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HOUSING IN INDIA
SECURITY OF TENURE AS HOUSING STRATEGY

Completed as partial requirement of:
Master’s of Urban Planning/Urban Studies Plan 3 Option
Michigan State Univeruity

Submitted to the Urban Afiaire Program

BarryBain

44",

1"

Summer 1993

CONTENTS

Introduction

Housing in the Third World Housing

Urban Planning Solutions

Indian Slum Development
Case Study of Bombay

Conclusion

Bibliography

Page

13

22

33

37

r“)

.5.

w

INTRODUCTION

The nation of India is of special interest when considering Asian urban
Growth. With a population of approximately eight hundred million and
constant rural to urban migration, managing urban growth is a great challenge
and concern. All the major metropolitan areas in India have sizable squatter
settlements. The squatter settlements, (also referred to as slum areas), pose
a formal challenge for Indian urban planners.

India has had a long history of Western-influenced urban planning. This
includes LeCorbusier’s planned city of Chandigar, Patrick’s Geddes’s approach
of "appropriate" development, and prevalent examples of British town planning
techniques as is illustrated through the various cantonments which exist in
most of the major cities.

Lecorbusier’s planned city of Chandigar is a prime example of a western
city planner designing a city in its entirety. The work was criticized for not
taking into account the needs of the local inhabitants.‘ Patrick Geddes, a
British town planner, conducted projects throughout the Sub-continent. He
is well-known for taking into account the basic needs of the local inhabitants

before devising a plan .2 The British tradition of town planning still exists

 

1 Hall, Peter. Cities of Tomorrow. Basil Blackwell

Ltd.:0xford, U.K. (1988) 139.212

2
Humphries:London, England. (1947). {various sections}

3

Tyrwhitt, Jacqueline (ed). Patrick Geddes in India. Lund

‘_ today. In all the major cities there exists a cantonment area built and planned
expressly for the use of the ruling British.3 When one ventures into these
sections it is easy to mistake the location for England.

The majority of the above examples, (Patrick Geddes excluded), illustrate
the use of urban planning by a colonial power to create a favorable
environment for its administrators. After India’s independence, there was less
need for the physical aspects of urban planning. Currently, India is
undergoing rapid urbanization. This, combined with the fact that India is the
second most populous country in the world, creates a demand for the
appropriate application of urban planning to answer the basic needs of its
citizens. The most common of these are sufficient shelter and a healthy urban
living environment for its city dwellers. This includes the need for development
of the slum areas.

It is the purpose of this paper to examine the means by which India
might utilize urban planning techniques to best improve its slum areas. The
approach is first to review the general population / demography trends of the
urban Third World. From this groundwork, the problems of urban housing
and their associated solutions can be examined.

There is an underlying assumption that no single urban planning
solution can solve the problems of India’s urban environment entirely.
However, there are advantages and disadvantages related to each. This paper

shall focus on security of tenure (transfening ownership of land) as a possible

 

3 Hall, Peter. Cities of Tomorrow. (1988) pg. 174—178

4

'. solution. A case study of security of tenure as it relates to India shall be

reviewed. From the case study, the overall impacts of security of tenure can
be assessed. The case study will reveal the benefits and shortcomings as
related to India’s slum development. Final recommendations will then be

drawn.

'. solution. A case study of security of tenure as it relates to India shall be
reviewed. From the case study, the overall impacts of security of tenure can
be assessed. The case study will reveal the benefits and shortcomings as
related to India's slum development. Final recommendations will then be

drawn.

HOUSING IN THE THIRD WORLD

The developing countries are becoming more and more urbanized. By
the 1980’s, the percentage of urban dwellers rose to 40%‘. Sixty percent of
the world’s population is projected to reside in or around cities by the year
2025.5 Currently, Asia has the largest number of urban dwellers, with an
estimated total of nine hundred thirty-one million inhabitants. The projected
number of Asian urban dwellers is projected to rise to 2.6 billion. This will
account for about half of the World’s population.‘3

The most important outcome of rapid urbanization is the lack of
afiordable housing. The huge influx of people into the urban areas further
strains an already existing housing shortage.
This in turn translates into the proliferation of squatter settlements at the
urban peripheries. This process is the direct result of several current
population trends.

These population changes are the results of three factors:

birthrate, death-rate, and migration. Presently there is a phenomenon of rural
to urban migration taking place in most underdeveloped countries. Urban to

rural migration does not account for the entire growth of Asian urban areas.

 

‘ Harris, Nigel (ed.) . Cities in the 1990’s: The Challenge
fonDeveloping Countries. Bydles Ltd.: King’s Lynn, England. (1990)
pg.1x

5 The World Resources Institute. 1990-1991 World Resources:

A Guide to the Global Environment. Oxford University Press:
Oxford, England. (1990). pg. 66

5 Ibid pg. 66

I Rather, a natural increase in population is also a main contributor. The urban
iii-migrants are mostly of younger ages. Their age cohort tends to have the
highest fertility rate. Therefore, the natural rate of growth by residents of the
slum areas is an important factor in addition to the influx of people from the
countryside.’

