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ABSTRACT

FIVE PHASE PROGRAM FOR DEVELOPMENTALLY SLOW
INFANTS BIRTH TO ONE YEAR OF AGE

BY

Sister Barbara Cline, F.S.E.

The purpose of this study was (1) to review selected literature
and research in five areas of infant development, (2) to develop a
checklist of normal developmental milestone of an infant from birth to
12 months, and (3) to develop a systematic program of stimulation which
would positively assist the handicapped infant to achieve a higher
level of perceptual-motor integration than he would have without the
program.

Five areas of infant deve10pment were explored: vision,
hearing and speech, motor development, cognition and socialization. A
nucleus program was developed around these five areas for parents to
use with their infant in a home situation.

This stands as an untested program with time yet to be spent on
further development and critical inspection of field test results. It
is hoped that the parents and teachers to use this program will find it

a real aid towards working with the infant who is "one step behind."

FIVE PHASE PROGRAM FOR DEVELOPMENTALLY SLOW

INFANTS BIRTH TO ONE YEAR OF AGE

By

Sister Barbara Cline, F.S.E.

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Family and Child Science

1974

KI DEDICATION

This work is fondly dedicated to
Rusty, Doug, Marc, and Marcy
who made me realize that so little
is available for those infants who

must always follow a step behind.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This study is the result of the consideration and encouragement
of many individuals. I am especially grateful to Dr. Eileen Earhart,
committee chairman, whose thoughtful advice and prompt assistance
throughout this study was invaluable and cheerfully offered. I am also
grateful to Dr. Margaret Bubolz for her continued support in completing
this study and to Dr. Ellen Strommen who so willingly accepted the
position of her colleague Dr. Hirman Fitzgerald, while he was on leave,
for the many hours she spent and the valuable assistance and advice she
gave I am grateful. And to Dr. Hiram Fitzgerald for his help in the
proposal writing of this study, gratitude is due.

Finally, deep appreciation goes to my religious community who
by their patience, understanding, and support gave me the encouragement

to see this project through to completion.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
LIST OF FIGURES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
INTRODUCTION. . . 1
PART I. REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Chapter
I. VISION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
II. HEARING . . . 25
III. MOTOR DEVELOPMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
IV. COGNITION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
V. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
VI. EARLY STIMULATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
PART II. DEVELOPMENTAL PROGRAM
VII. INTRODUCTION TO CURRICULUM. . . . . . . . . . . 122
VIII. THE CHECKLIST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
IX. DEVELOPMENTAL CURRICULUM . . . . . . . . . . . 142
APPENDICES
Appendix
A. Tbys for Very Young Children . . . . . . . . . . 197
B. Rules for the Use of Household Objects. . . . . . . 205
C. Games for Young Children . . . . . . . . . . . 207

iv

Page

BIBLIOGRAPHY.......'.......... 209

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Coded Items According to Developmental Level
(Normal DeveIOpment) . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Visual Development in the Infant During the First
Year of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

2. Auditory and Speech DeveIOpment in the Infant During

the First Year of Life. . . . . . . . . . . . 37
3. Infant Reflexes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S9
4. Motor Development During the First Year of Life . . . . 60
5. Characteristics of Cognitive Development During the

First Year of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
6. Attachment Deve10pment During the First Year of Life . . 105

vii

INTRODUCTION

At birth infants possess rather primitive systems of function-
ing. For some, these primitive systems extend through a much longer
period of their infant life, than for others. From this umdeveloped
and uncoordinated state of functioning the general level of infant
development proceeds toward greater and greater differentiation,
organization, and integration of the various spheres of activity.

Whether a child is diagnosed as retarded at birth or later, the
limited results of natural maturation generally becomes apparent in
such signs as low responsiveness to the environment and failure to meet
the simple milestones of growth at the expected ages. The anxieties of
the parents as they realize that their child is not developing the way
other children do and their lack of awareness of the special training
techniques he needs can become highly destructive in terms of the
child‘s future development and the parents' ability to cope with this
stress and uncertainty. Merely giving parents a diagnostic label with-
out counseling or an intervention program for the child can hardly be
regarded as a real service.

A major emphasis of this study is upon the need to explore
methods of stimulation which might be employed by parents in the home

setting to optimize aspects of the deviant child's development.

Concentration upon a systematic program of perceptual-motor stimulation
must not be regarded as a rejection of the historically held conviction
that an infant's primary needs are affectional. The period of infancy
is a perceptual-affectional period and while investigators may argue
about which of the two takes precedence over the other, it is impera-
tive that both be viewed as primary.

According to Barsch (1967) there are two major obstacles which
stand in the way of developing and implementing an infant curriculum.
One obstacle is traditional, holding that "the singular need is
affectional and any form of seemingly mechanical procedures would serve
to distort the spontaneous and free flow of mother to infant affective
interaction" (p. 550). This obstacle is more semantic than factual but
must be taken into account in pursuing the concept of curriculum.

The second obstacle is an "ignorance factor." Investigators
have been far more skilled in delineating characteristics of perceptual
and effective insufficiency than in describing the constituents of an
adequate program. Our present state of knowledge permits a clear
indictment against "what should not be allowed to happen" but there is
very little documentation regarding what "should happen." Negative
inference seems to be our main recourse.

The development and implementation of a suitable program/
curriculum for the retarded (and/or normal) infant is based on a
series of interrelated assumptions about human development. (1)
Maturation is not a simple unfolding of genetic potentialities, but a
process that is intimately involved in the interaction of the devel-
Oping individual and the external and internal environment. This

emphasis may be somewhat less important for the normal than for the

retarded infant, since the former can generally utilize the usual
stimuli in the environment to obtain much of the stimulation he needs.
However, the retarded infant, because of defective motor or perceptual
abilities,cannot do so. His development must be carefully fostered,
nurtured, and stimulated. (2) A crucial period of learning is the
first three years of a child's life, and foundations for future
achievement being laid in infancy. (3) The specific kinds of experi-
ences that are most facilitating for learning as well as maturation in
the retarded infant are still insufficiently understood. We can only
assume that the best course is to provide him with the kinds of stimu-
lation that approximate the level of stimulation the normal infant
receives. The detrimental effects of understimulation of the normal
infant are already well known and documented. The effects of under-
stimulation of the retarded infant can be catastrophic. (4) The
parents are the infant's chief teachers. They may require help to
enable them to assume and maintain this role.

Based on the foregoing assumptions, the object of the study is
(l) to review selected literature and research in five areas of infant
deve10pment: vision, hearing and speech, motor development, cognition
and socialization; (2) to develop a checklist of normal developmental
milestones of an infant from birth to 12 months; and (3) to develop a
systematic program of stimulation which will positively assist the
handicapped infant to achieve a higher level of perceptual-motor
integration than he will have without the program.

Therefore, this study will be divided into two major parts.
Part I includes a selected review of the literature and research as it

pertains to the growth and development patterns of normal infants from

birth to one year of age. It will be composed of six chapters, each
chapter reviewing a major area of research. Concluding each of the
first five chapters will be a sequence of developmental milestones.
From this knowledge the foundations for a curriculum will be established.
Chapter VI informs the reader as to hgw_early stimulation is to be given
to the infant, and hence a review of the literature on early infant
stimulation is made.

Part II is composed of three chapters. Chapter VII introduces
the reader to the bases of the curriculum. Chapter VIII presents the
checklist derived from Chapters I-V and to be used in conjunction with
the proposed program in Chapter IX.

Chapter IX includes the beginnings of a developmental curricu-
lum. It should be noted that this curriculum is left in a drawing
board stage. Time must still be devoted to the development of ideas
and combinations of ideas which must be subjected to field test and
immediate critical inspection for possible revision according to its
results.

An infant curriculum holds promise for making a significant
contribution to a synthesis for parents, physicians, researchers and

childworkers at all levels.

PART I

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

CHAPTER I

VISION

The facility with which the infant organizes his visual world

depends on his rudimentary intelligence, as well as the sophistication

of the visual apparatus.

Infant Ocular Characteristics

 

Visual response in the infant is limited. With the exception
of the fovea, all parts of the eye necessary for sight are completely
formed at birth (Pieper, 1963). The sensory cells of the retina (the
rods), fUnctioning immediately after birth, detect the intensity of
light and make vision possible. Therefore, the newborn can respond to
strong light and objects before his face. Later the other sensory
cells, the cones, develop. These ensure recognition of color and
contribute to the recognition of form. According to Stuart and Prugh
(1960), eye movements begin to coordinate after the first few months
and for most, are well coordinated by eight to nine months. The eye
ball is short and shallow in early life, producing a normal farsighted—
ness, which diminishes as the diameter of the eye ball increases and
reaches its adult dimension by six years. Piaget (1952), while looking

at the development of vision as related to intelligence states:

Perception of light exists from birth and consequently the reflexes
which insure the adaptation of this perception (the pupillary and
palpebral reflexes, both to light). All the rest (perception of
forms, sizes, positions, distances, prominence, etc.) is acquired
through the combination of reflex activity with higher activities

(p. 62).

The infant is born with several basic ocular attributes (see
Fantz, 1958, 1961b, 1963, 1966). These include the ability to fixate
briefly on stable objects and the tendency to briefly track slow-moving
objects with both eyes through relatively short arcs (Keeney, 1951).
The newborn infant can generally accommodate at a distance of about
seven and one half inches and this accommodation seems to be initially
"locked in" at this distance (White, Held, 1966). According to Brown
(1961) it is less than two feet. A few weeks later the child can fixate
at several distances and is able to track with increased facility
(Brown, 1961). He employes binocular cues gained from the simultaneous
viewing of three-dimensional objects. Also, he becomes able to employ
"movement parallax cues" obtained from his neck and head musculature as
he moves his head while looking at stable and at moving objects (Bower,
1966).

A number of investigators have studied tracking behavior in the
newborn and have found an unexpected amount of relatively efficient
ocular concordance (both eyes working together) in infants only a few
days old (While, Held, 1966) as well as the ability to pursue moving
objects with appropriate eye movements (Brazelton, School, & Rohey,
1966).

The ability to blink is present at birth. It occurs in response
to a sharp sound, sudden movement, or corneal stimulation. It does not

occur, however, in response to visual stimulation of an object moving

suddenly towards the eyes. The protective response which is so
characteristic of the older child and adult deve10ps during the first
six months. A young infant usually responds to something moving
quickly towards the eyes with a gross avoiding action, by turning of
the head and trunk.

At birth, the infant's eye exhibits no ”pupillary unrest,"
which is normally seen in the adult eye. Not until the fifth or sixth
month does the infant's pupil evidence rapid fibrillations as he looks
at objects or becomes aroused emotionally; and not until the age of two
years do these rapid movements reach the Speed seen in adults (from
3-120 per minute) (Peiper, 1963). Although it is not clear what
functional connection these movements of the pupil have to visual
perceptual behaviors, some have speculated that they support visual
alertness and involve a type of sophisticated scanning behavior helpful
when the organism is under emotional, perceptual, and/or intellectual
stress (Cratty, 1970).

Also absent at birth is the tendency for the head and eyes to
work in unison. Characteristically, the head will lag behind as the
eyes follow an object moving across the space field1 (Pieper, 1963;
White, Held, 1966).

In summarizing a number of researchers (Guernsey, 1929; Irwin,
1941; Ling, 1942; Redfield, 1937; Sherman G Sherman, 1925; Weiss, 1934;

and others) Spears and Hohle (1967, p. 64) conclude:

 

1It should be noted that this is not the same as the "Doll's
Eye" Phenomenon in which the infants head is turned and the eyes are
observed to stay fixed and do not move with the head.

. . . there is ample evidence of light sensitivity in the young
infant. There are also some data suggesting that at the age of one
month the infant has an absolute threshold possibly two log units
higher than the adults as well as photopic and scotopic luminosity
curves similar to those of the adult. While fixation of light
appears soon after birth, it is generally held that fixation of
objects at that time is neither sustained nor accurate enough to
permit smooth pursuit movements and binocular fixation. Foveal
immaturity together with deficiencies in accommodation due to
incomplete development of the ciliary muscles and to the proportions
of the eyeball, may result in lack of clarity of retinal image.
Even though optokinetic nystagmus can be demonstrated shortly after
birth, convergence and coordinating movements of the eyes are
passive and slow (and more reflexive) than is true later. The
pupillary response, blinking, and the palpebral response show a
similar gradual development.
By the time an infant is a month old he will visually pursue
objects through increasingly longer arcs (from 45° arc at birth to a
90° are at four weeks [Brown, 1961; Illingworth, 1966]) with more
facility usually exhibited in the horizontal than in the vertical
plane. Increasing also is the amount of time each day that the infant
spends looking at his emerging world. And even during these early days
the visual environment to which he is exposed will significantly influ-
ence the duration as well as the quality of the visual inspections in
which he will engage (Fantz G Nevia, 1967; Hershenson, 1964; White 8
Castle, 1964).
Operationally the visual behavior of the infant of one month is
changing. He begins to integrate other components of his muscular
system with his eye movements. The head is more likely to move with

the eyes. These head movements probably afford him movement parallax
cues.

With the development of the ability to fixate upon a nearby
object and to follow it as it moves, there develops the ability to

respond to stimulation of the peripheral retina. This is first seen at

10

two to three weeks of age and by three months the infant will be seen
glancing frequently from side to side in response to peripheral visual
stimulation.

During the second month, the infant's ability to accommodate at
various distances increases significantly. According to Brown (1961)
the infant starts to pay attention to objects up to six feet away. His
retina will develop further, and the second layer of cones in the retina
will appear. By the third month the infant will evidence changes in
accommodation comparable to those seen in the adult (Haynes, White, 8
Held, 1965).

By the second and third months the infant can track vertically
and horizontally, and he becomes aware of the shapes and relative
distances of objects. At three months he can follow moving objects with
head and eye movement through the whole visual field (180°) and the
movements are becoming smoother. Visual acuity is improving, and he
will take glances at smaller objects around an inch in diameter (Brown,
1961). Also by this time the eye-blink response to approaching objects
may be seen (Pieper, 1963; White 8 Held, 1966). Generally this reflex
is more likely to be first elicited as an object is brought toward the
eyes from the front, and not until two or three months later will
peripherally approaching objects cause this protective reflex to be
triggered.

During the third and fourth months the infant will discover the
movement of his hands and feet and will begin to spend a considerable
amount of time examining them. This phenomena, known as hand regard,
is the first step in an extremely important chain of events that leads

toward oral as well as manual examination of the shapes, textures and

ll

weights of objects coordinated with simultaneous visual activity (White
5 Held, 1966).

At five months coordination of hand and eye is beginning to
develop and the infant will start making efforts to grasp a rattle with
some success. The attempts are at first clumsy raking movements, and
are successful only if the object is large and well within reach. Co-
ordination of the eyes and ears is also developing. Thus, if a noise
is made somewhere in the room, the infant will look around towards it
(Brown, 1961).

By the sixth month of life the infant is visually alert about
50% of the time (White a Held, 1966). He will visually track targets
through a wide range of angles, in several directions and at many
speeds. He can recognize faces up to six yards away. In general, he
begins to exhibit a number of competencies in the use of his ocular
apparatus that are comparable to those of adults.

Forehead wrinkles will appear and other facial muscles will be
seen to interact with the ocular apparatus as the infant engages in
visual behaviors of various types.

At nine months further improvement in all visual achievements
has occurred. Visual acuity is better and he can see tiny pieces of
white paper two or three mm. in diameter lying near him. He looks
intently at expressions on faces and attempts to respond with a similar
expression. His ocular movements are smooth in both horizontal and

vertical directions of gaze.

12

Visual Attention

 

Several experimenters have begun to study the factors influ-
encing the duration and quality of visual attention in the infant.

They have explored the neruological basis of attention, as well as
various parameters of the stimulus conditions to which infants are
exposed. They have also studied the nature of various physiological
modifications occurring as the infant's attention is "caught” by vari-
ous kinds of visual displays (Sanders).

A number of techniques have been utilized to measure attention
in infants and a variety of stimuli have been placed before the newborn
infant in these experiments. Although it is possible to photograph the
reflection on the cornea of objects at which an infant is looking, most
investigators have been able to obtain reliable measures of attention
by simply clocking the duration an infant's eyes are observed to look
at an object. The measures that may be obtained by utilizing this
method of recording infant attention include total fixation time,
longest fixations, first fixation and number of fixations within a
given interval. Lewis, Kagan, and Kalafat (1966) found that the best
general indices are the longest fixation and the first fixation.

Several types of stimuli have been presented to infants in
order to study attention behavior, including the human face, repre-
sentations of distorted and blank human faces, grids of varying degrees
of complexity, and various targets. Age and sex differences have been
explored as variables influencing attention in infants (Berlyne, 1958;
Fantz, 1966; Kagan, 1967).

In addition to simply clocking the duration of time an infant

seems to look at various stimuli; researchers have also recorded

13

various other changes accompanying visual regard. For example it has
been fbund that the heart beat characteristically slows down during the
initial phases of attention to a new stimulus in infants, children,

and adults (Kagan, 1967).

It is difficult to determine when collecting physiOIOgical and
behavioral measures, just why an infant is attending to a given stimu—
lus. For example, he may be frightened by the presentation, interested
in what is seen or just passively attempting to categorize what the
experimenter has decided to reveal to him (Kagan, 1967).

According to Cratty (1970), the evidence from studies of
attention may be summarized as follows:2

1. The most prolonged periods of attention are likely to be
elicited by complex stimuli and stimuli to which the infant has
not been exposed on prior occasions (Fantz, 1963; Fantz, 1961;
Fantz & Nevia, 1967).

2. Presentations of the human face are likely to elicit fixations
of longer duration than will the presentation of designs
(Kagan, 1967; Haaf 6 Bell, 1967).

3. Infants show marked changes in visual preferences during the
early months of life, especially when different patterns are
shown them.

4. Early experience is likely to influence visual preference
changes and some experimenters have suggested that the Quality
and nature of visual attention in infants are likely to prove
to be more helpful in assessing later intellignece than are the
traditional measures of perceptual-motor efficiency presently

employed (Fantz G Nevia, 1967).

5. Relatively few sex differences are seen in visual attention
during the early months of life (Kagan, 1967).

6. Objects of intermediate complexity and intermediate brightness
are preferred to objects that are extremely complex in design

 

2Cratty's summary is further substantiated by additional
references furnished by the author.

14

or are too bright, or are not sufficiently illuminated

(Hershenson, 1964; Kagan, 1967).

Color Discrimination and Form and Pattern Perception

Most of the early studies of developmental responses to color
were mere observations of what one child, or a very few children would
do in terms of the stimuli presented; these have failed to provide con—
sistent information on the development of color discrimination in the
young child.

Shinn's (1893-1899) rather thorough observations of her niece
revealed that chromatic rather than achromatic objects attracted far
more attention up to the third month, and that for the first year,
color liking had little part in color interest, though the small number
of observations seemed to indicate that yellow, orange, red, and pink
attracted notice while blue, violet, and green hardly attracted the
child at all. There are few indications that Shinn controlled for
saturation and brightness, lighting or any of the dependent variables.
(Since the cones are not developed at birth it would seem that these
dependent variables are more likely to be effective stimuli.)

Holden and Bosse (1900) investigated the color preferences of
Mlinfants under twelve months of age and obtained no definite
reactions before six months, but found prompt reactions in precocious
six-month-olds to red, orange, and yellow, but sluggish reaction to
green, blue, and violet. The ten to twelve—month-olds preferred red.
lbwever, they found that the achromatic colors were preferred before
any chromatic colors.

Marsden (1903), McDougall (1906-1908), and Valentine (1913—1914)

observed fixation, reaching, and grasping responses and concluded that

15

infants do discriminate color within an age range of six weeks to eight
months, while Malrieu (1955) suggests that differential color reactions
probably could be evoked at the third month. Brown (1951) reported

the same developmental color order found by other observers, but noted
that Carbine had reported a white, black, red, green, yellow, blue
order, while Windh, as well as Neuman had reported a black, white, red,
blue, green, yellow, orange developmental order.

Chase (1937) tested wave-length discrimination in twenty-four
infants, fifteen to seventy days old, by projecting a small circle of
one color within a larger circle of another color onto a screen above
the infant's field of vision so that the small center color, when
moved, appeared to move within the field of the other color. If an
infant detected that movement, discrimination between the two colors
was assumed. Observation of eye pursuit showed discrimination between
red and yellow-green; red and green; red and blue-green.

Peiper (1926, 1937) tested premature infants in order to deter-
ndne the brightness of gray, red, green, blue, and yellow needed to
Produce an eye-neck reflex, and found that premature infants responded
to the same brightness values as did adults. He felt that his findings
established that the Purkinje phenomenon3 occurs in, and therefore that
the cones in the fovea of the newborn infant were short, ill-defined,

and Probably non-functional.

 

. 3Purkinje phenomenon—-fields of different color and equal
brightness become unequally bright when illumination is decreased in
brightness. (Blakinton's New Gould Medical Dictionary.)

16

Studies of shape or pattern discrimination and preference have
a more difficult problem with stimulus definition than do those on
color discrimination.

Fantz (1961a) tried various patterned visual materials and
found a differential response to pattern at all ages. This he inter-
preted as some degree of form perception being innate, with further
development of visual behavior being a complex interplay of innate
ability, learning and maturation. He then (Fantz, 1961b) presented a
Sphere and a circle to one-to-six—month-old infants for twenty second
periods in order to determine the preference. He recorded a preference
for the sphere when both objects were textured and exposed to direct
light under both monocular and binocular conditions, and found that
these preferences showed no correlation with age. Watson and Lowrey
(1962) reported that associations between sight and higher centers were
developed to the extent that an infant three months old could recognize
Such familiar objects as his bottle, and that by five or six months,
the visual images were retained so that increased recognition of
familiar objects appeared.

The findings reported by Spears (1964) appear to extend to an
earlier age level the form or shape dominance reported by Brian and
Goodenough (1929)4 in their study of the relative potency of form and
color. A number of studies on form discrimination together with Fantz's

findings (1959) on visual acuity in young infants, suggest that

4Brian and Goodenough reported form dominance at below three
years; color dominance over the next three to four years and then the
return 0f form dominance. (It should be noted that they used three

dimensiona1 stimuli with the youngest children, but two-dimensional
with the older.)

17

capacity for such discrimination is present at the age of four months.
The results of Spears study in conjunction with those of Fantz (1958,
1959) and Berlyne (1958) indicate that such discrimination is probably
fairly precise at the age levels involved. Preference is not dominated
by saturated color and preference for a given shape is not necessarily
dependent on color. If we consider these results together with those
of Brian and Goodenough (1929) and Kagan and Lemkin (1961) the sequence
of form and color dominance would seem to be as follows: form domi-
nating at ages three—four months to about three years, color dominating
to about the age of six years and then once more form.

The Modification of Visual and Visual-Motor
Responses Through Experience

 

 

Several researchers during recent years have reported the
effects of early handling on the development of animals (Beach, 1954;
Riesin, 1958) and the various maternal deprivation studies contain
inferences that the quality of early experiences to which the infant is
exposed will significantly alter his later behavior. Brody (1956), for
example, noted that infants who were handled more often were consist-
ently more attentive visually than those who were not handled as much.
Additionally, the former exhibited a significantly greater amount of
visual motor behavior during the early weeks of life.

In 1962 White and Held (1966) carried out an investigation
tailizing reasonably exact assessment procedures, the purpose being to
determine the influence of various degrees of visual enrichment of the
early environment of infants. They obtained base-line data on 63
infants to determine the time in life in which visually directed

reaching occurred and the time during which the eye blink to approaching

18

objects was seen. The duration of time in which the infants displayed
visual attention was also plotted, together with the emergence of visual
tracking and increased flexibility of accommodation.

