THE BHUTANESE ICONOGRAPHY 0F VAISRAVANA Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY BONNIE HERMAN SIGREN 1969 ‘4 amomcav ' II unnsasm ; annx mum mo. LIBRARY BINDERS ' SIIIIMII. IICII‘g \ LIVV W ABSTRACT THE BHUTANES , ICONOGRAPHY 0F VAI RAVANA/ by Bonnie Sigren I/ The Lokfipala. Vaisravana. originated in India from the indi- genous popular beliefs in Yaksas. These were powerful earth deities whom the Asian peoples regularly propitiated and appeased in order to avert calamities and acquire good fortune. Vaisifivana was their ruler and the custodian of riches. When the Iryan invaders. and later- Buddhism, adopted him into their.cosmology. VaierVana became the Guardian of the North. His iconography in India continued in the form of a Yiksa. In central Asia and Tibet. VaierVana was assimilated into the figure of the warrior King from the North“ Indigenous papular religious be- liefs from Tibet and Bhutan added other iconographical elements. He was identified with the God of Wealth and with the cult of the moun-w tain gods. His subjects became the Himalayan earth deities. further enriching his iconography. Other aspects of iconographical associations developed from Buddhist doctrines and symbolism. Some conventions were derived from the general body of Buddhist symbols; others were based on the god's attributes and functions in Buddhist_cosmologyo The elements from popular traditions were recognized by'Buddhismrand assimilated into Bonnie H. Sigren the god's iconography. There is a possibility that some iconographi- cal elements are disguised symbols relating to yogic practice and, as such,fully understood only by the initiated. THE BHUTANES ICONOGRAPHY 0F VAI RAVANA by Bonnie Herman Sigren A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Art History 1969 For the Buddha faced by foemen His disciples don their armour. --Tibetan Poem ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES .......................... iv CHAPTER I. THE INFLUENCE OF POPULAR BELIEFS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF ICONOGRAPHY. ....... . ..... . l CHAPTER II. THE ICONOGRAPHY DERIVED FROM BUDDHIST TRADITIONS ......... . ......... . u . 27 BIBLIOGRAPHY. .- ...................... . . . 47 iii LIST OF FIGURES page I. T'ang Tomb Guardians. China ............. . ..... l0 Vestibule Lokipala. Paro Dzong. Bhutan ............ . 13 Vaisrfivana. Paro Dzong. Bhutan. . . . ............ . 15 Kuberi. Paro Dzong. Bhutan. . ............. . . t. . 16 Floorplan. Bhutanese Dzong ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . lB . Paro Dzong. Bhutan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Courtyard. Paro Dzong. Bhutan ....... . . ......... 20 m \l 0‘ 0'! -b (A) N O O O O O C Kuberi. Festival of the Butter Bods. Choni Mountains China ...... . . . . . . . . ................ 24 9. Vaisrivana. Bhutan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 lO. Vaisrivana. Thimbu Dzong. Bhutan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3l ll. Vaisrivana. Enchi Monastery. Sikkim. . . . ........... 32 12. DhrstrarfiStra and Virudaksa. Bhutan. . . ....... . . . . . 38 l3. Virupaksa. Bhutan. . . . . ........... . . . . . . . . 39 l4. Gci-bar. Paro Dzong. Bhutan .................. . 44 iv Chapter I The Influence of Popular Beliefs on the Development of Iconography The development of the iconography of the Bhutanese Buddhist LokEpala, Vaisrévana. occurred in Central Asia and Tibet. There. the earlier Indian iconography of the god was altered by the Northern Bud- dhists according to associations made with reference to his various functions. In Bhutan, the art is largely Lamaist and is. there- fore. directly descended from Tibet with its ancestry rooted upon Indian soil in both HinduiSm and Buddhism. However. the influence of Indian and Tibetan folk traditions are also to be found. Vaisravana's final iconographical form. consequently. resulted from his roles in both the formal tradition of Buddhism and the popular traditions of the animistic cults. As early as the fifth century 8.0.. the Lokapala functioned as guardian figures in India. They were not the orthodox Védic gods. but were popular objects of worship like the ngsas and the Nagasz they are...the Maharijis (Kubera. Dhr-. tarfistra; Virupaksa and VirudSka) the guardians of the Northern. Bastern;‘western and SOuthern quarters. res— pectiVely. , * These popular. hon-VEdic deities are generally attributed to the in- digenous peoplesof India. possibly the inhabitants of the Indus 1d. N. Banerjea. The Develo ment of Hindu Icono ra h (Calcutta: University Of CalcuEEa Brass. 15535. p.53. 1 2 Valley civilization. During the early period of their depiction. which may have been stimulated by the rise of bhfikti cults. the four were often shown on elephant.vgh§na§_(mounts).2 yahéhgg were used to further amplify a god's powers. such as in this case where they strengthen the concept of power.. Elephants were the mounts for Kings. The original function of the Lokfipala was as rulers of the semi-divine earth deities who were propitiated and appeased by the inhabitants of India. Hence. their designation as Kings or Maharajas. In later Buddhist practice, which emphasized the role of guardians, the Kings. and their subjects. continued to be the objects of popular religious Observances. The link Of animistic practices continued to associate the Lokfipala with their origins, despite the various formal- religions which adopted their guardian function. In the Purinas. eight deities are listed as guardians of the major and subsidiary quarters. The deities are all of Vedic origin and the god. KuberE. is listed among them. It is highly unlikely that a non-Védic and a Védic god would originally have had the same name. Prior to Buddhism, Kubera must have been known by both antagonistic groups. It is not clear whether he had similar functions for both groups or whether he was taken on by the Aryans so early that he ap- pears in the Védas. The origins of the Buddhist guardians listed above is not clear except that they represent animistic. indigenous beliefs.‘ Kubera. _who was King of the Raksas in the Védas. became King of the Yaksas in later VEdic literature. Virupaksa. Virudaka and Dhrtaristra were Kings of the Nagas. Khumbhfindras and Gandhfirvas. respectively.3 21bid.. p. 90 31bid.. p. 521 3 Ancient votive tablets and words for the worship of these deities, and their subjects, have been found throughout India.4 There is no systematic explanation as to why the Maharajas should have been named as rulers of these semi-divine peoples. The Kings are not of_ the same nature as the peoples they rule (although in pre-history they may have been) and they occur in Védic literature outside their. roles as Kings and Lokfipala. Buddhism included the Kings and their subjects in its cos- mology at an early date. Their images are found on the Bhirhut.