Very generally stated, urban to rural migration is caused by push / pull
factors. The major push factor would be lack of economic opportunity in the
countryside. This encourages people to leave the rural area for the city in the
hopes of finding better economic opportunity. Pull factors include the
opportunities for economic betterment. Most rural residents migrate to the
city to find better employment. Employment opportunities are greater in cities -
because they are the central locations for political, educational and economic
institutions.

India is a prime example of third world growth trends. For the year
1990, India has approached a high fertility rate of 4.0.8 The fertility rate is
derived from taking the number of births within a particular year, dividing it
by the population of the same year, and multiplying by one thousand. India’s
population is projected to increase from 850 million in the year 1990, to

approximately 1.348 billion by the year 2025.9 The percentage of urban

 

7 Ibid pg. 66

8 World Bank. World Bank Development Report: Development

and thg Environment. Routledge: New York, NY. (1992) pg. 270
9 Ibid pg. 268

population in India rose from 19% in the year 1965 to approximately 27% in
the year 1990.10

This poses a problem for India. There is currently a housing shortage
in Indian cities. In addition to this problem, the job markets are close to
saturation. The newcomers find that their only option is to work for menial
wages and resort to makeshift housing for shelter. India faces the task of
providing services for its increasing urban population. Being a developing
nation, the municipal budgets are quite limited. India may not be able to
afford proper infrastructure. The residents of slum areas, in most cases, live
without water, electricity, and sewerage. The social need for sufficient shelter
is not completely fulfilled. The result is that residents in the slum areas,
forced to live on non-tenured land with no infrastructure, suffer from poor
health conditions.

Housing on non-tenured land constitutes a squatter settlement.
Squatter settlements are damaging to the environment mainly because there
is no infrastructure in place (this rarely a problem for residents living on
legally-owned land). Infrastructure is a major component of shelter. The lack
of infrastructure is not just an inconvenience for the residents. It poses a
serious threat to their health and welfare. Without proper infrastructure, the
management of water becomes logistically impossible.

There must be universal availability of water if the slum environments

 

1° Ibid pg. 278

are to improve. In the next four . decades, the urban population Will increase
threefold and their water needs fivefold. Currently the status quo does not
meet demand. The number of unserved households will rise substantially.l 1

This is significant because the most prevalent, yet one of the most
preventable problems of squatter developments is that of diseases associated
with water quality and water management. More than one billion people in the
world are without access to suitable water and about 1.9 billion are without
access to suflicient sanitary services. Rising unit costs combined with an ever-
growing population show that this practice, unchanged, will lead to a decline
in service.12 Since there is a positive correlation between water service
infrastructure and the amount of communicable disease affliction, water
quality and water management must be made a top priority.

Water quality refers to the level of noxious elements in the water supply.
On the other hand, water management takes into account disposal and
delivery of suitable water.

Concerns of water quality in slum areas are not necessarily focused on
contamination within the household. Rather, the important factor is whether
the water that comes out of the tap or pump is safe. In slum areas of
developing countries, it is imperative to go from "bad" quality (more than 1 .000

fecal conforms per 100 millimeters) to "moderate" quality (less than 10 fecal

 

11 Ibid pg. 100

” Ibid pg. 113

coliforms per 100 millimeters), not necessarily the stringent quality standards
of the industrialized countries.13

In slum areas, water management tends to be of greater concern. The
mismanagement of drainage accounts for the bulk of water-related illnesses.
Without proper disposal, water stagnation becomes an intense breeding-
ground for infectious viruses and bacteria. It further supports populations of
carrier insects such as the anopheles mosquitoes.

The proper disposal of excreta material is a problem as well. To explore
this facet. it is necessary to distinguish between the household and the
neighborhood. As far as the individual household is concerned, the health
impacts of improved sanitary disposal rely only on the act of getting the
excreta material out of the house. This means that the results will be similar
if the family members use an improved pit latrine, a cesspool overflowing into
a street drain, or a conventional sewer system.

When dealing with the neighborhood, removal of excreta material
becomes a bit more complicated. The task of removing the material can be
accomplished efficiently by a wide range of methods, but is often very badly
managed by the most commonly used methods. such as nightsoil collection.

Nightsoil collection is when a hired person comes to the household on daily
basis to carry away the excrement for disposal. When considering squatter

settlements, the problem is compounded due to the very high population

 

” Ibid pg.99
10

densities. The chance of fecal to oral transmission becomes more probable in
such settlements.“

An important factor in the development of proper management of water
resources is the cost. Because squatter settlements are not planned, there is
no formal water infrastructure in place. With this absence, people must
provide their own services, usually at a high cost.