Following the establishment of average parameters for various
visual and visual-motor behaviors, they sought to create conditions
that would conceivably modify the time of the appearance of such
behavior in the life of infants. One group of infants was left in
rather bland surroundings and used as controls. A second group was
afforded twenty minutes a day of extra handling by nurses from the
sixth through the twenty-sixth day of life. The changes noted in the
experimental group were a significantly greater amount of visual
attention and the delay of hand regard by eight days.

An additional experimental group was given even more visual and
motor stimulation of various kinds. Not only were they afforded extra
handling similar to that given to the other experimental group, but
their crib liners were removed, so that the ward activities could be
seen. Their mattresses were flattened, which facilitated hand, arm,
and trunk movements. Multicolored bumpers were substituted for flat
white ones, and finally, a special visual stabile containing contrasting
colors and forms was suspended over their cribs from the thirty-seventh
to the one-hundred-twenty-fourth days.

Following regular and frequent observations it was determined
that hand regard and swiping behavior in this second group were delayed
by tW0 weeks and by five days, respectively. However, when visual-
nmnual activity was begun, accurate prehension was achieved forty-five

days ahead of the controls.

19

It is thus probable that with increased amount of attention by
adults, such as more handling and providing an enriched environment,
measurable changes can be elicited in the visual and motor behaviors of
infants. At the same time the data emanating from this study suggest
that although visual attention will tend to delay the onset of manual
activity, an excess of external visual stimulation will lead toward
increases in visual attention by the infant which in turn will result
in qualitative and quantitative changes in his visual-motor behaviors
early in life.

The relationship between vision and social response will be
covered in Chapter V, Socialization.

Figure 1 depicts visual development during the first year of

life.

20

 

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CHAPTER II
HEARING

Infant Auditory Characteristics

The anatomic structures for hearing are essentially complete by
the later stages of fetal development (Patten, 1953). However, at the
time of birth the middle ear cavity is filled with a residue of con-
nective tissue and amnionic fluid which greatly restricts full movement
of the ossicles. Absorption and drainage of this substance proceeds
fairly rapidly. The ear drum of the newborn has almost reached its
final size, while the tympanum and the middle ear bones grow only very
little after birth.

The initial immobility of the middle ear structures led some
researchers (Martin 5 Vincent, 1960; Meyer, 1912; Remplein, 1952;
Sterrh.1924; Tumlira, 1955) to conclude that newborn infants are deaf.

Today there is general agreement that the normal infant has the
caPaCity of hearing acoustic signals which are audible to young healthy
.adUJts. A large number of studies (Hardy, Dougherty, G Hardy, 1959;
Lusllman, 1953; Stechler 8 Carpenter, 1967; Suzuki, Kamijo, G Kiuchi,
1954; Wedenberg, 1956) have reported observing a variety of reflex
reSpouses by newborn infants to auditory stimuli. The reactions to

Sound consist generally of the following phenomena: When the eyes are

25

26

open, closing of the lid is elicited on sound stimulus. When the eyes
are closed, there is a tighter shutting of the eyes. Other reactions
include, facial grimacing, turning of the head to the sound source,
blinking, opening of the eyes, making a fist, restless movements, the
startle reaction, wide opening of the mouth, cessation of movements,
cessation of crying, extension of the arms, spreading of the fingers,
sucking movements, smiling. Other observations have indicated that
loud sounds can elicit responses even from a human fetus in utero
(Peiper, 1963). However, it is questionable whether the response
results from auditory cues pg£_§g_or vibro—tactile cues.

We conclude that the newborn infant has the capacity for
receiving acoustic stimuli and exhibiting evidence such stimuli have
been received. However, the interpretive appartus is still neuro-
physiologically immature. (Interpretation is based on experience.)
During the early months of life the infant learns to attach meaning to
certain repeated sounds, e.g., mother's voice, the rattle of utensils
atizfeeding time, footsteps of an approaching adult. He also learns to
listen, i.e., pay auditory attention to certain sounds coming from his
environment. Both these abilities are absolutely essential for the
chilcl's future development. Some babies appear to be deaf because they
'haVB not developed the cerebral organization which enables them to

distinguish significant sounds from the background noise, and to listen.

Problems in Auditory_Research
Auditory perception from the developmental viewpoint has not
been one of the major interests of American psychologists, a fact which

a.cursory glance at any bibliOgraphy on auditory perception or audition

27

would confirm. Several reasons for this lack of interest have been
proposed (Kidd G Kidd, 1966):

1. Poor instrumentation in the production of stimuli, thus limiting
the control in experiments in auditory perception;

2. Lack of meaningful response in determining the auditory sensi-
tivity of infants and young children;

3. Concentration of research on deaf and severely hard-of-hearing
children and not on the normal development of auditory per-
ception.

Instrumentation has been a major flaw in experimentation because the
devices used--noisemakers, whistles, clackers, bells and tuning forks--
produced stimuli with variable loudness and timbre which could not be
controlled and compared with the instruments of other studies. It has
been only in the last few years that technology has developed audio-
metry'to the degree that experimenters have sufficient control over the
stinnflus to conduct really valid and comparable experiments. Diffi-
<nJlty'in evaluating responses to auditory testing has added to the vari-
abifility of test results. Because of the variety of individual
differences due to varying health conditions and stages of development
the responses of the subjects could not be categorized as "typical" or
"normal." The amount of variation in both stimulus and response,
therefore, has made the results of experiments incomparable and the
PrOVision of a developmental continuum impossible.

Before discussion of the studies of auditory discrimination, an

exPlanation of terminology is necessary. As with visual discrimi-

nation, the problem arises concerning the differentiation between

28

acuity and actual discrimination. Wepman (1960) in an article relating
audition to speech describes the developmental stages of audition:

Audition develops sequentially on at least 3 levels. There is both
a sequence of development in the acquisition of the three levels
and within each level. First to develop is acuity. This is the
ability of the ear to collect sounds from the environment and
transmit them to the nervous system. Second is understanding:-the
ability of the central nervous system to extract and—interpret
meaning from the patterns transmitted to it, patterns that in this
instance originate aurally. Next to develop is the level of
discrimination and retention, the abilities that permit the indi-
vidual to differentiate each sound from every other sound and to
hold each in mind well enough and long enough for the individual to
moderate his speech or to make accurate phonic comparisons (p. 327).

 

It is clear that these levels of audition could be applied to aural
discriminations other than those involved in spoken language; this same
delineation of levels could also be applied to other sensory processes

of discrimination such as the visual and the tactile.

Auditory Discrimination

Bridger (1960), in conducting habituating studies with the
Innnan.newborn used habituation to determine the capacity of infants to
discriminate auditory frequencies. In investigating the capacity for
discrimination in infants, Bridger found that "all previous literature
states rather unequivocally that babies do not show sensory discrimi-
nation in any modality" (p. 991). By habituating an infant's response
to apure tone and then substituting a different tone, Bridger and his
team were able to measure a differential heart rate response. The
meaSUrement of cardiac response with the sensitivity of present-day
instruments is a technique which was not available to earlier investi-
gators, a fact which may account for the negative findings of earlier
Studies with neonates (Bartoshuk, 1964). By measuring cardiac

response, Bridger was able to demonstrate pitch discrimination in the

29

infants, in one instance a discrimination as fine as the difference of
200 cycles per second and 250 cycles per second. Although some form of
sensory discrimination is obvious, it is not the same as that of more
developed infants:
This primitive type of sensory discrimination is of a different
order from that shown by mature organisms which is really discrimi-
nation by learned differentiation. . . . Since conditioned
inhibition is poorly developed in infants they have a low capacity
for learned sensory discrimination, even though our habituation
experiments demonstrated some sort of primitive sensory discrimi-
nation (p. 994).

Bronshtein 33.2l: (1967) used the extent to which an infant's
regular and vigorous sucking movements ceases when he hears various
sounds as their index of orienting. They concluded

. . . external inhibition of the unconditioned sucking reflex by
sound shows that the auditory analyzer of the neonate is already
able to function and that its excitation leads in turn to the
development of inhibition around the centers that control the act
of sucking (p. 168).

Wertheimer (1961) by making clicks near the infant's ear and
then observing its response, was able to demonstrate localization as
well as acuity in neonates less than ten minutes old:

Within 10 minutes after birth rudimentary directional auditory
localization is possible; so is directional oculomotor (perhaps
Visual?) response. Moreover, at least on a reflex level, a rough
coordination between auditory space and visual (motor) space can be
observed (p. 1692).
Prinfitdve as these sensory reSponses might seem, evidence of sudh
hearing in infants is important because of the range of possibilities
f0? learnin which unfold. It is entirel ossible that the young
8 Y P
1nfant in his waking hours may be busily perceiving and organizing his

so11nd environment. Recognition of this possibility immediately raises

the question of the potential of an enriched environment to "informally

30

educate" the baby's auditory discriminations and accelerate their
development.

Three Russian experiments using conditioning techniques
(Kasatkin G Levikova, 1935; Mirzoiants, 1954; Nechaeva, 1954) have
demonstrated the ability of infants between two and one-half months to
seven months to re5pond to musical tones. An interesting finding of
the Nechaeva study (1954) is the evidence of development between the
ages of four-month-old and six-month-old infants. The younger group,
with training could differentiate pitches seventeen half-steps apart;
two months later they responded differentially to sounds which were
one-half to 1 1/2 steps apart.

It may be too early in this sort of experimentation to be able
to describe the auditory process in the neonate, but there.is mounting

evidence that such a process is present and functioning (Eisenberg,
Griffin, Coursin, 8 Hunter, 1964):

There can be little question, however that some sort of neuronal
organization is present at birth; there is no other way to explain
the systematic relations between signal input and behavioral out-put
or the systematic effects of activity state. The behavioral
repertoire is limited in comparison with that observed during the
later stages of development, and this organization clearly must be
less elaborate than that found in the more mature organism. It is,
nonetheless, a very complex organization which cannot be very
different in kind from that present during later life (p. 262).

The work of Hardy, Dougherty, and Hardy (1962) with infants
throughout the first year of life traced the habit of listening in the
baby as it goes through the stages of language development immediately
Preceding the onset of speech, a development which indicates discrimi-
nation in the strict sense of the term as well as retention and other

cognitive processes. Judging from the pace of language development

from this age, the auditory perception of the young child is extremely

31

acute. Language learning begins at birth with the child beginning to
speak towards the end of the first year, from then on the number of
discriminations and generalizations steadily increase (Fowler, 1962;
McCarthy, 1954).

Lillywhite (1958) and Zigmond (1968) broadly review the infant
and young child's developing response to sound. The following land-
marks summarize this maturation:

Newborn--the infant responds to loud noise by crying or
startling.

TWo weeks--the infant assumes listening attitudes to the sound
of the human voice.

TWO months--the infant changes activity or attends to the human
voice and no longer startles to familiar loud noises.

Four months--the infant turns head in search of sound or voice
as he develops localizing skill to position sound and a sense of space
iJi relationship to himself-

Murphy (1962, 1964) described the sequence of development of
Sound localization making a sound approximately 18 inches from the ear.
These are as follows:

1. The infant turns the head to the side at which the sound is
heard (three months).

2. The infant turns the head towards the sound and the eyes look
in the same direction (three to four months).

3. He turns the head to one side and then downwards, if the sound

is made below the ear (five to six months).

32

4. He turns the head to one side and then upwards, when the sound

is made above the level of the ear (at about six months), i.e.,

downward localization occurs before upward localization.

5. He turns the head in a curving arc towards the sound source

(about six to eight months).

6. The head is turned diagonally and directly towards the sound

(about eight to ten months).

By the first year the ability to localize a sound source is

anJllnost as good as in the older child and adult-

From about nine months the baby learns to control and adjust
his response to sounds. He may delay his re5ponse or inhibit it
altogether. He may listen to hear the sound again and not attempt to
make any localization. This represents a further step in maturation

tc”Weards understanding and controlling his environment. .

The child's understanding of language is usually several months
fiead of his own speaking ability. This coupled with his proficiency
jL" ].istening to vocal tone and "reading" body language enables the
(ik‘jlild.to be far more understanding of communications around him than
in“‘11\)r adults are aware.

The average norms for the development of comprehension are

derived from Lillywhite (1958) and Zigmond (1968):

Fifth to sixth months-~the infant can distinguish friendly from

angry tone in talking.

Eighth month--the infant may respond to his name.

Twelfth month--the infant can follow a few simple commands,

responds to "no-no" and to "patty cake" and "bye-bye" with gestures.

33

From the work of Fantz and Nevis (1967) there appears to be
strong evidence that perception precedes motor activity in the develop-
ment of the young infant. This conclusion is in opposition to the
frequent assumption that postnatal maturation and learning of sensory-

motor responses is a prerequisite for perceptual-cognitive development.

Speech and the Prelinguistic Period
There have been several extensive studies on the Speech of the

infant. A good simple review of the subject was provided by Lillywhite

(1958) and Sheridan (1964). Sheridan describes the stages of perverbal

and verbal communication as including smiling, nestling, clinging,
Vigorous welcoming, frowning, resistive stiffening or pushing away,
fOI‘lnless emotionally charged vocalizations and pulling the mother in
his direction. Laughter, screaming and temper tantrums are other
methods of communication.

The vocal behavior of an infant, particularly during the first
few months of postnatal life, has been identified by Sheppard and Lane
(1968) as a "matrix of later language development" (p. 64). Therefore,
the differentiation and organization of infant vocalization as a

f‘Jllction of maturational and environmental factors are of considerable
interest.

The growth and development of the child during the prelinguistic
s‘tage, including his vocal behavior, have been the subject of study by
I‘epresentatives of many different disciplines applying a variety of
descriptive and research methodologies. Some have focused in the

mental and physiological development of the whole child and have

described in some detail the prelinguistic development. For example,

34

Gesell and Amatruda (1964) in their classic studies of the deve10pment

of the neonate and infant, describe the "average" child as he develops

"language" and other behaviors. From the developmental scales of

Gesell, other authors have prepared topical designations for certain

landmarks or stages of prelinguistic development. Thus Berry and

Eisenson (1956) describe four stages of prelinguistic development which

precede true speech. They indicate that the early cry sounds of the

newborn are entirely reflexive vocalizations. Then, at about six or

seven weeks of age the infant begins to evidence his awareness of his

OWn acoustic production. It appears at this time that the child

definitely enjoys producing sound and that he produces it for his own

Pleasure. This cooing and gurgling and general vocal play is called

Labbligg.
Van Riper (1963) indicates that a good deal of this type of

V°<=al play is carried on when the child is alone and it seems to dis-

aI’IJear when someone interrupts him. The infant's verbal behavior at
this time is also characterized by stimulus generalization. Many

di fferent stimuli will evoke a rather Similar response.

There appears to be general agreement that deaf babies begin to
babble at a normal time, but because they are unable to hear the sounds
they produce, they apparently lose interest and hence produce much

fewer babbling sounds than the hearing child.
Berry and Eisenson (1956) have stated that the infant's

babbling appears to contain the sounds of many different languages.
There appears to be wide-spread agreement that infants from a variety

of racial and linguistic backgrounds all babble alike. The implication

35

of this statement is that babbling is preparation for the later stages

of prelinguistic development.

Until recently, theories of language development stressed the

following sequence of events: imitation by a child of his parent's

speech; reinforcement of the child's beginning sounds and words by his
parents repetition; expansion and/or modification of them; repeated

imitation of these modified sounds and words by the child.

More recent studies (Chomsky, 1967; Lennenberg, 1967; McNeill,

1966) question this theory and propose that the initial onset of speech
311d language is more likely innate, dependent mainly on a child's

central nervous system maturation rather than on his environment.

At around the fifth or sixth month when the child is beginning
to visually fixate and grab at attractive objects, the babbling seems

to change from the more reflexive beginning to a stage that has been

temed lalling. The great significance of lalling is that hearing and

somad production have now become associated. The child appears to be

‘using vocalization to attract attention of others and to express his

ll"It-verests and needs. As in the babbling stage there appears to be more

Vowel-like sounds than consonants in his utterances.

Two prelinguistic vocal behaviors appear to emerge at nine or

ten months: "inflected vocal play" and "echolalia." During "inflected

Play" the child's pitch begins to rise and fall in patterns similar to
1mat of his parents language and appears to take on general character-

istics of the inflection and rhythm of adult speech.
The term echolalia refers to the vocal behavior of the infant

When he appears to imitate the sounds that others make and particularly

those sounds which he has made during the lalling stage. There may not

36

yet be evidence of a complete association of the word with a partiCular
istem.or part of the environment to make it worthy of the title, true

sslpeech. Finally, following this sequence, true Speech will on the

sa\rerage emerge at around twelve to eighteen months of age.

We continue to need more refined research data which can

(asstainsh the relationship between the infant's acuity for sound
1:11roughout the speech frequencies and the acquisition and development

()1? speech and language. According to Kavanagh (1971)

. . . there is accumulative evidence that the newborn may be
meaningfully studied at a fundamental level with regard to his
perceptual strategy, his ability to match externally presented
stimuli against an internal model and to store information in a

short-term memory (p. 224).

Figure 2 depicts the development of audition and language in a

J)'C>Iamag infant.

37

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CHAPTER III

MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

Infant motor development and motor behavior have attracted
errsufficient attention during the past 20 years. The reason for this
nnaay'be as Crowell (1967) states:

Even though motor acts are the primary means of expression for the
young human, this activity, until very recently, has been in-
correctly regarded as playing a relatively minor role in total
development. This conclusion stems from a variety of reasons.
There is, first, the fact that early motor acts superficially
appear simple and descriptively the same from infant to infant.
Second, the behavior of the infant is without much content and
seemingly involves little meaningful direction or purpose. This
difficulty in relating motor activity to events in the environment
is further compounded by characteristics of instability, evanes-
cence, and rapid changes in early behavior. Even if it be granted
that motor patterns are basic to complex psychological processes,
.it is still difficult to relate early overt responses in any
meaningful way to later development (p. 125).

This section will give a short resume of theoretical approaches
E‘31tl will then trace the development of early motor patterns in normal
infants including infant reflexes, motor development, manipulative
development and concluding with a developmental profile of the infant

during his first year of life.

Theoretical Orientations
In the study of motor development two theoretical orientations

have emerged, namely behaviorism and the maturational approach.

40

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41

Behaviorism

One of the central principles of behaviorism was ". . . that
all complex behavior is a growth or development out of simple resources"
(Watson, 1925, p. 325). This progressive development of behavior was
reflected in the notion of "the activity stream" of the individual.
Within this activity stream behavior was originally observed as a set
of unlearned acts, stimulus-response connections or innate reflexes,
from whidh would evolve stabilized habits through conditioning. This
emphasis on the genesis of behavior became the setting for infant

laboratory investigations and the background for genetic psychology as

a field of independent study.

Maturation Hypothesis

Gesell, as the foremost proponent of the maturation hypothesis

definitively described the new view in his statement against be-

haviorism:

The extreme versions of environmentalist and conditioning theories
suffer because they explain too much. They suggest that the indi-
vidual is fabricated out of the conditioning patterns. They do not
give due recognition to the inner checks which set metes and
bounds to the area of conditioning and which happily prevent
abnormal and grotesque consequences which the theories themselves
would make too easily possible. Although it is artificial to
press unduly a distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic factors,
it must after all, be granted that growth is a function of the
organism rather than of the environment as such. The environment
furnishes the foil and the milieu for the manifestations of
development, but these manifestations come from inner compulsion
and are primarily organized by inherent inner mechanics and by an
intrinsic physiology of development. The very plasticity of growth
1requires that there be limiting and regulatory mechanisms. Growth
:is a process so intricate and so sensitive that there must be
powerful stabilizing factors, intrinsic rather than extrinsic,
‘ihich preserve the balance of the total pattern and the direction
(Df'the growth trend. Maturation is, in a sense, a name for this
regulatory mechanism (Gesell, 1929, p. 318).

42

Gesell firmly supported the idea that structure developed prior

to function. Although he admitted two processes of deve10pment,

maturation and learning, development during infancy was chiefly due to

maturation.

Gesell advances five principles as basic in the ontogency of

infant motor behavior. These were the principles of (1) individuating

maturation, (2) developmental direction, (3) reciprocal interweaving,

(4) functional asymmetry, and (5) self-regulatory fluctuation.

On the premise that motor changes should reflect the state of

maturity or immaturity of the developing nervous system, McGrew (1946)

attempts a partial answer to the question. After evaluations of

development in grasping, creeping, sitting, swimming, locomotion, and
other activities, she offered evidence to the effect that motor
patterns progressively reflect the time (1) when the motor reSponse is

under subcortical control, and (2) when cortical inhibitory influences

are beginning to function, then (3) when cortical participation is

Jinvolved in muscular movements, and finally (4) when the cortex is

dominant and voluntarily controls muscular activity. Further, and

Perhaps more importantly, she proposed an interaction of Structure and

function, stating:

It seems fairly evident that certain structural changes take
place prior to the onset of overt function; it seems equally
evident that cessation of neurostructural development does not
coincide with the onset of function. There is every reason to
believe that when conditions are favorable, function makes some
contribution to further advancement in structural development of
‘the nervous system. An influential factor in determining the
Structural development of one component may be the functioning of
<Jther structures which are interrelated . . . (McGraw, 1946,

pp. 363- 364).

43

Since 1950 this interaction hypothesis has emerged as a trend with
indications of having considerable influence on the study of motor

behavior.

Piaget's Interaction Hypothesis

Piaget's interest in sensorimotor background of intelligence
avoided the maturation versus learning dilemma by conceptualizing
development as the result of an interaction process. According to
Piaget (1952), "It was only by studying the patterns of intelligent
behavior of the first two years that I learned that for a complete
understanding of the genesis of intellectual operations, manipulation
and experience with objects had first to be considered" (p. 247). The
ways the child would perceive and cope with reality had to develop from
interactive contacts between the organism and his environment. The
most basic aspects of intellectual and cognitive functioning were inti-
mately tied in with the actions or motor activity of the individual.
(For a further explanation of Piaget's theory see Chapter IV.)

Whether Piaget's theorizing will operate as a stimulus to more

iJTtensive motor development research remains to be seen.

Infant Reflexes

 

The normal newborn has a number of "primitive” inherent
reSjponses many of which wane during the first three or four months.
If any of these primitive responses (e.g., the Moro or startle response)
are. absent in the neonatal period, it is a Sign of disordered cerebral
fun-<:‘tion. Similarly the persistence, after the age of six months, of a
resPonse which normally wanes by the age of four months, is also a

Sign of neurodevelopmental abnormality.

44

Many of the initial reflexes seen in infants are necessary to
sustain life processes between the time the child is no longer
nourished within the mother's amniotic fluid and the acquisition of
useful voluntary actions. For example, the rooting reflex enables the
infant to obtain nourishment as he reflexively turns toward a tactual
stimulus applied to his cheek. Other reflexes resemble later voluntary
activities. For example, when an infant is placed in a certain
position he will demonstrate a walking pattern. However, these later
reflexes usually disappear well before their voluntary counterpart is
seen.

As the primitive responses wane, other inherent "secondary"
responses emerge. These are concerned with righting, protection, and
balancing.

