..,. :_ :_ : mm PLACE IN RETURN Box to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 2/05 C‘Elfiwateouejndd-pj 5 ’W” I . n . 3u1.~.. p- . ' , u. g *‘1‘W*Oflw"l . -... -N ..,.. '6'-‘.'.".“'."--“VD§- O o _' co £22: r5 -9 ; was: 'mamm. M” W 1" a v ‘ I. V'; .v‘.&v"’T'7?§fl-'.1r¥~"‘$¢:‘. .r_1 . ; A. f': \r - ‘.. U.S. Department-of. Hou5ingfangxgyg. evelogggen ' ,3 d ./€‘ \., . a - "' . . 50:14" “a“ RETURNING MATERIALS: 'Iace in book drop to ~mo"e this checkout fro' -A-.-l U' ‘ £9.34“, .‘w‘- ."'-"‘UUCOOUOOVVV‘OUOUU“-OU‘---"."D-""-U"-‘ Impacts of Public Housing: The American Dream or Nightmare that leads to the Dehumanizing of Residents By Celestine Starks Submitted to Michigan State University In partial fulfillment of the requirement For the degree of MASTER IN URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING/ URBAN STUDIES Urban and Regional Planning Program Spring 1999 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents i Dedication ii Acknowledgements iii Chapter I: Introduction to Topic 1 Purpose of Study Organization of Paper 3 History of Public Housing 5 Chapter H: Implementation of Housing Programs 10 Chapter HI: Public Housing Policies Influence 19 Chapter IV: New Direction in Urban Public Housing 30 Chapter V: Theoretical Conception Framework 38 Self-Esteem 38 Black Self-Esteem 40 Case Study 45 Conclusion 51 Bibliography 53 Appendixes: Appendix A: Public Housing in Michigan Appendix: B: Public Housing A uthorities in Michigan Appendix C: Pictures of Public Housing throughout the United States Appendix .D: Map of the State of Michigan with locations of Public Housing Authorities Appendix E: Family Self-Suficiency Contract Appendix F: Thirty-F our Reasons for Public housing Appendix G: Housing Characteristics for Housing in the State of Michigan I I. A _ ‘ E (w .I‘ I la. It"... 6. am .1 1; in. [I .t . ., rm! f. AW .r ‘3'! .lIIwIW 4!” Au}. ‘m‘ . L. t I III v ‘3' “Mo AWN“ ‘Inlluv “i.” Ari a. .. I 9.... .TLJ 9L4 4,... fl. _ .V E all r... .. .1...‘ Fit f 4n . I M. a”... an... l at Ant. nut. .H‘ any a. Dedication In honor of the memory and love I was given by both my parents Mr. & Mrs. Lauderdale Greer I dedicate this work to the both of them who watch me daily from above Even than that biddest me from afar I long for the time when we meet again Come thou that are mine And taste the sweetness of our love so divine As we watch you so closely From above t‘.‘fi‘is““‘(€“;“““‘-¢¢¢Uffl¢¢tt“““.““U“ 'OOO--'-'OUCOO'COOOUOO‘OOOOOOU0-900----0UU’.‘UW. Acknowledgements I will praise thee for I am fearfully and wonderfully made in the image and likeness of my Heavenly Father: The Lord Jesus Christ. I wish to take this time to acknowledge the person (5) who not only took a chance on me, but also made it possible for me to gain confidence, and trust in myself as I reached potential I never thought possible. First and foremost, Dr. June Thomas Director of Urban and Regional Planning not only imparted a sense of greater determination in my desire to become a planner; she also exemplifies the true spirit of a planner possessing the spirit to serve. I would like to acknowledge and thank Dawn and Bets for their support and encouragement and their ability to permit me to get things ofi‘ my shoulders so I could continue my studies. Tom, the Urban Planning Librarian for all the kindness he showed me and making sure I had the necessary books needed for this project. Holly, for helping me at the final hour. I am grateful to Dr. Rex LaMore, John Melcher and the entire Center for Urban Afi‘airs and Community Economic Development Program for trusting me with an assistance ship that not only reinforced my commitment to pursue the field of planning; but it afforded me the opporttmity to work directly with human beings in public housing situations that needed a voice. I would like to thank Dr. Zenia Kotval for an early Christmas present (smile). Dr. Maxie Jackson and his family. Fran Fowler and Dr. William Huang, Dr. Bruce Pigozzi, Dr. Harry Reed, Dr. Richard Thomas and Sgt. Florene McGlothian-Taylor for providing me with the extra hours needed as a Greencoat to keep my personal needs met. Dr. John Schweiter and Ms. Mary Ellen for letting me hang out with them on the trips we took. Ms. LaTonyia Wade for the many nights of support and understanding. My Friends from ORCBS (Judy, Clare, Pat). I would like to thank Kathy Smith for being one of my new fi'iends, Kassandra Ray-Smith for the many hours of help and Linda Waltz. Last, but not least. Dr. Glynda Moorer, since the first day we met at Olin Health Center, you have been a star and a friend to me, I shall never forget how she helped my family during the time of my baby brothers death. My husband Preston who helped me stay focused and made sure I had the necessary books on time and the small change I needed until I get a (real) job. My four children (Chelsea, Christina, Michael and Preston Jr.) and my grandkids that kept me on track by reminding me that it was all possible. I cannot forget my entire church family, New Jerusalem and the Pastor's Charles & Fran Bicy for their support and numerous outfits I needed for special occasions. My sisters (Carol & Sharon & Netta & Joyce) and brothers (Lonnie & Michael & Kenneth & Dennis who watches me fi'om above) and Mary Starks (mother-in-law) who loved me dearly, my brother in-law Ozell Starks, my number one cheerleader. My sister—in-laws who love me and helped with my books. Doshia Ann and Stan for being my friends of more than 36 years. Linda S. my fiiend for life, who trusted me one day with $900.00 so I wouldn‘t have to stop my education. I am grateful for her friendship. Randall Gillespie who helped me with my books. Patricia Potter- Smith who listens for hours on the phone, Angie Hill and her family and the Lady: Mrs. Nettie Taylor for being there with words of encouragement, and Richard, who through thick and thin will remain my friend. Dr. Richard Thomas, he believed in me when I doubted it ever possible. INTRODUCTION “ ..................................... .‘..... Int.flv.tflv‘¢€.¢((£‘_.l.£€w‘¢alE‘w'.tQ“¢.¢I¢¢¢¢‘¢_“‘e“-‘i“-l Introductign Pu se 0 he Stud Public housing and the role of the federal government in this particular housing market are two of the major concerns of this study. The third concern is how this relationship of government involvement has received criticism rooted in ideological objections to government providing housing. A more pragmatic concern exists as to whether government had the experience to be involved, and whether residents of public housing have been negatively affected. Few citizens realize that public housing is owned and operated by a government agency. It is also no secret that "housing policy" which has effected public housing can be defined as encompassing (1) government expenditures, (2) loans and loan guarantees for investment in structures, (3) zoning regulations, (4) land allocation and how it's used, (5) building and housing codes, (6) legal provisions concerning property rights and tax treatment of residential real property or of income from it. All these ambient factors that surround public housing can serve as one of the purposes for the study and practice of Urban and Regional Planning. Attempts are constantly being made to change the nature of public housing, and perhaps the most dramatic efl‘orts in six decades has now begun. Under a program known as Hope IV, authorized by Congress in 1993, the Clinton administration had started to tear down 100,000 of the nation's 1.3 million public-housing units. Even though progress had not moved at the paced hoped for in 1993, still, Michigan public housing, which is the focus of this paper had 45,000 people who lived in public housing during 1997. Of the 23,516 households located in the state of Michigan it was reported that females and a large percentage (44%) headed the majority (77%) were senior citizens age 62 years and over. The average household size was about 2 and the average annual income was $9,100. Only 17% of these households earned the majority of their income fiom wages. Slightly more than (52%) of all households indicated that their race was white, (48%) indicated that it was blaclg (1%) Mei-man Indian, and (1%) Asian or Pacific Islander. Two percent of all households were t‘fwtfv‘AIvSIEn!!€““€££‘tt‘flu¢.¢aflvfit¢fr“tf‘te““"-I 7-000UUUUOUUC------‘------U0--.}--‘UUUUOU‘UU‘U’UW‘U Hispanic. Please see Appendix A of this research report for an extended account of Michigan Public Housing. The concept that public housing grew as a solution from two major housing reform movements, (1) the model tenement movement, which sought enlightened investors who would build decent housing, designed to provide adequate shelter and adequate profits. (2) The second was the efl‘ort to regulate housing by setting minimum legal standards and thereby prohibiting the worst type of housing where a large percentages of single females with 2 or more dependents and senior citizens have been the dominant occupants of public housing in the state of Michigan. The State of Michigan has a total of 140 Public Housing Authorities, from as far away as Ironwood Michigan, and as close as Lansing Michigan. See Appendix B for a listing of all the Public Housing Authorities in Michigan. See Appendix D for a map of Michigan with the locations of the Housing Authorities. Programs are constantly being implemented in the different housing authorities in Michigan to attempt deal with the disillusionment that surrounds residents who have succumbed to the environmental, structural, and economical and political conditions that plague them. While it may appear that public housing in Michigan is on trial, I assure the reader this is not the purpose of this research. As a future planner, it is my desire to serve the public housing population the best way I have been trained. There is evidence and documentation that supports that the rise and fall of public housing has been based on the process of policy implementation. I believe in my life time as a planner, positive changes can be made at the state and federal level that could move public housing towards a more balance and stable place of residency for human beings. I also believe that as a planner I have the responsibility to help find ways to preserve the enviromnent so there is a fixture for the next generations to look forward to. C..Q.C..CT¢LCC£.¢(finalifffff‘tt‘tfiouan...“‘..¢.¢.¢.¢f.‘f‘€(‘tlc‘i'tf 'U’OOOUUO0"0-0-0-0---‘0'UOOUUOUOO-‘U900bo0.-“ Quanta tion of: Paar The theoretical constructs of public housing is a mammoth subject encompassing many subtopics that not only affect the role of the federal government, but, residents who occupy many different types of structures classified as public housing units. Some of the concerns expressed about public housing deal with location, environment, land, social constraints, safety and affordability. In the interest of developing an intelligent research topic that would allow me to connect my Interdepartmental studies in Urban Afl‘airs along with Urban and Regional Development, I had to look closely at urban populations and how they get characterized by racial and ethnic minorities, large numbers of poor people and the circumstances that surround public housing. I have narrowed my focus to issues such as a brief history of public housing, programs implemented by HUD and the implementation of housing policy and the new direction in urban housing policy. In addition, I have done personal interviews with females who dwell in public housing in order to gain insight into the assumed negative stereotyping associated with their residency in public housing. This progressive research method was utilized to bridge theory and practical public housing issues. The paper is organized into five chapters. The first chapter looks at issues regarding the creation of public housing in the United States. Chapter two looks at implementation of two programs from a federal and local level. Chapter three reviews the influences of housing policies. The fourth chapter looks at the direction of new public housing policy. The fifth chapter will introduce the brief research methodology used in collecting data from those interview. The fifth chapter also contains a partial “literature review”that allows me to set the 'OOOOOUUOOOOOOOOO‘OOO-0-0-1.0----‘O‘ODOOOUUWUUUIn. stage for a theoretical conceptual framework. This framework is intended to illustrate if there is any evidence to support my concept that a loss of self-esteem, or isolation or black self-esteem are factors that do hinder residents of public housing from obtaining self-suficiency. The framework will also attempt to demonstrate how policy and programs do bear a significant relationship between what residents of public housing attribute as reasons for their success or failure at achieving total independence and moving into mainstream America. The findings of this particular chapter may be used to provide a better understand of how housing policy, social and economic distribution, environment are all major factors which are embedded deeply in process of how residents not only view themselves. But it may also demonstrate how few residents understand the concepts of empowerment. Empowerment can be used as a vehicle to escape the self-defeating condition so residents can rise to a new level of sufliciency. I will explore the results of a small percentage of interviews conducted in the summer of 1997 with eight Afiican—American females. They are residents of public housing, and their lives have been afl‘ected due to some of the findings of this brief research. The interviews done in this work are not meant to be an exhaustive collection of the total population of female residents of public housing. Rather, they are representative of a small group of females who allowed me the time to hear the sentiments of their heart concerning their residency in public housing. Throughout the United States public housing residents are beginning to question the role of government and how it has been a major contributor to many of the obstacles that have hinder progress. They are organizing and forming resident councils where training and education have become the central focus. I will attempt to reach a conclusion in chapter five bridging the previous chapters demonstrating how each has the potential to strength the other if one of the central issues, decent and affordable public housing, not just a dream, but a reality. ‘(tst‘ttil‘r(teetatttlt‘r‘ctffiflr‘tét‘f“‘.¢f‘€“‘ltl“ul CHAPTER ONE t t L erg t. E .‘w t ”c; _t c. .1.‘ f. c c. f f t G (at. I! first r.£.l¢v-€ ‘ f .‘1‘ .E‘ f. 7‘ f f ‘ fl‘l‘u‘l.‘ History of Public Housing: United States When a problem develops that afl‘ects the public welfare, it is the responsibility of the government, at some level, to do something about it. However, since there must first be a problem, any government legislation or regulations attempting to alleviate it must come afterward. Sometimes the legislation comes promptly, as during war or other crises, but usually it comes slowly, because of the normal character of the democratic process (Beyer 1965 pg. 488). This may appear to be the case in the United States concerning public housing.1 In order to understand how public housing has operated in Michigan. I looked briefly at where public housing first started. I will look at some of the history from a broader scope (United States) and then narrow in on Michigan. In 1964 Charles Abrams introduced a work entitled, fie Future of Houmg, Abram’s work served as an indictment of the America people for not taking the issues concerning housing and public housing more seriously. Abrams declared, “a law, any law, even a promising preamble (still fashionable in housing legislation), allays the clamor for action. " “For a hundred years, housing history has repeated the same sequence, long periods of apathy were interrupted by emotional agitation for reforms for residents, soul stirring literature abounds; no program emerges that would serve residents of public housing that could afi‘ord them the opportunity to moved into mainstream America”. (Abrams 1964 Pg.64) This has been one of the outcries of residents of public housing that has prompted the Clinton administration to change its present strategies nationwide. They have agreed to enter into partnerships so communities where public housing once became deteriorated, can now become revitalized with vibrant neighborhoods in our inner cities and rural areas. ‘ with a total population awarding to the 1998 United States Bureau of the Census 270,002,845. Public housing serves over 44% of senior citizens and single patented homes headed by females. Since its inception, the United States public housing system has been mired in controversy. President Franklin D. Roosevelt realized that United States had a social responsibility to the citizen afler 1933. The government intervened into the housing program after the financial and economic diasters of the Great Depression provided the occasion for the first sustained, overt federal interventions in the housing market (Mitchell 1985 pg. 6). One of the reasons for governmental adoption of the housing policy was to alter the distribution of income. The crux of the housing problem in the United States was economic. Mitchell stressed in his work than under the ordinary law of supply and demand, it is unsolvable, as long as people need decent housing, money would be the driving force. In our modern industrial civilization, the distribution of income is such that a substantial proportion of the population cannot pay market prices for rent, much less public housing prices, and much less a market-rate purchase price of a home fulfilling the minimum health and decency requirements. This is not a local or transitory phenomenon. It is universal and permanent to the extent, at least, that our economic system is universal and permanent. Carla Ravaioli understood these powerful and truthful words when in her work, Economist and the Environment concerning environmental sustainability which is becoming very detrimental to public housing residents who are surrounded by drug, gangs and crimes sometimes so hideous that life itself becomes unbearable, she states, . "The basic meaning of sustainability is the capacity for continuance more or less indefinitely into the future. It is clear that, in agregate, current human ways of life do not possess that capacity, either because they are destroying the environmental conditions necessary for their continuance, or because their environmental effects will cause unacceptable social disruption and dwnage to human health " (Ravaioli 1995 pg. 186). We see this played out everyday in public housing environments, destruction, crime, and loss of life, loss of housing and no sustainable capacity for most of the residents to continue. In addition, Marsden & Oakley, in their work, Evaluating Social Development Projects suggest, all people are entitled to human dignity, irrespective of economic status, ethnic origin, color, or caste. "A society has little claim to have developed where some sections can offer or abuse the human dignity of others and get away with it by virtue of their social power and position. One has not developed fully as a person, we would suggest, if one does not consider an ofi‘ence to the human dignity of any person to be an offence to one' s own dignity; without this basic identity with human race one is not human oneself" Marsden & Oaldey 1990 pg. 48). For years residents of public housing had no advocate or voice to speak out on their behalf. They were sectioned ofl‘ in many cities and cut ofl‘ from main stream America, only to be reminder of their inability to function as human being. It became more evident when President Roosevelt stated, "A third of a nation is ill-housed" (Abrams 1964 pg. 12). The United States had the land, labor and materials-more than enough for housing, yet , home building lagged, housing shortages, slums, and insecurity of housing and home ownership stood out in bitter contrast to their wealth and industrial vigor in production. The emergence of the first major housing assistance program, public housing, occurred in the United States in response to the widely shared perception of an acute need for a supply of good housing for lower-income persons, although considerations of the need for construction jobs also played an important role in the developing of public housing (Hayes 1995 pg. 279). America's present physical pattern was the end product of a sequence of attitudes prevalent in separate phases of its history. During each phase physical patterns were formed. Each pattern reflected the dominant social atmosphere of its own time. If prevailing attitude favored strong state control, then housing policy would impose rigid regulation upon the private builders where housing was concern. When attitude veered toward greater economic Gals? 5?... film-m a? is. en! -Erfi‘. ‘11.