Residents of squatter settlements must provide themselves with water
through their own devices. This may be through privately installing a septic
tank and/ or purchasing water through a private vendor. The cost to private
parties is exorbitant. Depending on the particular venue, informal water
services may account for up to twenty percent (20%) of the household's
income. ‘5 Further, the strain on the household is further exacerbated if the
quality of water is below an acceptable health standard. This is primarily due
to the costs of boiling water, installing in-house storage facilities, or sinking
*weus}8

The lack of tenured land has negative impacts on dwelling units as well.

Within developing countries, there are nine new households for every one

 

“ Ibid pg. 99

” Ibid pg.100

“ Ibid pg.100
ll

dwelling. ‘7 The housing deficiency, shared by developing nations, is the
most significant factor contributing to the growth of informal housing via
squatter developments on non-tenured land.

Another significant factor is the socio-spatial attributes associated with
major cities in developing countries. Third World countries tend to have
concentrated economic activity in the city of primacy.” The result is that
the majority of infrastructure remains in the major urban areas. This further
attracts businesses which, due to high demand, causes land values to surge.
19

The high cost of land is the main contributor to the growth of slum
areas. The cost is exceedingly high due to the aforementioned demand for
land in the city. In many cases, the cost of land forces housing prices too the
point of non-affordability for the lower and working classes. The only
remaining alternative is to utilize makeshift housing illegally located on non-

tenured land.

 

17

Tripple, Graham.and Willis, Kenneth (ed.). Housing the
Urban Poor in Developing Countries. Routledge:London (1991) pg.1

“ Knox, Paul. Urban Social Geography: An Introduction.
Harlow:New York, NY. (1987) pg. 345

” Ibid pg.345
12

A,

URBAN PLANNING SOLUTIONS

When dealing with urban planning solutions for slum development, it is
important to note that shelter consists of both the physical dwelling unit and
proper infrastructure. To correctly improve slum areas, both factors must be
accounted for.

It is necessary for a developing countries to finance and implement the
correct water sanitation technologies. Water management is a basic
requirement for improving slum areas.

A possible means to achieve this, is to provide sewer and water hookups
through the use of creative financing. Creative financing is methods that allow
the government to equitably share the cost of developing proper water
infrastructure with its citizens. As previously noted, cost is a major obstacle
for developing countries when providing the necessary water infrastructure.
This can be overcome through various techniques of creative financing.

It is noted that the majority of residents are willing to pay for water
infrastructure investment. The amount of money required is often unavailable
to individuals. Possible solutions include allowing the individual household
to pay for the water and sewer hookup over several years. This system is of
greatest use in squatter settlements which house portions of the middle- and
working-classes. Their existing incomes would insure that payments would

be kept current.”0

 

20

pg. 100

World Bank. Development and the Environment. (1992)

13

This technique would be advisable for slum areas which house the
economically weaker segments of society. In many cases timely payments for
water and sewer hookups are not economically feasible in a squatter
settlement. This is due to the fact that the residents may not be able to
provide themselves with the basic needs.

Another alternative would be for a government to enforce a "social
tariffm. A social tariff is a tax which is imposed on the economically
stronger segments of society for the specific purpose of developing water
infrastructure. This policy allows the government to deliver more equitable
services to the squatter settlements. This may or may not be feasible,
considering the political climate of the country in question. It is however, a
more equitable policy for a developing country to adopt.

Effluent sewerage is often the preferred cost-effective route for waste
water management in slum areas. It is actually a cross between a
conventional sewer system and a septic tank. The effluent sewerage system
' is unique in that it has a small tank that lies between the house’s sewer and
the main line. The tank collects the solids while the liquid and smaller
particles
are flushed through to the main sewer line. The main advantage of this
system is that it allows the main sewer line to be laid at flatter gradients with

fewer manholes. This system has a reduction of twenty percent less than a

 

“ Ibid pg. 104
14

conventional sewerage system.22

Simplified sewerage is yet another option. This is simply a sewerage
system that allows for smaller, shallower, flatter sewers with fewer manholes.
This system can reduce cost by thirty percent.

Innovations in affordable sewerage may not necessarily be mutually
exclusive choices for a development project. For example, in Karachi. Pakistan,
a sewerage system for a squatter settlement used the principle of both eflluent
and simple sewerage. The result was a greater reduction of cost for providing
proper sanitation. The standard connection cost of $1 ,000 was reduced to
$50.23

Both effluent and simplified sewerage may be implemented through the
use of a country's civil engineers. This intervention is very technical. It
requires the use of trained professionals. There is little need for residential
cooperation.

