adv Afterwards Afterwards. Me estaba: l/PAST bailando (23) Bar'io* en mi casa/ V prep det N (I) bathe: 1/PRES in my house I bathe in my house, *It is unclear whether bario is a verb or a noun. If bano is a verb, it should be in the past tense. If bano is a noun, it lacks an article and the sentence is incomplete. entonces” fill then then, 7 .7 [me levanté] * por el telefono/ [V] prep art N for the telephone /??/ [I got up] for the telephone. *It is unclear what verb the patient intended to use. From the rest of his account of what happened, it seems as if he tried to “get up” or “get to the phone” and could not. podia23/PAST (24) Asi que)" no se puede *. fill neg rfl V 80 that no can:3/PRES And, it wasn’t possible. *Verb should be in the past tense. Examiner: g Ud. estaba solo? Were you alone? estabazPAST (25) Mi otro hijo esta‘ durmiendo/ det adj N aux+V My other child is:PRES sleeping My other child is sleeping, *Auxiliary should be in the past tense. 99 podia:Past entonce(s)/I” no se puede */ fill neg rfl V so no canzPRES so, it wasn’t possible. *Because (23) had an uninterpretable string, it is not clear what exactly the patient was unable to do. Wrong tense on verb. (26) Mi hijo mio det N adj My child mine My child of mine a ver/ me dijo [que] estaba una hora. fill cli V [subconj] v num N lets see, me he told (I) was there one hour lets see, he told me [that] I was there one hour. - Ar: .- "H (27) E ntonce(s) ” yo fill pro So I So, I L (273) [en] [la] ambulancia me fui* [prep] [art] N rfl V ambulance me (I) went I went [in] [the] ambulance *Word order strange. Self-corrected below. (27b) me fui [en] la ambulancia rfl V [prep] art N me (I) went the ambulance I went [in] the ambulance a ver/ en do(s) hora(s)" fill prep num N let’s see in two hours let’s see, in two hours. Examiner: (j Ud. estaba en su casa por dos horas antes de que llego la ambulancia.7 You were in your house for two hours before the ambulance came? (28) Claro. Si. adv adv Yes. Yes Yes. Yes. Examiner: Y después, (cuanto tiempo Ud. teni'a que quedarse en el hospital? And afterwards, how long did you have to stay in the hospital? (29) Cinco dia(s) pero despué(s) yo num N conj adv pro Five days but afterwardsl Five days but afterwards I 100 (29a) (29b) (29c) (30) *LTL over-regularized the past tense form of venir. (30a) do(s) semana(s) despué(s) ya tuve“ two weeks later already (I) had two weeks later I already had, como se llama esto how calls this how does one call this? [una] silla [dc] rueda(s)/’ chair wheels [a] chair [of] wheels (wheel chair). Vine: l/SG/PAST Veni“ (I) camezover-regularized I came Vine: 1/SG/PAST viene * para aca (he) comesz3/SG/PRES for here like that he comes here like that num N adv adv v qwh rfl V dem [art] N [prep] N V prep adv *The verb should be in the past tense and does not agree with the subject (first person singular). (31) (32) asi sin hacer terapia»* like that without to do therapy like that without doing therapy. Después [estuve] [ con] la Paula? Afterwards the Paula Afterwards [I] [was] [with] Paula, lafonoaudio’logo/ la terapeuta/ the speechpathologist the therapist the speechpathologist, the therapist. Asi que?” ahi tuve uno do(s) tre(s) mese(s) So, from there (I) had one two three months So, from there I spent one, two, three months sin andar/ without to walk without walking. 101 adv prep Vinf N adv [v] [prep] art N artNartN fill adv v num num num N prep V Little Red Riding Hood (33) Caperucita Roja... / LRRH LRRH... (34) La abuelita.../ The grandmother The grandmother... (35) Caperucita Roja anduvo por el pueblo LRRH walked by the village LRRH walked in the village y el lobo feroz se comio' and the wolf ferocious REF L ate and the ferocious wolf ate a la abuelita/ to the grandmother the grandmother. (36) Entonce(s)/ Caperucita vuelve a la casa So LRRH returns to the house So, LRRH returns home y se and and (36a) no se ha dado cuenta no has given notice LRRH has la Caperucita" the LRRH not noticed. (37) Entonce(s)/e1 lobo le dice...’ So the wolf her says So, the wolf says to her... (373) Caperucita le dice" LRRH him says LRRH says to him, 102 artN N V prep art N conj art N adj rfl V prep art N fill N V prep art N conj rfl neg rfl aux+V+N artN fill art N cli V NcliV “Con quie’n esta en prep qwh v prep With whom are in “With whom are in los ojo(s) ”* art N the eyes the eyes?” *It is unclear what the intended meaning of this question was. It appers that the patient is referring to the part of the story where LRRH says “Porque' tienes esos ojos tan grandes?” (3 8) Para comerte mejon‘ prep Vinf+cli adv To eat+you better To eat you better with. (39) Para ver mejor/ prep Vinf adv To see better To see better with. (40) Y Capurecita llega..../ conj N V And LRRH begins And LRRH begins... (40a) [el] lobo va [a] matar [art] N aux+[prep]+Vinf wolf goes kill [the] wolf is going [to] kill [ a ] Caperucita [prep] N LRRH [to] LRRH pero un lefiador/ boom */ conj art N exclm but a wood-cutter boom but a wood-cutter, boom! *Unable to find verb. Uses boom to describe shooting. 103 PATIENT LTL: SUPPLEMENTARY LANGUAGE MATERIALS LRRH: Oral Reading (441 seconds) 1. Erase una vez, una nifia, que [e] 2 vivia con su(s) padre(s). Erase una vez, una nifiita que vivia con sus padres. Once upon a time, there was a young girl that lived with her parents. Su—su madre 3 habia x’sfrabicadoxy una capa roja Su madre le habia fabricado una capa roja Her mother had made her a red cape que; un capuchon, y por eso, 6 la; llamaban Caperucita Roja. con un capuchon, y por eso, todos le llamaban Caperucita Roja. with a red hood and, for this reason, everyone called her Little Red Riding Hood. Un dia, su madre le dijo: Un dfa, su madre le dijo: One day, her mother told her: "/Carp/-/Carperucita/, [hoi]g preparado una canasta con comida. "Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comida. “Little Red Riding Hood, 1 have prepared a basket with food. Queiro que—Quiero que meg la lleve(s) a la casa de tum abuela” pero); que esta Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta 1 want you to take it to your grandmother ’s house because she is enferma 13" enferma en su cama." sick and in bed. Lam /Capu/-Claperucita/15 tomo Ia canasta y partio. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Little Red Riding Hood took the basket and left. Cuando la Caperucita Roja—Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque While Little Red Riding Hood was walking in the forest repentinamente sew encontro 17 un lobo. repentinamente encontro a un lobo. she ran into a wolf El lobo 8813 paro y19 parazo preguntarleZI 22 Caperucita, El lobo paro a hablarle a Caperucita, The wolf stopped to talk to Little Red Riding Hood 104 10. 11 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. y le dij023 que24 thora/zs iba a comer—iba a26 toda esa comida. y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. and he asked her where she was going with all of the food. . L027 Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said that she was going to visit her grandmother, quien no se encontraba muy bien /se/28 /lalud/29, 3o que ella le dijo a—le dijo—1831 quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella le who was not feeling very well and that she llevara32 una canasta con la33 comida. llevaba una canasta con comida. was taking her a basket of food. El lobo pregunt6:"Caperucita, [,34 donde vive su35 abuelita?" El lobo pregunt6:"Caperucita, Ly donde vive tu abuelita?" The wolf asked her: “Little Red Riding Hood, Where does your grandmother live? ” y ella 1e contesto que su abuelita vive en una casa y ella le contesté que su abuelita vive en una casa and she answered him saying that her grandmother lives in a house 36 /me/-medio del bosque. La Caperucita—e1 lobo le dio la(s) gracia(s) y se fue. en medio del bosque. El lobo le dio las gracias y se fue. in the middle of the forest. The wolf thanked her and left. La37 Caperucita /continu/33 caminando sin apuro, Caperucita continuo caminando sin apuro, Little Red Riding Hood continued walking without any hurry, parando 39 recojerse4o flore(s) 41 para comer—comer frutilla(s). parando para recojer flores y para comer frutillas. stopping to pick flowers and eat strawberries. Finalmente, /e/-ella llego hasta.” la casa de su abuelita. Caperucita toco en43 la puerta, Finalmente, ella llego a la casa de su abuelita. Caperucita toco la puerta, Finally, she arrived to her grandmother’s house. Little Red Riding Hood knocked on the door, 19. y44 nadie respondio, asi que—asi que45 es que ella entro a [busl46 casa y encontro pero nadie respondio, asi es que ella entro a la casa y encontro but nobody answered. So, she entered the house and found 105 20. 21. 22. 