“. E ‘f‘. Iv. ‘. ‘11.! In. (__.._..G‘I‘..-‘ ‘ I. ‘1‘ ‘ ‘. c (v I... t! (-‘a‘ ['14. liberalism, the builder was given more freedom to do as he was pleased, public housing was left on the back burner (Abrams 1946 pg. 3). In the richest country in the world-in the country which boasts the greatest know-how and the best industrial technology in the world-there exists a housing famine (Hawley 1978 pg, 3). In 1971, some 27 years ago, an estimated 13 million families in this country suffer "serious housing deprivation" (Hawley 197 8 pg. 3) With this great outcry for decent public housing, the growing inadequacy of the present housing conditions throughout the United States and the entire land, have together with the efforts of legislation and the rising voice of reformers, have succeeded in making this country "housing-conscious" (Ebenstein 1940 pg. 1). The complex history of public housing can best be understood in terms of four basic issues which were the focus of early debate and struggle between its opponents and proponents some sixty years ago as well as today. There are: site selection, the target population, financial problems, and problems of administration and project design. (Hayes 1995 pg. 92). In each of these areas, the political balance of focuses created contradictory pressures, which made it difficult for the program to meet its objectives. Today, some of these contradictions continue to affect later alternatives to public housing. Due to the enormous amount of literature on the above-mentioned issues, time won’t permit the writer to give a fill] account, but, briefly I would like to expound on the importance of these issues. Site selection arose as a problem very early. This was due to the fact that the precursor to the public housing program, the Housing Division of the Public Works Administration, ran a centralized progranr, in which the federal government itself brought and developed project sites. Because of the political appeal of decentralization and because of legal challenges to the federal govermnent’s right to use eminent domain for such a purpose, proponents of a permanent public housing program opted for local control. Local housing authorities would be created by special legislation in each state to develop and administer the federally financed projects. In addition, local governments would be given a role in site selection through a cooperation agreement between the public housing authority and the local government regarding payments in lieu of taxes for fire, police, and other public services (Hayes 1995 pg. 92). (2) The Target Population served was a second major problem for public housing. In other industrialized countries, publicly owned or subsidized housing serves a broad segment of the population (McGuire 1981). In the United States, in contrast, it was assumed from the beginning that only the lowest income persons, those so desperately poor as to have no chance of obtaining housing on the private market, should be served. (3) Financial problems: In his work, The Rise; and F all of Public Hon—sing, Eugene Meehan made the financial problems of the public housing program central to his analysis of what he considers its widespread failure. He contends that over most of its existence, the program was forced by financial starvation to provide a limited number of units and a declining quality of service, and he documents convincingly the important role played by lack of funds. Funding was used to restrict the program in several ways. The most obvious was through the appropriation of funds for construction. Congress consistemly firnded far fewer units than authorized. Lastly the issue of (4) Physical designs , here, too, the program was caught between conflicting pressures from liberals for improvement and from conservatives for containment. See Appendix C for pictures of public housing. The issue of public housing design touched directly on a central problem common to all such programs-what level of housing quality should be enjoyed by those whom the government assists? In some instances there have been documentation of how residents have reacted to there surroundings in such negatives ways that HUD is constantly looking for new monies and programs to help residents take back their communities. h.l..rl.1'..r‘t .IM. ful‘l‘urwm me ‘. ‘w ‘.. ‘1 Q .. c. n.. -1... ‘l‘. ‘1..- ‘l‘v‘. ‘ .I‘ ‘1‘ I! 4‘. ‘v ‘ t l. ‘ _‘. ‘1‘ I. 1 .H'rii II I. ... . m . ' e VUUUUUUU'OOUUUOOUUOUU-CUUU‘UOOUWUU‘U‘UW‘UW‘UWU‘WU‘UO CHAPTER 2 IIVIPLEMENTATION 0F SING P OGRAMS In the United States the first major subsidized housing program was not enacted until the need for better housing could be coupled with another national objective: the need to reduce unemployment resulting from the Great Depression. Section 1 of the Housing Act of 1937 made clear the dual objectives of the legislation; "to alleviate present and recurring unemployment and to remedy the unsafe, and unsanitary housing conditions and the acute shortage of decent, safe, and sanitary dwellings for families of low income" (Abrams 1946 pg. 325). Although the need to stimulate the economy was key to creation of the program, other forces determined its shapes. The most important factor that contributed to the design of the public housing program was the extent of the opposition to it. Although the 1937 Housing Act promised jobs and apartments for the "deserving poor", there were still many dissenters. President Roosevelt himself had to be coaxed because a large-scale public housing program had not been part of the first phase of the New Deal (Friedman 1968). Organized opposition came from interest groups, such as the US Chamber of Commerce and the US Savings and Loan League. Also in the forefront of the opposition was the National Association of Real Estate Boards, whose president summarized the views of the private home-building industry as follows: Housing should remain a matter of private enterprise and private ownership. It is contrary to the genius of the American people and the ideals they have established that government becomes landlord to its citizens. Ihere is sound logic in the continuance of the practice under which those who have initiative and the will to save acquire better living facilities and yield their former quarters at modest rents to the group below (Keith 1973). Congress conservative members labeled public housing a socialist program and opposed it on the grounds that it would put the government in competition with private property (F riedmann 1968 and Keith 1973). Michael Stone disagrees with Congress, in his work, Shelter Poverty: New Ideas on Housing Afl‘ordabilgy’ , he states, "I think its possible, first, for the United States to have a social movement behind housing like that of the women ’s rights or civil rights. In this country, 10 there must be a major impetus to get a movement underway and at present time, I believe America has lost her values and morals when it comes to caring about her own. We no longer hold the truths to be self-evident, support for decent public housing is not there. This movement would need a framework for analysis, a developed vision of an alternative model of housing provisions and the willingness and ability to connect peoples direct experience in an eflective way to forcefully propound the dominant cultural institutions (Stone 1990 pg. 278). Largely as a concession to the private housing industry, the public housing legislation included an "equivalent elimination" provision requiring local authorities to eliminate a substandard or unsafe dwelling unit for each new unit of public housing built. Public housing could replace inadequate units, but it was not to increase the overall supply of housing, since doing so could drive down rents in the private market. The argument that public housing should not interfere with the private market logically led to the view that public housing should be clearly differentiated. This had important implications for its physical design. Public housing, with its austere appearance, is usually easily distinguished from the overall housing stock. World War II soon interrupted the short lived public housing program. World War H interrupted all non-war war related programs, and public housing construction fell victim to the defense needs. Thousands of units were "pipelined" before the war, but it was not until 1944 that production virtually stopped. Prior to reactivation by the 1940 Housing Act, the real estate lobby launched as all-out attack on public housing. The familiar cry of socialism and the warning that public housing in the United States would destroy the private building industry were heard again. President Truman, a supporter of the program, responded with this pointed counterattack: "I have been shocked in recent days at the extraordinary propaganda campaign that has been unleashed against this bill (Housing Act of 1949) by the real estate lobby. I do not recall even having witnessed a more deliberate campaign of misrepresentation cmd distortion against 11 'o’dddddddddvvdvddvvcdccvvvooU‘OUO”O‘wvluurabwwowwwor legislation of such crucial importance to the public welfare. The propaganda of the real estate lobby consistently distorts the facts of the housing situation in the country" (Keith 19 73). Ultimately, proponents of public housing prevailed, but the legislative intent was clear: public housing was only to serve those who could not compete for housing in the private market. Private interest groups were willing to tolerate public housing as long as it was explicitly serving a difi‘erent consumer. Yet not all low-income people were eligible for a public housing unit. From the program's inception, it was aimed at providing housing only for the deserving, temporarily poor-the "submerged middle class"(Friedman 1968). The program therefore targeted those who could not find decent, afl‘ordable housing on the private market, but not the so-called unworthy poor and those with no means to pay rent. The exception that tenants should pay their own way expressed itself in the formula the federal government devised for financing public housing. Tenant’s rents were to cover all operating expenses, exclusive of debt service. Only the federal govermnent through annual contribution contracts paid the principal and interest on bonds, which floated by the local authorities to construct the buildings. Thus, the federal government covered the long term debt financing while ownership and management were vested in local public agencies. This arrangement worked well during the early years of the program. After World War 11, public housing expanded adding nearly 200,000 units of worker housing that was needed near factories or military bases. After the war, as the pent-up demand from the depression and war years was about to produce a suburban housing boom, the powerful real estate industry did not want to compete with public housing. Their claim centered around the issues of public housing was opening the wedge of socialism, the industry was able to convince Congress in 1949 to limit public housing to the very poor. Soon not only did the country’s demographic picture began to shift, but the realities of public housing changed radically, with the 12 'Udddddddd‘dUUO-OOOdOOOOUUOUUUUOUUUUwUUw'U'&“O'-O"d'0 income of residents falling from 57% of the median income in 1950 to about 20% in 1988, and the percentage of minorities rising from 26% in 1944 to more than 75% today. These changes afl‘ected public housing in at least two ways. First, it meant that rent covered less and less of the operating costs, especially when Congress in 1969 (in response to protests by residents) required that residents pay only 25% of their monomial incomes for rent. This led to the need for larger and larger “operating subsides”, which was money that could not be spent on rebuilding deteriorating developments or building new public housing. Second, this change meant that those who live in public housing became increasingly isolated, both in terms of income and race. This fact made it easier for governments, politicians and businesses to ignore public housing. It also made it harder for residents to become part of mainstream economy, and so did the population served by public housing. As Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and Veterans Administration (VA) mortgages insurance and guarantee programs became available to vast numbers of new home buyers, the interstate highway system took form and most of the submerged middle-class residents of public housing surfaced to assume full-fledged suburban middle-class status. As firrther concession to the private construction industry, the 1949 Housing Act limited public housing to very-low-income people by requiring that the highest rents be 20% lower than the lowest prevailing rents for decent housing in the private market and authorized the eviction of above-income families (United States Department of Housing and Urban Development 1979). Publicly provided housing was now to be available only to the very poor. Once public housing was reactivated and could no longer claim to be a depression-stimulated support for the temporarily poor, it became clearly defined as a permanent housing for people who were separated from society's mainstream. There is no question that public housing has made a considerable contribution to addressing the low-income housing problem in this country. Millions l3 of low-income families have been provided with decent, affordable housing with units with which the great majority of tenants appear to be satisfied. Moreover, the majority of the public housing developments have been reported to be in good condition. But still, public housing in the United States has also been a disappointment. It has not promoted racial integration, often designs of the building have been bleak, accessibility has been poor and management has been problematic. Yet, many of public housing's failings have been due to opposition by private-sector critic's attempts to kill the program. While public housing cannot and should not be ”let off the hook" (with regards to racial integration and management) these problems are correctable and do not reflect inherent flaws in the basic concept of the public housing program. In view of the real achievements of public housing, why do completely negative stereotypes persists? First, some of the most problem-laden projects clustered in large cities and are readily observable to many people. The vast numbers of successful projects are more dispersed and are often in small cities and towns. The reality that a handfirl of projects are in serious difficulty may have created the myth that all public housing has failed. Second, the notion that public housing has been a failure is certainly what interest groups want to believe and propound. Thirdly, generally speaking, the poor have not been political activists. This inevitably lessens the thrust of such progam public housing and blacks are much more likely than whites to be poor. Their average income is considerably lower and non-whites, especially Negroes, are discriminated against. The United States Civil Rights Commission declared in its 1959 report that ”housing...seems to be the one commodity in the American market that is not freely available on equal terms to everyone who can afi‘ord to pay" (Freedman 1968 pg. 134). Nonwhites are charged more than whites for equivalent housing even at the public housing level. "The dollar in a dark hand”, said the Commission, does not "have the same purchasing power as a dollar in a white hand", and much of the housing market is closed to blacks at any price (Freedman 1996 pg. 134). I4 Public ownership of housing is still not a popular concept, and a successful program that bypasses the private home-building industry would be just as unwelcome among the private sector today as it was when the program was enacted. And the final reason for the negative public housing stereotypes is that the media tends to cover the failures within the public housing community to a far greater degree than they have the success. Something happen in the United States in the early sixties to change the position the Federal Government played in providing opportunities for individuals of public housing status to participate in programs that would successfully bridge their economic, social and environmental status. The creation of the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) by Congress in 1966 marked the first Cabinet position that sought to administer directly to urban problems. Urban programs that supported health, education and employment training were fimded by HUD, but by far the largest increment in spending was on programs associated with community development and housing (Judd 167) Public housing was now finally on its way for a change in how the social development of residents could change due to programs that would offer accessibility to firnds, education, better health and documentation that Congress wanted to be involved. In their work, Evaluating Social Development Projects, Marsden & Oaldey state that "If some form of social development is to become the objective of an particular development program or project, then it is reasonable to assume that, at some stage in the project ’s. Evolution, we may wish to evaluate its outcome or impact " (Marsden & Oakley 1990 pg. 27). The United States Department of Housing and Urban Development initiated Project self- suficiency as a national demonstration in late 1984. Project self-sufliciency used Section 8 Existing Housing certificates as an incentive for communities to develop public-private partnerships that would provide a comprehensive program of housing, child care, transportation, personal and career counseling, education, job training, and job placement assistance to help 15 families break the cycle of poverty. Project self-sufficiency was designed to encourage communities to take the initiative in planning and implementing their local programs and to be creative in testing a variety of approaches. Both of the programs implemented by HUD (Operation Bootstrap & Project self-sufficiency) lapsed. HUD then mandated that all Public Housing Authorities (PHA) implement the Family self-suficiency Program in November of 1990 to promote the development of strategies to coordinate Federal Public Housing, Indian Housing and Section 8 Rental assistance with public and private supportive services that would enable lower-income families to achieve economic independence and self-sufficiency. Participation in the Family self-suficiency (F arnily Self- Sufliciency) program was strictly voluntary and HUD discovered reasons behind the low participation rates of families. Some families opt not to participate in the program for "fear of governmental contracts, fear of failure and low self-esteem" (Covel March 20, 1997). The program (F SS) have been evaluated for the success and weakness and duration of participation of residents and their ability to change their economic, social, and educational goals as a result of participating in these programs. America' 5 public housing system had embarked on a period of firndamental change. Some of the most dangerous and dilapidated urban public housing projects are being replaced. The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) has always intervened to improve the operation of chronically mismanaged Public Housing Authorities (PHAs). Regulations that govern public housing are being overhauled and streamlined to provide a new flexibility for Public Housing Authorities and new opportunities for residents. Public Housing Authorities (PHAs) must find ways to help residents re-enter the economic mainstream if they are to remain viable as providers of affordable low-income housing. The primary goal of these reforms is to ensure that 16 .1.“‘r‘w-“r‘£“€“““"‘.¢"v‘““““¢“-‘4.