If it is not economically feasible install a sewerage system at all, then
another option is to use a ’pour flush latrine'. This system is considered a
’dry‘ form of sanitation. This particular category of sanitation technoloy does
not require vast amounts of water to transport the waste material. The only
infrastructure required would be the units themselves. The total is, on

average, one hundred US dollars ($100). This is about one tenth the cost of

 

” Ibid pg. 108

” Ibid pg. 108
15

formal sewer system composition".

A pour flush latrine is a simple form of sanitation technoloy. It does
not require a high level .of maintenance and the construction costs are
minimal. The pour flush latrine is composed of a concrete squatting, and a
water filled trap which in turn leads to two tanks via a short pipeline or an
underground drain. The latrine is flushed manually by merely pouring water
into the pan when the user is finished. Less than two liters of water are need
to properly flush. The water-filled trap self-contains the noxious odors while
simultaneously blocking the encroachment of fly larvae. The water will seep
through the perforated bottom of the tank. The solids accumulate in the tank.
A period of approximately two years is required to fill one tank with solid
waste. Once this is done, the flow is switched to the second tank for the same
amount of time. The solid material remains in the filled tank for
approximately two years. At the end of this period it is no longer toxic. There
remains a nitrogen-rich powder which can be safely used as a fertilizer.25

The intervention involved for the pour flush is basically for providing the
toilet and the location. India has created the added benefit of job-provision
with its pour flush program. The program provides training of former nightsoil
collectors for pour flush manufacturing. The sanitation program provides

lower-income people with a new marketable trade.

 

“ Robson, Emma. 'Lifting the Burden of India's Waste.“
ENQP: Source. Vol.10 #3. (1991) pg. 7

5 Ibid pg. 7

16

Once the appropriate financing and technology are acquired, a
suitable strategy must be utilized for proper implementation. There are several
strategies that are of particular use to developing countries.

Self-help water management proves to be useful. It can be done in a
variety of ways. One way is for the government to provide the most basic
infrastructure. This approach is one aspect of the "Sites and Services"
method. The benefit of this approach is that large costs of providing a
complete water and sewer hookup to the individual shelter are avoided by
allowing the residents to share the cost. The municipal government may
provide the rudimentary water/ sewer piping while the resident will provide the
labor and basic costs.26

For the ’sites and services’ method, the intervention must have
cooperation among the professional engineer and the residents. The
community may become involved in a number of ways. This may include
planning where the system will be best located, receiving training or
instruction for use and maintenance, and / or participating in the actual
construction.

Generally citizen participation is considered positive because it 'helps
people help themselves’. The implementation is more dynamic because of this.
However, coordination of the project will be more complicated. The residents

may need assistance, or at least training, so that they may provide the

 

26 Ibid pg.108
l7

appropriate labor. This factor must be accounted for in the initialization of the
project.

To meet the demands of housing, similar strategies may be
applied. First, it is necessary to understand the dynamics between the formal
and informal sectors of development. The formal sector encompasses
development activities which are legal, recorded, and accounted for. This
sector lacks efliciency. The process of securing tenure, obtaining proper
permits, and hiring qualified workers is a very costly procedure for developing
countries. The informal sector bypasses the regulations, cutting costs up to
forty percent (40%).” Municipal governments may opt to encourage the
informal sector, realizing that it is nearly impossible for the formal sector to
provide an adequate supply of affordable housing.

Providing housing fomially for slum dwellers usually takes the form of,
large scale urban development projects. Commonly, this would encompass the
acquisition of land that is currently informally occupied and would remove the
existing makeshift shelter structures. They would then be replaced by large-
scale high-rise multi-family units. Solutions such as these may be necessary,
but steps to make sure that their targeted populations reap the benefits must
be taken. This solution is unwise for cities which have extremely high land
values. The development will enhance the value of land. Ultimately the

created housing will filter socially upward, rather than downward. Providing

 

” World Resource Institute. A guide to the Global

Environment, (1991). pg. 78

18

formal housing may exacerbate the problem of squatter developments by
merely forcing them further away from the central city.28

Providing housing formally may also involve the removal of squatters.
A municipal government may make the conscious choice of choosing a site
that is already being utilized by squatters for the specific purpose of slum
clearance. The main purpose of such a plan is to improve the city overall
through slum clearance. When a city opts for this approach, it must have a
relocation plan. For cities that are experiencing extreme costs of land,
relocation may not be economically feasible. If this is so, providing formal
clearance has no overall effect on the housing shortage. It merely shumes
people around from one location to another.29

Besides providing formal housing there is also the option of self-help
housing. As was previously stated regarding water infrastructure, the concept
of self-help housing requires the government to provide very basic assistance
to the slum resident. This may be in the form of building materials, funds, or
professional consultation. They were responsible for the labor as well. The
resident must come up with the remainder of the resources through his own
devices. The labor is almost always the responsibility of the resident. An

example would be in Lusaka. Zambia, where the planners involved the

 

28 United Nations Center for Human Settlements (HABITAT).

The Residential Circumstances of the Poor in Developing Countries.
Praeger Publishers:New York, NY. (1981) pg.231

” Payne, Geoffrey K. Urban Housing in the Third World.
Leonard Hill: London, England. (1977) pg.67

19

residents of the slum areas at every level possible for decisions of where to
place roads. The residents were then provided with tools.30

Self-help housing has a success-rate dependent on two variables. The
first variable is the available resources of the resident. Resources include
monetary holdings as well as construction skills. The second is the amount of
support that the government or appropriating agency is willing to put forth.
Government support is most often in the form of funding and provision of
professional personnel. The actual amount of support required varies
according to the magnitude of a given project.

