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/
/’THE AGRARIAN REVOLT IN mxcnxoam, 1865-190Q,
By
ICHARD HARVEY BABTOH

A THESIS
Submitted to the College of Science and Arts
Michigan State University of Agriculture and
Applied Science in partiel fulfillment or
the requirements for the degree at
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of History
1958

THE AGRARIAN REVOLT IN MICHIGANI 1865-1900

I The egriculturel background 1
II The termere' ergenizatienel reepenee 23
III The termere end the reilreede 38
IV Truete. middlemen, end cecperatien 58
V Equal texetion 69
VI Monetary problem: 83
VII Political and legel probleme' 102
VIII Other ieeuee 109
II The pelitieel reeponee 116
I The Pingree ere 189
XI Gevernment end the citigen 205

Bibliographicel eeeey 209

I. THE AGfoCULTUE‘AL BACKGROUND

The interpiey er en egrieulturel depreeeion end en
expending induetrieliem following the Oivi1 Wer oeueed
eerioue problene in the rurel economy. Meny new prob-
lmue were ereeted end eeverel nee teroee were encountered
which forced the ternere to elter their previoue hebite
eed te begin e period or reedjuetnent.‘ Beoeuee er
ehenged conditione. the rereere’ treditionel petterne
or living in economic. politioel end eoeiel etfeire were
being teeted. end in eeverel inetencee, theee petterne
were found to be inedequete end bed to be ohenged.

In Hiehigen, ee in eeverel other mid-weetern end
weetern etetee. there wee e rural revolt egeinet the
eonditione end prectioee reeulting from the depreeeien
end induetrielieetion. Dieeetiefied fermere orgenised.
“Sernelly or internally. in e preteet deeigned to reetere
or retein their poeition in Americen efteire which.the1
oeiieeee wee being threetened by the eneeeeenment or
eorporete intereete end influence. During the eouree
or the oreteet movement. rurel thinking ebout egricul-
ture'e peeition in eociety underwent e eignitioent
ehenge end emerged with en entirely new concept or the
reletionehip between the oitieen end the etete.

At the eloee or the Civil war. Bichigen'e agricul-é
tural industry wee concentrated in the tour aouthern
tiara of countiee. It wee in the prooeae of converting
free a eubaiatenee to a commercial pattern featuring
the production or atcple crepe for national and world
nerkete. While the Michigan farmer reiaed eeverel crop!
auch ea corn. potetcea. eocl. didry producta. end fruit
end vegetablea in aiaeble quentitiea. the great ceeh.orcp
eae wheat. The Civil War had etimulated an unuauel de-
mand for thia grain end the high.prioea or the ear period
oaueed the farmera to increase both.productien end
acreage. Aa wheat prieee roee toward the two dollar a
buahel level. farmere became optiniatie about the future
and the demand for lend increased. Lend valuee in Hi-
ohigan juet after the ear eere riaing. Good farce acid
for no high eefone hundred tenety-five dollera an acre.
and aeventy-figc to one hundred dollara an acre pricee
were relatively common.1 Theee prieea did not elew down
the agricultural boon. for a capable men could expect
to pay for a new for: within two to five yeare ao long
ea wheat remained near the tee dollar level. Because of

theee developmenta, the agricultural induetry in fiichigan

1Hichigan Bureau of Labor and lnduatrial Statiatice.
2¥%;§33.Ann a lflgpggt (Lenaing. 1895). p. 433. Hereafter
e e ea 0 gen ureeu of Labor. Page!"

appeared to promiae on expanding and profitable growth
for eeveral decades. however, within a ehcrt time ae-
veral developments cccured to deatroy the mainstaya of
hichigen‘e agricultural procperity and provoke the
agrarian revolt.

One of the developmenta woe the aettlement and oul-t”
tivaticn of new agricultural lenda in the United Statee
and overaeee. Following the Civil War the tranceR
Mieaiaaippi plaina were opened to aettlcra by liberal
lend policiea. and new. fertile landa went into produc-
tion of crepe which.began to compete directly with,fiiohi-
gen fern producta. The Weetern farce offered aeverel
advantagea ouch ea: cheep land: graealende reedy for
the plow; large fielda to out unit coata; and the devel-
opment of tranaportation eubaidized by land grantee
Thua. theae farna generally had a lower unit production
coat than did the michigan fame. which enabled them to
eell their producta at lower prioee.

New areee elee began to appear in foreign count-
riea. eepecielly in the production of wheat, beef. and
wool. Again their ooata were often lower than for Ane-
rican producere and the United Statea foreign market for
acne agricultural producta began to contract during the “H

remainder of the nineteenth century. Thua. man; hichi-

gen farmers found that the market price for their pro-
duote was being determined by the loner world price.

Not only must the farmer contend eith.productc
from the can areae outside the atete; but he alao had
to meet competition from the frontier of hie own ctete.
After the Civil war, the area in michignn north of the
four aouthern tiara of oounticc began to be settled and
generally marketed product: similar to thoae of the ol-
der eectiona. Here aleo, land was cheaper and acute
baaad on land were lower. thus tending to give the nor-
ther? Hichigcn farmer materiel advantagee deapite a
alightly lower yield per acre.

Another devoIOpnent which in a large degree made
poaaible the development of the frontier areas was the
appearance of efficient. cheaper tranaportation. by
both land and water. hcdern tronaportation facilities
could quickly move producta into the market centera of
the nation and the world. generally at declining freight
ratea. Thea. with the emergence of low through freight
ratee, dietance from market terminals ccaaed to be ea
important a factor as it need to be in the marketing of
agricultural commodities. Sections of the nation auch
aa Eichigon, though cloaer to the terminala, no longer
could maintain a comparative advantage over aectiona

which were more diatante

Two other factcra contributed aignificnntly to the
increaeing productivity of Anericcn agriculture after
the Civil her. The firat was the growing use of machinery
on the neticn‘e ferma. Haw nechinea were developed to
enable the farmer to produce more per worker and alac
to cultivate more acreage at the acne tine. The eeccnd
factor waa the application of acience to the agricul-
tural industry. Haw techniquea, plante, reeearch. and
knowledge were made available to the farmer by agri-
cultural collegee. etete and federal agenciea, and
agricultural organisatione. By the aid-1890'e, Hichigan
farce and the Agricultural College had planted or ex-
perimented with over thirty varietiea of wheat in an
effcrtt: raiee production levele and quality.“ Aa a
reeult of thia experience two commercial cleaeee of
wheat. Soft Rad Winter and Cannon Wheat. were found ac-
ceptable in relation to hichigan‘e climatic. coil. and
induatrial conditione. The result of theee tee teeter!
wee a great increaae in productivity per farmer. eape-
”ciclly in the caah crepe upon which hichigan had baeed.
ite agricultural economy. Surplueaa became common in

9h. C. Kedzie, ”Wheeta for tichigan,‘ in michigan

State Farmere' Inetitutae' Bullgtin Ho 2 (Lancing, 1896).
a ‘ big

pp. 197-204. hereafter cite a c aETFcrnerc‘ Institute.

the yeare from 1870 to 1895 and their presence contri-

L—' fl.

buted to the general depression which plagued American
agriculture.

The changes in agriculture after the Civil War
oonatituted an Agricultural Revolution thet should have
contained more progress and profit for the average far~
ner than it ectually did. But the failure did not lie
entirely or perhepe even essentially with the agrarian
economy. During the some period. the induatrial sector
of the economy was enjoying apectaculer growth as a re»
cult of the stimulation of abnormal demands for meteri-
ale during the Civil War. However. the rate of expen~
lion in the induatrial economy waa not large enough to
abaorb the rate of expansion in the agricultural econo-
my. Economiata believe that the induatrial production
rate of increeae ahould exceed the agricultural produc—
tion rate of increase by at least two or three timaa to
eneure e healthy agricultural econoay.’ But from 1865.?
to 1895 both eectore were increasing at about the some
rate with a reeultent fern depression and large surplus-
ea. Eran 1895 to 1914 the rate of induetrial increase
greatly exceeded that of agriculture and the letter en-

3Rose h. Robertson. gigtogg‘gg the American Economy
(Haw York. 1955). p. 229. " "

Joyed prosperity. Rising employmont, higher inconoc, and
higher prices all promoted by increased industrial cc-
tivity were conducive to better conditicne for agricul-
ture after 1895. The distreeced conditions or the lat-
ter part or the nineteenth century probably reeulted
during e transitional period when the agriculture had
over-expended end the industrial sector had not yet new
tured to the extent needed to make the United Stetee
predominantly en industrial netion.

Because of the Agricultural Revolution, hichigen
fermere eere forced to piece leee reliance upon their
cceilcrep. extensive forming eyeten. The rcmeinder of
the nineteenth century use a period of drifting. read-
Justment. and depression in hichinen until e nee inten-
eive, epeciolized crop pattern emerged to restore come
neesure of eecurity and proeperity to the turning induc-
try. It use a painful. expensive. end dieillueioning
trnneition which contributed to the agrerion revolt in
Hichigcn.

The etory cenperhepe beet be summarized by e de-
scription of the decline of the great ceah.cr0p, wheat.
The abnormally high pricee or the Civil War ere ceueed
e greet boom in eheet ehich reached ite peak in 1882.

By then neerly one end three-tourthe million ecree were

planted to wheat, yielding more than thirty-tee million
bushels, making Michigan the fifth ranking stete.‘ Recr-
ly 28 per cent of all improved land use planted to chest.
This percentage was even higher in the southern tiers
where the million bushel a year wheat counties were in-
outed. The map on the following page indicates the

cross of specialization within the ctetc. However. thia
concentration in the south had reached its height by
1882. Thereafter, formers devoted less ecresge to wheat
and more to other crops. In addition, wheat begsn to
move north within the state.

Wheet, if raised as e cosh.cr0p. requires cheep
lend.5 This essential requirement was vividly demon-
strated in hichigen during the letter port of the nine-
teenth century ehen cheaper lends and through rates of
treneportetion combined to destroy southern Michigan's
eheet prosperity. By 1878 in the southern counties areble

land was worth seventy-five dollars on core. The total

‘hichigsn Secretary of Stats, Re ort Relating‘gg
Farms end Farm Products (Leasing, flag-$987 , xxv.
Hereafter cited as Richirsg Fara Stntisticg.

53. C. Kedzie, ”Agricultural Capabilities of the
Soils of the northern Counties of the Lower Peninsula,“
Seventeenth Annual Re art of the Secretary of the State
Board of Zgriculture o? the State of Michigan (Lansing.
187%). p. 400. horesfter cited so ‘ichigsn State Board
of Agriculture, Report.

W W 8.

 

 

 

 

 

        

RAND M9NALLY LOOSE LEAF OUTLINE MAP MICHIGAN
.~." gum .' 'YCHIGO
(35535.
rJ / .
.1 1mm '3
! i 'mqum' Q LUCE
...i'WIRWJIi W ‘ W ‘l .IALGER i— - — WI
‘ ,tO—Icilfiu'! J— Emmett»? @3116me
N'. I 0' MW- - i
““4 ' 0 ruin—-.J
Income: L.
I !
’ MENOMMEEI
W l 8 C O N 8 IN
“MINI":
Jufl
i r u
to EMSTEPHHW L'K'Fwn _ LAGRANGI WW1; - u
18 82 f INDIANA lruuou . C” 0
Map indicates percentage of acreage in wheat per 100 acres
of improved land. State average--27. 02
Areas in red exceed state average
0.“ I. ee 00 00 ”III.“ a
. f -t-

 

 

   
   
   
  

 

 

 

 

    

 

 

 

 

" '.
“n "‘ ”-S-A- This Men is elm—millet“ mam-Ex 22 n. on 021

cost of producing on core of wheat, Professor R. C.
Kedzie estimated. amounted to $15 an acre and the for-
mer needed a price per bushel of $1.05 to break even.
However, in the sixth and seventh tier of counties.
arable land sold for $25 an core. This meant that in-
terest and taxation charges sore much less than in the
south. and the northern farmer needed only 71 cents per
bushel to break even. Because of this disparity, the
sheet industry in Michigan began to move northward. By
1900 the four southern tiers' share of shoot acreage
had fallen from 90 per cent of the state‘s total in
1876 to 78 per cent.6

But by 1890 the northern counties had lost their
edsentege over the southern. Lead in the four southern
tiers one then valued at $56.43 an acre, but in the cen-
trel counties it had risen to $34.29.? The expansion
of transportation in the state one leveling land values,
end this in turn leveled financial returns from the wheat
crop.

The crop of 1889 cost $15,089,343 and use valued at

$15,931,856. The percentege of less use spproxinately

ahgggioen Farm Statistics, 122931221. xii.
7!.iichicran gm Statistics, Iago-ism, xxxii.

 

10

the some for the southern and central counties. If the
total lose one taken from too interest on capital invaeted
in the land, the crop of IFS? yielded only 4.4 per cent.

Similar hardships were nosociotod 91th the corn and
onto crepe. ”A farmer in the southern counties . . . .
on e farm of average value, and who raised ; . . average
crops of wheat. corn, and oats . . . would receive for
then only a sufficient amount to pay the eagee of labor
and other expensee . . . . and less than one-half of
one per cent interest on the value of the lend on which
the crops were grown."8 This statement by Secretary of
State Robert Blacker confirmed the fact that many fern-
ere were suffering financial loeeee which they could not
continue to bear. Even those who realised some profit
from their chest Operations were receiving lees froa
‘their invented capital than practical capitalistic forno
ere believed nae Justified.

By the 1890's wheat had definitely lost its poeie
- tion as the major source of income emong Eiohigan fern-
era. 0f the crop of 1894, only a little more than one-
thlrd was sold with remainder being retained upon the

force. A prominent Michigan farmer. George B. Horton of

BIbid.. xxxiii.

11

Lonaaoo. oummariaodtho oituation oo ho doolarod. ”Ito pro~
duotion ia foot boing roduood to tho moro noooaoitioa of
turniahing opportunitioo for roaooding our londa with
~gran. to furnish atrow for our otook. and to havo broad
for family uao.‘9 Tho doolino or about aoa ropootod in
tho animal induatry ahoro boot oattlo and ahoop for wool
and mutton loot thoir roloa oa important aourooa or oaah
inoomo. "Having practically loot tho groot mainotoyo to
our agrioulturo,” romarkod Mr. Horton. “our {armoro aro
at proaont drifting and not fully dooidod upon that kind
of oropa, or that ayatom of forming oan tako thoir
plaoo."

Hovovor. a not ayatom of agriculturo did aloaly
and painfully omorgo out of tho broakdoon of tho old or‘
dor. Working oith.Miohigan Agricultural Collogo and tho
varioua apooial farm organizations. many farmoro folloaod
tho advioo to 'plant looa and oultivoto uoro.‘ By tho
oloao of tho ninotoonth oontury. an agricultural ayatou
of intonoivo. opooializod oropo and produoto oapooially
adoptod to looal oonditiona aoa boing dovolopod throughp
out~tho atato.

Tho intonoivo naturo of tho noa agriculturo oao
rovoalod by tho doubling in aoroago from 1880 to 1900

9Michigan Dairymon‘a Aooooiotion Togtg.hnnual
m (“3:133, 18“). p. 110 ’

151‘

or auoh.orcpa aa corn. oato. and hay.10 Thooo producta
aoro tho foundation for a now dairy and otock-raiaing
induatry no tho old oxtonaivo boot oottlo and ahoop in-
duatry gavo way to dairy, aaino. and paltry produota.11
In addition to tho highor caah voluo of thoao produota.
Hichigan {armora aoro roatoring tho fortility or thoir
riolda through tho poaturo-animol combination which
tondod to inoroaao tho yiold or cthor cropa.

many othor spacialiaod cropa or ayatono mada im-
portont goina during thoao yoora. Tho valuo of narkot
gardoning produota doubled during tho ton yoara proood-
ing 1890 and in fivo countioo along Lako Michigan tho
valuo quadruplod. Fruit grating oaa profitabla in tho
aouthoootora caution and along tho Lako Eiohigan ahoro.
”Gonoral farming dooo not pay oight por cont," a Grand
Travorao aroa farmer roportod. “but fruit growing dooo.
and oftonnoro.“2 Baana and potatooo. oolory in tho
Kalamazoo and Grand Rapida aroa. and tarrifr-protootad
auger boota in tho thumb diatrict aoro‘hthor apocialitod
caah cropo which onablod {armora to rogain financial ata-

hility and oolvonoy.

10m sung”. (1900-1901). 217.".
11Romonau Adamo, 'Agriculturo in fiichigan.‘ E n
Poligigal Sgiangg‘gggggiggigg, III (torch. 1899), O. .

12Michigan Bureau of Lobor. Rapog§.lzth(1895). p. 435.

13

Tho dairy induatry aaa anothor nao poaaibility Ihich
hold procpocta or groator than avorago profit. Duo or-
ganisation reportod in 1686 that tho ovorogo vcluo or
dairy producta per acre cvcr on olovon year period ox-
ccodcd eighteen dollara whilo whoat avoragod taclvo dol-
laro an acro in vsluo.13 A rurthor advantage too that
thoy could bo placed on tho market tho yoar around. not
Juot onoo a your. Tho attraction was great. for by
1886 tho producta of tho dairy industry cold for about
$15,000,000. whichnoco oqual to tho ontiro uhoat QPOPol‘

Whilo tho now agricultura hold groator pronico for
hichigan'a formora. it aloo aaa accompaniod by oaricua
problomo during ita formativo Itogo. Thoro vac tho po-
ricd or oxporimoutation with.noa cropa and producto to
dotoruino Ihothor thoy Ioro auitod to a apcoitio looali~
ty. Diaocooa ouch aa yolloaa and poach.roootto orton
doatroyod largo porticno of tho poach.orop tor aororal
youro in aucoooaion until acionco could doviao ooapcno
to oliminato them. Tho aororo aintor of 1874-1875 in-
Jurod tho fruit troaa and oot back this young induatry

for aovoral yoaro. Orton tho procoduro or oonvorting

18Kichigan Dairymon'a Association. Sgoong Annual

m (1886 o p. 99.
1‘Miohi an Dairymon'o Aaaociaticn nggga;éggual
m (1863?o Do 13. .

14

to nee crope was expensive and tho former was forced to
borrow money at high intereat retee before he could mcko
tho troneition. The losses incurred under an outmoded
oyoten of agriculture plua tho coat of adopting a use
one probably prevented or delayed tho auocoaeful reed-
juetment by many farmers. Traditionally. fornera are
sloo to change and many aeotione of tho atoto continued
to cling to old petterns long after they ceeaed to have
any practical or profitebh Juotificatlcn.

The nineteenth century upheaval in Kiohigan‘o
agriculture made significant chengee in ita rural eco-
nooy. There were major readjustmente in form values:
tho mortgage problem wee more severe than in IO'Ortl
neighboring oteteo and the fern owner close was being
reduced. Also. thie aquoeaing out process was cocon-
penied by a reverse tendency in.tho industrial section
of the state's economy which was enjoying growth and
proeperity.

Thoro woo a sharp decline in tho value of farm

§‘\

land. equipment, and productiޤ during the loot too
decades of the nineteenth century. While much of this
was the result of the eevera depression of 1895. it al-
eo reflected the declining poaition of agriculture in
the national economy. By 1880 tho total value of fern

15

f

products exceeded $88,000,00015 but by 1893 the value
had dropped to about 381.000.000.16 The greatest fall
in form values occurred in the four southern tiers of
counties between 1884 and 1894. Over 390,000,000 were
lost as the value of fern lands. implenents. livestock.
and products declined. This represented an average loss
of over twelve per cent per core. This large drop took
place even though improved lend increased by more than
500,000 acres and despite tho rise in farm land values
adjacent to the cities of tho atete.17 Besides this.
over 12.000. farm labor-erg were without permanent employ-
ment with on additional loss of several millions of
dollars in wages.

This depression fell hoavily upon those who had
purchased their forms at inflated prices of seventy-five
to one hundred dollars an acre. 'The price of farm land
has decreased nearly one-half in the last few years.”
complained on Ionic county man, 'and it is almost in-

possible to sell it at that price."18 From St. Joseph

t‘htate Board of Agriculture. Repgg§._19th (1880). p. 190.
16hichigan Bureau of Labor. Report. 13th (1896). p. 204.

1VBci'mx-‘t L. Hewitt. ”Census and Other Statistics '
in hichigen Farmera' Institutes' Bulletin Hg.‘g'(L890’. p. 256.

18Michigan Bureau of Labor. Report. 12th (1895). p. 404.

16

county cane reports that loud in 1896 was selling at less
than one-half and even one-fourth of its former value.19
The conditions in the older counties can be summarised
by extracts from a speech.by a Kalamazoo county repreo
sentative before the State Board of Equalization in 1901:

For tho pest fifteen years a summer and autumn

drouth has affected one-half of the county. . . .

For the past ten years there has been no seeding

upon one-half of the forms. they have produced no

hay. clover. posture. are nearly destitute of

stock. The fertility is ac depleted that onl

about a quarter of a crop is produced. . . . 0»

day farms are offered for solo at less then build-

ing cost. 82 per cent of the fares are running

down. 42 per cent era for sale. 00 per cent of

tho formers are in debt. mortgage or otherwise.20

- Accompanying the farm depression was the burden of

mortgages. The flichigan farmers generally borrowed money
when prices were high and the outlook for the future was
optimistic: however. the prolonged decline in fern pri-
ces soon transformed a Juatifiable debt into an unbear-
able burden. Mortgege figures were not generally
available during the yearly years of this period, but
enough existed to give some idea of the problem. In
1888 over 47 per cent of all Kichigen farms wcro nort-
gaged; than there was a decline during the next five

1°Pro eedino 2; t State Board‘gg Eggsligatigg
(Lancing. ¥8§35. pp. 9‘- 5.

BoPrcceedaga?! of the State Board 9.; W
(Lansing. l . p.~l32.

17

years of about 7 per cent.21 This was considerably above
the national average of 27 per cent for the year 1890.
The interest rote on Michigan farm mortgagee was
higher than in the neighboring states of Ohio, Indiana,
and Illinois. There were at least two reasons for this.
First, Michigan's farming industry was expanding into the
northern counties and interest rates were traditionally
higher in frontier areas. Second, competition for in-
vestment capital by Michigan urban industries, where the
expectation of profit was greater, may have forced the
interest higher. From a high of around 10 per cent
after the Civil War, it declined to 7.1 per cent by
1890. However. the severe fern depression of the 1890's
began to push the interest rate higher.93 The rate
throughout most of this period was perhaps teice as
great as the return formers realized from their farm
operations. For many farmers. the burden of meeting the
annual interest charges was beyond their capabilities
end unpaid charges were added to the amount of the mort-
gage principle. Thus the farmer sank deeper in debt as

the depression continued.

gluichigen Bureau of Labor, Re ort, 10th (1893). p. 1176b.
22Michigen Bureau of Labor, Re ort, 10th (1893). p. 1176b.

18

Because of the hazards and uncerteinties associated
eith the agricultural industry, the ferm-oener class de-
clined while the renter class increased. The following
figures show the decline in oonerehip status among E1.
chdgnn farms during a fourteen year period. These fi-
gures indicate the number of farms cultivated by their
ceners out of each one thousand ferns:

1880 ... 900 1884 .. 880 1890 -- 860

1894 .. 838
During the ten year period ending in 1894 the owner-
oultivsted group increased only 7 per cent while the
renter and sharer groups increased 61 per cent and 49
per cent respectively.23 Statistics of the period do
not indicate shat percentege of the tenants were eons of
retired farmers who care, in essence, partners to their
fathers. host of the chonge occurred in the southern
part of the state. Twenty-three of the twentyneight
southern counties reported a decrease in the fern-owner
class ehile none of the central and only four of the
northern counties experienced a similar decline.9‘

The reasons for the increase in tenancy were largely

23Michigan Bureau of Labor, Re crt, 13th (1896). p. 880.

2‘E’i.c:l'xignn Farmere' Institutes‘ Bulletin No, Q
(LsnsinghlBQG). D. 255.

19

financial. Young farmers who care entering the indus»
try were discouraged from purchasing farms because of
.the low prices for term products. They realised that
more money could be node from s rented term than from
on owned form since texee. improvements. and interest
on capital invested all come out or the owner's pocket.35‘
Also, many may have locked the capitol necessary to own
e term and therefore bed to become tenants. On the othp
or hand, many farm owners moved to urban areas to live
or work end allowed a tenant to operate their farm while
they enjoyed the more attractive environment of the city.
Although.flichigen was generally considered to have
been en agricultural state during the nineteenth.century.
the lest twenty-five years or the century witnessed a
pronounced rural to urben movement which.equelized the
belsnce between the two ways of life. The movement be-
gan early in the 1870's. ehen for the first time the po-
pulation in the older egriculturnl counties began to
level off. In the southern counties of Berry, Berrien,
Branch. Calhoun, Coos, Hillodnle. Kalamazoo. Oakland.

St. Joseph, end weshtenee nearly ell or the lend had
been settled by 1870 end rising land values gave little

ashiohigen Bureau of Lebcr. £222££o 13th.(1895). p. 1"

20

encouragement to new settlers.23 Between 1870 and 1880
over one hundred and fifty rural townships decreased in
pepuleticn. However, during the same decade there was
a total increase in population or over 125,000 in the
five counties of Wayne. Saginaw, Bey. Kent. and Muske-
gcn.97 The decline «ne'more pronounced during the next
decade. Although.the etete'e population increased by
over 450,000 persona. there were nearly 1000 fewer tern»
ere in the etete. By 1894 37 per cent of the people of
lichigen lived in the eeventy largeet citieo.28 The
area curfering the lergeet pert of the decline in papa-
lation was the agricultural southern portion of the
state, for the northern egrioulturel counties increased
in.pcpu1etion during the some period.

While there one a national trend from rurel to
urban dietricts, fliohigan?l movement proceeded at e
teeter pace. The more extreme dislocation in the
agricultural induetry dininiehed both.the opportunity
and the desire or many to find permanent adjustment

there. On the other hand. proepecte eere much brighter

“Lansing seam Berubligen, Nov. 20. 1974, p. 2.
27Vichigen Bureau of Labor, Revert, 1e§ (1984). p. 182.

Trent «Second Proceedince of the firnurl Seeeione
34c21 "n State Grenee 715937,“ p.'§0. flereeiter

he
';§te en Grenne Frog.

   
 

21

in the cities where industrial production was increasing
nd values in general were appreciating.

The disparity between the rural end the urban eco-
nomy increased duriné the loot quarter of the nineteenth
century. Cegitel invested in non-agriculturcl enter-
prieee showed a greater return each decade in chnrp con-
tract with that placed in farme. By 1885, the 135,000
fermc in the ctate, representing e capital investment of
over $574,000,000. produced e total product or around
$80,000,000. However. et the some time 8.873 industriee
with.& capital of $92,000,000 turned out a total pro-
duct of nearly twice that of the farme.29 A ccmperieon
or the average ecseeeed value end profit or rent per
acre of land employed in rural and urban enterprises

also illustrates the inequalitybetween the two.30

Average assessed value of acre 1080 1890
Farm acre . . . ; . . . . . *20.91 $20.82
“BHUIQCturing Q o o o e a c 73.16 ‘1310“

City e e e e e e e e e e $2,059e00 $2.320.73

Rent or profit per core
Per Cent

1"th e e e e e e e e e e e 0 $1.04 (5) $9383(‘)

Manufacturing e e e e e e e $93.44 (30) nun.

Cit? e e e e e e e e e e e $1“e13 (7) $152e‘5 (7)

3ovichigen Bureau of Labor, Regor§.9th (1892). P.

chigen Board of Agriculture, Report (1895). p. 25.

P3
[0

Urban values were appreciating while fern veluco were
not during o decedo which woo not marked by e coworo
oyclicol dcpreeeion.

However, even in doproooion poriodo. induotry had
the ability to recover and then progrooo. While ogri-
culturo woo otill prootreto from tho doproooion by tho
ond of 1895, Kichigon indnotry had grown by over 16 per
cent. employment woo up 38 per cent. end wogeo had in-
orooeod 3 per oont.51 In looking ot tho progrooo in the
nrben oocioty. the former of Miohigon had good rooocn
to believe that everyone oloo wee reclining more profit
then he woo.

Tho diolccoticno in Hichigen ogricnlturo hod more
oignifioonco then the more decline of on industry. The
fermero occcmponiod their emergence into the ccmmorciol
world with crgonizotion end entered into the group otrugglo
with other copitelieto. They formed oociel, economic.
end politicol crgoniootiono oo woopcno to defend their
traditional woy of life and ito ucrolity. and then went
beyond that to lay the groundwork for o now philosophy
of government which could more effectively dool with the

problomo of on induotriel oocioty.

alflichigon Bureau of Labor. Eggorg. 13th (1896). p. xxv.