“"-l public housing will no longer be a permanent residence, but a platform for families and individuals to achieve Self-Sufficiency. Achieving the social and economic objectives of self-sufficiency programs will be no easy task due to the characteristics of the public housing population. Many face multiple and serious barriers to employment and independence. Public housing families are among the poorest residents of America ' s poorest urban neighborhoods. Household income in public housing averages seventeen percent of the area median. In many of the nation ' s larger housing authorities, a single female with beads more than eighty percent of non-elderly families children. A growmg share of public housing residents has a long history of dependency (although the median length of public housing residence is four years) and twenty-nine percent of public housing residents remain for ten years or more. See Appendix A Perhaps most serious, however, is that public housing is located disproportionately in areas of concentrated poverty which are frequently plagued by social ills such as crime, drugs, teenage pregnancy, high drapout rates, and chronic unemployment. Numerous factors have made reduced dependency on public assistance both a political and practical necessity. Provisions of recently enacted Federal welfare reform impose work requirements on able-bodied adults and time limits on welfare benefits will affect most public housing families. And now, under President Clinton and former Secretary Cuomo, the major emphasis of the Department of Housing and Urban Development is building home ownership zones to revitalize depressed communities. In a speech to the White House Conference on Community Empowerment, President Clinton made the following commitment, "If we really want all of our communities to be revitalized again we not only have to create opportunities for poor people, we have to make the environment so that middle-class people will want to live in them again, and that poor and the middle-class will live side by side, as they did in the neighborhoods when I 17 grew up. We have to do that. We have to be committed to helping all Americans achieve this large part of the American dream known as home ownership " (United States Department of Housing and Urban Development 1996). The Department of Housing and Urban Development is a strong supporter of low income families and to ensure that homeowners will be created from those now on public assistance, HUD mandated that all Public Housing Authorities (PHA) implement a Family Self Sufficiency (F SS) programs. The Family Self-Sufficiency (F SS) program was established by the National Affordable Housing Act (PL. 101-625), November 28, 1990), and was amended in October 1992 by the Housing and Community Development Act of 1992 (PL. 102-550). The program’ 5 purpose is to promote the development of local strategies to coordinate federal housing assistance with public and private resources in order to enable lower-income families to achieve and maintain economic independence and self-sumciency. Michigan's Family self-sufficiency Programs flourished when first implemented. Participation in the Family self-sufficiency Program required residents to meet with a family service coordinator. The coordinator then had the responsibility of working with the participant to generate an action plan. The purpose of this action plan was to serve as a gauge where the resident would decide if he/she wanted to enter into a plan that could last up to five years. The coordinator assists in outlining the steps participants should follow, the resources they could utilize and they set target dates for completion of the program. Next, the participant would sign a five-year contract with the federal government agreeing to adhere to the federally mandated guidelines for Family self-sufficiency. See Appendix E for a example of what a contract contains. Many who participated became socially and economically independent of public welfare institutions, many were able to save enough fimds to purchase a home and move out of public housing. Some entered into institutions of higher learning and advance their 18 Qr‘r-‘t‘.-.‘r‘¥r“..£"““.“"“t-lv.t[-t-..“‘:“‘a““..“.‘.‘f1‘ educational status. Recently due to the lack of participation on the part of the residents the program has come under attack from the HUD Administration. Lack of communication and trust was said to be some of the key factors that hinder residents from participating in the program. Recently efforts have resorted in many Public Housing Authorities to using income-mixing strategy to include the development of families reaching economic self- suificiency and becoming less dependent on federal subsidies. l9 ‘4--.’ ‘ fl-.. ‘. {'1‘_‘ .‘. _- I! ll. .‘. ‘-‘-“ I. It. I- I: ‘.'..I.. ‘u‘....! 5! f-‘ s... 1! I ll ‘2 it-.. Ip.‘ '{twrt- CHAPTER THREE Y... l.D3--.]...0...’b.,3i.,tv.”.3.|y.’lylr‘.‘;'-“-‘S"-."ivls.‘tvivlvlyt ‘u‘-‘t‘tttl‘. ‘f““.€“€ .i f.'fvcff‘r-c-'ff“f“tr.‘.lv.€i‘-:lell CHAPTER 3 PUBLIC HOUSING PQLICIE’S INFLUENCE Harvard University's Joint Center for Housing Studies 1995 Report lists, among its "unmet needs", housing for the ill-housed (primarily the poor, although not only the poor) has never been the central feature of United States housing policy, not even of public housing policy. Historically, public housing has always been the tail of some other dog. The study provides eight difl‘erent key issues that support the finding. First, of the effort to create jobs, in the original United States Housing Act of 193 7; (2) the need for war production, during World War I]; (3) the demands of returning veterans for decent housing alter the war ended; (4) the relocation and slum clearance requirements of urban redevelopment and urban renewal; programs; (5) the anti- poverty program and attempts to still the racial unrest in the ghettos; (6) the ideologically driven effort to extricate the government from housing for the poor, in production, management, and ownership; (7) the pressure to reduce social expenditures by decentralization and the passing of responsibilities so far as feasible to nonprofits and residents; (8) the general drive for privatization of governmental firnctions and the reduction of "big movement”. The following chapter will discuss how public policies simultaneously help and hindered progress toward economic independence and self-sufficiency for a number of programs initiated in the public housing sector. The sustainability of housing policies have always been dependent on the role the federal government adopts as financial and economic distress continue to develop, it appears that housing policies implemented today might not serve the public housing population in altering the distribution of income. They first must have an income that afl‘ords them the same opportunities as they compete with mainstream. In a article by George Stemlieb and James W. Hughes they state an important and realistic fact concerning housing. "Housing is not merely a refirge from elements; it is an essential tool 20 ‘r‘ftuet.’ tin..-‘ "fi‘rb‘fl 1. 1“-..“ '1'. ‘-.‘--f£¥-“f“f ‘11!IV. 4'. it‘ll binding together an America of enormously varied humanity, housing and homeownership glues people to the system, and the United States is in the process of dismantling the very apparatus that has woven together our social and political fabric since the Great Depression"(1997 pg. 143). It is said that "Housing policy" is a similarly ambiguous term. Housing policy can influence the number and kind of new structures built and the maintenance, conversion, and removal of old structures. In a larger sense it can influence housing services-the quality of the housing stock and of the individual units and the cost of housing services (Mitchell 1985 pg. 21). The study of “policy” and the study of “power” are closely related. Power is usually operationally defined in terms of policy outcomes-that is, as the ability of a political actor to influence the behavior of others in such a way to gain a preferred outcome. Mary K. Nenno, the author of Ending The Stalmatg, focuses her attention on the process of urban and housing development and how it played a major role in shaping the lives of the American poor and low income. Nenno's work presents evidence and documentation that indicates how these problems contimie to grow and face opposition in maintaining housing. Nenno also address the social and economic stability for occupants of public housing. Nenno’s works investigates several ineffective systems implemented that have failed to develop strategies. They have failed to encourage state and local govermnent and private interests to help implement national goals, so housing and urban development needs of the nation could be recognized an integral and continuing component of national well being (N enno 1995 Pg. 14). Nenno work examines how the role of the Federal Govermnent has helped in the past five decades implement/alter or even reduce policies where housing is concern. Nenno has been quite accurate as she points out the difl‘erent repercussion the housing legislation has encountered during the difl‘erent administrations,many times causing the debate surrounding the issues to pass fi'om one administration to another. Nenno suggest that until a national urban policy is created that can meet the needs of housing and urban development, 21 51-..-.. 1|. ‘1‘. a! Li... .. 11.11.... C .t I... 1.. I. t I_l. is .I an! I... i! 1. Iftw‘. .t! 6-.....1 t! _..._! I! It. .1? .lw [I 1!..- IV... this cycle of frustration and missed opportunities will continue to rob this nation. Nenno focuses on the Cabinet-Level Department and its History to the Framework of a National Policy, towards the end of her work she takes a shift in how she perceives that it is necessary for a National Urban Policy should be an International Policy. In addressing the concerns raised by Nenno’s work, I looked briefly at several of the issues raised by Nenno that has effected residents of public housing, starting with the Johnson’s administration that was geared at stabilizing the housing issues, (Model Cities & Metropolitan Development Act of 1966 ) and the (Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968) bringing the government into the fiont, and how Johnson saw these as important features that could help change the direction for urban America. Nenno points out that it was this administration that proposed and got accepted by the Congress an approved cabinet-level Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), with high aspirations and a broad mission to bring new direction and resources to the demands of urban change (Nenno 1995 pg. 3). The creation of HUD came a secretary (Weaver) who recognized the need to consolidate the constituent units of the HHF A, which had often operated as separate entities (Nenno 1995 pg.6). Weaver set out to also combine the financing fiinction in the same Cabinet department with an expanded capacity to integrate physical and social planning and housing rehabilitation, increase the production of housing, and develop a policy of land purchase authority to facilitate fixture urban deveIOpment. Nenno looks at the different administrations and failure of the HUD structure. First, a number of past and current HUD assisted housing policies ran counter to the goal of achieving sound and livable housing developments. (N enno 1995 pg. 213 ) . These included, first, a well intentioned but failed policy to concentrate assistance on the poorest households, which made it difficult to locate assisted housing developments with this concentratrated occupancy in many 22 -1 .1 C 4'-.. ‘ $11.. ‘11! ‘v f-.. f-‘;-‘.f- t! __I. I: ‘1Y1rle5' I‘lsl.l.u!..lv is Is 1! I." 1! 1‘13}... ‘1' 1...... '0'-dd--OUUCOUOUUOOOOOU'----U----UOOO‘U‘U--.’O" communities. Management of housing developments with concentrations of very-low-income residents is particularly difficult in large cities with an inventory of large public housing developments located in areas that are severely distressed. Secondly, HUD housing policy that needs new attention is an explicit effort to encourage housing settings and structural designs that respond to diverse household needs. This kind of approach has not been encouraged by federal policy, Nenno believes, except in the case of developments for the elderly, and to a lesser extent, for the disabled or homeless persons. Thirdly, Nenno suggest that HUD policy needs new attention in an expanded effort to make housing developments place opportunity for residents to achieve maximum independence. (Nenno 1995 pg. 212) Throughout her work, Nenno uses two terms that should be embedded in any policy regarding housing and urban development (linkage and empowerment). She illustrates that there is strong evidence of a lack of systematic linkage between the different administrations that failed to comprehend the urgency for political support and implementation of housing policies to stay foremost at the front of the housing mission statement. If there is no direct linkage between the role of the federal government and housing/urban development, the cycle will continue to repeat itself. Empowerment acts as a catalyst, and Nenno’s work brings to the forefront I believe several instruments of power held in the hands of the government that could turn the situation in housing around, promoting the necessary changes needed for the restructuring of many housing conditions that should change. One of the key factors needed to promote this was resources and strong political leadership. These two forces were brought to a halt during the Johnson’s administration due to the United States involvement in Vietnam War, never to surface at the level Johnson had demonstrated possible. Nenno’s work points out that it took some twenty-five years, along with scandal, mismanagement for HUD to attempt to return to the former mission statement of providing 23 t. C 5.-.... 1.. .1. 6., ¢.-Q C. :1 4!. 1.. C. C t. 12.1. f 1., I :1. 1. 1.-.! 1. 1.3.1-1. 1.. ‘2‘. .1. 1.. i. A... at 11-1... .0 1.1.1.1.. 'J'C'O'U‘U'CC'OWCUU‘OOOUUUUOUUUUU‘UWUU‘UOU‘.0'--C‘. affordable home for low and moderate income families. In her attempts to demonstrate the role of the government, Nenno never points the finger at them, she only gives strong answers as to the solutions they could have used to bridge other programs that were in force during these times. Nenno's work submit that the national housing and urban development initiatives had been only piecemeal, raising and falling with the emergence and decline of national crises and changes in political leadership. The only way for housing and community development to get the fill] support of whatever administration that is in action, Nenno believes that there should be a National Urban Policy . In addition to the work on housing policy documented by Mary K. Nenno, I would like to introduce some of the concepts concerning housing policies written by R.Allen Hays. Some of his concerns parallel along the same lines as Nenno. Hays’ work concerning some of the factors, which describe the role of federal government and urban housing, is very innovative and informative. Hays believes that since the Great Depression, and even more since World War II, the federal government has assumed the responsibility of deliberate macro economics intervention, in order to minimize the peaks and valleys of prosperity and recession to which the market system is subject. Other new issues such as welfare reform and the position HUD has taken in the last several years will affect not only the standard of housing for residents of public project type housing and section 8 type housing, but the fimds allocated to provide sites for additional housing. Hays’s work implies also that power and policy are closely related, so much so that one (power) is usually operationally defined in terms of policy outcomes- that is, as the ability of a political actor to influence the behavior of others in such a way to gain a preferred outcome. While Hays’s work offers an important contribution to the concepts of power and policy-making where the Conservative and Liberals intervene, he does argue later that the viewpoints are not accurate reflections of their actual operational values. It is clear he states that these two terms 24 I.q ‘. 1! .. Ct“. E-‘. ‘1‘. (a £1.11. 1“ ll.-.“ 4“ .I. (.13.... 1. (4‘1... .1: 4..-! r. t. I. 1... .1: .l. .0. 1..; .1! (Ill... "d‘O‘OOCOCOOUCUUUUUO’UUUUUUOUUW'UWOW”a..--1" symbolize distinct interpretation of a common ideology, “democratic capitalism”, which dictate different solutions to common problems. He also suggests another area, which Liberals/ Conservative split, emerges over the scope and direction of community development, a area where government plays a powerful role. Policy concerning community development have been dominated by two distinct, but interrelated sets of issues that are so closely related that they appear confusing at times, they are, the role of local government vis-a-vis and the private sector in the control of economic growth and physical development. The other issue relates to the changing distribution of power between federal, state, and local governments as they have assumed differing roles in the local community development process. At one time the prevailing paradigm among political scientist was the pluralist model. In this model, power is not controlled by a single ruling elite, but by fiagmented elite groups, which are divided both geographically and fimctionally. Based on these findings, as a planner, I would then argue that if ideology is the main driving force behind political behavior, what factors change the actors in making decisions that change the behavior of the individual that policy-making decisions will affect the greatest, public housing residents). The key words “power and policy” become one of the guiding forces that help stimulate the outcome of issues that surround housing, community development and the plight of public policy. Hays outlines the role of several key political entities that shape policy-making among people of power. There has to be a structure set it places for power to operate. At one time this was seen as the pluralist model (one who holds more than one office) the prevailing paradigm among political scientist. In this model, power is not controlled by a single ruling elite, but by fragmented elite groups, which are divided both geographically and functionally. One of the most important areas of concern that Hays emphasizes is the relationship of government involvement in urban housing policy over the last fifty years. I believe like Hays that the role of government has been 25 Iuflffilf. 9.0.! 9.121.. C!!! 111.. t 1!... .Ir 1...]! .wa. it (I... [1.lrufllmlfilfletmftrf 171‘. 1'1... _‘lf..-£_ that of a “catalyst”. Always there in some way building or breaking up what should have been a foundation solid enough to bridge the gap fi'om the inception of the first housing act till the present. Private enterprise throughout its history, turned to government for financial and legal support, business interests have not hesitated to manipulate public power for private purposes. Numerous industry groups demand government intervention to stabilize or enhance their economic position. While sometimes Hays find inconsistisces in the position taken by both Liberals and Conservatives, they both play ofi‘ each other in some ways. Liberals favor an increased government role in all areas of social and economic life, while conservatives favor holding the line or decreasing governmental activity. Sometimes Hays' work on policy gives readers the impression that without the backbone of governmental involvement, policies influenced such as housing, social welfare needed government intervention. The great depression was an even greater catalyst for increased government activity. I look at the federal government involvement in community development programs and issues related to urban renewal and model cities, gradually reduced federal administrative role in housing and community development signaled the beginning of a long-term reduction in federal involvement in these problems. Hays’s work provided a close up witness of difi'erent Presidential Administrations involvement in housing programs. Nixon took the lead in criticizing them. Ronald Reagan proposed he would "turn the country around", and he did just that. His proposals for economic stimulus followed the supply philosophy in calling for deep tax cuts targeted mainly investors accompanied by substantial reductions in domestic spending, amounting to approximately $40 billion in FY 1982. In achieving such cuts, the Reagan Administration utilized its political resources skillfirlly to influence Congress. Housing programs were the primary target cuts. Housing efforts carried out under Community Development Block Grants were also afi'ected, though they proved somewhat 26 6.-...- 1..-f. ‘ 1.. ‘1‘. AI. 2.... C... 1..-1: 1.. C_ 11-1! 1. .1. .1? i... 1... 1..-.1. 1v-l_.rl..-.I.-1E-‘.rlc-1v f 1' t... 1.. 