If a mismatch of these two variables exists, the project will have a higher
failure rate. A precaution is to have
user-control over the building process as the only way to ensure that the
shelters produced are appropriate for the consumer.31

Formalizing can be done on a smaller level through the use self-help
methods. Allowing for security of tenure is one way to accomplish this task.
Studies show that even the poorest of people who secure land will make an
effort to invest and improve their shelter situations. Security of tenure can be
used as a tool to encourage self-help activities. The results of a study on a

particular settlement in lima, Peru, concur with these studies by illustrating

 

” Rakodi, Carol. "Self—Help Hosing: The Debate and Examples.
Upgrading in Lusaka, Zambia, and Hyderabad, India.‘ Habitat
International, Vol. 13 #4. (1989). pg. 8

“ Ibid pg.6
20

that on average, a legally secured settlement building is up to forty-one times
greater in value than an illegally built building. In addition, on a larger scale,
the average value of a legally tenured building was found to be about nine
times greater in value than its illegally built counterpart.32

Security of tenure works by transferring land ownership to the squatter.
The residents enjoy the advantages of legal landholdings. In the short run, the
resident has a sense of security due to the fact that he can no longer be
forcibly evicted. As mentioned above, the increased value is an incentive to
improve the property further. In the long run, the resident will be able to sell
his holdings on the real estate market for profit. This strateg will be
discussed further in the case study.

All of the above planning techniques have the potential to alleviate
the problems associated with slum development. The situation of a specific
venue must be taken into account in order to asses which techniques or
combinations thereof are most beneficial. For this reason, a review of a case

study in India will be examined for proper assessment.

 

32 World Resources Institute. A Guide to the Global

Environment. (1991) pg. 78
21

INDIAN SLUII DEVELOPMENT
Case Study of Bombay

222512292;

The City of Bombay was chosen as the case study location of slum
development. It is the second-largest city in India, with a population of
8,277,000 in the city itself, and another 12,730,000 in the hinterland.33 It
has the third-highest population density in the world. Bombay currently
serves as the economic and cultural center of India. It is located in the State
of Maharashta in Northwest India.

It is a peninsular city which juts out into the Arabian Sea. Since it is
surrounded by water on three sides, there exists a tremendous land
constraint. Due to the ever-increasing influx of rural migrants, the available
housing supply in Bombay is completely inadequate. In 197 6, The population
of Bombay was 2.8 million with almost 33% living in slums. This figure
increased to 54% slum dwellers by the early 1 980’s with an additional 2.8%
pavement dwellers.34

Bombay has had a history of strong slum development. in the 1960's

the slums became consolidated into permanent settlements. The city has

 

” Hanson, James. India: Poverty, Employment, and Social

Services, (A World Bank Countpy Study).
World Bank: Washington, D.C. (1990)

pg.72

“ Banerjee-Guha, Swapna. 'Who are the Beneficiaries?

Evaluation of a Public Housing Project for the Poor in New Bombay'
Ekistic= #346 January/February 1991 - #347 March/April 1991. pg.55

22

become spatially polarized. Commerce and trade industries were located in
the south on the peninsula itself. Heavy industry was located to the North in
the suburbs on the Mainland. This industrial belt created a pull factor for
Bombay residents. Conditions at this time were not bad. There was still
vacant land available in the suburbs. However, by the mid-seventies the
suburbs were getting filled up at an alarming rate. People were beginning to
reside in low-lying swampy areas. Currently, many of the slums are located
on marginal land such as creeksides, ill-drained low-lying areas, quarry sites,
and along water mains.35

In the 1980’s, Greater Bombay had the highest urban land value in
India.“3 As one might expect, the highest priced real estate was located in
the center of the city. There were also wealthy areas in the Southern reaches
of the city as well as pockets in the Western Suburbs. Nowhere in the city or
suburbs did moderately priced land exist.

Scarcity of land and increasing cost has led to real estate speculation
which has caused the land value to spiral higher.
Illegal land transactions have increased the problem even more. Land
ownership is a privilege fewer and fewer people share. The upper- and
middle-classes compete for available land while the economically weaker

segment of society is increasingly pushed further and further out.