II. Thai; runaway ORUAHILATI JK‘EAL newsman

fihgnathggiarmorxmade the decision to/eonvert-his
t o of farm 0 oration from~sel£9suffieieno ~to one of
yfb \-/ “'~K_-/p,...r--~ ~..._.1 ,1 y
a commercialwnatureishe entered a society which was.in

mgng/uaysflunliKg/thewgldermagrsrian«order. The moved
away from the isolated, simple. and personal rural so-
ciety into a complex, interdependent. impersonal nation-
al society. The new capitalistic-minded farmer during
the struggle for a greater share of the national income
found himself in contact with groups he had never en-
countered before. The increasing use of the impersonal
corporate form of business organization after the Civil
War and the tendency of business enterprises of similar
interests to group together had the appearance to the
farmer of being unnecessary and mainly instigated to
prey upon the unorganized. The farmer in many instances
failed to understand either the complexity of the new
economic system or the need for organizations which per-
formed many useful and needed services; he only saw that
these services cost money which he felt should have been
his. Since he failed to understand these functions, the
farmer mistrusted the other fellow and longed for the con-

ditions of the old rural society.

24

The new industrial society in which the former was
beginning to participate held beliefs that were different
from those of the agrarian society. The most striking
dissimilarity appeared in the interpretation of indivi-
dualism. One historian clearly defines the issue which
separated rural and urban thought and accounted for
much of the conflict of the last quarter of the nineteenth
century.1

The practical result of the acceptance of economic
liberalism was to shape a concept of liberty mainly
in negative terms, that is. in terms of a freedom
from social controls and a lock of responsibility
for social conditions. a’Ikzereuas in the historic
rural economy . . . liberty was the positive fact of
individual effort and responsibility, in the rising
urban economy it become, at least in e rajor asgoct.
a lack oi‘ responsibility for the; social consequences
of individual econor 410 no ion. fundsment al dif-
ference between the two interpretations becomes
clear when it is realized that the urban interpretation
offers a theoretical Justification of economic ine-
quality. while the rural interpretation embodies

an emotional attachment to equality, both economic
and political. The propositions of the urban inter-
pretation . . . bar action to abate economic ine-
quality or ameliorate the evils that flow from it;
the sentiments of the rural interpretation impel
action to establish conditions under which individuals
can behave and feel as if they are equals.

1Ralph" surnor, The Cultural 3ettin3 of American

Agricultural Problems," F :31 Cnflnpgn; i ’
25.: We}: of. W "«Winston. 1940). pp.

1003-1032, p. 1013a

25

The increasing acceptance of urban liberalism and its
application by large economic groups aroused the agra-
rian conscience to the extent of revolt in an effort to
restore the equalitarian conditions of an earlier day.

As the industrial economy continued to grow and
the rural continued to contract during the final quarter
of the century. the agrarian feared for more than the
accompanying economic losses. There was great apprehen-
sion that the farming class would lose its traditional
standing in society and would be driven down into 3 sta-
tus similar to that of the Lurcpean peasant. The urban
classes appeared to be gaining in educational, cultural.
social. and political influence while the rural class
could not maintain its position due to chronic depression
and dislocation. figrarians continued to reaffirm their
traditional beliefs that agriculture was the nursing
mother of all occupations and was also the natural and
moral way of life. However, each decade these beliefs
became less valid and less reassuring and the agrarian
creed was clearly on the defensive against the urban
aggressor.

Because of these and other developments the farmer
Joined the group struggle. In an attempt to protect old

ways of life and to advance himself in his new capitalistic

26

profit system society, the farmer formed and Joined orga-
nizations. Some were general. designed to appeal to all
who called themselves laborers and producers; others were
special and appealedt:o those interested in a specific
commodity. There were some that appealed to all who
vented to slow the advance of the impersonal industrial-
ization and return to the equaliterien society of the
early fiepublic. Some of these farmer organizations joined
political movements or else became political parties
themselves. Whetever their course of action, most made
eigniricent contributions to the agrarian revolt and to
the industry which they represented.

Tho_Petrons or Husbandry or the Grange was the first
and perhaps the most important general farm organization
to rice from the agrarian revolt in hichigan. The first
local Grange was organized in Lapeer county in January,
1872.3. The next one did not appear until nine months
later but then the Crenqe exocrienced 3 rapid growth for
the next three years. By 1875, organizational work was
nearly completed in the older eectione of the state. per-
ticulerly in the southern counties. A: e result. some

616 locals with more than 53,000 members were established

:2»

2mm 3.13m. April. 1875. p. '7.

27

in Michigan.3 In addition, the Grange was beginning to
gain a foothold in the counties in the fifth and sixth
tiers and s for others to the north. However, this was
the highpoint of Grange achievement during the nineteenth
century, as membership declined rapidly after 1876. It
fell to about 12,080 by 1882 but then began a revival,
reaching a total rombership of 35,000 by 1901.4

There were several reasons for the early decline of
membership of the Grange. New organizations usually
attract persons who expect immediate solutions for their
problems and grievances and when the solutions are not
immediately forthcoming, hey withdraw to seek another
organization. The relatively good wheat yields from
1879 to 1383 coincided with a sharp loss of membership
as many apparently felt that prosperity had returned

nd that there was no further need for organization. The

failure of the Grange‘s economic cooperation program
caused several others to lose confidence in and withdrew
from the organization. Also, many Michigan Grangers
moved West where they continued their membership in the

respective state organizations.

33zgnrg gm” 12th (12:84). p. 40.
49mm Ems... 50th (1902). p. 48.

28

The significance of the Eichieon Grange was not in
the size of its membership but rather in the nature of
its membership. The herd core throughout the nineteenth
century was made up of the more commercially minded
farmers of the state, those to when forming was a busi-
ness to be organized and meneged as were other capital-
ist enterprises. They recognized the need for profes-
sional training end knowledge in order to become success-
ful businessmen. The Grange ere one of the first form
organizations to realize the instability of the old
cash-crop economy in Richigsn agriculture and to work
for the adoption of the new diversified pattern.
lrengors were strong supporters of the state agricul-
tural college and other agencies which were devoted to
the application of science end new techniques to the
farming inaustry. In these reenacte the Grange differed
from th Formers' fillience and the Patrons of Industry,
two other form groups that sppeoled to the more impe-
‘tient, more radical formers, during the angry period
from 1885 to 1895.

There were many reasons for the birth of organiza-
tions such as the Grange, but for convenience hey can
be classified under the usual economic. social. and

political headings. In an economic sense the individual-

29

iatic commercial raw or was lost in his new world,
"each striving far himself against the augcrior shrawd~
nose, tact, and deceptien of thcac who liva and grow
rich Upon the labors of others."5 Thcre were many who

realized that individualis in thc injustrial lifc of

E3

tha nlnctaenth century wculd not likely be fruitful in
a mfitcrinl sense. "The tendency of the age 13 tonard
combinetlcn," declared tha Stats Srange. "All around
us we see t};c rcsults of cambinoi action in every pro-
faasiun, in evcry trade, in all lines of manufacture
and commerce. 53 note the accccss of united erfcrt,
and $3 each class labers far its own interests, unless
the agricultural class meets camblnat1.:n with cOWblm
t1ou,they will inevitably be ovarwhelnec in tha con-
flict."5

uh '

walla the Grange often spot.

as
O

n ‘I 1,4 r‘ n
.5 the 5,..ang3r 04.

3)

fermars being rsfiuccd t0 sarfflom, bee -usc cf Oppression
by the trusts and monopallcs. the fun:.a mntsl c use of
thmtr'concern was the failure to acquire a preporticnete
share of the rising natic‘cl ilcome. In tr e mater.1al

sense, the agrarian revolt was a struggle between

W 3929?", filth (18110), p. 140

63253 Q Pngg., 13th (1595), p. 65.

30

capitnlists for shares of the wealth of a young indus-
trial country. The point of View which held that th
former was not progressinz as quickly as he deserved was
expressed by the Grange when it said, 'It (rural unrest)
is not from the went of the ao-called necessaries of
life, for we have them in abundance; nor for the vent
or the ordinary comforts of a rural home, for we are
for better off in tnet respect than were the generations
of farmers before us; nor is it from were jealousy or
envy of the werlth and rngnificsnce of the so-cslled
business clcsses. It results from en earnest convic-
tion that we are not receiving from our capital invested
and our labor rpplied, a fair snpre of this necumulnting
wealth of the netion.'7

The failure of the farmers to achieve their material
goal use in some measure responsible for their inferior
social position in on industriel society. While natur-
ally isolated because of distpnce and insdequate communi-
cations, they were in danger of becoming socially iso-
lated due to lack of purchasing power. To elevate the
profession of farming socially became one of the

Grenge‘e important objectives and probably represented

[glam-lime!“ limo... 1722?: (less), p. 5.3.

51

to most lasting success. This organization helped break

down the social isolation of its members by giving them
an Opportunity to exchsnée ideas, to gain knowledge of
their profession and the lows of trade and commerce, and
to stimulate a desire to progress beyond a more susten-
ance level. Farmers bBCfinG more concerned about educa-
tional facilities for their children; the agricultural
press Come to play a more vital role in the dolly life

of the former; and because of the greater store of in-
formation the farmer oecsme more interested in state,

Organizations such 93‘

national, and world happenings.
the Grange narrowed the social gap botscen the rural and
urban classes.

fishy formers felt that such problems as monopolies,
trusts, high freight rates, craft, and mortgooes were
largely due to their failure to participate in the poli~
ticsl life of the notion. "if farmers have suffered
from unfriendly logislrtion," said Earthy Easter Jnson
floodman, 'the fault hes been with themselves."8 Because
they had neglected their civic duties, other grants,
loss moralistic, had seized control of public affairs,

Openly or secretly, to the detriment of the rural class.

EVERBHINQ 929:9. 41511 (1876). Po 7.

32

The agrarian deal woe to break up this stranglehold on
politics by returning to a more direct and 31mp10 dceo-
crecy; 9n equaliterien state. '56 desire equality, equity.
and irrrness," said toodman, "protection for the week,
restreint upon the atrong, Juetly diatributed burdens,
.snd justly distributed powere.'9 However, the Groupers
realized that since they were living in an age of com-
binetior that only by combination could they restore
democrotic conditions. "No greet state reform hos ever
been ef ected except through influence of organized and
united effort and no greet interest has ever received
legal and just aid and protection from legislation."
they declared. "without some medium of organization."10
Political ineffectiveness, social inferi rity, and
economic dietreoe were major causes of the rise of the
Fichignn Grange. Ether farmer orgrnizatione of c more
radical nature emerge in the state but all were brought
to life by the some undercurrent of éissetisfactinn and
the differences among them were limited principally to
the methods of realizing common reforms. However, it

wee the Grange which gave the farmers' movement in

95 - . ~
orenxo Broc., 5th (1077), p. 8.

1 ‘ p-
4-0;“ 2122-: firth (lo/b). p. 7.

Michigan an example of constructive service to the indi-
vidual and to the industry. Many non-partisan organiza-
tions originating ni‘ter 1L172 undoubtedly were modeled
upon the Grange with its program for ist roving he agri-
cultural infiustry through selfahelp and readjustment.

A second 1mm fl'tort general fern organization in the
state was the Farmers' Alliance. It Iirst an? sored i.n
i.ichi on between 1881 and 1882,11 w.:ien a 3 ate alliance
was organize3 un er tne jurisdiction of the Nrtieznl or
Northern Esrmers' Alliance. flosever, for the next seven‘
years the organization generated very little attention
and it was not until 1290 that it bison to emerge as an
im;)ortant group int the stste. In 1890, the state alli-
ance was accredited by the Southern Alliance at the

Ocula, Llcrido, convention.12

Also, at thet convention,
Judge frthur L. Cole, of Fowlerville, president of the
state alliance. ass chairmen of the committee thut frewed
the famous Ocela plstioreu15

After 1890 the Nichigsn Alliance began to have an
impact upon the state's enriculturel and political
affairs. Their first annurl secret convention not at

1leer). C. i'aylor, The Lerners' For sent, $520-$320
(New York. 1955). p. 216.

121b1d., p. 261.

 

13Detroit Free Press, Oct. 7, 1891. p. 3.

an
:33

Lpnsinq in September, 1990, and a Lnnsinj newspaper, the

Allisnceefientincl, was dosijnnted as the official state

 

or:en.14 33 the time of the sesame annual convention in
October, 1391. the crgsnizwtion rehrrscntcd sewn 15,000
members sni 550 sub-alliances in 34 Nichitnn counties.15
Frnbshly the growth ccntinued beyand theee figures because
in 1802 Jackecn County elnne hnd ever 200 sub-alliances.16
The fllisnce organizers were ngrezsive and energetic in
enlistirg rcrbers. Often the Alliance moved into an area
and cnptured rivnl organizations such es the Orange and
Patrons of Inédntry, taking members, records, and tree-
suries and converting them to their own benner.17

The Alliance's contribution to the agrarian revolt
was political, not economic or social. It appeared in

the state after the farmers bed Spent several years in

:2.
p5
LO
0
C.’
65
l 1
I".
' J
I
(‘1’

Weir refcrrs end pctiticning fer their en-
actment. By 1890, rang in the rural arena were weary
of the discussion store and were reefly to strike a po-
litical blow. The Alliance quickly gathered the dis-

cnntented around its elaborate program of reform and

14Lrnsin: Etrte Fcpwblicrn. Sert- 19: 1590' p' 1‘

35

moved into the political struggle. The People's Party
use formed out of the Alliance and was active in Michigan
for three campaigns beginning in 1892. However, after
1896 the Peeple's Party and the Richigan Farmers' Alliance
disappeared completely, having served their purpose in

the field of political agitation.

The third large general form organization, the
Patrons of Industry, was a native Michigan movement
originating in 1887.18 From Michigan, the order expanded
into several neighboring states and Canada with a total
membership of around 200,000. However, like the Allience
it had run its course by 1896 and it followed the former
into obscurity. During its brief existence the order
bed a spectacular grovth in Michigan. By the latter
months of 1890, somewhere between 80,000 to 100,000
persons had become members. most of whom.lived in the
southern and central counties.19

But after 1890 the Patrons steadily lost strength.
An uncertain participation in politics during the 1890
campaign caused many to leave. Also, the appearance or
the aggressive Farmsro' Alliance induced still others

to drop out and Join the use organization. The losses

18Sidney Glaser, "Patrons or Industry in Michigan '
Mississippi Valle: Historical Review, XXIV (June, 1937 ,
5- o

19

 

Lansing State He ublican, Feb. 26, 1891, p. 4.

36

continued and by early 1893 less than 10,000 still rc-
tained membership in the Patrons of Industry.20

‘While cc-operative activities were an important
part of the Patrons‘ program. their principal appeal
was a radical series of reforms requiring political ac-
tion. herefore in their case, as with the Alliance, the
attraction was for the farmer who demanded action, but
in the contest to promote that action the Farmers‘ Alliance
was the more successful. The story of the political
struggle and of the proposed reforms will be covered in
the chapter dealing with the political record.

Although the three large farm organizations were
rivals. many of the leaders and members belonged to two
or more of the order“ which gave a continuity to the
farmers‘ movement in Hichigan. The Grange represented
the less radical. long-run approach to the specific
problems or michigan agriculture, while the Alliance
and the Patrons arose in response to the feeling of
anger and futility which were created by two decades
of depression. Two of the orders were spontaneous,
originated for a specific purpose and, having partially
fulfilled their purpose, they disappeared. "Fany members

20H1chigan Patrons Guido (St. Louis). Earch 98!
1893, Do 10

37

of the Grange have thought and said we were doing nothing
and have deserted the ranks to enlist under another ban-
ner." the Grange Visitor observed. ”Time will prove

that the conservative course of the Grange has been the

wise one."91

21Grange Visitor, Nov. 1. 1590' P' 4'

III. THE PAHEERS AND THE RAILROADS

The transition to commercial farming after the
Civil war-sould not have been possible without the do-
volepnont or adequate transportation and communication
facilities. It would have been difficult for farmers to
have realised gains from the specialisation and division
of labor techniques which characterised the new agri-
culture had not rapid low-coat transportation facilities
been available to handle the large volume or products.
There were many essential services which the railroads
could perform for the agricultural industry: shipping
at bulky products to market during a limited period when
all producers vented to dispose of then: handling spo-
eial products in situations where the timing of market-
ing was of vital concern to the producer) bundling other
products whose perishable nature node it necessary to
use specialised equipment and perform elaborate services;
and finally, the carrying of passengers was an important
element in the life or the nineteenth century.

' “‘The railroad companies of hichigsn greatly increased
their mileage and espanded their facilities after the

Civil War in an ortort to most the growing requirements

39

of the agricultural industry. Hileage ehich totaled 931
at the close of the ear ass expanded to 7.945 by the and
of the century. This grosth.eas financed by liberal
grants of land and money from the federal. state. and
local governments: from individuals; and from private
capital. The farmers of the state, realising the vital
role shieh.rsilroada had in relation to their industry.
enthusiastically supported the eXpansion program. They
often voluntarily contributed their one money or also
voted in municipal elections to bond themselves to aid
the construction of roads running through their locali-
ty.

Heaever. after 1870 the rural attitude of liter.
ality and friendliness changed to one of hostility'and
demands for regulation and reform became an important
feature of the agrarian revolt. This hostility centered
around certain practices of the railroads such as freight
and passenger charges: the performance of services and
discriminations in carrying out those services: certain
financial policies of the railroads; and the special pri-
vileges ehioh.hcd been granted to the roads during the
era of good feeling. The feeling of many ass expressed
by s .1;¢..a”1a . letter to Governor Luce. ”The roil-

roads as have done so much to help build are like so

40

'nany serpents . . . (that) turn and bite us.'1

In 1870 the voters of uichigan approved an amend-
nent te the state constitution giving the legislature
authority to regulate freight and passenger rates. Hoe.
ever, for the remainder of the century the legislature
did not seek to implement this power in a manner shieh
sas satisfactory to the agricultural sections of the
state, and as a result complaints about railroad rates
became common. One reason for lack of regulatory ac-
tion see the political influence of the railroad corpor-
ations in the state. These companies sere able to pre-
vent any undue tampering sith rates through the invisible
influence they established over the legislature and over
the political caucuses and conventions sithin the state.

Another reason for the absence of legislative
control of freight rates sea the availability of ines-
pensive eater transportation to the eastern markets over
the Great Lakes system. The competition of lake trans-
portation tended to restrict the ability of the rsil~
roads to set freight rates at their own discretion.
hater transportation sea important in the movement of

1Mrs. M. C. Campbell to Governor Cyrus Luca, Januar
2d. 1887, W'; gigs, Archives of the State of flich .

gen. Michigan State H-s oricsl Commission. Hereafter
cited as G erncr'g gm.

41

bulky products such as chest. and threeofourths of that
crop eas noved frcnfihichigcn,to the esstern.narkets by
the Great Lakes route. Savings sore substantial. as

the following table of rates effective in the l890's

suggests:B
Detroit to Buffalo
Lake transportation lii'per bushel
Rail transportation d and d/Bf

Detroit to Res York

Lake and Canal #

2mm ow
Recover. shen sheet ceased te be a major factor in the
economy of the state and use products sere developed
shich.sere not adaptable to eater transport. than this
seapcn see not as potent a factor in holding dean rail-
road rates.

while Michigan sheet did rely heavily upon eater

transportation for the greatest part of the shipment to
the east. most of it reached the lake parts by railroad.
It sea the relatively short distance transport over the
railroads shiehfibrought the farmers into contact sith
their most serious freight problem, the local tariff.

fiAdana, “Agriculture in hichigan.‘ p. 22.

42

Whether the farmers realised it or notk the local freight
charges were the focal point of their attack upon the
rail companies. The great variation in charges between
the through rate and the local rate constituted a seri-
ous threat to the prosperity of the state's agricultur-
al economy. The difference in the tee rates was such
that a producer living 16 miles from a market had to

pay as much.for a oarlood of produce as one living 253
miles away.8 A comparison of the average through and
local rates (in hills) on three hichigan roads in 187?

indicates the severity of this problem:
. Through Local

‘Detroit and Milwaukee. 6.87 25.42
Hichigan Central. ' ' ' ’ ' ' ’ 7.2 19.91
Flint and Pare hardudtte'.'.°.'.'.°. d.‘ 22.20

The impact of this condition see felt particularly by
the sheet farmera for through rates from the West to
the East were declining steadily while local rates re-
mained high. Thus Hichdgan lost the advantage of being
located nearer the eastern markets. The agricultural
industries of western states sere being built up at the
expense of Michigan's. As one southern Richigan fare-
er explained. ”We have to pay three cents a bushel more
on sheet shipped to Detroit than it costs from Chicago
to Hew'Yerk."

shichigan State Board of Agriculture. Report. 17th
(1878). p. 328. '

fggsagg‘Vigitor. June 15, 1878. p. 5.

43

The uncertainty of freight rates from year to year
was s major grievance of the farmers during the Granger
period. When the wheat crop of 1879 began to move onto
eastern markets, the railroads raised freight charges
30 cents on each 100 pounds.- This resulted in an addi-
tionel freight bill of ”ammo for Michigan alone.5
In.1881 retsa again increased 18 cents during the ship-
ping season and in the follcaing year another 4 cents a
bushel increase added over $3,500,000 to the freight
bill for the tee seasons.6 “This frequency of change in
rates.“ eonfihined the Grange. l'unsettles calculations
‘cf buyers and shippers and upsets business.'7

Probably much of the instability of rate struc-
tures was due to the nature of the railroad industry
rather than the result of financial manipulations. The
industry had over-expanded and the competitive struggle
for traffic caused rates to very eidely from year to year.
since the railroad industry see an example of a heavy
fixed-initial-cost business which required increasing
traffic in order to keep rates at a reasonable level.

excessive competition could have been ruinous. The

aaraggg ngcu 7th (1879’s :3. 12a
aLansing Republican. August 17. 1882. p. 4.
VGraggg Prgg., 7th (1879). p. 71.

44

concept that railroads and other utilities ears natural
monOpoliec and should avoid unrestrained competition had
not been completely dereloped or accepted by public opinc
ion in the 1870's. Therefore, the process of consolida-
tion and combination among the railroad companies during
this period eas‘but a natural action of selfhpreserva-
tion. Although the farmers bitterly attacked this move.
ment toward economic concentration, it ultimately re-
cultcd in.more stable rate schedules and at steadily den
creasing costs. In‘hichigan, complaints about freight
rates fell off considerably in the decade of the 1880's
and did not resume until the late 1890‘s when the degree
of concentration in the railroad industry reached an
unreasonable stage.

The farmera' assumption that they bore the coat of
freight charges may not have been valid. High rates
did not necessarily mean less income for the farmer nor
did low rates indicate that the farmer would receive
more from the sale of his products. Actually freight
costs could be added to the selling price of the pro-
duct snd passed on to the consumer in a non-competitive
narket. They would not materially affect the basic
selling price but would be a cost of distribution. Thus
the impact of freight costs upon the farmers' economic

‘5

income would fall in his role at a consumer and not as
s producer.

While the farmer may not always have been directly
affected by freight rates, he did suffer financial los-
ses frOm other railroad practices. In the furnishing of
services and by dicoriminotionc, the companies often inn
flicted injuries upon the producers of the state. In
1871 the flichdgan Legislature passed a las ehich stated.
”Any railroad company'doing business within this State
shall be required to transport without unnecessary de-
lay. and in due order of time. without discrindnotion.
except as to classification. all freight offered for
transportation and at uniform rates per mile.” Hoe-
ever, the lee see not implemented to the satisfaction
of many people. “This is violated every day.“ charged
the Orange. “and hands farmers over, bound hand and
foot, to the tender mercies of the middlemen.'3

A special investigating committee chosen from the
House of Representatives in 1897‘nede the first complete
survey of the nature of railroad discriminaticns. Some
of the more common types of discrimination ears: mak-

ing better rates‘te»large shippers than to small: ex.

81bid.. p. 29.

46

tending privilegee to lame and not to others; chenging
retee from thoee posted in tariff oehedulea; neglecting
to care for perieheble goods; excessive car service cher-
gee; discriminating egeinet non-cenpeting points; trouble
in settling cleime; illegtl charges for eorviees; and e
tendency for products to weigh more at the terminal point
than they did et the shipping point.9 These dieorinine-
tione. in eddition to‘being annoying. were coetly to the
fermer. Beeeuee of delays. his producte night not reach
the werket in time to receive the meet edvnntegeoue
price. Agein. eince the farmer nee werking on e smell
margin of profit. dieerininatione end exoeee chargee
'might dieeipete the enticipeted returns. The fermer
did not stand elene in hie preteet against these eon-
ditiene but received valuable eid from many small-teen
merchants thrnugheut the state who euffered equally
from the effects or theee railroad practices.

A third eree of protest against the reilroed com-
peniee arigineted from eertein financial maneuvers
which were designed to conceal earning: the public
might eoneider to be exceeeive. The companies used one
or more at theee dfvieee to hide profits: over-eepitelo
ixetien; "dummy“ corporation-x and the acquisition or

gJaurne of the House of Representatives of the
011* am musing. 18977, pp. 1550-1653. Here-
ter c te dJeu A.

 

47

ueeleee or unprofitable roads to reduce the earnings of
the parent road. Richigan'c incorporation lee contained
no restriction that stocks or bonds be limited to the
worth dr onset: of the company. Becidoa, the regula»
tory agenciee were too week end understaffed to prevent
euch.preoticee. Given an almost free hand, many rail-
ronde watered their stock recklessly. The Grange, in
1880. pointed out that the $500,000,000 valuation.given
railroad property probably use more than four times the
actual cost of construction. Reduced to o per mile
figure thie meant that the rsilrocde claimed to have
expended over $55,000 but that the actual cost one under
$30,000 per mile. This meant that freight and penaenger
retee were being charged to secure profite on some
$50,000 of fictitioue value per mile. By taking the
eerninge for 1878. the Grange charged that the companiee
earned profite of over 12 per cent on estimated coet end
more than,27 per cent on actual coat. ”to have a right
to ineiet that they receive but reeeoneble pey.” the
Grange ebeerved.1° however, the "entered” eteek device
continued to be need in Eichigcn for eeverel decades and

proved to be en effective method for the roads to plced

48

relative poverty in prof to and ecrninge in order to es-
cepe rote regulation. It had a further use in the field
of texation,for several roads were taxed on the basic of
earnings per mile.

The second method need by the railroad corporatione
to conceal or divert earnings was the creation of cor-
porations within corporations. The new companies were
usually formed and controlled by etook oubcoriptionc on
the part or the pcrent corporationc with the proceeds
being invested in various types of rolling stock. The
etock could then be diverted beck over the main routec
of the parent companies on a mileage coat basic; plue a
respectable commission varying from 5 to 15 per cent.
Protite or the ”dummy“ companies proved to be large an
the actual owners made extensive use or their facilio
tiee and thereby diverted earnings into the trceeuro
ice of the hidden company. All or thece companion had
been formed cuteide of Elohigon. thereby escaping the
Jurisdiction of the lows of the etete. Thus the parent
corporations had another means of concealing their true
earnings by diverting port of them outside the state and
avoiding the Hichigen earnings tex.

A third method or hiding earnings used by some cor-

puretione one the acquisition of useleee end unprofitable

49

roads. During the era of consolidation, some acquired
reeds of this nature in order that the earnings from the
profitable lines could to divided with the unprofitable
once. This would considerably diminish the ovcroall
earnings per mile and throw the company into a lower tax
bracket. This device eleo woe useful in avoiding pr0¢
tents against high rate charges and unusuol profits.
Alec it use e convenient method by which otherwise worthp
less bonds and securities could be converted into valu-
ible‘. once when the defunct roads began to show I: profit
after acquisition by e larger corporation. Theee

three devicee for concealing earnings were widely need
because they could be carried out Quietly and effect-
ively Iithout being subject to public scrutiny.

There was one particular feature of the railroad
problem in the state which eventually provoked genorel
hostility toward these corporetione. During the early
pheee of railroad construction. special charters cen-
teining liberal privileges had been granted to several
coupeniee in an effort to etimulete the expansion of e
transportation network. Since this we: a period or har»
men: between the public and the privete companies. these
epeeiel enertere did not eeeu to be unreasonable con.

eeeeione to make in return.ter the building or neeeeeery

50

communication fscilitiss. However. sfter tho Civil War.
the chsrters bee-no symbols of corpcrste privilege end
influence to tho sgrsrisns shoes goals sore equality.
equity, snd Justice. Sous festures of those speoisl
charters were espeeislly irksomo end often pieced tho
compeny outside the suthority of tho stste government.

Tho Hiehigen Control Railrosd. whioh‘heesms the
cost powerful in the etste. received seversl of those
privileges. Thoy were given s perpetual charter subject
only to revision by s tsoothirds vote of the Legislsturs
st tho end of s thirty your period. If any elterstions
sore ends in tho chortsr, tho company see entitled to
receive oompenecticn for losses resulting from tho chsnge.
In sddition, tho directors of tho conpsny had the su-
thority to reject shy smondmont the Legislature night
decide to onset. Also, they sore given doight end pes-
senger rots maximums shieh.sere exempt from revision
by roguletcry suthority -- s privilege denied those reeds
orgsnised under tho General Reilrosd Lee of 1855.