The reflexes discussed in this paper will include:

1. Primitive responses

--neck righting response

--primitive grasp of fingers and toes (Palmer and plantar

graSPJ

—-placing response of lower limbs

--Supporting

--primary steping

--asymmetric tonic neck response

--Moro response

2. Secondary responses

--labyrinthine righting reflex

4S

--parachute

--protective responses

Primitive Responses

 

hhe Moro Reflex

In the first three or four months, if the supine infant's head
is allowed to drop there is a sudden extension and abduction of the
upper limbs, with opening of the hands, followed by flexion to the mid-
line. At times the infant elicits the reflex as he coughs or sneezes.
The beginning of the Moro reflex is opposite to the startle reflex,
which is only a flexion without the prior extension pattern. Also, the
Moro reflex can be brought about rapidly and in succession, whereas the
startle reflex needs some kind of recovery-from-fright time prior to
its being triggered again (Cratty, 1967).

Persistance of the Moro response denotes lack of cortical
inhibition (Dileo, 1967). An asymmetrical Moro response may indicate

an Erb's palsy or an injury of an upper limb (Egan, 3331., 1969).

LSYmmetric Tonic Neck Response (INTI)

During the first three or four months when the infant's head
tum to one side, the upper limbs take the fencers positions; the arm
eXtends on the side to which the face is turned. The other arm is
flexed. The lower limbs take a similar attitude to the Upper limb on
the same Side. The trunk is concaved to the occipital side. In the
sec(Jud or third months the infant's limbs are in the T'NR postures 50%
0f tflie time. If in the first month or two the infant keeps his head

Persistently turned to one side, there may be persisting fisting in the

46

occipital hand, apparent shortening of the occipital lower limb and
curvature of the spine. There may also be later delay in turning the

head to sounds made on what was the occipital side of the head.

Palmar and Planter Grasp

For the first two months the hands are shut most of the time.
The thumb is inside the fingers. Touching both palms of the hand and
the front part of the bottom of the toes tends to cause flexion of the
hands and feet respectively. This reflex in the hands usually results
in a grasping action that excludes the thumb and may be strong enough to
support the infant's weight for short periods of time. The reflex
grasp is replaced by voluntary grasp between four and five months.
After the second month persistent "fisting" indicates delay in motor
development. Fisting on one side suggests hemiplegis (Egan, g£_gl,,
1969). The toe grasp response normally persists until nine to twelve

months. It is gone when the child walks.

.Neck Rightipg Reflex

There is a lack of agreement among different investigators as
t<> the age of onset and disappearance of the neck righting reflexes.
TTtis reflex generally appears between thirty-four and thirty-six weeks
Of' gestation. However, according to Paine (1966) it is not until ten
mOhms of age that all infants demonstrate this phenomenon. This is in
°PFNosition to Peiper (1963) who reports that in the first half year of
life it is usually possible to demonstrate this reflex. The reflex is
Obtained by turning the head of a supine baby to one side. When the
reflex is present, first the shoulders, then the trunk, and finally the

PelVis will turn in the same direction towards which the head is

47

turned. This reflex has its counterpart in the so-called "body
righting reflex of the head” in which turning the trunk of a baby lying
supine causes the rotation of the head of the same direction. The neck
and body righting responses are believed to be primarily spinal

reflexes.

Sppporting_Response

 

The infant is held erect and lowered so that the soles of the
feet are in contact with the table top. In the first three to four
months most infants extend the lower limbs and will support their
weight. In the fourth-fifth-sixth months the response is less vigorous

but from six months it is normally present again and persists-

Primary Steppipg_

The infant held erect and supporting his weight is then leaned
forward. During the first six weeks he will usually reSpond by stepping
fbrward. The response is useful for demonstrating the functional
efficiency of the lower limbs and for detecting asymmetry as in

hemiplegia.

P 1 acing Response

The infant is held vertical and the dorsum of feet or front of
the’ leg moved against the lower edge of the top of a table. The lower
lint) is flexed, swung forward and extended so that the child "steps
ovezr the curb." Response becomes less vigorous at Six months, but
pers ists into the second year of life. The reaction is of value in
deteciting asymmetry of response between the two lower limbs. In a

Chill! of five or six months a poor placing with a vigorous supporting

48

response suggests excessive extensor activity as is seen in the spastic

child.

Secondary Responses
These appear at four to seven months of age and in some degree
persist. They are not learned but inherent and can be demonstrated by

evoking them before the baby has used them in voluntary activity.

Labyrinthing_RightingReflex

This reflex is seldom seen in the newborn, but becomes stronger
during the middle of the first year. It contributes to the assumption
of an upright head and body position and to the child's movement forward
during the end of the first year.

Generally the infant evidences this reflex by his tendency to
attempt to maintain himself upright by lifting his head upward when the
body is tipped downward. Similarly, if the upright infant is held by
the shoulders and bent backward, his head will move forward, still
attempting to maintain its original position with relation to gravity.
'Fhe reflex also may be seen if the upright infant is angled to his left

01? right. The head tends to maintain its original position with

relation to gravity.

££E>tective Reactions

These are also called propping, saving, or parachute reactions.
Balancing reactions are in the opposite direction to the displacing
fPP<2e (tilting); protective reactions are in the same direction. They

appear in response to a sudden displacing force or when a slower force

can no longer be compensated by balancing.

49

Parachute Response

 

An infant is vertically suspended and suddenly turned face
down and moved in a downward direction to produce this response. A
baby of seven months of age who is stressed in this manner will usually
extend his upper extremities and spread his fingers as if to protect
himself from falling. This reflex is present in all normal infants by
one year of age (Paine G Oppe, 1966). The response is independent of
visual stimuli since it occurs even when the infant is blindfolded.
An asymmetrical parachute response with unequal arm or hand movements
may be indicative of an orthopedic or neuromuscular disorder affecting

one of the infant's extremities.

Lateral Propping
When a five-to-seven month infant is suddenly tilted to one
side, usually from the sitting position, the arm and hand on the tilted

side will assume the same position as described for parachuting-

_Eo§terior Propping_

This reaction is produced by pushing a Sitting infant backwards.
There is a posterior extension of both upper extremities in order to
Prevent himself from falling backwards.

A child cannot walk until he has both balancing and protective
reactions.

The time of disappearance of the primitive responses and
aPPGarance of the secondary responses shows variation from infant to

infaJ-‘t .

50

Motor Development

 

Following will be a short resume of the major areas of infant
motor development. Included will be head control, Sitting, swimming,

rolling, creeping, erect posture, and locomotion.

Head Control

 

Roughly four groups of head control responses can be distin—
guished. In group one are responses, reflexive, which consist of head
raising or head turning to the side when the infant is lying prone and
from side-to-side when he is in a supine position. The head-turning
and head raising are usually present at birth (Bryan, 1930; Shirley,
1931). Gesell (1938) listed "lifting the head when prone" as fully
established by four months. The reflex pattern seen at this time can
be defined as the labyrinthine righting reflex of the head which Peiper
(1963) says:

. . . is decisive for the ability to bring the body into upright
position, i.e. to adjust it to gravity and move it forward. This
reflex has the task of adjusting the head to gravity; vertex up
and mouth horizontal. . . . The reflex is only faintly demonstrable
in the neonate, but during the first year of life it becomes an
important prerequisite for the infant's ability to lift his head
and later also the upper part of his body while in the prone
position, thus reaching the starting position for locomotion in the
abdominal position. With the help of this reflex the infant learns
to sit and stand, a prerequisite for the upright and free gait.
For this purpose the chain reflexes, which depend on the labyrin-
thine righting reflex of the head, are very important (p. 175).

The side-to-side head turning behavior is usually considered as
a head—orientation component of feeding.

The second group of responses involving the head, is the ocular

neck—reflex (Peiper, 1963). The reflex is essentially a bendbackward

of the head to a light flash and has little use as an experimental

51

variable beyond the well—known studies by Peiper (1963) and Trincker
and Trincker (1955) of brightness vision in infants.

The tonic-neck-reflex (TNR) is a third type of head movement
(see description given above). Gesell (1938) stated that the TNR was
normal during the first sixteen weeks and by the twentieth week was
replaced by a symmetric-tonic reflex. Initially the shoulder, pelvis,
and leg on the same side of the body are involved in the response.
From about eight weeks of age both legs are flexed in the TNR.

The fourth type of head movements involve head control. There
is an implied assumption in clinical situations that head control is an
index of muscular tone and rate of development and is probably the

first instance of infant body control (Crowell, 1967).

Sitting

Outside of age-normative data sitting behavior has received
little research interest. McGraw (1941) reported that contrary to
phases observed in other motor patterns of human infants there was no
definite reflex sitting posture comparable to the subcortical grasping
or swimming or stepping movements. Because of this she concluded that

sitting is of a recent phyletic origin.

Swimming

Accounts of swimming movements were reported by Shirley (1931),
Ames (1937), and McGraw (1939). According to Shirley (1931) somewhere
around 25 to 35 weeks, these movements reflect completion of postural
control over the whole trunk and emerging control over the pelvic and

leg areas. Swimming behavior in this context ". . . consisted in

52

drawing up the legs frog-like and in kicking them out suddenly as if
swimming" (p. 48).

McGraw (1939) found that when immersed in water the neonate
makes coordinated swimming actions with both arms and legs. Around
four months these movements become disorganized, but at the beginning

of the second year voluntary movements become evident.

Rolling Over

Turning from a supine to a prone position is a precursor of the
human righting response and a component in the later development of
erect posture. McGraw (1941) differentiated four phases in achievement
of the ability to turn from prone to supine, and from her data con—
cluded:

It appears then that the righting response in an infant is composed
of a complex series of reflexes developing in a cephalocaudal
direction. After the series of reflexes attains a degree of
integration at a nuclear level, the cerebral cortex gains dominance
and the function becomes incorporated into the human mode of the
righting response, viz. the assumption of an erect posture.
Although observations on developmental changes in erect locomotion
and the assumption of an erect posture were made under different
conditions, the first signs of cortical participation in these
activities occurred about the time deliberate rolling over was
achieved, as revealed in these data. Evidence of cortical func-
tioning was indicated in these activities by most of the children
between eight and nine months, as the human righting response
matures, rolling over becomes eliminated as an initial move in the
performance (p. 394).

Creeping

Prone progression analysis is among the most completely covered
sectors of motor deve10pment. The first detailed study is that of
Burnside (1927) in which he showed the sequences of movements involved
in the stages of progression preceding walking. Burnside differ—

entiated crawling from hitching and creeping. Hitching, (defined as

S3

progression in a Sitting posture) as well as rolling, may occur as the
first mode of progression. In crawing the abdomen is in contact with

a surface and the body is pulled along only by the arms with the legs
dragging. Later the arms begin alternate action and the legs come into
use.

In creeping, the posture is changed to hands and knees making
contact with the ground while the trunk is free above the floor surface-
Shirley (1931) reported that creeping activity was going on while
sitting up behavior was progressing, and that creeping appeared at the
same time the infant rolled over. She listed seven stages as making up
the creeping sequence: chin up, chest up, knee push or swim, rolling,
pivot or rock, scotting backward, and then creeping. According to her
observations babies proceeded through these stages in the same sequence
regardless of speed of development.

Ames (1937) outlined 14 steps in the development of prone
progression: (1) one knee and thigh forward beside the body [28 weeks];
(2) knee and thigh forward inner Side of foot contacting the floor
-[28 weeks]; (3) pivoting [29 weeks]; (4) attaining inferior low creep
position [30 weeks]; (5) attaining low creep position [32 weeks]; (6)
crawling [34 weeks]; (7) attaining high creep position [35 weeks]; (8)
retrogression [36 weeks]; (9) rocking [36 weeks]; (10) creep-crawling
[36 weeks]; (11) creeping on hands and knees [40 weeks]; (12) creeping,
near step with one foot [42 weeks]; (13) creeping Step with one foot
[45 weeks]; (14) quadruped progression [44 weeks] i.e., creeping on
hands and feet .

Ames concluded that the development of prone progression

proceeds from head to foot; during the first three stages of

S4

progression--pivoting, crawling and retrogression--the arms are
exclusively responsible for actual progression. Legs do not play an

effective part in progression until stage eleven is reached.

Erect Posture and Locomotion

 

The most complete study on the development of erect posture and
locomotion is that by Shirley (1931). The steps She found in the
development of the upright posture or position were: (1) tensing the
muscles when lifted; (2) Sitting with support; (3) lifting the head
when lying on the back; (4) sitting alone momentarily; (5) standing
with support under the armpits; (6) Sitting alone; (7) standing with
support by holding; (8) sitting down from standing position; (9) pulling
self to standing position; and (10) standing alone.

Progress toward walking was presented by Shirley (1931) in four
stages: the early period of stepping; the period of Standing with
help; the period of walking when led; and lastly the period of walking

alone.

Manipulative Developmenp_

 

Within the first few days of birth an infant becomes aware of
objects within his Space field. It will be several weeks however,
before he attempts to contact and manipulate these objects.

According to Cratty (1970) the infant passes through four
general phases when dealing with objects. Initially he becomes
attracted by an object (later attracted to his own hand). The second
stage involves general motor excitement as he is confronted with an
object, with no coordinated attempt made to contact it. The third

phase involves contact and manipulation to an increasing degree of

55

sophistication. The fourth stage involves various kinds of exploration
of the object (e.g., stacking, throwing, shaking, hugging).

Early neonatal grasping is widely accepted as one motor act
customarily present at birth. Though representative of an involuntary
response, it is presumed to disappear between four and six months and
to be supplanted by a voluntary grasping response.

According to McGraw (1939), studies on the grasping reflex are
in agreement that (l) the reflex can be elicited in almost all new-
borns; (2) it wanes after the first few months; (3) individual differ-
ences in both strength of grasp and age of diminution are apparent; (4)
the reflex attains maximum strength some few weeks after birth; and (5)
following the waning phase, voluntary or deliberate grasping is seen.

Depending on the infant, the nature of the object, his previous
experience with it, and the level at which the infant is aroused, he
may evidence general excitation when he perceives an object, or he may
begin to engage in simple "swipping" and "corraling" behavior. If he
becomes generally excited, the motor activity he may evidence will
sometimes consist of vertical arm movements, alternately moving the
arms up and down, either in unision, one at a time, or only one. This
is usually seen some time between the second and fourth months (White 6
Held, 1971).

During the latter portion of this period the child may begin to
made crude, and then increasingly accurate, attempts to contact
objects. Initially in his arm wavings he may accidentally touch an
object, and then he will begin to "swipe" at mobiles and at other
objects that come into his view. Initially, the contacts usually occur

by chance. If the object is left on a surface in front of him, his

56

first attempts to contact it will come in the form of corraling move-
ments, in which he reaches out with his entire arm-hand and sweeps the
arms toward his body attempting to bring the object into a more
advantageous position for viewing.

The most definitive work dealing with the sequence of prehensory
development-—the transformation of reaching patterns, the integration of
arms and trunk in reaching, the speed of movement and patterning of
errors in reaching from sixteen to fifty-two weeks of age-~has been
carried out by Halverson (1931, 1933, 1937). Halverson's findings have
been supplemented and extended to earlier ages by the study of White,
Castle, and Held (1964) on the visually directed prehension of thirty—
four infants during the first six months of life. Although basically
normative in design, this study tested hypotheses on the role of
experience in the growth and maintenance of sensorimotor coordination.
It is evident that the authors' interest bore on the interaction view-
point of Piaget as well as the progressive neuromuscular maturation
views of Halverson and Gesell. From a prOgram of observation and
testing designed to elicit visual motor and prehension responses, White
EEHEL' described the following normative sequence:

In summary, then, given the proper object in the proper
location and provided that the state of the SUbject is suitable,
our subjects first exhibited object-oriented arm movements at about
2 months of age. The swiping behavior of this stage, though
accurate, is not accompanied by attempts at grasping the object; the
hand remains fisted throughout the response. From 3 to 4 months of
age unilateral arm approaches decrease in favor of bilateral
patterns, with hands to the midline and c1a5ped the most common
response. Unilateral responses reappear at about 4 months, but the
hand is no longer fisted and is not typically brought directly to
the object. Rather, the open hand is raised to the vicinity of the
object and then brought close to it as the infant shifts his glance

repeatedly from hand to object until the object is crudely grasped.
Finally, just prior to 5 months of age, infants begin to reach for

57
and successfully grasp the test object in one quick, direct motion
of the hand from out of the visual field (p. 358).
Inherent in their analysis is an awareness of the distinct roles of
visual-motor behavior which gradually become coordinated into visually
directed reaching activity.

From the second to the sixth month, the infant's manipulative
behavior evidences two trends. He begins to examine in more detail
each object he contacts. Simple palmer grasp evolves into finite
tactile manipulation using the tips of the fingers and the first finger
in opposition to the thumb and to the rest of the fingers (Halverson,
1931; Uzigis, 1967).

During and following the sixth month of life the child begins
to evidence numerous cognitive and social processes as he used Objects
in various ways. A sequence of steps in the infant's interaction with
objects was discerned by Ungiris (1967) each step characterized by a
dominant schema. The following schema typify these steps: mouthing
(2 months); visual inspection (3 months); hitting; shaking (5 months);
examining (6 months); differentiated schemes5 (7 months); dropping (8
months); throwing (9 months); socially-instigated behaviors (10 months).

According to Gesell (1940) and Watson and Lowrey (1967)
development progresses in a cephalocaudal and proximodistal direction.

In the first quarter control of the eyes and the head is achieved. In

 

5The infant acquires a number of new schemas soon after he

begins to examine objects. These include tearing, pulling, crumpling,
squeezing, rubbing, Sliding, pushing, etc. This cluster of behaviors
is distinguished by being differentiated according to the object with
which the infant is interacting; they represent an adaptation of the
infant's actions to particular characteristics of objects, and there-
fore, do not go through a period of indiscriminate use in relation to
any object (p. 324).

58

the second quarter control of the upper trunk and arms. The third
quarter sees the lower trunk and use of the fingers for fine prehension
gaining control. Integration of the legs in the erect posture begins
in the last quarter of the first year.

In conclusion we may say along with Knoblock (1967):

Gross motor behavior includes the control of the head, trunk
and extremities, and fine motor behavior pertains to the achievement
of the control of five movements of the fingers. Although it is
true that there is no evidence that any thinking has taken place
unless there is some observable motor reaction, it is important to
avoid the mistake of using acquisition of motor control as the
criterion of intellectual ability. Motor behavior is most important
in the evaluation of neurologic integrity and may sometimes be so
disordered that the evaluation of intellectual potential is
extremely difficult. Acceleration in motor development does not
contribute to intellectual abilities, nor does motor defect
necessarily mean that there is a concomitant defect in intelligence

(p. 150).

59

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65

 

 

 

 

 

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66

 

 

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CHAPTER IV

COGNITION

Cognition has to do with knowledge and with the processes by
which it is acquired and utilized. Research on the development of
cognition has gone in several different directions depending on the
theoretical orientation of the investigator. This paper will mention
very briefly the mental test approach and the developmental orientation.
The major emphasis will be placed, however, on Piaget's development of

sensorimotor intelligence.

Mental Test Approach

The Mental Test Approach starts from the assumption that
knowledge and the capacity to acquire it exists in some amount and can
be measured. Many who have reviewed the research in the area (Good-
enough, 1949; Jones, 1954; Bayley, 1955; Cronback, 1962; Landreth,
1962) agree that the usefulness of infant tests as predictors of later
intelligence varies as a joint function of (a) age of initial testing;
(b) the time interval between initial examination and retest.

Reactions to the predictive value of infant intelligence scores
have been of two sorts. As Bayley (1955) writes, "I see no reason to

think of intelligence as an integrated entity or capacity which grows

68

69

throughout childhood by steady accretions" (p. 807). Again as Good-
enough (1949) refers to
. . . The unsettled question as to whether or not true intelligence
may be said to have emerged before symbolic processes exemplified
in speech have become established. Attempting to measure infantile
intelligence may be like trying to measure a boy's beard at the age
of three (p. 310).

Other writers have reacted differently. While granting the
validity of the findings regarding quantitative prediction of intel-
lectual standing from infant tests, they claim that qualitative
estimates of intelligence made in infancy may still be of value.
Although one may not be able to predict the later quantitative scores
on the bases of scores attained in infancy, one can make successful
predictions from the infant's general level of functioning (Illingworth,
1961; Simon-Bass, 1956; MacRae, 1955).

A perhaps simplified conclusion that we can draw from this is
that if intelligence is conceived in strictly quantitative terms as a
score on a particular test than infant tests are poor predictors of
later ability. If, on the other hand, intelligence is conceived as a
ranking relative to other children of the same age, then infant tests
do seem to be able to predict the child's later standing with respect
to his peers. (This has been interestingly contradicted by a recent
discovery of Jerome Kagan while working in a small village in Guatemala
where "the children broke all the 'rules' of development.")

A second issue taken up here is the hypothesis of infancy as a
critical period in intellectual development. Infancy is a critical
period with respect to healthy personality growth (Schaffer G Emerson,

1964; Erikson, 1963). Since the infant is particularly vulnerable to

deviations from a normal expectable emotional environment (Ribble,

70

1943; Goldfarb, 1945; Spitz, 1945; Bowlby, 1969) and since, during
infancy, cognitive and affective factors are closely intertwined it
follows that if infancy is a critical period from the affective point
of View, then it must as a matter of course also be a critical period
from the point of view of cognition (Bayley G Schaefer, 1964; Kagan G

Freeman, 1963; Fowler, 1962).

The Developmental Approach

 

Although the sphere of cognitive activities is much more limited
and much less differentiated in infancy and early childhood than it is
in older children and adults, it is still possible to distinguish such

activities as problem solving, memory, and conceptualization-

Problem Solvipg

Generally speaking, problem Solving situations are those in
which the subject is desirous of attaining some goal, the direct access
to which is blocked in some way. There are three major characteristics
of problem solving: (1) the solution depends upon the child's past
experience and learning; (2) the attainment of a solution amounts to a
kind of learning; (3) the goal can be attained in any number of ways
(Elkind, 1967).

In a study using infants and toddlers from six to twenty-seven
months of age McGraw (1942) observed a variety of behaviors which
ranged from gross emotional reaction to trial-and-error and sudden
"insightful" solutions.

Others observing similar aged children in various problem
solving situations noted similar results (Richardson, 1932 series of

string problems; Gesell, o£_§l:, 1950 pellet and bottle). What is

71

important to note about those Studies is how dependent the child's
behavior is upon the nature of the problem situation as well as upon
the age of the child. The child who fumbles with one task may solve

another quickly and with apparent insight.

 

Memory Processes I“
Memory is operative to the extent that previous experience :
affects current behavior. Different forms of memory need to be dis-
tinguished. Sensorimotor memory involves the retention of sensorimotor 5
i

coordinations learned in the course of adapting to the immediate

environment. Representative memory involves the retention of certain
means and relationships. (Rote memory and historical memory are more
operative in later development.) To date very few studies in memory

development have been carried out in infants under one year of age.

Concept Formation
From a developmental point of view, it would appear that "during

infancy the extensive aspect of a concept is cognitive whereas the
intension (see) is affective" (Elkind, 1967, p. 381). Infants can,
for example, distinguish between different geometric forms even when
these are varied in size and orientation (Zaporozhets, 1965). By the
end.of the first year, the child recognizes his parents and a variety
(of objects despite changes in their appearance; this reveals a large
store of extensive concepts.

The meaning of these concepts or their intention is, however,

affective rather than cognitive. The mother means warmth and

affection, and the intension of the many objects the child can

distinguish is measured by their positive or negative feeling tone
(Elkind, Ibid.).