23. en.” alguien en la cama, 4g penso que49 era su abuelita, a alguien en la cama, que penso era su abuelita, someone in the bed that she thought was her grandmother y que vestidaso [e]51 camison y gorro de su abuelitasz y que vestia el camison y gorro de su abuela and that was wearing her grandmother 's night shirt and night cap y que la(s) frazada(s) le /cu/-cubrian hasta el cuello. y que las frazadas le cubrian hasta el cuello. and that was covered up to the neck by the blankets. La53 Caperucita 54 "Bueno(s) dia(s)—Bueno(s) dia(s) abuelita, Caperucita dijo: "Buenos dias abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said: “Good Morning grandmother, 24. yo55 he traido una canasta con comida." Y el lobo, que estaba ./prendiendo/56 25. 26. 27. y dijo: "Abuelita, [pero que grandes 0j0562 tienen63. 28. 29. 30. 31. te he traido una canasta con comida." Y el lobo, que estaba pretendiendo I have brought you a basket with food. ” The wolf who was pretending ser 57 abuelita, le pidio que acercara la canasta hacia la cama. ser la abuelita, le pidio que acercara la canasta hacia la cama. to be the grandmother, asked her to bring the basket closer to the bed. Asi, el [0b058 se59 acerco la canasta [iesa]60 61 cama Asi, Caperucita acerco la canasta hacia la cama So, Little Red Riding Hood brought the basket closer to the bed "y el lobo le64 contestt'): y dijo: "Abuelita, [pero qué ojos grandes tienes!" y el lobo contesto: and said: "Grandmother, what big eyes you have.’ " and the wolf answered: "para verte mejor." Entonce(s), él dijo a Caperucita“: "para verte mejor." Entonces, Caperucita dijo: “the better to see you with. " Then Little Red Riding Hood said: "Abuelita, [pero qué grandes oido(s) tienen66. ", y el lobo le67 contesto: "Abuelita, [pero que' grandes oidos tienes!", y el lobo contesto: “Grandmother, what big ears you have.’ " and the wolf answered her: "para escucharte mejor." Luego [(168 Caperucita dijo: "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: “the better to hear you with. " Then Little Red Riding Hood said: "abuelita, gpero que dientes train 69 grandes tienenm!" y el lobo salto—salto "abuelita, gpero qué dientes grandes tienes!" y el lobo salto “Grandmother, what big teeth you have! ” and the wolf jumped 106 32. em] la cama diciendo: "ipara comerte mejor!" de la cama diciendo: " [para comerte mejor!" from the bed saying: “the better to eat you with.’ " 33. y trato se-[seaparar}—trat6 se—sen a atrapar y comerte73 la [bue]—a la [per}—a [am y trato de atrapar y comer a and he tried to trap and eat Caperucita. Caperucita. Little Red Riding Hood. 34. La75 Caperucita Combenzd 76 a correr desesperadamente llo-llorando y gritando Caperucita comenzo a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando Little Red Riding Hood began to run, crying and screaming 35. con77 ayuda, pero el lobo la alcanzo y se /ka/—-se la comio. por ayuda, pero el lobo la alcanzo y se la comio. for help, but the wolf caught her and ate her. 36. Un cazador que en eso(s)7g momento(s)79 pasaba—pasaba por los alrededore(s) Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por los alrededores At that very moment, a hunter who was passing by y que rhai 80 escuchado lo(s) y que habia escuchado 105 and who had heard the 37. grito(s) 31 [(132 Caperucita, gritos de Caperucita, screaming of L ittle Red Riding Hood, 38. lenvel—entro a ”la '83 casa y mate a] lobo. entro a la casa y mato al lobo. entered the house and killed the wolf 39. La .I’Care/——la caperucita para la TCaperuV €hg4 Leugo le abrio la—Ia barriga Luego le abrio la barriga Later, he opened the belly y85 e136 lobo 37 Caperucita y su abuelita al lobo y Caperucita y su abuelita of the wolf and Little Red Riding Hood 107 40. saltaron sana(s) y salva(s). 38 asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, saltaron sanas y salvas. Y asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, and her grandmother 41. /velice(s).r’39 y contento(s)90. felices y contentas. happily ever after. 108 APPENDIX C3 DVT: PRIMARY TRANSCRIPTIONS AND INTERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRANSCRIPTIONS List ofSymbols and Abbreviations adv adj art aux comp conj det exclm fill N neg num prep PAST PL PRES SG adverb adjectives article auxiliary complementizer coordinating conjunction determiners exclamation filler noun negative number preposition past tense plural present tense singular Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions Line 1: Corrected or expected forms Line 2: Morphemes produced by subject (italics) Line 3: Morphemic translation with grammatical labels abbreviated Line 4: English equivalent of Line 2 Supplementary Language Materials: LRRH Reading Task Line 1: Reading produced by subject Line 2: Reading task Line 3: English equivalent of Line 2 (italics) Subscripts: Reading errors pro cli dem poss rel quant qwh subconj Vinf [1 /??/ (...) H 109 personal pronoun clitic pronoun demonstrative pronoun possessive pronoun relative pronoun quantifier wh-question word reflexive subordinating conjunction have/be main verb lexical verb infinitive omission uninterpretable string pause of 2 seconds or more pause of less than 2 seconds CONTROL DVT: PRIMARY TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie Theft Control: (21 seconds, 35 words) Ehm . esta la mama eh lavando la chm—la losa. El agua escurre del—del Iavaplato(s). Esta rnirando ahi (referring to where the mother is looking). El hom—nifio esta sacando una galleta sobre . un piso que se cae . con una—con la hennana. Esa es la escena. Thief (29 seconds, 44 words) Control: Ehm . una persona—um sujeto abre una ventana. Sube a la ventana ah . ingresando al interior. Esta sacando de unos closet, de un mueble unos articulo(s), echando en una bolsa y aca, supuestamente, viene saliendo . por la misma ventana y esta siendo sorprendido por un policia. Farmer (32 seconds, 60 words) Control: Ya . eh aca hay un—una persona que esta, digamos, sembrando. Luego, supuestamente, la misma persona observa la plantacién. Hay un espantapajaro(s) ahi. Estan chica(s) la(s)—todavia la plantacion. Aca hay . ya esta el mismo personaje con—con un choclo, puntualmente, y con una plantacion mas grande y aca hay un camion que lleva lleno—a la ciudad va lleno de choclo. Accident (54 seconds, 104 words) Control: Examiner: Control: Cuando nifio a los diez afio(s) tuve un accidente que me cai a un chm . la calle donde esta el—el gcomo se llama esto? El...donde bajan hacia el alcantarillado. Ah si donde se saca el.... Si se saca ese tubo de...Y en ese eh habian pavimentado la calle donde yo vivia. Tenia diez aflo(s)—nueve o diez aflo(s) y alli eh . de noche no dejaron precaucion y jugaba con un amigo y cai. Lo cual me—me—me— parti aca (pointing to area of head) la cabeza y . sangré mucho. Me trajeron a la posta y me—me curaron. Supuestamente, no he tenido 110 secuela(s), supuestamente. Nunca he notado . pero tuve un golpe fuerte ahi. Ese fue un accidente serio. CONTROL DVT: INTERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie Theft (1) (3) (4) (5) Thief (6) Esta la mama lavando la losa Is the mom washing the dishes The mom is washing the dishes. El agua escurre del Iavaplato(s) The water drains from+the sink The water drains from the sink. Esta mirando ahi/ (She) is looking there She is looking over there. El nifio esta sacando una galleta the boy is taking a cookie the boy is getting a cookie sobre un piso que se cae on a stool that falls on a stool that is falling con la hermana' with the sister with his sister. Esa es la escenav This is the scene This is the scene. Una personal” un sujeto abre una ventana A person an individual opens a window A person, an individual opens a window. 111 aux+ (art N) V art N art N V prep+art N aux+V adv art N aux+V art N prep art N comp rfl V prep art N dem v art N artNartNVartN (7) (3) Sube a la ventana ingresando al interior/ Lifts up the window entering towards the inside Lifts up the window and entering inside. Esta sacando de unos closest(s) * (He) is taking from some closets He is taking from some closets, *Closets (closets) should be cajones (drawers). de un mueble/ unos articulo(s),!“ from a piece of furniture some items from a piece of furniture, some articles, echando en una bolsa putting in a bag putting them in a bag y aca't' and here and here, supuestamente/ viene saliendo supposedly (he) comes leaving supposedly, he is leaving por la misma ventana through the same window through the same window y esta' siendo sorprendido por un policia/ and is being surprised by a policeman. and is being suprised by a policeman. Farmer (9) A ca hay una persona que esta ' Here (there) is a person that is Here there is a person that is, digamos/ sembrando/ let’s say sowing you could say, sowing. 