1'1! .1... -1... [Ilia-l less vulnerable. These actions by Reagan's Administration supports Hays' concept of "Ideology" and how it is a set of interrelated assertions about the world which guides the behavior of individuals and group. Presently, the Clinton Administration has not been attracted to the issue that surrounds housing policy enough to make a significant difference. The outcome does not match the concept of "democratic capitalism" seeing how housing is allowed $35 billion to guarantee decent housing with a commitment in a $5 trillion economy. It would appear that many of the actors in the school of "ideology" play only when it's safe and convenient. I would agure as a planner just as Hays, that if housing is to be considered a physical resource and housing policy decisions are influenced by environment, why then is it so difficult to implement policy that should counteract the potential detrimental impact this country continues to face regarding issues such as these. The Ford Administration continued Nixon basic approach, and the Carter Administration followed. Hays suggest that a period that began with an active and relatively well-firnded federal role in urban areas also encompassed a slow, “strategic” withdrawal from that role. I underline strategic because I think it was well planned and demonstrated throughout the past administration as well as the one we are presently involved in. As a fiiture planner I would also agree with Hays when he states, “imderlying changes in the values and perspectives of those public oficials in key national decision-making roles, and changing economic conditions help to produce a changing climate of opinion, particularly among political elite’s”. (pg. xi). Hays’ suggests that policy and the study of power are closely related. Hays suggest also that political actors have influence and the ability to change the behaviors of others in such a way as to gain a preferred out come. Hays focuses on the concept of “ideology”, a set of interrelated assertions about the world, which guides the behavior of individuals and groups. Hays work 27 Litre! QI‘I!‘ ..‘.I1.- ‘11:..-.‘ .l. {vigit 1.....1‘311‘. ‘. (J‘s-.. 4!...‘thtfl‘lkvfifl‘. ft. ‘ [I I... ‘i‘v 1' J. (inf-.1 '0'00’00!U‘OOUOOOGUOOUOOUUOCOOOOOU‘OO‘-OUOO'DW’OU4'. manages to link his definition of ideology to the position the Liberals and Conservatives take towards housing policies. Although there seems to be some inconsistencies where both parties give support to how they view public housing. Hays stress that both have had other influences that shape their views of capitalism. Some he feels have incorporated socialist's ideals, while many conservatives adhere to notions of government enforcement. Whatever the case, housing from the first inception of government involving has numerous attempts at changing the social and economic stability of low-income residents of public as well as private sectors. Hays does provide an account of the role government has played in implementing policies that have changed the way housing programs such as FHA, HUD, CDBG, and other community development programs have been funded. Presently, Hays suggest, we are still surrounded by neighborhoods with families that don’t possess substantial housing or funds to obtain housing. We have passed through five presidential Administrations and still housing policies remain the center of attention. Reagan’s overall economic and budgetary goals may have been instrumental in setting in motion much of what has continue to this present era. The responsibility of housing and the policies that shape the outcome still lay with the powers that be. Hays’s key words are “ideology” and "power" and "policy", which should influence and change the behavior of individuals and group. Hays suggested that most people associated with housing in some form or another are just merely waiting for the government to back down and provide fimds that will allow housing policies to change. I realize there are many more scholars who have documented work on housing polices. I selected Hays and Nenno's work due to the large amount of housing programs they were able to expound on regarding public housing and public housing policies. I was able to secure some information regarding federal housing policy from the National Center for Housing Policy Analysis. Policy makers contend that they will avoid the failures of the past by building townhouse type units, rather than high-rises, and locate them in higher-income 28 (list its... .I. in ‘3‘... alt--1! I! .5. lv. ‘.1... a... .‘v- Gain 51v luv-‘1‘! ‘1‘..J!F‘. ‘JIvnlYlA-v f 4.. 1! ll flit-l .‘ ....l. 1..-I'll Vdddd‘ddJJUUUOddcvvvvdvvvdvdfidvvfivvU’UOOUWUO‘ areas. They suggest that from a federal spending budget these are some of the issues regarding public housing policy that plague their center. (1) They are attempting not to repeat the past failures, federal public housing policy consists of mixing voucher subsidies, which allow some families to select where they want to live, with construction of new public housing units, even as old edifices are being torn down. The old projects had become havens for drug sellers and users, as well as monuments to crime, joblessness and hopelessness. (2) Nationwide, more than a million families now live in housing constructed at government expense. (3) The new policy would allow more working poor families into public housing projects, which have become predominately occupied by very poor welfare families. The idea, the center believes is that working families can be role models for their neighbors, help stabilize projects and pay higher rents to help housing authorities financially. The center has faced opposition from Secretary (Andrew M. Cuomo) of Housing and Urban Development regarding this plan. He thinks its revolutionary” because the poorest tenants tend to be black and Hispanic while more of the working poor are white. Ideally, he says, every building should reflect the racial makeup of each city’s public housing system. ( Source: Randy Kennedy, “Mixing up the Projects,” New York Times, November 15, 1998) This new concept has raised the eyes of critics who suggest that this approach will distance tenants fi'om supportive family members. Also the stress the costs would increase to build a house much more than provide a poor family with vouchers. Units being constructed in Dallas and Michigan, for example, will cost $60,000 to $82,000 each. For roughly the same amount of money it cost to build 75 units, the Dallas Housing Authority could have provided 200 families with $5,000 a year in housing vouchers for six years. 29 1.... I: G. _l- ‘ .‘ Q .I. .t (I .1... a. t. .0. xi... t. ‘. ‘.‘. I. ‘1... ‘1-.‘..‘r.t1f“c‘l‘ ‘ ‘ ‘. .I. (1“. ‘ .‘I‘.-.’ 'diddd'dvddd'UUCOdcvvvoddovdvvrbflUs.--U-W‘-'-U'O'--O' Regardless of the language that surrounds this new effort to change the sitiuation for public housing residents, federal housing policy will have to take the lead in the initial implementation process. 30 1..-.71.. in.‘ I. I! I... .91..-- 1.. ‘11.. .0. ‘41.... 1...... I...“ .Ivl.I.‘¢-lv-‘v“u‘l.“tvlr1‘wfv1v(wt-v-1. {1-.- ‘N-‘t.‘.‘lfif‘f“€f¢it“.1.1“...tic..fifv‘v€fl‘v“l'lff-‘€((11.14! 'vvdcdvdvvv'------C‘UUUUU‘--0--‘UU‘U‘v'U‘.'00-6-C’I Chapter Four; Ngw Directign in Urban Public Housing For those of us who believe we are guided by a supreme being, I borrow a few of his wisdom words from the book of Proverbs. God declares to King Solomon, "Better is the end of a thing than the beginning there of". (King James Verison Proverbs) As a nation we are fast approaching the Millennium and people are busy gathering supplies and seeking places of shelter and safety. Public housing has been around a brief time, sixty-one years. What direction will urban policy take if all the rhetoric we hear about the millennium is in fact correct. Lawrence J. Vale's work, Public Housing Redevelopment. injects a powerful statement from the work of a fellow writer of housing policy, "he declares that much of the research and writing about public housing in the United States has stressed the intractability of its problems, yet has frequently focused on the search for a solution that emphasizes the transformative power of a single factor. (Bauman 1994 ). For some of the actors involved it has been the architectural design, some it has been management reform, service provision and family self-sufiiciency programs, drug prevention, resident satisfaction or public policy initiatives and home ownership. Clearly, as the needs of public housing residents and public housing authorities have expanded, more and more specialists have been called in for consultation (Vale 1992 pg. 142) For example, many of the past designs and location had been developed in such a manner that public housing was always separate from the surrounding neighborhoods. Isolating the residents as their environment became plagued with criminal activity, including fiequent thefts and muggings. These conditions only reinforced the problems associated with this type of distressed housing. It is commonly recognized that the problems of severely distressed housing-often thought of as a matter of ill-conceived and deteriorating buildings-are also fully entwined with the socio- economic problems of severely distressed public housing residents (Vale 1992) It's not enough to realize that eighty percent of the non-elderly public housing population lives below the poverty line, and a majority of households in big city public housing developments are headed by 31 ’Ud'd'ddd-‘U'UUUUUUCUUUUUUV‘COOUCU.--‘U‘."’-“U"O*‘.(0 unemployed single parents and report incomes below 20 percent of the local median . The question that should be asked of planners, policy-makers and those who have the capacity to build a stronger housing legislation should ask, where do we go fiom here as a country with the power to change legislation concerning public housing policy? Judy A England-Joseph, Director, Housing and Community Development Issues spoke before the Housing and Community Opportunity Subcommittee regarding federal housing programs. I would like to incorporate part of her testimony in this research and illustrate just how significant policy implementation is related to residents. “Current federal housing programs are seen as overly regulated and leaning to warehousing of the poor, and Congress is asking state and local governments to assume a larger role in defining how the program works’, she states “Congress is now reconsidering the most basic aspects of public housing policy—whom it will house, the resources devoted to it, the amount of existing housing stock that will be retained, and the rules under which it will operate”. These statements provide GAO’s views on legislation pending before Congress—S. 1260 and HR. 2406—which would overhaul federal housing policy. GAO testified that the two bills contain provisions that will likely improve the long-term viability of public housing, such as allowing mixed incomes in public housing and conversions of some public housing to housing vouchers or tenant based assistance when that makes the most sense.GAO also supports provisions to significantly beef up the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s (HUD) authority to intervene in the management of troubled housing authorities, but GAO cautions that questions remain about the reliability of the oversight system that HUD uses to designate these agencies as “troubled”. So where does public housing go from here? I would like to look at what has been 32 1“!““‘(Q‘€f‘t£€€11“.“!!!tttyff‘v'l““f“t‘."1! done in the past to change the direction of public housing and also look to the fixture and see if there are any programs implemented that can change the direction of public housing. David P. Varady & Wolfgang F .E. Preiser and Francis P. Russell, in their work, New Direction in Urban Public Housing suggest several critical components needed in our nation and our housing market for every community to benefit. (1). Private for-profit organizations, (2). Private nonprofit entities, and (3). Public agencies. They believe that in most cases each of these entities focuses on serving the needs of a particular part of the population in the community (pg. 238) At any given point in time, the effectiveness of each sector is shaped by the financing available to it, (both public and private), the subsidy dollars available to it (direct or through the tax code), and the leadership of the organizations in that sector. When one of these sectors “fails”, it is important that there be other alternatives that can take over where there is a vacuum. (pg. 238). They suggest that if there is no longer a public agency that can manage housing units, then the community has lost one-third of its ability to respond to certain housing needs. And certainty, its no secret that many Public Housing Authorities have failed residents in the past. Many residents have been left homeless due to the lack of intervention on the part of person(s) in position of power stepping beyond the traditional role and reshaping the focus of the community. The image public housing has provided has sometimm had unconscionably bad environments for its residents. Between intolerable physical conditions, woefully inadequate services, and very real dangers to life and limb, these properties could reasonably be consida'ed by all decent people to be disaster. Because of the image issue, the federal mandates regarding who is to be admitted, the local politics whichalso slmpeadmissionspolicy, andotherfactors, thepopulation ofpublichousinghasbecome increasingly poor, increasingly dominated by single-parent-headed households and families of racial ethnic minorities, and increasingly troubled ( pg.242). In the current political and social climate in this 33 00OOUOdUOO‘CUU'OUUOU'UOOU‘OUO'.0O-.-'OO'O-UOU"“UOla nation, such families have fewer and fewer advocates and allies. Social facts like these do not make public housing worse, but they make it less popular. These factors make it easier for politicians and bureaucrats to ignore this constituency. Public housing has suffered fiom financial starvation because federal fimds for public housing have always been less than adequate. In a mnnber of cases over the past decade, Congress has not even appropriated the fimding levels “guarant ” by the Performance Funding System, a formula which was created to determine how much money PHA’s should receive to conduct their normal property management operations (pg.242). Coupled with residents who have lost their sense of identity and feel isolated,&iswandefirndinghasmemnMneededrepahshavebempostpone¢hardchoices have been required, and fiequently this has led to more low-maintenance, capital improvements have been, and still are, severely underfunded. As documented in many studies throughout the United States, the package incentives that emerge fi'om regulations surrounding programs for public housing that serve the poor Americans such as welfare, food stamps, Medicaid, and public housing, tends to drive these families away from the economic mainstream rather than toward it. Irealizelot ofnegativeissueshavebeensharedconcemingpublichousing. Iwouldliketobriefly share what James G. Stockard suggest are the Ten Points on Which to Build Public Housr_ng' Over the Next Sixty Yfl Mr. Stockard believes these points can help guide policymakers and administrators as the programs of public housing are reshaped. Point (1) Housing is especially important to children in shaping their view of the world and their ability to control their firture. This research provided data regarding the number of children who reside in public housing. Mr. Stockard firrther explains that poficymakemwmefimeslosefimkoffifiveyfacgmeafl‘easmemomdmgsmmvimmnm contribute to the livelihood of the next generation, our children. Point (2) Poor people cannot afford to paythelegitimatecostsofdecenthousing. Inmostcitiesofanysizeandmanynualareas, asubstantial portion of the population (as much as 20% in many locations) (Joint Center for Housing Studies 1996, 34 tw“‘1““‘.‘.‘.‘a‘““‘“““v¢“C““l“(£('€“‘l‘ll 0660UdvdU'UCUUUOUOOCOOCCOOUOOOOOOOOO‘OUOO‘OD0‘4 Tables A-1 and A-12) simply does not earn enough money to pay for the fair costs ofhousing (land, materials, labor, financing and operations) produced by the marketplace. The third point is that the marketplace will not sort out housing needs and provide appropriate housing for everybody. The fourthpointisifpeople do not havedecent housing, otherbadthingshappeninthdrlivesastheyfind way in coping with these problens, society incurs other costs-mental health,crime, divorce, family abuse, fire’s, and so on Because housing is so important, people almost always find some way to cope with meeting their needs. They double up with some relative or fiiend; they live in very inadequate and unsafe housing; they move to a remote location where no jobs are accessrble; they "live" in shelters withtheirchildren Thefifthpointisitisbetterforpeopletoliveinthemidst ofeconomicallyand demographically diverse communities than to live in isolated developments of only a single category of residents. He feels that if people live in mixed developments they would be less likely susceptible to stigma, less likely to be isolated and underserve, and easier to integrate into normal fabric of the community. The six point is that none of the three basic forms of organizations (private for-profits, private nonprofits, public agencies) has a record of total success or total failure at developing and managing housing, especially for those who cannot afford to pay the full costs of that housing. The seventh point is that resident-based subsidies are a good idea, but they will not work for everybody, and they are often more costly than site-based subsides, especially over the long lunl. The eighth point is over the long term, decent housing for low-and moderate-income people will thrive only if it develops a broader constituency. I would like to expand Mr. Stockard's points on this particular issue. He suggest that programsthat serveonlypoorpeopleorothermarginalizedconstituencieswillalwaysbefragileinour society, a primary reason for this is that some ofthe individuals in these categories are not the ones who are naturally seen as "deserving" by the public at large. 35 t‘-“-““.(‘tt“.t.“‘Y“‘f€€“t“€f1‘(€f‘.‘f‘[“l ddddOdddOUUrdwdvvvvrvvcvOOUOOUOOUDUUOOUUU‘OUO'O In addition, poor families and individuals are a minority of our population, and they typically do not vote in high numbers. For this reason, it is an easy population to write off, both electoral and financially. The ninth point suggest that the biggest single problem in the implementation of affordable housing programs over the past sixty years has been the lack of consequences for failure (to anybody except the residents). If the public is to support housing for those who cannot afford to pay for it, someone must be accountable to ensure that success in providing this form of housing is rewarded and failure is punished. He goes on to address how unconscionable it is that a housing authority such as the Department of Public and Assisted Housing in Washington, DC, could remained on the "Troubled Housing Authority" list for more than seventeen years with no signifieant sanctions. Neither the city nor HUD was willing to take the actions necessary to preserve the rights of the 12,000 households who deserved better. I‘m not aware of any studies done to investigate how this must have effected the self-esteem of those resident, or the self-esteem of those who were small children that have now become adults. The tenth and final point suggest that the important goal is maximum affordable- housing-unit—months over the long term-not the preservation of any particular institution, program, or financialstructure. GiventhesetenpointsbyMr. Stockardwhatdoldoasafirtureplarmerto help develop strategies that would help public housing residents as well as public housing practitioners, policymakers, community based organizations. The first thing, I accept the responsrbility that comes along with being a planner, Accountability and Integrity. These are two most valuable characteristics I can possess. Ifwe do survive the rhetoric surrounding the millermium, God is not going to reproduce any more land. I would like to share some of the ideas I think could help change the situation where publichousingisconcern (1)HUDand Congressneedtositatthesarnetableandcomeupwitha plan where money that has been allocated for housing is not reduced. (2) Planners need to find ways to preserve the land we have to work with by becoming involved in the planning process of zoning, development and other areas. (3) Planners need to see residents of public housing as human beings that 36 OdddUOMUUUOF‘UOWOOUUOU'UOOOOOUO.000.0Us.“00‘0"0'.‘.