72

Piaget and Sensorimotor Intelligence

 

Introduction and Description
of Terms

 

Piaget believes the mind has structures much in the same way
the body does. All animals have a Stomach, a structure that permits
eating digestion. To help explain why children make rather stable
responses to stimuli, and to account for many of the phenomena associ-
ated with memory, Piaget used the word schema. "Schemata are the

cognitive structures by which individuals adapt to and organize the

11"“ ‘7‘ ‘

environment. Schemata are structures that are the mental counterpart
of biological means of adapting" (Wadsworth, 1971, p. 10). The stomach
is a biological structure that animals use successfully to adapt to
their environment. In much the same way, schemata are equivalent
structures that adapt and change with mental development. Schemata can
be simplistically thought of as concepts or categories.

At birth, schemata are reflexive in nature. That is, they can
be inferred from simple reflex motor activities such as Sucking,
grasping, etc. The sucking reflex illustrates a reflexive schema. AS
Wadsworth (1971) states:

At birth, infants typically will suck on whatever is put in their
mouths—~a nipple, a finger--suggesting that there is no differ-
entiation, or that only a single global sucking schema exists.
Shortly after birth, infants learn to differentiate: milk-
producing stimuli are accepted and non milk-producing stimuli are
rejected. At this point, a differentiation exists, or in Piaget's
words, the infant has two sucking schemata, one for milk-producing
stimuli and one for non milk-producing stimuli. At this time,
schemata are not yet "mental" in the sense in which we usually
think of the term. Schemata are reflexive. The infant makes real
differentiations within his limited environment, but they are made
via the reflexive and motor apparatus he has available (p. 12).

73

These differentiations on this primitive level are the precursors of
later "mental" activities. As the child develops, schemata become more
differentiated, less sensory, more numerous, and the network they form
becomes increasingly more complex. During early childhood, an infant
has a few reflexive schemata that allow him to make very few differ-
entiations in the environment. An adult has a vast array of compara-

tively complex schemata that permit a great number of differentiations.

x m_‘--s~un-.n.- ‘

The schemata of the adult evolve from the schemata of the child. The

processes responsible for the change are assimilation and accommodation.

‘5‘

Assimilation is the cognitive process by which the person
integrates new perceptual matter or stimulus events into existing
schemata or patterns of behavior. The child has experiences and tries
to fit these new events or stimuli into the Schemata he has at the time.
Wadsworth (1971) simply states it:

Assimilation theoretically does not result in the development
(change) of schemata, but does affect their growth. One might
compare a schema to a ballon and assimilation to putting more air
in the ballon. The ballon gets larger (assimilation growth) but
does not change its shape (development) (p. 15).

Assimilation is a part of the process by which the individual cogni-
tively adapts to and organizes the environment. The process of
assimilation allows for growth of schemata: it does not account for
change of schemata. Piaget accounts for the change of schemata with
accommodation.

Upon being confronted with a new stimulus, the child tries to
assimilate it into existing schemata. Sometimes this is not possible-
Sometimes a stimulus cannot be placed or assimilated into a schema

'because there are no schemata into which it fits. The characteristics

of the stimulus do not approximate those required in any of the child's

74

available schemata. What does the child do? He can do one of two
things: He can create a new schema into which he can place the
stimulus, or he can modify an existing schema so that the stimulus will
fit into it; both of these are forms of accommodation. Accommodation
is the creation of new schemata or the modification of old schemata.
Both of these actions result in a change in or development of cognitive
structures.

The process of assimilation and accommodation are necessary for
cognitive growth and development. The complementary nature of
assimilation-~accommodation must not be overlooked. They nearly always
occur simultaneously though balances may vary. An analogy, as given by
Strommen (personal communication, January, 1974) best illustrates this
complement aspect. As one puts on a sweater the Sleeve simultaneously
assimilates the arm while accommodating itself to the arm. This
assimilation and accommodation is evidenced by its different appearance
with and without the arm.

Of equal importance are the relative amounts of assimilation
and accommodation that take place. If a person always assimulated
Stimuli and never accommodated he would end up with a few very large
schemata and be unable to detect differences in things. Or if a person
always accommodated and never assimilated he would have a great number
of very small schemata that would have little generality. The person
would be unable to detect similarities-

Piaget's system requires that the child §o£_in the environment
if cognitive development is to proceed. The development of cognitive
structures is ensured only if the child assimilates and accommodates

stimuli in the environment. This can only come about if the child's

'I A‘-

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7S

senses are brought to bear on the environment. When the child is
acting in the environment, moving in space, manipulating objects,
searching with his eyes and ears, he is taking in the raw ingredients
to be assimilated and accommodated. These actions result in the
development of schemata. An infant cannot learn to differentiate

between a nipple and an edge of a blanket unless he acts on them both-

The Sensorimotor Period

Mental development is a process that begins the day the infant
is born. Sensorimotor behaviors that occur from birth on are necessary
for and instrumental in later cognitive development.

Piaget (1952, 1954, 1967) divides the sensorimotor period into
six stages in which progressively more complex patterns of intellectual

behavior evolve.

Stage 1 (0-1 month),—-Beginning at birth and throughout most of

 

the first stage of sensorimotor development, the behavior of the infant
is entirely reflexive. These basic reflexes include: sucking, grasping,
crying, and movement of arms, trunk, and head. When the infant is
stimulated, his reflexes respond. His reflex responses are more or less
the same to all objects (his hand grasps anything put into it).
. . . during this stage, the infant assimilates all Stimuli through
the reflex system. At birth, all stimulus events are incorporated
(assimilated) into primitive reflexive schemata in an undiffer-
entiated manner (Wadsworth, p. 38).
Within a few weeks of birth simple accommodations are usually

observable. At birth the infant sucks on whatever is put into its

mouth. Soon the infant begins to "search" for the nipple if it cannot

"'“.fi he

:p--+~s- ...-.

76

be found; in effect accommodating to the environment. "Searching"
behavior cannot be attributed to any reflex system.

One of Piaget's important beliefs is that understanding of
objects as separate from self is not innate. That is, the awareness
that objects are more or less permanent, and are not destroyed when
they disappear is not an inherited characteristic. Awareness of

objects is developed out of sensorimotor experiences little by little

mamw“-—-..-

(Piaget, 1954, p. 4). At birth the infant has no awareness of objects

.73“ ‘. 9.

as separate from his experience of them. The infant is unable to

{IL—3-

differentiate between himself and the environment. Any object
presented by the external environment is inseparable from the sucking,
grasping, looking which it elicits.

Causality, an awareness of cause and effect relationship, is
another important concept that develops during the sensorimotor period.
At birth the infant is egocentric and not aware of causality at all.

It is not until later that awareness of causality begins to evolve.

Stage 2 (1—4 monthg).--This Stage of sensorimotor development

 

begins when the reflexive behavior begin to be modified. Several new
behaviors appear: thumb sucking becomes habitual and reflects the
development of hand-mouth coordination; moving objects are followed by
the eyes; and the head is moved in direction of sounds. These
behaviors illustrate some of the cognitive differences between a
typical child during the first month of life and the next few months.
'The younger infant makes undifferentiated reflex responses to stimuli.

'The older infant makes primitive sensorimotor differentiations and

77

acquires limited sensorimotor coordination. These developments come
about as the infant acts using his reflexes.

During the second period of sensorimotor development the child
develops an awareness of objects that was not present during the first
period. As stated above, the infant tries to look at objects he hears.

He may continue to follow the path of an object with his eyes after it

has disappeared from view.

The range of responses the infant makes increases. While

runner-.-

advances have been made, the infant's behavior still lacks intention in

‘u... u~

the sense that he initiates behavior directed at certain ends.
Behaviors are still primarily reflexive (though modified) and goals are
set off only after behavior sequences have begun (Wadsworth, 1971).
Piaget (1952) writes:
As long as action is entirely determined by directly perceived
sensorial images, there can be no question of intention. Even when
the child grasps an object in order to look at it, one cannot infer
that there is a conscious purpose. It is with the appearance of
. . . deferred reactions that the purpose of the action, ceasing
to be in some way directly perceived, presupposes a continuity in
searching and consequently a beginning of intention (p. 143).
Intentionality of behavior can only be inferred when the

initiation of behavior is not a reflex act or a simple repetition of

preceeding behavior.

Spgge 3 (4-8 monthp),--During Stage 3, the infant's behaviors
become increasingly oriented towards objects and events beyond the
body. The infant graSps and manipulates any object he can reach,
signifying coordination between vision and tactual senses. Prior to
this time, the infant's behavior has been oriented primarily toward

himself.

78

Infants now begin to reproduce events that occur that are
unusual to them. When interesting experiences occur, they try to
repeat them. A cord attached to overhead bells is pulled repeatedly.
Grasping and striking acts are repeated intentionally. There are clear

attempts to sustain and repeat acts. Piaget (1952) refers to this

a
phenomenon as reproductive assimilation; the infant tries to reproduce ii
events that are unique to him.
One of the characteristics of the sensorimotor period is the
progress from non-intentional to a type of intentional behavior. g
L

During Stage 3, the infant begins to engage in a type of goal-directed
(intentional) behavior. However, goals are established only after
behaviors have begun.

During this period the infant begins to anticipate positions
objects will pass through while they are moving; hence the indication
that permanence of objects is developing. (See Piaget, 1954--Obser-
vation 6, pp. 14-15 for an illustration.)

During Stage 3 the child remains egocentric. He sees himself
as the primary cause of all activity. Piaget (1954) writes:

At 0;7(8) Laurent is seated and I place a large cushion within his
reach. I scratch the cushion. He laughs. Afterwards I move my
arm five cm. from the cushion, between it and his own hands, in.
such a way that if he pushed it slightly it would press against the
cushion. AS soon as I pause, Laurent strikes the cushion, arches,
swings his head, etc. True, subsequently he does sometimes grasp
my hand. But it is only in order to strike it, shake it, etc., and
he does not once try to move it forward or put it in contact with
the cushion.

At a certain moment he scratches my hand; on the other hand, he

does not scratch the cushion although this behavior is familiar to
him (p. 245).

Laurent believes he alone can cause events. He is not aware

that his father's hand is causing the sound. He acts on the hand and

79

on the cushion but never on the two together. To Laurent, he himself

is the cause of all events.

Stage 4 (8—12 months).--Behavior patterns begin to emerge that

 

constitute the first clear acts of intelligence.

IV

The infant begins to use means to attain ends; he begins to anti—
cipate events, demonstrating prevision. Objects take on a notice-
able measure of permanence for the child. He begins to search for
objects that he sees disappear. Also, he comes to see that other
objects in the environment can be sources of activity (causality).

. . . The child begins to coordinate two familiar schemata in
generating a single act; he begins to use means to attain ends that
are not immediately attainable in a direct way. Children can be
seen to set aside one object (means) to get to another object (end)-
. . . There is an intentional selection of means prior to the
initiation of behavior. The end is established from the beginning,
the means being used precisely in order to reach the end (Wadsworth,
1971, pp. 48-49).

_‘-—‘

M (tux—numb

:“W

The most important acquisition of this stage is undoubtedly that
of the constancies of shape and size of objects. Commenting on Shape
and size constancy, Piaget and Inhelder (1956) writes:

In fact, the constancy of shapes results from their sensori-
motor construction at the time of the coordination of perspectives.
During the first period (0-4 mos.) . . . when objects change their
perspective such alterations are perceived (by the child) not as
changes in the point of view of the subject relative to the object,
but as actual transformations of the objects themselves. The baby
waggling his head before a dangling object behaves as if he acted
upon it by jerking about, and it is not until the age of about 8-9
months that he really explores the perspective effects of actual
displacements. Now it is just about this age (8—9 mos.) that he is
first able . . . to reverse a feeding bottle presented to him wrong
way around. That is, to attribute a fixed shape to a permanent
solid.

As for size constancy_it is linked with the coordination of
perceptually controlled movements. All through the first period
(0-4 mos.) the child makes no distinction between movements of the
object and those of his body. . . . In the course of the second
period (Stage 3 and 4) the subject begins to distinguish his own
movements from those of the object. Here is found the beginning
. - . of searching for objects when they disappear. It is in terms
of this grouping of movements, and the permanence attributed to the
object, that the latter acquires fixed dimensions and its size is
estimated more or less correctly, regardless of whether it is near
or distant (p. 11).

 

 

80

During period 4 a new dimension in the object concept of the
child appears. Up until this time, if an object such as a rattle is
placed under a blanket while the child is looking on, the child does
not search after it. If an object is out of Sight, it no longer exists
to the child. Between the ages of 8 and 10 months (approx.) the child
begins to search for objects that disappear. The rattle hidden under
the blanket is retreived.

During this stage the child for the first time shows awareness
that objects (besides himself) can cause activity. Up until this time,
the child typically considers his own actions as the source of all
causality. Piaget (1952) comments:

. the cause of a certain phenomenon is no longer identified by

the child with the feeling he has of acting upon this phenomenon.
The subject begins to discover that a spatial contact exists
between cause and effect and so any object at all can be a source
of activity (and not only his own body) (p. 212).

For the first time, there is an elementary externalization of
causality. The child is aware that objects can be the causes of
actions.

People have questioned whether every infant passes through the
stages outlined by Piaget. Piaget is not so much concerned with
particular abilities as with the infants' methods of responding to their
environment or organizing their experiences. What Piaget has drawn our
attention to is the importance of each infant's activities and his
ability to organize them in relation to opportunities afforded within
liis environment.

Both Piaget and other investigators (Goldfarb, 1955; Spitz,

1945; White, 1971) have led us to conclude that the provision of a

.stimulating environment together with considerable attention and

81

opportunities for conversation with parents and other adults during
infancy is likely to result in the greatest possible development of

abilities in the child and adult.

82

Stage 1 (0-1 mo.)

Reflex

Stage 2 (1—4 mos.)

First differentiations
Primary circular
reactions

 

General

Reflex activity
No differentiation

Hand-mouth coordination,
differentiation via
sucking, grasping

 

Object Concept

No differentiation
of self from other
objects

No special behavior
regarding vanished
objects; no differenti-
ation of movement of self
and external objects,
tries to look at objects
he hears

 

Space

Egocentric

Changes in perspective
seen as changes in
objects

 

Causality

Egocentric--not
aware of causality

No differentiation of
movement of self and
external objects

 

Intentionality

 

 

Lacks intention; does
not imitate behaviors
directed at certain ends;
goals are set only after
behavior sequences are
begun

 

Figure 5.

Characteristics of Cognitive Development During
the First Year of Life (Based Primarily on B. J. Wadsworth).

83

Stage 3 (4-8 mos.)

Reproduction
Secondary circular
reactions

Stage 4 (8-12 mos.)

Coordination of Schemata
Coordination of
Secondary Schemas

 

General

Eye—hand coordination
reproduction of
interesting events

Coordination of
schemata; application
of known means to new
problems; anticipation

 

Object Concept

Anticipates positions
of moving objects
(Permanence of
objects developing)

Object permanence;
searches for vanished
objects; reverses
bottle to get nipple;
constancy of Shape and
size of objects

 

 

 

Space Space externalized; Perceptual constancy
no spacial relation- of size and shape of
ships of objects objects

Causality Self seen as cause Elementary externali-
of all events zation of causality;

aware that objects can
be the cause of actions

Intentionality A type of goal—directed Initiates a behavior

 

behavior, tries to
repeat unusual and
interesting events;
goals established
during the repetitions
of behaviors

 

sequence with a goal

to be attained;

selects means that will
attain the goal

 

Figure 5.

Continued.

CHAPTER V

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

Social behavior, broadly defined, is essentially a descriptive
concept referring either to the interaction of two or more individuals
or to the influence of one individual upon another. In this paper we
are looking at the beginning interactions of an infant with some other
primary person (attachment behavior). The section will be divided into
Six main sub-division: (1) theories that have dominated the field; (2)
sociability as based on perceptual interaction, particularly vision and
audition; (3) the infant's developing signal systems of crying and
smiling; (4) attachment behavior as outlined by Bowlby; (5) determinants
of attachment behavior; and (6) the deve10pmental sequence of attachment
formation. Following the body of the presentation will be charts

depicting the development of social behavior.

Theories
Psychoanalysts and others have been at one in recognizing a
child's first human relationship as the foundation stone of his per-
sonality; but there is no agreement on the nature and origin of that
relationship. Until 1958 when Harlow's first papers were published

and Bowlby presented his early views, there were four principal

84

85

theories regarding the nature and origin of the child's ties. According
to Bowlby (1969) they were:

i. The child has a number of physiological needs which must be
met, particularly for food and warmth. In so far as a baby becomes
interested in and attached to a human figure, especially mother,
this is the result of the mother's meeting the baby's physiological
needs and the baby's learning in due course that she is the source
of his gratification. I Shall call this the theory of Secondary
Drive, a term which is derived from Learning Theory. It has also
been called the cupboard-love theory of object relations.

ii. There is in infants an in-built propensity to relate them-
selves to a human breast, to suck it and to possess it orally. In
due course there is a mother and so relates to her also. I propose
to term this the theory of Primary Object Sucking.

iii. There is in infants an in-built propensity to be in touch with
and to cling to a human being. In this sense there is a "need" for
an object independent of food which is as primary as the "need" for
food and warmth. It is proposed to term this the theory of Primary
Object Clinging.

iv. Infants resent their extrusion from the womb and seek to
return there. This is termed the theory of Primary Return-to-Womb
Craving (p. 178).

Of these four theories the one most widely held has been the
theory of secondary drive. This hypothesis, however, has come
increasingly under attack, for data from a number of areas have failed
to support it. Schaffer (1971) mentions some of these attacks.

1. Studies of social development in precocial birds have shown
that "imprinting” is generally formed by the young in the
absence of any form of physical gratification.

2. A similar conclusion comes from the work of Harlow (1958) with
rhesus monkeys. (It was perceptual contact with the object
which determined social responsiveness.)

3. In Schaffer and Emerson's (1964) observations of human infants
it was found that infants frequently formed strong attachments
to such individuals as fathers, siblings and relatives who

rarely or never participated in routine caretaking activities.

86

4. The intensity of emotional dependence appears to bear no
unanimously demonstrated relation to such experiences as breast
or bottle feeding, duration of feeding, rigidity of feeding
schedule, age at weaning and severity of weaning (Sears,
Maccoby, 6 Levin, 1957; Sears, Whiting, Nowlis, 8 Sears, 1953).

5. Studies of animal behavior have demonstrated that parental
punishment, rather than discouraging the young animal's over-
tures to the parents, may actually enhance its approach
behavior (Kovach a Hess, 1963 with chicks; Scott, 1963 with
puppies; Harlow, 1962 with monkeys).

From the above data it appears that the secondary drive hypothe-

sis is contradicted by too much evidence to be generally acceptable.

Sociability Based on Perceptual Interaction

 

Instead of searching for drives to explain social development
we will look at sociability as being rooted in the infant's perceptual
encounters with his environment. From birth, the infant is equipped
_ with cognitive Structures which ensures that he is selectively attuned
to certain types of environmental Stimuli.

The most firmly established conclusion about early perceptual
functioning stems from the finding that the infant's attention is of a
highly discriminative nature and that even the neonate can already
select from among the stimuli available to him. Both the finding
itself and the technique for demonstrating it come largely from the
work of Fantz (1961, 1966).

Fantz based his approach on the observation that the infant,

though motorically immature, spends much of his time visually

87

exploring his surroundings and apparently showing particular interest
in certain asPects of his surroundings.

Fantz has shown that there are systematic differences among
visual stimuli in the extent to which they are able to provoke the
attention of infants. From the age of one week on the relative
attractiveness of stimuli appears to depend on the presence of strongly
patterned characteristics, so that almost any patterned surface is
looked at more than a plain surface.

A number of other stimulus properties have been shown to have
attention-provoking effects on young infants. Movement, for instance,
is an alerting event in the neonatal period (Haith, 1966) as well as in
older infants (Ames G Silfen, 1965).

Two further characteristics for which there is some relevant
evidence are brightness (Hershenson, 1964) and solidity (Fantz, 1966).

It is quite apparent that from the very beginning of life the

infant is no passive recipient of stimulation, but can regulate his
stimulus input by selective attention. . . . While a great deal of
work still needs to be done on their possible arrangement in a
developmental hierarchy, it does seem that the attributes which
receive most attention early are those that are dependent on a high
rate of change in the physical parameters of stimuli e.g. movement,
making the stimulus distinctive both in terms of its internal compo-
sition and its figure-ground relationships. And the Stimulus to
which such a description is most applicable in the infant's
environment is of course the social object (Shaffer, 1971, pp.
47-48) 0

Treated as stimulus objects, human beings have built into them
a number of features that make them particularly prone to become
objects of an infant's attentiveness (Rheingold, 1961). They are in
almost constant movement, they emit a great deal of highly varied

stimulation, they can appeal to a number of different sense modalities

simultaneously, they are complex, possess a distinctive pattern and are

88

often reSponsive to the infant's own behavior so that a continuous and
reciprocal sequence may thereby be initiated.

Work in this area has been dominated by research in visual
stimulation. It is, therefore, important to note that a study of
auditory responsiveness in neonates has brought to light comparable
findings in auditory stimulation. Hutt g£_§l: (1968) suggest that:

. . . the structure of the human auditory apparatus at birth
ensures both that there is a limit of basilar membrane excitation
beyond which defensive reflexes are evoked and that a voice at
normal intensities is non-aversive and prepotent. The survival
value of this differential responsivity may lie in the part it
plays in the development of the affectional bond between parent and
child (p. 890).

Selective responsiveness to potentially meaningful stimuli
appears, therefore, to exist in the auditory as well as the visual
modality and to stem basically from the Structure of the neonate's
sensory apparatus (see Chapter II).

The psychoanalytic and Hullian learning theory led to an
emphasis on the mother-child feeding relationship as the crucial con-
text within which the infant develops its capacity for social responses
(Sears o_1_:__a;_l_., 1957).

Recent research indicates that the feeding agent is not invari-
ably the primary object of the infant's early social responses
(Harlow, 1958). Schaffer and Emerson (1964) found that "Satisfaction
of physical needs does not appear to be a necessary precondition to the
development of attachments, the latter taking place independently and
without any obvious regard to the experiences that the child encounters
in physical care situations" (p. 67).

The mounting evidence against the widely held view that gratifi-

cation of an infant's "oral needs" is necessarily the principle

89

antecedent of social responsiveness does not, however, imply that the
feeding situation itself is not of considerable importance for the
development of attachment to the mother. During feeding, the majority
of human mothers provide their infants with considerable auditory and
visual stimulation as well as with physical contact. Haynes g£_§l:
(1965) discovered that alert infants in the early weeks of life have a
fixed point of clearest vision at eight or nine inches and that objects
either closer or farther away cannot be brought into sharp focus.
Under normal feeding and other caretaking conditions the mother's face
is frequently exposed at this optional distance for patterned vision.
Consequently, in caretaking Situations, the infant has many oppor-
tunities for the development of social responsiveness on a purely
perceptual basis (Fantz, 1966; Rheingold, 1961).

As he interacts with a caretaker, the infant not only experi-
ences a constantly changing configuration of facial features but also
receives stimulation from the human voice. The role of auditory stimu-
lation both within and without the caretaking situation has not been
sufficiently explored. Kagan and Lewis (1965) found that on first
being presented with human voices, especially that of a strange female,
_infants exhibited cardiac deceleration and quieting, followed by
vocalization. On the basis of these findings, Kagan and Lewis suggest
that human speech acquires psychological significance by the time an
infant has attained the age of six months. Their suggestion is
supported by Wolff's (1963) observations on infant smiling.

The conclusion that may be drawn from the limited available
evidence is that visual and auditory stimulation occurring during

caretaking plays an important role in the development of social

9O

responsiveness. This conclusion does not, however, imply that
physical-contact and need-reduction variables do not contribute to this
development. One would expect an infant to form a stronger attachment
to a caretaker who feeds, provides contact-comfort, and visual and
auditory stimulation than to one who supplies a similar amount of
visual, auditory stimulation but provides little contact or partici-

pates minimally in the feeding situation.