$tupa. dating from the first century B. C. According to Indian Buddhist. theory. Mount Sumeru is regarded as the hub of the egg-shaped cosmos. The mountain is flanked by the four _peninsular continents and rises to celestial realms. Each quarter of the cosmic mountain's slopes is peopled by its own variety of semi-divine beings who are ruled by the MEharEjEs.5 The slopes are also jeweled and in some vague sense the lesser deities guard the treasures. The Kings and their subjects also guard their respective areas from attack which might be leveled at the lower reaches of heaven by the Asuras. demons.6 The summit contains the palaces of the great gods. the Deathless Ones; the summit quadrangle is known by the Hindus as Amaravati. the capital of Indra. King of the Hindu pantheon and now a servant of Buddha. In adopting the Hindu cosmology, perhaps the Buddhists found it desirable to have guardians which were non-Védic in origin. Some authors have attempted to harmonize the four Lokipala with the eight 41bid.. p. 103. 5Heinrich Zimmer. The Art of Indian Asia (New York: Pantheon Books. 1959). Bollingen SerTES XXXIX p. 47. 6Alice Gett . The Gods of Northern Buddhism (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co.. 1962 . p. 160. 4 deities listed in PurSnic literature. They consider the four Maha- rajas as the guardians of the slopes of Mount Sumeru while the Vedic deities guard the world from its ten directions.7 This would enable both systems to function within one cosmic system. Another system for combining the Maharajas with Vedic gods occurs in the preparation of the Lama Eucharist. the Tse-guz. "0 lord Amitfiyus, residing in five shrines whence glit- tering rays shoot forth! 0 Gandharva in the east! Yama in the south! Naga in the west! Yaksa in the north! Bra- m3 and Indra in the upper regions!. and Nfinda and Tak- sha in the lower regions! And especially all the Bud- dhas and Bodhisattvas! I beg you all to bless me and to gratify my wishes by giving me the gift of undying life and implore you to cause it to come to me. Hri! I beg your blessings, 0 Buddhas of the three times (Dipanka- ra, Sikyamuni and Maitreya)." The gods invoked consecrate the fluid in the Ti-bum vase. held by the Lama. Tais liquid is therefore transformed to immortal ambrosia. There is greater evidence to support the theory that the four LokEpala evolved from an older system which was later parallel- ed by Védic literature. Both systems may have been merged by the Aryans but in Buddhist cosmology, the Four superseded the Puranic deities.9 Early Indian representations of the four Guardians took the appearance of Yaksas. They were bare to the waist with a dhoti—like garment reaching to the knees. There.was very little ornamentation on their corpulent bodies and they were barefoot. Usually they wore a turban-like headdress and long earrings. Despite the diverse peoples over whom they ruled. the Kings were all depicted as Yaksas. This 7L. A. Naddell, The Buddhism of Tibet (London: w. H. Allen a co., Ltd., 1895), p. 84. 81bid., p. 447. gBanerjea. pp. 519-529. 5 indicates. perhaps, some prominence of the Yaksas over the other semi—divine peoples. Kuberé, as King of Yaksas, thus has a pre- eminent position over the other Lokapala. This fact has Important implications for the iconography which developed outside India and will be discussed later. I Brahmanical writings mention the Yak§as both out.of fear and respect.10 They are referred to as "other People" in the V§dasn and this points to their non-Aryan origins. The Artharva—Véda was first to mention KuberE as King of Yaksas and he first appeared in Buddhist art as Guardian of the North at Bharhut Stupa. Whereas Kubera has a Yaksas xgh§na_here, the other Lokapala were given gahgng appropriate to their identification with their subjects. It can, therefore. be seen that in India, the formal religion derived from the Védas coalesced with folk religion through the Maha- rajas. Similarly, Buddhism joined forces with other Asian folk reli- gions as it spread across the continent. The deities ruled by these Maharajas were feared and regularly propitiated by.Eastern peoples. This practice continues today throughout most of Asia, even in the predominantly Buddhist countries. The practices are not viewed in opposition to Buddhism but are embraced by it. The indigenous deities have become regarded as in the service of Buddha much the same as Indri's role was sanctioned. The LokEpala's formal role in Buddhism is based upon their legendary presence at every important event in the life of Siddharti Gautama. the Buddha. and at his ParinirvEna. The four.gods visited —-¥ ‘OIbId., p. 98. n.18. HIbId., p. 338. 6 Gautama in Tusita Heaven while he was waiting for his time to come. They were present at his incarnation and received him on the skin of a spotted tiger when he was born from the side of his earthly mother, Maya. Nhen Gautama forsook the life of luxury into which he was born, the LokEpala held up the hoofs of the horse, Kanthaka. so that the secret departure would not be detected.12 Later, at the time Gautama broke his fast just prior to his Enlightenment. the four gods presented him their begging bowls which he transformed into the one bowl now assoI ciated with his iconography. In the Chinese translation of the Simyuktagfima. the dying Buddha summoned Indra and the four LokEpala to his couch and gave each an equal share in the defense of the church in evil times to come. In the Sutra on Four Celestial Monarchs. translated into Chin- ese in the fifth century A.D., the LokEpala are part of a worked out law enforcement system headed by Indra in his heaven. 0n six days of each month. which are therefore designated as fast days. inSpection trips are made to examine the conduct of the living and reports are made back to Indra. The good are rewarded by the guardian_spirits who watch over the weIfare of each person. They are called Keepers of Destinies:l3 There is no evidence that this later elaboration ‘was part of the Tibetan worship of the guardians but it does repre- sent the extent to which Buddhism went to sanction the role of the Lokapala. There is also recognition. on the part of the Buddhists. of the relationship between the Lokfipala and the deities of the soil ”Getty. Ip. I66. 13Alexander C. Soper. Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art in China. (Ascona. Switzerland: Artibus Asiae Pub.. 1959. “"‘TZN?"““ P0 o 7 who correspond to the “guardian spirits who watch over the welfare of each person". as quoted above. In Tibet, the indigenous deities corresponding to the Indian Nagas and Yaksas have kept the role of these earth deities very pro- minent within Lamaism. The Khumbhandris and Gandhfirvas are not earth deities and have no counterpart in the Himalayas. Their role in Lamaism. consequently. is not important. The gradual absorption of similar attributes from deities of different cultures has made these guardians and their subjects very complex. The iconographical manifestations of the compounded characteristics absorbed by one deity (or the set of them) creates many problems for the art historian. This is especially true when some of these characteristics are not sanctioned in literature but only appear visually. As soon as a deity takes a preeminent place over others of the same cycle, it assumes their names. virtues and qualities; its original character is thus enriched with new elements. becomes more and 2‘33: Si’é'fileiitfisviiifl-EIZESTII‘ The ““9 We“ In the Indian tradition, Vaisrévana deserted his father to serve Brahman and. to appease his angry father. gave him three beautiful Raksasi for wives. Vaisravana then reigned in Lanka from whence he was expelled by the son of his father and one of the Raksasi. Brah- man rewarded Vaisravana's devotion by making him King of Yaksas, gave him power over treasures and conferred upon him the office of Loki- IS pala. VaierVana was therefore identical to Kubera. 