(0 don't need to be isolated fiom mainstream America. (4) Develop new ideas where housing that is built can mix lower income housing into higher incomes housing, everybody needs the opportunity to be account for and involved. (5) Work with community based organizations as they implement programs that can help residents reach self-sufficiency. (6). Seek employment where you can make the greatest difference. The previous four chapters have helped create the backbone for the fifth chapter. I strongly believe that the eight females in this briefcase study who shared their experiences ofliving in public housing with this research have helped me develop a fiamework in which I can have a better understanding how closely related policy and power go hand in hand. This framework will demonstrate how the loss of self-esteem due to isolation or treatment received by living in conditions described in this work can be changed if all the actors mentioned are at the table. The whole purpose of this research was to seek ways to examine all the issues that surround public housing and see if there is a solution that could help change the perceptions residents have regarding self-esteem. 37 CHAPTER FIVE 0.0000000000000000000 00000000000000000000000 ddddd'dcdcdvcovcucooccvcfivdwobowvbvwofivwwoww‘b Theoretical Conceptional Framework Introdugg'on: According to the United States Connnission on Civil Rights, millions of members of ethnic and racial minority groups have suffered, and continue to suffer, fiom deprivation and injustice in America due to low self-esteem and isolation. Many factors contribute to this situation Among those noted by the commission were: historical development, economic and physical conditions, technical and population trends, long-established institutional structures and practices, political forces, social and personal customs, attitudes, and racism (United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1970). Itisirnportantto studyracialattitudesincomnnmity, schoolandothersocialareasbecauseofits importance in relationship to those institutions touching the lives of practically all Americans. The Commission on Civil Rights defines racism in operational terms. "Racism" may be viewed as "...any attitude, action, or institutional structure which subordinates a person or group because of his or their color" (pg. 5). Even though "race" and "color" are not the same, in America it is the visibility of skin color and of other physical traits associated with particular colors or groups that marks individuals as "targets" for subordination by members of society. These actions many times lead to feelings of low self-esteem and worthlessness. Gergen (1971) viewed the development of the self-structure as occurring through the learning and weighting of "concepts". Erickson (1959) likewise theorized that a "learned need” to categorize leads the person to develop a set of concepts of self. Although the person may learn a variety of ways to view self, certain views are learned more thoroughly than others (Gergen, 1971 p. 31). One such learning is the evaluative weighting of a concept. Ifbehavior (as applied to a concept brings pleasure, that concept will become positively weighted (Gergen 1971 pg. 34). The person tlms learns the evaluative significance of concepts fiom experience with the surrounding culture. 38 'UO‘UUOOOOOUOUOUUUUUU‘UO‘UO'fiUUU‘UUU‘U‘UUUOOUUU0-04. Evaluative weighting thus learned "forms an integral part of the person's self-esteem" (pg. Gergen 1971 36). "Self-esteem can be thought of as the evaluative component of self-concept" (Gergen 1971 pg 37). It is a "person's perceptions of his worth... (Which are) assumed to derive fiom ...self-other comparisons" (Long & Henderson & Sillier 1970, pg. 10). Wily (1974) referred to this idea as "positive self regard." She contended that "self-estean congruence between self and ideal self means being proud of one's attributes highly”. Like wise, Rosenberg (1956) contended that self-other appraisal is very irnportant to the specific nature ofsocial influences upon self-estean Gergen (1971) contended that if one is viewed in negative ways by the society one may come to accept these concept learning, and to view one's self in terms of negative evaluative weightings. Some researchers have also advanced the hypothesis that if groups of persons are differentially esteemed by the broader culture, the individual group members who internalize this value system may judge themselves accordingly (Brown, 1967; Clark & Clark, 1947; Garza, 1977; Henley, 1974; Kardina’ & Oversey, 1951; Lewin, 1948; Rosenberg, 1965; & Stevenson & Stewart, 1958). Mead (1934) saw the self as a social phenomenon made possible through communication of language. The use of language allows the persontoreflectuponhirnasanobject. Thepersonslookuponhimasanobject muchashelooks upon other objects. The development of self is possible through generalizing the expectations of the "significant others" in society. Rosenberg (1965) contended "that different social groups are likely to be exposed to characteristic reactions fiom others which may be decisive in the formation of self-esteem" (Rosmberg, 1965, p. 15). Many studies lmve shown that different races, nationalities, social classes, and religious group differin self-esteemhasbeen showntobe relatedto theprestige rank ofthe group. Cartwright (1950) expressed this position. The groups to which a person belongs serve as primacy deterniners of his self- esteem To a considerable extent, personal feelings of worth depend on the social evaluation of the 39 01(QCC‘QQGCQQIECC.{gtlvltlvf‘tlettis‘fletr-‘f‘“lv11““-1 Ud‘d'4d0'i‘0'UUC‘OUUUOU-‘O'UUUUUUUUUUUUUO‘--."‘--fl groups with which a person is identified. Self-hatred and feelings of worthlessness tend to arise fiom membership in underprivileged or outcast group's (p. 440). Rosenberg (1965) noted that when an individual is faced with some major decision, and that decision is most likely to depend upon his own view of what he is like, then his self-image is likely to be at the forefront of his attention Rosenberg saw this self-image as an attitude. Direction of the attitude is one of its features. How favorably or unfavorably does he feel about himself? The origins and development of self-esteem are thus a matter of attitude formation developing from the interaction of the personality of the individual and his social experiences. U'Ren (1971) noted that social behaviors resulting from self-esteem are influential in development of personality and social effectiveness. The level of self- esteem is correlated to the person's behavior in social situations. Mossman and Ziller (1968) made the point that self-esteem is the component of individual self-system most closely associated with consistency of self-response. According to Brisset (1972), self-esteem encompasses the two sociopsychological processes of self-worth and self-evaluation. ck -E In 1903, WE. Burghardt DuBois published his monumental work on the "Negro Problem" in American society - Souls of Black Folk Like contemporary scholars, DuBois focused a great deal of attentiontotheBlack'sdiflicultyinattemptingtogainapositivesenseofselfinaraceconscioussocial milieu. DuBois, himselfa Black, related how as a child at school one day "it dawned upon me with a certain suddennessthatlwas differentfrom others; orlike, mayhap, inheartandlifeandlonging, but shut out fiom their world by a vast v ' " (DuBois 1903 pg. 16). DuBois' contention is that the major problem that the Black must solve is to reconcile his double-consciousness... One ever feels the twoness~an American, a Negro, two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings." (DuBois 1903 pg. 17). 40 0A1‘.‘ ‘11... ‘z-‘ {-11. ‘3‘: ‘. .‘v ‘. .‘. ‘ ‘..‘.. 1!. 1‘. ‘E It In. I! ‘1‘. ‘ ‘1‘ ‘ ll. ‘1‘ ‘ .‘U ‘. f... n‘ .c‘. ‘1‘ c.‘ .‘11 COO'O’O'OUC'O'OOU'UGO'O'U‘OUUOOOUUUOU0.0--..-‘O‘O‘Uwu The difficulty, as DuBois saw it, was that the individual's identity is tied to the "problem of the color line." Dai (I953) documented the accuracy of DuBois' assessment. The color of one's skin becomes an issue of primary importance, and often creates difliculty for the personality development of the child This colorcast system is tied up with the "white is good, black is bad" concept which is flashed to the child by most of the socializing symbols of his worid (Grambs, 1965, pp. 13-17). However, in recent years there has been a growing current of thought among Black's groups as to the need to awaken a fellingofethnicidentityandpride. ThistrendfirstnotedinthegreatexpansionoftheBlack Nationalists in the middle 1950's and the Black Power" movement in the early 1960's. It is found today in the "Black is Beautiful" appeal. Gordon (1974) concluded that the "Black is Beautifirl" movement had been influential in changing some dimensions of self-concept among Blacks, especially color preference. However, he also concluded that Black American is likely to be plagued by low self- esteem. This is due to the reality that in most interactions with Whites, the Black is engaged in activities, whichrequireabilities orexperiencesmorelikelytobepossessedbytheWhitesthanBlacks. Many investigators have examined the effects of segregation and self-esteem in Black children. Brunner (1965) summarized the effects ofsegregation as having "serious damage to the selfirnage on the part of both individuals and groups." Ausubel and Ausubel (1963) contended that Black children have lower self-esteem because of their status and caste position in society. Dai (1961) described the particular difficulties the Black child experiences in developing consistency during adolescence. PoussaintandAtkinson(1968)wmmdedflratthegma’afizedothapresansajudgananforthe Black child that says he is inferior. This produces negative self-esteem because the child's contact with symbols ofsocial inferiority, such as segregated school settings, neighborhoods, and inferior jobs. McCandless (1960) found societyorganizedinsuchawayasto leadtheBlack childto devalue, and perhaps ever reject his own ethnic group (MoCandless 1960 pg. 38). Clark (1963) contended that 41 ‘r-‘-.“‘.I...‘Gv‘{cs-eta!‘.1t.-‘.-‘.1rit‘.1v.‘-““‘-‘“.w1r‘.‘.1.t‘.1t.‘.‘lvl‘.rs:0-..- Black children in segregated settings react with feelings ofinferiority. This conflict leads to self-hatred and thus to a negative self-esteem and self-evaluation. According to Rosenberg (1979), self-esteem is defined as self-respect; that is, how one feels about oneself as a person of worth. Self-esteem is alo characterized as a sense of personal competence by which people tend toward accomplishment (Wells and Marwell, 1976). In addition, the construct of internal-external control is considered to associate with self-esteem (Fitch, 1970). How one's ability is evaluated relies on mastery of environment and control over reward contingencies. Then, home and workplace are the two primary social contexts where we spend most of our time of our life. Favorable conditions at workplace or home such as great autonomy, self-direction on the job, and control over marriage are considered to have positive effects on self-esteem through the main processes of self- concept formation. These conditions enable more favorable reflected appraisals and social comparisons, as well as positive self-attributions (Gecas and Schwalbe, 1983; Gecas and Set}; 1989; Rosenberg and Pearlin, 1978). From this theoretical position, we would expect strong positive relationships between home control and self-esteem, and between job control and self-esteem. Someresearchemphasizesthatageisacfificalvmiabletoselfesteanmemo,1992;Demoand Savin-erliams, 1983; Rosenberg and Pearlin, 1978; Wiltfang and Scarbecz, 1990), and problem- solving in real life (Denney and Palmer, 1981), job involvement and job satisfaction Adulthood is a major concern. Basically, adulthood is divided into three periods; early adulthood (during ages 18-40), middle adulthood (during ages 40-65), and late adulthood (during ages 65 and older) (Demo, 1992). People in different adulthood periods have different levels of self-esteem The transition into early adulthood coincides with enhanced problems-solving and peek intellectual abilities. These new skills and abilities enable stronger feelings of self-worth and more complex self- definition A number of studies report increasing self-esteem during important transitions into early adulthood (Bachrnan and Kanouse 1980; O'rnalley & Bachman, 1983). During middle adulthood, 42 0.1“...1‘ ‘.“‘“““““““‘.‘““u“‘z‘|“fi!‘r“‘(ffe‘l‘ 'OOCO‘UOOUOCUOOUCUOUOUOUCCGOOOOOO‘OOOO0-0-00- individuals' job involvement and job satisfaction are found to be highest (Bray & Howard, 1993). Herzog (1982) report that age-related improvements at work housing, and comrmmity are important in explaining increasing levels of subjective well-being with age. Other studies report increasing self- esteem for a competence, and coping skills through the middle adult years. In addition, Morganti (1988) compare different age groups and find the older the group, the higher the level of self-esteem. Genderdifi‘erencesinself-esteeminanotherconcern. 'I'hedifi‘erencesinself—esteemcanresultfi'omthe following reasons (Schwalbe & Staples, 1991, p. 161): Gende‘ socialization may shape personality needs and facilitate development of particular esteem-enhancing skills; culture prescribes different criteria for self-evaluation for men and women; and the role into which men and women are channeled may offer unequal opportunities for deriving self-esteem fiom various sources. Research evidence has shown that females have lower levels of self-esteem than males (Dukes & Martinez, 1994; Feingold, 1994; O'Brien, 1991; Raymore, 1994). Generally, research on gender and self-esteem has overlooked the operation of home control and job control. The pattern of control over job and home between men and women may different due to various gender role exceptions. Traditionally, men are expected to be occupational, agents, and instrumental, while women are expected to be domestic, communal, and expressive (Bakan, 1966; Parsons, 1955). Although role behavior is not strictly classified in families, society still expects men to give priority to occupational goals, and women to familial goals (Cross and Rokofi; 1971). In addition, males have more prestige, power, and fieedom than females. In Vaughter's terms (1976; 128), "the theme that masculinity of menismorehighlyvaluedthanfemininityofwomenis one ofthemost consisterrtthernestobefound in current research data " Consequently, the levels of home control, those of job control, and those self-esteemcanbedifferentbetweenmenandwomen Thewriterofthiscasestudychosetolookat females of Afiican-American race, located in the state of Michigan for this brief work When this research was first done these numbers reflect the amount of residents. Numbers imve changed for 43 ‘r.-‘l‘.-‘.‘. ‘_“P.I‘.‘.“““r“““‘.".‘.“n“‘-.‘..“¢.‘c‘.‘.-“-‘ts‘cf 'U‘cddvdccdodoododvvdudvocovvovvovvso-.-000U0b 1997-1998; the new numbers have been included in the report. Public housing in Michigan during a 15-month period in 1995-96 approximately provided writs for 54,000 residents. Of that number, 45% were of Afiican—American descent, with an average annual income between $7,000 and $14,000, household size ranged from 2-4 persons. It is intended this study will shed some light and a topic that could change the lives of hundreds of residents and the outcome will create significance and an awareness of the severity of the effects those residents in public housing face as the deal with labeling and stereotyping assigned to residents. Due to the exploratory nature of this preliminary study 8 females were selected based on their geographical location and accessibility. The following criteria were used in determining how these women selected also (age income, education and income). Between the 8 females who responded, we have a total of 170 years ofresidency inpublic housing. Our ages ranged from 24 years to 72 years. We were able to have 2 sets of second and third generation mother and daughter public housing residents. Each female was asked her perception about self-esteem, self-identify and what it has beer like living in public housing. The writer of this work relayed the am wgrds of each female not to defame or humiliate anyone,buthantedtokeeptheactualtext.Thismadeitsorealforthewriter. H---‘.‘l‘ ‘. ‘ ‘1‘.‘w-‘ ‘.... l! ‘. ‘. ‘-.. ‘. .1!‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ 1.....‘1 .‘v..‘ .‘v ‘1‘ ..I. (Isl-‘2‘ ‘ 1‘. ‘. n'. 5" f! (5‘1‘3‘ Case Studies Age Gender Income Education Length of stay in public housing In order to gain better insight into how the self-esteem of eight female residents of public housing were being affected due to low self-esteem, a telephone questionnaire was designed and conducted in the summer of 1997 at the River Rouge Public Housing Authority, River Rouge, Michigan and Lansing, Michigan to collect the relevant data. The interview schedule included questions, which are used to measure the independent variables: age, gender, income, education and length of stay in public housing. The dependent variable is self-esteem. A questionnaire/telephone survey interview is the research method used to collect the data. The population of interest selected is public housing residents of Afiican—American descent. Females, living on fixed incomes in Lansing, Michigan and the surrounding area. The females were selected randomly fiom a list that contained women who met the criteria. May listed several types of interviewing methods applicable to this research. There are four types of interviews used in social research, although May states that these characterizations appear to be strictly to demarcate one method from another, research may not simply be the one following, but a mixture of two or more types (May 1993 pg. 92). The four types are (l) Structured interviews, these are associated with survey research and the method used most often. (2) The semi-structured interview, this type is said to be in between the focused and structured 45 ’Uddd'fld'd'vdvdddddUU'UO‘OOUUOU'OVDUU'WUU‘UUUWUH"- method, and it utilizes techniques from both. Questions are normally specified, but the interviewer is more free to probe beyond the answers in a manner, which often seems prejudicial to the aims of standardization and comparability. (3) The focused interview; this one is said to provide it with an ability to challenge the preconception of the researcher. Some might regard this is a license for the interviewee to simply talk about an issue in any way they feel like. (4) Group interviews. These interviews constitute a valuable tool of investigation, allowing the researcher to focus upon group norms and dynamics around issues, which they wish to investigate. (May1993 pg.94.) The extent of the control of a group discussion will determine the nature of the data produced by this method (May1993 pg. 94). Gebremedhin and Tweeten in “Research Methods” state, “The scientific methods is a way of thinking about problems and solving them, it helps to 9’ explain the problem and its alternative solutions in an orderly way, it focuses research, it provides common ground for inquire by those attempting to understand reality (May 1993 pg. 3 5). Gebremedhim and Tweeten suggest scientific method has at least six major checkpoints: (1) stating the problem; (2) formulating the hypotheses, or, alternatively, stating the analysis; (3) developing the method of analysis; (4) data collection and analysis; (5) interpreting results; and (6) drawing conclusions (p.). Shafiir, Stebbins and Turowetz reported that “fieldwork experience is said to sometimes cause feelings of uncertainty and anxiety (Schaflir fieldwork 1985 pg. 3). Researchers’ fieldwork accounts typically deal with such matters as how the hurdles blocking entry were successfully overcome and the emergent relationships cultivated and maintained during the course of the research; the emotional pains of this work are rarely mentioned. From another perspective, the desire to do fieldwork is founded on motives that drive few other kinds of scientific investigation. 'COOCOOCCCCCOCCCCC-OOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO'.--OO-04 To be sure, field researchers share with other scientists the goal of collecting valid, impartial data about some natural phenomenon. In addition, they gain satisfaction, perhaps better stated as a sense of accomplishment from successfully managing the social side of their projects, which are more problematic than any other form of inquiry (Spector 1981 pg. 5). Spector’s work examines the basic principles of experimental and non-experimental design in the social sciences. He looks at the meaning of such elementary concepts as variables, control randomization, and confounding variables (Spector 1981 pg. 5). Again, the actual wgrds of each female who participated in this case study were used. This was done not to defame or humiliate any of those females, but I wanted to keep the actual text. This provided much insight into the fiustrations and pains each resident experiences. 