The speciel charter reeds sore given feversble ts:-
stion concessions. Thoy sore subject to s espitsliss-
tion tsx of 1 per cent sfter 1851 end "thereafter tho
preperty end effects of tho company, whether reel. per.

sensl. or mixed. shell. in ocnsiderstion thereof. be

exempt from ell end every tax. charge. or exaction by
virtue of any less of this State nos or hereafter to be
in force.'11 Eventually. those and eimilar tax conces-
sione proved to be the rallying point for those who op-
posed corporate influence and ehc eanted to regulate it
acre effectively. The almost complete freedom fron a
generel property tax. in an age when that tax see the
backbone of governmental receipts. served to unite the
other property-holders and initiated a movement ehioh
established control over concentrated economic power.
Equal taxation. not excessive freight rates. eaa the de-
cisive element in the final victory.

The agrarian effort to establish effective regulae
tion of railroads and other nodes of communications see
not especially successful during the nineteenthncentury.
Hoeever. their efforts ears not entirely fruitless. for
tho agitation did help shape public thinking and estab-
lish.certain principles as guides for public policy.
The Grange considered its single most important victory
to be the acceptance by the public of the ”principle
that States. granting charters and valuable franchises
.tc corporations, have a right to legislate for their

11 b J Rg§g%% ; 3. r s; g,
353 a Lens niglfififAct to LEM I

control, and as to railreeds may establish by low maxi-
mum freight and passenger routes."12 Although the Grange
had not begun its works in Michigan by 1870, when the
people approved a constitutional amendment giving the
Legislature authority to establish.msximum rates, the
action can probably be attributed partly to the agita-
tion of the Grange in neighboring states.
After 1872 the Michigan Grange carried on the
fight to have this legislative authority implemented.
The demand for regulation was not motivated by a desire
to destroy capital employed by corporations. but by a
desire to prevent unjust or monopolistic use of that
capital.
We frankly admit the unquestioned right of one's
possessing his own property, but when a person or
corporation usurps power by use of their wealth as
a means of benefitting one section of the country
at the eXpsnsc of another, as in the unjust dis-
crimination of railroad tariffs. when they use their
wealth as a medium of influencing unscrupulous le-
gislators and congressmen, then the person or cor-
poration everstepe its bounds. its rights and pri-
vileges, and becomes a tyrannical power. . . .
Combination must be not by combination. Influences
brought to bear upon Congress and the Legislature

must be met by an overwhelming influence of the

people. . . . Corporations have money. The people
have vetes.13

”finesse 3:29... 20th (1900). p. e.
13m 31:23.. 13th (1885). p. '73.

In response to demands for regulation. the State
created the office of Commissioner of Railroads. How-
ever. this office failed to solve neny of the problems
which were causing public protests. ‘It was underwmsnned
and lacked the authority to nodify rate charges. an au-
thority which Legislature retained and-never exercised.
In addition. many of the Railroad Commissioners secured
their appointments only after receiving the approval of
the railroad corporations. and could not. therefore, ap-
proach their work with.an impartial attitude.1‘

Protection of the public welfare and impartial one
forcement of the law depended largely upon the person-
ality of the Railroad Commissioner. Two men. Sybrant
Weseelius and Chase Osborn. both.eppointed by Governor
Pingrse. were examples of effective Commissioners. They
made the office a strong regulatory agency within its
statutory limits. In the hands of suchunen. publicity
could be an effective weapon. especially in areas where
the law was weak or now-existent.

The Grange. while approving the establishment of
the Office of Commissioner of Railroads. suggested that
it should be strengthened. It spoke out against the

14Elston 8. Pingree, Facts and Opinigng (Detroit.
1895). Pa 15o

54

influence of the railroads in the selection of commis-
sioners: ”We need a commissioner who represents the
people and not the railroads against the people.” The
Grange asked for a State Railroad Commission of three
men with full poser to prescribe freight and passenger
ratcs.15 When it become apparent in the 1870's that be-
cause of combination and consolidations the State govern-
ments could no longer effectively control corporations
whose activities were inter-stats in nature, the Grange
asked for the creation of a National Railroad Commission.
This agency would work with the various state commissions
to determine the actual cost of transportation of produoe
from point to point and then would have the authority
to fix rates based on the actual cost.18 However, no-
thing was accomplished at the state level to strengthen
the commissioner's office or his authority during the
remainder of the century.

The Michigan farm organisations began to call for
the regulation of other forms of transportation and comp
nunieetion during the last two decades of the nineteenth

century. They urged that telephones, telegraphe and. in

15orang. Pro§.,9th (1881). p. 14.
16m mafith' (1879). p. '73.

55

some cases, public utilities be declared common carriers
and be made subject to regulation by governmental agen-
cies. The Farmers' Alliance demanded public ownership
of railroads. telephones. and telegraphs, but the other
two groups stopped short of this goal.

The Patrons of Industry, at their annual conference
in 1891. called for government ownership only after gov-
ernment control had been given an opportunity to estab-
lish effective regulation. ”The railroad corporations
... are as many as the waves of the ocean, and by
consolidation and combination . t e they are one as the
see. By their union of interests they become an octu-
pus that consumes the lion's share of the wealth pro-
duced by labor. . . e They should be placed under state
and national control. . . . If they still operate on
the principle that the public be damned" they they should
be owned by the United States government.17 Two years
later, the National Conference of the Patrons of Indus-
try openly advocated government ownership of rail-
roads. telegraphs, and telephone companies.18 The in«
finance was negligible as the Patrons had declined to

the status of a minor organisation.

17Lansing state He ublican, February 27, 1891. p. 1.
18Michigan Patrontg GuideI February 28, 1893. p. 8.

56

The Grange, during the 1890's, was the least radi-
cal of the three organizations on the question of gov-
ernment ownership. ”The government should not own and
Operate modes of transportation, as employment of capi-
tal there is just as legitimate as in production. The
mission of the government is to govern people, not to
do the business of the country."19 However, Justas the
twentieth century began, the State Grange altered its
stand and said, "We favor legislation that shall fi-
nally bring about government ownership of railroads,
telegraphs and telephone systems.'20 "The people
should perform their own business rather than delegate
it to private corporationsfua1 The various proposals
for government ownership, while never enacted into law,
were important in speeding the adoption of legislation
which led to effective regulation.

This regulation, although it became effective in
the tsentieth century, was a part of the nineteenth‘
century revolt. The constant rural protest against spe-
cial charters and taxation privileges, which will be
described in the chapter on taxation, resulted in the

lgGranp! Prggos 25rd (1895). p. 80.
”was: 222.9... 30th (1902). p. 52.

”was 2-22... am (190:5). p. 83.

abolition of both by 1901. Six years later, a new three
man Michigan Railroad Commission was-created and given
most of the authority and power which had been lacking
in the old Commissioner of Railroads Office. The new
‘board could alter, reduce or order into effect any
freight rate that it judged proper. It had the sue
thority over issuanccs of additional stocks and bonds
by the railroads, a power which,had it been granted
earlier, could have prevented many of the over-capi-
talization practices. By 1907 Michigan had finally
constructed an efficient and powerful regulatory agen~
cy standing between the public and the corporations.
flush of the credit for its adoption must go to the

farmers of the nineteenth century.

58

IV. TRUSTS, MIDDLBUBN, AND C3OPEBATION

The farmers' concern about undue combination
or concentration in economic life was first eXpressed
by their outburst against the railroad corporations.
But as the tendency of the age began to appear among
nearly all of the other business areas, the farmers en-
larged their demands for control of trusts from public
or natural monopolies to include all examples of econo-
mic consolidation. This protect was to be expected
from a group of people ahoae traditions included a
strong entidmonopoly bias and an equally strong equso
litarien viewpoint. Because of this, nearly all of the
farmers' organizations and political parties of the pe-
riod were dominated by an anti—monOpoly tone.

The farmers were gravely concerned about the effect
of monopoly upon economic life and the distribution of
eealth among the competing groups. The appearance of
concentrated power threatened to upset the self-regu-
lating capitalistic economy of the nation by discrimi-
nating against the unorganized who lacked the retalia-
tory weapons which would enable them to hold their own.

The farmers were on the defensive attempting to retain

59

or restore such fundamental laisses-faire doctrines as
the law of supply and demand and freedom of opportunity
against the attacks of impersonal organisations whose ac~
tivities in many instances altered these fundamental
doctrines. “Capital concentrates to make corners and
forms rings to fix prices," complained the Grange.
“Transportation companies make and unmake prices. . . .
Subsidies and tariffs protect other industries at the
expense of farmers. . . . Monopoliee have grown dicta-
torial and imperious in their demands, unrelenting in
their exactions, and cruel and unmerciful in their in-
positione.'1 Unless these examples of corporate power
give up 'a portion of their present oppressive grasp,”
the Grange warned, it will "culminate in a revolution,
political and social, that may appall the world.'2

The immediate danger to the rural industrialist from
the presence of monopoly was a threat to his own inde-
pendence. Honopolistio activities could directly af-
fect the value of a farmer's production or could strike
at the basisbfi'a farmer‘s independence; his ability to

town preperty. Fixed prices, high.intereet rates, die-

lcrango Proc., 7th (1879), p. 8:5.
“ax-egg, Frog” 10th (1882), p. es.

60

criminations and all the other practices of the privi-
leged often could influence a farmer's right to use his
own property or could even decide whether he could enter
the profession. Trusts having the power to influence
the independence of other groups in the economy could
also change American society by dividing it into dis-
tinct social classes through the destruction of oppor-
tunity.

Agrarian society feared that once trusts had per-
fected their economic dictatorship they would then at.
tempt to perpetuate it by dominating the political and
legal machinery of the Nation. "Their insatiable greed
knows no satisfaction,n the Michigan Grange charged.
"When their rapecieus new has devoured and encompassed
all legitimate business.... we will see them reach-
ing out for the control of the government itself.'3 It
was during this period that the rural demand for poli-
tical reforms of a more direct nature originated. The
direct election of presidents and senators, the recall
and referendum were devices which the people hoped
would prevent or discourage control of political instit-
utions by organized capital. The spirit of the republic
could be saved by the ballot.

3Grange Pgog., 26th (1898), p. 22.

61

Since the trusts became a problen in a relatively
short period of time, the seegch for a solution had to
be carried on without the benefit of precedent. The
farmers' first angry reaction was to destroy them. The
anti-social features of some immature corporations led
to the concept that all large corporations are anti-
social. To remove the evils, tho agrarians would do-
stroy the corporation. However, when it was realized
that bigness was a natural tendency of the American
economic scene, rural protests were directed toward
initiating some form of governmental control. prefer-
ably nstional. But this produced a dilemma; farmers
traditionally believed in a decentralized government
exercising little control over the economy. Trusts and
monopolies could not be effectively checked by such.a
gevornnent and the farmers had to choose between decen-
tralisatgin in government or unrestrained concentration
in the economy. They selected the former and it was
partially through this decision that the agricultural-
ists came to rely upon and demand more govermmental
participation in the daily affairs of the people.

While the Sherman Anti-Trust Act was a product of

the anti-monopoly sentiment, farmers were dissatisfied

with the enforcement of this federal legislation. In
Richigan the only farmer organization to offer specific
changes in the federal anti-trust policy was the Grange,
which adop: ed the recommendations of the National Grange.
It urged an anti-trust law which would clearly define
injurious practices, a proposal later included in the
Clayton.Aet of 1914. .Another reform it advocated was
severe penalties for violations of the law including
forfeiture of charters. fines. and imprisonnent. For
all public officials who aided trusts in the violation
of the law, or failed to enforce the law, the Grange
called for impeachment. fines, and imprisonment. This
would be supplemented by similar state laws to create a
uniform pattern of federal and state regulation.4 While
the nineteenth century agrarian revolt failed to devel-
op a comprehensive program for control of trusts. it did
perform a useful service in calling public attention to
a new economic problem. Because of this agitation,
people began to think about the merits and dangers of
bigness of corporations, and thus aided in the ultimate
developnent of a more adequate public policy during the
twentieth century.

‘Grangg"Proc.. 27th (1899). p. 21.

   

 

 

In addition to seeking government control. the farm»
ors attempted to mitigate the practices of trusts, rings.
and middlemen through cooperative activities. One of
the organisational purposes of the Grange was to buy
more directly from the manufacturer and to sell more
directly to the consumer, thereby avoiding ”large and
unnecessary commissions." Many farmers failed to under-
stand the necessity for many of the services which were
being conducted between the producer and consumer and
characterized them as gambling in the necessities of
life. The idea of cooperation to promote savings to
farmers in the distribution of their products was soon
enlarged into a defensive weapon to counteract the ace
ticns of other business groups that were interfering
with the natural system of supply and demand.

In 1874 the michigan Grange established the office
of state purchasing agent to coordhnte and assist the
county and district agents within the state. The state
agent had neither money nor experience and little was
accomplished for several years. ''Our rivals in business
are men who have made it the study of their lives, . . .
we cannot compete with.them with our agent working with»
out pay, without money," complained the Grange.5

aGrange Proc.. 5rd (1875). p. 35.

While the state agent never became an important
purchasing officer, if measured by volume of business,
he was able to assist the county councils in securing
better prices on merchandise to be sold through the lo~
cal grange stores. As a result, some of the local stores
were selling more than $100,000 worth of items annually
to the farmers of their area by 1880. Some years, the
savings to the farmers of the state totaled more than
$1,000,000 on such items as farm implements, clothing,
seed, sewing machines, salt, and kerosene.

One of the difficulties encountered by the Grange
came when.manufacturers or dealers formed a ring or as-
sociation and refused to sell at reduced prices. This
happened frequently'but the Orange's most successful of-
fort against such action was their victory over the
land plaster ring during the late 1870's. I'Every estab-
lishment for manufacture of plaster in Michigan, Ohio,
and Wisconsin had been concentrated into combination or
sort of Joint stock company for raising prices."6 Be-
cause of this action, the ring was able to hold the
price at $4§00 per ton without any reduction for a five

year period. This ring was broken when the Grangers
*1

edrange Proc., 4% (1876). p. 34.

 

 

 

 

(a
0;

built their own plaster mill in Michigan and sold the
product at a lower price, saving clients nearly $500,000
in five years.7However, the Grange mill was only a tem-
porary success. The ring lowered their price below that
of the Orange and drew many members away, forcing the
mill to suspend operations.

In addition to group purchasing, the Grange parti-
cipated in group action to market farm products. In
several counties, selling agents were selected to arrange
for the disposal of wool, wheat, and other bulky pro-
ducts. Business agencies were set up in Detroit and
Chicago to furnish an outlet for the cooperative asso-
ciations‘ products. In general,‘both.the purchasing and
selling activities of the Grange were unsuccessful and
they declined about as quickly as the Grange itself de-
olined.

There were many reasons for the failure of coopera«
tive enterprises. The Grange lost strength at the some
time as other groups in the business world were becoming
stronger; the lack of membership reduced the ccopera~
tive efforts to smell-scale operations. Many members

nerely used the Grange stores as an agency toforce a

79.2223: ......Proo.-. 8th (.1880).- p. 15.

better price from private businessmen. Grangers also
discovered that it was an age of specialization and that
they lacked the knowledge needed for success in a strange
environment. Several years later, the Grange sadly ob-
served, “The sad history of cooperative association . . .
has greatly restrained us from recommending active co-
operative noves without exercising exceedingly great
care and shrewdness.” It would be wiser to “educate
ourselves in prices and markets, and come out the bet-
ter, the wiser, and the richer."8 Despite the appar—
ent failure, the Grange did firmly establish.the idea
of cooperation and in a later period farmers‘turned to
it successfully, especially in the marketing of spoofinggw
food products such as fruit, potatoes, end dairy pro-
ducts.

During the last decade of the nineteenth century
the other two general farm organizations established
cooperative agencies. The Patrons of Industry set up
the Patrons‘ Commercial Union of Michigan with an au-

‘ ggc capital of $100,000. The Union attempted to

 

purchase farm implements and supplies at wholesale

prices and also established contacts with reliable come

BGrsnge Proc., 17th (1399), p. as.

:7

mission houses to get the most favorable price for the
farmer's products. Another purpose was to act as a loan
agency to refund high rate interest-bearing mortgages.9
The idea of cooperation spread rapidly within the Patrons
organisation but the short life of this group destroyed
these activities.

The Farmers' Alliance also had a business agency

similar to theifg

 

are, but it confined its purchases to
articles nhich.were controllcd'by trusts and combina-
tions. This was done to avoid antagonizing the local
merchants if they carried goods whose price was not
affected by combination.10 Again, the disappearance

of the Alliance after its political adventure removed
its cooperative agencies.

One reason for the decline of the nineteenth cen-
tury cooperative movement in the state was the failure
to adopt the Rochdele plan. The Michigan cooperative
groups were loosely organized buying units attempting
to purchase goods at wholesale prices. This practice
antagonized other businessmen in the local areas. Also,
members of the cooperative group could often be enticed

away by the offer of attractive prices which later proved

Wichigeg: Eamogg, January 3, 1891, p. 4.
1oLansing Journal, October 6, 1891, p. 3.

CU

te be only tempersry.

13‘eanpite the generslly unsstisfsctory experience.
the Grenge reentered the cooperstive field near the end
of the century. In 1896 its first cooperetive fire in-
surance company sss organised in Lenosee county end
within six years teenty sdditionsl ones were formed
furnishing this protection to Grungers in thirty coun-

ties.n

I when the tsrmers' organizations rsiled to check
eppressive and often illegal prsctices of middlemen
through cooperation. they turned te legislation es s
means of finding relief.

11933.32: 23.29.09 30th (1902’s Pe 17s

69

v. EQUAL TAXATION

During the nineteenth century the general property
tsx furnished the great bulk of receipts fer state end
lecsl governments. Earlier in the century much of the
eeslth er the nation had been in the form of land or
imprevements on land, se s property to: use sssumed to
be equitable and fair. However, sfter the Civil War,
sealth began to take other forms which were not readily
taxable. More and more wealth wss found in bonds.
stocks, bsnk deposits. and mortgages end escaped the
some degree of tsxation which continued to fell upon
seslth in preperty fern.

This'situatien weighed hesvily upon the farmers.
Meet of their wealth see in visible'preperty, easily
sssesssble. and traditionally the source of governmental
receipts. But nos not only was the sgricultursl industry
in s depressed condition, but it see else declining in
relative sige as compared with other industries thst were
not subject to the some burden of taxation. Besides.
the latter part of the nineteenth century was a period
ef increasing expenditures as governments begsn te ex-
pend their services and functions. The efforts to finance

eXpsnding services by a property tax upon the wealth of

70

a declining industry csused an almost universal and con.
tinuous protest among Michigan farmers.

The cry. ”equal taxation,“ represented more than
an appeal for Justice in sharing the burdens of govern-
mental expenses. Since most of the new wealth.which es-
ceped taxation was owned or controlled by corporations,
this protest symbolised another nanncr of ettacking the
privilege and success of big business. Also, this re-
presented an opportunity to control end regulate corpor-
ations at the state level since eons of their property
necessarily bad to be located within the state even
though their operations might classify them as inter-
state. In Vichigen. the equal taxation movement end its
reforms by the close or the century resulted in the
most effective control of corporations of all the methp
ode proposed by the agrarian reformers.

One specific problem which caused much distress
snong the fermers use the question or mortgage taxe-
ticn. Should the farmer be required to pay taxes upon
his property even it a mortgage incumbered over half
its vslue or should the holder or the nortgsgo be tsxed
on the value which he held? "What an outrage it is to
tax men on property which they owe for,“ one former de-

clared, ”while the holder of the mortgage generally

«i
‘4

escapes. Every man should be taxed on shat he actually
owns. no more and no less."1 The farmers objected vio-
lently to paying taxes on their entire property value
while the "capitalist" holding heir mortgages, shich
often were the biggest part, successfully evaded paying
taxes upon this personal preporty.

The Grange submitted the first plan to deal with
this problem when in 1875“th proposed thst farmers be
taxed for the entire value or their property but that
the prcperty holder could apply to the principal or in-
terest of his mortgage that portion of his tax which
represented the incumborcd value of the property.2
This plan, which.became known as the California hort-
gago Plan. was also advocated by the Farmers' Alliance
and the Patrons or Industry. The Alliance asked that
the tax receipt representing the amount of the mortgage
be made legal tender for the purpose of paying off either
the interest or the principal.

Because of rural pressure the Legislature of 1883
passed a law which attempted to tax personal property
held in the r.;m or mortgages. This $.119c to solve

10m

{0

Eisitcr, June 15, 1878. p. 5.

 

Begange Prog.. 2nd (1375). p. 41.

the problem or to reise any appreciable amount of reve-
nue. To escape the tax. mortgage holders assigned their
holdings to friends living outside the state and fiichigen
authorities were unable to place them upon the tax rdfill.’
Others who were taxed passed the tax back upon the mort-
gegoe by raising interest rates or threatening to fore-
close. within e year opponents of the lee had secured
ite repeal despite s vote by the Granger Governor Luce.
”The money-loaning agents had so frightened their ore.
ditors with threats or distressing them still further
unless (it) was repealed that the creditors flooded the
legislature with.petitione for its repeal,” the Grange
complained.4 In 1891, under the administration or the
populist Governor Winona, another mortgage tax law was
peseed, but it too one repealed by the succeeding Repub-
lican administration. The failure of this type of action
caused men: people to atudy the problem from a different
espect end in the future reformers gave more thought to
the poesibilities of reducing interest chergee by in-
creasing the volume of money or by establishing govern-
mental lending agencies to break the money monopoly of

5Earshell 0. Kelly to Governor Corns Euoo, Hay ll.
1889, governor‘s Fug.

42.22232 Frog” 17th (1889). p. :55.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"(:5

private capitol-

The campaign to equalize tho burdens of taxation in
Richigan probably extended over a longer period or time,
involved more supportcrs, both.rurel god urban, and no.
cupied the foremost position among the many reforms which.
were advocated in the nineteenth.oentury. This issue
more than any other single one elected and re-elooted
Kazan S. Pingree. a reformer, to the governorship and
receiVed more attention from him than any othor prob-
lem. Organized groups in agriculture, labor. and busi-
none. in addition to individual citizens ell heavily
supported attempts to place all property upon an equel
heeie with.roapect to taxation.

The farmera' complaint was that they were paying
for more than their fair ohnre or the tax burden of the
state. .Jiéhpgi estate boars seven-fold more burdens in
way or direét taxation thpn personal eetates.'5 Part of
the problem originated from assessment practices. Tax
rolls were not reneveluntod often enough to give credit
for the decline in agricultural lend values. Farmers
who had originally purchaeod lend at $100 per acre were
etill being taxed at thet figure even though the value
had fallen to one-half or one-third because of the

5oraggg Visitor, Fab., 15, 1878, p. 2.

 

VI

depression. The rigidity of taxes in comparison.eith
soft prices moent that farmers had to divert more and
more or the production or their terms into tax funds

and lose remained for their own use. There '83 e great
demand from the rural aeotione for improved eeeceomcnt
procedures at the local level end for equalization among
counties by come etete authority.

By 1895. rural property wee eoeoseed et e total of
$492,902,641 while urban eae eeaceeed at a figure of
$460,971,466. elthough 54 per cent of the population
lived in the urgen ereee. ~Fermere complained that their
preperty wee eoélouely overvvelued cince the State cen-
eue of 1894 reveeled the true value of their holdings
to be only two-fifths of the total.6 5on1 terrors would
have agreed with the Orange when it declared, "If there
is to be any discrimination in rates of eeeceemjnttfiit
Ihould be in favor of nonecoumuletive end depreciating
property. including terme.”7

’ If some groups were hearing too great e shore of
governmental expenses, then some other groups were re-

ceiving special privileges which enabled them to escape

swkmm 2295-. mm (199:5), .13. 7:5.
79.52.2532 15:93.. am (mes). 7. 7a.

75

their equitable shore. Most of the letter were found in
either one of two groups: corporations in the exploitee
tive induatries such as lumbering end mining; or corpor-
ations who owed their favored position to concessions
given by the state in the public utilities area. ouch
as railroads. tolegrepha and telephones. It was the
last group which irritated the public greatly. because
the government itself had granted special favors to
corporations while withholding them from the general
public.

bony instances of evasion of their tax burden
among these corporations boson to receive public atten-
tion. One‘Upper Peninsula corporation had filed e
eeorn statement with the Secretary or State that its
property was eorth.€l,250,000 but on the county eases:-
rent roll the value was placed at only $30,000. Another
corporation in the some area was valued et nearly
$500,000 but did not appear on the tax rolle et ell.
In other ports of the state, velueble timber lends worth
many'tizmsnfigre were oquelizoi at from one to five dol-
lers en ecres8

However. the most notable offenders were the rail-

road corporations. whether opereting under the Generel

BGranoo Proo., 24th (1996). p. 73.

75

Railroad Lee or 1871, or under one of the many special
charters. Those railroads which were under he regule~
tion of the law of 1371 were subject to an earnings per
mile to: that varied from 2% per cent to 5 per cent of
their yearly gross earnings. However. the inability of
state officials to verify all or the yearly railroad
earning: statements plus the ability or the railroads

to hide or conceal part of their cornings probrhly mode
the tax returns from this source eomewhet lees then they
should have been. Prior to 1871. taxation of railroad:
furnished nearly 35 per cent or the total tax returns,
but after 1871. its contribution dropped to lees than

18 per cent or the state total despite the increasing
value of theprOperty. The speciel charter roads were
paying a l per cent capitalization tax as atlfiglated by
the original contract. By 1895, while the other pre-
porty owners of the state were paying 3 tax rrte of
about 2% per cent of their assessed veluetion, the rail-
roade because of their special tax privileges yore pay-
ing less than one fourth of l per cent on their cash

value.9 Besides this, the tex per mile or road in

oEezen Pingree, 32y 6, 1897. in George I. Puller.

ed.. fieaeeres‘gg the Governor ‘3£,E19h%g§3 (Lansing.
192?), TV, ۤ. Hares tor e ted as u or.

77

xichigan was considerably less than that in many other
filo-nest and Western strtoa.1°

Believing these conditions to be opposod to the
concepts of eguolity and justice, the people of the
state from 1870 to the end of the century demanded tax
reforms. The idea which emerged from the many domandl
use one of taxing ell preperty upon m3 ed velorem or
cosh value basis. While five Governors of the State
Specifically called attention to the problem. it was
only under two, Winona end Pingree, that progress was
made.

Winona, who owed his election in 1890 to a widespread
politiool revolt egainet inaction by the Republicans,
pointed out to the Legislature that there one no good
reason why railroad property ehould not be taxed upon
its assessed vd notion as was other property. The
Legioleture of 1301 code some attempt to equalize the
tax situation by a low which oouli require all special
charter roeda than paying 0 capitalization to: to begin
paying their taxes undor the groee earnings plan by 1392.
But the charter roads rejected this act on the basis
that it use only an amendment to the General Roi lroad
Law of 1871 to which they were not subject. This III

losronro Prcc., 24th (IRQS). p. 74.

78

evidence to many that no real reform could be accomplished
until tho Special chortors themselvos wore oboliahod.

The next Logislnt ro in 1593 pnoood further Ingle-
lotion omonding the special charter: and requiring those
roads to adopt the gross earnings tax ayatem. The poo-
erful flichigan Central road which had tho right to ac-
copt or reject aomndmonta to ite Special charter finally
agreed to wake the change but app rently only because
the gross earnings tax during thocicprcanion of 1893 Gould
be lose hon the old capitalization tax.

Tho next phase of reform occurred under the two
ndminiotretione of Kazan Pingroo whon the ideal of equel
toxation.finally was achieved after a bitter fight with
the corporctiona. The powerful interests who opposed
tax reform found valuablo allion among the "Immortol
Nineteen" in the State Senate who consistently votod

gainst menouree designed to equalize the tax burden.
Pingroo’a first problon, that or the special charter
roads. woo made clear when these roads announced they
were removing tnemselvea from the gross earnings tax and
returning to the capitalization tax plan. This situation
of e etete permitting corporations of ite oen creation
to accept or reject the lane of the state we. intolereble

end could only be remedied by the outright repeal of ell

 

 

 

79

opooioi ohortoro and tho placing of tho roado nndor tho
gonorol loo. In 1898, tho Logioloturo oppointod o throo
non oouniooion to nogotioto with.tho ohortor roodo to
dotormino tho condition. upon ohioh.thoy'oou1d onrrondor
thoir ohortoro. It no. too yooro hororo tho roodo
ogrood to giro up thoir opooiol privilogoo. and thon
only on tho condition thot tho: ho olloood to ouo tho
Stoto for on: donogoo or looooo outtorod duo to tho
ourrondor ond roorgoniootion.

Ihilo thooo nogotiotiono ooro undor ooy. tho hottlo
for o no. to: ion was hoing oonduotod in tho Logioloo
taro. Govornor Pingroo and hio supporter. oponoarod
tho Atkinson Bill ohioh would not up o Stoto Board of
To: Oomniooionoro to oooooo proporty or oorporationox
oould hovo tho authority to 13v: toxoo: ond*oould divort
tho to: roooipto into tho prinory oohool fund-11 Thin
pooood tho Houoo but on: killod in tho Sonoto during
tho rogulor loo-ion. Whoa tho Govornor oollod o opooiol
ooooion of tho Loaioloturo to roonbuit tho hill. tho
rooult woo tho ICED. At tho noxt rogulor ooooionfihoth
houooo approvod no tho pooorful railroad bloc in tho

n'chorlo R. Starring. ”Boson 8. Pingroo: Another

{gent-n ." Mm W. 11111 ”W- 1W)-
214'
0 ¢ ‘

BO

Sonoto oiloood it to pool knooing thot tho Miohigan.3u-
promo Court would dooloro it unoonotitutiondl, which.it
did.