Signalling Systems

 

The bond between parent and child is not only based on the
stimuli the infant receives from the parent, but also the stimuli the
infant offers his parent. They may be regarded as signalling devices,
the function of which is to ensure proximity of caretakers and to bring
about interaction. The infant's cry and smile are powerful means of
affecting the people around him and thus determining both the amount
and kind of stimulation to which he is exposed. We will be looking at
the cry and Smile as they develop and are perceived by both parent and

infant.

The Crying_Response

 

Crying has been given less systematic attention than has the
Smiling response. While smiling can only take place when proximity to
the other person has been attained, crying is to bring about proximity
in the first place.

Wolff (1969) in one of the few intensive studies on crying, was
able to identify four types of crying: (1) crying from hunger which
starts gradually and becomes rhythmical; (2) crying from pain which

starts suddenly and is arrhythmical; (3) an acteristic braying sound

91

usually interpreted as a Signal of anger; and (4) a cry given mainly or
only by infants with brain damage.

Initially, crying is mainly due to intense visceral activity,
but with increasing age the eliciting and terminating conditions soon
become much wider in range. Schaffer (1971) states that crying

. . . has sometimes been attributed to "stimulus hunger"--the infant
. . . who has been left to his own devices for a long period of
time will summon in this way company and attention and so bring
about a change of position and of scenery. It may, on the other
hand, also stem from too much stimulation--whether the source is an
overful stomach or an over-solicitous mother. In either case it is
a Signal for intervention and is usually responded to as such by
the child's caretaker. It thus serves an essential function, for
whereas the adult has a great many mechanisms available whereby he
can modulate his own level of stimulation, the infant initially
needs an external agent to take the necessary steps on his behalf.

In the early weeks crying and smiling serve as signals only in
the sense that other people will almost invariably be impelled to
react to them. They are not signals in the sense that the infant
uses them purposely in order to summon help and attention. They
tend to be triggered off by certain primitive stimuli, with no
foresight involved on the part of the infant as to the likely con-
sequences of his actions. . . . All normal infants will in time
graduate from the stage at which their inborn signalling patterns
are elicited in a purely automatic fashion, but the speed with
with which they do so, the extent to which they use these devices
and the situations in which they employ them depend entirely on
their social experience (pp. 78-79).

Smiling ReSponse

Smiling has frequently been employed as an index of social
reSponsiveness. In the first two weeks of life, most smiling is more
dependent on the infant's internal state than on the occurrance of
external stimulation and is, therefore, of little social significance-
By the sixth to eighth week, however, the infant smiles differientally
to various kinds of external stimulation while wide awake. At this

stage, smiling may be regarded as a social response (Wolff, 1963).

92

Gewirtz (1965) found certain orderly, progressive changes in
the development of smiling: (1) a phase of reflex smiling in which
smiles occur in the absence of readily identifiable visual stimuli;

(2) a phase of ”social" smiling in which human faces in general,
represent the necessary stimuli, and (3) a phase of "selective” social
smiling when the infant no longer reacts indiscriminately to all social
objects and only certain selected individuals continue to evoke the
response.

How quickly and in what manner the child moves along this
progression appears to be largely a function of the kind of social
environment in which he is reared. Generally speaking, social
development appears to be most rapid when the caretaking arrangements
permit a great deal of sensory stimulation in a wide variety of social
interaction situations (Ainsworth, 1963; Gewirtz, 1965).

Spitz (1946) studied the effectiveness of a variety of human
and non-human objects for evoking smiling responses in infants. He
reported that whereas human objects (face, masks, etc.) effectively
elicited smiling, non-human objects were incapable of eliciting smiles.

Recent evidence (Wolff, 1963) suggests that sounds are at first
more effective than visual stimuli for evoking social smiles in infants.
And as early as the third week, social smiles are more frequently
evoked by a high-pitched human voice than by a variety of other
auditory stimuli. Very shortly afterwards, visual stimulation contri-
butes to the eliciting of smiles and by the end of the third week, the
sight of a nodding human head, accompanied by the sound of the voice,
is for some infants a more effective stimulus than the voice alone.

During the fourth and fifth weeks, the Sight of a silent human face is

93

sufficient condition for the eliciting of smiles, provided there is
eye-to-eye contact between infant and caregiver or the caregivers face
is moving.

Ambrose (1961) has also emphasized the importance of movement
and eye-to-eye contact. The available data suggest that very few
infants commence to smile at a stationary immobile human face before
they are six weeks of age, but that most infants will Smile at such a
stimulus by the eighth or ninth week of life (Gewirtz, 1965).

Salzen (1963) investigated the responses of an eight week old
infant to a variety of non-human visual stimuli. Rotation increased
the effectiveness of the cardboard stimuli and flashing increased the
effectiveness of the light source.

The full range of signalling devices available to infants at
different ages remains to be ascertained. Crying and smiling may be
the most essential, but they are by no means the only ones even in the
first half year. Babbling and cooing are certainly other signals, but
in addition there appear also to be devices whereby infants can termi-
nate interaction (turning the head, shutting the eyes, falling to
sleep). Detailed study of mother-infant interaction will assess their

role in the developing relationship between mother and child.

Attachment Behavior

 

As has been described the secondary drive theory of early
social development has not given us the total picture. Bowlby (1958)
proposed a new approach to the origins of a child's tie to his mother
based on ethological principles. Attachment refers to an affectional

tie that one person forms to another specific individual--a tie that

94

binds them together in space and endures over time. Attachment is thus
discriminating and specific. Like "object relations" attachments occur
at all ages and do not necessarily imply immaturity or helplessness.
The first tie is most likely to be formed to the mother, but this may
soon be supplemented by attachment to other Specific persons.

The basic thesis ennunciated by Bowlby in 1958 is that an
infant's attachment to his mother originates in a number of species-
Characteristic behavior systems, relatively independent of each other
at first, which emerge at different times, become organized toward the
mother as the chief object, and serve to bind child to mother and
mother to child. Originally, he describes five such behavioral systems
as contributing to attachment--sucking, clinging, following, crying,
and smiling. In the course of development, these become integrated and
focused on the mother and thus form the basis of what he termed
"attachment behavior." It must also be said here that some discrimi-
nation is present from the start and there is a marked bias to respond
to special ways to several kinds of stimuli that commonly emanate from
a human being--the auditory stimuli arising from a human voice, the
visual stimuli arising from a human face, and the tactile and kin—
aesthetic stimuli arising from human arms and body.

In his new formulation, Bowlby (1969) still holds these as
important, but having come to a "recognition of the very sophisticated
forms that behavioral systems controlling instinctive behavior may
take" he introduces a control systems model and postulates that between
the ages of about nine and eighteen months the simple behavioral
systems become incorporated into "far more sophisticated goal-corrected

systems . . . so organized and activated that a child tends to be

9S

maintained in proximity to his mother." Whereas in 1958 he described
his as a theory of component instinctual responses, in 1969 he
describes the new formulation as a control theory of attachment
behavior.

Bowlby (1964) distinguished four main phases in the development
of attachment behavior:

Phase 1. Orientation and Signals Without Discrimination of Figure

During this phase an infant behaves in certain characteristic
ways towards peOple but his ability to discriminate one person from
another is either absent or extremely limited, e.g. he may do so by
means of auditory stimuli only. The phase lasts from birth to not
less than eight weeks of age, and more usually to about twelve
weeks; it may continue much longer in unfavorable conditions.

The ways in which a baby behaves towards any person in his
vicinity include orientation towards that person, tracking move-
ments of the eyes, grasping and reaching, smiling and babbling.
Often the baby ceases to cry on hearing a voice or seeing a face.
Each of these sorts of infantile behavior, by influencing his
companion's behavior is likely to increase the time the baby is in
proximity to that companion. After about twelve weeks the inten-
sity of these friendly responses rises. Thenceforward he gives
"the full social response in all its spontaneity, vivacity and
delight” (Rheingold, 1961).

 

Phase 2: Orientation and Signals Directed Towards One (or More)

Discriminated Figure(S)

During this phase an infant continues to behave towards people
in the same friendly way as in Phase 1, but he does so in more
marked fashion towards his mother-figure than towards others. To
auditory stimuli, differential reSponsiveness is unlikely to be
observed before about four weeks of age, and to visual stimuli
before about ten weeks. In most babies brought up in families,
however, both are plainly evident from twelve weeks of age onwards-
The phase lasts until about six months of age, or much later
according to the circumstances.

 

 

Phase 3: Mgtntenance of Proximipy to a Discriminated Figure by_

Means of Locomotion as well as Signals

During this phase not only is an infant increasingly discrimi-
nating in the way he treats people but his repertoire of responses
extends to include following a departing mother, greeting her on
her return, and using her as a base from which to explore. Con-
currently, the friendly and rather undiscriminating responses to
everyone else wane. Certain other people are selected to become
subsidiary attachment-figures; others are not so selected.
Strangers become treated with increasing caution, and sooner or
later are likely to evoke alarm and withdrawal.

 

 

96

During this phase some of the systems mediating a child's
behavior to his mother become organized on a goal-corrected basis.
And then his attachment to his mother-figure is evident for all to
see. .
Phase 3 commonly begins between six and seven months of age but
may be delayed until after the first birthday, especially in infants
who have had little contact with a main figure. It probably con-
tinues throughout the second year and into the third.

Phase 4: Formation of a Goal-Corrected Partnership;

During Phase 3 proiimity to an attaEhment-figure begins to be
maintained by infant and young child by means of Simply organized
goal-corrected systems utilizing a more or less primitive cognitive
map. Within that map the mother-figure herself comes sooner or
later to be conceived as an independent object, persistent in time
and space and moving more or less predictably in a space-time con-
tinuum. Even when that concept has been attained, however, we
cannot suppose that a child has any understanding of what is influ-
encing his mother's movements to or away from him, or of what
measures he can take that will change her behavior. That her
behavior is organized about her own set-goals, which are both
numerous and in some degree conflicting, and that it may be possible
to infer what they are and to act accordingly, are likely to be
still far beyond his competence to grasp.

Sooner or later, however, this changes. By observing her
behavior and what influences it a child comes to infer something of
his mother's set-goals and something of the plans she is adopting
to achieve them. From that point onwards his picture of the world
becomes far more sophisticated and his behavior is potentially more
flexible. To use another language, it can be said that a child is
acquiring insight into his mother's feelings and motives. Once
that is so, the ground-work is laid for the pair to develop a much
more complex relationship with each other, one that I term a
partnership.

This is clearly a new phase. Since I know of no evidence to
guide us, we can only guess at what age it begins. It is difficult
to believe it does so commonly before a child's second birthday,
and for many children it seems likely to be much nearer or after
their third (pp. 266-268).

Much of the child's attachment behavior is mediated by be-
havioral systems which, once they are fully developed, have proximity
to the mother as their set goal. Any deviation from the distance
specified by the set goal, whether brought about through the action of
the mother, the child, or of someone else, is likely to activate the
systems until the distance specified is restored. The behaviors

mediating attachment are of three classes: orientational, signaling,

97

and executive. To keep informed of the mother's where-abouts the child
orients to her, tracking her movements visually and aurally. To
attract his mother to him, he can signal through crying and a variety
of other behaviors. As soon as he is mobile he can regulate proximity
by approaching or following his mother, and he can achieve contact by
climbing upon her and can maintain contact by clinging. His proximity-
seeking behaviors soon become organized in a goal-corrected basis and
before long, reorganized in accordance with a plan in which the set
goal is constant but the techniques for achieving it are flexible.

The child's own state may alter his set-goal. Physical contact
tends to be the set goal when the child is fatigued, ill, hungry, or in
pain or discomfort. Certain environmental conditions may activate
high-intensity behavior. In addition to alarm (caused by sudden
changes of stimulus level, by strange objects or by strange situations),
rebuffs by other adults or by other children may cause the child to
seek his mother's proximity. Finally, the whereabout and behavior of
the mother herself influence the form and intensity of attachment
behavior whether She is present or absent, departing or returning, and
whether she accepts or rebuffs the child's overtures. Thus the inten-
sity of attachment behavior is situationally determined, at least in
part, and, the tolerable distance specified by the set-goal differs
from one set of circumstances to another.

Because of the diversity of attachment behavior and its
differential arousal in different situations, there can be no simple
criterion of attachment. Bowlby suggests that five main classes of
behavior should be considered in any attempt to assess the attachment

behavior of a child: (1) behavior that initiates interaction, such as

98

greeting, approaching, touching, embracing, calling, reaching, and
smiling; (2) behavior in response to the mother's interactional initi-
atives that maintains interaction (the above behaviors plus watching);
(3) behavior aimed to avoid separations, such as following, clinging
and crying; (4) exploring behavior, as it iS oriented with reference to
the mother; (5) withdrawal or fear behavior, especially as it is
oriented with reference to the mother.

So far descriptive material on the manifestations of human
attachments derived from empirical investigations is still meagre. One
exception is Ainsworth's (1967) investigation of early social develop-
ment in Uganda, the data from which yield a useful picture of the great
range of attachment behavior to be found in the human infant.

As has already been alluded to a principle change that habitu-
ally takes place during the ontogeny of behavior is for the range of
stimuli that are effective in eliciting and in terminating a response
to become restricted. This is conspicuously true of the friendly
responses and crying of infancy.

Ainsworth (1967) lists different kinds of behavior that are
Shown by an infant during his first year and come to be elicited
especially by and to be directed especially towards a particular
figure.

Patterns of differential directed behavior:

--Differential stopping of crying on being held--baby continues to
cry when held by someone other than his mother and stops crying
when taken by her (9 weeks).

--Differential crying on mother's departure--a baby cries promptly

when mother leaves the room, but not when others do so (15 weeks).

99

--Differential smiling at visual stimuli--a baby smiles more
frequently, more readily, and more fully at sight of his mother
than at sight of anyone else (10 weeks).

--Differential vocalization--a baby vocalizes more readily and more
frequently in interaction with his mother than in interaction with
others (5-4 weeks--20 weeks).

--Differential visual-postural orientation--when the child is held
by someone else he keeps his eyes on mother in preference to
others and is tensely oriented towards her (18 weeks).

--Differential approach--when in a room with mother and others, a
child selects his mother to crawl towards (28 weeks).

--Differentia1 following--attempts to follow mother when she leaves
the room, but not to follow others (24 weeks).

--Differential greeting response--an infant greets his mother in
certain typical ways when he sees her after an absence. At first
a full greeting usually combines smiling, vocalising, and general
bodily excitement; later it includes also lifting the arms (21
weeks).

--Differential climbing and exploring--an infant climbs over his
mother, explores her person and plays with her face, her hair, or
her clothes, and does so less, if at all, with other people (22
weeks).

--Differentia1 burying of face--either in the course of climbing
and exploring or on return after an excursion, an infant buries
his face in his mother's lap or elsewhere in her person (28

weeks).

100

--Use of mother as base from which to explore--a child makes
exploratory excursions from mother and returns to her from time
to time, but does not use others in this way to the same extent.

--Flight to mother as haven of safety--when alarmed a child moves
as fast as possible away from the alarming stimulus and towards
mother, rather than towards others (8 months).

--Differential clinging--differential clinging to mother is
especially evident when a child is alarmed, tired, hungry, or
unwell (final quarter of first year).

Before sixteen weeks differential responses are few in number
and are seen only when methods of observation are sensitive; between
sixteen and twenty-six weeks differential responses are both more
numerous and more apparent; and in most infants of six months and over
differential responses are plain for all to see.

These findings do provide a striking indication of the great
variety of responses through which attachments, even in the early

months of life, may be expressed in the human infant.

Determinants of Attachment Behavior

What determines attachment behavior in the human infant?
Schaffer (1971) indicates that five kinds of determinants can be
discerned, namely "those associated with an individual's species, his
age, and with social learning variable, individual difference factors
and situational determinants” (p. 111).

1. According to each species particular sensorimtor apparatus, its
place and mode of living each employ some responses rather than

others, to ensure proximity to the caretaker. Since the human

101

infant cannot use following or clinging until the end of the
first year other means are more important to bring the child in
contact with the caretaker. Rheingold (1961) and Walters and
Berke (1965) have pointed out that we need to be more concerned
with the infant's distance receptors than his near receptors

. . . for though the young infant may have little motor
competence to bring about physical contact, his sensory
apparatus is already sufficiently well developed in the early
weeks of life to enable him to remain in visual contact with
his mother. Perceptual rather than more active locomotor
means, together with signalling devices, are thus the primary
human vehicle for ensuring interaction with the parent
(Schaffer, p. 112).

2. Age exerts its influence primarily through sensorimotor
maturation.

3. Sooner or later the nature of a child's particular experience
will begin to shape the expression of its attachments.

4. Not all diversity is a product of experience. There are a
number of organismic factors which channel the infant's
behavior in certain directions rather than in others, for
example blind infants (Freedman, 1964), thalidomide children
(Decarie, 1969), and infants labeled as "cuddlers" or "non-
cuddlers" (Schaffer G Enerson, 1964b).

5. The human infant has a larger repertoire than other animals for

eliciting or maintaining contact and hence can more easily

select the response appropriate to each situation.

Developmental Sequence in Attachment Formation

 

”However adept an infant may be in recognizing his mother, he
cannot be said to have formed an attachment to her if he remains as

content in the proximity of a stranger as in his mother's proximity

102

and if the two individuals are thus responded to as essentially inter-
changeable (Schaffer, 1971, pp. 114-115)." If an attachment involves
proximity seeking towards a particular individual, then the frustration
of this tendency should lead to protest, emotional upset and vigorous
attempts to regain the loved person. As Bowlby (1960) has put it, the
separation response is the inescapable corollary of attachment behavior
--the other side of the coin.

The findings of a study on the effects of short-term hospital-
ization (Schaffer, 1958; Schaffer 8 Callender, 1959) suggest that
separation from the mother becomes a meaningful event only at the
beginning of the second half-year. At this time a crucial milestone is
reached as a result of which a change in mother-figure is no longer
tolerated.

Further confirmatory evidence comes from a longitudianal study
by Schaffer and Emerson (1964a) in which a sample of sixty infants was
followed up at intervals of four weeks from the early months to the
end of the first year and then seen once more at eighteen months. It
was found that crying or some other form of protest on termination of
contact with an adult was apparent from the early months on. However

. . . the crucial characteristic of this early behavior lay in its
indiscriminate nature; the first half-year infants were found to
cry for attention from anyone, familiar or strange, and though
responsiveness to strangers tended to become somewhat less immedi-
ate and less intense than to the mother both could quieten the
infant and the departure of both could re-evoke protest. At the
age of approximately seven months, however, a change took place.
The infant still protested in the same situations, but now their
protests were directed solely at certain S ecific individuals.

The departure of these alone elicited crying and only their renewed
attention terminated the infant's distress. Strangers, quite on
the contrary, upset the infant by ppproaching him. This develop-

ment . . . is not marked by the appearance of'a new behavior
pattern comparable, say to the onset of talking or to the first

 

 

103
smile; it is marked, rather by the restriction of an already
available response to certain individuals only (p. 117).

The onset of fear of strangers, however, is not sudden and
dramatic. Only in the early week of life do infants Show automatic
responsiveness towards unfamiliar persons. From about three months on,
a lag in the smile appears at first contact, during which time the
infant stares at the stranger but without showing any Sign of avoidance.
With increasing age the lag grows longer, until in the weeks just
before the onset of fear, a period of complete unresponsiveness occurs
in some, when neither fear nor positive responses are observed and the
infant remains "frozen."

Both Bowlby (1969) and Ainsworth (1967) proposed that the
behaviors through which attachment deve10ps are comparable to Piaget's
(1952) initial schemata and that they develop through processes
homologous to those which Piaget described for cognitive development.
Piaget's theory of sensorimotor development seems a better fit for the
empirical facts relevant to the development of attachment.

AS his criterion for the beginnings of object conservation
Piaget used the infant's orientation toward a missing object. The
parallel development of social and non-social objects is strikingly
illustrated by the fact that Schaffer (as mentioned above) found upset
on separation from the mother to begin just at the same age that
Piaget's infants began searching for objects that had been removed from
the perceptual field. Both instances may be said to provide evidence
that a permanent object with an independent existence external to the
subject has been constructed. The infant after this point is no

longer willing to accept any environmental attribute that will satisfy

104

his needs, but will search until he has found the particular toy or
person that now forms the specific object of his need.
In conclusion Schaffer (1971) states:

Explaining the onset of attachments constitutes one set of
problems, explaining their nature, manifestation and developmental
course once they are in being, another. Whether a child's first
relationship is in any way the prototype of all future relation-
ships we do not as yet know; the clinical material bearing on this
point is hardly convincing. What is certain is that a child's
security and psychological well-being at the time are very much
bound up with the nature of this relationship and that, however
antithetical attachment and exploration may be in terms of the
opposing attractions of mother and environment, a child can hardly
be expected to deal adequately with a strange environment unless he
is assured of the existence of a haven of safety to which he can
fall back at times of stress. Paradoxically, it is one of the
principal functions of mothering to free the child from the mother
(p. 151).

105

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106

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108

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snomem mo
no>en me nonnon on unMHHm

CHAPTER VI

EARLY STIMULATION

One of the conditions that tends to favor optimal growth in the
infant is that where moderate levels of stimulation are maintained.
For instance, there is evidence that the occurrence of moderate
stimulation enhances the infant's responsiveness toward the external
environment. This responsiveness, in turn appears to facilitate the
development of social attachments and to maximize early learning. The
responsibility for maintaining an optimal level of stimulation for the
infant falls largely on the mother, since the infant himself is rela-
tively helpless in regulating the flow of stimulation that he experi-
ences. Not only the intensity, but the tempo of stimulation to which
the infant is exposed, must be modulated by the caretaking environment.
The mother generally provides the infant with moderate stimulation
through rocking, patting, caressing, and moving him about as well as by
introducing auditory and visual patterns to his immediate surroundings.
The infant at first is unable to recognize and communicate in the
usual ways, but is responsive to variations in stimulation. The
mother, by being the mediator of much of this stimulation, has a means
for relating to and forming a bond with her infant. Some recent

studies show the bearing stimulation has on the infant's function.

109

110

This section of the paper will briefly explore the following topics:
(1) stimulus enrichment; (2) deprivation; (3) arousal level; and (4)

stimulation-variety and timing.

Stimulus Enrichment

 

Recent years have produced an upsurge in the number of psy-
chological studies involving human infants. A few investigators
(Rheingold, Gewirtz, E Ross, 1959; Kagan G Lewis, 1965; Lipsitt,
Pederson, & Delucia, 1966) have provided impressive demonstrations of
early learning and conditioning.

Although most early stimulation studies have been conducted in
just the past few years, work of this general nature can be traced back
as far as that of Pratt (1934). His investigations concerned the
effect of repeated auditory stimulation on the general activity of
newborn infants. He found that gross total activity was increased
during periods in which subjects were provided auditory stimulation.

Recent studies of the effects of early stimulation can be
divided into at least two general classes. One involves an investi-
gation (usually after the fact) of the amount of stimulation provided
in the normal course of upbringing. These studies usually involve
questionnaires obtained from mothers, or naturalistic observations of
mothers, which are designed to assess their childbearing activities,
and particularly the amount of sensory-motor and other forms of stimu—
lation which they provide.