47 ..LAI‘-‘ f-‘ ‘. ‘. ‘i‘ ‘.l‘. .‘. ‘r ‘. (It! .‘ ..‘ e‘ i ‘V ‘. ‘ ‘l‘l‘. ‘.! ‘1‘ ‘.-‘,!‘L‘. 2‘. r.‘. f. ‘ i‘. ‘r “.a‘. ‘i‘ "--CCUOCUCUCOCCCU-UUUUOUUOOUWUUUOU‘OOUU‘U"l.UUU Female#1 69yearoldfernale9thgndeeducation,livedinpublichousinginthestateofAlabamabeforerelocatingto MichiganWasaresidentofpublichmsingforwyearsRaised8children. Hadonlyalothgradeeducation,aelf- anployed bearficianforltsyears.livedinpmjectfiykhars’ngforfiyumfimflymovedmfingleunit-acattered demumu4ymmmmdmmmmmmmmmmmmam tosecnrelocalseniorcitizcnsaparunentthrmghmbidedpmgram. Hercommentsaboutwblichousingareasfollows. "Iwasboundbyfearandthoughtsofmynotbeingableto surviveoutsideofwblichousing Ihad8lddsandmyinoomewasdependentuponotherwomengettingtheirhair done. There was no where else I could live and pay the amount of rent I had to pay. Ifelt like a slave because the managementcoulddowhatevertheywantedtodo. Wheanouldspeakout, therewasfearofbeingremoved,l hadtoreporteverythingthatsurroundedmeandmykids. Iwantedtopaintonce,andbecauseldidn'tget permission, they sent me a letter of intent to evict me. For 30 years off and on, I convinced myself that I was stuck and couldn't do any better, Iwasn't ever going to accomplish anything worthwhile, my surrounding made sure of that. I lost my scattered site home, after years of waiting on the list for section eight because one of my sons moved backhome,thatchangedmyincomeandbecauseofrulesIwasaskedtogiveupmyhome. Iwasforcedtoleave accordingtotherules, I'mnow69yearsoldandforthefirsttimeinyearslhavepeaceandlcanbegintoseethatI lostmyselfinpublichousingIstilldohairfromtimetotime,Imissmynicespacioushome,butlenjoynot havingtoliveinfear". Female#2 ssywmrmemmmmmmmmmmm-dgmymmamum agedfihtnyflmnhemlddaAmfivedhbdmmbficbuflngwubfighmduduinemmm beganhtakewerfihemwflveshaflvo—floryinglex‘tueddteflacmmflmufoflowm 'Eventhoughmyhomewasrundown,itwasmine,beforemyhnsbanddied,wemanaged,aflerhisdeath,1 couldn‘tprovideforallmykids,sopublichousingprovideduswithaplace. Ithoughtatfirstthiswasthebest thingthatcouldhavehappentous,butafierlivingheralltheseyears,thereisnowhereelseformetogo.Ihave gottenusedtothewaytheytreatme,andsometimesldon'tletitgetmedownbutthenlhavethosedayswhenl wish I could just get up and leave, but my age and my level of education keeps me bound right here. [once had shadetressonthesideofmyhome,managementhadthemremovedandlhadtogetpermissiontoplantasmall gardenonthesideofmyhome.I'mtooldtofightmanagement,somostofthetime,lkeepmydoorcloseandstay to myself". Female“ wymmmmmmmrormmmmwmmmmmm finmlocalmiverdty.MmedmwhuhmwpnbfichminnghgdlephanofUrbaanewaL Homeswerebuilt wadeMrhkmmbyhmfingmfiofiq.Umhmmmmdmemdd securityrhetoillness. Hercomments,Wheyflmcabaatmdownwhmlfimmokddflwasbednddmmrawmywmadmwdrhdpfim WdWWJmmmflmmmymlymldtmmmbmefimfimflwsym beameheMsbemhbdedleaMngdimbbdlrwdvedfmduampsfmawwehnlmntanyme Whenlbeginto mmmwmmemlmmmMmmmmmmmmmgm 48 ..L-l... ‘-‘.n‘. ‘.-‘. ‘1! ‘I‘. .1... ..1! .‘. .‘ ‘-‘-£! 5.! it... .1! 5!. I... 1! a! ‘...-I.. ‘1‘.‘-‘lt!-.‘ .1! 4‘. 1.! 1! f! 1w. 1! ‘lr-I‘ut! moniahavebeensetasidefortbweunitsandyet,fliemidentmanagermfearandsw'etactim'I‘heytwatuslike mule,movingusfiomunittounitwhemverdxeygetrmdy.I'mtlmnkfidtohavethishombmlrefusetobeueatedlike mismymme.lhawbeenuymgmgaflwmdemsmorgamze,hnmanyofmemammedIttookmealongtimeto befieveinmyselfagaimandldon'twamtolosewhatlhavemtkedsohaxdtoget,hnl‘mpreparedtofiglnuntil Whatsusandbeginstoumtmlikelnnnanbeings”. Funale#4 Mwahuflvedinpubflchafingforflymnised4kidsandmisnfinggnmdkidxflgrade WWWMF‘IAmdbaby-fitsonflleside. PhrmmmmSmmhflomfllflmgmmebwminngfldmmawomnWMmymmdeW phfichansingltymybasttonevergivethempmblemgldon‘tlflcethenfls,ifIwanttohavepeoplecomeoverand stayforawhile,Ihavetogetpennissionifitsgoingtobemorethanthreedays.Imvercomflaimthereisnowhereelse formemfivefortheammnnofinoomelhavefinoneminglmustsayflmhmtsmeis,ifywviolatethemlanget evictedMyymmgersonisnotallowedtoevenstepfootonthispmpeny,hegmhisselfinumbleandmacbthc mwspapermowmanagenwmwon'taflowhimtoevenspendthenightwithm.Ihavelivedinseveraloftheunitsmnd tlnlwstomllikedwerethepmjeots,Imflylostfieedomlivingthetewewemtodosetomchothcr,ywcumhae whatwentoninfllenextunitIdoniflkemeidwmatmamgememmjustwmemanydmeflcyflke,hnlgtmwhm thisisflnebcflymmndoywjustaooeptandmkethebwtofwchchy.Imedtogotomeefingsatthelocalofficqflley madeussomanyp'omiswandlhaveyettoseememcomemne.Ididhaveafixeandtheymmcinandpaimedatthis stageofmylife,Mtoonnachisgoingtochange,rvebeenlleresolong,lknowmwhaedsemfiw'. Female#5 ummlmmmmzmmmmmmmtmmm Presently wofldngatoneafthehcalglwerym. Hercommmtsabanptflictnlsing,'Becauselwmddmfistenmmeadvioedmymmlmdedupfigmbadsmm projectsldmppedomdschoolafierhavingmyfirstchfldlintelivinghereandllntefeelinglflceanobody.ljust mcenflygotofl'socialsaviowandwofidnguyingmchangesomeflfingsinmyfife.Idon'tlflsethewaymanagemutalks tomewhenlmlljusttoaskqlmflons.Ikeepmylddsinmetxmsemostofthetimeoratmymom‘shouse,it'sncflsafe hemanddglnmehavemchoicaTheystanpmgramsandneverfoflowmmgh,Imfldliketofinishhighschool, butlhavetoworkSonwfimwljuaMshmnageWdebeonthemherddeandwewMfifedsfikembeueamd flnwayflnyuwmmddentgwmefimlwammspmkmhnmeykmwjuafikeldo,Itavenowhereelsemlive fightnow,solmakethebwtofwhatlmI‘mnotdnanjustmadesomebadchoiow". Female!“ 46ywd¢9figndeedncaflumflyflfingmmficflMfityfivedhmpmjeamfifw25ym RaisedonemNowliveuinsmiorunithetodiubilifiu. HammnSaanprMudng”HlmbemhaemElmgmthdlymmMngmmlm nowhereelsetogo,Pmnotabletowoxk,theyptuthisbagonmeabmnlSyearsagntgosevelywhaeIgy.Istqped dreamingafierthefirsttenymrsoflivinghere.Theprojectsisnotflneplaoetobeifywhavedrmmgtheygakinedhete, thenameofthegameisnotletfingmanagemnttakethelitfleyoum.Everythinghastobempofledeveninflme WywarenotmwdwithmJustafewwedcsagolhadmyxexficheckstolenufiofflneboxwhenlmpmwd mflmyasalmedlwasnmmmummmwavefivedhemalongfimeandfigasmbater.Thewallamtothinand repairstakesolongtogetfixedIwishlhaddommmgsdifiamtlusedmuyandhavemeedngssothemm gfiW,mmgeMWMfigMaway,wawmfiMmmmfifinghflanmmw®d inlikeanimalsjustmamingmndwithnoflacetogo'. Female“ 52yearold.Whpubflchwfingforfiymkaked4kids$mmeofhmquDCudhabyfitfing9m mmmmmmbmdmmmmmmdmmmm 49 9.. '3‘... Pt... I...“ A“ .11.... L1! .‘r. ‘4‘ l- .. t .1. ‘. ‘. t .l‘ I: 1'. HI! ‘1‘ ‘. ..lv.-‘:x‘. I! {IN ‘ I r‘. 4.. ‘-t-‘nl '4'charc-Docdaemon-vac-deovcooavvobooowoovwovv0a- dings- Heroomnnmg'Afialhadeassiwmokgmywholefifechangeilwasmpabled‘ protectingmyselfandsomeof themsidentsfiomlosingthereunits.Iwemwagainstnmagemmnmgardingsomeunfairummhnsimemeymld nelhadtoleavemyhomethattookmeywrsofwaitingtoget,Ilostmychsiretoevmhopeofthingschanging'Iheydid helpmcfineanmhcrmfiisaseniordfizensmmplexhnitsmtthcm. Itrynottocausetrouble, mysonisnot permittedtooomeonthwegrmmdgldomisshim, hegetinvolvedwiththemongcmwdandafiermysuukgljust oufldn‘tkeepupwithhimsonowljustprettymmhdowhatthqtellme.Ifoflowfllenflwandmostofthetimljust dommrefmfllankfiflfllatmeydidnisendmemoneofthosepmjeaunits'. Funale#8 72yearoldfemale.livedinpmjecthmsinghstmyeanmmdecmseininmmem4ldds9thgnde ethicafionSmmeofincomesocialmflty. Hummus,"Whmywhavebemhwedfikellmvedommmghtheymymgausedmfimdymlmmwhmw spakmMydaughtamnMOfmyfighmnmwlminkflwyijUmfingmfikewaeammhmg Mymughteris dwayshyinngMngemingsAhedomalmoaloaherflmemimbemuseshcspwksun,Imnikmwmuchabmtakx ofthings,bmldoymlwasm6dbetterthanthisdown8mnh,hnatmyage,Iain‘tgmtomanyplmlmncallhoml mindmyownbusinws”. 50 ..a.‘..‘ F - ‘. ... ‘....1vl‘. t_ 1! .1! ‘Ifin‘v ‘» at .1... ...l. l. 1!. .. 1! cl..4r 11" ‘. *Jtp.‘ .‘. .‘u l! f .r‘lmu ‘ .Iv .r--.‘l..l 'U“'U'OU'UC’"-CO‘U-OU----O'vc----*-"'-‘U‘.‘.‘."."-'Ofl CONCLQ§ION: 1hispreliminaiyeasesmdyisjustonePhaseofwhatfliewriteroffliispapeishopestomedaydevelopintoa moreintensesmdyforamoreindepthlookathowresidentofpublichwsingmnmoveuptoflieAmerican dreamfiompublichousing.Preparafimsarebemgdevelopedthatwaddpennitdiewrhertoeiqilomhowfliis sameeesemidycouldbeusedtodetermineifflierehasbem aseemlying'ananimfionWfi‘ectanhiteand Hispanic residents of public housing miits. For the pastthree years the writerhas been deeply involved in working withfemaleresidmlsofpublichwsmg.Ihavewilnessedregularbatflesfliesefemaleencmmerasdieydealwilh crime,drugs,tempregnancymdflieefi‘eaithashadmfliewmnumitywhemflieyreside. Iwassurprisedatflie numberofseniorcifizmswhohaveobtainedresidmciesinpublichousingbeeauseofthefixedincomeflieynow receive. Manyoftheseniors havehadanacfivevoiceinpardcipafingmmanyorganimfiagtheyhavestared residmtcamcils,flieyhavepaificipatedmdenmsu'afionsn1Wasliingtm, D.C.voicingtheirconcemstoHUD, andtheir local represanatives, but dotothe fear of losing their public housing residency, they shut down. [was limitedinflierangeofyoimgerfemalesmadeavailabletoparticipateinfliiseasesmdyduetofliefearfliatmany ofdianexpefimcewhmflieanmpttospeakmuonfliemjusficesflieyfice. Immempomnywmdmmedngswhaemidanswmsdcmmsabwmganimgymmw neverhavebeenabletomaketheneededcomminnmttofoflowfluough.Someofthelanguagesoffliefedelal pohciesthatarepassedbeounedificuhformanyoffliemsidanstomdermdThispresentsproblemswhenit pmsflieresidmtsatadisadvantagewhmyoustanmnnottmderstanding.Iwitnessedsomeoftherepercussims facedbyresidmtswhodidattetmttospeakom.Iwwldliketobtieflysharesomeofflieexpefimcesoffliose residents who have been able to successfully organize. One housing development of residents were able to come Wmdfimmedamhshmgofmeummbygammgmenemsmmmofsmmgaa petitionto secure a court injection. Today, that development stands. Conputertraining centers have been placed mmanyhousingsites,fimdshawbemsewmdfiunHUDmpmvidetechnimlassistance'ssomsidanseanhaw flieopporumitytofindenploymmtandsomereedi self-suficiency. 51 ~uu Q ‘. t ‘. ‘ ‘. ‘ffl‘. IV... .1“ ll {‘1‘}; ‘...f f ‘ ‘ f ( ...lv 1.! t «(.." ‘1 I! 1.. f f It In! (IF 4.... (JrWA‘lrl 'U'U"U'UCUCU‘CCUUUUUUWOO---U.-'-.-".-.0‘00'0'UW‘5' hkfiedesimoffiemedanmmatemmmdaalwhhmeaddofsemofmemsmfieshgedm the bibliographythatthereareindimtorsthatwillhelp determined low-selfesteemandhigh self-eaeemineech casestudypresartedinthisphaseofflrework,somatraceisnotfliecritieelissuefordiiseasesmdy. Although, Afiican-Ameriean residmts of public housing institutions appear to sufi‘er to a greater degree. The writer, in Phasetwooffliissmdywillexaminelabelingandstereotypinganditsefl'ectmalargernmnberofresidmts.In closingfliissmdyregardingdreamsandhopes ofthoseeightfmmlwwhopennittedmetimeandspaceintoflieir livesbriefly,lwiflalwaysbegratefidandtoUrbanAfiirsforflietimetopreparefliiswork. Padreswdidanmsnatesmatfliisisaommnmphgmofmoapubfichwsmgreddans. Thishappensto mostpeopleofpublichousing. Oncehbelhghasbemassigriedmdstereaypmgsasnflieyloseflieirabihtym dreamfliedreamlflreflieraisindfiesupandfliefeelingsofworthlesmecs.hifer'iorityandobscureidaititiessain, fielfingrefldafisupafidpfiwmbbmmwmonmAmfimbemusemecmmmsofeconomic andsocialandhistoricalartitiesaremorepowerfirlflmfliedream.lwouldliketoleavewithflieaudimcescmeof flielastfewpowerfiilworckofngstonfhrghes. Itexpressessomeofcmcemsfliatfliewonmsharedwithme mmwwmflleirmdisappear mmmamgemd? Doesitdryup? LikeaRaisinintheSun? Orfesterlikeasore— Andthener? Doesitstinklikerottenmeat? Orcrustandsugarover- LikeasynrpySweet? Wybeitjustmgs Likeaheuvyload. Ordoesitexplode? 52 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abrams, Charles. 1946. The Future of Housing. New York: Harper & Bros. Aronovici, Carol. 1934. America Can’t Have Housing. Published for the Committee on the Housing Exhibition by the Museum of Modern Art, 11 West 53" Street, New York. Ausubel, D.F., and Ausubel, P. Ego development among segregated children. In A. H. Passon (Ed), Education in depressed areas. New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1963. Baldwin, Joseph A., Raeford Brown and Reginald Hopkins. 1991. "The Black Self-Hatred Paradigm Revisited: An Africentric Analysis." Pp.l41-165 in Reginald L. Jones (Ed) Black Psychology. Berkley ,Califomia: Cobb and Henry. Beyer, Glenn H. 1965. Housing and Society. MacMillian Company: Collier-MacMillian Limited, London. Brissett, D. Toward a clarification of Self-esteem. P_sygh__iatry, 1972, 35, 225-263. Bnmner, C. Deprivation-its efl‘ects, its remedies. Educational Leaders_hrp' , 1965, 2}, 103-107. Castells, M. & Goh, L. And Ry-W. Kwok. 1990. Pion Limited, 207 Brondesbury Park, London NW2 SJN. Clark, KB, and Clark, M.K. Racial identification and preference in Negro children. In TM. Newcornb and EL. Covel, Diane. Jackson Public Housing Self-Sufficiency Coordinator. Personal Interview: March 20, 1997. Cross, WE. Jr. 1971. "The Negro-to-Black conversion experience: Towards a Psychology of Black Liberation". Black World, 20 (9), 13-27. Hartley (Eds), Readings in Social Psychology. New York: Holt, 1947. Dia, G. Minority group membership and personality development. In J. Masnoka and P. Valien (Eds), Race Relations: Problems and Theory. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1961. Demo, David H. , and RC. Savin-Williams. 1983. "Early adolescent self-esteem as a function of Social Class: Rosenberg and Pearlin revisited”. American journal of Sociology, 88:763-74 DuBois, W.E.B. Souls of the black folks. Greenwich, Connecticut: Fawcett Publications, Inc., 1953. Ebenstein, William. 1940. The Law of Public Housing. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press. Erikson, EH. Childhood and Society (2“l Ed.) New York: Norton, 1963 Fisher, Robert M. 1959. Twenty Years of Public Housing: An Economic Aspects of the Federal Program: Greenwood Press, Publishers: Wesport, Connecticut. Freedman, Leonard. 1906. Public Housing: The Politics of Poverty. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. New York, Chicago, Alanta, Dallas. 53 961...... 9‘. 1! 11‘. .1! 1-1.91.11111-‘1! 1! (.1!1!1111(1! (Ff-(‘F-‘Ittlrf‘. .rJ‘. .‘.1!-rro‘n.al ’U'UUdvvdvvd'U'UUUCUUUU-UO'UU.U--.U--.‘U‘.-‘.“UU"I“ Friedman, Lawrence. 1968. Governmait and Slum Housing, Chieago: Rand McNally. F itts, W. 1965. Tennessee Self-Concept Scale Mangl. Nashville, Tam: Counselor Recordings and Tests. Gebmedhin Tesfa G. And Luther, Tweeten: Research Mflods and Communications in Social Science: Praeger Westpoint, Connecticut 1994. Gecas, V. And ML. Schwalbe. 1983. "Beyond the looking glass: Social structure and eficacy—based self- esteem." Social P chol ua rl 46:77-88. Gergen, K.J. The Cgm of Self. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc., 1971. Gordon, V.V. The self-concept of Black Americans (Doctoral Dissertation, University of Virginia, 1974). Dissertation Abstracts mmational, 19/5, 35 (8), 5552-5553. Grambs, J.D. Negro Self-Conggt: Implications for school and citizenship. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1964. Hawley, Peter K. 197 8. Housing in the Public Domain: The Only Solution. Metropolitan Council on Housing. 24 West 30 Street, New York, New York. Hays, Richard A. 1995. The Federal Government and Urban Housing. State University of New York Press. Hsu, Shu-Yao. 1997. Doctoral Student. Michigan State University: Self-Esteem Judd, Dennis. 1994. City Politics. St. Louis: Harper Collins Lind, J. E. "The Color complex in the Negro " Psychoanalgg'c Review, 1 (1): 404-414. Keith, Nathaniel S. 1973. Politics and the Housing Crisis Since 1930. New York: Universe Books. Marsdai, David and Peter Oakley. Evaluationg Social Development Projects. Oxfam. ISBN 0-85598-147- 4 Martin, Mike W Self-mum and Understangng' Self. New Essays in Philospohy and Psychology. University Press. May, Tim. Social Research Issues Methods and Process: Open Press University 1993, Buckingham, Philadelphia. McCandless 1960. Psychology Report Mitchell J. Paul. 1985. Federal Housing Policy & Programs Past and Present. Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey. Michigan Resident Leadership Network: Public Housing in Michigan. Lansing 1997. Nenno, Mary K. 1996 Ending The Stalemate: Moving Housing and Urban Development into Mainstream of America's Future. Lanham: University Press of America. 54 41£€€€.€‘o‘lw“u1t‘1v-‘l‘g‘tc1.C(‘I‘v‘fv1‘C‘u‘((‘ttf‘lvcttl'tl. it!"CUGUUO‘O'UOUOO‘OCUOOOUUUU-DU0-0U“-U‘OUV“U‘0’U‘UE Porter, Judith R. 1971. Black ChiMhite Chil_c_l. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press Porter, Judith R. And Robert E. Washington. "Black Identity and Self-Esteem: A Review of Studies of Black Self-Concept, 1968-1978". Annual Review of Sociologyfi:53-74. Poussiant & Atkinson 1968. Psychology Report. Rosenberg, Morris, C. Schooler, C. Schoenbach, and F. Rosenberg. 1995 Global Self-Esteem and Specific Self-Esteem: Difl‘erent Concepts, Difi‘erent Outcomes". American Sociological Review, 60:141-156 Rosenberg, Morris. 1979. Conceiving the Self. Malabar, Florida: Basic Books. 1989. Socigy and the Adolescent Self-Image. Weseyan University Press. Stone, Michael E. 1993. Shelter Poverty: New Ideas on Housing Afi‘ordability. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Sparrow, Kathleen H. And Thomas Durant J. Jr. Race and Class-Consciousness among lower-and middle class blacks. Journal of Black Studies. Jan 1997, v27, n3, p334 (18). Specter Paul E. Research Designs: Quantitative Applications in The Social Sciences. Sage University, 1981. Schwalbe, ML. and CL. Staples, 1991. "Gender difi‘eraices in sources of self-esteem". Social Psychology Quarterly. Schamr, William, Approaches to Social Research: Fieldwork Experience. Stemlieb and James Hughes Stockard James G. Jr. 1998. Public Housing- The Next Sixty Years: Partner in the Consulting Firm of Stockard & Engler & Brigham. Stone, Mitchell E. 1990. One Third of A Nation: A New Look at Housing Afi‘ordability in America. Economic Policy Institute, Washington, DC. United States Department of Housing and Urban Development: Exploring New Strategies for Improving Public Housing Management. Washington, 1997. United States Department of Housing and urban Development: New American Neighborhoods. Washington, 1996. United States Department of Housing and Urban Development: Multifamily Tenant Characteristics Support Systems. Washington, 1997. United States Department of Housing and Urban Development: Promoting Self-Suficiency in Public Housing. Washington, 1996. Vale Lawrence J. 1998. Associate Professor Urban Studies Program Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 55 s‘.1.... 1! Q 1... ‘w a... ‘E 1... 1W! 1‘... 1..-t. .11‘1‘1‘. f. I... 1..-1‘ «.1! (I413... f tit-r. flit. 415‘ ‘. 1.. ...l! (.11.? .1! ..lv.fr-..-ltl.f 'UU'U"U"'-U'U'U'UUUUUUU'U'"-.UUU’UU.-W--"O--b Varady David P. and Wolfgang FE. Preiser and Francis P. Russell. 1998. New Direction in Urban Public Housing. Center for Urban Policy Research. CUPR Press. Wells, L. Edward, and Gerald Marwell, 1976. Self-Esteem: Its Conceptualization and Measurement. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Wiltfang, Gregory L., and Mark Scarbecz. 1990. “Social Class and Adolescents’ Self-Esteem: Another Look”. Social Psychology Quarterly, 53 (2)2174-183. 56 1.1.! 1! ‘w 1!. f e G. [-..-C ‘1 1!..‘.. ‘. C..‘_.1!_.'! t ...1v .1... f! .‘m 41.! frfirtlf m. (It 4‘. e .41.. titling“ f. (at (-1- APPENDIXES APPENDIX A PUBLIC HOUSING IN MICHIGAN 3.0....9...9.9....’91.”.’3”,lv1’..’.’.’"”--’"D-”--Ivhv-s 1..-s!1f‘.‘t‘[ff‘.¢.1«.¢.‘51.1.1.1.1.119.C1...‘.P..ffit1.:1‘(‘1..‘.1!.(.f.‘-1 31.1.1111. Michigan State University Center for Urban Affairs Community and Economic DevelOpment Program Public Housing in Michigan During 1997 approximately 45,000 people lived in Michigan public housing. Of the 23,516 households, the majority (77%) were headed by a female and a large percentage (44%) were senior citizens aged 62 years and over. The average household size was about 2 and the average annual income was $9,100. Only 17% of these households earned the majority of their income from wages. Slightly more than half (52%) of all households indicated that their race was white, 48% indicated that it was black, 1% American Indian, and 1% Asian or Pacific Islander. Two percent of all households were Hispanic. Michigan Public Housing—1997 Demographic Information Number Percent Residents 44,680 100 Households 23,516 100 Average Household Size: 1.9 Distribution by Age of Household Age 25 and under 1,646 7 > Age 25 and ‘.I‘I"‘4~"‘"‘ ES” ' ' "75s- ’ it“*1 ‘1}.\ W' l .N" I,“ t," 3“ "(f ”5“";«1 r "5‘13 ' ' . . . °. . I . N. ‘.' 4. .r. .- .‘f. , . i, «.1, ',,f-‘.'v,}:.r‘ “A; ..‘ iii“ “an" ‘E I“? ff’ ( ‘H" .. ,. 1.. I. 33‘ )3 i (been. ‘1) .‘ N. ”1.3:... 3‘ “#1: .11; ' . ,1 I. I , ‘ '.'l~' ._ . . , ..‘ P . ‘ - '1' . .‘ _, ’ l {U\" - I, l l Chapter 4: HOW to deal With too many vacant units .............. 55 ' If major repairs are needed ................................. 