Tho Govornoria noxt movo woo to oak for o Joint
Rooolution.by'both.Housoo to provido for oubniooion to
tho poop]: or m mondmont to tho Conutitution oo that
tho Supreme Court'o objootion to tho Atkinoon Bill oould
bo remand»19 Again tho Sonoto hlookod this in a rogulor
and a opooil. ooaoion. but in tho oooond opooiol ooaoion
public opinionEQQg tax roforn ooo ao intanao that tho
Sonoto approvod tho rooolution. Tho propoood constitu-
tionol omndmont no aubuittod to o popuior voto in
lovombor. 1900. and was ovoroholmingly approvod by
-429.728 to 54,757 votoo.

Artor thin approval. tho Govornur oollod onothor

' opooiol union of tho Logioloturo juot botoro his torn
oxpirod and mado hia laat pJoa for tho Atkinson 8111.

‘ Onoo again tho Immortal linotoon in tho Sonoto dotootod

tho bill oad Pingroo loft ofrioo without hoving oohiovod

his gool or oooing oquoi taxation ootobliohod in tho

ototo. Honour. in 1901 tho Logioiatxmfifinoily paoood

126w. Hason S. Pingroo. Juno 16. 1899. in Pullor.
IV. 180.182.

81

an act embodying tho main foaturoa or Pingroo' o propoaod
rotorno.
. Ihilo tho long atrugglo to bring railroada nndar an
ad rolorom tax ayaton woo going on. oovoral othor impor-
'M;maouroo had boon paoaod by tho Pingroo Adminiotrau-
tion ohioh gonorally roduood tax rotoo and burdono for
tho majority or oitiaono. Tho ropool or opooial char-
toro or oovoral railroada forood than to roduoo paoaon-
gor torso and to inoroaoo tax paymonta. Tax ratoo oi'
oxprooo and telegraph Companioo ooro roiood oovorol por
oont. ao ooro opooirio taxoo upon railroado in 1897.
In 1899. a Stato Tax Commiooion oao oroatod ohioh in
tho firat yoar alono addod oomo #350,000.” worth of
proporty to tho tax rollo. By 1001. tho oqual to: low
of thot year addod anothor $150,000,000 worth of pro.
porty. Tho rooult of ma. rotormo woo immodiato.
Tho 1900 roto of aooooomont par 31000 no 26 por oont
looor than that of 1899. and in oono loool aroao tho
roduotion oao ovor 60 por cont.“5
Thio long right ohioh no brought to a mooooai‘ul
oonoluoion by Govornor Pingroa roproaontod hard oork

on tho part of nong pooplo and groupo. Tho Grango rat

I, 13m: Mg, ‘2ch (1901). p. 17.

82

particularly important in keeping tho iaouo alive and
in persuading olootod officials to act. Tho orootion
of o Stato Tax Commission no a moono of equalizing tax

loada had long boon a Grango objective.

65

VI. MONETARY PROBLEMS

Of all tho truato which tho farmora boliovod oora
opprooaing thom, tho 'nonay truat' racaivod tho bittor-
oat donunciaticn and arouood tho groatoot political ac.
tivity. To tho rarmor and laboror, tho 'monoy truot'
oaa invioiblo and unincorporotod, but oaa ccncadod to
bo locatod in tho ant ohoro it ccnapirod to onolavo or
dootroy tho othar ooctiono. Ito illuoivonooa nada it
noro difficult to attack than a railroad corporation.
Ihilo tho tarmara ooro not oloayo cartain of ita idono
tity, thoy oaro aoaro of ito mothodo. Tho 'monoy
truot” had croatod a monOpoly over tho nation's cur-
rancy ohich.it had ccntractad in volumo for ita con
profit, thoroby making intaroot ratoa high and priooa
loo. Tho tarmaro' point of attack was to ro-oxpand
tho aupply or nonoy in tho United Statoa in order to
looor intoroot ratoo and to raise pricoo. Thoir ob-
Jootivo romoinod tho oamo though thoy might advocato
inflation by groonbacko, additional coinago of oilvor,
or oono othor dovioo.

Tho monoy ahortago ohich.bogan after tho Civil War
and oontinuod throughout tho romaindor of tho century
oaa constantly improoood upon tho formora‘ thinking by

84

an increasing mortgage burden and high interest cooto.
Farmers did not object to mortgages as such. since their
capitalistic buoinaoo often required the contraction of
longoterm debt, but they did object to interest ratoo
which often were much higher than the productive earn-
ing capacity of the property. This condition representod,
thay thought, a direct threat to the ownership of private
property. the basic foundation for commercial agricul-
turo. “To make capital invested in a farm yiold to the
owner but 3 to 5 per cent, ohile the mortgage on the
farm draws 10 per cent," the Grange warned. "is unjust
diacrimination . . .. the tendency of which in to re-
dueo tho laborers to paupora, and the farmero to more
tonanto."1

The mortgage burden in the otote nae high, although
different groups could not agree upon the amount. In
1887, the hichigan Commiaoioner of Labor reported that
mortgage indebtedness wae $64,000,000, while the Grange
statistician announced a figure of $77,000,000. Three
yoaro later the United States Cenaue said that it was
$96,000,000.2 The Patrons of Industry of Clinton County

1Grange Proc.. 4th (1876). P. 7.
2orange Prog.. 22nd (1894), p. 59.

quoted the Bankerg' Magazine as saying that Michigan
farms were burdened with $500,000,000 of mortgages.3
The exact figure could never be determined since many
farmers refused to reveal the extent of their debt, but
conservatively, around 50 per cent of the farms were
mortgaged in the 1890‘s, representing a debt equal to
more than one-third of tho assessed value of all farm
property.4

The greatest danger involved in this debt was not
its size but its cost. High interest rates, usury, and
falling prices made the debt unmanageable in many in-
stances and threatened ultimate loss of property and in-
vestment for some farmers. In the 1870's, 10 per cent
mortgages were the average, but the rate was much higher
if the mortgagee demanded an extension of time. Be-
sides this, if the mortgage was being foreclosed, there
was no legal limit on the fee which an attorney night
charge for the legal proceedings, and the fee, plus ad-
vertising and court costs, often equaled the anount of

the mortgage.5 Since agriculture in the same period was

3Senete Jgurnsl (Lansing, 1891), p. 337.
40renre Proc., 22nd (1894), p. 59.
5grangg £roc., 6th (1878), p. 11.

 

86 .

only earning about 4 per cent, financial ruin was the
only prospect for the debtor. .
While the interest rate declined to 7.3 per cht in
the 1890‘s, prices of farm products fell even faster,
making the burden greater. In some cases, unpaid inter-
est was added to the principal of the mortgage; in oth-
ers, land from the farm itself was given in payment.
Under these circumstances, Eastern money lenders were
regarded as oppressive tyrants and enemies of justice.
I"l‘hs drain of money from.Michigsn to Eastern capitalists
is fearful,' one woman complained. ”to are giving our
very last dollars to keep our homes . . . yet knowing
very wait}. if our crops fail us our homes must go.
Their rates of interest are so high, there is little
left to pay taxes. . . . Is there no help for us?"6
Falling farm prices during the depression or the
1890’s accentuated the problem still further. Then it
took at least 200 bushels of wheat to pay the interest
on a $1,000 mortgage whereas Just after the Civil War
33 bushels would have paid it.7 The severity of the
6Mrs. M. C. Campbell to Governor Cyrus Luce, Janu-
ary 24, 1887, 0 am ' ELL...
jghg Po ulist, Lansing, Michigan, July, 1894, p. 4.

8?

mortgage problem caused even the more conservative Gran-
gsrs to despair of the future. _"Nc farmer can pay 7 per
cent with 50 cent wheat, . . . the farmer will wear him-
‘self out and only pay interest to the banker, who is
getting new 15 to 20 per cent annually. The farmer should
give up his farm and start over."8 Many farmers must
have agreed with the Pogulist when it asked, "How long
will it take the money lender to absorb all the wealth
or the Country? . . . More money and loss misery."9

In an effort to control the interest rate, farm
organizations turned to the government and asked for
maximum limits. They based their demands upon the power
of Congress to coin.money, regulate its value, and sea
tablish a uniform currency. ”Should not interest also
be uniform and regulated7'10 The Grange asked for e
7 per cent ceiling on interest rates, with a penalty of
forfeiture or the full amount or interest due for viola-
tion. in addition, it petitioned the Legislature to
”limit to a reasonable amount the fees and cost of fore-

closures of mortgages.”11 The latter request was also

BGrange.§ggg., 22nd (1894), p. 19.
9The Populist, p. 1.

loGrange‘gggg., 4th (1876), p. 13.
llcrange‘zggg., 11th (1878), p. 10.

an attempt to break up what the Grange considered to be
a lawyer monopoly over the business of foreclosing mort-
gages. When their legislative requests were defeated,
the Grange warned that this "should arouse us to the
danger of electing smart lawyers to legislate for us."12
The other two large farm organizations at a later
date followed the Grangc's lead. The Farmers' Alliance
asked for a 5 per cent ceiling with a penalty or for-
feiture of all principal and interest for viclation.13
The Patrons of Industry asked for a 5 per cent limit
with a penalty for usury.14 Individual groups within
the major organisations often asked for lower limits.
There were individual proposals for governmental
mortgage loan and savings associations on a state and
national basis. The idea behind these was that surplus
funds in certain counties and states could be used in
other areas which were short of funds; then this fluidity
of money would act as on automatic regulator of circula-

tion and interest rates. The backers of such associa-

120range Frog” 7th (1879), p. 22.
13301180 30111713; (1891): Pa 1551a
14Lansing State Republican, Feb. 27, 1991, p. l.

89

tions believed that interest rates could be reduced to

4 per cent and would be uniform throughout the nation.15
however, the plan was not generally sponsored by any
large organization or group of organizations during the
nineteenth century. The Grange once considered a coop-
erative state bank to loan mortgage funds but this was
disapproved by the State Convention. Probably the rail-
ure to develop banking facilities specializing in farm
credit was due in large measure to the great reliance
which farmers placed upon the nineteenth century move-
ments to increase the quantity of money in circulation
as the method to relieve financial distress.

Prepossls for government assistance in the field
of working credit did not become prominent until the
last decade of the century when the Alliance and the
People's Party submitted the sub-treasury plan. Under
this scheme farmers could deposit their produce at
government warehouses and secure treasury notes equal
to 80 per cent of the value of the produce and could
redeem the notes by paying 2 per cent interest. This
2 per cent ifiiihdies was backed by many term organisa-
tions. including the National Grange. However, the
Michigan Grange opposed the idea because it disapproved

15Ernest Hollenbeck to Governor Cyrus Luce, December
23. 1889, Governor;' Filg.

90

of any plan ”that will encourage people in contracting
debt. . . . What farmers need are greater facilities for
paying debts. It would create a feeling or helpless de-
pendence upon government aid, relaxinj individual effort,
destroy energy and eelf-relisnce."15 However, the Grange.
before the end or the century, altered its views on gov-
ernment aid to agriculture. The severity of the depres-
sion of the 1890'sgg:n addition to the popularity of the
subntressury plan, caused the Grange to change.

In Michigan, those who wanted an inflation of the
currency were believers in the quantity-of-money theory.
They thought simply that an increase in the supply of
hfingg would result directly in a rising price level and
a felling interest rate. Since the opposite condition
existed, a falling price level for farm products and a
high interest rate, many, if not a majority, of the
farmers consistently supported inflationary prepossls
during the nineteenth century. The Greenback and People'l
parties with their programs of monetary reform drew most
of their support from the rural cross of he state.

An examination of the Grenge's thinking about this

learsnae Proc., 18th (1890), p. 31.

91

question end e comparison with other groups indicetes the
ettitude oi some Miohigsn fermers during the péilnd. For
three yeers efter its organisstinn in the Stetey the
Grenge permitted financial questions and s11 questions
of policy to be discussed by its members. However, by
1877, when the Greenback psrty was becoming prominent
in Stste politics, the problem of political pertisen-
ship in s non-pertisen organizeticn caused the Grsnge
to rule that discussion or netionel finences end curren-
cy wes 'e political question and out of order." This
did not prevent participation in politics. hoeever, end
many Grengers beeeme Greenbeckers and were converted to
inflationary idees.

The continued depression in term.prices end the
rise of new term groups with demands forwmcnetsry re~
forms brought the currency question beck intoGrenge
discussions by 1889. The Stste Convention or that yeer
esserted, ”We must now combine end mess our forces. not
only to errest but to force beck the money power which
. . . now monopolises end epproprietes to itself most of

the eccumuleting weelth? shioh the nation produces.17

”gang; 2139,... 17th (1889). p. 53.

In exemining the situetion. the Grenge concentreted on
tour perticuler espects cf the neticn's tinenciel sys-
ten: the insdequscy of currency in circuleticn; the
metellie bese; the evil~ot nstionel banks end their
notenissuing power; end the possible effects or foreign
investments in the United Stetes upon our supply of
currency.

‘ The Grenge reflected the genersl demend when it
celled for en increese in the circuleting medium.cr ex»
chenge. besed on gold end silver, et leest in propor-
tion to the increese in productivity end populsticn er
the neticn. This wes en extension or the lsw of supply
end demend to the currency field. es it celled for en
increase of money per cepite to metch the inoreese per
cepite of production in order to permit the exchenge or
ell merchsnteble products.18

The besis for this expensicn or currency would be
supplied by government purchase of the “entire product
of our gold end silver mines et its bullion vslue.‘
Then the United Ststes Treesury would issue legsl tender
coin certifiostes et the coin velue or the bullion but

181b1d.. p. 54.

95

would not coin either metal, unless the "necessities
required it."19 The Grange felt that the essentials of
its plan were incorporated into the Sherman Silver
Purchase Act of 1890, which required the government to
buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver bullion monthly in ex-
change for legal tender treasury notes. While it cone
sidered this inadequate to meet the 'universsl financisl
stringency." the Grange did credit the bill with avert-
ing the same rapid decline in velues which took piece

in 1889 end with relieving the debtor class to s smell
extent. Therefore it continued its original demand for
the use of the entire output or both gold and silver,

or at least not less then $12,000,000 per month or legal
tender notes. -

In the early 1890's the Grange opposed the "free
end unlimited coinage of either gold or silver,” because
"if the government stamp of coinage edds anything to the
money velue of the metal coined, the ypople whose credit
gives it that edded velue ere entitled tc‘the benefit.”o
Specifically. the opposition to the Populist demand for

”tree silver” centered around the tear that it would

“9.1.3222 mu 18th (1890). p. 28.
“92.51.1222 £222.. 19th (1891). p. 37.

result in a contraction of the nation's currency. not
an inflation. Free coinage of silver, said the Grange,
would contract the currency by nearly $700,000,000. the
amount of gold then-in circulation,-f0r silver money
would drive the gold into hoarding. Also, it ”would
throw nearly the whole burden of raising silver bullion
to par with gold upon the farmers of the United States."
However, the effects of the serious depression of 1893.
gradually drove the Grange closer to the silver views of
the Populistso

The depression caused a financial crisis which was
draining the nation of its gold supply. Gold was being
used for silver purchases under the Act ofleUO; foreign.
held investments were being liquidated with it; private
individuals were also hoarding gold, and tax receipts
were dwindling. In the face of this, the Sherman Silver
Act was repealed, so the farmers charged, upon the in-
sistence of the bankers. Then to restore its gold rec
serves to a level consistent withumcnetary safety, the
government sold its bonds in exchange for the needed
metal. These actions finally convinced many that the
government and the money trust were completely allied

against the producing clasiidc- "The government. by its

a,
‘1‘r

(3')
{)1

false and destructive financial policy of making gold
. . . the sole measure of credit values, has embarrassed
itself, and now comes forward asla borrower in competio
tion with debtors whom its financial policy has distressed."
The Grange further charged, "Having made it more profit-
able to hoard legal tender money than to invest it in
any productive enterprise, it now comes in as a borrower
for the purpose of hoarding a hundred million more.'21
While the Grange continued to press for its reforms
’during the depression, it indicated a willingness to
take the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a 16 to
1 ratio. It would accept the Populist demand with a
modifying clause which would place an import duty on all
foreign silver coin and bullion ”equal to the difference
between the gold value of silver bullion in Europe and
its coined value here."22 By 1895, the Grange was ready
to call the demonetization of silver in 1873 "the most
potent factor in the depression. It can be remedied by
the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold” at
16 to 1.95 By this time, to the Grange as well as to

219319332222” 22nd (1994). p. 63.
22Ib1de’ p. 66.

23m 2922-. 23rd (1895). p. 60.

96

\

the other farmer organisations, the currency question was
more than a request for a particulegfrefcrm. It had

come to symbolize the contest between the trusts and the
peeple; few really understood the complexity of the prcb~
1cm, but they were willing to try free silver and give

it a snow. . I; q ’

One useful aspect of the Orange's attack upon the

‘\

monetary system came from their criticism of the use of
gold. ”There is a want of confidence in any financial
system that depends for stabilityupon the fortuitous
production of a single metal." In pointing out that the
world supply of gold bullion was largely due to acciden-
tal discoveries of this metal, reformers caused people
to begin thinking about a new monetary system which
could be more easily inflated or contracted to meet the
.financial demands of an expanding economy.
The attack upon the currency led farmers also to

attack the banks which supplied a great portion of that

currency. During the nineteenth century most farm orga-

 

5 ijI one and reform parties called for the abolition

of national banks and the transfer of their note-issuing
power to the federal government.- The Grange acknowledged
uthat these banks furnished a great service to the nation
during the Civil war in enabling it to float its bonded

97

debt but after that “the necessity (was) over, and their
usefulness past.” It reflected the views of most far-
mers as it declared, "We are cpposed to the issuing of
paper money by any person, bank, or corporation other
than the United States and that all such issuances in
the future should be prohibited by law."24

Apart from the belief that the peefii? should retain
control over the money supply through théir representa-
tives, the banks came under attack because of the common
feeling that they were exercising an undue influence
over the government for their own private advantage.
I'It is not that the government is in the banking busi-
ness, but that the banks are in the government business,
that is raising the mischief with private business and
public affairs," observed the Grange during the 1890's.
Bankers who were commonly thought of as performing no
useful productive function were charged with receiving
a net profit of over 20 per cent annually, while farm-
ing and other productive efforts were suffering losses.25
Because of these attitudes most bankers were automatic-

ally thrown into the money trust classification by

2492223.: From. 17th (1889). p. 54.

 

25Grange Proc., 25rd (1895), p. 62.

M

 

farmers who increasingly tended to look to their own
government for financial aid and reform.

Investments made in the United States by foreign
individuals or corporations was the_fourth monetary
problem. The United States had been a net borrower in
an international sense with.imports exceeding exports
until 1875. After that date exports tended to exceed
imports and the United States was repaying its credi-
tors, slthough it still continued to borrow from for-
eign sources. The farmers' objection did not center
around the existence of foreign investments in the
United States, as they contributed to the supply of
currency, but rather to the effect upon circulating
medium if these investments were suddenly liquidated.
The farmers in a nationalist, not an isolationist
sense, demanded an expansion in our own currency to
fence out foreign capital by providing enough.domestio
money to finance our own productive investments. In
addition, the interest and dividends which.formerly
went to foreigners could then be retained in the United
States.

This short-sighted policy of trying to keep money
at home ignored both.the contribution which.foreign

99

capital had made in building up the productive capacity
of the nation and the workings of international finance.
But the real fear arose from the fact that international
payments during this period were generally financed by
gold and that gold shipments out of the United States
had a contracting effect upon the domestic currency.
Another distressing aspect to the farmers was that the
outbreak of a financial crisis in Europe caused a dumpe
ing of American securities upon the market, accompanied
by a violent movement of gold from America to Europe

and an intensification of the agricultural depression
in this country.

The Grange charged that the interest corned by
foreign capital amounted to more than 3150.0003900 annu-
ally, shich exceeded the combined production of gold and
silver in the United States. "Unless checked, it will
exact an annual tribute of $400,000,000 for the benefit
of English capital during the next generation.."'96 To
most farmers, the solution to the problem of foreign in-
vestments was the abandonment of gold as the sole metal
for the backing of currency and the substitution of inn
flaticnsry measures which*would enable the nation to fi-
nance its own internal development through the stimulus

of a rising price level.

3°ng 2223.. 19th (1891). p. as.

100

Part of the resentment against foreign capital pro.
bebly arose from the presence of alien companies within
the United States. Former! charged that alien syndicates
and corporations were in control of vast areas of western
lands, elevators, fieur mills. and other productive en.
terprises enabling them to create vest monopolies and
trusts. To the American farmer an alien trust was for
more to be feared than a domestic trust. for the latter
potentially could be reached through government regulation.
To control or destroy the alien monopoly the farmer sented
to abolish the need for or the opportunity for foreign
investments. By lees they sought to prevent aliens from
owning real estate in any form in this country and.
through inflation to prevent the intrusion of foreign
capital. "We shall hail the doy.‘ the Grange said, ”when
the last sole of American securities in Europe has closed.'27

It is probable that the farmers’ struggle to in-
crease the amount of money circulation eould heve had

little effect upon the price level or their real income.

279L252: M's 210% (1893)s Pt 45.

101

Monetary theory had not yet worked out the possibili-
ties of a flexible money system based upon eXpsnsion
and contraction of demand deposits under the direction
of a central bank. This did not appear until the twen-
tieth century. The farmers'contribution was to point
out the need for a flexiole system and to focus public

attention upon the inadequacies of the existing one.

 

 

 

 

102

VII. POLITICAL AND LEGAL PROBLEMS

Has; formers believed that the important questions
of the day, such as regulation of trusts, freight and
interest rates. equal taxation, and monetary refer. had
been crested because of imperfections in the political
machinery of the nation. To solve these problems and
to prevent than from reappearing again, they advocated
a series of reforms designed to permit s more direct
donocretio expression of the people's sill. Some re-
forms were directed toward the removal of certain in-
direct political practices such as the manner of elect-
ing United States Senators by state legislatures, while
other reforms attempted to overthrow boss rule within
political parties and thus allev the electorate a greater
choice in the selection of candidates.

In nearly ell general farm organisation and third
party platforms there sore demands for political re-
forms throughout the nineteenth century. No one group
or party can be credited eith.primsry responsibility for
the development of any particular reform hr public sen-
timent ees instrumental in the shaping and evolution of

these use political concepts.

105

Electoral problems were the source of a number of
agrarian reforms. So long as the United States was
predominantly agricultural. the caucus and convention
methods of nominating candidates for public offices
were reasonably democratic, but the urbanization end
industrialization that followed the Civih war created
an environment in which they were abused. Such.new
features as impersonal eeelth, corporation power, po-
litical bosses, and uncaphisticsted voters made it pos-
sible for urban politicians to obtain more power over
public affairs and public officials. Consequently fern-
srs were being forced out of the decision-making role
in governmental matters. Since the decisions as tc'whe
should control the government were largely being made
in the urban areas, the farmers struck'back defensively
in an attempt to purify the electoral process. The di-
rect primary movement, ihile basically of urban origin,
was supported by the rural areas in the hope that it
would break the power of the city bass.

The demand for the direct primary system, while
present in the platforms of the Alliance and Patrons of
Industry in the 1890's, did not receive serious atten-
tion generally until the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury. By that time, the use of money to influence dele-

104

gates in nominating conventions was so anly employed
that it had become a state disgrace. Beginning in 1903
the stats began to allowhccrtain counties to use the di-
rect primary system and 3y 1909 a workable law for the
entire state had been enacted. b '

The same desire for more control over state candi-
dates was behind the movement for the direct election of
president and United States senator. The National Re-
forn.party of 1874 first called attention to this and
the Alliance and Patrons bath.carriod the same demands
in their platforms. The Orange, in regard to political
reforms, lagged behind the other two groups and it was
nearly the and of the century before it officially on-
dorsed such.proposals as prinary elections, direct elec-
tion of presidents and senators, initiative and refer-
endum, and the merit system. While the Grange did not
oppose such legislation and many Grangers demanded than,
the mn-partisan nature of this organisation and its at-
tempts ts secure its objectives through pressure group
activities rather than political accounted for the time
lag. On the other hand, the Grangers were early sup-
porters of equal suffrage for women as a matter of jus-
tics and continued to press their demand for this reform

throughout the agrarian revolt.

Other reforms advanced by the farmers included a
secret ballot, principle of local option for cities and
villages on the prohibition question, home rule for 01- ‘
ties, a state merit system, election of state and federal
Judges, and the abolition of free railroad passes for
legislators and officials. I

While the Grange was among the last to Join the
groups asking for political reforms, it was perhaps the
first to request changes in legal procedures of the state
“and attempt to restrict the activities of lawyers and
Judges. Part of the early hostility of the Grange to-
ward this class probably areas when the farmer first
entered the commercial phase of farm organization.

The greater complexity of this economy brought him into
more content with the law and the members of the legal
profession. The farmer was confused by legal procedures
and, as in politics, he worked to simplify or circumvent
them. “The laws are so multiplied and complicated,“ one
Granger complained, “that no two lawyers understand thmm
alike."1 Many thought that the "lawyers' occupation is
complicating the laws for the men on when (they) rely

for business."2

1Grangg Visitor, June 1, 1878, p. 7.
21b1dep Auguflt 1; 1878' p. 5.

13$

This antagonism soon led to demands for regulatien
of lawyers and court practices. The Grange demanded
that the fees of lawyers be-fixed at a reasonable rate.
Thea, because "courts, like war, are necessarily de-
structive of property,'5 the Grange attempted to obtain
legislation which.would prevent certain cases from being
appealed from lower courts to higher ones. From experic
ence, the farmer had learned that the coat of court prev
eeedings was often much higher than the original amount
of the claim. Therefore the Grange asked for a law te
prevent the appeal from a justice court to any higher
court if the Judgment was less than one hundred dellars.
If any of the parties to the dispute wanted to appeal,
the Grange would recommend that the appeal he made to a
court of arbitration of three persons, one to be chosen
by each.of the litigants, and the third arbitrator to
be chosen by the other two.4 In 1897 this prepesal,
which by then had the indorsement of the State Assooia-
tion of Circuit Judges, passed the House but was aide-
traeked in the Senate "by the lawyers who would have

been deprived of their fat fees."5

aGrsnEa PrOCe. 2nd (1875), pa 41a
4Grange Proc., 6th (1878); P. 57.

5Grangg Prog., 25th (1897), p. 12.

107

In order to reduce the time involved in court cases
and to reduce expenses to the public, the Grange asked
for changes in the jury system. There-were many who be-
lieved that jury trials for civil cases in circuit
courts were unnecessary and that the judge could much
more quickly render a final verdict. In response to this
the Grange recommended that three—fourths of a jury of
twelve were sufficient to render a verdict in all except
criminal cases.6

During the earlier years of the agrarian revolt
most farmers believed that judicial positions should be
filled by means of popular elections,for the people
were well-qualified to make such.decisions. Some even
went further and stated that legal training should not
necessarily be a prerequisite for a judicial post. In
1878 the Rational Greenback party nominated Henry
Chamberlain, a non-lawyer, for judge of the Second Ju-
dicial District, an act which found approval in the
rural areas.7

While the sentiment to elect untrained citizens to

judicial positions abated as the farmers matured in

aGrange Prog., 22nd (1894), p. as.
Vorgngo Visitor, October 15, 1878, p. 1.

108

their commercial environment, the idea that the people
should retain control over the election of judges became
a fixed part of rural thinking. The desire to maintain
as direct a control as possible over public officials ass
extended to cover all branfihhc of government, legislative,

executive, and judicial.

 

 

 

 

109

0.4}

VIII. OTHER ISSUES

There were several other issues of importance te
the farmers but they did not have the same degree of
imperativenesa as did questions of monopoly, taxation,
currency reform, and political reform. Demands for
changes in the tariff policy, for pure food less, good
reads, rural free delivery, and social legislation,
whfze important, were often secondary to the more basic
grigvances.

Michigan was not a free trade state and within that
frameaork it was to be expected that the majority of her
farmers favored the protective tariff principle in tar-
iff legislation. When their own products were affected,
the farmers strongly favored protection, especially when
they were still engaged in the production of such.items
es wool and meat. However, when the state began to
shift to speciality items ahich were not threatened by
foreign imports, the farmers' interest in protection de-
elined.

Whenever Congress attempted to reduce thetariff on
items produced in Michigan, the Grange would work dili-

gently to prevent it. One reason for this was the sen-

timent that if the manufacturers received protection for
their finished products then the producers of raw mate-
rials should have equal protection.1 "If we must have
free wool, let us have free cloth," was the sentiment of
many. Another reason for equal protedtion was the be.
lief that tariffs for the manufacturer, but not for the
producer, resulted in the formation of industrial mono-
police.

The Grange took a position somewhere between high
tariff and free trade. A tariff which was teo high re-
sulted in monopoly; but one which.was too low resulted
in oppression of the laboring classes and the farmers.
The proposed reciprocity treaties with Canada else found
the Grange in opposition with a demand for protection
of heme industries. However, in the 1680's it modified
its position in an attempt to curb the grewth ef mone-
pelies. By suggesting that 'impertation should be per-
mitted, duty free, of any manufactured article that Amer-
ican nanufacturers have combined to raise the price of,"2

the Grange showed its usual interest for the farmer.