 

35 Desai, Vandana. 'Dharavi, The largest slum in Asia.

Development of Low-income Housing in India".
Hgbitat International. Vol 12 #2. (1998) pg.68

3‘ Ibid
23

The Bombay municipal government estimates that the need for housing
is approximately 60,000 units. Currently, there are only 15,000. This is based
on the national census survey. The demand is four times greater than supply.
The municipal government of Bombay estimates that 40% of the residents
must live in slum areas.37

Slum areas in Bombay are of various types. Near the center of the city
there is a section of multi-storied buildings which were once up to standard.
People of lower- and middle-income reside in these areas. Due to neglect they
are now in a state of terrible disrepair. Ehrery year there are deaths during the
monsoon seasons when these buildings collapse. The landlords are actually
waiting for them to collapse so that they may capitalize on the land value. The
current law does not permit the landlords to demolish these buildings on their
own. Permits must be obtained through the city government. This process is
time-consuming. Often, the government will not allow it. Farther away, there
are slums called "patra chawls". These are semi-permanent structures
composed of tin and wood. Some are legal, most are not. The inhabitants are
mostly lower-income. The third type is the most prevalent. The hutment
squatter colonies called "Zopadpattis". These are the makeshift structures
which are composed of an assortment of scavenged materials. The majority
of the residents tend to be members of the economically weaker segments of

society. These slums are located in the suburbs. The zopadpattis pose the

 

" Banerjee-Guha. Ekistics. (1991) pg. 55

24

largest health hazard of all because there is no infrastructure.38 Diarrhea
and cholera kill many people in these areas during the monsoon season. This
is because without sewerage the streets become flooded with contaminated
water.

Due to the geography of the city, the main body of slums is
predominantly in the suburbs. This is basically because no more land is
available in Bombay proper. These slums are classified as zopadpattis. The
zopadpattis have filled most of the vacant land between the North Suburban
Industrial belt and Bombay. This is now a continues metropolitan region
known as Greater Bombay. 3"

In 197 3, the City Industrial Development Corporation (CIDCO) was
created. This organization is responsible for the planning and development of
Bombay and the Northern industrial belt. CIDCO functions as the builder,
developer and planning authority for this unofficial metropolitan area.‘0
CIDCO has undertaken many major housing projects to house lower-income
and economically weaker residents. The organization has pursued housing
efforts through a variety of projects. One of the more noted attempts was the

Bombay Urban Development Program (BUDP).

 

” Desai, Vandana. Habitat International (1988) pg.67

39

Banerjee-Guha. Ekistic. (1991) pg. 55
“ Ibid pg. 5
25

Shelter Melopment Prom
The Bombay Urban Development Program shifted the objective of Indian

housing assistance from provision of rental housing to security of tenure. in
the past, India has received criticism for removing squatters in order to provide
this type of housing.“ The main purpose of this program is effectively to
increase the supply of affordable housing through the security of tenure on
semi-developed sites. The Bombay Urban Development Program seeks to avoid
the problems of relocation associated with slum clearance and formal housing
development.

BUDP initialized land availability through the process of land
development and incremental housing programs. Its long-term goals are to
improve government devices by financially helping to reduce public and private
cost for shelter investment, and to plan land use more equitably and
efficiently, while directing private investment in land servicing and shelter
projects.‘2

The project sought to direct its efforts at specific target groups based on
past residency. This was in spite of the fact that pre-BUDP projects did not
have any impact on their expected beneficiaries. This happened either
because of the poor not being able to enter the program from the beginning,

or because of the poor being displaced at a later stage due to increased

 

41

Seabrook, Jeremy. Life and Labour in Bombay Slum.
Quartet:London, England. (1987) pg.27

42

Banerjee-Guha. Ekistigs. (1991) pg. 56
26

housing and maintenance costs, plus general market pressures from the
economically stronger segments of society.

The target groups should be from Bombay, or at least from the state of
Maharashta (there were requirements pertaining to socio-economic
classification. which will be discussed later in relation to the Airioli site).
There was a fear that interstate migrants would be the beneficiaries of the
project. This is undesirable because the project would not be relieving the
housing shortage. It would only encourage new residents to come to an
already strained city.

Eligibility for participation in the project was set according to income
levels and the aforementioned residential status. To qualify, the prospective
candidate must have resided in Bombay for at least 1 5 years or in the state of
Maharashta for 5 years. Their are two groups which may be considered
economically eligible. The first is low-income residents. These are people who
earn a monthly income of 700- l , l 50 Indian Rupees. They are given partly
constructed houses. The second group is classified as "economically weaker".
These people earn less than 700 Indian Rupees per month. Economically
weaker participants are ofi'ered open lots. They provide shelter through their

own means.‘3

 

“ Ibid pg. 56
27

Airigli Site
The Bombay Urban Development Program has several sites within the

metropolitan area. The Airioli site is its largest undertaking. For this reason,
the evaluation of the program shall focus on this specific site.