112 V prep art N V prep+art N aux+V prep art N prep art N art N V prep art N conj adv adv aux+V prep art adj N conj aux+aux+V prep art N adv v art N comp aux+ (V) V (10) (11) (12) (12a) Luego," supuestamente.!" la misma persona Later supposedly the same person Later, supposedly, the same person observa la plantacio'n" observes the plantation ovserves the plantation. Hay un espantapajaro(s) ahi” (There) is a scarecrow there There is a scarecrow there. Estan chica(s) la(s) (They) arez3PL little the They are little the todavia *la plantacio’n/ still the plantation still the plantation. adv adv art adj N VartN v art N adv v adj art adv art N *The verb “estan the adjective “chicas ” and the article “las ” do not agree in number with the noun “plantacio'n making the verb, adjective and article plural. (13) (13a) Aca' hay Here (there) is Here there is ya esta el mismo personaje con un choclo" still is the same person witha com the same person is still with a piece of com, puntualmente/ y con precisely and with precisely, and with una plantacio’n mas grande" a plantation more big a much bigger plantation, y aca' hay un camio'n and here is a truck and here is a truck 113 It appears that subject had a different noun in mind when adv v adv v art adj N prep art N adv conj prep art N adv adj conj adv v art N (13b) que lleva lleno that carries full that is carrying full a la ciudad va lleno de choclo to the city goes full of corn goes full of corn to the city. Accident (14) (14a) (14b) (14c) Cuando nifio a los die: ario(s)x‘ When child at the 10 years When I was a 10 year old child, tuve un accidente que me cai a un... (I) had an accident that (I) fell to a I had an accident where I fell into a... la calle donde esta el... the street where (there) is the the street where there is the... como se llama esto/ how call this what do you call it? donde bajan hacia el alcantarilladox‘” where (they) go down towards the sewer where they go down into the sewer. Examiner: Ah si, donde se saca el .... (15) Oh yeah, where take out the... Six” se saca ese tubo de.../’ Yes, take out this tube of Yes, they take out this tube of... (15a) y en ese habian pavimentado la calle and on this (they) had paved the road and ontop of this they had paved the road donde yo vivia" where I lived where I lived. 114 comp V adj prep art N V adj prep N subconj N prep art num N v art N subconj rfl V prep art art N adv V art qwh rfl V dem adv V prep art N adv rfl V det N prep conj prep dem aux+V art N adv pro V (16) (16a) (17) (18) (19) (19a) pero tuve T em'a die: ano(s) (I) had 10 years I was 10 years old, nueve 0 die: ar'io(s) nine or ten years nine or ten years old y alli de noche no dejaron precaucion and there at night (they) no left precaution and there they didn’t take precautions y jugaba con un amigo y cat?" and (I) was playing with a friend and (I) fell and I was playing with a friend and I fell, 10 cual me parti aca la cabeza the which me (I) cut here the head from which I cut my head here y sangré mucho/ and (I) bled a lot and I bled a lot. Me trajeron a la posta Me (they) brought to the clinic They brought me ot he clinic y me curaron/ and me (they) cured and they cured me. S upuestamente/ Supposedly Supposedly, no he no (I) have had outcomes supposedly I haven’t had scars, supposedly. Nunca he anotado.../ Never (1) have noticed I have never noticed... un golpe fuerte ahi/ but (I) had a knock strong there but I had a strong knock there. 115 tenido secuela(s)/ supuestamentex vnumN num conj num N conj adv prep N neg V N conj V prep art N conj V art subconj cli V adv art N conj V adv cli V prep art N conj cli V adv neg aux+V N adv adv aux+V conj v art N adj adv (20) Ese fue un accidente serio/ dem v art N adj This was an accident serious This was a serious accident. CONTROL DVT: SUPPLEMENTARY LANGUAGE MATERIALS Oral Reading (138 seconds) 1. Erase una vez, una nifiita que vivia con su(s) padres. Erase una vez, una nifiita que vivia con sus padres. Once upon a time, there was a young girl that lived with her parents. Su madre le habia fabricado una . "ka’. una capa roja Su madre le habia fabricado una capa roja Her mother had made her a red cape con un capuchon, y por eso, todo(s) le llamaban Caperucita Roja. con un capuchon, y por eso, todos le llamaban Caperucita Roja. with a red hood and, for this reason, everyone called her Little Red Riding Hood. Un dia, su madre le dijo: Un dia, su madre le dijo: One day, her mother told her: "Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comida. "Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comida. “Little Red Riding Hood, 1 have prepared a basket with food. Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta enferma en su cama." Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta enferma en su cama." I want you to take it to your grandmother ’s house because she is sick and in bed. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Little Red Riding Hood took the basket and left. Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque repentinamente encontro a un lobo. Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque repentinamente encontro a un lobo. While Little Red Riding Hood was walking in the forest she ran into a wolf El lobo paro a hablarle a Caperucita, El lobo paré a hablarle a Caperucita, The wolf stopped to talk to Little Red Riding Hood 116 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. Y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. Y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. and he asked her where she was going with all of the food. Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said that she was going to visit her grandmother, quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella le llevaba una canasta con quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella le llevaba una canasta con who was not feeling very well and that she was taking her a basket of comida. comida. food. El lobo lez pregunt6:"Caperucita, Ly donde vive tu abuelita?" El lobo pregunt6:"Caperucita, Ly donde vive tu abuelita?" The wolf asked her: ”Little Red Riding Hood, Where does your grandmother live? ” y ella le contesto que su abuelita vive en una casa y ella 1e contesto que su abuelita vive en una casa and she answered him saying that her grandmother lives in a house en medio del bosque. El lobo le dio las gracia(s) y se fue. en medio del bosque. El lobo le dio las gracias y se fue. in the middle of the forest. The wolf thanked her and lefi. Caperucita continuo caminando sin apuro, Caperucita continue caminando sin apuro, Little Red Riding Hood continued walking without any hurry, parando para recojer flore(s) y para comer fruta(s)3~—— frutillas. parando para recoj er flores y para comer frutillas. stopping to pick flowers and eat strawberries. F inalmente, ella llego a la casa de la; abuelita. Caperucita toco la puerta, Finalmente, ella llego a la casa de su abuelita. Caperucita toco la puerta, Finally, she arrived to her grandmother ’s house. Little Red Riding Hood knocked on the door, pero nadie respondio, asi es que ella entro a la casa y encontro pero nadie respondié, asi es que ella entro a la casa y encontro but nobody answered. So, she entered the house and found 117 20. a alguien en la cama, que penso era su abuelita, 21 22. 23. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. a alguien en la cama, que penso era su abuelita, someone in the bed that she thought was her grandmother . y que vestia el camison y gorro de su abuela y que vestia el camison y gorro de su abuela and that was wearing her grandmother 's night shirt and night cap y que las frazada(s) le cubrian hasta el cuello. y que las frazadas le cubrian hasta el cuello. and that was covered up to the neck by the blankets. Caperucita dijo:"Bueno(s) dia(s) abuelita, Caperucita dijo:"Bueno(s) dia(s) abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said: “Good Morning grandmother, . te he traido una canasta con comida." Y el lobo, que estaba pretendiendo te he traido una canasta con comida." Y e1 lobo, que estaba pretendiendo 1 have brought you a basket with food. " The wolf who was pretending ser la abuelita, le pidio que se acercara la canasta hacia la cama. ser la abuelita, le pidio que se acercara la canasta hacia la cama. to be the grandmother, asked her to bring the basket closer to the bed. Asi, Caperucita acerco la canasta hacia la cama Asi, Caperucita acerco la canasta hacia la cama So, Little Red Riding Hood brought the basket closer to the bed y dijo: "Abuelita, [pero que’ ojo(s) tans grande(s) tienes!" y el lobo contesté: y dijo: "Abuelita, gpero que ojos grandes tienes!" y el lobo contesté: and said: “Grandmother, what big eyes you have! ” and the wolf answered: "para verte mejor." Entonce(s), Caperucita dijo: "para verte mejor." Entonces, Caperucita dijo: ' “the better to see you with. ” Then Little Red Riding Hood said: "Abuelita, [pero que' grandes oidos tienes!", y el lobo contesté: "Abuelita, [pero que grandes oidos tienes!", y el lobo contesto: “Grandmother, what big ears you have! " and the wolf answered her: "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: “the better to hear you with. ” Then Little Red Riding Hood said: "abuelita, [pero que' diente(s) tan6 grande(s) que tienes!" y el lobo salto "abuelita, [pero que dientes grandes que tienes!" y el lobo salto "Grandmother, what big teeth you have! ” and the wolf jumped 118 32. de la cama diciendo: " [para comerte mejor 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. de la cama diciendo: "ipara comerte mejor!" from the bed saying: “the better to eat you with.I " y trato de atrapar y comer a Caperucita. y trato de atrapar y comer a Caperucita. and he tried to trap and eat Little Red Riding Hood. Caperucita comenzo a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando Caperucita comenzo a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando Little Red Riding Hood began to run, crying and screaming por ayuda, pero el lobo la alcanzo y se la comio. por ayuda, pero el lobo la alcanzo y se la comio. but the wolf caught her and ate her. Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por lo(s) alrededore(s) y que habia Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por los alrededores y que habia At that very moment, a hunter who was passing by and who had escuchado lo(s) escuchado los heard the grito(s) de Caperucita, gritos de Caperucita, screaming of Little Red Riding Hood, entro 7 la casa y mato al lobo. entro a la casa y mato al lobo. entered the house and killed the wolf Luego le abrio la barriga al lobo y Caperucita y su abuelita Luego le abrio la barriga al lobo y Caperucita y su abuelita Later, he opened the belly of the wolf and Little Red Riding Hood and her grandmother saltaron sana(s) y salva(s). Y asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, saltaron sanas y salvas. Y asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, jumped out healthy and safe. And, this is how they lived felice(s) y contento(s)g. felices y contentas. happily ever after. 119 APPENDIX C4 AYI: PRIMARY TRANSCRIPTIONS AND IN TERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRAN SCRIPTIONS List of Symbols and Abbreviations adv adj art aux comp conj det exclm fill N neg num prep PAST PL PRES SG adverb adjectives article auxiliary complementizer coordinating conjunction determiners exclamation filler noun negative number preposition past tense plural present tense singular Interlinear Morphemic Transcriptions Line 1: Corrected or expected forms Line 2: Morphemes produced by subject (italics) Line 3: Morphemic translation with grammatical labels abbreviated Line 4: English equivalent of Line 2 Supplementary Language Materials: LRRH Reading Task Line 1: Reading produced by subject Line 2: Reading task Line 3: English equivalent of Line 2 (italics) Subscripts: Reading errors pro cli dem poss rel quant qwh rfl subconj v V Vinf I] /??/ (...) (.) personal pronoun clitic pronoun demonstrative pronoun possessive pronoun relative pronoun quantifier wh-question word reflexive subordinating conjunction have/be main verb lexical verb infinitive omission uninterpretable string pause of 2 seconds or more pause of less than 2 seconds CONTROL AYI: PRIMARY TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie Theft (69 seconds, 142 words) Control: Bueno, ésta e(s) una escena en una . cocina, aparentemente...ehm, y hay tre(s) personas. Para ir directamente a la(s)-—a la(s) acciones que suceden, ehm . hay una mujer que esta secando un plato ehm inmediatamente a lado de un lavatorio que se esta inundando en este momento y el agua se derrama por encima del—de este lavatorio o Iavaplato(s). Eh hacia atra(s) de la escena hay do(s) nifios que estén intentando sacar, aparentemente, una(s) galleta(s) o algo asi de un . tarro o /kon/-contenedor ubicado en una alacena en el . que esta sobre la pared. Eh el nifio esta subido sobre un piso, taburete y que esta bastante inestable y si sigue asi, aparentemente, la situacion siguiente es que se va a caer. La nifia esta ehm . con su brazo izquierdo estirado en una intencion aparente de recibir una galleta que le va a dar su supuesto hermano. Thief (20 seconds, 57 words) Control: En la interpretacion de esto seria una—un personaje—un ladron que esta . eh entrando subrepticiamente por una ventana para eh . robar valores de—— que salen. Esas son la(s) do(s) primera(s) escena(s), que esta robando valores de un un . ehm mueble, gno es cierto? en una casa y al momento de retirarse es sorprendido por la policia que lo . aprehende. Farmer (38 seconds, 71 words) Control: Bueno, primera escena 0 primer cuadro hay un a-agricultor 0 un campesino que esta sembrando. Ehm posterionnente, ehm aparentemente alguno(s) . semana(s) despué(s) esta mirando el crecirniento de su cultivo con un—hay un espantapajoro(s) aparentemente en el fondo. Ha pasado mas el tiempo en el tercero que ehm . se ve que esta ehm . admirando . su cosecha . de ma1'(z) y finalmente va en una vehiculo—una camioneta——un camién a, probablemente, a venderlo en el mercado. Accident (36 seconds, 64 words) Control: Hace poco fue el ultimo. Ehm . en el estacionamiento de la—de aca del hospital, en la tarde, que iba saliendo relativamente apurado. Ehm retrocediendo en el auto, eh no adverti un auto que estaba un poco I21 desfasado de la linea de esta-estacionamiento y le impacté con el mio . relativamente fuerte. Aparte de dafio . eh en lo(s) do(s) auto(s), no hubo ningun inconveniente en especial en 10 personal. Little Red Riding Hood (158 seconds, 412 words) Control: El cuento de la Caperucita es ehm . una nifia ehm . pequefia que solia usar un gorro rojo por la cual todo(s) le llamaban Caperucita Roja. Que eh . una tarde la—ah! que tenia una abuelita que vivia al—al otro lado de un bosque. Eh . una tarde una—su mama 1e dio una cesta con alimento(s) para que se la llevara a su abuelita, recomendandole que no atrevesar el bosque si no que se fuera al-alrededor del mismo porque podria encontrarse a un lobo. Ehm . entiendo que Caperucita . desobedecio a su madre. Traveso por el bosque. Se econtro con el lobo . y—quien le pregunto a donde iba. La Caperucita ehm . 1e dijo que iba a la casa de la abuelita. El lobo con ésto ehm . salio corriendo primero que la Caperucita para llegar a donde la abuelita. Ehm . entro, se comio a la abuelita . y se acosto con lo(s) vestimeintos de ella en la cama . esperando que llegara la Caperucita. Cuando llego la nifia eh . el lobo fingiendo la——la voz le dijo que pasara. Entonce(s), la Caperucita se acerco y lo mire y lo encontro extrafia. Entonce(s), le pregunto, "gPor qué tiene esos ojos tan grandes?" Entonces, "Estos son para mirarte mejor." "gPor que tiene esa(s) oreja(s) tan grandes?" "Son para escucharte mejor." "gPor que' tiene esa nariz tan grande?" "Sera para olerte mejor." Y, "gPor que’ tiene esa boca tan grande?" "Para comerte mejor!" Y se comio a la Caperucita. (interruption) Después de eso, habian uno(s) cazadore(s), lefiadores o algi’rn personaje de ese tipo que andaban dando vuelta por alli y cuando sintieron que la Caperucita estaba peleando con el lobo (interruption) como escucharon los grito(s) de la Caperucita en su pelea con el lobo, supongo, ehm se acercaron y vieron el lobo que estaba— que acaba de comerse a la Caperucita, y como se la habia comido tan rapido se la habia tragado solamente. Entonce(s), ello(s) eh . cazaron el lobo y lo abrieron el—el——el cuerpo, el abdomen y sacaron a la Caperucita y a la abuelita de adentro y para que el lobo no se diera cuenta mientras estaba muy dorrnido—ah eso era! que el lobo se habia quedado dorrnido por el—por el que—eh . después de comerse a la abuelita y a la Caperucita. Entonce(s), antes que se despertara, lo llenaron con piedras de—para que se sintiera . repleto y cuando se desperto el lobo se sintio muy mal porque le pesaba mucho el estomogo. Entonce(s), se quiso ir a tomar agua en un rio y se cayo adentro y se murio. 