14Guiseppi Tucci. Tibetan Painted Scrolls (Roma: La Libre- ria Dello Stato, I964) p. 571. 15IBM... p. 571. 8 It is common in India for each deity to have several names and iconographical forms to depict different aspects of his person- ality. The Kubera form of the compound deity Kubera-Vasiravana had preeminence in the sadhnamali. the iconographical text of Indian Buddhists. Vaisrivana was regarded as an acolyte and had no inde- pendent existence of his own. This would be considered as a case of assimilation between parallel deities, Kubera and VaiSTEVana, or a double form of the same deity. However. besides this problem of convergence, there is, according to Guiseppi Tucci. in Tibetan Painted ScroIls. a problem of the opposite process of dissimilation. These two may have been one deity qriginally but later they became independent figures. In the tradition of the Northern Buddhists of Tibet. they are re- garded as two deities with two distinct functions. This might have occurred because the Tibetans had a pre-Buddhist God of Health. Nor lha who was associated with the Kubera aspect of the Indian deity. Vaisrévana's role as Lokapala absorbed the characteristics of 93325. the King of the North. The Tibetans call Kuberi ' US gnan and Vais- ravana is 'rNam tos sras.16 The Lokapala iconography with which we are confronted in Tibet and Bhutan does not have Indian prototypes. The non-Indian ori- gins for their iconography grew out of the associations made by the peoples of Central Asia and Tibet. Because the Lokapala are defenders, their active character became prominent. In ancient Buddhism, they were faithful followers of the Buddha. 'Gradually a more war-like character was added to their primitive one.17 This war-like iconography 16Rene de Nebesky-Nojkowitz. Oracles anngemons of_Tibet (London: Oxford University Press. 1956) p. 68. 17Tuch. p. 572. 9 which Vaisravana assumes,does not occur, therefore. Simply as an am- plification of his early Buddhist role as defender of the faith. It is rather because he makes contact with other mythical types, from the indigenous traditions, which transform him into a god of war. VaierVana's identity with Gesor may explain his compounded function as Lord of Horses. The Lokapala is often shown on horseback. dressed as a warrior. In some forms he is accompanied by eight Lords of Horses18 and has led further to his role as King of Kinnara. horse- headed people.19 The Tibetans regard the subjects of VaierVana as horse-faced.20 Horse-riding peoples have overrun Tibet from the north on several occasions and they are generally identified as Turks.21 An identification of these peoples with the Sassanians is possible from the style of Vaisravana‘s crown, cuirass and armor, in some represen- tations of the god. Armor became a necessary part of the warrior iconography adopted for Vaisravana. and it is worn over the dhoti-like garment associated with the Yaksa iconography of India. The dhoti is also appropriate for heavenly beings. generally. The source for the War- rior-type is probably around the area of Tun-huang. The guardian deity in Figure 1 dates from T'ang China and illustrates the war-. rior iconography of Central Asia. He is dressed in a thigh-length leather coat which can be regarded as the early armor of this area.22 IBNebesky—Mojkowitz. pp. 68-69. 1goetty. P. 156. 20 Naddell. p. 4l2. 2ITucci. p. 574. 22Publications of Field Museum of Natural History, An- thropological Series XIII (Chicago: Field Museum of NaturaT—History, .. ’po 0 IO Figure I T'ang Tomb Guardians China ll Tibetan armor was slightly different as it was constructed of strips of leather fastened together to form a coat of mail. Metal plates were attached to the armor, of both Tun-huang and the Tibetans. for greater protection at vital spots. The discs can be seen in the illustrations on the breast of the guardian. They are called me-lonfi (literally, "mirror") by the Tibetans. There were originally four: one on the back. one over the heart and one on both sides near the armpits.23 The Tibetans were active around the site of the Tun-huang caves from 777-848 A.D. Tibetan histories and copies of Tibetan trans- lations from Sanskrit texts have been found there.24 After this per~ iod. the Central Asian forms may have entered Tibet through China or through direct Contact with the sites. Bhutan received Buddhism. in the fdrm of well-developed Lamaism. in the late fifteenth century and acquired the vast artistic traditions of the Tibetans. Besides the warrior iconography, the cave-sites establish- ed new precedents for placing the images within the sanctuary. In India. the Buddhist Lokapala stood guard precisely as the Hindu-guard- ians had done. They watched the foUr entrances or the four cardinal' directions.25 At Tun-huang. in a late fifth century cave. they are placed on four sides of the main cult image. gUarding it from the~ four directions. The Tibetans do nOt follOw this placement but adopted the procedure at Rowak in Khotan.26 The guardians at this site are 23Letter from Turrel C. Wylie. University of Washington, 1969 24Deitrick Seckel The Art of Buddhism (New YOrk: Crown Pub- lishers. Inc.. I963) Trans. from Germanby Ann Kelp.. p. 70. ZSZimmer, p. 47. 261bid., p. 49 I2 27 placed on either Side of the main entrance to the monastery. Bhu- tan follows the Tibetan placement. The Lokepala in Figure 2 are to be found in the vestibule of Paro Dzong in Bhutan. The full armor of the T'ang guardians has been modified but the thigh-length coat is discernible. The breast plates and the abdomen guard are but decorative designs. This stylization has become a convention for depicting the Lokapala armor and can be found throughout the Himalayan states. In Tibet. not only did Vaisravanais function take on broad- er significance but there was also a subtle shift in his domain. There is less reference to the northern slopes of Mount Sumeru and more reference to the northern directions as such. The Indians regarded the Himfilayas as the site of Sumeru. in some general sense but did not limit it to VaierVana's domain. The shift was natural for the Tibetans once they identified Vaisrevana with Gesor. The Bhutanese place the god's domain on Kula Kangri. a prominent summit on their northern frontier.28 Guiseppi Tucci, according to his theory attempts to es- tablish a clear division between Vai§r5vana and Kuberfi using their iconography as his basis. He describes Kubera as the God of Wealth, the Indian Pluto. who lives in a house of great Splendor. Kubera also functions as Dhanada. the dispenser of riches and Nidhipéti. who guards treasures and helps his devotees to find them. VaiSravana is limited to the LokEpala function which includes the King of Yaksas and chief of the Yakea army. 27Waddell. p. 290. 