1Grange Visiter, January 1, 1878, p. 4.

2m £222.. 9th (1881). p. ea.

111

But by the end of the century, this organization was
again firmly convinced of the necessity of protection
for American products. The sugar beet industry in flichi-
gen owed its existence to protection given by the tar-
iffs of 1890 and 1897. This new crop was another addiv
tion to Michigan's agriculture and farmers saw more jus-
tification for protection.

The Patrons of Industry, with more members from
the urban industrial areas than the Grange, questioned
a high tariff policy in relation to the growth of mo-
nOpolies but did not formally attack the problem. Most
farmers in the state, regardless of party membership,
accepted the principle of equal protection and over-
looked the fact that financial gains from tariffs as a
producer might well be offset by higher costs as a con-
sumer.

Pure food regulation in the state became an issue
when the farming industry began to concentrate upon the
production of certain specialty crops such as milk, but-
ter, cheese, and sugar, all of which were subject to
adulteration. Also, because several neighboring states
had enacted pure food laws, Michigan was becoming a
dumping ground for such.products of unethical manufactu-

rers as olee. The Grange was the most important agency

112

in securing the passage of legislation to regulate these
practices. In 1892 a State Dairy sad Feed Commission
was created. For the next few years the Grange worked
to strengthen the police powers of that office, in addi-
tion to increasing to the scope of its activities. This
legislation was not easy to secure, for manufacturers
throw all their influence into the struggle against it.
The President of the Michigan Dairymen‘s Association
described the extent of this influence during one of the
many campaigns to regulate the sale of eleemargarine.
”It was freely talked about the Capitol last winter that
the manufacturers of cleomargarine, through their hired
attorneys, would not have cheated the people of Michigan
out of the forced sale of also on its own merits if our
senior United States Senator had not given his influence
in their behalf against us. If these imputations were
not true Senator McMillsin should explain to the people."
The Grange fought for proper labels on products which
contained preservatives, antiseptice and glucose, to ex-
tend legislation to cover drugs, clothing and dry goods:
and to have officials of the Dairy and Food Commission

placed under civil service.

sGrsnne Proc., 23rd (1895), p. 16.

113

In the last decade of the century, farmers began a
‘vigorous campaign for good roads and rural free delivery.
By this time, farmers were producing more specialised
items for sale upon the local markets. These could as-
sily be shipped by the farmer or a localutranapertatioa
system. The building of a year-around wagon road net-
work was necessary for the efficient distribution of farm
products into the urban markot centers. Also, the social
life of the rural inhabitant could be materially improved
by usable reads. The Grange was one of the loading
groups advocating state assistance, and it recommended
that the state constitution be amended to once again
permit the state to give financial aid for internal im-
provoments.

The adoption of rural free delivery in Michigan sea
an acknowledgement of the farmer's advancing social and
commercial status. ”Business interests of for loss inn
portanoe than ours, employing only a fraction of the ca-
pital invested, have in postal service been carefully
looked after,” said the Grange. "The mails should be
carried to the farmer's place of business as well as to

that of the merchant and manufacturer."

40mg. 2132.. 24th (1896). p. 69.

 

 

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Fa. _.

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‘j’ln‘

 

114

By the end of the nineteenth century, the right of
free delivery of mails to the rural areas had been estab-
lished and the service was being introduced, after a suc-
cessful eXperiment at Climax, Michigan.

There were several other reforms, or attempted re-
forms, effecting social life and which reflected the mo-
ralistic tone of the rural protest movement. The ten-
perance campaign received its strongest support from the
farmers and nearly all the farm organisations spoke out
against the liquor traffic. Their epinions often vere
expressed in the platforms of the several third party
movements, except when the party attempted to win support
from the industrial workers. Then the demand for prehie
bition.might be dropped so as not to antagonize the
foreign-born elements.

Farmers also sore ardent supporters of equality for
women. As early as l879 the Grange declared, ‘We can no
longer deny,nahnnithe right of elective frenchise.'5 By
1893 Grange and other support accounted for the passage
of a woman's suffrage bill. but it was ruled unconstituu

tionnl.6

“rang! Prose. 7th (1879), p. 66c
eGrange ggoc., 21st (1893), p. 52.

Other reforms requested by the Grange were: equal
pay for women for the same kind and Imount of labor as
that done by men; the right of senen te be elected to
any civil office ”the duties of which relate to educatihuz'
and less giving widows the entire control of the cattle-
ment of estates.

Education was recognised. by rural people. as one
of the most important forces in the struggle to noina
tain and than to elevate the profession of turning. The
Grange virtuslly adopted the State Agricultural College
and fought constantly to improve it, recognising the
assistance vhich.higher education could furnish.the
farmer in his attempt to find new agricultural poten-
tialities. Parncra were active in securing the intro-
duction of subjects in the elementary schools which were
valuable to agriculture, thereby hoping to develop an
appreciation for the dignity of their profession among
the rural youth. Farmers were expanding their horizons
during this century and education sea the nedium.which
helped them commercially and socially to keep pace with

the advancements in the urban areas.

116

va .. THE POLITICAL RESPONSE

Any attempt by the rural people to obtain legisla-
tive recognition for their demands was conditioned by
the reality that Michigan was a one-party state during
this period. The Republican party after the Civil War
maintained a supremacy in state politics which could
only be shaken by unusual conditions of unrest among
the voters or by a complete disregard for the interests
of the rural groups. Therefore. since the Democratic
organisation was too weak to challenge their hold. the
Republicans did not have to respond quickly to the
threat of third party activity or the attractiveness
of their platforms.

Also. much of the third party strength was drawn
from Democratic ranks, which further weakened their poo
sition and made necessary their coalition with the rebels
on the letters' terms. But there was always enough in-
dependency among the rank-and-file members of the Repubv
lican party which, if combined with the bolters from
the Democrats, could overthrow the dominant party.

While a great many leadera of the third parties came

from the Republican party, it was always possible for

117

the parent to induce them to come back with the promise
of a position which they could not hcpe to receive
through their act of independence. Most of this poli-
tical insurgency arose in the older agricultural coun-
ties of the south where the effect of the agricultural
depression was the most severe.

Political activity in the state varied from the
non-partisan pressure-group activities of the Grnagc to
the outright third party techniques of the Grecnbackers
and Populists. Most of the support for these actions
came from the rural areas, but leadership was often fur-
nished by representatives from the urban professional
class to an extent which far exceeded their nuns rical
strength. Kcmbers from the inclusive union organisa-
tions-such as the Knights of Labor were often success-
fully united with the farmers in political activity,
but those from the craft unions avoided politics in fa-
vor of economic action.

Results were not what the reformers expected, but
the constant pressure of independent political activity
did educate many people and some political leaders to
the need for more progressive legislation. By the end
of the century, the Republican party had thrust upon it

 

118

the role of sponsoring several of the reforms which had
been demanded for e quarter of a century, and in this
manner it come to be regarded agoin, as in anti-slavery
days, as the best vehicle for pregress in the state.

The Michigan Grange although not formally entering
politics still had a disruptive effect upon the course
of political development within the state. "The Grange
is the Alma Mater of the independent voter," was s olsil
that summarised the influence this organization had upon
subsequent events. ”We believe the independent voter,
found in every party, is the most potent footer in the
success of any reform which is demanded by farmers, end
that he con do more as s member in one of the two greet
political parties than he can by attempting to form s
new one.'1 Because Michigan was s one-party state dur-
ing most of this p riod, the Grsnge encouraged cutting
loose from party ties in an effort to upset political
calculations. Discussion of form problems, drawing up
of proposed legislation for reforms, and inquiring into
governmental principles led many Grange members to the
conclusion that independence in voting would speed the
sceomplishlent of the general objectives of the form revolt.

laryngg Visitor, August 1, 1991: P- 4'

119

While the Grange hoped to limit its activities to
independence within the two major parties, many of its
members broke ewoy rnd helped form and support some of
the third party movements, particularly when it become
clear that the dominant party had little intention of
occomodeting the views of its rural faction. However,
the Republican party being strong in the rural areas,
the troditionel link between the party end the Grange
was difficult to break, end independence within a party
dominated by business interests was not destined to pro-
duce very many concessions for the rural group.

During its early period the Michigan Grange's sea-
pon for the securing of reforms or legislation was the
legislative petition or resolution. Exhaustive lists
of grievances and preposels for reforms were sent to
both the legislature and congress in the belief that
the law—mekers were unaware of true conditions in agri-
culture but having been informed would toke action to
alleviate the wrongs. It was not long before this
method by itself proved to be worthless. "Our petitions
. . . ere, so for as so know, sleeping the sleep that

knows no woking,’ was the conclusion of the Grange.2

2Grange Proc., 7th (1879), p. 59.

 

120

The realization that it had asked for too many reforms
at once and lacked the strength to push eny of them
through caused the Grange to turn to whether method which
proved to be much more successful.

The organization begcn to win more victories when
it copied the tactics of business groups end set up e
lobby or a legislative committee. By limiting its
goals and concentrating its efforts upon certein key
proposals, the Grange achieved more results than it
could hnve by a political party technique. The use of
the legislative committee, which began around 1885, was
productive when ottention was focused upon items bene-
fiting a certoin class of formers such so the dairymen
or fruit growers, but wes less effective in securing
reforms which would benefit the mess of formers. Its
use in the nineteenth century was a forerunner of the
greater use and success it enjoyed in the twentieth.

The sblest men were selected to serve on the legiso
lstive committee: Cyrus Luce. master of the State Grange
and later Governor; Judge Rsmsdell, choirmnn of the fi-
nance committee of the Grange; Sanford Brown, a former
master; D. D. Buell; Kenyon L. Butterfieldg and others.

The members would select rot more than four proposals

121

at each session of the legislature, place them in nature
or final form, and then attempt to direct them into low.3
By the last decade of the century the Grange was success-
ful in most of its legislative proposals. In 1895. it
secured the passage of s bill authorising state appro-
pristions for holding Foreors' Institutes under the mac
nsgomout of the State Board of Agriculture; it helped
defeat the adoption of a Township Unit School System
bill; it was instrumental in securing the appointment
of its choice for the Office of State Tax Statisticisnz
but failed to cbtsin the passage of pure food 1 gislstion
until I later legislative session. -

The Grange did not place all of its reliance upon
the lobby, but in addition attempted to elect members
or other farmers to public office. Generally, there was
s conviction in the rursl cross that much of the distress
in agriculture and corruption in government was due to
the lack of farmer representation in the various lew-
‘usking bodies. The answer seemed to lie in the elec-
tion of honest farmers who would then restore the old
concepts of equality and Justice in sdministrction.by
driving out of office selfish politicians and by the
passage of classless legislation. This belief led many

aGrsnge Frog" 25rd (1895). P. 15.

182

farm groups to pledge to vote for no one who was not a
practicing farmer. This pledge became strong enough
during certain periods to persuade party leaders to con-
cede some offices to rural leaders. Cyrus Luce. a
Granger. became Governor in 1886 because of the discon-
tent among the farmers, and Governors Winans and Rich
also won nomination because of their rural support.
However, farmers came to realise that the election of
their candidates to high.officee did not either mate-
rially improve their condition or cleanse the political
system of its impurities. The old agrarian ideals of
civic responsibility and service more not enough to cope
vith the new conditions of an expanding industrial eco-
nomy. ,
The Farmers‘ Movement in hichigan therefore turned
to the use of third parties as a technique for securing
reforms. The first such party appeared in 1874 under the
misleading name National Reform Party and was one of a
series of similar parties springing up in the Mid-West
as a result of Granger agitation. The idea for a third
party was launched by a National lass Reform Convention

at Lansing early in August.‘ The leadership of this

‘Lansing State Republican, August 7. 1874, p. 3.

128

convention was furnished by prominent farmers. some of
whom would continue to be important in the development
of third parties throughout the nineteenth.century.
Eugene Pringle of Jackson. later to be a Populist leader,
was permanent chairman and Perry Kayo, a Grange officer
and later a candidate for office on the Populist ticket.
was a vice-president. This was the first evidence of
the continuity of leadership which.oharacterised nearly
all third party movements in the state; from 1874 to
1896 some of the same persons are prominent in directing
this political activity. Later in 1874. the farmers in
the Reform party sore Joined and perhaps outnumbered by
leaders from the ranks of organised labor and profession-
al men from the urban centers; another trend which would
also continue throughout the remainder of the century.
'The temper of this convention was anti-monopoly
and not greenbackerism as in the neighboring states of
Indiana and Illinois.5 The fact that the entidmonopoly
feeling was directed against the railroad corporations
indicated that the Grange had done its‘acrk in.Nichigan.
The convention called for the immediate regulation of

freight rates by the state and also said that 'it is

5 Lansing State Republicgg, August 7, 1874. p. 3.

124

the duty of the Legislature at once to so change the
rate and mode of taxing railroads that they shall bear
equal burdens with other property."6 The equal taxation
movement probably began at this meeting.

Failure to touch upon the greenback question which
was beginning to arouse public feeling in the state may
have cost the party considerable support when it called
for a sound currency by approaching "a specie basis as
speedily as shall be consistent with financial prospe-
rity." This wavering position alienated many persons
on both sides of the financial question. The entire
Kent county delegation withdrew from the Committee on
Resolutions in protest against the failun to support
greenbacks.7

The rural attitude toward direct democracy and
economy in government found expression in resolutions
calling for a one term principle for the President and
the use of the surplus in the state treasury for the
reduction of taxes.

Following the convention, plans were completed for

a‘third party. In September its first and only state

511.14. .
7Lansing State Rspublican,_§g§ust 21. 1874, p. 2.

125

political convention was held and a full slate of state
officers were nominated. Another precedent was estab-
lished at this time when evidences of fusion with the
Democratic party were apparent. The reform candidate
for Governor, Henry Chamberlain of Three Oaks, and two
other candidates for state offices, were also nominated
by the Democratic convention on the following day, thus
setting the example most other third parties adhered to
when neither party could hope to win without an alliance.8
As a result of the fusion most of the reform strength
in the state was focused upon Chamberlain and the Demo-
cratic party in the fall election. The Republicans. who
failed to nominate a well-known farmer on their ticket,
carried the election by less than 6,000 votes. The Na-
tional Reform candidate for Lieutenant Governor, Levi
Sparks of Berrien County, received only 7,348 votes. but
over 90 per cent were concentrated in the four old southn
ern agricultural counties of Branch, Eaton, Calhoun, and
Hillsdale.9 This was the first political evidence that
the older Republican agricultural areas were restless and

dissatisfied with their party's policies.

8Lansing State He ublican, September 11. 1874, p. 2.
93bid., November 27, 1874, p. 2.

126

While the vote for the Reform party was not large,
the idea of political independence was becoming more
prevalent among the rural voters especially at the local
governmental level. Twenty-two counties, nearly all in
the souther“ half of the state, elected officers of both
the Democratic and the Republican parties, which furnished
Michigan with its greatest display of independent voting
up to that time and also smoothed the path for third
party activity in the future.10 "The granger seems to
have fiifin abroad," was the comment of the Detroit
Tribune as it studied thereturns‘.11

Indirectly, the National Reform party was a fore-
runner of the Greenback party in Michigan. In “ovember.
1874, the Independent party of Indiana. a farmers' grouB
interested in greenbackism, was host at a convention it
had called to discuss the possibility of forming a na-
tional party around the currency issue. Representatives
from seven states, including Michféfig, attended and made
initial plans for a national convention. The single
issue or reason for being was the money question as they

demanded the payment of national debt in greenbacks and

1°Ib1d., November 20, 1874, p. a.
11November 6, 1874, p. l.

127

the issuance of interoonvertible legal tender currency
and bonds.

A preliminary national convention was held in
Cleveland in March, 1875, where the name ”Independent”
was officially chosen for the new party. Also, the
decision was made to call a nominating convention at
Indianapolis in May of the following year. In the
months proceeding this convention, a fusion with the
snti-moncpolists was completed, uniting two groups
whose views on money were almost identical.12

Also in 1875 the Greenbackers held a convention
in Detroit, which took action to assist the activities
of the new political party. It was decided to organise
Greenback clubs in every state to spread the ideas and
purposes of the party. This project was placed under
the direction of Marcus M. Brick Pomeroy, editor of
Pomeroyfl3,Democrgt of New York, and anumber of these
clubs were initiated in the state.13

The nominating convention which met at Indianapolis

19John R. Commons and others Histor of Labour in
the United States (New York, 19185, 68-171. Here-
if-e;_cit;d—§;‘53mmons.

13Carl C. Taylor, The Farmers' Movement, 1620-1920

(New‘York, 1953), p. 187. Hereafter cited as Taylor,
Farmers' Movement.

128

in 1876 was largely a farmers‘ organisation for only a
few labor leaders were present. One of them was Richard
Trevellick, a labor leader from Detroit, who was later
to be an important influence in the Michigan Greenback
party. moses Field, a Detroit businessman, and a Demo-
cratic Congressman, was chairman of the convention.
Field for a number of years was the leading figure in the
party in Michigan. The convention chose Peter Cooper
of New York for its presidential candidate and adapted
a short platform calling for repeal of the specie ro-
sumption act, opposition to any further contraction of
the greenbacka, asked for cessation of any further is-
sues of gold bonds or further purchases of silver.14
The Michigan Greenback convention also met in May
at Jackson. Host of the delegates were from Eaton, St.
Joseph and Jackson Counties.15 Plans were made for a
nominating convention to meet in Grand Rapids in August
after the two major parties had drawn up their tickets.
The slate which the Groonbackors adopted was a combina-
tion of men from all the other parties. Charles
Carpenter of Oakland County, their first chofbe for

141b1d., p. 186.
15Lansing State Republican, Kay 5, 1876, p. 1.

governor, was s Granger, a railroad director, a Democrat,
and the Prohibition party‘s candidate for governor in
1874. Their nominees for Secretary of State and State
Treasurer were nominated for the same positions on the
Democratic ticket. The candidate for Superintendent of
Public Instruction was the same as the Republicans'.
Carpenter soon removed himself from the race and Levi
Sparks, of Berrien County, was moved up to the governor's
position.

The party was too inexperienced and lacked the
funds and organization necessary to attract attention
and supporters. It caused little concern among the
regular party leaders and its only opportunity to gain
recognition came in certain districts where it could
throw its few votes into a close race between Democratic
and Republican candidates. In the November elections,
the Greenback party received a little more than 8,000
votes, with.ovor a third of them cast in two industrial
counties, Kent and Wayne.16

7 But in two years, the party overcame the difficul-
ties which hampered it in 1876 and polled some 73,000
votes, a growth which threatened the two major parties
and eventually led to fusion with the Democrats and a
partial victory in the election of 1882. One reason for

15Lanaing‘ggggg Re ubli an, November 17, 1876, p. 2.

...)
03
O

the large increase was the willingness of laborers to
join with the farmers. The series of strikes which
swept the United States in 1877 were put down, to the
disgust of the workers, by federal and state troops.
Thoreupon, many workers turned to politics to secure
what economic tactics had failed to do. In many areas
the laboring groups and the Greenback party merged or
agreed upon a political platform. This was carried to
the national level at Toledo in 1878, where the Green-
backers and the Labor Reform party allied under the name
National Party. Nevertheless, the new party was still
largely under the direction of farmers, lawyers, or pro-
fessional men, not labor loaders. However, laborers in
1878 came out in larger numbers to support the new party.
Other reasons for increased success were the per-
fection of organizational work and an intensive educao
tional program which were conducted during the year pre-
coding the 1878 elections. ”During the fall and winter
of 1877-8, when there was no particular interest mani-
fested in political matters, the agitation of the finan-
cial question was vigorously and systematically carried
on in every township and school district in the county
(Jackson), the leaders being Moses W. Field, Dick

131

Trevollick, and Ralph Hoyt.”17 Sirilsr work was probably
performed in other counties with discussions and organi-
zational details under the fiireotion of professionol men
from the local SPOQS. By the summer of 187? the new
party use backed by sble lenders, good organization, od-
ditionel supporters, and consequently it looked forward
to the off-year election in the fall.

The Greenback nominating convention was held early
in June in Grand Rapids, 0 stronghold for currency re-
form. Since it was held before the two older parties
has scheduled their conventions, there may have been some
thought on the port of the Greenback leaders that s fu-
sion with one of the other parties might be possible.

The convention selected fienry Smith, Greenback mayor of
Grand Rapids, as its candidatefor governor, in sdfiition

to a full slate of csnfiidates for the state offices.
Smith, s prominent agricultural implement dealer in Grand
Rapids, had been oleotefl mayor in 1878. he was re-electsd
in 1360, but died the following your.

The platform dropped all references to the inter-
oonvertible bonds and called for abolition of all interest-

besring government bonds and the substitution or legsl

17bctroit Post an. Tribune, bogust so, 1879, p. 2.

 

132

tender paper money to be issued only by the general
government. It also called for repeal of the Resumption
Act, equal coinage of silver, a shorter work day for
labor, and reservation of public lands for actual set-
tlers only.18

However, the money problem was the main issue of the
campaign and the Greenbackers, by seizing the initia-
tive, forced the other parties to take a stand on this
question. "The new party movement is the only thing in

a political way that is talked of," one Detroit paper
-dommonted. "Old political issues and old party divisions
are seldom mentfuzmed.”19 The Republicans not later in
June and called for currency "worth its face." Further-
more, they "viewed with apprehension the spread of
opinions and growth of sentiments eXprossod by the Rs-
tional Greenback party, the various socialistic and com-
munistic organizations. . . . which if adopted . . .

must bring disaster and ruin to business, and subvert our

high principles.”20

18Lansing_§tate Republican, June 7, 1878, p. 1.
19Detroit Evening flaws, August 21, 1878, p. l.
ZOLansing State Republican, June 14, 1878, p. 1.

133

The Democrate, who were to convene during July, were
badly eplit over the annoy queetion. The Greenbeokere
were recruiting three Democrats to one Republican during
the winter and apring of 1878, and eenm or the county
Democratic organisatione were trying to place their
party on the Greenback platform.21 By May, perhapa a
majority of the Democratic leadera were diepoeed to
form a coalition with the new party. Thie wee a na-
tural nova since many Democratic loadere like George
Sanford of Laneing, and Willard Stearna of Adrian,
newapapere publiahere. were greenbackera.22

At the atete convention in July, the Democrat
party was divided between the 'eofte” and the 'harda.”
The latter, a minority, were from the Detroit sound
‘noney faction of the party and held the key poeitione
and controlled the.tinancee or the party. The ”aorta"
were the rank-and-rile membere, caueue and poll workera
who had voting power but not peaitiona. The meat ex-
treme faction woe that group repreeenting the tier of

eountiee along Lake Michigan and they were prepared to

”allbid., May 14, 1878, p. 11.
22Lansing Republican, July 12, 1878, p. 4.

134

adept thm Greenback platform. If they could not swing
the rest of the party over to this position than their
plan was to join with the moderates for a platform which
would call for the abolition of national banks and bank
notes and substitute a national currency in their place.
Should both attempts fail, then those groups would go
over to the Groonhackore.23 During the early days of
the convention the 'softs' were it command as the Lake
shore counties were Joined by Democratic greenbackers
from the counties or Branch, Inghom, Lonawee, Allegan,
Hillsdalo, Berrien, and Kent. The Upper Peninsula and
Saginaw districts were about evenly divided.

However, due to their influence and power the
"horde” turned back the tide of greenbaokerisn.and won
control or the convention by nominating a hard money man
for governor. The I‘actte" protested that the money
plank would ruin the party and pointed out that the Do-
mocratic party in the states of Maine, Indiana, Illinois,
Missouri, and others had already adopted the Greenback
platform. Willard Stoarno predicted that the money
stand of the party would further drive the Democrats into

a minority party or 50,000 votes, a prediction which.was
accurately born out by the results or the roll olections.24

23Dotroit Evening Howl, July 2, 1878, p. 2.
Q‘Lonsing a. ublican, July 12. 1878, p. 1.

There were several reasons, besides the farm de-
pression, for the “soft” money sentiment in Western
Michigan. This area, in many respects, was an agri-
cultural frontier during and after the Civil War. Lend
speculation was prevalent and its success would be en- _
hanced by ”easy“ money and rising land value. Since it
was an area of recent settlement, many of the farmers
had contracted longuterm debts during the era of war
prosperity. But after 1870, declining prices for land
and farm products made debt payments burdensome. To
escape from this, many farmers turned to inflationary
schemes that promised to restore higher prices. The
Detroit,§ggt‘;gg Tribune of November 16, 1878, claimed
that many western Hichdgsn farmers were converted to
greenbackoriam after reading infletionist articles in
the Chicago intgggggggg, a paper with.side circulation
in that section of the state.

After the July convention, many Democrats and Da-
mocratid papers repudiated the hard money platform and
more than a few joined the Graenbackers. In many areas,
the two parties fused for the local elections. In
Tuscola, they united on a single ticket for county of-
ficers. Case and Ingham saw a partial fusion at the

county leVel, and in Ionia and Kontcslm the two joined

156

in the choice of a state senator. There were many other
examples of such action.25

The campaign of 1878 was a lively one. Most of the
attention was focused upon the new party which the Grand
Rapids Enguirer said was ”a necessity of the times; or-
ganized and brought into life to save the country from
destruction at the hands of the speilsmsn."28 This cam-
paign approached in intensity and fear the one of 1896
when free silver was the central issue. Feelings were
bitter and tempers were stretched dangerously as edi-
tors and craters fought one another. Since 1878 was
also a depression year, this increased the tension as
witnessed by the declaration of the Ingham county
Greenbackers when they repudiated the Republican party
“for the death like silence of our machine shops and
forges, the wreck and ruin of business men, destitute
wives and hungry children, . . . for the increase of
communism in the land. . . . We demand that the labor-
ers of the land have a right to life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness as ..11 as the Bond Heldsr.'27

25mm” November 1, 1878, p. 2. Detroit M 339
Tribune, August 15, 1878, p. 2.

253aginsw Weekly Courier, May 9, 1878, p. 2.

mom-ing a. ublicsn, May as, 1878, p. 4.

137

l'Republican paper answered this charge by saying, “The
sooner the Greenback Communist party goes out of exis-
tence, the sooner hoarded capital will be unlocked and
the hum of the busy wheel of industry be heard all over
the land.‘23

The Republicans won the election easily as their
candidate for governor polled 126,000 votesi:o 78,000
for the Democrats while the Greenback candidate re-
ceived 73,000. The latter party carried six counties,
Newaygo, Kent, Barry, St. doseph, Jackson, and Bay.
The map on the next page indicates the areas of Green.
back strength, and reveals that in 1878 the laborers in
the outstate industrial counties as well as the farmers
supported the ticket. There was no similar protest
from the counties bordering the Wayne county Detroit
industrial area. This will be true of all future .
nineteenth century third party movements as the Detroit
workers were much less inclined to break with.their
party affiliations than were the outstate workers. In
1878, the Greenbackera carried the cities of Grand Rapids,
Jackson, West Bay City, and Hastings, while running sec-
end in Adrian, Hillsdale, Big Rapids, Dowagic, and Cadillac.29

28Detroit Post and Tribune, October 7, 1878.
29Lansing Rspubligsn, November 15, 1878, p. 1.

L07. '
RAND M9NALLY

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
  
 
  
 
  
  
   
  
  

 

      
   
 

  

  
  
 
   
    
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
  
   
 

  
      

  

         
       

LOOSE LEAF cums: MAP MICHIGAN
CO IS“ AND I“ALI. . I NY.CHIC 6
5.333,.
((1
J oucmo r
, l
r—‘ ’ '
L, 'WA '5
- ' "J LUCE
. ' 'Wuma Q .
-'_..-__- I u—’—'
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l —- a
- __ . I 'scHomcam
J lam; ,.._-_._:_ ham
0 a DELTA '
w l l
FOREST , ___l
° ‘FLoscucg r- I .
l l /
' mascmssei I 7
WISCONSIN g \
0A: 0 \
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A 3;, ‘. ' 33523:; Tf'uiia— ’
o 3‘5???“ . ‘1 onsco . ,l
f", if, '3' !
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.I f i '
» ‘ ‘ ..1 menus“? 33;“
. 2 1);"! L.
. = - we? ~i “ . ’ " Q'I-APEEH . A
4 _ CLINTON Isl-"ewes; 41:; j" l |ST.0LAIB
' ' ' we"??? :1
-_!__ _..xLxro'—F.aa:.q
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1878 ' ' , I
| . ,
'fi—sfiffia'w—TW'AW:
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..... ‘I '1 . , l-L". -..—r—. V
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Areas in blue indicate that Greenbsc Party exceeded
state average strength.
Areas in red indicate that Greenback Party carried county.
slate so so so as assist:

 

 

 

 

 

 

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This Map ls also available in size 17 :22 755 08 021

138

As a result of the election, eighteen Greenbackers
were sent to the Legislature, five to the Senate and
thirteen to the House. Four were from Kent county,
three from St. Joseph, two each from Jackson, Barry,
and Allegan, and one from Kontcalm, Bay, Oceans, Branch,
and Newsygo. The majority of these new members were
farmers while the remainder represented a scattering of
occupations. Although this group was relatively large
it in no way held the balance of power in either house.