Moss and Kagan (1958) investigated a sample of 19 boys and
girls. A Parent Behavioral Rating Instrument was administered in

order to assess the rate at which parents "pushed" or otherwise showed

111

concern over the rate at which their child learned to walk, talk, roll
over, etc. The results indicated a significant correlation between
parental stimulation and IQ scores for boys at age three, but not at
age Six. It should be noted that the type of "stimulation" employed
was a non-specific class of behaviors, presumably associated with
maternal concern. It is probably not very Similar to the usual forms
of sensory-motor stimulation provided in laboratory studies where
stimulation is experimentally manipulated.

Rubenstein (1967) conducted a similar investigation to that of
Moss and Kagan. She time-sampled the maternal attentiveness (defined
as the number of times the mother was observed to look at, touch, hold,
or talk to her infant) provided for 44 five-month-old infants, and
attempted to relate this to exploratory behavior at eleven months. It
was concluded that early stimulation, in the form of maternal attentive-
ness, is capable of facilitating exploratory behavior (an important
early indicator of cognitive development in infants).

Irwin (1960), who 40 years ago (Irwin G Weiss, 1934a, 1934b,
1934c) was conducting research on the effect of stimulation on infants,
has carried out an intriguing study of the effects of naturalistic, or
mother provided, stimulation. He investigated the effect of 15-20
minutes of auditory stimulation offered daily over an 18 month period.
The stimulation consisted of mothers reading to their children.
Although little difference was found in number of spontaneous vocali-
zations prior to the seventeenth month, from that time on the differ-
ence increased consistently, with the experimental group having higher

scores than controls.

112

The work of Schaffer and Emerson (1968) constitutes something
of a bridge between studies involving naturalistic stimulation and a
second type of stimulus enrichment program for human subjects: experi-
mentally induced stimulation provided in a laboratory setting. Their
interests concerned the relationship between environmental stimulation
and performance on developmental tests. The closeness in time of the
stimulation to the testing period in this study, combined with the
similarity of stimulation experiences to behaviors being measured by
the developmental test, makes the procedure appear as something of a
test "coaching” activity. This raises an important issue. IS early
Stimulation purely a means of increasing the rate of development of
experimental subjects, or does it include components which serve
primarily to increase subjects' ability to respond more effectively to
criterion measures designed to assess their development.

Another significant study in the field of early Stimulation of
human infants was performed by Casler (1965a). Eleven experimental
infants from an orphanage were provided with 1,000 minutes of increased
tactile stimulation over a ten-week period. The effects of this
procedure on performance of the eleven experimental infants on the
GESELL DEVELOPMENTAL SCHEDULES was assessed. Significant differences
were obtained favoring the experimental group.

Greenberg, Uzgiris, and Hunt (1968) have performed a recent
investigation of the effects of early stimulation. They also chose the
development of visual functions (age at which a blinking response
appeared) for measuring the effects of early stimulation. Their

results report acceleration of the blink response to changes in visible

113

stimulation as a consequence of continuous exposure to objects somewhat
similar to those utilized in the work of White, 33 31, (1967).

Birns and Blank (1965) studied the effects of different forms
of stimulation on soothing irritable infants, and they also evaluated
whether infants were similar and consistent in terms of how easily they
were soothed. The experimenters found that all four stimili (a loud
continuous sound; a sweetened pacifier inserted in the baby's mouth;
gentle rocking of the bassinet; and immersing the infant's foot in warm
water) were equally effective in soothing an irritable infant, that the
infants varied considerably in their ability to be soothed, and that
the infants were consistent in their response to these stimuli on
successive days.

In addition to the soothing effect of stimulation, an assumption
held by White and Castle (1964) was that the stimulation an infant
experiences also acts to increase his responsiveness and interest in the
external environment. White and Castle (who were among the first
experimenters to investigate the effects of experimentally induced
stimulation on human infants in this country) studied the effects of
additional handling on the amount of visual attention shown by a group
of infants who ordinarily received very little handling. The results
showed that the handled infants exhibited significantly more visual
attention than the control infants, although this difference between
groups diminished for the later assessments. The groups did not differ
on other measures used in this study of overall development, health,
weight gain, and visually directed reaching.

Schaffer and Emerson (1964b) studied the development of

attachment behavior over the first eighteen months of life and in so

114

doing, evaluated the degree to which stimulation of the infant, as well
as other maternal behaviors, contributed to the formation of attach-
ments. They further attempted to determine whether the type of stimu-
lation the mother provided for the infant had any bearing on his
attachment to her. They found that the mode of stimulation did not
matter, but that the intensity of the infant's attachment behavior
toward the mother was simply a function of the quantity of stimulation
that he received from her. From these results, the authors suggest the
possibility "that the infant's need for the proximity of other people
is not primary but arises, in the course of development, from his need
for stimulation in general," and that his attachment to humans is
facilitated, since "the most interesting object in his environment is
the human object, with its high arousal potential and most varied
stimulation propensity."

In addition to the above findings Schaffer and Emerson noted
that the majority of infants form their initial attachment to a specific
person somewhere between six and nine months of age. At first, the
separation protest is most prevalent for situations where physical
contact is interrupted, but as the child gets older, his protests occur
more when the person to whom he is attached moves out of visual range.

Yarrow (1963) studied mother-infant interaction among a group
of infants placed in foster and adoptive homes. By using foster
mothers as subjects, correlations between maternal practices and infant
behaviors can be explained quite convincingly in terms of environmental
influences, since hereditary factors have been naturally controlled.

A highly interesting and important aspect of the work by

Yarrow is the observation that the foster mother's behavior can be

115

influenced by characteristics of the infants, so that the same mother
may exhibit grossly different behaviors towards different infants.
This supports the point of view advanced by Bell (1968) concerning the
effects the child may have on the mother.

Although the actual number of investigations has been few, the
above studies do serve to reinforce the hypotheses concerning the
facilitating effects of early stimulation and the debilitating effects

of early stimulus deprivation.

Deprivation

 

The literature on the effects of institutional rearing is large
(Yarrow, 1961). It does appear that impersonally reared children are
prone to develop certain pathological features. Two in particular have
been singled out for attention: a general developmental retardation
and a deficiency in social relationships. Spitz (1945) described the
progressive deterioration in developmental test scores of infants
brought up in a highly unstimulating orphanage; similarly Dennis and
Najorian (1957) found infants living in a very depriving institution in
Lebanon to have developed at such a grossly inadequate rate that by the
end of the first year they were functioning at mental deficiency level;
and Dennis (1960) in a subsequent report, showed that such retardation
could remain evident throughout early childhood and affect a wide range
of perceptual-motor functions.

Social deficiencies are rather less easily demonstrated, for
criteria employed are often vague and ambiguous. Spitz (1945) has
provided some descriptive material on the grossly abnormal responses

to other people of the deprived infants studied by him; Provence and

116

Lipton (1962) mentioned such symptoms in institutionalized babies as
diminished vocalization to others, failure to develop discriminatory
behavior, lack of any sign of either attachment behavior or of fear of
strangers and absence of playful activity and social games; and both
Bowlby (1951) and Goldfarb (1943) have commented on the superficiality
of interpersonal relationships in the deprived.

Spitz (1945) believed that all deficiencies observed by him
could be ascribed to the absence of a mother-figure and that it was the
lack of "emotional interchange with a love object" that accounted for
the symptoms of hospitalism. This conclusion must be questioned. A
number of studies have shown that institutionalization pgr_§o_need not
result in retardation and that infants brought up without personalized
mother love can remain well within the normal range of scores on
developmental and intellectual tests (Klackenberg, 1956; Rheingold,
1956; Schaffer, 1965). On the other hand, it has been found that
children may develop all the symptoms of hospitalism without ever
leaving home and that mother-reared children can be just as deprived as
institutionally reared children (Provence 5 Coleman, 1957; Prugh G
Harlow, 1962).

If the presence or absence of a mother-figure cannot adequately
account for the data, we must search elsewhere for the pathogenic
element. A number of writers (eSpecially Casler, 1961) have suggested
that what is crucial in the early months of life is the total amount of

stimulation (see Stimulation--variety--timing, below) that is available

 

 

to an infant and institutionalized infants, therefore, suffer not from

maternal deprivation, necesSarily, but from perceptual deprivation.

117

There can be little doubt that in human development the level of
psychological functioning varies with the amount of stimulation
available. This is well shown in the studies of Dennis and Sayeg
(1965), and Schaffer and Emerson (1968).

It may, therefore, be argued that one of the essential functions
of mothering is the administration of an adequate amount of stimu-
lation. Having only limited resources for self-stimulation, the young
infant is dependent on others for this task. Only then can he perform
at a level appropriate to his abilities. This applies to his social

behavior too.

Arousal Level

 

The supply of an adequate amount of stimulation appears to be
an important aspect of the mother process in infancy. Yet to identify
maternal effectiveness with sheer quantity of stimulation is hardly
satisfactory.

Mothering involves a warding off of stimulation as well as an
increase, a protection against excessive dosages as well as the
supply of extra stimuli. The mother must, that is, help to
modulate the infant's general arousal level.

In early development this level can fluctuate considerably,
changing fairly rapidly from deep sleep to intense excitement, and
unlike the adult an infant has relatively few mechanisms available
whereby he himself can bring about changes in arousal. He is
dependent in this respect on others and a mother will accordingly
supply particular types of stimulation in keeping with the infants
state: bouncing on knee, swinging through the air, or laughing and
tickling in order to induce upward changes of arousal; and physical
contact, cradling or dummies in order to induce downward changes
(Schaffer, 1971, pp. 158-159).

Scott (1962) has suggested that emotional arousal is a crucial
part of being in contact with others and that the formation of social
attachments is dependent on the extent to which it is experienced in

the course of particular relationships.

118

Walters and Parke (1970) have drawn attention to the many
studies which have established an association between arousal and
attention, Showing that changes in arousal level can influence cue
utilization and perceptual organization.

The findings of Korner and Grobstein (1966) are similar:

In psychological terms, the association of soothing and visual
alertness may involve the protype of reaction which may hold true
throughout life: By reducing the intensity of internal needs, the
organism can turn outward and attend the external world. . . . Our
data did not suggest that handling or the upright position alone
induced a state of alertness. This was true because, in most
cases, handling alone did not lower the infant's state of arousal
sufficiently to reduce crying to the point of alertness. The
observation that many infants are quietly alert when brought to a
feeding suggests that handling and the upright position are more
successful in inducing alertness in noncrying or Sleepy infants.
In those states of arousal, the stimulation of touch, motion, and
positional change are rousing rather than soothing (p. 48)-

In the earliest days of life, infant care, for the most part,
invites soothing rather than rousing which may make the difference in
neonates' earliest opportunities for visual experiences. Infants in
institutions, while usually given adequate physical care, generally are
not picked up and soothed when they cry. This may be partly responsible
for their earliest deficit. It is observed that usually, home-reared,
picked-up infants will have many more opportunities to get acquainted
with the environment than babies left crying in their cribs. In
particular, they will have many more occasions to explore their
mothers. Their visual explorations will occur when comforted. This
may lower their stimulus barrier under conditions which minimize the

danger of being overwhelmed. This was found to be true in the study by

Kagan and Tulkin (1971).

119

Stimulation--Variety--Timipg_

 

Denis (1960), writing of the severe retardation found by him in
some institutions, considered the basic cause for such a condition to
lie in the homogeneity and monotony of the Stimulation provided. A
stimulus constantly repeated produces habituation of attentional
responses--variation is required to maintain interest. Too much vari-
ation is also harmful: an environment that is in constant flux will
overload the child's processing capacity and evoke defensive responses.
The stimulation provided by the mother will, therefore, need to meet a
"happy medium," exposing the infant to carefully graded amounts of
novel experience against a background of familiarity-

No less important than the variety of stimulation is its timing-
The extent to which the mother acts as a source of reinforcement
depends on her ability to respond contingently to her baby, that is, to
administer stimulation that is appropriate in relation to the ongoing
activity of the infant (Schaffer, 1971).

The studies of infant conditioning by Brackbill (1958) and
Rheingold, Gewirtz, and Ross (1969) Show very well the powerful rein-
forcing effects of contingently administered stimulation. When, on the
other hand, stimulation is randomly administered it fails to bring
about acquisition of behavior (Weisberg, 1963)-

According to Lewis and Goldberg (1969), contingent reinforce-
ment does not merely bring about the acquisition of specific responses,
but also enables the child to develop a general motive which is the
basis for all future learning. This is the effectance motive (White,
1959), characterized by the individual's belief that his actions

successfully affect his environment. Lewis and Goldberg suggested that

120

such a motive is developed primarily through the interaction with the
mother, for it is mainly in this context that the infant can learn
zat>out the consequence of his behavior.

It is apparent that the amount, kind and timing of stimulation
Iniist be adapted to the individual infant if it is to produce a pre-
cijuctable outcome. However, infants are not empty containers to be
filled with as much experience as we can cram into them; they are
-ax:tive partners in even the earliest social encounters and we must take
iratx: consideration not only the nature of the stimuli offered by the
nuatflier but also the infant's own characteristics and what these, in
tlirui, evoke in maternal responsiveness.

In conclusion, I would like to leave the reader with a state-
Ynerrt of Burton White's which, hopefully, will answer the often posed
Cll-lestion, "How will early stimulation help in the long run?"

. . . enrichment procedures can produce remarkable effects on the
course of early development. It may be said, as Eleanor Maccoby
has pointed out before, that we've known for years that short-term
effects on development are possible at various stages of growth.
And one can ask, "Are there any long-term consequences of such
experiences?" My answer would be that the question has usually
been posed incorrectly. In education, one doesn't expect to
provide instruction to a 6-year-old for six months and then find
profound consequences at age 18. We assume that education is a
continuing, long-term process. We therefore attempt to design the
interventions of each succeeding year so that they mesh with prior
events. Furthermore, we recognize the Cumulative nature of the
process. A deficit in elementary language or reading skills
plagues the student at every succeeding grade level.

We will never know very much about the maximal effects of
experience on development until we can perform Similar cumulative
matching studies throughout the developmental years starting from
birth (White, 1968, pp. 168-169).

PART II

DEVELOPMENTAL PROGRAM

121

.1";

,fl—

CHAPTER VII

INTRODUCTION TO CURRICULUM

Some parents know from birth that their infant will be retarded
and will develop slowly. No one can tell how slowly, or how much he
will be able to do.

No matter what the diagnosis or when it is made, we know that
this baby will have the same needs as all other babies. He will need a
lot of patient tending to keep him fed, warm, clean, and dry. He will
need to be talked to and held. He will need to be played with and
enjoyed.

For the most part the day by day care of the retarded infant is
the same as for all other babies. Sometimes feeding is difficult
(feeding problems are not necessarily associated with retardation).
Perhaps the baby will have a hard time learning to suck, will have
difficulty in swallowing or will require frequent small feedings. Such
babies need a great deal of patience and extra time.

As the weeks go by the baby will have more needs. He will need
to be introduced to the general flow of the household. Just because
he appears to be contented to lie in his crib, he must not be left
there hour after hour. People will need to bring the world to this

infant who is slow about look-around for himself. The baby will need

122

‘ . ”n. whim-Arias. um.‘u...1.-

1““

“of—-
l

123

to be carried around, moved from place to place. Let him in on the
smells and noises of the household. He must be talked to--told what

is happening and what he is doing. Talking is VERY important. A vari-
ety of places for him to lie must be tried to get him used to different
positions. The baby who never leaves the familiar crib may feel safe
only when he is there.

It is through individually planned, sequencially organized
sensorial stimulation that these infants can be helped, and parents
begin to utilize whatever potential the baby may have. A child learns
all he knows, very little comes with him at birth except the machinery
for learning and children must even learn how to learn. The infant
must learn to see, hear, feel, smell, and taste if the machinery for
each is present and he can be helped to learn how to use it. Because
the babies for whom this is written are all suffering some develop-
mental lag, or from some form of sensory deprivation it will be
necessary to provide experience for the baby to begin to learn.

It is well to caution at this point that over-stimulation is as
bad for young children as under-stimulation. The most relevant and
pertinent factor seems to be an abundance of Stimuli presented in a
variety of ways and at different times and in sequence, appropriate to
the developmental level of the baby. Even young babies tend to block
out an environment which contains sameness. Thus the child needs to be
presented with a constant change of Stimuli, even when presenting this
stimuli for a constant goal. An example would be in teaching the young
child to focus--use the flashlight, the ball with string, the rattle;

the baby also needs to learn to listen, so the caretaker should use her

124

voice in speaking, in making vowel sounds, in singing, and also the
use of various bells, noise makers, and rattles.

Everything that happens to the infant is important to him.
Body games played to move all his limbs through a full range of motion
appropriate to his age should be engaged in. The gentle pushing and
pulling against some mild form of resistance will contribute to the ]
deve10pment of his muscular strength. When the infant is ready, the

planned procedure of pulling to a sitting or standing position Should

 

be done to equalize the use of both sides of his body to assist in

'I' raga-.1 .
h.

attaining dynamic balance. Body awareness can be fostered in bathing,
diapering--holding activities.

To emphasize spatial awareness the placement of the infant's
crib should be varied to provide a variable relationship to artificial
and natural light. Placement should be based upon a desire to provide
variable visual stimulation and not the tendency to place the infant in
the most convenient place for care and household traffic. When lamp
lighting is used, the lamp should be placed in different physical
relationships to the crib or play pen-

In the early act of feeding the mother should vary the holding
side when giving the baby the bottle-~this will provide the infant with
tactile stimulation on both body sides, as well as to provide a vari-
able spatial orientation to the bottle-

To increase tactual sensitivity the infant should be held and
stroked, frequently employing various soft textures (cotton, soft wool,
soft brushes, etc.) for such stroking in addition to mother's hand and
cheek. Kinesthesia can be enhanced by moving body parts accompanied by

a verbal reinforcement (rhymes, songs, nonsense syllables). On the

125

tactical level, textures which the child contacts should be as varied

as possible. The auditory environment should be composed of quiet

talk, music, and noise. The babbling sounds of the infant should be
imitated aloud. The brightness of the "world" should be regulated by
color, light intensity and alterations in frequency. The olfactory
system can be stimulated by presenting variable odors. The gustatory
system can be enhanced by oral stimulations of tasteable, nonswallowable
substances. Flexibility is encouraged by varying sound, light, smell
and other sensory experience.

It is hoped that this curriculum will deliberately supply the
infant with a planned sequence of Stimulation and give him more to be
aware of. Parents should always ask themselves, "What can I do today
to give my baby more visual awareness, tactical awareness, auditory
awareness?“

The activities included in this program are meant to be used in
the daily handling of the child. They are not to be looked at as
something over and above the daily care given. No item should take an
extended period of time to perform, nor should it put the parent or
caretaker under undue stress. Developmentally Slow infants need a
variety of inputs to reach a developmental milestone. This program is
meant to provide such variety, to aid the minute step by step movement
that such children must know.

The activities listed here come under five main headings:
vision, hearing, motor development, cognition, and socialization. Each
of these, save socialization, are divided into two parts, so that the

complete breakdown is:

m: __.._. _ ,,__.
N; .— u \' , o _‘s

126

1. Vision
A. Visual response to the environment (1-1 to 1-11)
B. Initial eye-hand coordination (l-12 to 1-15)
2. Hearing and Speech
A. Sound localization (2-1 to 2-7)
B. Vocal response (2-8 to 2-21)

3. Motor

3. “Wu-t 'mrnx- ”an“-.. o

A. Prone/supine development (3-1 to 3-15)
B. Head/trunk development (3-16 to 3-36)
4. Cognition
A. Manipulation (4-1 to 4-14)
B. Intentiality (4-15 to 4-36)
5. Socialization
Each activity is coded for easy identification as to its area
and level, e.g., the first number in the code tell the area: l--
vision; 2--hearing and speech; 3--motor; 4--cognition; and 5--
socialization. The second number tells the location in the sequence of
that area, for example 1-12 is in area of vision and it is the twelfth
item in the vision sequence. All areas are sequenced developmentally.
To see how each area corresponds to another area developmentally see
Table 1. (Note: the developmental levels are equivalent to ages in

months.)

"A?

”AC-—

FP““‘

CHAPTER VIII

THE CHECKLIST

The checklist has been developed based on the information found
in Chapters I-V of this work.

The checklist is given to provide parents and caretakers with
some format for locating a child's deve10pmental level. It can also
be used as a tool for home visiters to aid parents in determining
various activities that they can perform with their child.

If a child can perform a given task on the checklist it is
checked. If the child cannot perform the task, one must go back to the
last activity the child did perform and work ferward from there. All
five areas are to be integrated, that is, one does not work in one area
only (as vision) and wait until that is completed before beginning
another (hearing). By checking Figure 8 determine what activities
merge together and spend time in all the areas of that particular
level.

When the child is able to perform each activity 8 out of 10
times, move on to the next activity in the sequence. Always continue
playing with the child in areas that he has accomplished.

Some children may be severely impaired in one area, but

developing well in others. In this case, each area must be looked

127

128

at separately and progress made according to the child's ability in

-each.
The activities given under each specific item are to provide a
variety of ways of approaching a particular skill. They need not all

be tried if the child does not need a variety of input in that

particular area.

pus-d-

Eh.‘du."- / 22?...” x “3 ;m.‘._qo

129

DEVELOPMENTAL CHECKLIST
for use with Curriculum

Vision

Visual response to the environment

1-1.

1-2.

1-3.

1-4.

1-5.

1-6.

1-7.

1-8.

1-9.
1-10.

1-11.

BRIEFLY FOLLOWS MOVING STIMULUS

can

date when
accomplished

 

(distance of about 12 in.)

REGARDS FACE

 

(Approach 18-24 in. within’field'of
vision)

FOLLOWS LIGHT WITH EYES, TURNING HEAD

 

FOLLOWS MOVING PERSON

 

(while supported uprightj’

EYES FOLLOW MOVING OBJECT, HORIZONTALLY

 

EYES FOLLOW MOVING OBJECT, VERTICALLY

 

EYES FOLLOW 360° ARC

 

GLANCES FROM ONE OBJECT TO ANOTHER

 

(both objects stationary)

WATCHES OBJECT PULLED ALONG BY STRING

 

RESPONDS TO PERIPHERAL RETINA STIMULATION

 

VISUALLY TRACKS TARGETS THROUGH A WIDE
RANGE OF ANGLES IN SEVERAL DIRECTIONS,
AND AT MANY SPEEDS

 

 

 

Initial eye-hand coordination

1-12.

1-15.

REACHES FOR DANGLING RING

 

(does not make contact)

CARRIES OBJECT TO MOUTH

 

CLUTCHES AT DANGLING RING

 

(contact is made, but not maintained)

SECURES DANGLING RING

 

 

 

(contact is made and maintained)

. HOL'Kru-v‘l

"_fl‘n.‘ ' ‘s‘l'

ix

-4.

fi'fiIZ’aT

Sound
2-1.
2-2.
2-3.
2-4.

2-5.

2-6.

2-7.

Vocal

2-8.

2-9.
2-10.

2-11.

130

Hearing and Speech
localization

STARTLED BY SOUNDS

can
do

date when
accomplished

 

QUIETED BY HUMAN VOICE

 

TURNS HEAD TO SIDE AT WHICH SOUND IS MADE

SEARCHES FOR SOUND WITH EYES

 

 

LISTENS TO SOFT NOISE

 

(hum, song, music box)

TURNS HEAD DELIBERATELY TO SOUND

 

LISTENS TO CONVERSATIONS

 

 

 

ReSponse

CRYING DUE TO CAUSE

 

VOCALIZATION OTHER THAN CRYING

 

LAUGHS ALOUD

 

IMITATES SMILING

 

COOS OR STOPS CRYING ON HEARING MUSIC

 

BABBLES IN MORE THAN TWO DISTINCT SOUNDS

 

RESPONDS WHEN CALLED

 

IMITATES SOUND MADE BY OTHERS

 

USES VOCALIZATION TO GET ATTENTION

 

SAYS "MAMA" OR "DADA," ETC.