28F. P. Karan Bhutan (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. 1967) p. 27. Vestibule Lokipala Paro Dzong. Bhutan 14 Under Tucci's schematization. KuberE would always follow the Pluto form which is much like the Yaksa iconography of India. He would be half-naked with a lance. money bag or mongoose or lemon or gem. In some forms he might also have a sword or club.29 Vaiervana. on the other hand. would have the warrior iconography and carry a banner adorned with the wish-granting jewel. This gem is especially associated with those protectors of religion who are believed to be' owners of treasures. It is called the "Jewel fulfilling the nine kinds of wishes."30 Due to the use of the wish-granting jewel. Vaisrfivana takes on connotations which Tucci would reserve for Kuberfi. The problem of separating the two is further hampered by the association of the mongoose with VaisrfivaNa. It appears in the Rin'byung. the Tibetan text on iconography. as an appropriate symbol for the Lokipala in most of his forms. There is. therefore. an extent to which the two are regarded as separate deities and their iconography reflects this independence. But the distinction must not be carried too far. in the case of either deity. because he never completely escapes associations with his counterpart. For instance. Kubera is honored by the Tibetans at the Feast to all Gods (Ch'ag-chi-du).3] None of the other Lokipala are so honored and the conclusion is that KuberE here has ritual separation. However. the distinction between the two forms is obscured in Bhutanese iconography. Figure 3 is a detail from a 29Tucci. p. 573. 30Nebesky-Wojkowitz. pp. 15. 19. 31Waddell. p. 412. I5 Figure 3 cmngm .mcona ogmm mcm>memwo> I5 Fiure 4 Kubera' Paro Dzong, Bhutan I7 fresco illustrating a cosmic mandala. VaiSravana is located in the lower right corner. where he is often placed in Tibetan tankhas. He is clearly functioning as a Lokipala because he is paired with Virupfiksa who appears on the other side of the mandila. Vaigravana wears but scant flowing garments. is bare to the waist and wears an ornate crown and garland fit for the God of Wealth. according to Tucci. He also carries no banner but may have a mongoose on his lap. There are also times when the God of Wealth appears more like a guardian than like a Yaksa. In Figure 4. the deity pictured looks more like a warrior and would be identified as Vaisravana with- out any problem. As was mentioned earlier. the Lokapala are all located at the doorway to the monastery. inside a vestibule. This fresco is to-be found on an outside veranda where important deities are represented. None of the Lokapala are so honored independently except the ambiguous KuberELVaiervana. The God of Wealth here can only be distinguished from the vestibule Lokapala (Figure 2) by the elaboration of his garments. See Figures 5. 6. and 7. It is not possible to make clear distinctions about the division of functions which Tucci mentions above. He attempts to separate the role of Yaksa King from that of guardian and dispenser of wealth. This demarcation is Shown to be impossible in the use of the Nanggagpa-ni rosary which is proper only for the worship of Viasrivana. The rosary consists of glossy. jet black nuts which are emblematic of the eyes of the Garuda. the great enemy of snakes. The Sanskrit name for these nuts is derived from Nagi (serpent). Its use in the worship of Vaisravana follows the asso- ciation of snakes as the mythical guardians Of treasures. Thus linking them up with wealth.3 321 1a.. p. 209. I8 Figure 5 God of Wealth fresco Residence of the Lamas Main sanctualy and chapels I Courtyard Vestibule Lokapala fresco Floorplan Bhutanese Dzong (according to P. P. Karan) I9 Figure 6 Paro Dzong Bhutan 20 Figure 7 - .‘MJ ELI. -' - I ’ .fii I Us}. I . o ‘ ‘ L.- d— ' - I fi~1u I'I. - - ant-M“ ”3-..me ' ’9' ‘9 y Courtyard Paro Dzong Bhutan 21 The association of the Nagas with wealth implies that VaiSrE- vana has some authority over the domain of VirupEksa. According to Pinacariksa literature. VaISrEVBna has preeminence over all the other Lokapala. In some mandalas of Vaisrfivana. the King and Queen of Nagas pay homage to him. The reason for this subtle shifting of deities may be due. in part. to the absorption of some indigenous deities into the ranks of other similar deities. In the pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet. Bon. the earth deities. §3_bggg (Bhutan: Shibdag). corresponded to the Yaksas of India. They made their homes in four kinds of earth and were bound to the soil over which they resided. Every inch Of soil fell in the domain of one of these deities and all men were. as they result. subject to the §g_bgag in whose territory he resided. The earth deit- ies could be good or bad but were the latter only if offended or if a mistake occurred in liturgy. Another class of earth deities. the gflam_(8hutan: tslgn). resided in stones and trees making them corres- pond to the Nagas of India who divelt under trees. The gmwere known as .the "kings and queens of diseases" and were essentially harmful by nature.33 After Buddhism came to Tibet. in the eighth century A.D.. some §g_bggg were absorbed into the ranks of gflam_i.e.. the counterpart of the Yakeas was merged with that of the Nagas. Hence. the associa- tion of Vaisrévana with Nagas in practice and iconography. Vaiervana accepted many Yaksas. and consequently many Tibet- an Sa bdag. An important member of this class of earth deities is the rTa bdag of the northwest. Pancika. Sometimes he is depicted as a 33TUCCI. pp. 721‘7229 22 a warrior with a kind of armor. a lance and a bird in his hands. Usually he wears a jeweled turban. a necklace and bracelets; he is 34 In the lower left bare to the waist with a dhoti covering his legs. corner of Figure 4. PancikE is shown as an attendant of Kubera. It is not possible to apply Tucci's distinctions and separate the aco-. lytes of VaiSrSVana and Kubera. The dhoti. untonsured hair and large eyes indicate that this is a Yaksa and the Tibetans adopted Yakea iconography for the §g_bgag. To indicate Tibetan origin. a turban was added to the figures. Figure 3 pictures Pancikfi'on the right of Vaisrivana and his unusual face may be an attempt to show him as a horse-faced acolyte. Several conventions have been merged in this Figure and the impossibility of applying Tucci's formula should be apparent. Some Sa bdag were also absorbed into the ranks of the glean. the mountain gods who are regarded as the ancestors and patrons of the people living in their area. The blgan_were considered members Of the gflam_class where they are the most prominent and harmful members.35 The cult of the mountain gods regards the mountains peaks themselves as lords of certain geographical locations.36 All these earth deities are regularly propitiated by the Himalayan peoples. Annual horoscopes are issued each year by special Lamas and contain information on the most advantageous activities and directions according to the Lokapala and their subjects. 