The election of third party candidates to the state
legislature came to be a feature of Michigan politics
only in the off-year campaigns and never during the
presidential year elections. Since Michigan was a so-
lidly Republican state, the lure of a national campaign
brought out voters in such numbers that third parties
were completely overwhelmed. But in the off-year elec-
tions third parties, by a well planned campaign, could
always manage to elect several members to the legisla-
ture.

While the leaders of the Greenback party of 1878
were drawn largely from the Republican party, most of
the support came from former Democrats. The next phase
of political activity was to center around the possi-

bility of a fusion of the Greenbackers and the Democrats

159

since the latter were a hopelessly minority party with
no prospects for success in the state. In March, 1879,
the two parties met at the some time in Lansing to seek
ways of working together. The Greenback platform commit.
tee submitted its document calling for government control
of money to be issued in sufficient volume I'to meet the
requisites or business," which.meant it was new advo-
cating the quantity theory of money. Then, both con-
ventions selected committees of conference to work out
the union of the two groups. This was completed when
the Democratic convention, after much.protest, accepted
the Greenback platform in its entirety. Both parties
then agreed to support the some candidates for supreme
court justice and University regents in the spring
election.5°

However, the fusion or 1879 did not last and in
the regular state elections of the following year each
party presented a separate ticket. The Greenbacker
candidate for governor, David Woodman of Paw Paw, re-
ceived Just over 51,000 votes, a decline or 42,000 in
party strength since the last election. Because it was

a presidential year, voting was heavy for the two major

5oLsnsing Re ublicsn, March 4, 1879, pp. 1-2.

140

:parties and the Greenbackers failed to carry a single
county. Another factor in the decline was the return
of prosperity which reduced the foundation for much of
the protest. As a result, twenty counties which.had
supported the ticket in 1878 at a rate greater than the
state average failed in 1880 to furnish similar support.
Many of the defectors were in the Lake Michigan shore
area or in the new agricultural central counties. This
was only partially off-set by the emergence of six
counties thmt contributed more support than they had
previously. It would appear from these facts that
farmer support declined much.more than did the urban
worker support.

After this election it was apparent to the Demo-
cratic party leaders that they could not hope to win a
state election without the support of the Greenbackers,
who, although reduced in numbers, still controlled a
sizeable bloc of voters. Therefore, during the next two
years informal discussions were held between the two
groups which were to lead to a more effective fusion of
the parties. The Democrats, needing votes, had to offer

the Greenbackers important state offices to induce them

to enter the alliance. On the other hand, there were

influential persons in the Greenbacker group who wanted

 

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RAND M¢NALLY LOOSE LEAF OUTLINE IMP MICHIGAN

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i i i I {—1. Home
_ _ - _.__. _, __l uv as

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: I F‘- '

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l
I o
mustEBjj—K—sitfimi— ! ' 1
_ ' .,I ‘ .. urns ‘___ _,
OTTAWA , —[ g - |ST.CLAIII
I " ' l ' - _ - _ — -
__ _L _ t1: ’ _.0Axuuo remand

     

4 IVIIIostor1
' |

1880

  

. ‘ 1‘ H“ "
w jI numzo<1 CALHOUN .7 “L" "' wTsquAwTwams

   
 
  

r' 7 jg" . 0‘1")» I
‘Lfl l' , gfi’ ! CANADA
loses ' A ' . *  d...

seams . A '
PORl’EIST. JOSEBH 'sL'K'IIAm 1— " ' I TL G
l I ; rfiuou d
INDIANA °

Areas in blue indicate that Greenback
state average strength.

°!10 so so so so eeaILu - a
“M'NUJJ

This Map is also available in size 17 :22 755 08 021

 

 

 

 

 

 

141

to bring their following into the Democratic party to
build up its strength against the Republican majority.
Josieh.W. Begole of Flint, o former Republican congress—
man, a prominent Greenbacker, and s successful candidate
for Governor on Fusion ticket of 1882 later disclosed his
strategy in this respect. ”My intention was, all the
time I was in the Greenback party, to eventually bring
that party into the Democratic party which I did. Had
the Free Press given the Greenback party the credit

they ought to have, they would have went (sic) into end
supported the Democratic Party.'31 Begole explained ‘
that after the remonetization of silver in 1879, the
party had accomplished its purpose and see of no fur-
ther use.

In preparation for the 1882 cempsign,tloth parties
held their nominating conventions at the sore time; the
Greenbeckers in Grand Rapids and the Democrats in Jsekson.
The big issue before each was fusion and whether the de-
legates would accept such on action. Actually, several
days before the conventions were to begin, the party

31Josiah W. Begole to Governor Edwin Wincns,
September 20, 1892, Governorflg File.

142

leaders had met in a secret conference at Eaton Rapids
and had made an agreement. Each.party was to adapt its
own program, but both would agree upon the some slate of
candidates. Fusion would therefore not be extended to
principles but only to personnel.32 1

The Greenback convention, with delegates from forty-
four counties, approved of fusion, 251-189. However,
nearly 100 delegates walked out in protest against the
decision. The entire Bay, Saginaw, and Otsego county
delegations withdrew and formed another ticket to can-
test for the state offices.33 Other delegates who op.
posed the fusion were from the rural areas and believed
that the decision had been engineered by the urban ele-
ment of the party. ”People outside the political
strongholds of cities and large towns, we are sure, do
not favor the selloout," one delegate from Ingham
charged. I'Hss the democratic party given us the first
shadow of a promise to uphold a single principle which
we have been advocating?n34

In spite of opposition, both conventions agreed

to unite upon a list of candidates. At the secret

azDetroit Evening Press, August 23, 1882, p. l.
33Lansing Re ublican, August 28, 1882, p. 4.
3‘Ibide' September 9, 1882) p. 4.

1425

meeting st Eaton Rapids, the stste effices had been die
vided into tee groups. The first section consisted of
governor, commissioner of stste lend office, superina
tendent of public instruction, end member of the stste
bosrd of educsticn. The second section sss mode up of
lieutenant governor, secretory of state, stete tressu-
rer, auditor-general, end sttorneypgenersl. It see else
decided st the Eetcn Rspids meeting thst the Greenbsck
psrty should hsve first choice end it chose the first
one.35 Therefore, its eendidste, Jesish W. Begole,
became the fusion osndidste for governor.

By 1882, the Greenbsek pletforn hsd expended for
beyond the currency issue shieh.originslly hsd given
birth.to the movement. While still selling for the
eboliticn of neticnsl benks end bsnk notes end ssking
fer the unlimited coinsge of both.gold end silver, the
port: further demanded netionsl central cf ocrporstions;
reforms in politics such as s free hellot end s fsir
count; besides condemning the Republicans for ”the es-
sessment of office-holders fer e corrupt csmpsign fund
(es) the crowning shame of s pert: owned by grssping

monopolists end bossed by unscrupulous politicians."

55Ibid., August 24, 1882, p. 4.

144

At the stste level, the psrty fsvored the repeal of the
specific ts: upon corporstien property end the substitu-
tion of en equal tsx upon their.property in the munici-
pslity where loested. It else declsred thst 'the right
to petition to smend the constitution is s sovereign
power of the people end we therefore fever the submis-
sion to the people of the question of constitutionsl
prohibition of the liquor trsffic for rstificstion or'
rejection.'56
The fusion struck herd st the eupremsey of the
Republicsns end their nominating convention denounced
the union ss "political prostitution." Fesr of the
strength of the new psrty see prevolsnt snong Repub-
licsn lesders end they hit beck in hersh terms. "This
stste . . . witnessed one of the most corrupt politicsl
sllisnces thst ever disgraced the politics of Michigsn,‘
the Geldweter Republicsn complained. “The sllisnce is
simply one of politicsl vsndelisn.‘37 However, the
Republiesns did little to oounterset the threat of the
fusion psrty when they renomineted Governor Jerome, s

non-former, in the fees of widespresd rursl dissstisfoetion.

aalbld., AUEUQt 26. 1882, 9. 3e
a'I'Mrisn Wgeklx Press, September 8, 1882.

145

Begole proved to be more popular than the other
candidates on the fusion ticket. He defeated Governor
Jerome by a narrow margin, but the remainder of the
state officers went to the Republicans. He carried
thirty-four counties, most normally inclined to the
Democratic ticket. but he also cut deeply into the
Republican majorities in the predominantly rural coun-
ties. The Republican farmers' protest against a non-
fermer candidate sas augmented by an unfavorable season
for egricuiture. While farm crops were abundant and
prices Edging from 1879 to 1884, the year of 1882 was
one of widespread crop failures in the state end the
eheet yield fell to about twelve bushels an core.

This also contributed to the large degree of indepen-
dent voting during the fall election.

Having scored s partial victory through.fusion,
both.parties continued the alliance during the spring
elections of 1883. The Greenback party nominated Charles
Willett for university regent and Themes Sherwood for
supreme court Justice while the Democrats nominated
Arthur Clark and John Champlin for the same offices.
All four candidates were victorious over their Repubc

lican opponents.“58

38Lansing Republican, Msrch 10. 1883. p. 2.

146

In 1884, although the party had dwindled to insig-
nificance nationally, the Greenbackers were still a pow-
erful element in Michigan politics. In addition to hev-
ing control over the choice for governor on the fusion
ticket. they were also given the attorney-general‘s po-
sition. Outside of this change. the political arrange-
ments between the two parties were much the same as they
had been in 1882. Both nominating conventions met at
the same time in August. the Democrats in Grand.Rapids
end the Greenbeckcrs in Detroit, but with constant cone
municetion between the leaders of both.parties.

In Michigan, as in the nation, this was a year of
unusual political activity with new groups becoming
important and with more crossing of party lines. Organ-
ised labor in some areas was beginning to show evidences
of a greater interest in independent political action.
At the Wayne county workingmen's convention. John
Devlin. the chairman, remarked that "it is a known fact.
a . . that wages are steadily decreasing year by year.

. . . We must make up our own ticket of the men who are
known to be staunch defenders of the interests of la.

bar.”9 He pointed out that. by a careful combination

39Detroit Free Press. August 12, 1884. p. B.

147

with other tickets, labor could get some of its own cen—
didates elected.

The protest vote was given another possible vehicle
of eXpression when the AntiaMonopoly party in the state
held its nominating convention in Detroit simultaneously
with the Greenbackers. In attendance were some one hun-
dred delegates from the counties cfSnmilac, hidland,
Ionic, Hilladale, Wayne, Inghem, and Shiawassee, in ad-
dition to delegates from the cities of Lansing, Bay
City, szkawlin, Alpens, South Saginaw, Groswell, Port
Huron, Pstersburg, St. Lough, Jonesville, and eight
wards in Detroit.40 Some of the delegates were anti-
fusionists from the Greenback convention, but a majority
probably were representative of the laboring class.

The temporary chairman was Frank.Fogg, new to Michi-
ganpelitics, but an experienced Greenbacker from Raine
who had recently come to the state as part-owner of a
Lansing newspaper. Fogg will be active in nearly £11
third party movements during the rest of the century.
However, Joseph.Labedie, a labor leader of Detroit, be-

came permanent chairman and attempted to fuse the Anti-

‘oDetroit Evening News, fugust 19, 1884, p. 1.

148

Monopoly party with the Greenbackers and the Democrats.
Declaring that he would have Opposed fusion had the Re-
;niblicans nominated Cyrus Luce, a farmer, but now he fa-
*vored it because “Alger represents the railroad, bank,
lunber and salt monopolies and every other kind of mono-
polya I favor doing anything and striking hands with
anybody to crush monopoly and its representative.“41
IIn.spite of this plea, the convention decided to place

a straight Butler ticket in the field headed by Wildmen
‘Mills of Senilac, who later withdrew. In the fall elec-
tion only a few hundred votes were cast for the party

as most of the protest strength was given to the Fusion
ticket.

The Anti-MonOpoly platform represented the same
spirit as that in the other reform movements. It at-
tacked class legislation which made enemies of capital
and labor, thus building up a ”purse-proud" aristocracy;
it called for reciprocal trade agreements with.free
tariff for the necessities of life but a high tariff on
luxuries; asked that only the government should issue
money; demanded government control of commerce and rates:

prohibition of pools and monopolies; and a national

41Detroit Eros gross, August 20, 1884, p. 3.

149

domain reserved for settlement by citizens. In addition,
nearly all of the labor planks of the Greenback platform
were adopted.42

The party had little significance except that it
furnished an opportunity to study the thinking and de-
mands of some of the more radical labor leaders and
farmers who were representative of the populism which
was beginning to appear.

Meanwhile, the Greenbackers, who had renominated
Governor Begole, were adding new planks to their plat-
form. They asked for a direct vote for all federal of.
ficers possible of election, “especially president, vice-
president, senators and postmasters.“ Also, much more
attention in 1884 was given to labor. Prohibition of
the immigration of pauper labor was demanded because,
.sss long as the product of labor 5: protectfldhby law
for the benefit of the few, we insist that labor shall
be protected for the benefit of the many.‘ The party
denounced prison contract labor, the use of scrip for
which, and asked for a child labor law as well as health
and safety laws in industry. They called for the repeal
of the Baker law, which.forbade strikes, and asked for

421bid.

150

another law which.wou1d prohibit the impertation of
strike-breakers, except at the discretion of the gover-
rner.43 The labor planks were an attempt to retain the
laboring vote of the past and to attract additional
strength from this class which was once again showing
oensiderable interest in peliticsl activity.

In the fall election, General Russell Alger, Re-
publican, defeated Governor Bagels, Fusienist, by less
than 4,000 vetes. The twe major parties were extremely
close in basic strength with the Republicans polling
48.11 per cent and the Fusionists 47.01 per cent. This
narrew margin was maintained in the Legislature where
in the Senate the Republicans held 18 seats te 7 each
for the Democrats and Fuaienists. In the House the ratio
was 52 fer the Republicans and 48 for the other twe par-
ties. This was further complicated by the fact that the
Knights of Laber claimed to have 19 representatives in
the Legislature elected on all three tickets.44 Also,
at the Congressional level, in 1884, seven ef michigan‘s
eleven congressmen were elected by the fusion parties.

It was largely due to the educational work ef these can.

43Ib1e., p. 3.
44Detroit Evening News, November 10, 1884, p. 4.

greasmen that the ideas of currency reform and free ail-
ver persisted in Michigan.

Although they had taken the state election in a year
when a Denccratic President had been selected, the Repub-
lican party was aware that it could no longer ignore the
farmer and labor vote without serious consequences. When
the fusionists were again successful in the spring elec-
tions for supreme court Justice and university regents,
the Republicans were forced to make concessions to the
protest groups in order‘doghold the governorship. As
the Lansing‘§§5£3_flegublioag warned, the next Republioln
candidate "should be a farmer's candidate and a working-
nan‘s candidate. The soldiers are now irritated and have
to be considered.”45 In 1886, the Republicans nominated
for governor Cyrus Luce, a Granger who was wellpknown in
the rural areas. "It is the voice of the people} . . .
they are being heard and recognized,” was the reaction
.of one member of the Grange upon hearing of Luce's no-
mination.46

Luce's candidacy placed a severe strain upon the

non-partisan stand of the Grange. The editor of the

45July 6, 1886, p. 2.

46Mrs. Perry Mayo to Cyrus Luce, August 27, 1885,
Gov:rnor'g_§i;3.

’d
U:

a
t

official publication, the Grange Visitor, aggressively
campaigned for the former Easter of the Grange without
Openly calling for his election. 'I shall push this
matter Just as far and as fast as my judgment approves,I
J. T. Cobb, the editor, wrote to Luce. "I am after
Democrat and Greenback votes.'47 This use of the Visitor
provoked a good deal of criticism among the Grangers,
many of whom were Greenbackers and supporters of the
Fusionists.

The Greenbackcrs and Democrats again followed their
familiar pattern of fusion with the former still receiv-
ing the top choice of governor. Their candidate was a
young lawyer and congressman, George L.‘Yaple, the Boy
from Mendon. Since Yaple was a non-veteran and a law-
yer, two important groups of voters were ignored. In
addition, during the campaign the Fusion candidate en-
gaged in free trade discussion when it was not an issue.
This diversion in a protectionist state probably cost
many votes.48

Luce defeated his opponent by over 7,000 votes

while the Republicans increased their strength in the

47J. T. Cobb to Cyrus Luce, August 30, 1886, Ibid.
4eLansing State Republican, November 5, 1886, p. 2.

153

Legislature by receiving 47.87 per cent of the vote in
comparison with 45.32 per cent of the vote for the op-
position. This also was the last year for Greenback
preference in the selection of state officers on the
Fusion ticket. The decline in their strength was so
apparent that the Democrats safely concluded that most
of that party's members were back in the fold.

Although the Greenback party was officially disu
banded in 1887 at a national convention, the Michigan
faction continued to function. In 1888, they were
given the posts or auditor, attorney-general, and lend
commissioner on the last fusion tioketfigof the two par-
ties which.was defeated by Governor Luce by over 17,000
votes. I

While this marked the end of the Greenback era in
the state, it did not depart without having made several
contributions. The money question had been so thfifigughp
1y presented that nearly all parties and groups had been
forced to take an open stand upon the issue and they con-
tinued to do so for many years after the original party
had disappeared. The Greenbackers had also pepularized
many other living issues of the day, such as labor lea
gisletion, political reforms, government regulation of

monopolies, and equal taxation. By advocating these

154

innuee for nearly e decade it carried them forward until
the newer organizations and parties of the populist era
could pick them up and work for their acceptance. The
Greenbeckere by their etrergth threatened the one party
domination of the state by the Republicans and forced
them to consider more adequately the needs of farmers end
laborers then might have been done had not the spirit of
political independence become so widespread.

The gap between the Greenback period and the Popu-
list are wee filled in by the Union Labor party. This
organization was created on February 22, 1887, at Cin—
cinnati, Ohio, by e convention of farmers and laborers.
The original purpose of the convention was to form e
national independent labor party but, at the convention,
farmer delegatee predominated when many labor groups
failed to join the enterpegee. Upon the formation of
the Union Labor party, the national executive committee
of the Greenbeckera dissolved their party.49

This new party held its first convention in Hiohie
gen during the campaign of 1888. The idea of fusion came
before the convention but nee turned down, portly beceuoe

the national committee had ruled that there should be no

49Commons, II, 465.

155

fuaion with any of the older pertiea. Another reaaon
why the party declared egainet fueion wee that the ramp
nanta of the Greenback party were atill eetive in atate
politioa. The Union Leber group refueed to admit that
the Greenbaekera were an euthoriaed party after February
22, 168?. and ae could not Join them in an alliance with
the Democratic party.

Two prominent nembera of the ateta eonittea of the
Union perty were Franhrrogg, the Greaduok'ieader. and
Arthur Cele of Fonlerville. head of the Farmere' Alliance.
The preaence of Cole and the eimilerity of the party‘a
platfcrn.to that of the Populieta indicatea the predomi-
nance of rural influence in the new group. It aaked
that all currency be iaaued directly to the people. in
the acne amount per capita that gave the preaperity of
1866: free end unlimited coinage of gold and silver: the
application of all idle money in the treacury to the
payment of the bonded debt at par; forfeiture of all
unearned lend grenta and aeixure of all'lfifind‘a held by
aliena. apeouletore end oorperationa; the leaning of
money by the government to the people directly on lend
aecurity et a lee rate of interact: government ownerahip
of the means of tranaportation, communication, and all

minea: abolition of convict labor for contractor-3

158

reduction of houre of labor; a pension for every soldier
and eailor; a graduated income tax; the direct election
or United Statee eenetora: the elimination of contract
foreign labor; taxation of railroad property at the
acme rate ae all other property; reduction of railroad
peeeenger three to 2%; making combinatione and poole
a felony; and taxing improved and unimproved lend equal-
ly. The convention did turn down a propoeel by Frank
Fogg for a ccnetitutional amendment to delieh the United
Statee 3enete.5°

The party placed a complete ticket. headed by wildman
Mille of Sanileo, in the regular campaign of 1888. Hon-
ever. only 4,500 votee were cast for the Union Labor
party, ehich.wae leae than 1 per cent of the total vote.
It did not appeal to labor ea no? votea were receiied.
rrcm‘Wayne county and only one from Kent county. the
fornere probably avoided the party becauae it aeemed to
be a labor group. The party did carry one county,’
‘Arenaop received 19 per cent or the vote in Huron county;
and ranged from 3 to 4 per cent in Barry, Eaton, Midland,

Ogemaw, and St. Joeeph countiee.

5QDetroit Evening Hang, Auguet 16, 1888. p. l.

157

The appearance of the Union Labor party seemed to
revive interest in third party activity. In 1890, there
was a display of independent political action during
‘ahioh the Republican party lost control of the state
administration for the first time since the Civil War.
Agriculture was etill depressed, the farmers were rest-
lees, and the newer farm organisations gave up their
economic progreme and turned to politics to seek relief.
The temper of the rural mind during the year was ex-
plained by a farmer from Traverse City in.a letter to
Governor Luce in which he pointed out that the farm de-
preseion had come upon the stete during a Republican
'supremaoy of more than a quarter of a centry. ”Unless
some relief is ettempted, the Republican party will next
fall or in 1892 . . . be invited to the rear to clear
the way for some perty that will attempt to afford the
much needed relief."51

The first stirrings among the farmers began in
February when the Petrone of Husbendry held their annual
convention at Flint. The organisation, which then
claimed 110,006 members, including Arthur Cole, Preci-

51H. E. Steward to Governor Cyrus Luce, July 10,
1890, GovernorfgyFilg.

1‘3

( u

dent of the Fermere' Alliance, and Frank.Fogg, declared
iteelf ready to enter the political ecene. "We propose
to begin at the caucua to elect our men, then carry the
county ccnventione, and be ready for the etate meeting.
Let the Republicans deeert the farmers and put up some
Detroit millionaire for governor and we will turn etrong
democrata: and should the Democrats nominate come mani-
pulator of truate . . ., for the same office, we will
be juet so good republicans. We do not wont a third
party but we hope to be strong enough to compel the
old parties to favor ue.'52

Between February and July. a great amount of poli-
tical planning and maneuvering aee under way in an at-
tempt tc unite all of the dieeatiefied farmere and labor
elementa into one party. In June, chairmen Jmmee Winnie
of the Union Labor party issued a call for a convention
at Lancing to be held near the end of July, He addressed
the call to the Farmere‘ Alliance. Knights of_Labor,
Patrons of Industry, Patrone of Huabandry, and the
Greenbackera for the purpoee of selecting candidatee
who would beat repreeent the demands and principles of
the combined membership. winnie said, "Let us unite in

Michigan, for principles are everything. Let us repeat

52Lancing State Republican, February 27, 1890, p. 1.

159

the story of ‘under the cake at Jackson."53 All of the
groups invited arrived in Lansing during July in addition
to the Prohibition party which ens holding its nominat-
ing convention at the some time. The Union Labor party
and the Greenbackera met together while the Patrons of
Industry held c eeparate convention. Meanehile the
leaders of the diverse groups, James Winnie. General
Innes of the Greenbackera, Henry Allen the state master
workman of Scheolorifit. John Devlin a Democratic labor
leader from Detroit,qT. M. Sherriff, secretary of the
state Knights of Labor Assembly, Captain thrcgor of
Detroit representing the single-tax movement. and others
began to work on the formation of a combination ticket
which perhaps might have been endorsed by the Democrats.5‘
TEhgfatrons of Industry meeting in their can con~
vention approved entefing politics on an independent tick-
let by a vote of 54 to 38.55 However. instead of merg-
ing with the Union Labor and Greenback factions, they
.invoded and captured the Prohibition convention. As a
result, all of the nominees on the Prohibition ticket,

53Lansing State Republigag, June 30, 1890, p. 1.
54Ibid., July 29. 1890. p. 1.
65Detroit Frag Press, July 30, 1890, p. 4.

except for educational and Judicial posts, were Patrons
of Industry men with the head of the Patrons, Asarish
Partridge, as the candidate for governor.55 The Prohi-
bition platform in 1890 therefore became distinctly an
anti-monopolist document calling for the enactment of
the radical platform of the Patrons, although it still
demanded the prohibition of the liquor trai'i'io.5'7

At the same time the Union Labor and Greenback par-
ties continued their efforts to form an independent par-
ty. Their convention, which was predominantly a fer-
mera' group, was reenforced by several Patrons of Indus-
try men eho came over from their can meeting because
the Patrona' plankgen government loans to farmers was
thrown out of the grohibition platform. Together
these groups formed the Industrial party and adopted a
platform which combined the demands of the Farmers'
Alliance and the Knights of Labor. It was essentially
the Pepuliats' platform which was associated aith the
People's psrty of 1892 and 1896.58

55Ibid., July 51. 1590, p. a.
57L.n.1ng State Republican, July 31. 1890, p.1.
591b14.

151

The Industrial party's choice for governor was
JEugene H. Belden of Horton, a farmer, associated with
'the Knights of Labor, Farmers' Alliance, Patrons of In-
dustry, and who had also served as chairman of the
Jackson county Republican committoc.59

Organized labor except for certain leaders had
generally stayed away from these proceedings in Lansing.
The reason for the non-participation was given by one
labor man who observed of the formation of the new
party:

They will . . . follow the footsteps of all similar
organizations in Michigan, which, when undertaking
to dabble in politics, and asking for something to
better the condition of the toiling masses, have
invariably been unable to agree upon a remedy for
the supposed existing evils, . . . for the reason
that they have not been able to educate themselves,
so they could understandingly make a demand from
the law-making powers of the state and nation, and
therefore the result has invariably been disastrous
to the working peOple, and they have universally
antagonized the other parties and therefore have
lost all they might have gained if they had intel-
ligcntly worked with either of the two parties in
power. In my Opinion, the Patrons of Industry and
the Farmers' Alliance are rushing to the doom that
overtook the Greenback party.60

Following this activity in Lansing, the two major
parties held their nominating conventions. The Republi-

59Dotroit Evening News, July 31. 1890, p. 1.
6oLansing Stats Re ublican, July 29, 1890, p. 1.

cans, having given the farmers a candidate of their
choice for the two past elections, turned to a non-
farmer candidate for the 1890 campaign. This antagon-
ized a great many in the rural areas where John Rich
of Lepeer was a popular man and one of the leading con-
tenders for the office of governor.

On the other hand, the Democrats selected Edwin
Winans, a farmer from Hamburg. Winans believed in many
of the principles of the populist movement and was well
thought of among the farmers because of his strong de-
mands for equal taxation and currency reform. Hie se-
lection was an indication that what was later called po-
pulism had already influenced a large part if not a man
Jority of the rank-and-file of the Democratic party.

is a result of the election, the Democrats controlled
the state administration, their first such victory since
the Civil War. The two minor parties, the Prohibition
and Industrial, received nearly 10 per cent of the vote,
with the latter obtaining about 3% per cent of the to-
tal. This party, the direct predecessor of the People's
party, exceeded its state average strength in nineteen
counties. Hosever, within those counties, support ass
uneven, with some of then giving far above the average.

In Arenso, the party ran second, ehile in Branch, Eaten,

Huron, Inghsm, Jackson, Livingston, Midland, St. Joseph,
€Pusccla, and Van Buren. it received from 10 to 20 per
;cent of the vote. It was supported best in the agri-
cultural sress with some support from outstete labor,
‘but in 1890 it was not yet a general protest movement
to the degree that the People‘s party of 1892 and 1894
would be.

There were some minor successes for the third par-
ties in the legislative elections. Thrc§%Patrons of
Industry candidates were elected to the senate and one
to the house while the Industrial party sent three to
the lower house. All of the new members were farmers
and because of the narrow margin which the Democrats
maintained over the Republicans in the senate, the ban
lance of power there rested with the farmers‘ bloc of
third party or independent members.

The Democratic victory of 1890 was more signifi-
cant in its indication of political unrest than for any
important contributions to reforms. The party was not
prepared for a comprehensive legislative program and the
ambitions of many reformers were unfilled during its
short two year term. However, the spirit of the people,
who were instrumental in producing the political upset

of 1890, was indicative of a growing impatience with fail-

164

ure of the old parties to meet the new issues of the
nineteenth century. This was indicated by the tone of
a petition to the Democratic majority in the House of
Representatives as they were beginning their first
session:

We, the Patrons of Industry, Farmers' Alliance,
Knights of Labor, and other kindred organizations,
know that every democrat of Livingston was elected
on the Patron and Industrial platform. Party cauo
cuses, political tricksters, rings and combines
have controlled the old parties on both sides so
that the voice of the people has become powerless,
and the wealth of the nation and state has concen-
trated in the hands of the few at the expense and
poverty of the many, and your knowing as well as
ourselves that it was the votes of the poverty
stricken class as well as on their platform that
you attained your election, and we the party of the
people being too poverty stricken to offer you

any boodle or bonus . . . therefore not only peti-
tion but demand that you shall not only work and
vote . . . to have (our demands) become less . . .
and it shall be done quickly, not proposed and
tabled indefinitely for the next generation to act
upon.51

Following the election, the dissatisfied groups in
Michigan acted quickly to consolidate the gains and to
build towariia more inclusive political organization.