122 CONTROL AYI: INTERLINEAR MORPHEMIC TRANSCRIPTIONS Cookie Theft (1) (2b) Bueno, esta e(s) una escena Well this is a scene Well, this is a scene en una cocina/ aparentemente in a kitchen aparently in a kitchen, aparently, y hay tre(s) personas' and there are three persons and there are three people. Para ir directamente a la(s) acciones to go directly to the actions to go directly to the actions que suceden" that happen that are happening, hay una mujer que estd secando there is a woman that is drying there is a woman that is drying un plato inmediatamente a1 lado de a plate immediately to+the side of a plate immediately next to un lavatorio que se estd inundando a lavatory that is flooding a sink that is overflowing en este momenta y el agua in this moment and the water in this moment and the water se derrama por encima del spills for above of+the spills over the top of the de este lavatorio o Iavaplato(s) V of this lavatory or sink of this lavaory or sink. 123 fill dem v art N prep art N adv conj v num N prep Vinf adv prep art N comp V v art N comp aux+V art N adv prep+art N prep art N comp rfl aux+V prep det N conj art N rfl V prep adv prep+art prep det N conj N r. "l (3) (3a) (4) (4a) Hacia atra(s) de la escena towards back of the scene Towards the back of the scene hay do(s) nifios que estan intentando there are two children that are trying there are two children that are trying sacar/ aparentemente/ una(s) galleta(s) to take out aparently some cookies to get, aparently, some cookies 0 al go asi de un tarro or something like that from a jar or something like that from a jar o contenedor ubicado or container located or container located en una alacena en el in a cupboard in the in a cupboard in the que esta sobre la pared" that is over the wall that is over the wall. El nifio esta subido the boy is elevated The boy is elevated sabre un pisa/ taburete y over a bench stool and over a bench, stool and, que esta' bastante inestable that is quite unstable that is quite unstable y si sigue asi/ aparentemente and if follows this way aparently and if this continues, apparently 124 prep adv prep art N v num N comp aux+V Vinf adv art N conj quant adv prep art N conj N adj prep art N prep art comp v prep art N art N v adj prep art N N conj comp v adv adj conj conj V adv adv (5) Thief (6) (68) la situacio'n siguiente es the situation following is the following situation is que se va a caer/ that itself (it) go to to fall that it will fall. La nir'ia estci con su brazo izquierdo The girl is with her arm left The girl is with her left arm estirado en una intencio'n aparente stretched in an intention apparent stretched with the apparent intention de recibir una galleta of to receive a cookie to receive a cookie que le va a dar that her (he) goes to to give (see next line) su supuesto hermanor her supposed brother that her brother is going to give to her. En la interpretacio'n de esto seria In the interpretation of this would be In the interpretation of this one there would be an personaje/ un ladro'n que estci entrando a person a theif that is entering a person, a theif that is entering subrepticiamente par una ventana surreptitiously for a window surreptitiously through a window para robar valores de for to steal valuables from the in order to steal valuables from the 125 artNadj v subconj rfl aux+prep+Vinf art N v prep det N adj adj prep art N adj prep Vinf art N comp cli aux+prep+Vinf det adj N prep art N prep dem v art N art N comp aux+V adv prep art N prep Vinf N prep (6b) (7) que salen‘ comp V that are that are there. Esa(s) son la(s) do(s) primera(s) escena(sf dem v art num adj N These are the two first scenes These are the first two scenes, que esta' robando valores de un mueble/ subconj aux+V N prep art N that (he) is stealing valuables from a furniture that he is stealing valuables from a piece of furniture, (gno es cierto?! en una casa neg V adj prep art N no is true in a house isn’t that right? in a house y al momenta dc conj art+prep N prep and at the moment of and in the moment of retirarse/ es sorprendido Vinf+rfl aux+V to leave is surprised leaving, is surprised por la policia que lo aprehende/ prep art N comp cli V by the police that him aprehends by the police that aprehends him. Farmer (3) (8a) Bueno/ primera escena 0 primer cuadro -‘ fill adj N conj adj N Well first scene or first frame Well, the first scene or the first frame, hay un agricultor 0 un campesino v art N conj art N there is a farmer or a peasant there is a farmer or a peasant que esta sembrando/I" comp aux+V that is sowing that is sowing. 126 (9) Posteriormente' adv Later ‘ Later, a] gunas:F /PL aparentemente *algunofis) semanas a’espués/ adv det N adv apparently somezM/PL weeks:F/PL later apparently some weeks later, *Agreement between determiner “algunos ” and noun “semanas ” is incorrect. (9a) (10) esta' mirando el crecimiento de su cultivo aux+V art N prep det N [he]is watching the grth of his crops he is watching how his crops have grown con un prep art with a with a hay un espantapajoro (s) v art N there is a scarecrow there is a scarecrow aparentemente en elfona’a' adv prep art N apparently in the back apparently in the background. Ha pasado mas el tiempo aux+V adv art N Has passed more the time More time has passed en el tercero prep art N in the third one in the third one (referring to frames) que se ve que subconj rfl V subconj that one sees that that one sees that esta admirando su cosecha aux+V det N (he) is admiring his crop he is admiring his crop de mai(:) prep N of corn of com 127 un y finalmenle va en *una vehicular" and finally (he) goes in a vehicle and, finally, he goes in a vehicle, conj adv aux+ (prep art N *Agreement between the article and noun seems to be incorrect. Since the subject prolonged the pronunciation of the article una, it is unclear whether he used the feminine form of the article or whether he used the masculine form un followed by the filler /ah/. una camioneta/ un camio’n a truck a semitruck a truck, a semitruck a probablemente,? a venderlo to probably to sell+it to, probably, to sell it en el mercadox’ in the market at the market. Accident (11) (12) (12a) Hace poco fue el zillimoz' (It) makes little was the last It wasn’t very long since the last one. En el estacionamiento de la In the parking lot of the In the parking lot of the de aca del hospital/ of here of the hospital of here at the hospital, en la tarde/ in the evening in the evening, que iba saliendo relativamente apurado.” that (I) went leaving relatively in a hurry I left relatively fast. 128 artNartN prep adv) prep+Vinf+cli prep art N VadvvartN prep art N prep art prep adv prep+art N prep art N subconj V V adv adv (13) (14) Retrocediendo en el auto Backing up in the car Backing up in the car, no adverti un auto que estaba no (I) notice a car that was I didn’t notice a car that was un poco desfasado a little out of place a little over de la linea del estacionamiento of the line of the parking the parking line y [e impacté con el mio and it (I) hit with the mine and I hit it with mine relativamentefuerte relatively hard relatively hard. Aparte de dafio en los dos auto(s) ' Apart from damge in the two cars Apart from damage to the two cars, no hubo ningzin inconveniente no there was no inconvenience there wasn’t any damage en especial en 10 personal in special in the personal in particular to myself. Little Red Riding Hood (15) E I cuento de la Caperucita es The story of the LRRH is The story of LRRH is una nifia pequefia que a girl little that a little girl who was in the habit of 129 V prep art N neg V art N comp v art adv adj prep art N prep+art N conj cli V prep art poss adv adv prep prep N prep art num N neg v det N prep N prep art N art N prep art N v art N adj comp (16) (16a) (17) (17a) solia usar un gorro rojo was in the habit of to use a hat red using a red hat por la cual todo(s) [e for the which everyone her as result everyone llamaban Caperucita Roja,“ called LRRH called her LRRH. Que una tarde 1a.../ That one evening the That one evening the... A h! que tenia una abuelita Ah! that had a grandma Oh yeah! That had a grandma que vivia al otro lado that lived at the other side that lived at the other end de un bosq lie." of a forest of a forest. Una tarde una One evening a One evening a su mama [e dio una cesta con alimento(s) her mom her gave a basket with food her mom gave her a basket with food para que se la llevara so that it (she) will take so that she will take it a su abuelita/ to her grandma to her grandma, 130 aux+Vinf art N adj prep art subconj quant cli VN subconj art N art exclm comp v art N comp V prep+art adj N prep art N artNart det N cli V art N prep N prep subconj cli cli V prep det N (18) (19) (20) (20a) (21) recomenddndole que no atrevesar recommedingher that no to cross recommending to her that she not cross el bosque the forest the forest sino que se fuera alrededor but that (she) went around but rather that she went around del mismo of the same it porque podria encontrarse because (she) could to meet because she might run a un lobo," to a wolf into a wolf. Entiena’o que C aperucita desobedecio’ (I) understand that LRRH disobeyed I understand that LRRH disobeyed a su madre/ to her mother her mother. Atraveso por el bosque ” (She) crossed for the forest She crossed the forest. Se econtro con el lobo y (She) met with the wolf and She ran into the wolf and quien le pregunto’ adonde iba/ who her asked who asked her where she was going. La Caperucita [e dijo The LRRH him said LRRH said to him 131 to where (she) was going V+cli subconj neg Vinf artN conj subconj rfl V adv prep+art N subconj aux+Vinf+rfl prep art N V subconj N V prep det N V prep art N rfl V prep art N conj rel cli V qwh V artN cli V (32) (23) (24) que iba a la casa that (she) was going to the house that she was going to her de [a