34Getty. pp. 157-158. 35Tucc1. p. 723. 36F. P. Karan and William M. Jenkins. Jr.. The Himalayan. Kin doms: Bhutan. Sikkim. and Nepal (Princeton: D. van NostrandTCo. The” I963) p. 16. 23 As stated above. Vaisravana is associated with mountain peaks and the same is true for Kubera. In Bhutan. Kubera is identified with Kula Kangri. A mountain peak. with its summit often hidden by a cloud. is commonly pictured in the representations of these gods. (See Figures 3 and 4). Lokapala are often shown in the beautiful land- scapes of alpine meadows full of flowers and surrounded by beautiful trees. Such serene scenes are generally regarded as the abode of peaceful deities.37 The Lokapala have a certain fierceness due to their role as defenders. but within the framework of the wrathful Buddhist divinities. the guardians are relatively benign in appear- ance. (See Figure 2). The mountain gods cult has its roots in Ben. The cosmology of this religion included four custodians of the great mountains which actedas the poles for the cosmic tent. In nuptial songs of an early period. the mountains are identified as a white lioness with a tur— quoise mane. a royal wild bird. a pie-bald tiger and a fish with gold- en eyes. Under the influence of Chinese astrology. these were changed 8 The Lokapala do not generally to a tiger. dragon. bird and tortoise.3 indicate an iconographic influence from this tradition. Only VaiSffivana and Kubera are associated with their corresponding animal from the north. a white tiger with a green mane (See Figures 8 and 9). . Vaisrivana's color is usually yellow. "like the pure gold of. the sun."39 This color was assigned to him with reference to golden. treasures. Sometimes. however. he will be shown green. which is —‘ 37Nebesky-Wojkowitz. p. 20. 38Tucci. p. 719. 39Nebesky-Wojkowitz. p. 68. 24 Figure 8 Kubera Festival of the Butter Gods Choni Mountains. China 25 Figure 9 _A: sravana. / Bhutan Vai 26 the color for the Lokapala of the south. In the Buddhist system of directional Buddhas. the directional color of the south is yellow and of the north is green. This association would have been stronger for the peoples of India where the scheme originated. In regard to the Lokapala. the Northern Buddhists continued their traditional associa- tions and used yellow for Vaisravana.. (See Figure 10) The close associations of Lokapala with the powerful. semi- divine earth deities of the indigenous Northern traditions has made these guardians more prominent members Of the Buddhist pantheon than they were in India. The cultural modifications which gradually occurred strengthened their roles in Buddhist cosmology. In India. their icono- graphy was not_supported by textual evidence. The Sadhamala contained detailed instructions for the various forms of most other deities while the elevated position of the Lokapala in the HimElayaS really amounted to official recognition of the importance of VaiSrEVana's subjects in the lives of the people. The other Lokapala probably acquired esteem through their association with the God of the North. The specific duties of the Lokapala in the Buddhist pantheon are important for the Lama but probably not for the masses. The popu- lace worships them merely to obtain good luck and avert calamities. The Lokapala must always be considered in their dual roles. held simul- taneously. as popular gods and as Buddhist Lokapala. For VaiSrEvana. the dual role is complicated by his own complex nature as Kubera and VaiSrivana. The two must be regarded as only different aspects of one deity. despite their independent roles in many rituals. It will be shown in the next chapter that the Buddhists also separate the two gods in their schematization of the pantheon. But hasty conclu- sions about the separateness of their functions and iconography 27 oversimplifies the god's true nature. To make such assertions ignores his dual role and nullifies the very premises from which he originated. Chapter 2 The Iconography Derived from Buddhist Traditions The influence of popular religion shaped much of the final form of the Lokapala iconography but some additional conventions a- rose from within Buddhism. The Rin'byung provides textual evidence for essentials in the depiction of only Vaisrivana. The other Loki- pala depend on visual conventions; and. to a certain extent. this is also true of Vaisrivana. These conventions were generally accepted although not textually sanctioned. Their use depended upon the art- ists own desires. his patrons' wishes or the precedents of his sect. Even so. some of these conventions became so widespread in use. they took on necessity for characterizing the Lokapala involved. The artists working in the Northern tradition were not pri- marily concerned with creating great works of art. Their motivation was religious devotion and not aesthetic appreciation; nor is there a correlation between the beautiful and the good in the Platonic sense.- In fact. the Tibetans do not refer to beautiful art pieces. They reserve the word "beautiful" only for animate objects and re- fer to art as "well done."1 I The northern tradition also embraced the visual theology found in Buddhist art generally. Compound symbols are incorporated 1Marco Pallis Peaks and Lamas (London: Cassell & Co. Ltd.. 1932) Fourth Edition. p. 370. ' 28 29 into the works of art to express more completely the essence of that which is beyond expression. Every-detail in these religious works is 2 and yet many of them exist only as a symbol of one kind or another conventions which have no textual backing. Perhaps the most commonly used aniconic symbol is that of the lotus. the international symbol of Buddhism. It has cosmic sig- nificance and also represents the Buddha. himself. rising above the troubled world of samsarfi much the same as the beautiful flower rises above the muddy waters in which it grows. Figure 4 contains a lotus depicted in many of its aspects. There are also lotus-like clouds around the summit and elsewhere within the picture. It is only con-- jecture. but the lotus-clouds could simultaneously represent the es- sence of Buddha and the supremacy of the Lokapala and the summit iden- tified with him. The cloud pattern in China has long been associated 3 and may have influenced Tibetan artists. This with heavenly forces cloud stylization is referred to as “ argyh-pa clouds" and cannot be used by artists of another sect.4 The Bhutanese Buddhists belong to the Drug-pa. a branch of the Kargyu~pa. The reiidences of Indian Buddhist deities are always pre- sented after the Chinese manner and deities of Himalayan origin are placed in Tibetan palaces. A three storied palace with curving roofs is Shown in all mandalas of VaierVana. It is Alékanati. located on the northern slopes of Mount Sumeru; the heavenly place 2DeItrIck Seckel The Art of Buddhism (New York: Crown Pub. lishers. Inc.. 1963) Trans. from German by Ann Kelp. p. 281. 