The Airioli site is located in the north suburban area of Bombay. This
area was ideal for the project because it was one of the few places that still had
vacant land available. It is located along the highway that connects Bombay
with the Industrial belt located northwest of the city.

The physical construction of the project was completed in 1986.
Occupancy started immediately thereafter. Sixty percent of the site was
reserved for lower-income groups and the economically weaker segments of the
population. On this particular site, forty percent was reserved for higher-
income groups. These people would be charged market price. Profits accrued
. would be used to cross-subsidize the other two groups.

There were basically three types of units. The first catered to the
economically weaker segments of the population. It consisted of only one
plinth. A plinth is a concrete foundation with no structure. The resident
would be responsible for building his own shelter. The second type was
intended for the lower-income residents. It consisted of mainly a plinth with
two walls. The third type was for the higher income residents. It consisted of

a plinth, two walls, and a roof.“4 None of the units had flooring, electricity,

 

4“ Ibid pg . 57
28

a water supply or sewerage sanitation. The cost of all of these services was to
be borne by the resident.

An electrical hookup cost approximately 900 Indian Rupees. Loans were
available for residents who could prove that they had begun construction. The
construction on the sites were of varying qualities. Some of the housing units
were made of brick. Other consisted of non-permanent material such as wood

and plastic sheets. There are many structures which are still incomplete."5

Evaluation of the Airioli Site.

The Airioli project was not a perfect example of shelter provision. The
were several problems which put a question-mark over its success. The
problems ranged from site-specific design standards to whether it had any
overall impact.

To begin with, the project did not utilize basic urban planning design
considerations or regulations. This caused several problems. The footpaths
between the houses became too narrow due to illegal extensions on the
houses. There existed open drains which were a hazard after nightfall since
there was no lighting provided. The site design did not include any shops
within one sector of the project. Consumer activity took place within the
homes of the neighborhood entrepreneurs. These shops were not in good

standing with the residents. A survey reported that the majority of the

 

‘5 Ibid pg . 58
29

residents traveled to the Airioli Village for their provisions. The goods were
much cheaper there. By early 1988, 70% of the houses still did not have
electrical connections. Approximately 80% of the houses did not have
legitimate water hookups either. There were, however, many illegal taps into
the electric line and water main.‘6

The project was intended to help the economically weaker segments of
the society. As was noted previously, 60% of the plots were targeted for
economically weaker segments of the population and low-income groups.
However, without any explanation, only 4 1% of the plots were being used to
provide for this group. ‘7 5 1% of the residents were casual workers or self-
employed. These people had no fixed income. Only 9% worked in the nearby
industrial belt.“

The sustainability of the project towards its targeted demographic
groups was in question. There was evidence of a strong buy-out process
taking place. In 1982, first-time owners composed about 90% of the
population. By 1988, 68% were original first-time buyers. The remaining
percentage of residents were mostly tenants. The original residents

prematurely sold out for monetary gain. This was a mistake because the

 

“ Ibid pg.58-59

“ Ibid pg. 59

48 Ibid pg . 59
3O

unimproved plinths would not yield enough money for shelter provision
elsewhere.

There are several reasons why this particular project experienced a
lesser degree of success than anticipated. Several of the original residents
were displaced. One main reasons is that the disadvantages of the location
were not taken into consideration. The Airioli project was located far to the
North of Bombay. Although it is in close proximity to a major industrial belt,
employment saturation in the area was close to 100%. There was very little
job opportunity within the area. Many of the residents were forced to sell their
units in order to search for job opportunities. The first-time residents were
mostly in this category.

The fact that there was no reliable transportation hurt residents who did
not find employment in the area. The site was not close enough to the rail
line. Although it was located right on a major highway, lack of frequent,
reliable bus service neutralized this factor."'9

On a more positive side, the implementation of the project was a
success. The BUDP did manage to obtain open land and transfer it to the
participants. The planners did utilize a site design which was functional. The
displacement of original residents is attributed to external factors relating to
the overall land shortage.

A more crucial factor in the demise of the project was land market

 

‘9 Ibid pg. 61
31

pressure. There is a "catch-22" here. The Airioli site in the beginning was
vacant. This made it ideal for low-income housing. The catch-22 involved the
fact that the poor residents found great dificulty maintaining their residency
due to lack of job opportunities, no availability of essential commodities, and
rising living costs. Yet when these assets began to arrive, the area suddenly
became attractive to higher income residents. As the land values rose, the lure
of selling-out for profit caused the poor residents to fall prey to the buying-out
process.“ This starts the processes of infiltration, invasion, and succession.
”The higher income groups first arrive individually or infiltrate. More families
then move in creating a wave of invasion finally to replace the poorer section
of the target group entirely thereby succeed them."151 The land market is a
dimwt factor to deal with. Security of tenure can provide some solutions but

is not completely foolproof.