abuelita" of the grandma grandma’s house. El lobo con esto salio' corriendo The wolf with this left running With this the wolf took off running primero que la Caperucita before that the LRRH before LRRH para llegar adonde la abuelita" for to arrive to where the grandma to arrive to her grandma’s. Entro se comio a la abuelita (He) entered (he) ate to the grandma He went in, ate the grandma y se acosto con lo(s) vestimientos and laid down with the clothes and laid down with her clothes on de ella en la cama of her in the bed in the bed esperando que llegara la Caperucita waiting that would arrive the LRRH waiting for LRRH to arrive. C uando llego la nifia/ when arrived the girl when the girl arrived, e1 lobofingiendo la voz the wolf faking the voice the wolf, disguising his voice, 132 subconj V prep art N prep art N art N prep dem V V adv subconj art N prep Vinf adv art N VrflVprepartN conj rfl V prep art N prep pro prep art N V subconj V art N subconj V art N artNVartN (25) 1e dijo que pasarafi her told that pass told her to come in. Entonce(s), la Caperucita se acerco So, the LRRH neared So, LRRH neared y [0 mini and him looked and looked at him y lo encontro' extrafia *. and hisz/SG found strangezF/SG and found him strange. cli V subconj V fill artN rfl V conj cli V conj cli V adj *The clitic pronoun “lo ” and the adjective “extrafia ” do not agree in gender. This could have resulted because the speaker is referring to a “wolf” (e1 lobon/SG) that is dressed as a “grandmother” (la abuela:F/SG). (26) (27) (27a) (28) (29) (30) Entonce(s)...“ 1e pregumo 80’ him (She) asked So, she asked him, "For que’ tiene esos ojos tan grandes". " Why (you) have these eyes so big “Why do you have such big eyes?” Entonces. " So So, "Estos son para mirarte mejor" These are for to see+you better “These are to see you better with.” "Por que' tiene esa(s) oreja(s) tan grandes , Why (you) have those ears so big “Why do you have such big ears?” "Son para escucharte mejor"? (They) are for to hear+you better “They are to hear you better with.” "For que' tiene esa nariz tan grande” Why (you) have that nose so big “Why do you have such a big nose?” 133 H I fill cli V qwh v det N adv adj fill det v prep Vinf+cli adv qwh v det N adv adj v prep Vinf+cli adv qwh v det N adv adj (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) “Sera para olerte mejor (That) would be for to hear+you better “That would be to hear you better with.” Y/ "por qué tiene esa boca tan grande” and why (you) have this mouth so big and, “why do you have such a big mouth?” "Para comerte mejor For to eat+you better “To each you better with!” Y se comio' a la Caperucita and (he) ate to the LRRH and he ate LRRH. Después de esot hab ian After of this (there) were some hunters Afterwards, there were some hunters, lefiadores o algzin personaje de ese tipo woodcutters or some person of this type woodcutters or someone like that que andaban dando vuelta por all 1' that were going giving turns for there that were walking around there y cuando sintieron and when (they) heard and when they heard que la Caperucita estaba peleando that the LRRH was fighting that LRRH was fighting con el lobo" with the wolf with the wolf, Inturruption by someone at the door. (35a) como escucharon los grito(s) since (they) heard the shouts since they heard the shoults 134 unofls) cazadore (.s)’ v prep Vinf+cli adv conj qwh v det N adv adj prep Vinf+cli adv conj rfl V prep art N adv prep dem v art N N conj det N prep det N comp aux+V N prep adv conj subconj V subconj art N aux+V prep art N subconj V art N (35b) (36) de la Caperucita en su pelea of the LRRH in her fight of LRRH in her fight con el lobo/supongo/ with the wolf (I) suppose with the wolf, I suppose, se acercaron y vieron e1 lobo (they) neared and saw the wolf they drew near and saw the wolf que estaba that was that was que acaba de comerse that (he)finished of to eat that he had just finished eating a la Caperucita" to the LRRH LRRH, y como se [a and since her and since habia comido tan rdpido (he) had eaten so fast he had eaten her so fast se la habia tragado solamente ‘ her had swallowed only he only swallowed her. Entonce(s)/ ello(s) cazaron el lobo So they hunted the wolf So, they hunted the wolf y lo abrieron el cuerpo/ e1 abdomen and him opened the body the abdomen and opened up his body, his abdomen y sacaron a la Caperucita and took out to the LRRH and took out LRRH 135 prep art N prep det N prep art N V rfl V conj V art N comp aux comp aux+prep+Vinf+rfl prep art N conj subconj rfl cli aux+V adv adv rfl cli aux+V adv fill pro V art N conj cli V art N art N conj V prep art N (36a) (36b) (37) y a la abuelita de adentro and to the grandma from inside and her grandma from inside y para que el lobo and so that the wolf and so the wolf nose diera cuenta no gave account would not realize (what happened) mientras estaba muy dormido.../ while (he) was very asleep while he was fast asleep... ah eso era oh that was (it) oh that was it! que el lobo se habia quedado that the wolf had remained that the wolf had remained dorrnido por el que asleep for the that asleep in order that... después de comerse a after of to eat to after eating la abuelita y a la Caperucita" the grandma and to the LRRH the grandma and LRRH. Entonce(s)/ antes que se So, before that himself woke up So, before he woke up, [0 llenaron con piedras de him (they) filled with rocks from they filled him with rocks from... (3 73) para que se sintiera repleto for that (he) felt full so that he felt full 136 despertara conj prep art N prep adv conj prep subconj art N neg rfl V+N subconj v adv adj exclm dem v subconj art N rfl aux+V V prep art subconj adv prep Vinf prep art N conj prep art N fill prep subconj rfl V cli V prep N prep prep subconj rfl V adv y cuando se despertoi" conj subjconj rfl V and when (he) woke up and when he woke up, el lobo se sintio’ muy mal art N rfl V adv adj the wolf felt very badly the wolf felt very badly porque le pesaba mucho el estomogo' subconj cli V adv art N because him weighed a lot the stomach because his stomach weighed a lot. (38) Entonce(s).-"' se quiso ir a tomar fill rfl V aux+prep+Vinf So (he) wanted to go to drink So, he wanted to go to drink agua en an no N prep art N water in a river water from the river y se cayo adentro y se murio/ conj rfl V adv conj rfl V and (he) fell in and (he) died and he fell in and he died. CONTROL AYI: SUPPLEMENTARY LANGUAGE MATERIALS Oral Reading (123 seconds) 1. Erase una vez, una nifiita que vivia con su(s) padres. Erase una vez, una niflita que vivia con sus padres. Once upon a time, there was a young girl that lived with her parents. 2. Su madre 1e habia fabricado una capa roja Su madre le habia fabricado una capa roja Her mother had made her a red cape 3. con un capuchon, y por eso, todo(s) 1e llamaban lal Caperucita Roja. con un capuchon, y por eso, todos 1e llamaban Caperucita Roja. with a red hood and, for this reason, everyone called her Little Red Riding Hood. 4. Un dia, su madre le dijo: Un dia, su madre 1e dijo: One day, her mother told her: 137 5. "Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comida. "Caperucita, he preparado una canasta con comida. “Little Red Riding Hood, 1 have prepared a basket with food. 6. Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta enferma en su cama." Quiero que la lleves a la casa de la abuelita, que esta enferma en su cama." I want you to take it to your grandmother 's house because she is sick and in bed. 7. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Caperucita tomo la canasta y partio. Little Red Riding Hood took the basket and left. 8. Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque repentinamente encontro a un lobo. Cuando Caperucita caminaba por el bosque repentinamente encontro a un lobo. While Little Red Riding Hood was walking in the forest she ran into a wolf 9. El lobo paro a hablarle a Caperucita, El lobo paro a hablarle a Caperucita, The wolf stopped to talk to Little Red Riding Hood 10. y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. y le pregunto a donde iba con toda esa comida. and he asked her where she was going with all of the food. 1 l. Caperucita lez dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Caperucita dijo que ella iba a visitar a su abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said that she was going to visit her grandmother, 12. quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella 1e llevaba una canasta con quien no se encontraba muy bien de salud, y que ella 1e llevaba una canasta con who was not feeling very well and that she was taking her a basket of food. comida. comida. food. 13. El lobo pregunto:"Caperucita, (,y donde vive tu abuelita?" E1 lobo pregunto:"Caperucita, (3y donde vive tu abuelita?" The wolf asked her: “Little Red Riding Hood, Where does your grandmother live? ” 14. Y ella 1e contesto que su abuelita vive en una casa Y ella 1e contesto que su abuelita vive en una casa and she answered him saying that her grandmother lives in a house 15. en medio del bosque. E1 lobo 1e dio las gracias y se fue. en medio del bosque. E1 lobo le dio las gracias y se fue. in the middle of the forest. The wolf thanked her and left. 138 16. Caperucita continuo caminando sin apuro, Caperucita continuo caminando sin apuro, Little Red Riding Hood continued walking without any hurry, l7. parando para recojer flores y para comer frutillas. 