3C. K. Yang. Religion in Chinese Society (Berkeley: Universi- ty of California Press. 1967) p. 129 4Pallis. p. 336. 30 where the pious go. Evidently the Buddhist doctrine expanded the Dhananda aspect of VaierVana-Kuberi’to enable the god to distribute rewards after death. According to Buddhist metaphysics. the heavenly domains on the Wheel of Transmigration provide for a rewarding rebirth. Trifling services can be acknowledged by the god but cannot remove the devotee from the rebirth cycle of M. The doctrine goes hand in hand with the popular practices described in the previous chapter. especially the ritual prayer used in preparation of the Lamaist Euchar- ist. The Lokapala heaven was placed on the bottom tier of an hier- archy of heavens at Sihci Stupa. first century. B.C.5 Therefore. these Buddhist beliefs developed parallel to popular associations with the gods. Across the bottom of all paintings of VaiSTSvana and Kubera. are scattered the jewels coughed up by the mongoose on the gods' left arm. In the bottom center of Figure 10. these jewels fill a large vessel. This corresponds to the ritual vessel in the bottom center of Figure 4 and they both serve as a sacrifice to the god. According to the cannon for properly depicting deities. the appropri- ate sacrifice must always be present.‘ This rule is not always fol- lowed. however. Many conventions derived from Buddhist doctrine are not uni- quely applied to Vaisrivana. Large.bulging eyes are employed to Scare away evil demons. These are not demons in the sense of the folk religion but,in Tantric idealism. they represent evil thougths and states of mind. The makers (crocodile) on VaiSTEVana's boots 5Alexander Soper. Literary Evidence for Earl Buddhist Art in China (Ascona. Switzerland: Artibus Asiae. MCMEIZI. p. 232. 31 Figure 10 lu- Vaisravana Thimbu Dzong Bhutan 32 in Figure 4. as well as the cintamani (flaming jewel) at his elbows in Figure 11. represent power. The maker: is also widely used as a Buddhist symbol.h In Hitha Yogi. the slow moving. tenacious makara represents breath control which is the first step in the physical cone trol necessary for yogic medition.6 The sun and moon symbolism refers to the opposites which are reconciled in Enlightenment when all distinctions are eliminated and the unity of all is apprehended. Associated with YaiSfiVana. they probably refer to the outward directed activity of the warrior reconciled with the inward activity of the yogin. The Enlightened man combines both.7 This is. of course. only another way of'express- ing the unity of oppotites. Many elements of Lokapala iconography are derived from the ranks of the DharmEpala. As guardians of the religion. in a more general sense. the Dharmipala may have originated in India. However. their textually documented iconography is found in the Rin'byung of Tibetan origin. They perhaps gained more importance in Tibetan re- ligion than they had in India or else their function may have origin— ated in the Northern tradition. The Dharmipala are defenders of the faith. not against outside destruction. but from that Which comes from the error in one's own mind. Whereas VaiSrEvana is a Lokapala. KuberE'is a Dharmipala. There is a possibility that he may not have been assigned to those ranks from the beginning. His iconography may have been already 6Agehananda Bharati. The Tantric Tradition (London: Rider & Co.. 1965). p. 293 . 7L. A. Govinda. Foundations of Tibetan Mysticism. (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co.. Inc.. 1960). p. 164. 33 Figure 11 VaierVana Enchi Monastery Sikkim 34 established and his importance in the lives of the people warranted a 5 separate designation. As was Shown earlier. efforts to separate the two gods were never successful; even though they had some ritual sep- aration. they were always bound together in popular beliefs and in iconography. Kubera's iconography did not grow with the iconography of the other Dharmipala. They are pictured naked to the waist. with the skin of some animal covering their loins. a crown of skulls and fierce expressions on their faces. They usually have three eyes and bared teeth. Art historians have designated Kubera as the "heroic" type Dharmapala because he is always in the "heroic" asanga (sitting position). The other DharmEpala are always standing with their right knee bent and their left leg straight as if taking a large step to the right. Kubera does share some iconographical elements with the other Dharmapala and these elements appear on the Lokapala in some representations. Perhaps. the conventions transferred to the Lokapala first entered their ranks through Vaisravana's identification with Kubera. In the Rin'byung. translated by Rene de Nebesky-Wojkowitz. the iconography of the Dharmapala is stated. Nebesky-Wojkowitz trans- lated the deity in question as Vaisravana. because the Tibetan word. used in the text was rNam thos sras not ”Lus gnan. The other Lokapala were given similar iconographical aspects to agree with that of the leading Lokapala. Vaigravana. All Lokapala are shown in the "heroic" asanga even when they are placed on a yghflna. At times. they are shown sitting on animal skins which refers to the destroyer aspect of the Dharmipala and to the emphasis on ascetism. Destruction in this sense refers to the 35 destruction of the ego and of all wordly desires. Further signifi- cance was given to the animal skins in Tibetan Tantrism. They are the first step or seat for rituals and must be blessed before medita- tion begins.8 The Dharmapala of the "heroic" type also wears high boots. usually of Mongolian origin.9 These can often be found on Lokapala. especially Vaisravana. At other times. the Lokapala appear in slip- pers similar to those worn in India. Conch shells provide much of DharmEpala jewelry especially as earrings and aS'a hair ornament. They can similarly be seen on Lokipala along with the Dharmapala hairdo of a toupet from which the conch protrudes. (See Figures 3. 4 and 10). It is also possible that the use of DharmEpala iconography on the Lokipala may have been derived from the ability of a Lokapala to function in the capacity of a Dharmipala. Vaisrivana's main func- tion in Buddhist cosmology was limited to his position as a Guardian of the North. but it has been shown that he took on other aspects in popular religion. In Meditation. he could also function in the capacity of the Dharmapala or of any other member of the heavenly realm. This would enable him to function as a guardian in a more general sense. Of course. this change of-roles is only mental. It occurs when the yogin brings the desired Lokfipala into his mind and then commands him to guard the yogin's faith. AS in all Tantric practice. however. this is only a representation. with outward signs ~88harati. p. 249. 9Rene de Nebesky-Wojkowitz. Oracles and Demons of Tibet ‘ (London: Oxford University Press. 1956). p. 8. 10151.1” p. 13. 