56 l Tiying to save public housing in Chicago ....................... 58 D - The need for media attention ................................... 60 j ' Using the media in Chicago ................................. 62 b - How to generate media attention ............................. 63 , - How the courts forced public housing to improve in Boston ........... 64 ’ Chapter 5: Fighting demolition of your home .................. 67 i -- When can a building be torn down? ........................... 68 D _ Using the courts to stop demolition: The battle ofNewarle .............. 70 I ’ Chapter 6: Increasing the Odds—working in coalitions ........... 75 Should you form or join a coalition? ............................. 74 : PLAN-ing for the future of Detroit public housing: a case study ....... 76 Appendix I: Ifyou need help ................................ 79 Organizations ........................................... 79 Publications ............................................. 81 Appendix II: Preparing Council by-laws ....................... 82 Appendix III: What makes a good leader? ...................... 83 Appendix IV: Sample memorandum of accord .................. 84 Appendix V: Recruiting new members ........................ 86 Appendix VI: HUD field offices .............................. 87 “The amount of , housing— Ii I I I. especially public g 2 I. I l I housing—that in: I: ' - I sits vacant in this :ul' . ' ' : country while llll' I ' : I millions of 3:: : ' : I I families can’t find u... . I I . decent housing :3: |~ I. I thqycanafl‘ordis .. ...m- . ' "nu—um I I I I anational ' ;;;;::::::::::::: . -=~r--' -— " '—-—-:—-—- ‘ " ‘ tragedy” . _-7-——-..‘..‘.'.'_'.;.-Jt;.l.. Left: Vacant public hmrcino in Nonwrb t ..-Q Q .. ‘m C $7-10. ‘ ‘41... -..“ ‘1! .I. I... I... -- sf... [fir-1... tr-ll-tl:..l. are ‘t‘fh‘ Al. I'm-Vt f:l!r'.-£1{ INTRODUCTION iow to improve lublic housing 0 many people, the only thing to do i public housing is admit failure and .it off or demolish it. Most of these le do not live in public housing. fiose who do live there know that, any families, public housing is a .‘esort. It may not provide a great e for its 3.4 million residents, in ye cases it provides a terrible home, t is a home. Indeed, in most of its locations, public housing does not resemble its public image: a crum- . , drug- -infested, crime- -ridden high ‘see page 15). Often, public housing uch better place to live than arably priced, privately-owned ments. bst residents don’t want to demolish iic housing, they want to improve it. eir development is threatened by donment and demolition, most 'ents focus on how to save their :king public housing a better place e—and preserving the 50,000 or so ents that are in danger of being .—is the purpose of this manual. finy people have ideas about how Eprove public housing. Some you should make residents the of their units. Some argue that tints should manage their develop- ps. Others believe that the existing agers should be given more freedom .noney, while their critics say the should be on ways to reform the gers. Still others focus on concrete 5 that residents and managers can t pduotion do together to improve life at least a little, such as starting resident patrols or providing day care. But whatever the exact approach to improving public housing, the key is the active involvement of residents, involve- ment that is encouraged with direct financial support and strong enforcement of laws requiring resident participation in decisions. “Public housing never would have gotten into the shape it’s in today if residents had more control over their environments,” states US. Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.), who has spent much time working with residents of her LA district’s many public housing develop- ments. “Public housing never would have gotten into the shape it’s in today if residents had more control over their environments. ” Most public housing does not at all resemble its public image: a crumbling, drug- infested, crime-ridden high rise. __- —- a- ‘4‘» __.- .‘_ - v w. Unfortunately, HUD itself has failed to force most authorities to improve. They inspect far too seldom. They have allowed clearly failing au- thorities to muddle along for too long. They accept far too much of what authorities say at face value, without making sure the information is accurate. (In Philadelphia, the Inspector General discovered that HUD had been paying Operating subsidies on 495 units that no longer existed!) Who lives in public housing? Only about a fifih of residents are white today compared to three quarters in 1944, but afiflh still adds up to about 500,000 people. Most of those who live in public housing are extremely poor, with a median income of only $6,559 in 1988. about a fifth the national aver- age. Only about a quarter of public housing families rely primarily on earned income; an estimated 43 percent receive welfare, according to a survey done by three public housing trade associations. Residents are mostly minority (56 percent African American; 20.8 per- cent Hispanic). Surprisingly, the average family size is only 2.2 per- sons. Less than a quarter of residents who head households are under 25. Approximately one third of units are lived in by the elderly. 10 “In fact, meaningful HUD does not exist,” states the N,, Housing Law Project’s 1990 demolition of public housing “rarely conducts an indepen or ‘any in- depth analysis....”-J oversight is also not timely, .' says. “In practice, HUD usu.’ the process so late” .that the i approve abandonment is oft; gone conclusion.’ -- HUD has the power to ta 1. management of a failing ho l ity, but as of 1992, it had do eight times in its history. Unfortunately, the new ad' does not seem to be willing problem, emphasizing the m; local authorities more autonl" more oversight (see page 13 seem unwilling to deal with -' the problem: lack of oversig Which is why residents f organized are so crucial. B, ing a strong organization that represents most residents, by alliances with others outside. housing, resident organizatio have!) forced management to“ more accountable, and that I in better public housing. At ' time, they have forced cities ii meet the needs of public ho k dents. - It’s not easy. It can take yvi are no guarantees. But the re .1 be great. Individuals have oft—i formed their lives, learning _ good at doing things like bu' . organizations and communic needs that they never thought do. Isolated residents have C“: know each other and build co by working together. And most concretely, resid'l. accomplished things that ma , new or re-built homes, less 18" more jobs, good day care pro. faster repairs and much more ' This manual tells their insp' and explains how they did it. .;.-‘._ . .‘L- .' ‘u. 1.. ”1.- , .' : «a ' 4314-: «was afarf‘év': ‘ t..- fl-fikwf’ ‘~' nu —- w. n J‘ Int £_ ,Jl' w i Y)". M. 's't.‘ . i .‘ ‘.1 ‘ c l . I P W o- l t ‘ . 9". V . . . 4 l I‘ a r." .‘ b 3". 1": ‘ -- I . b" ... "-. A‘ 1 ‘1 \ . in - \ ,., O V . 1“ I. 'n . ‘ "'1 ’ ,""‘. 1‘ ; . ’ n.- o‘ 1' ~ . wk. t -. . u .4.':\ ..o‘..‘ .. \ ..r.gdm:’1 .. \ “...”-.1 \ 1‘ .. .. , . .. C" ‘. .-.U.’. -‘ \ . a.» a w"- .- ..acéxc ,‘ l: I. ‘L D Only about a fifth of residents are white today compared to three quarters in 1944, but afifih still adds up to about 500, 000 people. 10 Public housing deuelopment in South Central Los Angeles. “As housing residents and tenant activists became politically isolated—and the middle class became increasingly wary of programs to help the poor—no one seemed to care that many public housing agencies became rife with waste, patronage and indifference,” write Atlas and Dreier. Interestingly, the one big city that didn’t allow its public housing to be- come inhabited exclusively by low— income people—New York—is in better shape, with a much lower vacancy rate for example. (The average income in New York public housing—$12,173—is nearly twice the average in other public promoted both in the cc administration.” At first 3 requirement seems reasc takes only a glance at m housing developments tc couraging result: often th tively cheap and rundow; or town you may be pass when you see public hou what it is. “By constructing buildir compared to warehouses, stigmatized ‘government h rendering it unattractive to lower middle class, who Vt instead on private builders American Dream,” write At Dreier. The worst buildings were high rises, which not only 1. they didn’t work as commu: cording to Atlas and Dreier, New York public housing fo. biggest factor linked to high crime was not the number welfare who lived in a buil whether or not it was a big “Wallow in your own misery” Several other historical fa important. In the early days, more than paid operating c housing authorities were not build up big reserves (reserl exceed a half year’s rent). T when the time came for big major rehabilitation, they dig enough money. The energyi 19705 also hit public housin;r greatly increasing operating The movement to give p"; minority people more rightS,‘ public housing. In the late 1, dents and legal aid lawyers: extremely strict rules enforC' public housing authorities, made many developments if"; like plantations They succcfl forcing the authorities to en” arbitrary evictions and puni ' some believe these change to the virtual anarchy that 67‘ .. . .. 1 ... ...1 . dig gfil‘éa ....4 F. t-.-“-¢-'0".§9"0f"0'1 How Erie residents forced their housing authority to try their approach to drugs The first time members of the Erie Tenants Council heard about their housing authority’s plan to request HUD funding for drug elimination activities, the application was ready to go. All it needed was the residents’ approval. Council officers signed off on the application, even though they had not been consulted and were unhappy with some of the PHA’s plans. Their development needed the money to fight drugs. But the council also sent a letter to the HUD field office in Pittsburgh, complaining that residents had been left out of the application process. The Pittsburgh office’s Resident Initiative Coordinator, Jacqueline Thompson, reminded the PHA of the importance of resident participation in grant applications. When it came time for the Erie housing authority to submit its annual Comprehensive Grant application, PHA staff involved Council members from the very beginning of the pro- cess, says Thelma Grady, the Council’s president. Residents were invited to all planning meetings. After the initial meeting, says Grady, each resident who attended surveyed their neigh- bors to find out what kind of work bI' Al. Erie residents used drug grant money to start a program to train .\‘. young people in housing repair and maintenance, similar to the program that trained this Alexandria resident. - their apartments needed. Residents presented the PHA with the results « those surveys at the next planning meeting. The FHA also made every effort I involve residents the next time it applied to HUD for drug eliminatior funds. The FHA is also responding to th Council’s suggestions about how dn elimination and comprehensive grar money should be spent, says Grady Although her initial recommendatiOi that the PHA use some of the mone to create a “Step-Up” program met with resistance, Grady “kept putting on the table.” Now, says Grady, the PHA takes great pride in the Step-U program, which combines hands-or training in basic maintenance and repair with classroom work to im- prove educational skills. Apprentice are paid while in the program. In 1992, ten men and women, recom- mended by the Erie Tenants Counci graduated from the program. They ; now repairing vacant apartments in local housing developments. Jacqueline Thompson of HUD’s Pittsburgh field office credits the persistence and outspokenness of ti Erie Tenants Council for the housin authority’s renewed efforts to involi residents. “The Council let the PHA director know they wanted to work cooperatively, that they wanted to l a partner,” she says. Thompson alsc credits the public housing authority for the extent to which it has involx residents in the application process “HUD intended the grant applicatio process to be a partnership betwee PHAs and tenants,” she says. Keep in mind that, as important the grant application process is, it’s only the first step. Residents need t be involved in every step—“from tl moment the first word is written or the grant application until the last dollar is spent,” recommends Thon‘ son. “Ideally, residents should be it as involved in the implementation : monitoring stages of a grant as the} are in planning.” 46 Improving ..Illlt. ll.l1l1rl. b .l 1, ton-...! (Eli, LE. .....Hwfimwuwgwuilml .fi. --f"“.‘v.-¢’-“-"¢'-'I-Iw§r“-l¢"( '0‘r.‘ilatwtt-bii (C .. [ beefing to volunteer. They recognize L“ that it’s a matter of saving lives.” LL" ‘. M05: of the people who attended the ig-‘meeung, says Garrell, were young (23- f, 28) and grew up in public housing ‘r lmmselves. Many had had difficult i3. childhOOdS» but all now have steady , jobS- In Garrell’s experience, mentorship ,1 programs work best when young people can identify with their mentor, i.e., I sOmeone who is young, who grew up n or and is doing okay, rather than a much older person or star athlete who i -. has a lot of money. i ProjeCt HOPE envisions each mentor ' being more than a companion for the . children. “They will also be an advocate for the children and help them get jobs,” I says Garrell. “Volunteer mentors will also be walking advertisements for the L - program, as they talk about the impor- tance of mentoring to their friends and j _" neighbors and at church.” To find out more about Project Hope’s I mentoring program, contact Louise ,_ Garrell, Project HOPE, 537 Maverick Circle, Spartansburg, SC. 29302, 803-579- " 1635. . “y'— ,. \ Recreation and - sports programs Many believe that a good way to keep young people on a positive track is to offer them opportunities to develop new skills and self esteem—and to have fun. . Sports and recreation programs can combine all three elements. , - In addition to its mentoring program, i Project HOPE in South Carolina also i ' Operates a highly successful year-round i ' sports program. Before the program . started in 1992, Spartansburg public t y? housing offered no organized sports ;-_ activities for young people. Now kids {f can Choose among baseball, basketball, i football and track-and-field. i3: . “When we started working with these i; kldsi" says Louise Garrell, “they had no “Sift Ope; now hope has been brought back (‘1‘, 4; t0 their lives and into their parents’ fig: ,.es.” The volunteer coaches who work ‘3 Lymh the kids really care about them, she _. fays, and participating in the teams has given the children the pride, sense of responsibility and self-discipline that come from developing a talent and working as part of a team. Athletic activities are part of Project HOPE’s recreation program, which is directed by two former professional athletes on a volunteer basis. Uniforms and equipment are donated by local corporations; the Spartansburg PHA pays to send the young athletes to competi- tions out of town. The program is about more than sports and winning, Garrell emphasizes. It’s also about developing character. “We treat these kids as if they’re top notch,” she says. “They know we believe in them and that helps them believe in themselves.” Project HOPE also uses sports to enrich the kids’ lives. “When we take them on the road to a competition,” she says, “we tour the cultural spots in whatever city we visit.” Hurst-Bush Youth Sports Program Until 1992, the Hurst-Bush public housing developments in Williamson County, 111., had no organized recre- ational or sports activities for young “We treat these kids as if they’re top notch. They know we believe in them and that people. Members of Concerned Neigh- helps them be- bors of Williamson County and Southern lieve in them- Counties Action Movement organized a selves.” . '59“ A. .-~ -' 1.0‘)’ - I a. ‘3, .: " he. '- 7 r. r I l 4... 1.1.4 - 3; ' V 'l - u‘ ' a ' . c -‘ : - ¢ O a - . N -s .*o‘ l I E J fQQH‘H, .-,-—‘ -.S'z.z:- - ._~ .. I )1- -, . vi: . . ' r‘ - ‘ 0‘ . .‘ ‘ . , ‘I I g ‘ '< ‘ ' , ‘ ~. . ._ ‘nv ." ’, ’ : ._ . “o ".' .,“,« ‘- ‘. . \ " ..“)‘N... '- - .- ' "' . ,9 o -- " v ~ ‘ r ' '\ 0“ A ' I ‘ ' . -"'-\\ :AK‘... Many councils use most youth’s interest in sports to involve them in organized programs. 51 “Being able to show that many residents back the council can give you clout with the PHA and other government agencies. ” r ne nrst meeting The most important goal at your first meeting is to give people a chance to get to know each other—and to identify common problems a resident council might be able to tackle. The more comfortable a setting you create, the more likely people will open up. Some- times a social gathering such as a barbe- cue will be better than a formal meeting in somebody’s apartment. Make a list of the problems residents identify and talk about how setting up (or jump-starting) a resident council might help solve some of those prob- lems. Tell people some success stories. Use examples included in this guide or ask your local legal services offices or housing activists for examples (see page 79). Also at that first meeting, if you are starting a new resident council, ask everyone who supports the idea of forming a council to sign a petition, assuring them that residents have a clear right to form such a group. (Since new people will probably show up at your second and third meetings, pass the petition around at those meetings as well, to make sure you get everyone’s signature and address.) Being able to show that many residents back the This resident has been organizing low-income people in Montana, helping win a law requiring residents on PHA boards. council can give you and other governmei Don’t end the first setting up a second ( who comes to tell otl resident council and - come to the next met meeting ends, ask pe- want to accomplish a and, if apprOpriate, a: do before the second might include doing r1 names and phone nur allies in the communit attorneys, housing org telling other residents Reach out for By the time you hol« third meeting, considei “expert” such as a lega or community housing to help you in whateve ' Depending on their knt experience, they can of of areas: + How to create a “mis. or overall purpose fo tion. + How to write by-laws organizations Operate become “incorporatec to), obtain “charity” ta formal recognition fro + How to manage an or, + How to run meetings. + How to raise money. + What your rights are. + How to win improverr. homes. You can also invite res from other local resident meetings to talk about [ht Ask legal services attorne‘ housing organizations for resident activists. (See the section in Appendix I for contact legal services law1 helpful folks in your area. Sometimes the PHA wil one on staff, such as a res who can help you develo for your resident council. 20 . . .A , ".r , 1 , 1 -u. 5am. 3'4»: W:\»b-'-“‘ ‘ Mr“ ;_L“‘ .. .a- - .v -.a " ‘ , Organiz _— {flitglx}... i .. ii. i i ._ 1 1i 1 1‘ _. M. -.. ii . ...i. i .. W:iu.tiw. j -, , . .... . .-.-f---“-“.""'.-ri""“"a'fth‘lIr‘...I.JI.‘.._.....‘....I...-FD.a... Getting people involved “Successful organizations know how to make people feel welcome.” 22 / Getting lots of residents involved in your council is extremely important. People are the source of your power to win changes. If one or two peOple complain about something, it’s easy for public officials to ignore them. But it is much harder to ignore a dozen peOple, or 100 peOple. The most successful organizations are constantly reaching out to bring in more people. They hold social events like barbecues and sports days. They sponsor educational events, such as inviting a job-training expert to talk to residents about how to prepare for the jobs of the future. They post flyers the resident council and the problems the council is trying to overcome, as well as to ask people about their concerns. They go to local churches to reach both residents and people from the surrounding neighborhood. And these successful organizations know how to make new people feel welcome. You don’t want your organi- zation to become such a tightly knit club that new peOple feel shut out. Those people are not likely to come back. New blood prevents community groups from becoming too in-grown and helps them stay strong. . I L 4 . a k . ‘_ _..r L .1 the Sonoma County Faith-Based Organiz- / / a Develop you Once you have s short-term goals, yc strategies for reachii example, a long-terr repairs done faster. ( to let management k be monitoring how 1 respond to requests. residents to inform Y( a request. As you develop str: several things in mine be well thought out a1 are 1000 apartments ir ment and. an average ( quests each day, moni: may not be realistic; pc on one or two building should be flexible and If residents aren’t inforr repair requests, then de strategy. Strategies shou many of your members. may be to hold a demor. protest to get media atte: members may not be rea confrontation. Finally, try to have a rt frame. If you do decide t1 onstration, or simply put 1 social event like a barbecr self enough time to plan it always seem to take longe think. And try to have a se strategy over time. Often, g everything into one event, stration. But one event~or for example~will seldom r change. Know what comes Once residents have deci goals and strategies, write 6 down in an action plan. Thi: include a list of specific task do each task, and by when. workplan not only gives you measure your accomplishmer to make sure your resident c( keeping on track. Make sure 1 who has attended a meeting 1 copy. Organize a CHAPTER 2 j 1* U "c. :Working with your ipublic housing authority 3 Your local public housing authority 3 continuously makes decisions that affect 9 your development—and you personally. . It is also the source of a lot of useful information. The more you know about . your PHA the better: how it works, its 3 responsibilities to residents and the federal government, its track record on H making repairs and filling vacancies. 