 

RESPONDS T0 ”N0"

 

(Temporarily ceasing activity)

FOLLOWS SIMPLE DIRECTIONS

 

ANSWERS SIMPLE QUESTIONS WITH GESTURES

 

REACTS TO MUSIC VOCALLY

 

 

 

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131

Motor

Prone/Supine development

3-1.

3-2.

3-3.

3-4.
3-5.
3-6.
3-7.

3-8.

3-9.

3-10.

3-11.

3-12.
3-13.

3-14.

3-15.

LIFTS CHIN WHEN PRONE

can

date when
accomplished

 

WHILE IN PRONE POSITION PUSHES WITH FEET
AGAINST RAISED SURFACE

 

MOVES HEAD FROM SIDE TO SIDE WHILE ON
BACK

 

LIFTS HEAD WHEN PRONE

 

RAISES AND TURNS HEAD WHILE PRONE

 

ROLLS FROM SIDE TO BACK, BACK TO SIDE

 

LIFTS HEAD AND CHEST WHEN PRONE

 

ROLLS FROM SIDE TO SIDE BUT NOT
COMPLETELY OVER

 

PLAYS WITH OWN TOES, SUPINE POSITION

 

ROLLS OVER, STOMACH TO BACK POSITION

 

ROLLS OVER, BACK TO STOMACH POSITION

 

TRIES VIGOROUSLY TO CRAWL

 

CAN TURN AROUND WHEN LEFT ON THE FLOOR

 

MAKES SOME PROGRESS FORWARDS, OR BACK-
WARDS, CRAWLING

 

CREEPS ON HANDS AND KNEES

 

 

 

Head/Back development

3-16.

3.17.

3‘18.

3-19.

3-20.

HOLDS HEAD ERECT BRIEFLY WHEN SUPPORTED
IN UPRIGHT POSITION

 

HEAD ERECT WITH BOBBING WHEN SUPPORTED
IN SITTING POSITION OR WHILE BEING
CARRIED

 

PULLED TO SITTING HEAD LAGS SLIGHTLY

 

HOLDS HEAD ERECT CONTINUOUSLY

 

SITS WITH SUPPORT NO HEAD LAG

 

 

 

.__~ ._ l
4 “ _~ _. 4..

or

 

1)

:rr*"*

3-21.

3-22.

3-23.

3-24.

3-25.
3-26.
3-27.
3-28.
3-29.
3-30.
3-31.

3-32.

3-33.

3-34.
3-35.

3-36.

132

Motor
(Continued)

TURNS HEAD FREELY IN SITING POSITION

can

date when
accomplished

 

SITS WITH MINIMAL SUPPORT WITH STABLE
BACK AND HEAD

 

COMES TO SITTING POSITION WITH LAG

 

SITS ALONE FOR A SHORT TIME, LEANS
FORWARD

 

SITS GOOD POSTURE, NO SUPPORT

 

CAN SIT FROM A PRONE POSITION

 

CAN SIT FROM A SUPINE POSITION

 

STANDS WITH SUPPORT

 

STANDS WITH MINIMUM SUPPORT;¥A

 

STANDS, SELF PULLED

 

CAN STAND HOLDING ON TO FURNITURE

 

LOWERS SELF FROM STANDING TO SITTING
POSITION

 

SIDE STEPS ROUND INSIDE CRIB OR PLAYPEN
HOLDING RAILS

 

CAN WALK WHEN LED

 

STANDS BY SELF

 

WALKS INDEPENDENTLY

 

 

 

Ll,

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L-

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133

Cognitive

Manipulation

4-1.
4-2.
4-3.
4-4.
4—5.
4-6.
4-7-
4-8.
4-9.
4-10.
4-11.
4-12.
4-13.

4-14.

GRASPS FINGER

C an

date when
accomplished

 

HAND GOES TO MOUTH

 

GRASPS TOY IN HAND FOR THREE SECONDS

 

HOLDS RATTLE ACTIVELY

 

LOOKS AT HANDS, PLAYS WITH OWN FINGERS

 

CLASPS OBJECT PUT IN HAND AND HOLDS IT

 

DROPS FIRST CUBE FOR SECOND

 

PUTS OBJECTS IN MOUTH

 

HOLDS TWO CUBES

 

PASSES TOY FROM HAND TO HAND

 

MANIPULATES TWO OBJECTS AT ONCE

 

USES THUMB TO HELP GRASP TINY OBJECTS

 

ACCEPTS THIRD CUBE WITHOUT DROPPING

 

MANIPULATES BOX, LID, AND CUBES

 

 

 

Intentionality i.e. actions which Show intent on the part of the

child.

Not pure motor movements.

RESISTS TOY WITHDRAWAL

 

REACHES FOR OBJECTS

 

REMOVES BLOCK FROM BOWL

 

PLACES BLOCKS IN BOWL

 

ATTEMPTS TO ATTAIN TOY BEYOND REACH

 

PLAYS WITH RING, SHAKES BELL, EXPLOITS
POSSIBILITIES OF PLAY MATERIALS

 

LOOKS FOR DROPPED TOY

 

 

 

 

im!

4-22.

4-23.
4-24.
4-25.
4-26.
4-27.

4-28.

4-29.
4-30.
4-31.
4-32.
4-33.

4-34.

134

Cognitive
(Continued)

LIFTS INVERTED BOX OR BLANKET IN SEARCH
OF TOY

can

date when
accomplished

 

DANGLES RING BY STRING

 

CLICKS TWO BLOCKS TOGETHER (IMITATION)

 

LIFTS LID OFF SHOE BOX

 

THROWS OBJECTS

 

HANDS TOY WHEN REQUESTED TO DO SO

 

PUTS SMALL OBJECTS INTO A CUP AND
REMOVES THEM

 

WILL RETRIEVE A HIDDEN TOY

 

STACKS 2 OR 3 STACKING TOYS

 

PLACES RING ON PEG

 

REMOVES ROUND BLOCK FROM PUZZLE

 

REMOVES PEG FROM PEGBOARD

 

PLACES DISCS IN CAN

 

BUILDS A TOWER OF 2

 

 

 

3.1--

' 31‘. W‘s. ‘J‘fi-fl-fl‘i‘

‘i..‘PL-'_
c.

_d-
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S-l.

5-2.

5-4.

5-5.
5-6.

5-7.

5-8.
5-9.
5-10.

5-11-

5-12.
5-13.

5-14.

5-15.

5-16.

5-17.
5.18.

5-19.

5-20.

5-21.

135

Socialization

LOOKS AT PERSON MOMENTARILY

can

date when
accomplished

 

QUIETED WHEN PICKED UP

 

SMILES IN RESPONSE TO ATTENTION

 

ANTICIPATED FEEDING UPON SIGHT OF THE
BOTTLE WITH ACTIVITY CHANGE OR
MOVEMENTS OF THE MOUTH

 

VOCALIZES WHEN TALKED TO

 

FRIENDLY TO STRANGERS

 

RESISTS ADULT WHO TRIES PLAYFULLY TO
TAKE TOYS

 

IMITATES SMILING AND LAUGHS ALOUD

 

SELECTIVE SMILING

 

STOPS CRYING WHEN TALKED TO

 

ANTICIPATORY MOVEMENTS WHEN ABOUT
TO BE LIFTED

 

HOLDS A SPOON

 

STRETCHES TO BE TAKEN

 

RESPONDS TO IMAGE IN MIRROR

 

(change in activity and/or
vocalization)

DRINKS FROM A CUP WITH HELP

 

DIFFERENTIATES STRANGERS FROM
FAMILY

 

PLAYS UNATTENDED TEN MINUTES

 

DISPLEASED IF TOY IS TAKEN AWAY

 

PLAYS INTERPERSONAL GAMES: PEEK-A-
BOO AND PAT-A-CAKE ROUGHLY

 

WAVES "BYE-BYE"

 

FINGER FEEDS

 

 

 

I“ I‘ '—

[XI-1.“; ; .

136

Socialization
(Continued)

5-22. GIVES AFFECTION

can

date when
accomplished

 

5-23. OBEYS SIMPLE REQUESTS: "GIVE ME
THE CUP"

 

 

 

. at!

 

137

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A .- :4 Ollie: al.5- d-Av»...i‘-‘n Ml ’Ublry

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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NH-N m-N mH-H m
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m-H
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m-N n-H m
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m-H N
m-N N-N N-H
m-N H-N H-H H
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138

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141

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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|

DEVELOPMENTAL CURRICULUM

l. Vision--A. Visual response to the environment

l—l: BRIEFLY FOLLOWS MOVING STIMULUS
(Distance of about 12 inches)

‘m‘J My Hawu-s—— u--

Activities: --Move a rattle or other bright object6 close to your
baby's face (12 in.) so that he can follow it with his
eyes. When you're sure he sees it move it slowly so
that he can keep it in sight by moving just his eyes
without moving his head. Gradually increase the
distance from side to side-

--P1ace a red ballon over your baby, secure it gently, let
it bob with the passing breeze-
--Secure a pinwheel to your baby's crib, blow it so that it

spins and attracts your baby's attention.

6For a further description of toys for very young
children see Appendix A.

142

143

l. Vision--A. Visual response to the environment (continued)

1-2: REGARDS FACE
(Approach 18-24 in. within the field of vision--talk to infant.)

Activities: --Smile and talk to your baby, with your face close to
his.

--Wag your head and sing (head must be in motion).

--Stoop down so that your baby is unable to see you, "pop"
up so that your face is 18—24 inches from his. Begin by
wagging your head and singing, then just sing, then just
say his name, and finally, just smile. (This is sequenced
over a period of days, weeks, months.)

* * *
1-3: FOLLOWS LIGHT WITH EYES, TURNING HEAD
Activities: --Hold a small flash light above your baby's head about 12
inches from his eyes--move it in a curved line all the
way down to the side so that he has to turn his head to
follow the light. Go to the left and the right.

--Use a rattle or noisemaker instead of a light.

--Use your own smiling face.

--Pull the curtains or shades. Shine a strong flashlight
on the ceiling. Encourage the baby to watch the moving
light. Use the light reflection of a mirror in the same
way.

--Change the baby around in his crib so that light can

strike his face from different locations.

‘A‘H‘f‘in- ’."\’.‘rl.

‘FL ' {A -1

144

1. Vision--A. Visual response to the environment (continued)

1-4: FOLLOWS MOVING PERSON
(While supported upright--moving person 36 inches away--Speaking
softly.)

Activities: --While your baby is supported upright, walk across the
room Speaking softly (make sure baby's eyes have captured
you).

--Wa1k towards your baby with his bottle.
--Walk across the room with a noise maker, a music box, etc.
* r *

1-5: EYES FOLLOW MOVING OBJECT, HORIZONTALLY

Activities: --Ring a bell, shake a rattle or other noisemaker in your
baby's range of vision (stay out of baby's line of
vision so that he concentrates only on the object). Move
the object back and forth horizontally. Vary the Speed.

--Move the object so that your baby must turn his head to
see it go all the way to the left and then to the right.
* * *

1-6: EYES FOLLOW MOVING OBJECT, VERTICALLY

Activities: --Shake a rattle a little behind your baby's head (baby is
lying on his back) continue to keep out of sight. If his
eyes look up, but can't see the object, bring it over his
head until his eyes ”grasp it," then move it slowly back

out of sight so that he must push his head back to see

it.

.J'x".v ‘..‘- ‘-‘_’_'

 

IF‘T .

145

l. Vision--A. Visual response to the environment (continued)
1-7: EYES FOLLOW A 360° ARC
Activities: --Hold a rattle for your baby to see then slowly move it in
a larger and larger circle until he must turn his head in
all directions to see it. (Baby is lying on his back.)

-—Use a penlight flashlight--click it on and off to gain

.41-

your baby's attention before moving it.

:s- «am-n.- ” '

--While your baby is lying on his back shake the object

--u~v-.- .

(ring of keys) gently until baby looks at it. Move the
object slowly in a circle, in the air, around your
baby's head. Change the direction of the circle.

***

1-8: GLANCES FROM ONE OBJECT TO ANOTHER
(both objects are stationary)

Activities: --Hang bright mobiles7 or other crib attachments in your
baby's crib for him to look at and gradually learn to
reach for. Hang objects so that they are from 6-18
inches from your baby.

--Move one or both of the objects hanging from the mobile-

-—Vary the color, design, and shape of these objects.

--Hang a mobile level with the crib rails and in line with
your baby's eyes and gaze. Change sides every other day
to improve focus on both sides.

--Sew different colored shapes on to a white crib sheet.
Place the decorated sheet over the side or foot of his

crib.

 

7See Appendix A for a description of mobiles and other crib
attachments.

146

l. Vision--A. Visual response to the environment (continued)
1-9: WATCHES OBJECT PULLED ALONG BY STRING
Activities: --Place your baby on his stomach or in a propped sitting
position. Slowly pull a toy along in front of him making

sure he sees it. Contrast the object and the background

"AV

along which the object is being pulled. ;-

--Gradually reduce the size of the object and the contrast

o-‘r )‘VJ ?_ur: .-

with the background.

.1 #‘MQ’?_-I

--Use an object that makes a noise (bell, clapper, etc.)-

*‘k'k

1-10: RESPONDS TO PERIPHERAL RETINA STIMULATION
(i.e., reSpondS to things seen from the "corner of his eye")

Activities: --While your baby is lying on his back, wiggle an object at
the side of the baby's head, if he does not see it, move
it a little higher until he turns his head to see it.
Gradually lower the object until the baby will no longer
turn his head to see it.

--Use objects that make no sound--this is not an auditory
game.

--Move your baby's crib around the room so that visual and

auditory stimulation can come from all sides.

 

147

l. Vision-~A. Visual response to the environment (continued)

1-11: VISUALLY TRACKS TARGETS THROUGH A WIDE RANGE OF ANGLES IN
SEVERAL DIRECTIONS, AND AT MANY SPEEDS

Activities: --Change and feed your baby from alternate sides.
--Give your baby a chance to follow many kinds of objects
through vertical, horizontal, and circular ranges.
Change the directions, left-to—right, right-to-left.
Vary the speed-
--Use bright colored objects, noise makers, light

(flashing).

I—Alst. .-r «aw-‘nnM-gun...‘ ,

. .L-V

148

1. Vision--B. Initial eye-hand coordination

1-12: REACHES FOR DANGLING RING
(does not make contact)

Activites: --Bring the mobile closer to your baby so that he can hit it
and make it swing and bounce.
--Wave a toy in front of him, and get him to reach and
grasp for it.
--Encourage your baby to life his arm toward an object.
Help him if necessary. Always allow your baby to play
with the object after he has worked for it.

***

1-13: CARRIES OBJECT TO MOUTH
(object placed in hand or grasped accidently is carried to
mouth)
Activities: —-Help your baby find his mouth by taking his empty hand
and feeling his lips, etc.
--Place objects (rattle, block, Spoon) in your baby's hand,
one at a time. Use objects that have a different feel,

encourage him to put them in his mouth. (Make sure that

all items are harmless to your baby. See Appendix B.)

LnJV

Ire—5* '—.2‘»'_ ' -._.—_.—-T- ‘-
4
‘- s

149

l. Vision--B. Initial eye-hand coordination (continued)

1-14: CLUTCHES AT DANGLING RING
(contact is made, but not maintained)

Activities: --While your baby is lying on his back, shake a rattle
about 12 inches from his tummy. Move it closer to his

hands so that he can grasp at it, saying to him "Get the l)
1

rattle.” '

--Mount a cradle gym on your baby's crib. This will allow E
him to reach for objects anytime he chooses

--Dangle a ring directly in front of your baby to gain his

attention. Help him touch the ring by guiding his hand

to the ring. Reduce your help as your baby gains in

skill.

1-15: SECURES DANGLING RING
(contact is made and maintained)

Activities: --Dang1e a ring directly in front of your baby to gain
attention. Help him grasp the ring by guiding his hand
to the ring, reducing help as he gains in Skill.

--Gradua11y increase distance between child and ring to
encourage reaching.

--Use an object attached to an elastic. Hold the object
for your baby to grasp, then gently pull on the elastic

so that he gets the feeling of pulling.

150

2. Hearing--Sound localization
2-1: STARTLED BY SOUNDS
(child will turn his head, cry, or startle in response to a loud
noise)
Activities: --Ring a bell, clap your hands, squeeze toy, shake rattle
near your infant. Observe the response.

--Stand so that infant cannot see you and do the above

activities.

2-2: QUIETED BY HUMAN VOICE
Activities: --When your baby is fussy, talk quietly to him.

--Hold your baby and sing or hum softly.

--While baby is babbling to himself, stand so he cannot see
you, call him softly. Watch to see if his expression
changes and he listens. (You cannot do this activity
until baby is making some sounds to himself.)

2-3: TURNS HEAD TO SIDE AT WHICH SOUND IS MADE

Activities: --Use a noise maker (rattle, beans in a can), shake it
first on one side of your baby then on the other, so that
your baby will move his head in the direction of the
sound.

-—Stand so that your baby is looking at you. Move so that
he is unable to follow you with his eyes. Call his name.

--Make a noise as you enter the room where your baby is.

See if he turns his head to you.

ffi 'n.~.~.

immerse—r. -. .7 _

151

2. Hearing--A. Sound localization (continued)
2-4: SEARCHES FOR SOUND WITH EYES
Activities: --Use noisemakers (squeak toys) out of your baby's field of
vision, to encourage him to turn his head and search for
the sound.
--Call or whisper his name when his back is turned until he
turns to the sound.
--Make a sound in front of your baby, then move the sound
to the side. Will he follow the sound?
--Talk to him from different places in the room.
--Tie bells on your baby's booties or put them on his
ankles. Help him to find his feet when he hears the
bells.

2-5: LISTENS TO SOFT NOISE
(e.g., hum, song, music box)

Activities: --While baby is quiet, place a music box near him, watch
to see if he is aware of the sound.
--While working around baby or while rocking him, hum and

sing softly.

no‘; .IJLVn—in '4'- - - J
g ,6;-

‘Ai at” o- '.

152

2. Hearing--A. Sound localization (continued)

2-6: TURNS HEAD DELIBERATELY T0 SOUND

Activities: --Without your baby seeing you, make different sounds at
various locations and distances. See if he turns immedi-
ately to the sound.

--Shake a rattle to the right (or left) of, and a little

behind your baby's head. Wait a few seconds, say "Where
is the rattle?" Shake the rattle right above the top of

your baby's head. Wait. Say "Where is the rattle?"

* r *

2-7: LISTENS TO CONVERSATION

Activities: --Talk to your baby as you care for him. "It is time for
your bath." "Isn't this good? mmm." Imitate the sounds

that he makes.

153

2. Hearing--B. Vocal response
2-8: CRYING DUE TO A CAUSE
Activities: --Do not anticipate every need of your baby. Let him "ask”
for what he wants.
--Let your baby come to know that vocalizations get

results-

2-9: VOCALIATION OTHER THAN CRYING
Activities: --When your baby makes any sound usable in speech, tickle
his tummy and smile.
--Respond to your baby when you hear him vocalize, imitate
him, smile at him.
--Make vocal sounds to encourage his sounds.
--When you feed, bathe, and hold your baby, say his name or
sounds that he can make, over and over again.
* * *
2-10: LAUGHS ALOUD
Activities: --Talk to your baby while you feed him or change him.
Tickle his cheek, his tummy.
--Hide baby under a blanket. Say, "Where is (child's
name)?" and then pull the blanket off and say, "There he

is M

2-11: IMITATES SMILING
Activities: --Smi1e at your baby.
--Encourage his smiling response by tickling his cheek,

under his chin, etc.

154

2. Hearing--B. Vocal response (continued)
2-12: COOS OR STOPS CRYING ON HEARING MUSIC
Activities: --If your baby is fussy, place a music box or turn on a
record player or radio near him-
--Do not leave the music on for a long time or its effect
may wear off (over saturation).
* * *
2-13: BABBLES IN MORE THAN TWO DISTINCT SOUNDS
Activities: --Talk and play with your baby, noting any sounds that he
can make. Imitate the sounds he makes.
--Make new sounds for him--encourage him to respond.
--Encourage your baby to vocalize by holding a toy (rattle,
bell, doll) in front of him while making one of the
sounds that he can make. If he makes the sound, or any

sound near it, repeat the sound as you give the toy to

him.
***
2-14: RESPONDS WHEN CALLED
Activites: --Call or whisper his name when his back is turned until he

turns to the sound.

--Call his name while in front of him until he looks at
your face.

--Use a puppet to talk to your child.

--Use your baby's name when feeding him.

--Always use your baby's name to call attention to an event

that is going on.

155

2. Hearing-~B. Vocal response (continued)

2-15: IMITATES SOUND MADE BY OTHERS

Activities:

2-16: USES

Activities:

2-17: SAYS

Activities:

--Hold your baby face to face and make sounds that he's
been making on his own. When he initiates you laugh and
smile and give him a squeeze.

--lmitate sounds that he makes such as tapping the table,
clapping, etc.

--Respond to your baby's vocalizations.

--Say some sounds that your baby is not familiar with.
"Nuzzle" him after you make the sounds.

--Make sounds that go with a physical activity or game,
p/p/p/p; ah. ah; 00—-00--00.

* * *

VOCALIZATION TO GET ATTENTION

--Encourage your child to use verbalization to get what he
wants instead of all gestures.

--Respond selectively to crying.

--Respond to your baby's vocalizations, so that he knows
they are worth while.

* * *

"MAMA" OR "DADA," ETC-

--Imitate the child's sounds and encourage him to repeat
any combination of syllables i.e., ma, ah, ge, bah, mu,

um, etc.

156

2. Hearing--B. Vocal response (continued)

2-18: RESPONDS T0 "N0"
(temporarily ceasing activity)

Activities: --Remove your child's hands or the whole child from the
"no" situation.
--Say the word "no" firmly, Show him what you mean.
* * *
2-19: FOLLOWS SIMPLE DIRECTIONS
Activities: --Give simple directions for your baby to retrieve familiar
objects. "Bring me the ball." "Close the door."

--Base your commands upon an act that your child can
physically do. "Roll the ball," "Put it down," "Pick
up the ----," "Come here," etc.

* * *
2-20: ANSWERS SIMPLE QUESTIONS WITH GESTURES
Activities: --Have your child imitate you by touching, pointing,
clapping, etc. If the child cannot imitate you, move his
hands for him. Gradually reduce your help.

--Ask Simple questions, "Where is your nose?" "Where is
your ball?" If the child does not respond, Show him
where the object is.

--Look at magazines and books with your baby. Point out
and label the different pictures for him so that he can

learn a larger word vocabulary.

157

2. Hearing--B. Vocal response (continued)
2-21: REACTS TO MUSIC VOCALLY
Activities: --Sing to your baby.
--Play the radio, record player, music box, etc. While
playing music for your child or singing to him encourage
his vocalization. As he associates the music with a
pleasurable activity and vocalization he is more likely

to vocalize during music with no other activity going on.

158

3. Motor--A. Prone/supine development

3-1: LIFTS

(Stomach/back position development)

CHIN WHEN PRONE

(prone means child is lying on stomach)

Activities:

3-2: WHILE

Activities:

3-3: MOVES

Activities:

--Lift your baby from the mattress, then slowly lower his
face onto the mat. This encourages him to raise his own
head.

--While your baby is lying on his stomach dangle a rattle
directly in front of his head so that he must raise his
chin just a little to sight the object.

o a *

IN PRONE POSITION PUSHES WITH FEET AGAINST RAISED SURFACE

--While child is lying on his stomach, place your hand
against your baby's feet and gently push-~watch if he
returns your push.