36 and images. of the particular state of mind which the yogin maintains. Many of the Dharmapala have a court of lords who serve them. In popular religion,the nature of the semi-divine peoples was related to their animistic origins. In the idealism of Tanrism. these acolytes or lords are but the manifold reproductions or "emanations" of the deity upon whom a yogin ie meditating. They are produced by the deity's own free will. to cope with his various tasks. and can be re-absorbed into himself at any time. This is also true for Lokapala. 1‘ a continuous row of Yaksa type In mandala of Vaisravana. figures is pictured among the god's numerous acolytes. The pre- sence of Yaksas on a Buddhist mandala leaves no doubt_that the two traditions.have fused. Recognition is hereby provided for the promi- nence of the deities in the popular conception of Vaisravana's domain and even offers a Buddhist reason as to why and how these deities exist there. i.e.. as emanations of the god for some special task. When meditating upon a Dharmipala. a yogin must first. imagine his residence and in it an open lotus. on which the vahana--if any--of the dharmapala is resting. and finally he has to imagine the dharmapala himself. whom he creates out of the corresponding "seed syllable". in the shape d6! scribed in the sadhana. tegether with all his chief and minor acolytes. From the mandala. it is apparent that the same process is followed with the LokEpala. However. the use of "seed syllable" with Loka- pala must be established. 0n the "fierce" type of Dharmipala. the "seed syllable” is placed upon a me-long which hangs around his neck and rests on his nGuiseppi Tucci. Tibetan Painted SCrolls. (Roma: La Libreria Dello Stato. MCMXLIV). Plate 177 12Nebesky-Wojkowitz. p. 20. 37 chest. No such iconography exists for the Lokapala. However. it is ~possible to connect the practice of meditation. the "seed syllables" and the Lokapala. Quoting from the Rin'byung. (Vol II. fo llsb): 0n the four Spokes of the wheel: in the southeast comes forth from the syllable nghri the white Yul'khar bsrung. holding a guitar and rid1ng an elephant. In the south- west issues from the syllable bg_the blue "Phags skyeo pg. holding a sword and riding a buffalo. In the north- west comes forth from the syllable bi the re Mig mi bzang. holding a snake anare and a stupa aid riding a makara. In the northeast comes forth from the syllable bg_the dark green Ngal bsas_po. holding a club and mongoose. riding a lieg. All of them wear armor and appear in an angry mood. The four Lokapala are all present in this mantra and can be identified by the symbols they hold and by their vahEnas. (See Figures 12 and 13). Mantra Yogi relies upon these sounds to deveIOp the meditative mood and is used in connection with other forms of meditative yoga. In comparing the T'ang tomb guardian (Figure l) with the images Of VaierVana at Paro and Enchi. it can be seen that the me: lghg have been converted into "firery faces". The presence ofra dis— tinct "face" in the pubic area of these images. and also on the Choni Butter God. indicates some symbolic reference. In addition. all these images have a small head and a pair of hands in the center of the gods' crowns. The Lokapala at Potala in Tibet also have these four. "faces" indicated and placed in a similar manner upon the gods' armor and crown. The location of these four "faces“ corresponds to the four .Yogic centers of the Kamakila system of yogic meditation found in 'Tibetan Tantrism. There is no textual evidence to support the ‘— 13Nebesky-Wojkowitz. p. 68. 38 Figure 12 Dhrstraristra and VirudEksa ’ Bhutan ' 39 Figure 13 VirupEksa Bhutan 40 proposition that yogic centers are indicated by "faces". however. each center does have a god or goddess associated with it.14 In every many-sided symbolism. one main point must prevail. and the more manifold and complicated the system. the more restgicted are the meanings of its single constituents. In the Kamakfila meditation. the body is regarded as the microcosm which reflects the macrocosm. the spiritual world. The body can. therefore. serve as a mandala through which the yogin. can attain identity with the universe. This means that there would be complete integration of the opposites of spiritual and physical. "There is nothing in the universe which is not in the human body."16 0n the mandala was projected the drama of cosmic dis- integration and reintegration as relived by the indi- vidual. sole contriver of his own salvation... . Not only is the body analogous to the universe. in the physical extent and divisioh§; but it also contains within itself all the Gods. Strictly speaking. such meditation is possible with any mandala. including the one mentioned earlier of Vaisravana. A class of deities designated yid-dam are the tutelaries of each Lama and it is with these deities that he would seek the liberating identity. Every yid-dam is some form of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas who in- habit the seventh and eighth realms of existence outside the Wheel of Transmigration. Both the Lokapala and the DharmEpala are within the rebirth cycle at the sixth level. Rebirth in the devaloki (heaven) 14Govinda. p. 142. 15151d... p. 180 16Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe). The Serpent Power. (Madras: Ganesh & Co.. Private Ltd.. 1964). p. 50. 17Guiseppi Tucci. The Theory and Practice of Mandala. (Lon- don: Rider & Co.. 1961). p. 108 41 is only a temporary state of bliss. Even the various gods from this realm cannot attain nirtha because their heavenly existence does not allow for the experience of suffering which is a pre-requisite for release.18 For this reason. these gods too must have a tutelary upon whom they can meditate for identification. The yid-dam for Vaisravana is Vajr'a'pani.19 The use of mantra for the worship of 'deVEtaS' (minor gods) is proper only for the purpose of acquisition and propitiation.20 They are evoked through the mulamantra (OM AH HUM) . . . (as) the matrix. and the bile (seedsyllable) of any deity-~especially of a minor deity that does not have its own set of es- tablished mantrES.21 Thus the mantra for meditation upon Vaisravana would be OM AH VA HUM. Therefore. the devatas of the sixth level could never be used as yid-dam. If such KamakEla markings were to be meaningful. they would have to be on images of one of these deities.22 But they never are placed on Buddhas or Bodhisattvas. probably because their iconography originated in Indian and would not have been tampered with by the Tibetans. Instead. "seed syllables" were placed on the back. of tankhas in the appropriate yogic centers.23 There is another possible way to explain yid-dam. which seems to oppose the above position. The center of the mandala is ggnii. the Void which is everything and nothing. It is the complete inte- 18Seckel. p. 242. 19Conversation with Thubten'J. Norbu. brother of the Dalai Lama. March 11. 1969. 20Bharati. pp. 135. 144. 2ILoc. Cit. 22Norbu 93- . ._ --. 