 

5° ibid pg. 62

51 Ibid pg. 62

32

CONCLUSION

As was mentioned previously, no single strateg' can be completely
successful. Each one has it advantages and disadvantages. From the case
study it is possible to evaluate the possible benefits and shortcomings of
security of tenure as a slum improvement strategy for India.

The main goal of security of tenure is to stabilize the shelter needs for
residents who would normally be utilizing makeshift housing on illegal
sites. The stabilizing effect would insure that the resident would not be
forced to leave by government or private eviction. From the
implementation standpoint, security of tenure is less expensive than
providing completed shelters and infrastructure.

There are other benefits as well. The residents may capture the
value-added profit from real estate improvement. As was noted previously,
the value of legally secured property can more than double the value of the
shelter. This may be the impetus to push the resident to improve his
property on his own. Owning land entitles the resident to cash in on the
property as well.

The disadvantage of security of tenure is that ownership of land
brings forth incentives for the poor to sell-out rather than improve. Selling-
out, on the surface, seems beneficial, for it creates income for the lower-
income residents. However, The selling-out process can undermine the
purpose of housing program. The purpose of the housing program is to

shelter those who cannot afford prOper housing. After selling out the

33

resident may not be able to secure an alternative shelter. The case of BUDP
provides evidence of this.

As was the case in Bombay, security of tenure merely reshuflles
the spatial pattern of the low-income residents. There is no evidence that
they are better-ofi' because of the program. On the contrary, the program
utilized vacant land and upgraded it unintentionally for higher-income
people. As was mentioned previously, if steps are not taken to insure that
transfer of the land does not filter upward via land speculation, the method
of security of tenure will not appropriately solve the shelter problems.

There is a danger that it further concentrates land into fewer hands, which
is already happening in India.52

This is not to say that security of tenure is an inherently misguided
strategy. If selling-out would yield a high enough profit to the resident so
that he may purchase / rent suitable housing elsewhere, then the strategy
would have met its goal of providing shelter for the targeted groups. There
was no evidence that this occurred with the BUDP. If possible, a program
should survey the housing pattern of exited residents for a more accurate
evaluation.

One reason that the Airioli site failed is that residents were forced out

as the land was continuing to rise in value. If the original residents of

 

52 Gupta, Devendra B. Urban Housing in India: World Bank

Staff Working papers #730. World Bank:Washington, D.C. (1985)
pg.119

34

BUDP project could have held onto their land longer, they would have been
able to reap the benefits of its increasing value. Some recommendations
can be drawn from this.

Since lower-income residents and the economically weaker segments
of society traditionally have not achieved a high degree of education.
Perhaps they do not understand the basic principles of real estate
transaction. The Airioli site may have had a higher degree of success if it
was supplemented with an education strateg. Specifically, if residents
were taught the art of selling at the right time, they would almost assuredly
get a high enough price to buy land elsewhere and perhaps even have some
money left over.

Another solution may be to apply restrictions to the land deeds.
Perhaps if the land deed was not transferable for at least 5- 10 years, the
residents would not be able to sell-out until the values had sufilciently
matured.

Another possible solution may be to employ an agent as the sole
seller of the property. The agent would be a veteran real estate dealer who
could consult the resident and conduct the transaction. By restricting all
transactions except through the agent, the likelihood of losing money would
be lessened.

Security of tenure has the potential to be a low cost solution for the
reduction of squatter settlements in India. It would be more effective if

these recommendations are followed. On the other hand, it will be less

35

efi'ective if land is merely surrendered to the recipients without any
additional support. Although the BUDP Airioli site was not efl'ective
(according to the case study), it is important because it demonstrates that
India can utilize more innovative techniques then just building formal
housing as it did in the past.

Formal housing development in India has always been problematic.
India has had a history of removing squatters for the development of formal
housing. These programs did not help the lower-income socio-economic
classes nor the economically weaker segments of the population as
intended. The development of formalized housing usually entails slum
clearance. Squatters, under Indian law, do not have any land rights. They
are at the mercy of the government.53

The government does not have the means to relocate the vast
numbers of people who become displaced. Slum clearance programs in
Bombay are notorious for bringing forth increased hardships of the less
fortunate segments of society.54

Security of tenure may indeed be the alternative. It is inexpensive to
implement, and it has the potential to help the lower socio-economic classes

find decent shelter. Given the recommendation mentioned above, it can

 

53 Birdi, H.D. Delhi Slums and Law: Comparative study of
Indian Foreign Law. ISSDzNew Delhi. (1982) {various sections}

 

5‘ Seabrook, Jeremy. Life and Labour in a Bombay Slum.
(1987) pg. 84-85

36

perhaps overcome the shortcomings that were exemplified in the Airioli site.

37

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39

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