On November 29, in Lansing, a Joint convention was held
for all farming and laboring groups. At first, this was

an area meeting of delegates from the Farmers' Alliance,

6;ggggggl of th eHouse (Lansing, 1891), p. 455.

”we.

 

--. r :.'
....L) a)

Patrons of Industry, Grange, Knights of Labor, and Car-
penters' Union representing the counties of Inghsm, Eat-
on, Clinton and Shiawassee. Those delegates from the
local associations formed an Industrial Union'to take a
general interest in everything appertaining to the general
welfare of the producing masses, and to check, as far as
lies in its power, the further encroachment of corporatod
monopoly.”62 This new organization held an enlarged
convention on December 19 in the same city when dele-
gates from the other counties of the state not and ap-
proved an alliance of the several groups to bring about

a better understanding and to further legislation.63

This action in the state was a reflection of similar
understandings being reached at the national level by
laboring and farming organizations.

The question of political action or political in-
dependence was discussed at a third conference in may.
The leaders of the major groups decided to submit thm
problem hr decision to each subordinate unit before
reaching a definite conclusion. Four important groups

were involved in this plan, the Patrons of Industry,

52Nichigan Former, December 13, 1890, p. 4.

63Lansing State Republican, Decembcr‘lQ, 1990, p. 4.

‘ ..
a
0‘1

.Fermnrs‘ Alliance, Knights of Labor, and the Citizens'
Alliance and Industrial Brotherhood.64 The Grange was
not formally repre-ented to the extent that ittook 21¢
xniler action, but it probably had unofficial represen-
tatives in attendance.

ruring the summer, the local units within each
group polled their members to determine whether a ma-
jority favored independent political action or not and
the verdict was given in support of s new psrty. The
lest of the four major organizations to take action was
the Farmers' Alliance which exited until its second on-
nuel convention at Lansing in October. Encouraged by
the words of en Oakland county delegate who declared,
”What we went in Michigan is a duplicate of the action
of the Kansas Alliance," the convention adopted the
Scale platform and voted for independent political ac-
tion.65

In December, the developments of the past year
reached their climax and the new People’s party was
'bern. A convention made up of representatives from the
Patrons of Industry end Farmers' Alliance, who had

three-fourths of the delegates, plus others from the

64Ibidg' May 13, 1891. p. 1.
55Ibid., October 6, p. 1; October a, 1891, p. 1.

Citioono Alliance and Induatrial Brotherhood, Knighto of
Labor, Grange, Prohibitionioto, and National Citisona'
Induatrial Alliance again not in Lansing to oomploto
thoir oork.55 Tho party was launchod onthuoiaotically
except for the problem of prohibition. Some opposed it
beeauao thoy felt that it would alienate tho foreign
born if tho liquor traffic tore aupreaaed. Still othoro
favored nationalisation, but tho final verdict Iaa to
place tho party on tho side of prohibition.57

Whilo tho new party woo evolving from tho many
oonforenooo and moetinga, tho othor largo farm organi-
aation, tho Grange, maintained ita official non-partisan
attitude tooarda political affairs. We ”offer no crazy
patchovcrk of inconaiotont. incongruous and conflicting
dononda upon_tho government for farnora to atand on.“
tho Grongo declared. We 'rofuoe to bo uood by tho po-
litical maloontonte of eithor party as a commerciale
factor in their bargaine for office.%?3 This overlookod
tho oalpaigna of 1886 and 1888 uhon tho Republican-
inaured thoir hold upon tho state by tho nomination of

tho Grango nootor, Cyrus Luce. for governor.

66Lancing Journal. December 29. 1891. p. 3.

6”Haida December 50, 1891. p. 3.

“orange 3:29... 19th (1891). p. 55.

Tho Peeple‘e party. in making preparationa for tho
1892 campaign, act up political organizations in at
leaat fifty of tho atate'e countiea. Holding two cen-
‘venticno. one in Lancing and the othor in Jackeon. tho
. party proolaimod ite platform and aeleeted ite candi-
datee for tho etate and notional officea. Declaring
‘that “we are engaged in a oonteet which.inwolvea the
perpetuity of a republican.ferm of government, baeed on
equal righte of all aa againot a nonied ariatocracy.
tending toward deapctiam,‘ tho party rejected all ideae
of fueion with tho old partieoeeg

Tho platform contained meat of the prominent popu-
liat denanda: abolition of national banka ae banke of
ieeue; government iaeuanoe of full legal tender currency
directly to tho people, bowed upon land or ita producta
at a tax not to exceed 2 per cent per annun; tho anount
of circulating media to be increaeed to not leea than
fifty dollara per capitaz free and unlimited coinage of
eilver; abolition of all monopoliee. truete. and can—
binee and tho neat rigid etate and national control of
all oorporatione; all railroad, telegraph, telephone

and orpreea linea not ao controllable to be owned by

sgbetroit ggee Pro , June 17, 1992. p. 3.

tho government: repurchase of lands held by foreign syn~
dicates. and that all lands hold by grant to railroads
and other corporations in excess of what is actually used
and needed é? retained by the government and hold for
actual settlers only; abolition of tariff on necessaries
of life; prohibition of the liquor traffic: a graduated
income tax; universal suffrage. equal pay for equal ser-
vice; removal of all under the age of sixteen from tho
treadmill to tho schoolroom; and tho eight-hour day.7°
Thore were several more planks in tho platform of the
new party, many designed to appeal to labor in tho hope
of attracting support at the polls. Those included a
denunciation of the use of Pinkortons and convict labor:
a demand that all manufactured items should bear tho
name of tho manufacturer; that all election days he le-
gal holidays; that mine inspectors be elected by tho
people; the initiative and referendum; use of arbitra-
tion in labor disputes; and the continued separation of
church.and’state;71 Host of tho populist reforms were
but a continuation of the older Grange. Greenback. and
Union Labor demands ohich.were tied together by the can.

tral feature of antidmoncpcly.

7°Gragge Visitor. May 1. 1892. p. l.
71Lansing State Republican, August 3, 1892, p. l.

w wry
.. I \.t

In some respects. the Michigan platform was more
radical than that adopted by tho National Convention in
Omaha in July. The planks calling for the abolition of
all monopolies; abolition of tariff on necessaries; unie
versal suffrage; chdld labor lass: equal pay for equal
service; arbitration of labor disputes; and labels on
manufactured goods were not included in the Rational
platform. Several of those may have resulted from cone
ditions which.ooro pertinent to the industrial experic
once of Michigan. On the other hand. the demands for
postal savings banks; tho direct election of United
States Senators; and the Australian ballot .- all fea-
tures of tho Omaha platform .- were not included in tho
Hichigan platform. This ommissicn might have been the
result of rural predominance at tho convention, or per-
haps inadequate newspaper reporting of tho timo.

Although.many of the delegates at tho People's con-
vention had been familiar figures in past third party
movements in tho state, most of tho nominees were new
and many were from tho Republican ranks.72 Although
thore sas scmo support at the Populist convention for

Governor “inane, ohmm tho Democratic leaders had per-

72Detroit Pros Pro , August 5, 18§2, p. l.

171

sueded not to run for reelection, the nomination for
governor on the new party's ticket wont to John W.
Ewing of Eaton, a Republican and Patron of Industry mama
bor.73

Having been defeated in 1890, partly because thoy
ignored the rural vote, the Republicans non nominated
the popular John T. Rich to head their ticket after
beating down the first attempt by Mayor Hazen S. Pingree
to capture the governorship. The hard money leaders of
tho Democratic party were successful in ditching gonornor
Winans and replacing him with a man rho hold more orthop-
dcx monetary views. While Winona and perhaps a majority
of tho Democrats were in favor of free silver, Don
Dickinson, leader of the party and Chairman of tho Na-
tional Committee, kept down the silver issue in the hope
of placing Michigan behind Grover Cleveland during tho
1892 presidential elocticn.74

The action of tho Democratic leaders directly
clashed with the wishes of tho rank-andofile of tho
party, for Winona was their choice as well as the
choice of many Pcpulists. ”Tho Gold Bugs would not

73Detroit Evening News, August 4. 1892, p. l.
74Lonsing State He ublican, August 18. 1892, p. l.

172

have you to reign over them,”

one People's party adherent
wrote Winons. "If the people are properly educated. a
man will not.be nominated at the dictation of the Money
Gods of Wall 8troet.'75 Another Populist from Oakland
County congratulated Winona for his withdrawal from tho
race and asked "how any man that has Jeffersonian prin-
ciples can belong to tho democrat party at this time
with corporate money being circulated by the national
banks and the party" and say nothing against the system.
“It seems that the leaders of democrat and republican
particsbelieve at this time in the Hamilton.dcctrine
that the rich should rule the pcor."76

In the fall elections, both the Republican and tho
People's parties gained strength at the expense of the
Democrats. who lost control of all state offices and
both.houses of the legislature. despite the victory of
the party in the national election. Tho new party
gathered about 21,000 votes or agiut 4} per cent of tho
total cast. Their support was not as localised as had
been tho vote for the Industrial party two years earlier.
Tscnty-nine counties voted for tho new party at a rate

vsaeorge F. Upton to Governor Edwin Winona, August
28 . 1898, Governor‘ 3 11.1.9.-

751bid.. John Terry to Edwin Winona. August, 1892.

173

greater than its state average. The county of Arenac was
the only one to swing over to the Populist cause with
37% per cent of its vote in the three-party contest. but
Gratiot gave over 20 ier cent with Barry, St. Joseph,-
Sanilac. Huron and Tuscola furnishing around 15 per cent.
_An encouraging sign for the party was the support from
labor areas, especially in the outstate lower peninsula
cities and with an opening wedge in the upper peninsula
mining territory in Houghton county. Gith.Miehigsn's
growing industrial economy and increasing labor force,
an alliance between the farmers and workers could have
great political potentialities, especially since the
serious depression of 1893 was about to hit the economy.
With the depression well under way during the 1894
campaign, the distress which it had produced added to
political uncertainty. The Knights of Labor convention
in Holland during February appointed a committee to ar-
range a call for a meeting of all industrial organisa~
tions of the state. The convention was scheduled to meet
in Lansing during July at the same time that the People's
party was holding its nominating convention. It was at
this point that the Grange came closest to entering pe-
lities when the executive committee split over attending

173s

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 
   

    
   
   

 

 

 

 

 

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174

hthe industrial conference as three members disapproved
lthile two voted in favor of it. One of the letter.
Perry Mayo, came to the meeting es an individual end wee
chosen by the People's party ea its candidate for lieuo
tenant governor.77

The two conventions, the Peeple'e and the Indus-
trial, were almost completely in agreement on principles
and action as many of the persons attending were dele-
gates to both. It wee another attempt to unify more
completely the industrial groups of the state into an
effective political organization. “The only obstacle
ceme from the trade unions, e minority group, who did
not want to commit themselves to third party action.
They did approve the principles listed in the Omaha plat-
form but blocked a resolution in the Industrial conven-
tion which endorsed the People'a Party. The trade uni-
oniete thought that third party activity would weaken
their strength and they favored the Gompere etrategy of
voting for the friends of lebor within the two mejor
pcrtiee.73

At the same time, the People's convention dele-

77Detroit Evening Neva, July 3, 1894, p. 5.

7BLnnsing Stat; Republican, July 5, 1894, p. 1.

 

175

gates were being aroused by Judge Arthur Cole‘s warning
that if the People's party didn't succeed by peaceful
methods to reform the country, “there would be raised up
a generation with steel enough in their hearts, love
encugh.for God, and hell enough in their hate, to march
in solid phalanx against plutocracy, and to insist that
these things which have been taken away from the people
shall be restored."79

The delegates, now representing sixty-four counties,
had to wrestle with the problem of selecting a candidate
to head the ticket who would appeal to the dissatisfied
voters. The name of Mayor Hasen Pingree of Detroit was
offered by that city's delegates. Pingree was becoming
increasingly popular among the People's party followers
when they realized that he was applying many of their
principles in his administration of the city. ”There
is a good deal of pcpulistic air pervading that office,“
was the conclusion reached earlier at the Wayne county
Populist ccnvention.80 While Pingree received a sizable
bloc of votes for governor at the Becple's convention,

he was not ready to accept a third party nomination, nor

79Detroit Free Pro s, July 5, 1894, p. 8.
80Detroit Sunday Henge ribune, July 1. 1894, p. 3.

176

were the Populists yet ready to accept Pingree. Upon the
withdrawal of his name, a deadlock was broken, and the
nomination sent to Doctor A. W. Nichols of Greenville.
The party retained the basic features of its pre-
vious platform, but added several new planks. Now the
fiflnpulists demanded the election of Judges; incorporation
of cities and villages under a general statute; sanitary
inspection of factories; municipal ownership of street
railroads, gas and electric light plants; and a law re~
duiring foreign corporations to maintain offices in
Michigan. Some of the new demands reflected the acti-
vities and reforms which Mayor Pingree had popularised
in Detroit.81
The Republican leaders turned back another strong
Pingrec effort to obtain the governor's nomination on
their ticket and renominated Governor Rich for a second
term. They also defeated an attempt to place a plank
for the free and unlimited coinage of silver in their
platform and then waited to see if Pingree would bolt
and head a new third party movement. Despite consider-
able support for such an action, Pingree decided against

it on the basis that he would take more votes from the

BlLanaing §tate Republican, July 5, 1894, p. l.

 

177

the Democrats than the Republicans, thereby electing Rich.
In addition, the mayor studied the political moi of the
people and determined that they were disgusted with the
national Democratic administration and were ready to

vote Republican regardless of issues.82

Although the Democratic party in the state was new
dominated by the sort money group and nominated Spencer
Fisher who believed in tree silver, it suffered its
worst defeat since the Greenbaekor split or 1878. The
Republicans received over 57 per cent of the total vote
as compared to 30 per cent for Democrats and 7 per cent
for the People‘s party.

The latter party received votes from all but one
of the state's counties and in forty-one of them, the
vote was greater than its state average. new areas of
strength.csme from the upper peninsula mining counties
and the lower peninsula agricultural counties. 'While
Arensc again was the only county in which.the i§pulists
were the leading party, in several other counties they
had become or were threatening to become the permanent
second party. This situationg‘ss in 1878, opened the way
for a revival of fusion whichfwould be accomplished

991b1a., August 11, 1994, p. 1.

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18“ stasis"! 3.7. ‘ fl 'j' ' .‘ "' u o l
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e 0
Areas in blue indicate that Paofilb‘" ‘erty exeeeded thei
state average strength.
Areas in red indicate that Peoples' Party carried the county
°"0 89 so ee s_e eowlus

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 
 

   

       

 
 
  
     
 
   

 

 

 

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178

before the next election around the central issue of
free silver.

Almost immediately after the state election of 1894,
the Democratic party began a reorganisation which finally
converted it into a free silver organisation. A confer-
ence held in.Detroit, in November of 1894, was followed
by s free-silver Democratic convention in Lansing during
the following month. By 1896, all but a few of the par-
ty adherents were in favor of making the silver issue
the paramount one of their platform.

The same sentiment was beginning to dosinate other
groups as well, especially those in the.rural areas.

The depression of 1895 had struck hard, and Michigan's
agriculture industry was more depressed than at any time
since the Civil War. As wheat prices went down, the
farmers' interest in free silver went up. One reporter,
after making a survey in the rural areas, summarised

the feeling concerning money, ”Farmers say we don't know
shether free silver'will help us or not, but we do knee
we cannot be worse off than we are, and it will be a
chango.'83 The most important areas of possible defec-

tion eere in the lower tier of counties where in the

331b1s., August 21. 1896, p. 2.

179

peat Republican and Democratic congressmen of liberal
monetary views had educated their constituents thorough-
ly.34 Even the more conservative state Grange was
largely dominated by silver sentiment in 1896. gason
Woodman, former Master of both the State and National
Grange, estimated that at the 1895 state convention
the delegates favored silver by a sixty~a£flfito ten vote.
.'The struggle is, and will be, between those who want
te‘buyvfinre with the dollar and those who want to give
less for the dollar,' Woodman remarked.85 By the sum-
mer of 1896, the columns of the Grange Vigitor were so
filled with silver correspondence that on July 16 the
editor declined to publish any more articles about the
‘fifiiflg.question.35

Early in 1896, steps were taken which.led to the
formation of a pblitical organisation centered around
the free silver issue. In January, a cell from Grand
Rapids, the old center of Greenbeckerism, announed that
”a non-partisan bi-metallic conference will be held at
the Downey House in Lansing, January 16 . . . The time

is fast approaching when the friends of free silver must

3‘1b1d.. October 31. 1896, p. e.
85Grange Visitor, March 19, 1896, p. 4.
3°1b1a., July 16, 1996, p. 2.

1'8 0

decide what position they will take at the polls.” The
call was signed by Charles Bligh, Amos Musselman,
Sybrant Wessolius, of Grand Rapids, and Mayor James
Turner of Lansing, all of whom were both prominent Re-
publicans and close friends of Mayor Pingree. Invita-
tions were mailed to Pingree and about fifty other Re-
publicans and nearly all, except the mayor, came to the.
convention.37 ‘

The meeting itself was nonupartisan as important
figures from many groups arrived to give their support
to the non movement. These included Spencer Fisher of
Bay City, former Democratic candidate for governor:
Judge J. G. Ramsdell, chairman of the Orange's finance
committee; Willard Stearns of Adrian, an old Greenback
leader; and A. M. Todd, a prominent Kalamazoo Democrat.
During the meeting the executive committee, which in;
cluded the above men, as well as those signing the ori-
ginsl call, selected a state committee of one man.from
each county to organise more thoroughly the silver

forces in the state.88

8VLansing State Republican, January 8, 1896, p. 1.
Beride. JIUUflry 17, 1896' p. 4e

181

In March similar action was taken by the Free Silver
Democratic conference in Lansing. This resulted in con-
siderable overlapping of activity and interest which na-
turally led to more common effort and eventual fusion.89

"8y mid-summer, when the time for the various nomi-
nating conventions was approaching, the silver Republie
cans converted their informal movement into a regular
political party. The idea of many in the group was that
if the Republican leaders rejected Pingrse's bid for
governor, he would be available as the key candidate on
a fusion ticket of all the other political parties in
the state. However, Pingree, who was now confident of
nomination by the Republican party, carefully concealed
his stand on the money question until he had secured
the long-awaited call. "I am a firm believer in pro-
tection, the Republican party and HcKinley,' said
Pingree after his nomination.90

However, even before Pingree received the call
from his party, the other organisations in the state
had mile plans to hold all of their conventions at the

same time in Bay City and to unite on one set of cane

eglbide. MBI‘Ch 13. 1896. 1). 1e
°°Ib1d., August 7. 1896, p. s.

182

didates. This type of action was necessary because the
Republicans had earlier passed an anti-fusion law which
prohibited the placing of the same set of candidates on
two or more tickets,a type of fusion which the Green-
backers and Democrats had used during the last decade.91

During the month prior to the various silver con-
ventions in Bay City, many of the parties fused at the
local or county level forming a Union Silveeremocratic-
People's-Prohibition ticket. In Inghem county, for ex-
ample, fifty-six delegatesnere chosen by the new psrty'
for the state convention, being distributed among the
associated factions in this ratio: fifteen each for
both the Republicans and Democréts; and thirteen each
for the People's and the Prohibition parties.92

Not all elements within each party gracefully
accepted the idea of fusion. A small group of gold
‘Denocrats, who opposed the "heresy of free silver” broke
away from the parent organization and formed a separate
party which only received about 10,000 votes in the elec-
tion. While most of the Prohibitionists were free sil-
ver advocates, and did merge with the other parties, there

911b1d., July 17, 1896, p. 1.
921bid., August 24, 1896, p. 1.

183

were some who objected to fusion with the Democrats be-
cause of the letters' attitude toward the liquor traf-

fic. Dr. Henry Reynolds, editor of Living Issues, de-

clared that "we won't join the Democrats. It would be

like trying to unite heaven and hell. We are in favor

of free silver, but not secured in that way."93 Those

of similar views stayed in the party and ran a separate
ticket which polled around 5,000 votes.

There was Opposition to fusion among the Popu-
lists, particularly to fusion with the Democrats. Part
of it was due to a strong Pingree sentiment among the
members of the party and there had earlier been a move-
ment within the group to endorse him for governor.94
Even when this failed, many believed that no fusion can-
didate could defeat the Republican choice; therefore
”it would be better to go down alone than to get anath-
ered in a democratic embrace."95 However, the majority
of the Populiste believed that enough silver Republio
can votes could be won over which, with the Democratic
and Populist support, would be enough to save the silver

cause in the state.

93Ibid., August 22, 1896, p. 1.

94
Ibid., August 13, 1896. P. 1.

95Ibid., August 17, 1896, p. l.

184

After all the opposition was silenced or had with--

drawn, the three parties met in a joint convention and

selected a list of candidates. .‘Ehe top position went to

the Union Silver Republicans when Charles Sligh of Kent

“'33 picked to head the ticket. The People's party was

given the two posts of auditor-general and land commis-
sioner and the remainder were divided between the Demo-
carats and Silver Republicans.96 The new fusion party
"88 known as the Democratic-People' etc-Union Silver party,
01‘ Popocrct as it came to be called by its opponents.
Since this new organization threatened to gather
enough strength to overthrow the Republican party in

the important 1896 presidential campaign, the attacks

up on it were bitter. ”Is there an honest, patriotic

VOter in Michigan," the W‘W asked, ”who
Oan contemplate this stinking mixture -- this Cheap
‘3.th patent medicine, made-to-sell-the-people combina-
ti on, the fruit of indiscriminate and shameless poli-v
ticnl harlotry for the sake of spoils -- without the
flush of shame mounting to his broaf'97 This set the
tone of the campaign which, in Michigan as in the nation,

“‘3 accompanied by fear, threats, and denunciations.

96Detroit Evening News, August 26, 1896, p. 4.
97August 28, 1896, p. 2.

185

The fusicnists lacked enough.money to finance a
strong and effective fight. Since the hard money Demo-
crats had withdrawn from the regular party, they had a1-
so withdrawn a great source of financial support.‘ hany
of the candidates had to contribute personally almost
all of their campaign expenses. Because of the rapidity
with which the new party was formed there was an appar-
ent lack of harmonyigand coordination of effort in the
face of an efficient Republican machine. Also, the party
lost a powerful supporter when the Detroit 2; g Egggg,
angered over the conversion to free silver, withdrew
from the Democratic ranks and joined the Republican.
Host important of all problems facing the party was the
presence of Mayor Pingree on the opposing ticket. He
was exceedingly popular among the voters of the state
and to many he represented the best hope for securing
reforma»which had been unfulfilled for a quarter of a
century.

The overwhelming importance attached to the issue
of free and unlimited coinage of silver throughout the
niticn tendednto submerge the other reforms which had
traditionally been a part of the protest movement in
Michigan. The intensity of the national campaign be-
tween Bryan and thinley was duplicated in the state

186

campaign. Republican papers were filled with long ar-
ticles attacking silver proposals and warning of the
disaster which would follow their adoption. ”If labor
votes for Bryan and free silver, it votes away one-half
of its wages. It will vote its organizations and unions
out of existence,” the‘gtgtg Renublicrn warned. And in
addition, ”It will vote its children into ignorance and
toil . . . It will vote its women . . . into slavery in
the very mines which silver men will operate."98
To book up the newspaper attacks, Michigan busines-
ses used intimidatiens of various types to keep workers
from voting for the protest ticket. One was the threat
of unemployment Which.would follow a Democratic victory.
The following letter was prominently displayed in a
Lansing factory to impress upon the employees the need
for judicious selection of candidates.99
Ford and Johnson Chair 0e.
Michigan City, Indiana
October 15, 1896
Lansing Spoke Company
Lansing, Michigan

Gentlemen:

If Mr. Bryan is elected we will not want to

buy stock at an Irice If McKinley is elected we
expect to want etc of it at good prices.

gBSeptember 5, 1896, p. 2.
qglflififing State Republican, October 23, 1896, p. l.

187

Even the visit of the Democratic candidate Bryan to
Michigan in October failed to lend much aid to the sag-
ging fusionists. By then, it was apparent in the state
that Pingree would win easily and Bryan's visit had
little effect.

Put away the little torches,

Bury deep free silver's song;

There's no further use for either,

Wandering Willie's come and gone.

This jingle in the gtgte Republican after the leading
Democrat's tour was an appropriate epitaph for the free
silver movement in Michigan.100

In November a large majority of hiehigan voters,
obeying the appeal to "step up to the music of the union
and cast your ballot for Sound Money, Law, and Order, and
against‘flhe.red flag of anarchy,” chose Essen Pingree end
the Republican ticket, thereby placing the state's reform
movement in a new framework for the next four years.101
Pingree carried all except eighteen counties and re-
ceived over 504,000 votes while the Republican party's
candidate for secretary of state could only must’r
294,000. Sligh's vote totaled 221.000 as compared with
235,000 for the fusion party‘s candidate for secretary

of state.

looxbia., October 17, 1896. p. 1.
101Ib1d., October 31, 1896. P- 9-

183

cht of the reform strength, with only 9 few excep-
tions, was turned upon Pingroe at the election. Of the
eighteen counties supporting the PPUS tichct, four were
normclly Republican agricultural counties thot carried
their protest through ICES. Branch, Calhoun, Eaton, and
Isabella as representatives of the Greenbackor and Popu-
list trrdition supported it for the lost tine. However,
the first two split their vote to support Pingree while
the other two supported the strsight fusionist ticket.

The reform movement in the state, for the first
time, was centered around the leading figure of the
dominsnt political party. It was removed from associ-
stion with radical third parties and acquired on air of
rcspcctsbility it had never before enjoyed. For the
next four years, energy could be eXpsnded upon the en-
actmont of specific reforms instead of being exhausted
by the fruitless struggle of third party pctivity to
either secure office or force the acceptance of demands
by the major parties. Governor Pingree'e four years in
office dried up the farmers' revolt of the nineteenth
'ccntury to such an extent that third party activity in
the state disappeared abruptly for the next decade and
Pingree himself one the climax end culmination of the
movement. The return of prosperity efter 1896, eepeoiel-
ly in egrieulture, wee eleo e major reeeon for the de-

cline or the agrarian revolt.

X. THE PINGREE ERA

The last decade of the nineteenth century can
apprOpriately be termed the Pingree Era. Hasen S.
Pingree, a prosperous shoe manufacturer of Detroit,
began his first term as Mayor of the state's largest
city in 1889 and served continuously in that office
until 1897 when he began his four year rule as governor.
Pingree's contribution to the reform movement in Michi-
gan was not as an originator of ideas as nearly every-
thing he thought or did had been brought to life by
some other group. However, his great contribution was
the gathering together of the many thoughts and reforms
which sprang from minority parties or organizations and
through his energy and action making them acceptable to
the majority. He blended together the protests of both
the rural and urban societies and presented them to the
people in the form of a practical political platform
within the dominant Republican party. He presented the
action of the progress movement; the nucleus around
which nineteenth century reform ideas could best hepe

to find permanence by means of legislative enactment.

190

Anti-monopolism dominated Pingrec's attitude toward
many of the issues of his day. He reflected the fear of
many that the growth of corporations and trusts would
eventually destroy the traditional American society of
free competition and individual enterprise, and in its
place substitute an industrial feudalism. The desire
to retain an atomized society of small enterprisers,
small farmers, and skilled workers was the background
for his anti-monopoly thinking. "Individuality is fast
disappearing," Pingree warned. "We are becoming a nation
of corporate masters, . . . and of helplessly dependent
servants.“

He also challenged the economic doctrines which
maintained that industrial concentration was a natural
development within our system. "We are warned by a
bloodless and soulless science, that no effort of legis-
lation can stop this. . . . If they are right, a prospect
lies clearly in view that may well appall the patriotic
and the humans."1

The Governor‘s plan to restrain corporate abuses
was to establish state supervision of all companies
that dealt with the public. This would prevent

100v. Hazen S. Pingree, Jan. 4, 1899, in Fuller,
IV, p. 125.

191

financial abuses such as stock-watering and concealment
of earnings and would encourage honest investment capi-
tal which Pingree wanted to protect. Periodic submissiflh
of earning reports and state control of corporate stock—
and bond issues would, in his opinion, do much to prevent
the abuses. This was actually done during his administra—
tion in the limited area of insurance companies operating
within the state. Stronger supervision by the State
Commissioner of Insurance closed over thirty companies
and resulted in the arrest and conviction of several
officials who were financially irresponsible.2

However, he realized that state control was a
small factor in the regulation of corporations and
trusts, and that national legislation was the only ef-
fective source. But he was pessimistic even about this
and declared that short of government ownership and con-
trol "no means are yet apparently adequate to prevent
their rapid concentration into a few hands." To pre-
vent the problem from becoming more acute, Pingree
asked for a federal law which would severely restrict
the type of businesses in which the corporate form of

organization could be used. "Why should any corpora-

2Ibid., p. 107.

192

tion be organized for conduct of more mercantile or
manufacturing business; this should be left to indivi-
duals.n

The Governor, like many others, failed to see any
relationship between the protective tariff and the growth
of monopoly. He believed that the tariff, "a wise poli-
cy,” had been responsible for the increase of manufac-
turing in the United States but argued that the fruits
of the industrial prosperity had been absorbed by a few
unscrupulous monopolists when they seized control of
the new companies.