3 This chapter explains how public .1 housing authorities operate—and pro— . vides advice on how you can get more ' detailed information from and about :9 your PHA. g, This chapter also will serve as useful background for upcoming chapters: 9 improving the quality of life in your 3 development, reducing vacancies and ._ fighting demolition. The public housing authority plays a major role in all three issues. How closely should you work with your PHA ? Learning more about how your hous- ing authority actually operates and who has power within the PHA will also help you make a very basic decision about your work. Is it best to work with your PHA, jointly deve10ping needed services and improving maintenance and secu- rity? Or, because your PHA is doing such a bad job and seems very unresponsive to residents, is it better for you to play an advocate’s role? This may mean pressuring your PHA to improve its performance, perhaps by telling the public and federal officials how bad conditions have become. These two Options are not exclusive; the more effective resident organizations often do both. There is a difference of opinion about how closely to work with your PHA. ¥ Working with a PHA _ vv—rv—rvvvvqrvkuuweuvoa Some housing activists feel that working with a PHA compromises a council’s independence too much. They believe PHAs can easily control resident councils by giving them a little money and a little say in minor decisions while the big issues—getting repairs done on time, eliminating excess vacancies, dealing with crime, etc—never get addressed. Others believe that resident councils won’t accomplish anything unless they develop a good relationship with their PHA—which ultimately controls nearly all the resources—and that resident councils can have a relationship without selling out. “Some believe In our view, the answer depends PHAs can easily mostly on the nature of your PHA. Those control resident that have allowed their developments to councils by giving deteriorate for years, that do little about them a little vacancies, that are extremely slow to money and a little make repairs—may be impossible to say in minor work with. The most valuable role you decisions.” fi housing residents with the Alexandria ( Va.) public housing au- tbority. 27 _ ...- ..-.. -~.-—.. . ‘ ” $55 play may be to bring more public 3 ucntion to the PHA’s failures. : -- For more responsive PHAs, the best (33‘ 16 you could play may be to organize (gmidents and help build more Of a sense Community and develop programs nth” address specific needs (better 5) security; recreational facilities, etc.). The ’ ke)’ is learning as much as you can ‘ ab0Ut your PHA. All PHAs are supposed to help resi- O dents develop councils and provide ' a55is,tance to councils that already exist. 9 Of course, housing authorities have their . own agenda and it won’t always coin- Q cide with yours. In some cases, PHAs . have done their best to out-organize . resident councils, so the councils would 0 not _— Or could not — make any b “trouble” for the authority. 9 But as long as you’re aware of these .0 different agendas and don’t involve '0 pm too closely in your operations, in ‘ most places, you probably have more to ;. gain than lose in terms Of access to . federal resources and expertise. l O ‘9 Who’s in charge? 3 Overall responsibility for building and '- maintaining public housing rests with the US. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). HUD turns over most of the responsibility for managing, maintaining and marketing public hous- ing units to public housing authorities. Each PHA, in turn, hires a property manager(s) to handle the day-tO-day Operations Of each housing development in its area. ) HUD provides PHAs with about 95 percent of the money they need to Operate public housing. Out Of this “Operating subsidy,” the PHA is sup- posed tO pay utilities and the salaries of maintenance and management staff. The money is also for maintaining develop- ments’ heating, water and cooling Systems and for keeping individual units in good repair. In addition to the Operating funds, PHAs Can apply for HUD for large “grants” tO Upgrade living conditions and make major repairs. (More about this later.) Through its network Of field offices, HUD is supposed to keep close watch on PHAs to make sure they are doing their jobs. Field staff are supposed to conduct regular inspections of conditions in houSing developments and send reports to the closest HUD regional Office (which are being abolished). They also provide technical assistance, mostly tO housing authorities, but occasionally to resident associations. (Every field office is supposed to have a resident initiatives coordinator, from whom you can seek help and advice.) To learn more... There is a lot more inforrnation' about how to organize a resident council—and organizing in gen-. eral—than we have space to. in! clude here. But we have listed the ' names of organizing guides and.“ . information about where to get ' them in Appendix I. HUD itself has . published a detailed guide called, ., , Community Empowerment: A. Guide .. . to Building Strong Resident Coun- ' :- “The key is learn- ing as much as you can about your PHA. ” . . ‘ _.» 7 .¥ (Ah . i ‘ - ~ - f 1 - on I i}. i‘ '- J - ’4' :‘zir."_ogtrq;l;:'t , {'3‘ ,'..'r. In \. ‘-’ ' ‘ ' \ , ..-“ O . . ... ' ~"',¢w. -. - ‘ - .' _ .. .‘”‘---g "“ " ,p-M . ....: .— —- __ ' 'g._ ..... “Tenants must own their own association, ” says Eugene Williams, who has helped residents in Chester, Pa., organize. “If you ’re not autonomous, you’ll be beholden to the authority. ” vvv"-""""---'-'-_' Working with a PHA .- 29 L . 0.. ‘. 01.-.-.. ‘1. ..l. .. {... .‘. [tilt «Iv ‘w‘vi‘. t i {rifleitiiatteittta11.....-tilttl. (.i.‘r..-ltl‘r:llrllvl(!.‘id1t. o 1 Psigned a legal contract. I authority on your side. The PHA has ,warking with your pflA’s board ’ Attending PHA board of commission- , ch' meetings is one of the best ways to .keep in touch with what your PHA is ‘ doing (or not doing)—and to have a say i in decisions that affect the quality of life ' in your housing development. ’ These boards create the policies that Sgovern the PHA and oversee its work. , Anytime management wants to develop 0 a new program, pass a budget or submit grant requests to HUD, it has to seek the '4 approval of the board. Board members i. (usually between five and nine) are . appointed by the mayor or city council and are supposed to reflect the people 1 living in the community where the ,0 housing development is located. Some 0 boards are more reflective Of their ‘ communities than Others. 1 Ideally, a representative Of your resident council will be appointed to the board Of commissioners—nothing your b council does is more likely to influence l decisions by the public housing authority . than having a member on the board. At ’ this point, HUD regulations recommend ‘ but do not require that residents have a ’ seat on PHA boards, and more resident D representatives are being appointed tO , them. Work with your city council or mayor, who choose the board members, ’ tO encourage them to appoint residents. As we discussed in the introduction, some cities don’t really want to see public housing saved and improved and don’t want residents to become more active. This is why it is very important to convince the federal government to require residents on boards. Short Of that, some resident groups have pushed } D 3 D fl 3 ’ their state government to require resi- D 3 D D D D D i dents on boards. Each state has the right to decide how public housing board members are selected. Even if your council doesn’t have a Seat on the board of commissioners, you Can still attend meetings. They are Open to the public and notices are supposed Working with a PHA _ to be posted in pubhc p1aces severai days in advance. Most PHA boards meet about once a month. Claudia Moore, a resident of Nickerson Gardens in Los Angeles, is a resident commissioner on the board of the Los Angeles Housing Authority. Time at each meeting is reserved for “public comment,” when residents are invited tO express their views. “We listen to tenants during this period,” says Moore. “Then we tell the executive director of the PHA to lOOk into the issues tenants raise and report back tO us.” Whether you just plan to attend meetings or want to get a resident appointed tO your PHA’s board, you should find out all you can about the board first. How big is it? What are its responsibilities? Who decides who becomes a Commissioner? Start with your PHA’s staff. Any information you can’t get from the public housing author- ity you, should be able tO get from a local legal services attorney or housing organizer. ls your PHA meeting HUD’s standards? It would also be useful for your resident council to find out whether your public housing authority is meeting performance standards set by HUD. Most Of these standards require the public housing authority to involve or at least consult residents. If they fail to meet “We listen to residents during this comment period, then we tell the executive director to look into the issues residents raise and report back to us.” —Resident and board member Claudia Moore (below) 31 V’Kem , But it also reflects the fact that JHUD lacks enough staff to perform ections. finSTPhe agency has developed a new tool, Lathe public Housing and Management 3Assessment Program (PHMAP), tO mea- asure the performance of public housrng " nu[horities PHMAP is designed to enable '~ ublic housing authorities to indicate fihow they have done on 12 performance astandards, including how much the authority has done to involve residents -1 in its Operations and management (see :1 e 52) 3p after public housing authorities submit .their assessments, HUD scores them, Qusing a point system from 0 to 100. PHAS that score under 60 are designated “troubled” and required to make im- ‘ provements or risk losing some or all of .their federal funds. SO far, however, most 9 housing authorities have scored in the 60 to 90 range. The first assessments were conducted in 1992, all for housing authorities with more than 500 units. PHMAP scores are . public information, so if your PHA has D done the assessment, you should ask for a copy Of its score. You can find out all about PHMAP by . Obtaining a copy of The Public Housing . Management Assessment Program . (PWP) Handbook, #74605, published in March 1992 by HUD’s Office Of Public and Indian Housing. The handbook, which is free, includes the statute that . established PHMAP (section 502(3) of the 1990 National Affordable Housing Act), the regulations created to imple- ment it, and tips for understanding and . using the program, including examples. A word tO the wise: the PHMAP . handbook is long and contains a lOt Of legal jargon and officialese. If you decide . to get a copy, you might want to ask for help from a local housing organization . 0r legal services attorney in identifying . and interpreting the most important Sections of the handbook. Also keep in mind that since PHMAP ’ is brand new, it is probably too early to . know whether it will be an effective way . I: keep public housing authorities on I eir toes. Profile of a ,h9uSing “authority that tries to work with residents A lot of resident councils feel shut out by their public housing authori- ties. But some PHAs try harder than others to involve residents in deci- sions that affect them. One is the Alexandria Redevelop- ment and Housing Authority (ARHA), which manages 17 public housing developments, totalling 955 units, scattered throughout this city just south of Washington, DC. A represen- tative of a resident council sits on the Board of Commissioners (as does a representative from the city’s tenant- landlord board). At every meeting, time is devoted to discussing the concerns Of the resident council, as well as issues raised by tenants at large, according to research and development director Sunia Zaterman. Notice Of the monthly meetings is posted in the Offices of the city gov- ernment, the library and the PHA. - . ‘ ~. - - I 1' , a")?! ., .- , \ 7‘" .. ' ~ ' .v , I I . 5‘4 ... <'.. " _ 9.! ' ‘ ' ‘ .I' . ‘ ~.\- .‘ . '. . i . . ‘. ..‘h.’ > - s r. Y .. 1“. if“ q . 3.5 . ' .!.. ~v'. .‘ K- . y I ' H'I , ' . . , . 4,»..21- ‘ . ~- . .. om: - . ..“ a ‘ i l n .1 «:«ri'h‘ii' i “’ ~ .1 ‘ H .- :5“; _.A virgin... 3.6-" I 'l \ A resident council member sits on the authority’s board. : Working with a PHA \ _— 33 l i}. L f. (Array .0. t. L..- m. -.t. if -.L at. ....l. u f. “C "i. «I. -C it. .....I uCif..1C.iQ1€r§ géééégg _ "V's-fwd ‘0 V ‘10 "d U ‘0 ‘J ‘J U U ‘4 hr ‘4 ‘d u‘ 1.9 1.9 *d VJT‘r‘J-B’idfia‘w'io'wa‘w‘w‘b-aa-aflw “In New York City, every public housing building with a resident patrol has less crime and vandalism.” Residents and community leaders in Philadelphia hold a rally against drug abuse. Make your presence known Let drug buyers know that they are not welcome in your neighborhood. Public housing residents on New York City’s East Side have strung a banner with two big eyes painted on it across the en- trance tO a local drug market. “We Spy” and “Don’t Buy Drugs Here” the banner warns; its presence has helped discour- age customers from outside the area from coming in tO buy drugs, according to Winnable War (see appendix I). Create resident patrols tO monitor drug and criminal activity in your devel- opment and report anything suspicious to the police. Residents Of Grandview Homes in Everett, Wash, had tried everything to rid their development of drugs. They had pressed for the eviction Of drug dealers and increased police ‘ involvement. But it wasn’t until residents Of this 148-unit complex initiated a foot patrol and began walking the neighbor- hood On a regular basis that they began to see results. Since the patrol was started in 1987, drug dealing and crime are both down. Far fewer calls are being logged from Grandview Homes by the local police. The neighborhood is quieter and resi- dents report feeling safer. The city Of “~—~ fl Everett has named Grandview the M05 Improved Neighborhood and in 1991, Neighborhoods USA named Grandvievr “Neighborhood Of the Year.” Members Of the foot patrol received training from local people identified by the resident council’s community out- reach committee. The patrol works in conjunction with the public housing authority, the city council and the local police, according to Resident Initiatives (see appendix 1). Resident patrols in New York City In New York City, every public hous- ing building with a resident patrol has less crime and vandalism than buildings whose residents don’t patrol. Residents also report a greater sense Of commu- nity, neighborhood and trust. The New York City patrols succeed just by being there. Residents sit at a table in the lobby of their buildings. They greet their neighbors and talk witf them. They get tO know the housing agency’s roving police patrols and trade information with them. They keep an eye out for strangers who might be acting suspiciously. They check on unlocked exit doors. They help people with small problems. And when they spot what might be a big problem, they pick up their phones and alert the housing agency police. For more information about the New York City patrols, you can contact Charlt— Owens, Director of Community Affairs, New York City Housing Authority, 250 Broadway, New York, NY 10007. Asking police to live in public housing Having police Officers living in your development can help increase resident feelings Of security. In Washington, DC. Gilbert Webster, a police Officer, his wife and three children sold their suburban home tO move into Potomac Gardens, once considered one of the city’s most crime-plagued public housing develop- ments. 42 4| lmnrnwinn I if; i u. lid-ii. 1.. ...im.“ .....i . .. .311.lll T 1 - 1 -. 3....» ....ii . .. ..“-aw; , . r ...vl'. .1 ll ‘ 5' I! .. ...-.... .... ... .... - l: - t ‘. ... t.‘ ... ... t-‘ . ‘.'....¢Ir.'..lt.l'rl!.il?t..lr1:lr.lr.r -ir'tlflal Office, and a copy is sent to the ,, , president Of the resident council. E ven In A ARHA and the resident council have exist betW1 developed and Operate several pro- grams. ARHA has set up a joint selec- manageme tion committee with the resident . council to hire contractors to provide protesting ‘ resident services, including a resident demolish 0, leadership program, running a day care facility in the development, and authority’s 7 Offering training in small business development. Management and residents develop a request for pro- posals from contractors. As the pro- posals come in, residents as well as management review them and then interview the contractors. The contract is signed with the housing authority, but it stipulates that both the housing authority and residents will monitor the contractor’s performance. In the case Of the day care center, ARHA and the resident council meet monthly with the contractor to assess progress. Other joint programs include a community campaign for safe neigh- borhoods and a youth-Operated radio station. Currently the authority is working with residents to develop an alternative learning center for youth and adults. DevelOping a ship with your 1: ity, says Zaterma “way tO pass infr forth that’s not C1 adds that it also 1 sense of cooperai on both sides.” For resident lea says, “it’s really in grasp Of how the l Operates. Start by 1 - and executive dire you want informati goes on in the dew to participate.” One thing you c; Zaterman, is ask yO ity tO hold orientatit new residents, as Al doing soon. At thes< says “housing autho. describe how they 0 various departments each one does. They whom tO contact to t problems, where the from and how it’s spc describe the role of ti answer residents’ que But even in Alexan exist between residen ment. Recently, for ex in one Older developn protested a plan tO de; _ ‘ .1.'.. ~ -. .3 1 L . . “,5. "“t'r I. , , .2 3' -. - . ' ‘- 3 '- I - 3. " ? apartments and move 1 ‘ v'. ...‘. '3 i . ' A: 1:1: 7 . < _‘ residents believe they : «111.; "I < huffituianin 2.131;“ Aghxflfiani‘fi,“ ..s i to Royal Day Care Ce nter {7.7 u l w v-.-D v ‘ J; _o .0}; .o‘ 3.": -' ' "9 f 11111 9 I. U 9 se._r a 1? J c u D _ moved because their Ct "’5 2 “7,122 fr - . ‘ close tO Alexandria’s p< 1‘,I‘ , . v -Q $11.9"? £15.. . r . An on-site day care center is among the programs begun jointly Town tourist a ea by the housing authority and the resident council. 34 VVOrkk _..._—— 1.1-1.1'w-J'Uv-JVVUUUUVUUUUUWUUU'W‘WVJ‘WUVJ’w’fi'WU‘U‘b‘ifi‘U‘i-Db‘iliulvf; APPENDIX D MAP OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN WITH LOCATIONS OF PUBLIC HOUSING AUTHORITIES av‘1vaVIviUddvfldddu’«JulVU‘Uv1w'U'u-vu'wvvvvviawwb~vw¢ueuwg b ‘ UPPER PENINSULA :— 3,5 , A“, a [ mount 1 ..., sxnw l W "i ...... L I[1“ I ' \ ‘ 1 * 110m 1 \\ - ‘\ x ' A“\\‘ \\ ' Il \\:\ a," I 0“ 0781“ W m ‘ . \ Law In «an urn-u "In m m use: ' EAST CE! w: 11 mm: / WEST CENTRAL “y. n9 m palm mum nu W N M7 uc man.’ mm m away - _ aunt “m” emu: m yam “Inn. near: mum ' aura: [an tam ..m until} I “tyranny. m was“ ' ruin um SOUTH WEST SOUTH ' EAST am“: " um want I " tfiw¢mfit.t7t.:‘.frlyf.‘I.(...“...I.“‘¢£t¢‘.cltcrlrltlrlv1lttélvi‘¢:§ APPENDIX E FAMILY SELF-SUFFICIENCY CONTRACT .5... was...3v.\J\J\a.v.stJ3.3.3.3..3..3.5.3an.)3.333.33333333).)\3)|l|7|7It’llIr. .‘QéC‘CGQC‘sv"lv‘lvffli‘tlf‘lvttft‘ff{itréffrfiieitifi‘il I‘l'UUU‘VIUVUU~JUiJrJiJiJiJ