42 gration of opposites into a state of absolute potentiality. The personification of suny§_is the Adi Buddha and all that is. emanates from him. The direct emanations from the Adi Buddha are called the DhyEni Buddhas. of which there are five. In order to systematize their cosmology. the Northern Buddhists designated each deity as belonging to one of the families of these DhyEni Buddhas. VaierVana and and Kubera emanate from the Dhyfini Buddha Vairocani much as the Yfiksfi Lords emanate from the LokEpala. This means that Vaisravana could 4 Even one's serve as yid-dam because he is Ultimately a Buddha.2 own body contains all and is a mandala. Obviously. these two lines of reasoning contradict one an- other. One states that identity is not possible with a gggfita_and the other that a ggv§ta can serve as yid-dam. One explains the "faces" on the Lokapala as a means to make him look more powerful and.the other contains the possibility that "faces" mark yogic centers for Kamakfila meditation. The latter is in keeping with. Vaigrfivana's position as the center of the mandala and. therefore. as ggnyELitself. The first explanation is part of physical cos- mology which accepted these gey§ta§_as actual deities. The second explanation acknowledges the fundamental principle of Tibetan Buddhism. that all is gghi§_and ultimately mental. Both of these explanations serve the purpose of Lamaism. Its art is deliberately disguised from the uninitiated. But on the other hand. for the initiated. there are no wasted symbols.25 "There is in- principle nothing that is not a symbol; strictly speaking. even the 24Correspondence. Turrel Wylie University of Washington. 1969 25$eckel. p. 281. 43 26 On this basis. the evidence for the Buddha himself is a symbol." possibility that these "faces" are indeed yogic centers must be exa- mined. Stella KramrisCh. in The Art of Nepal. designates the "faces" appearing on the crown of Tantric images (both Hindu and Buddhist). as the "leonine face of glory" or the Kirttimurkn5127 It represents mahfisunyi or Brahman center when Enlightenment has been obtained. An image of the Sfikti Durga has a "face" in her crown. This Shows av face and two hands visible. Kramrisch also identifies it as a Kirttimurkha. The image corresponds to the one in the crown of Vais? ravana in Figure 4 and is of Tibetan origin. It is gci-bar. a mytho- logical creature from ancient folk lore.28 His image often appears in monasteries and must hold some significance within Buddhism. He re- presents the waters of creation and only his face and hands (sometimes with a lotus bracelet around his wrists) Show beneath the clouds. The lotus also indicates adoption by Buddhism. Gci-bar is shown in Figure 14. The sun and moon on his head are joined. indicating that Enlightenment has occurred and en- hancing the possibility that the creature represents mahfisunyi. Even greater emphasis can be given this premise when the "firery faces" upon the breast are considered. In Kamafiila. the heart and throat center are combined upon the breast. They are associated with the element of fire. "fire of inspiration. psychic fire. the fire of 26Seckei. p. 278 27Stella Kramrisch. The Art‘of Nepal. (The Asia Society. Ind.. 1964). pp. 35. 42. 28Norbu 44 Figure 14 copacm acoNa atom emanwow 45 religious devotion."29 The "faces" on the breast of the deities in Figures 4 and 11 are clearly firery. When combined with the water symbolism of ggi;ha§. the opposing elements of fire and water repre- sent the psychic integration of all opposites harmoniously united in the central figure.30 This integration begins with the rise of the Kundalina from the bungi (spot. point. which is neither extended in time or space) located in the solar plexus and the reproductive organs. Earlier. the human body was indicated as a mandala of all that exists in the universe. This yogic meditation regards the entire cosmos as arising from one source symbolized by the coiled. serpentine Kundalina. From this source. or center. the psychic energy moves up the spinal cord and eventually provides the psychic integration of yogic.medita- tion.31 The center of the sleeping Kundalina is also marked by a "face" on some Lokapala images. The Choni representation leaves no doubt that the "face" rests under the god's abdomen and not on it. There is no doubt that the three centers are very convincingly depicted on these deities. In addition. there is the brihmaridha. "the orfice of Brihma.from beyond which is accomplished the '1eap" into the other sphere."32 Because of this. the orthodox Hindu wears a crest-lock which is raised in honor of-the Supreme Lord who is Pure 33 Consciousness itself. Could this crest-lock have any relation to 29Govinda. p. 179. 30Peter H. Pott. "Tibet". in The Art of Burma .Korea and Tibet. (New York: Crown Publishers. Inc.. I964). p. 235. 31Govinda. p. 173. 32Tucci. Mandala. pp. 116-117. 33W. Y. Evans-Wentz. The Tibetan Book of the Dead. (London: Oxford University Press. 1967) Third Edition.. p. lxxii. 46 VaierVana's conch shell-adorned toupet? To conclude that this evidence touches upon a fundamental aspect is tempting but premature. It is only possible to state that the use of disguised symbolism is possible. As to why such markings. appear only on LOkEpala is also conjecture. It is true. however. that these guardians have no §§3t1_(female counterpart) which deities of the higher levels have. Union of the deity in the embrace of his §§§tl indicates Enlightenment. Such powerful gods,as the Lokfipala.were in the eyes of the people,may have led to supplying them with a female counterpart within the confines of their physical place in the pantheon. The KamakEla meditation involves the personification of Enlightenment. by mentally putting on the body of the Kundalina goddess. the first syss: 'of the three BindUs. O Mistress of the Devas. let him contemplate the first as the mouth and in the heart the two Bindus as the two breasts. Then let him meditate upon the subtle Kila Hakarar- dha in the YonT (pubic organs)‘. and the second days: 'The face in the form of Bindu. and below twin_breas§i and below them the beauteous form of the Hakarardha. It should be noticed that the "face in the form of Bindu" above re- fers to the "face" seen in Vaisravana's crown. The complexities of Buddhist Tantric symbolism are therefore integrated with Buddhist doctrines. There are many levels of interpre- tation depending upon the degree of Enlightenment the viewer has at- tained. Iconographical associations,which Vaiérfivana carriesybegin. at the level of the masses in popular beliefs and reach - the heights of profoundity in KamakEla meditation. Such an interpretation of the god's iconography cannot be fully documented but conclusions from the evidence cited is consistent with the artistic purposes of Lamaism. 34Avaion. p. 135. A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Art of Burma. Korea and Tibet. New York: Crown Publishers. Inc.. 1964. Avalon. Arthur. (Sir John Woodroffe) Sakti and Sakta. Madras: Ganesh & Co. Private Ltd.. 1965. . The Serpent Power. Madras: Ganesh & Co. Private Ltd.. 1964. Banerjea. J. N. The Development of Hindu Iconography. Calcutta: University of CalEUtta.7l956. Bell. Charles. The Religion of Tibet. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1931. . 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