18. 19. 20. 21. 23. 24. 25. parando para recojer flores y para comer fiutillas. stopping to pick flowers and eat strawberries. Finalmente, ella llego a la casa de su abuelita. Caperucita toco 1a puerta, F inalmente, ella llego a la casa de su abuelita. Caperucita toco 1a puerta, Finally, she arrived to her grandmother 's house. Little Red Riding Hood knocked on the door, pero nadie respondio, asi es que ella entro a la casa y encontro pero nadie respondio, asi es que ella entro a la casa y encontro but nobody answered. So, she entered the house and found a alguien en la cama, que penso que; era su abuelita, a alguien en la cama, que penso era su abuelita, someone in the bed that she thought was her grandmother y que vestia e1 camison y gorro de su abuela y que vestia e1 camison y gorro de su abuela and that was wearing her grandmother’s night shirt and night cap . y que las frazadas 1e cubrian hasta el cuello. y que las frazadas le cubrian hasta el cuello. and that was covered up to the neck by the blankets. Caperucita dijo:"Buenos dias abuelita, Caperucita dijo:"Buenos dias abuelita, Little Red Riding Hood said: “Good Morning grandmother, te he traido una canasta con comida." Y e1 lobo, que estaba pretendiendo te he traido una canasta con comida." Y e1 lobo, que estaba pretendiendo l have brought you a basket with food. ” The wolf who was pretending ser 1a abuelita, 1e pidio que acercara la canasta hacia la cama. ser 1a abuelita, 1e pidio que acercara la canasta hacia la cama. to be the grandmother, asked her to bring the basket closer to the bed. . Asr’, Caperucita acerco 1a canasta hacia la cama Asi, Caperucita acerco la canasta hacia 1a cama So, Little Red Riding Hood brought the basket closer to the bed 139 27. y dijo: "Abuelita, ipero qué ojos tam grandes tienes!" y el lobo contesto: y dijo: "Abuelita, apero qué ojos grandes tienes!" y el lobo contestoz and said: “Grandmother, what big eyes you have! ” and the wolf answered: 28. "para verte mejor." Entonce(s), Caperucita dijo: "para verte mejor." Entonces, Caperucita dijo: “the better to see you with " Then Little Red Riding Hood said: 29. "Abuelita, ipero que’ grandes oidos tienes!", y el lobo contesto: "Abuelita, ipero qué grandes oidos tienes!", y el lobo contestoz “Grandmother, what big ears you have! ” and the wolf answered her: 30. "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: "para escucharte mejor." Luego Caperucita dijo: “the better to hear you with. ” Then Little Red Riding Hood said: 31. "abuelita, ipero que' dientes grandes que tienes!" y el lobo salto "abuelita, ipero qué dientes grandes que tienes!" y el lobo salto “Grandmother, what big teeth you have! ” and the wolf jumped 32. de la cama diciendo: "gpara comerte mejor!" de la cama diciendo: "ipara comerte mejor!" from the bed saying: “the better to eat you with! " 33. y trato de atrapar y comer a Caperucita. y trato de atrapar y comer a Caperucita. and he tried to trap and eat Little Red Riding Hood. 34. Caperucita comenzo a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando Caperucita comenzo a correr desesperadamente llorando y gritando Little Red Riding Hood began to run, crying and screaming 35. por ayuda, pero e1 lobo la alcanzo y se la comio. por ayuda, pero e1 lobo 1a alcanzo y se la comio. for help, but the wolf caught her and ate her. 36. Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por los alrededores y que habia escuchado Un cazador que en ese momento pasaba por los alrededores y que habia escuchado At that very moment, a hunter who was passing by and who had heard 10(5) 10(5) the 37. gritos de Caperucita, gritos de Caperucita, screaming of Little Red Riding Hood, 140 38. entro a la casa y mato a1 lobo. entro a la casa y mato a1 lobo. entered the house and killed the wolf 39. Luego 1e abrio 1a barriga a1 lobo y Caperucita y su abuelita Luego 1e abrio la barriga al lobo y Caperucita y su abuelita Later, he opened the belly of the wolf and Little Red Riding Hood and her grandmother 40. saltaron sanas y salvas. Y asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, saltaron sanas y salvas. Y asi vivieron por mucho tiempo, jumped out healthy and safe. And, this is how they lived 41. felices y contentas. felices y contentas. happily ever after. 141 APPENDIX D1 Table 18. JTF: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS I II 111 Total Correctly I+II+ Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % 111 Articles 42 84 6 12 3 6 50 Other Determiners 2 100 - - - - 2 Prepositions 9 69 1 8 3 23 13 Prepos. + Deterrn. - - - - - - - Adjectives 7 87 - - l 13 8 Strong Pronouns 5 100 - - - - 5 Clitic Pronouns 9 9O 1 10 - - 10 Reflexives 6 100 - - - - 6 Auxiliaries 16 73 4 18 2 9 22 Have/Be Main Verbs 17 77 5 23 - - 22 Main Lexical Verbs 33 87 3 8 2 5 38 Relative Pronouns - - - - - - - Complementizers l 1 00 - - - - 1 Subord. Conj unctions 1 100 - - - - 1 Coor. Conjunctions 14 100 - - - - l4 142 APPENDIX D2 Table 19. LTL: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS I II 111 Total Correctly I+II+ Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % 111 Articles 48 72 2 3 17 25 67 Other Determiners 4 100 - - - — 4 Prepositions l 9 54 - - 1 6 46 35 Prepos. + Determ. - - - - 1 100 1 Adjectives 3 1 00 - - - - 3 Strong Pronouns 4 100 - - - 4 Clitic Pronouns 5 100 - - - - 5 Reflexives 1 3 100 - - - - 1. 3 Auxiliaries 8 62 3 23 2 15 13 Have/Be Main Verbs 6 75 1 13 1 13 8 Main Lexical Verbs 39 81 6 13 3 6 48 Relative Pronouns - - - - - - - Complementizers - - - - - - — Subord. Conjunctions 4 80 - - l 20 5 Coor.Conj unctions 1 1 100 - - - - l 1 143 APPENDIX D3 Table 20. DVT: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS I II [11 Total Correctly I+II+ Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % 111 Articles 44 100 - - - - 44 Other Determiners l 100 - - - - 1 Prepositions 22 100 - - - - 22 Prepos. + Determ. 2 100 - - - - 2 Adjectives 9 100 - - - - 9 Strong Pronouns 5 100 - - - - 5 Clitic Pronouns 2 100 - - - - 2 Reflexives 4 100 - - - - 4 Auxiliaries 1 l 100 - - - - l l Have/Be Main Verbs 12 100 - - - - 12 Main Lexical Verbs 31 100 - - - - 31 Relative Pronouns - - - - - - - Complementizers 3 l 00 - - - - 3 Subord. Conj unctions 3 100 - - - - 3 Coor. Conj unctions 1 2 100 - - - - 12 144 APPENDIX D4 Table 21. AYI: MORPHEME ERRORS AND DISTRIBUTIONS I 11 111 Total Correctly I+II+ Supplied % Substitutions % Omissions % 111 Articles 107 99 l l - - 108 Other Determiners 18 95 l 5 - 19 Prepositions 95 100 - - - - 95 Preys. + Determ. 7 100 - - - - 7 Adjectives 24 100 - - - - 24 Strong Pronouns 13 100 - - - - l3 Clitic Pronouns 23 100 - - - - 23 Reflexives 25 100 - - - - 25 Auxiliaries 24 100 - - - - 24 Have/Be Main Verbs 29 100 - - - - 29 Main Lexical Verbs 95 100 - - - - 95 Relative Pronouns 1 100 - - - - l Complementizers 17 100 - - - - 1 7 Subord. Conj unctions 29 100 - - - - 29 Coor. Conjunctions 32 100 - - - - 32 145 APPENDIX E1 Table 22. JTF/DVT: DISTRIBUTION OF MORPHEMES IN THE TEXT Patient Control JTF DVT actual context actual context N % N % N % N % Articles 48 18 50 18 44 19 44 19 Other Det. 2 l 2 1 1 0.4 1 ‘ 0.4 Prepositions 9 3 13 5 22 9 22 9 Prep. + Det. - - - - 2 l 2 l Adjectives 7 3 8 3 9 4 9 4 Nouns 54 20 58 21 48 21 48 21 Strong Pro. 5 2 5 2 5 2 5 2 Clitic Pro. 10 4 10 4 2 1 2 1 Reflexives 6 2 6 2 4 2 4 2 Adverbs/Quant. 30 1 1 32 11 22 9 22 9 Auxiliaries 19 7 21 7 1 1 5 l l 5 Have/Be M.V. 22 8 22 8 12 5 12 5 Main Verbs 36 14 38 14 31 13 31 13 Comp. 1 0.4 l. 0.4 6 3 6 3* Sub.Conj. 1 0.4 1 0.4 3 l 3 l Coord. Conj. 14 5 14 5 12 5 12 5‘ 146 APPENDIX E2 Table 23. LTL & AYI: DISTRIBUTION OF MORPHEMES IN THE TEXT Patient Control LTL AYI actual context actual context N %‘ 1 N . % N ‘i% N , %_ Articles 50 , 19 7 v 67 21 109 1‘5 109 ' 515 , Other Det. 4 1 4 j 1 19 3 19 3 Prepositions 2 l 8 35 1 1 95 1. 3 95 13 Prep. + Det. - :4 1 0.3 . 7 . l 7 l Adjectives 3 1 3 1 ‘1 23 3 23 v 3 1 Nouns 75 28 v 80 25 j 121 17 121 2 127 Strong Pro. 4 1 4 N 1 15 2 15 2 Clitic Pro. 5 2 5 2 23 3 23 3 Reflexives 13 5 . l3 4 j 25 4 25 , 4 Adverbs/Quant. l 1 4 , l3 4 5 1 7 5 1 7 Auxiliaries 17 6 . 17 5 24 ‘3 24 . - 3‘ Have/Be M.V. 7 ’ 3 9 3 . 29 . 4 29 , 4 Main Verbs 45 17 48 15 95 13 95 13 ‘ Comp. - - - - . 17 2 17 2 Sub.Conj. 4 l 5 2 29 . 4 29 4 Coord. Conj. 1 1 4 1 1 3 32 4 32 ..4 . 