However, there was an area where Pingree's thinking
was ahead of public opinion. He saw in the action of
many corporations a distinct threat to our suppfifi‘of
natural resources and began to call attention to the
need for conservation of land and resources. In Michi-
gan he deplored the useless explottation of much of the
state‘s finest timber lands by private companies that
had obtained them by devious means and then having become
wealthy evaded the payment of their just share of taxa-
tion.

While Pingree failed to develop a progressive policy
to deal with the corporation problem generally, he did

emerge with a very definite policy toward those corpora-

193

tions or companies known as public utilities. It was one
of the major accomplishments of his public career when

he established the principle that franchises granted by
the people to a private company should be granted in the
interests of the people. This was a further refinement

of the earlier Granger attitude toward railroad companies.

Soon after he became mayor, Pingree objected to
the many special favors which street railways, gas,
electric light, and toll road companies enjoyed under
the franchises which they had obtained from the common
council. He observed that many of the utilities had
not been modernized, were charging exorbitant rates, or
were paying only a fraction of what they should have in
taxes. To correct these abuses, Pingree attacked the
entire practice of granting franchise and develOped a
policy which finally led to municipal ownership.

”A public franchise,” Pingree said, "when it has
passed beyond state or municipal control, may become a
power greater than the sovereign power."3 In order that
the government might prevent further abuses by utili-
ties, Pingree suggested that it institute a more de-

tailed system for the granting of public franchises

360v. Pingree, Jan. 12, 1897, Ibid., p. 59.

194

including the following points: it should reserve the
right to fix rates; it should supervise the construction
of the utility so that the actual valuation could be
known; yearly reports of receipts and expenditures should
be submitted by the company; there should be no consoli-
dation of one company with another and no individual
stockholder of one company should own either directly or
indirectly any stock in another company Operating in the
same city; no franchise should be extended during the
life of the original one; and no franchise shall be
granted by a municipal authority without being submitted
to a vote of the people.4

Early in his fight with the utility companies in
Detroit, the mayor believed in municipal ownership
only as a last resort, "for it would be a blow struck
at individual enterprise and exertion and when these
are lost the virility of the nation is destroyed."
However, as the private companies continued to resist
any and all attempts toward their reform in spite of
public demand, Pingree came to believe that the best
interests of the public could be achieved only through
municipal ownership. It would remove franchise award-

ing from the corrupting influence of politics, would

4Ibid., p. 40.

195

reduce fares, and would result in a well planned and
well ordered physical plant and facilities.5

As a start toward this goal, in 1995, a municipal
electric plant was completed in Detroit which furnished
power at a cost of only a quarter as much as that offered
by the private companies. However, the municipal owner-
ship movement was slowed down in the nineteenth century
because of a rigid interpretation of the state's consti-
tution by the Supreme Court. But because of Pingree's
constant attack a majority of the people were educated
to the necessity for closer supervision and cheaper
fares, and shortly after he left office the constitu-
tion was amended to permit municipal ownership of uti-
litiee.

Pingree's fight against the abuses in franchise
charters was a successful continuation of the old agi-
tation against the special charters held by railroad
corporations. He was taking advantage of a general dis-
satisfaction with corporation privileges and applied it
first at the municipal level. Later, as governor, he
returned to the state level and abolished the special
charter by placing all corporations under the general

incorporation law.

5Gov. Hazen S. Pingree, Jan. 4, 1899, Ibid., p. 118.

196

Pingree was also typical of the nineteenth century
reform spirit in his belief that many of the evils of
society could be removed by more direct democracy.
"Every official, high and lei, should be brought so
closely in touch with the people that he would not dare
to enter into a combination against their interests;
and this country would be spared the scandal, the shame
and sorrow of a senate pandering to giant monopolists;

figflfiling the very birthright of the people in their
greed for gold."6

To purify the political system, he believed that
the reform had to begin where "governing power originates,
in the party organization and the convention." By abo—
lishing conventions and caucuses and establishing a di-
rect primary system, the people would have a direct
choice over their candidates for public office. Be-
sides the direct election of all state officers, Pingree
in keeping with pepular sentiemtn would also add the of-
fice of United States senator to those subject to the
people.

The state of Michigan had for some years allowed

. the people to approve or reject changes in the consti-

6Lansing State Republican, June 28, 1894, p. 1.

197

tution. Also in certain local areas the people had the
right to approve the issuance of municipal bonds.
Pingree wanted to extend these limited forms of 9 refer-
endum by the passage of a general referendum law giving
the people full authority to approve or rgfibct legisla-
tive acts. (In addition, he was an advocate of home
rule for cities as ”the only rule consistent with our
system of government.")

Pingree‘s solution for the settlement of conflicts
between capital and labor was arbitration, a principle
which he consistently adhered to in both.practice and
policy. It was similar to the old Grange attitude.that
arbitration of disputes between two parties was the
most direct and least destructive method that could be
employed. His statement that ”justice should be meted
out to both (capital and labor) with an equal hand, . . .
but don't shiggd the one and call out the troops for the

" was progressive and won a majority of the labor-

other,
ers over to him.7 Besides arbitration, he favored
stronger child-labor laws because he blamed monopolies
for the practice of employing large numbers of children

in industry. To reduce unemployment and to permit more

71b1d., August 4, 1694, p. 1.

198

workers to enjoy "some of the advantages and real plea-
sures of life," Pingree became an energetic supporter
of the eight-hour day movement.

Pingree‘s greatest victory as Governor was the equal
taxation struggle. While it was not accomplished during
his administration, all of the hard work and agitation
necessary for its final acceptance was done under his
direction. However, he did not regard that as the so-
lution of the problem, as he was interested in a law
which would have led to the ultimate purchase by the
state of all railroads. No doubt, a great deal of his
thinking about government ownership of transportation
and utility companies was colored b; the bitterness
which developed out of the contestfito establish govern-
ment regulation, but at the end of his political ca-
reer he was apparently convinced that government owner-
ship of all franchises of a public nature was the only
solution which would eliminate many of the public abu-
sea.8

A list of the other reforms which Pingree favored
would reveal his debt to the Grangers, Greenbackers,
Populists, and labor groups for the ideas which forced
the heart of his program. His advantage in securing

830v. Hazen S. Pingrec, Jan. 4, 1F99, Fuller,
IV, 155.

199

results over the other groups was his greet quality of
humenitnrianism which enabled him to uppenl to all classes
for support. While he wes largely s product of the in-
dustrial society, his motives and goals so closely re-
sembled those of the agrarian society that the rural
areas found no difficulty in accepting him as the leader
of the reform movement. His program was guided by the
same Spirit of justice and equality that had been cha-
racteristic of the farmers' movement, a classless and
non-psrtlsen ideal for fimericsn society.

thgree'a universal popularity enabled him to
become governor despite the determined opposition of
the leaders of the Republican psrty. During this period
the party was so completely controlled by the new inn
dustriel and commercial class that no one who fciled to
secure their spprovnl could hope to become e candidate
for office except under the most unusual circumstances.
While it was this class which first selected Pingree to
run for mayor of Detroit, they were quite unprepared for
the type of reform program that he adopted. When many
were wounded by the mayor's zeslous_progrem they began
making plans to prevent him from enlarging his political

career to eventually include the governor's office.

However, his actions in Detroit began to attract atten-

200

tion among the outstate voters and as he seemed to be in
the same spirit as the reformers of the Greenback-Pepulist
tradition, it was not long before demands were heard ask-
ing that Pingree become a candidate for governor.

He was willing in 1892, but the Republican leaders
easily blocked him in fever of John Rich. but two years
later, after the depression of 1893, with unrest more
common among the voters, Pingree made a more determined
attempt. he was attracting more support from Republi-
can editors and from among the younger element of the
party. The Lansing State Republican began swinging
over to Pingree's camp with favorable stories of his

reforms. In the upper peninsula the marquette Winins

 

Journal gave its readers a clear picture of the situac
tion in Detroit where Pingree appeared to be fighting
the some enemies as were reformers everywhere.

With the exception of the Evening Journal all of
the English dailies in Detroit are systematically
engaged in misrepresenting and ridiculing mayor
Pingreo, Scripps‘ two dailies -~ the Eveninn News
and the Tribune netbeing particularly unjust.

. . . Why? . . . hayor Pingree has been of vast
service to Detroit and its peeple, but in serving
the city and its citizens he has rendered himself
obnoxious to the corporations and rings that had
been fattening on the municipality. . . . Are the
papers after him because he is a friend of the
people and the fee of the rapecious corporations
and ringsters of Detroit?9

 

(_u

9Lansing ”cote Republican, July 20, 1894, p. 3.

With.ovidonoos of incrossing support eutststo, some
of the younger figures in the Ropublicsn psrty began s
osmpsign in 1894 to oppose the rononinstion of Governor
Rich snd replace him with Pingroo. In June, st the
Norton House in Grsnd Rapids, s nesting wss hold of oil
those who were opposed to Rich. This was sponsorod‘by
sovorsl of Pingroo's rollovers. the losdors being‘mnos
lussslmsn, Sybrsnt Wessoliis, snd Ghsrlos Bligh.1° How-
ever, this move roiled ss :ho precedent for giving s
governor s second torn.provod to he s convenient device
for wsrding off the nsyor's csmpsign.

By 1896, it wss closr to some Ropubliosns thst
Pingreo would only with greet difficulty be prevented
from securing the noninstion. Since it was slso the
yssr for s prosidontisl election, the port: losdors do-
oidod thst lichigsn's oleotorsl votes would sstsly be
gusrsntood for the Republican psrty if Pingrso hooded
the ststo ticket.11 However, there were other consi-
derstions which.pro-ptod the: to sllow hi: to go shssd.
There wss s fosr that if he wss blocked once more he
would split the psrty with.indopondont politiosl setion.

1°Husselmsn Grocery Compsny to Mr. H. H. Robinson,
June 25, 1894, Governor's Egg.

nChsrles R. Stu-ring, "Essen S. Pingrool Another
Forgotten Esgls,“ lighigsn Histo , XXIII (June, 1948). 137.

rt
C)
{0

"It Pingrco in dotoatod in tho convantion," Judgo Ranadoll
tho Grangor warned, 'and thoro ia no tolling that tho
railroad and othor corporationa will do with.thoir otrong
organization and.Io11-oilod moohino, ho will go into tho
field ao an indopcndont oandidato.'19 Othoro ro1t that
if ho hooamo governor, thon ho would no oonplotoly on-
noah.hinoolf in tho largor political ocono thot tho
pooplo would soon tiro or no. mnd rotuoo to voto for hm:
again.

Thoro did ooom.to ho an organiood campaign during
tho summor of 1896 against Pingroo which.oontorod around
Govornor Richfil orrioo. Tho londing figuro in tho Stop-
Pingroo-uovomont III Arthur Loouio, tho govornor‘o loo-
rotary, who corroopondod oith o number or othor Repub-
lioano tho plannod to hoad oft Pingroo. “rhoro is no
donying tho taot thot tho ocntimont for hil.in many lo-
calitioa io simply ovorvholming and tho oppoaition of
tho Detroit paporo dooo not injuro him at all,” Loonio
oomplainod.15 To off-act this popularity. tho anti-
Pingroo group compilod a liat of Republican nonopaporo
in tho otato that poooibly could ho induood to right '
hio nomination by building up public opinion againat

18Lancing Stato Ro ublican, Fob. 15, 1896, p. 2.

13Arthur Locmio to J. R. McLaughlin, Dotroit, April
13. 1896. 52m: _._.itboom W-

’3
C)
(.4

tho Detroiter. We must oppose the ”anarchist,” declared
Loomis “and our otote will be spared the humiliation of
going into the-Altgeld business."14
Despite opposition, Pingree was easily nominated
in 1896 as his own political machine was prepared for
this convention. Probably no one could have stopped
him then without wrecking the Republican party. He
was given tho second term without opposition and again
finished well ahead of his tickot at tho election.
Hispopularity was not limited to his own state.
Pingree'a attacks upon utility fraflbhises. his municipal
ownership ideas, and his depression'relief measures
such as gardens for the unemployed were watched by many
others. Several of the larger cities of the nation
adopted tho 'Pingree Potato Patch? method for alle-
viating distress among the unemployed. His actions
were observed carefully by reformers in many other
states, and Pingree's annual messages to the Legisla-
ture which.contained his program and comments upon re-
form were distributed by the thousands. Since he was one
of the first governors who might be placed within the

14Arthur Loomis to Perry F. Powers, April 13.
1896, Ibid.

(‘1‘
C)
3.;

new progressive movement of the next century, his ideas
end actions probably served as an example to several
other reform movements outside of his home state.

With Pingree's last term of office, the reform
movement of the nineteenth century ended. "He had
pushed the political pendulum as far as it would go
in the reform direction.” one of his associates later
remarked. But within a few years the ideas of the past
century were gathered up by the newer progressive move-

ment and many finally became a part of the laws of
the state.

205

XI. GOVERNMENT AND THE CITIZEN

The farmers' revolt in Michigan while seemingly
barren in respect to specific accomplishments did much,
in helping to establish a new concept of the relation-
ship between the government and the people. By the end
of the nineteenth century, the citizen's idea of the
role and function of government as they affected his
life had been drastically revised. This new viewpoint
was well expressed by the Grange in 1894 when it
observed:

The economic and industrial conditions of the past
are not the conditions of today. This is the age

of organization. combination, and desperation.

The concentration of capital in gigantic enterprises.
not to compete with each other, but to overthrow
opposition, to set at defiance the laws of trade

and to fix prices, suggests alarming possibilities.
In the face of this can the farmer maintain his in-
dependence and secure his rights? Organisation is
his only chance, and only then by the protection and
aid of the government. Time was when it was

to talk of the dangers of paternalism and a con-
centration of power in the general government, but
that day is passed. The government of the future
must be strong enough to rigidly control all cor-
porations and possible combinations of capital, or
they will control the givernment and our industrial
liberties will be lost.

lGrenge Proc., 22nd (1994), p. 92.

...—_—

 

 

 

 

206

The farmer had moved farther and faster than he
realized during the last four decades of the century.
In the beginning, the dislocations and discriminations
which the industrial society imposed upon agriculture
began to convince many that the only manner in which
the individual could protect his interests was to‘turn
to the government for aid. The doctrine that the gov-
ernment was the agent of the peeple and that it should
respond to the wishes of the people found greater accep~
tance each decade. This view was responsible for the
.rise of reform leaders who were willing to study the den
mands of the pretest groups and than attempt to trans-
late them into legislation. “I believe that, in the
people resides the sovereign power," Hasen Pingree de-
clared, “and that the voice of the people is the voice
of God."2

The farmers called upon the government for aid
early in an effort to establish social control over in-
discriminate corporations and businesses. While the
first requests often asked only for specific legisla-

tion to restrain certain unsocial practices by other

2Lansing Stats Re ublican, June 28, 1894, p. 1.

207

groups, the farmers soon began to supplement these with
demands that the government set as a positive and a per.
manent force in regulating society. This was an open
invitation or often even a demand that the government in-
terfere in activities which.previously had been consi-
dered to be outside the scope of its legitimate function.

Not only did the farmer ask for the regulation of
the other fellow, but he also asked that the government
extend its activities to aid groups within society.
I'It is the duty of the government," the Grange remarked,
'to enact such.lawsas tend to rebuild our languishing
industries and to maintain them.'3 By the end of the
century the farmer had arrived at the point where he
accepted government aid as an essential feature in the
prosperity of agriculture. This he did not consider
radical for the farmer could point to similar instances
of aid, such as the tariff and subsidies, which pre-
viously had been granted to other industries.

After having accepted the doctrine of government
aid and interference, farmers began to ask for and ob-
tain responses from the government which represented a

direct movement away from the laissesufaire doctrines of

aGrange Proc., 25rd (1895), p. 80.

the period. Government, both national and state, began
to establish permanent agencies which could exercise an
ever-expanding influence over the lives of its citizens.
In Michigan, the creation of such agencies as the Commie-
sioner of Railroads, Bureau of Labor Statistics, the
Dairy and Food Commission, the State Tax Commission, and
others were evidences the functions of government were

no longer to be narrowly defined. on the contrary, the
farmers' revolt in the state had taught the people to
look toward the government for help in solving or alle-
viating many of the problems which, because of the com-
plexity of an industrial society, were beyond the control
of the individual.

‘While the farmers of the nineteenth century did not
primarily develOp the concept of a general-welfare state,
they were instrumental in breaking down the old doctrine
of laissez—faire as it was understood by the_industria1—
ist or urban individualist. In this manner, they opened
the door for the deveIOpment of a philosophy of govern-
ment which sought to preserve the older qualities of
Justice, equality, and Opportunity through government

intervention.

209

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSLY

Manuscript material in the area of this study was
relatively scarce. Most of the leaders and organiza-
tions participating in the protest movement were not
conscious of their role in the historical sense and
therefore left little or no account of their activities.
The correspondence in the Governor's files might have
proved to be valuable had it been available. However,
it was the practice of each Governor upon leaving ef-
fice to remove the bulk of his correspondence. Of that
remaining in the Eichigan State firchives in Lansing,
Governor Luoe's correspondence was the most useful.
There were several letters from his fellow Grangers as
well as others in the state who were interested in re-
meving some of the burdens from agriculture. Governor
Winan's file also contained interesting comments from
several of the members of the Farmers' Alliance or Pe-
pulist party.

A search of much of the remaining archival material
in Lansing failed to uncover items of specific reference
te the agrarian revolt. However, the examination was

useful for understanding the spirit of this period.

210

Another potential source of historical material,
the Burton Historical Collection in the Detroit Public
Library, also contained but a few scattered references.
The Arthur P. Loemis Letterbooka, 1896-1910, in 4 vol-
umes, contained a few interesting letters about the st-
tempts to stop the Pingree boom in the state. Loomis
was secretary to Governor Rich and later to Governor
Warner. His letters were a good source for the period
following 1900.

The Pingree papers in the Burton Collection were
disappointing. They are largely newspaper clippings,
examples of campaign literature, or copies of some of
his more familiar speeches. The typewritten transcript
by Cyril Player and Mrs. Marjorie Player, "Hazen S.
Pingroo, the Biography of an American Commonplace,“
Detroit, 1951, 571 pp., contained little that was new
about the former governor.

Two pamphlets by Moses W. Field, an early Greenbacker,
are in the Burton Collection. One, ”The Currency Ques-
tion," Detroit, 1868, 12 pp., was written when Green-
backerism was almost exclusively a labor demand. The
second, “Greenbackst” Detroit, 1877, 18 pp., container:7
the standard agumenta for continuation of that popular
money. There was also a short pamphlet by Henry

Chamberlain, Democratic-Reform candidate for governor in
1874. This one, "Reduction of Taxation,” Detroit, 1870?
was an early indieotion that the tax burden nos begin-
ning to annoy the farmers.

The printed documents and reports of the various
agencies of the State of Michigan contained a wealth of
material on the agricultural industry and the protest
movement. The Annual Report! of the Michigan Bureau of
Labor and Industrial Statistics (Lansing, 1874-1900).
are a valuable source for information concerning the
farm mortgage burden. They are also useful for peri-
odic surveys of conditions in both the agricultural and
industrial areas of the state. In addition, the Rep :3;
often sampled the degree of protest mmong the farmers
and laborers which furnished an opportunity to study the
immediate problems of thesé two groups.

The Annual Reports of‘the Commissioner of Railroads
of the State of Michigan (Lansing, 1872-1900), present
statistical reports about the dovelOpment of this in-
dustry. Several of the Repeats describe the nature and
extent of the complaints against the railroads.

Complete information about the agricultural industry
can be found in Michigan, Secretary of State, Report 339
lating to M 39;!- Larg Products (Lansing). This was

5.

issued annually and contained statistics for each crop
and product raised on Michigan terms, as well as infer.
motion describing the trends in acreage, number of farms,
and production in every county of the state. Often use-
ful cost-of-producticn end value-of-production studies
were made which were informative in relation to the pe-
litioal protest.

The Journal; or the House of Representatives and
of the Senate are generally disappointing. They contain
little information except for routine affairs. However,
the Journals of the Legislature of 1891-1893 were a source
for sampling the farmer and labor protest sentiment.
There were several petitions and resolutions from the
Farmers' Alliance locals as well as the Patrons of In-
dustry groups. 'In the,Pingree administration the £325:
gal; contained excellent accounts of the taxation prob-
lem end the political struggle which eceompenied it.

Another valuable source of material on both the
agricultural industry and the pretest movement was the
Annual Reports of the State Board of Agriculture of the
State of Michigan. These included many articles written
by the staff of Michigan Agricultural College en the

problems and progress in the industry. Also, until 1896

the Fermere' Institute Reperte were included in the Anag-
3; Bogart; end theee were eapecielly useful. Articles
end diecueeione of ell eepeote of the rurel ecene were
included end oevered euch tepice ee seed reede, texe-
tione, eociel growth, and peliticel perticipetien. In
1896 the Michigen Stete Fermere‘ Inetitutea begen ieeu-
ing eeperete Annue; Rgportg.

A eoneehet peeeimietic ecoount of oonditiene is
included in the Miohigen. Secretary ef State. Prggeed-
ing; of the Stete Beard ef Equalization (Lancing, 1896
end 1901). Many of the repreeentetivee pled peverty
for their counties, but their oommente often revealed
the epeoific problene end readjustmente in eeoh eectien
ef the etete.

The materiele published by the fern or agriculturel
organieetiene of the etate were elee vital to thie etudy.
The Annue; Proceeding; ef the fliohigen Stete Grenge were
en excellent source for examination of the ideee end ec-
tione of the only general ergenieetion to epen the en.
tire period. While more ooneervetivo than meny ef ite
locale, the Grange wee one of the leeding eutlete fer
rurel proteet in the nineteenth century. Ite offioiel
organ. the Grange Vieiter, often more eccuretely re-
flected the eentinente of the locele end individuel nem-

bCPle

214

The other two organizatione. the Fermere' Alliance
end the Patrons of Industry, left virtually no official
records. He trace of the Alliance was found, and of the
Patrons only a few issues of their organ, the Michigan
Patronlg,§glgg (St. Louis). still survive. The Burton
Historical Collection contains some cepiee of the legg
for the years 1891-1893, but these are not representa-
tive of the early spirit of the Patrons. The organiea-'
tion had begun to decline by late 1890 and the surviving
papers do not reflect the militant tone of the earlier
period.

The special farm organizations or secieties have
preserved valuable materials describing their activi-
ties. The Annual Reports of the flichigen-Deirymen's As-
sociation (Lansing. 1885«1900), end the Annual Proceed-
‘lggg of the Michigan State Horticultural Society (Len-
eing, 1885-1900), both were examples of the more opti-
mistic farmers who were attempting to break away from
old agricultural patterns. These contain many reports
about the prospects for the new agriculture as well as
descriptions of the problems faced in attempting to di-
veraiff.

Eltction statistics and biographical informetion
were included in the Hichigan, Secretary of State, Q££l~

cial Directory and Legislative Manuals (Lansing).

On the national level, the period from 1865.1900
has been the subject of many excellent studies. However,
this same period in Michigan history has not yet attracted
the same degree of attention. Some aspects have been
adequately treated while others have been entirely ne-
glected. There are several good histories of Michigan
that furnish background for this period. Willis F.
Dunbar, Michigan Through Egg Centuries (New York, 1955).
4 vols., and George N. Fuller, Michi an, g Centennial
History 3; the. M gag .12.! People (Chicago. 1959). 4
vols.. both have topical chapters on such subjects as
agriculture, labor, industry and many others pertaining
to the post-Civil War are. An older work. Henry M.
Utley and others, Michigan 33”; Provlncg. Territory,
‘ggg‘§§gtg (New York, 1906). 4 vols.. is useful for its
chronological survey of the period.

There are several articles pertaining to agricul-
ture and rural life in Michigan. Romansu Adams. ”Agri-
culture in Michigan,” Michigan Political Science A ee-
oiatien, III (March, 1899), 1-40, is a complete survey
of agriculture following the war. It is largely drawn
from material found in the various state reports and is

helpful in presenting some of the major trends within

the industry. Willis F. Dunbar's "The Transformation of
Rural Life in Michigan Since 1865,” Michigan Agademy 2;

Science, ggtg,‘ggg Letters, XXIX (1943), 479-488, shows

the influence of industrialization and urbanization upon
the rural people.

Two articles by Elton B. Hill, ”Agricultural Regions
in Michigan,” Michigan Academy 2; Science, 5555,.ggg'ggto
£353, XIV (1951). 367-376, and ”History of Farm Manage-
ment in Michigan," Michigan Histogz (1938), while pri-
marily concerned with the twentieth century, have some
material dealing eith.the proceeding century.

The rural to urban population movement has been
described in a thorough.manner by both 0. W. Freeman,

”A Geographic Study of the Growth and Distribution of
Population in Michigan,“ Michigan Agademy‘gg Science,
533g,'§gg Letters, XV (1913), 39-53, and Rolland H.
Maybee, ”Population Growth and Distribution in Lower
flichigsn, 1810-1940," Michigan Academy 2; Science, 5532,
'ggg Letters, XXX (1945), 253-266.

Background material relating to two items of spe-
cial interest are found in J. H. Brown, "How We Get the
a. F'. 1).." whim mam, VI (1922), 422-459, and
Karolena M. Fox. "History of the Equal Suffrage Movement
in Kichigan,” Michigan Histor , II (1918), 90-109.

217

The most useful work on Hesen S. Pingroe is Charles
R. Starring, "Hezen S. Pingroe: Another Forgotten Eagle,"
Mighigan History, m1]: (June, 1948), 1293:50. This is
the only account which describes in any detail the public
career of Pingroe. Valuable insights of Pingroe are gi-
ven in Chase Osborn'eplhg‘lggg Hunter (New York, 1919).
Osborn served the Pingroe administration in appeintative
positions. The debt which Pingroe owed to the Populists
can be found in his book,‘§gg§giggg Opinion; (Detroit,
1895). An account of the struggle between the street
railways and Mayor Pingroe is given in Graeme O'Geran,
History _._; the. Detroit Street Railway! (Detroit, 1951).
The messages of Governor Pingroe, as sell as those of
all preceding governors, are conveniently available in
George N. Fuller, ed., Messeggg 3; pg; Governorg g;
hichigan (Lansing, 192?), 4 vols.

The only other political leader of this period
besides Pingroe who has received attention is Richard
Trevellick. Clifton K. Yearley, 3r.. "Richard issvtiiick,
Leber Agitator," Michigan Histor , XXXIX (December, 1955).
423-444, is an excellent article describing the activi-
ties ef a man who was prominent in the Greenback move-
'ment on both the national and state level, as well as

an able leader of labor in the United States.

an r
‘-‘.U-I'

The general farm organizations have received very
little attention in secondary works. Sidney Glazer,
”Patrons of Industry in Michigan," Missisglppi Valley
Historical Review, XXIV (June, 1937), is e detriled ac-
count of the origin of this group, but its development
was not related to the general protest movement within
the state. A short description of the Grange is avail-
able in M. A. Patterson's "The Grange in Michigan to
1900,” unpublished master‘s thesis, 66pp., Wayne Uni-
versity, in the Burton Historical Collection.

Two books are especially useful in relating the
Michigan protest movement to the regional or national
movement. John R. Commons and others, History'gg‘ggggg
$3333 United States (New York, 1918), vol. II, and
Carl C. Tagger,‘g§glFarmers’ Mozement,‘l§gQ-lggg (New
York, 1953), both have revealed the part which Michigan
labor leaders particularly enacted in the regional par-
ties and conferences. Another recent book, Sidney Fine,
Laiesez £33.13. 3139. the. General-Welfare M (Ann Arbor,
1956), presents an excellent analysis of the contribu-
tions of the nineteenth century protest movements in
relation to the changing concepts of the role of the

government.

P?
P‘
Q)

Political activity of the period is only briefly
and inadequately covered in Harriette M. Dilla, Egg
Peiigigs g; Michien, lag-M (New York, 1912). A
more competent, but still brief description is found in
Arthur C. Hillspaugh,‘ggg£1 Organization Egg Machinery
lgLMichisanI§lggg‘l§29 (Baltimore, 1917). The newspaper
files provided the most important source for political
information of this period.

The Lansing Refiiblican and the Lansing §£g£3 E2222,
llggg newspapers on file at the Michigan State Library
were the most valuable of all. Their coverage of the
activities of all political parties was more extensive
and impanial than that of any other paper. Next in use-
fulness were the Detroit papers, Egggdggggg, Evening
Egg, and M m Tribgie, in that order. They gave
above average attention to political activities and
movements within the Detroit area, but generally, their
'Tooverage of outstate news was not as complete. Other
papers consulted were of limited value except for edi-
torial comment. The Adrian Weekly‘ggggg, the Saginaw
Courier, and the Lansing Journal were among the more
significant of the other papers.

The agricultural papers such as the Grange Visitg;

and the Hichigan Farmer, while avoiding political news

:23

as much as possible, freqpcntly contained interesting
letters from subscribers in finich political issues were
presented. Often the intensity or urgency of such is-

sues could be determined by this reader interest.

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