147 APPENDIX F Table 24. MAJOR CLASS LEXICAL ITEMS Patient JTF: Major Class Lexical ltems Nouns Verbs Adjectives Narrative Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Cookie 14/7 2 7/6 1.2 0/0 - Thief 14/5 2.8 3/2 1.5 1/1 1 Farmer 11/5 2.2 6/4 1.5 3/1 3 Accident 15/10 1.5 18/7 2.5 3/2 1.5 Total 54/26 2.1 34/19 1.8 7/4 1.8 Patient LTL: Major Class Lexical Items Nouns Verbs Adjectives Narrative Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Cookie 26/8 3.25 15/1 1 1.4 0/0 - Thief 1 1/5 2.2 5/5 1 0/0 - Farmer 12/5 2.4 3/3 1 0/0 - Accident 16/13 1.2 14/10 1.4 2/2 1 LRRH 10/7 1.4 10/8 1.3 1/1 1 Total 75/35 2.1 48/32 1.5 3/3 1 Control DVT: Major Class Lexical Items Nouns Verbs Adjectives Narrative Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Cookie 9/9 1 4/4 1 0/0 - Thief 11/9 1.2 8/7 1.1 1/1 1 Farmer 11/7 1.6 5/5 1 6/4 1.5 Accident 17/13 1.3 14/14 1 2/2 1 Total 48/36 1.3 31/27 1.1 9/6 1.5 Control AYI: Major Class Lexical Items Nouns Verbs Adjectives Narrative Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Token/Type Ratio Cookie 27/22 1.2 1 1/11 1 8/8 1 Thief 10/10 1 7/6 1.2 2/2 1 Farmer 17/17 1 6/6 1 2/1 2 Accident 1 1/9 1.2 6/6 1 1/1 1 LRRH 55/34 1.6 65/43 1.5 10/7 1.4 Total 120/86 1.4 95/59 1.6 23/19 1.2 148 Patient JTF: Rate of Production APPENDIX G Table 25. PRODUCTION PARAMETERS Narrative Total of Total Speaking Rate Words Phrases Time (min) Word/Min. Phrase/Min. Cookie 56 15 2:04 27.1 7.3 Thief 58 22 2: 12 26.4 10 Farmer 70 16 2:09 32.6 7.4 Accident 133 31 1 :45 76 17.7 Patient LTL: Rate of Production Narrative Total of Total Speaking Rate Words Phrases Time (min) Word/Min. Phrase/Min. Cookie 101 25 2:08 47.3 11.7 Thief 27 9 1:41 16 5.3 Farmer 39 13 1:07 34.9 11.6 Accident 105 30 2:15 46.6 13.3 LRRH 75 26 1:57 38.5 13.3 Control DVT: Rate of Production Narrative Total of Total Speaking Rate Words Phrases Time (min) Word/Min. Phrase/Min. Cookie 35 6 0:21 100 17.1 Thief 44 4 0:29 91 8.3 Farmer 60 8 0:32 112.5 15 Accident 104 15 0:54 1 15.6 16.7 Control AYI: Rate of Production Narrative Total of Total Speaking Rate Words Phrases Time (min) Word/Min. Phrase/Min. Cookie 142 10 1:09 123.5 11.5 Thief 57 S 0:20 171 15 Farmer 71 4 0:38 112.1 6.3 Accident 64 5 0:36 106.7 8. 3 LRRH 412 34 2:38 156.5 12.9 149 Figure 7. Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie Theft Number of Syntactically- contrnuous Phrases Figure 8. Number of Syntically-continuous Phrases 56 words 15 phrases Mean: 3.73 words/phrase Median: 3 words/phrase r—d ..— N A _._#J-__ _i____.J —-r O . L _~.|.._ i OED-5000 r ‘t . T l 1 r r T 1 ii 1—1 123 45 67 891011121314 PhraseLength Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief 58 words 22 phrases Mean: 2.6 words/phrase Median: 2.5 words/phrase 14- 124 1111 234567891011121314 PhraseLength ON-BOOO 150 Figure 9. Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer 70 words 16 phrases Mean: 4.4 words/phrase Median: 4.5 words/phrase r—I A H ~ 00 O N I 1 1 Number of Syntactically- contrnuous Phrases 111111” 0“ r T 1 11 r l 1234567891011121314 PhraseLength Figure 10. Patient JTF: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident 133 words 31 phrases Mean: 4.3 words/phrase Median: 3 words/phrase 8 144 3 .5 a 12~ o E, 104 38 3-. 13% 6 an —1 5» 4, (H o 32 2‘ g 0“, 1117.1 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**18 PhraseLength 151 (1...: Figure 1 1. Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie Theft Number of Syntactically- continuous Phrases 14 12 10 ONAQOO 101 words 25 phrases Mean: 4.04 words/phrase Median: 2.5 words/phrase .L L 414.4144! 12 3 45 67 891011121314 PhraseLength Figure 12. Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief Number of Syntactically—continuous Phrases 14 12 27 words 9 phrases Mean: 3 words/phrase Median: 2 word/phrase 10‘ NAOOO 0 2345 67 891011121314 PhraseLenth 152 Figure 13. Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer 39 words 13 phrase Mean: 3 words/phrase Median: 2 words/phrase u—su—t— ONA Number of Syntactically- contrnuous Phrases ON-RQOO I I I I I I_I 234567891011121314 PhraseLength Figure 14. Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident 105 words 30 phrases Mean: 3.5 words/phrase Median: 3 words/phrase Number of Syntactically- contrnuous Phrases 1 1234567891011121314 PhraseLength 153 Figure 15. Patient LTL: Distribution of Phrase Length: LRRH Number of Syntactically- continuous Phrases I—I—II—d ON-fi- ONAO‘OO 75 words 26 phrases Mean: 2.88 words/phrase Median: 2 words/phrase 234567891011121314 PhraseLength 154 Figure 16. Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie The]? Number of Syntactically- contrnuous Phrases 35 words 6 phrases Mean: 5.8 words/phrase Median: 4.5 words/phrase 2 4 0 M ...__._-.._.t 12 345 67 891011121314 PhraseLength Figure 17. Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief Number of Syntactically- contrnuous Phrases 44 words 4 phrases Mean: 11 words/phrase Median: 6 words/phrase DNA .4 I t | Tl I T ’ l 1 711 "- 7'“ T."__‘"T_' ‘TT'T"_‘T—_ fifi—T—J 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**30 Phrase Length ONAQOO 155 Figure 18. Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer 60 words 8 phrases Mean: 7.5 words/phrase Median: 5.5 words/phrase 141., $03121 '§§10< s 5.9:. 8‘ (1):! “5,23 6: E? 41 g8 z 21% 0— #1111 1 1 1.1J4 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**23 PhraseLength Figure 19. Control DVT: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident 104 words 15 phrases Mean: 6.9 words/phrase Median: 6 words/phrase § 141 .E a 12~ 8 g, we :39 81 ‘6 efi 6. a. 1% 4, Q.‘ 0 E 29W E 0., fi11 1111.1 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 910_11121314**18 Phrase Length 156 g Figure 20. Number of Syntically-continuos Phrases Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Cookie Theft 142 words 10 phrases Mean: 14.2 words/phrase Median: 9 words/phrase 14 12 4 10 "1 1 l _T7.¥T- _ I, kj—l—V—lfi—fJ I I I. I T ._ I W 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**18242934 PhraseLength ON-DOOO Figure 21. Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Thief Number of Syntactically—continuos Phrases 57 words 5 phrases Mean: 11.4 words/phrase Median: 14 words/phrase 09—411 ' . 1.. .u 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**1622 PhraseLength 157 Figure 22. Number of Syntactically-continu Phrases Figure 23. Number of Syntactically-continu Phrases Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Farmer 71 words 4 phrases Mean: 17.8 words/phrase Median: 14.5 words/phrase 14 .. 12 e 10 .1 3 1 6 s 4 4 21 01fi~1—---1 1 1 1L1 1-41 1 J1 1.4! 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**1535 Phrase Length Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: Accident 64 words 5phrases Mean: 12.8 words/phrase Median: 12 words/phrase 0 ’tfi“ 1 1 J7 1 fi FM?“ ‘V—filfifi—‘T—r‘l—FI‘I 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**1626 PhraseLength 158 Figure 24. Control AYI: Distribution of Phrase Length: LRRH 412 words 34 phrases Mean: 12.1 words/phrase Median: 10 words/phrase 14 12 10 Number of Syntacticall) contrnuous Phrases ONAONOO . II I III-l ll. . .I,-....I...l I 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011121314**16l72021223036 PhraseLength 159 APPENDIX H1 Table 26. JTF: READING ERRORS Substitution and Omission Errors in Reading 1 II 111 Total IV Correct Substitutions Omissions I+II+III Additions Definite Articles 30 - - 30 1 Indefinte Articles 10 1 - 11 - Other Det. 13 - - 13 1 Prepositions 45 1 - 46 3 Strong Pronouns 6 1 - 7 - Clitic Pronouns 18 - - l8 - Reflexives 4 - - 4 - V/Aux. Inflect. 74 2 - 76 - Rel. Pronouns 1 - - 1 — Complementizers 4 3 - 7 - Coor. Conj. 29 - 2 31 - N/Adj. Inflect. 76 6 - 82 - Nouns 73 - - 73 - Lexical Verbs 70 - - 70 - Adjectives 9 - - 9 - 160 APPENDIX H2 Table 27. LTL: READING ERRORS Substitution and Omission Errors in Reading I II III Total IV Correct Substitutions Omissions I+II+ III Additions Definite Articles 26 2 2 30 1 Indefinte Articles 11 - - 11 - Other Det. 10 2 1 13 1 Prepositions 29 9 8 46 1 Strong Pronouns 6 - 1 7 - Clitic Pronouns 15 2 1 18 4 Reflexives 4 - - 4 4 V/Aux. Inflect. 69 7 - 76 - Rel. Pronouns 7 - - 1 - Complementizers 6 - 1 7 - Coor. Conj. 25 1 5 31 1 N/Adj. Inflect. 81 1 - 82 - Nouns 71 1 1 73 - Lexical Verbs 67 2 1 7O - Adjectives 9 - - 9 - 161 APPENDIX H3 Table 28. DVT: READING ERRORS Substitution and Omission Errors in Reading I 11 111 Total N Correct Substitutions Omissions I+II+III Extra Definite Articles 30 - - 30 - Indefinte Articles 11 - - 11 - Other Det. 12 1 - l3 - Prepositions 45 - 1 46 - Strong Pronouns 7 - - 7 - Clitic Pronouns 18 - - 18 1 Reflexives 4 - - 4 - V/Aux. Inflect. 76 - - 76 - Rel. Pronouns 1 - - l - Complementizers 7 - - 7 - Coor. Conj. 31 - - 31 - N/Adj. Inflect. 82 - - 82 - Nouns 72 1 - 73 - Lexical Verbs 70 - - 70 - Adjectives 8 1 - 9 - 162 APPENDIX H4 Table 29. 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