--P1ace a hard pillow or bolster against your baby's feet--
gently push it against baby's feet.

* * *

HEAD FROM SIDE TO SIDE WHILE ON BACK

--Use the same activities as following sight and sound
localization.

--Move mobile or crib attachments from one side of the crib

to the other.

159
3. Motor--A. Prone/supine development (continued)
(Stomach/back position development)
3-4: LIFTS HEAD WHEN PRONE
Activities: --While baby is lying on stomach dangle rattle directly in
front of his head, slowly lift the object so that he must
raise his head to follow it.

--Leave a noisy toy in the crib while your baby is lying on
his stomach. This will encourage him to turn his head
and look at the toy.

--Place a bolster under your baby's chest and arm pits.
Ring a bell to the front and a little above his head so
that he must raise his head to see the bell.

--Bend down, lightly say your baby's name-~he must raise
his head to see you smiling.

* r *
3-5: RAISES AND TURNS HEAD WHILE PRONE
Activities: --Use noisemakers to encourage your baby to turn his head
from side to Side while he is lying on his stomach.

--Have two people standing on either side of your baby.
Have first one and then the other say something while
smiling so that your baby will turn his head to the voice.

--While he is lying on his stomach, position your baby's
arms so that they are flexed with his weight on his
elbows and forearms. This positioning Should help him

push on his forearms when raising his head.

160
3. Motor--A. Prone/supine development (continued)
(Stomach/back position development)
3-6: ROLLS FROM SIDE TO BACK, BACK TO SIDE
Activities: --Guide your child in rolling from his back to his side by
taking the upper arm and pulling the child over (pull
right arm to left; left arm to right).

--Place your child on his side in the crib, walk to the
other side talking to him so that he will roll over to
see you.

--Ring a bell behind your child to encourage him to roll
from side to back.

--Bring an object into the visual field and move it side-
ways to get the infant to adjust his body to the movement
of the object.

--When he is lying on his back take your baby's arm and
gently pull to Side position. If necessary, gently turn
his head to the side as you pull to this position. Do
this several times to encourage rolling. Gradually

reduce your help.

161
3. Motor--A. Prone/supine development (continued)
(Stomach/back position development)
3-7: LIFTS HEAD AND CHEST WHEN PRONE
Activities: --While baby is lying on his stomach, dangle a rattle
directly in front of his face, slowly lift the rattle so
that he must raise his head to follow it.
--Fasten a mirror8 to the inside head of your baby's crib,
so that he can see himself while lying on his stomach.
Over a number of days or weeks slowly raise the mirror
so he must get up on his arm to see his image.
--P1ace your baby on his stomach on the floor--place a toy
(rattle, ball, doll) at eye level--slowly raise the toy
about six inches above the baby's head.
--Place your baby over a bolster with hands on the floor.
Encourage him to look up at you. Gradually replace the
pillow with a smaller one.
--Position the baby's arms so that he can learn to push on
his forearms and hands to hold his head up high. This

can be encouraged with rattles and voice stimulation

 

8See Appendix A for description of a mirror.

162

3. Motor-—A. Prone/supine development (continued)
3-8: ROLLS FROM SIDE TO SIDE BUT NOT COMPLETELY OVER
Activities: --Encourage your baby by moving a bright or noisy toy in
wide area in front of him to increase his movement from

side to side.

--Take your baby's arms and Slowly rock him from side to

side-

3-9: PLAYS WITH OWN TOES, SUPINE POSITION
(Supine means child is lying on his back)

Activities: --Tie bells on your baby's booties or put them on his
ankles.
--He1p him to learn to kick the mobile.

--Lift up his feet for him, Show him where they are.

***

3-10: ROLLS OVER, STOMACH TO BACK POSITION

Activities: --Place your baby on his stomach. Use a favorite toy just
out of reach and encourage him to reach for it. Continue
moving the toy so the child turns over.

--Place your baby on his stomach. Take his ankles and turn
them allowing his whole body to follow.
* r *

3-11: ROLLS OVER, BACK TO STOMACH POSITION

Activities: --Encourage your baby to follow a toy with his eyes and
hands as he is lying on his back. Assist his rolling by
pulling his hand towards the toy and positioning his head

to move in the direction desired.

163
3. Motor-~A. Prone/supine development (continued)
(Stomach/back position development)
3-12: TRIES VIGOROUSLY TO CRAWL
Activities: --With your child lying on his stomach on the floor, raise
the buttocks so the knees are under the buttocks.
Extend the child's arms in front of him.

--Place your child on his stomach. Move his arms in a
swimming motion. Raise his knees under him and encourage
him to push and straighten out to gain crawl movements.

--Place a desired object out of your baby's reach so that
he must crawl or move to obtain it. Start with object
not more than six inches away and gradually increase the
distance.

--If the floor is warm enough, place a Sheet on the floor
and your baby with no clothes on at all. Diapers may
hinder leg and body movement.

a * *
3-13: CAN TURN AROUND WHEN LEFT ON THE FLOOR
Activities: --Whi1e baby is on the floor stand or sit behind him
calling his name or encouraging him with a noisy toy
(toy with a squeaker, bell).
--Help your baby turn by shortening the distance he must

move to reach a desired toy.

164
3. Motor--A. Prone/supine development (continued)
(Stomach/back position development)
3-14: MAKES SOME PROGRESS FORWARDS OR BACKWARDS, CRAWLING
Activities: --Roll a ball and have your baby crawl to it.

--Place your baby on a roller board so that his tummy
touches the board. Help him to move by moving his arms
in a stroking manner, so that he is moving the board.

--Place your baby on the floor, place a toy or goodie just
out of his reach encouraging him to move to it. Gradually
increase the distance between object and child.

--From a sitting position encourage your baby over into a
crawl position with a favorite toy placed just out of his

reach.

165
3. Motor--A. Prone/supine development (continued)
(Stomach/back position development)
3-15: CREEPS ON HANDS AND KNEES
Activities: --Roll a ball, have your baby creep to it and roll it
again.

--Place a towel under your child's chest holding the ends.
Lift so only the child's hands and knees touch the
floor. Move him slowly along the floor.

--Place your child on the floor. Move his arms and legs in
an alternating fashion. Slide him along so he gets the
idea of moving.

--Allow your child to get stuck in tight places i.e., under
a coffee table. When he gets stuck Show him how to get
out. Don't just pull him out. Show him how he can solve
the problem.

--Obtain a large cardboard box, cut out both ends to make a
tunnel. Encourage him to crawl through the tunnel to
you.

--Place some toys in the tunnel to encourage exploration.

166

3. Motor--B. Head/back development
3-16: HOLDS HEAD ERECT BRIEFLY WHEN SUPPORTED IN UPRIGHT POSITION
Activities: --Hold your baby against your shoulder with your fingers
bracing the back of his head.
--Sit your baby on your lap, again use slight support for
his head.
--Encourage your baby to look at an object. Move it up
and down slightly to encourage him to follow with his

head and eyes.

3-17: HEAD ERECT WITH BOBBING WHEN SUPPORTED IN SITTING POSITION OR
WHILE BEING CARRIED
Activities: --Place your fingers at base of your baby's neck to support
his head. Gradually reduce pressure of your fingers.
--Rattle a toy at your baby's eye level while he is being
held. Gradually move rattle up so his eyes will follow

and his head will be erect.

167

3. Motor--B. Head/back development (continued)
3-18: PULLED TO SITTING HEAD LAGS SLIGHTLY
Activities: --Place child on his back on the floor. Place your fingers
in the child's grasp. Pull him to sitting position.

--If his head lags, have another person rattle a ball or
noisemaker to encourage him to raise his head.

--Using two people--one kneeling behind the child sup-
porting his head, the other taking the child's hands pull
him to a sitting position. Gradually reduce support
given to his head.

--Gently grasp child's hand, pull him to Sitting position
and then lower him to lying position. Repeat this to
encourage pulling to sit and head control.

* * *
3-19: HOLDS HEAD ERECT CONTINUOUSLY
Activities: --Move a rattle up and down and from side to side. Have
your baby follow the rattle with his eyes and head.
Help him by gently moving his head in the direction of

the toy.

168

3. Motor--B. Head/back development (continued)
3-20: SITS WITH SUPPORT NO HEAD LAG
Activities: --Prop your child into a sitting position in an infant
seat, high chair, corner of a large sofa or chair.
--Sit on the floor, place your baby between your legs, so
your legs and abdomen will be his support.
--AS your child is on the floor rock him gently from Side
to side and from back to front.
--Place your baby on your lap, providing back support. For
Short periods of time encourage him to hold himself

erect .

3-21: TURNS HEAD FREELY IN SITTING POSITION
Activities: --While baby is in a propped sitting position shake a
rattle at his side so that he must turn his head to see
it.
--Have your baby follow objects in 180° arc around him.
--Prop your baby up in a room where you are working so that
he must turn his head to follow you.
* * *
3-22: SITS WITH MINIMAL SUPPORT WITH STABLE BACK AND HEAD
Activities: --Place pillows around your child keeping pillows high on
the side.
--Place child between your legs and place his arms on your
legs for support. Gradually Sit farther away so he is

supporting himself with his hands.

169

3. Motor--B. Head/back development (continued)

3-23: COMES TO SITTING POSITION WITH AID

Activities:

3-24: SITS

Activities:

--Pull your child to a sitting position with one hand
rather than two. Let him use the other hand to aid

himself.

ALONE FOR A SHORT TIME, LEANS FORWARD

--Sit on the floor with your child sitting between your
legs so he can support himself by placing his hands on
your legs.

--While in a sitting position place your child's hands on
the floor, palms down. In time he will learn to use his
hands for support.

--Use a beach ball that is not totally inflated, place your
baby on his Stomach over the ball. Gradually roll him
forward, encourage him to reach forward and stop himself
with his arms. As he rolls back encourage him to stop

with his feet.

170

3. Motor--B. Head/back deve10pment (continued)
3-25: SITS, GOOD POSTURE, NO SUPPORT
Activities: --When your child can support himself using both hands on
the floor, encourage him to reach for you or a toy so
that he will learn to sit independently.

--Hold a rattle to his side so that he can hear it, but has
to turn his whole body from his Sitting position to find
it. Give him the rattle to play with then he finds it.
Try his activity from both sides.

--Bounce your child on your knees. This will encourage
back and head control.

* * *
3-26: CAN SIT FROM A PRONE POSITION
Activities: --Encourage your child while lying on his stomach to roll
to the side, lift his knees toward his chest, push with
his hands and sit upright. Put your child through the
above motions if he is unable to do it himself.

***

3-27: CAN SIT FROM A SUPINE POSITION
(supine means lying on his back)

Activities: --While your child is lying on his back, encourage him to
lift his legs, roll to the side and sit upright. Put
your child through the motions slowly.

--While your child is on his back, give him something to

reach for.

171

3. Motor--B. Head/back development (continued)
3-28: STANDS WITH SUPPORT
Activities: --Hold your child around his waist, bounce him so his legs
support him for brief moments-
--Hold your child around his waist, allowing him to stand
firmly on his two feet.
-—Place a towel around your child's waist while you hang on
to the ends of it. Child is standing on two feet.
--Stand child at the rail of a playpen or crib. Encourage
him to stand on his two feet.
--Encourage your child to bounce on his feet while you hold
him in a standing position.
* * *
3-29: STANDS WITH MINIMUM SUPPORT
Activities: --Stand your child at the Side of his crib, hold your
hands over his on the rail of the crib.
--Have your child grasp your finger while you pull him to a
standing position.
--Place a towel under the child's arms. Support him by
holding the ends of the towel. Gradually hold the towel

looser and looser.

3-30: STANDS, SELF PULLED
Activities: --Place a favorite toy or goodie on a chair, encourage
your child to pull himself up to obtain it.

--Take your child's hand pulling him to stand on his feet-

172

3. Motor--B. Head/back development (continued)
3-31: CAN STAND HOLDING ON TO FURNITURE
Activities: --Encourage your child to bound on his feet while he
supports his full weight.
--Stand your child at a crib or playpen rail, have him use
both hands to support his weight.
--Place your child in a walker and encourage standing.
* * *
3-32: LOWERS SELF FROM STANDING TO SITTING POSITION
Activities: --Help your child bend his knees to a squat position and
move his hands down the crib rails, then lower him to
sit.
--P1ace his favorite toy or goodies on the floor, encourage
your child to get them when he is in a standing position.
* * *
3-33: SIDE STEPS AROUND INSIDE CRIB OR PLAYPEN HOLDING RAILS
Activities: --Encourage your child to move around his crib by presenting
him with a favorite toy or goodie. Slowly move it so
that he must step for it.
—-Use yourself as the desired object. Stand away from your

baby and encourage him to step to you.

173

3. Motor-—B. Head/back development (continued)
3-34: CAN WALK WHEN LED
Activities: --Support your child's shoulders from behind, i.e., grasp
child around his shoulders.
--Support him under his arms, grasp child under his arms.
--The rhythm of walking can be developed by pushing your
child's feet alternately with your feet or by putting the
child's feet on top of your feet as you walk.
* * *
3-35: STANDS BY SELF
Activities: --Support child by hanging on to his hips.
--Hold child's hand and help him to stand.
* * *
3-36: WALKS INDEPENDENTLY
Activities: --Stand the child against furniture. Stand a few feet from
him, encourage him to walk to you. Have his favorite toy
or goodie.
--Have your child walk while pushing a small chair or some

other movable object.

174

4. Cognitive--A. Manipulation
4-1: GRASPS FINGER
Activities: --Move your finger over the midsection of your baby's chest
for him to grab onto.

--Touch him under his chin and other parts of the body with
your finger-~ta1k to him and get him excited enough to
grasp your finger.

--When holding your child, place your finger in his hand
and rub the palm of his hand. Encourage him to close his

fingers around your finger. Try the same process using a

rattle.

4-2: HAND GOES TO MOUTH
Activities: --Help your baby find his mouth by taking his hand and
putting it on his cheeks, his mouth, etc.

-—Raise and lower the child's hands to his mouth.

175

4. COgnitive--A. Manipulation (continued)
4-3: GRASPS TOY IN HAND FOR THREE SECONDS
Activities: --P1ace objects of various sizes and textures in the crib
for your baby to grasp, for example, round smooth rattle,
textured ball, furry animal, wooden block, yarn pom-pom,
terry cloth doll.

--Move a rattle over your baby's tummy shaking it-—move it
closer to his hands so that he can grasp at it--saying to
him "grab it."

—-Hold your baby's hand shut over the rattle so that he
grasps it. Gradually reduce pressure on his hand.

--Touch the rattle to his fingers to encourage the grasping
of it.

--Put rattle in one hand and then the other.

--Encourage your baby to reach for a toy by shaking it and
making a noise with it. If he does not attempt to reach
out for the toy, place it in his hand or gently move his
hand to the toy. Place the toy close to the child's hand
encouraging him by moving the toy. Prone, side, or
sitting positions should be used.

* * *
4-4: HOLDS RATTLE ACTIVELY
Activities: -—While holding the rattle show your baby how to shake it.

—-Respond excitedly when the rattle makes noise.

176

4. Cognitive--A. Manipulation (continued)
4-5: LOOKS AT HANDS, PLAYS WITH FINGERS
Activities: --Move the child's hands to his face. Encourage him to
look at his hands.
--Clap his hands, wave them, point to his nose, etc., with
them.
--Move his hands around his face, let his hands feel his
cheeks.
--Play peek-a—boo; hold your baby's hands before his eyes.
--Play patty-cake. At first move his hands together. Help
him to know the many directions his hands and eyes can go.
--After your baby makes some swipes at the mobile, he may
begin to notice his own fingers. At this point move
mobile further away (for a short amount of time) so that

your baby can look at his fingers with fewer distractions.

177

4. Cognitive--A. Manipulation (continued)
4-6: CLASPS OBJECT PUT IN HAND AND HOLDS IT
Activities: --Place small objects in front of your baby, then into his
hand.

--Place the child's hand around the object, gradually
release your hand as he is able to hold the object by
himself.

--Use a toy that is very soft and has a sound.

--Provide interesting objects within reach for your baby to
grasp, for example wooden block, plastic cup, terry cloth
doll, foam rubber block, rattle, clothes pin (no spring).

--Hold a toy in front of your baby for him to see.
Encourage him to hold the toy and glance at it in his
hand; move his arm if necessary to let him see the toy.
Encourage your child to move the toy to the midline by
himself to regard it in his hand.

* * *
4-7: DROPS FIRST CUBE FOR SECOND
Activities: --Play toy passing games with your baby, do not use more
than two toys. Pass them to the hand that is already

holding a toy.

178

4. Cognitive--A. Manipulation (continued)

4-8: PUTS OBJECTS IN MOUTH

Activities:

4-9: HOLDS

Activities:

--Guide your baby's hand with the object (spoon, cube,
rubber ring) in it to his mouth. Reduce help as baby can
find his mouth by himself.

--P1ace a small piece of food on a tray in front of your
child. Guide his hand to pick it up and put it into his
mouth. Gradually reduce your help.

--Move your baby's hands about by clasping them, clapping
them, and guiding them to his face.

--Use common objects around the house for your baby to
explore tactually and orally. Talk to him about the
objects. If he's in a safe place with safe objects leave
them with him. Be sure they are too large to swallow.

* * *

TWO CUBES

--Pass a toy small enough to be grasped to the hand that is
already holding a toy.

--Present two toys so that your child can pick up an object
with each hand.

--Let your child play with a set of small cubes. Place two
cubes in one of his hands. (Give your child one than a

second block to hold in his hand.

179

4. Cognitive--A. Manipulation (continued)
4-10: PASSESS TOY FROM HAND TO HAND
Activities: --Show your child how to transfer a toy from one hand to
another.

--Place a toy in the hand the child uses less and have him
pass it to the other hand.

--When your child is holding a toy, encourage him to move
his other arm and hand to touch the toy. Help him take
it in the other hand.

* * *
4-11: MANIPULATES TWO OBJECTS AT ONCE
Activities: —-When your baby attempts to reach, touch, and feel things
give him opportunities to explore and experience differ-
ent textures and surfaces.

--Play passing games with objects. Encourage your baby to

hold several objects at once.
* * *
4-12: USES THUMB TO HELP GRASP TINY OBJECTS
Activities: --Show your child how to use his thumb and forefinger.

--Encourage your baby to reach for small objects such as
raisins or cereals.

--Have your child pick up buttons, corn, etc., and hand

them to you.

180

4. Cognitive-—A. Manipulation (continued)
4-13: ACCEPTS THIRD CUBE WITHOUT DROPPING
Activities: --Put one cube in each hand, place a third cube in one of
his hands.
--Have child hold two objects, encourage him to pick up a

third.

4-14: MANIPULATES BOX, LID AND CUBES
(shoe box type box)

Activities: --Give your baby a box with a lid (shoe box) and other
small objects.
--Your baby already knows how to take lid off box, have
him put objects in the box, put lid on, then take lid off

and take objects out.

181

4. Cognitive--B. Intentionality
4-15: RESISTS TOY WITHDRAWL
Activities: —-This is a landmark behavior--observable but to be taught.
Baby may turn away with toy in his hand, or draw toy up
close to himself. He may vocally resist by whimpering,
or by beginning to cry. Or he may give up the toy, but

begin to cry.

4-16: REACHES FOR OBJECTS
Activities: --Place objects of various sizes and textures in the crib
for your baby to reach for.9
--Mount a cradle gym on his crib. This will allow your
baby to reach for objects any time he chooses.
--Show your baby how he can kick the mattress and make the
objects wiggle and make grasping for them more challenging.
--Use an object attached to an elastic, hold the object for
your baby to grasp then gently pull on the elastic so
that he gets the feeling of pulling.
--Hold a rattle near your baby's hand, move it or shake it
to encourage him to reach.
--Guide your baby's hand toward the object, gradually
reducing the aid as baby reaches on his own.
-—Encourage your baby to reach for his bottle. Wait for

him to reach out for it.

9See Appendix A for listing of toys.

182

4. Cognitive-~B. Intentionality (continued)

4-17: REMOVES BLOCK FROM BOWL

Activities: —-Give your baby small blocks (one inch) to play with and a
plastic bowl to put the blocks in. Show your child how
to take the blocks out of the bowl, guide his hand.
Gradually reduce your help.

* * *

4-18: PLACES BLOCKS IN BOWL

Activities: --Show your child how to put blocks into a bowl. Guide his
hand if he is uncertain.

-—Use much verbal reinforcement and encouragement. Explain
to your child what he is doing. Praise him in small
accomplishments.

--Show your child how to put blocks into a tin can. The

sound of the blocks dropping will usually excite him.

183

4. Cognitive-~B. Intentionality (continued)
4-19: ATTEMPTS T0 ATTAIN TOY BEYOND REACH
Activities: --Tie a string to one of your baby's favorite toys. Place
it out of his reach. Show him how to pull the string to
obtain the toy.
--P1ace your baby on the floor. Put one of his favorite
toys on a blanket near him, but out of immediate reach.
When he reaches for the blanket tell him what he is
doing "You're pulling the blanket, pull it and you'll get
the toy."
--Shake a toy to call his attention to it. Move his arm if
necessary to touch the toy. Encourage him to get it.
--Sit at a table with your child on your lap. Have a
couple of shoe strings there for him to pull. Attach an
object to the end of one string. Let him see what
happens as he pulls each string.
* * *
4-20: PLAYS WITH RING, SHAKES BELL, EXPLOITS POSSIBILITIES OF PLAY
MATERIALS
Activities: --Show your child how to ring a bell. Guide his hand.
How to shake a rattle, etc.
-—Demonstrate: tearing and crumpling newspaper, pulling a
toy, rubbing a furry animal, squeezing squeakers,

shaking rattles, sliding, pushing toys, etc.

184

4. Cognitive--B. Intentionality (continued)
4-21: LOOKS FOR DROPPED TOY
Activities: --Baby needs to throw rattle from his high chair so that he
comes to know that objects have a permanence even when he
can't see them. Pick up the toy and hand it to your baby
so he can throw it again.

--Place objects on the high chair so that your baby can
push them off and throw them to the floor. Play with
your baby in this way, using words such as "There it
goes," "All gone," and "Here it is."

* * *
4-22: LIFTS INVERTED BOX OR BLANKET IN SEARCH OF TOY
Activities: --Take one of your baby's toys, attract his attention to it
and then partly hide it under a blanket so that he can
see part of it. Then say "Where is the toy, find it.”

--Cover your baby's favorite toy with a blanket and then
show him it's still there. Cover it completely and have
him find it.

--Hide a toy under a box or can and have your baby find it.

***

4-23: DANGLES RING BY A STRING
Activities: —-Give your child a toy tied to a string. Show him how to
dangle it, moving it up and down." Physically guide his

hand if needed.

185

4. Cognitive--B. Intentionality (continued)
4-24: CLICKS TWO BLOCKS TOGETHER (IMITATION)
Activities: --Make sure your child is capable of holding two objects.
--Give your baby two blocks, one in either hand. Show him
how to click the blocks together. Take your baby's

hands and click blocks together for him. Laugh with him.

*‘k'k
4-25: LIFTS LID OFF SHOE BOX
Activities: --Place something of interest to the child inside a shoe

box. Put the lid on. Ask the child to get the object.

If he doesn't know how, show him how to take the lid off

the box.
'k**
4-26: THROWS OBJECTS
Activities: --Place your hand around your child's and help him throw a

ball, a toy, or wad of paper.
--Sit near your child, encourage him to throw a ball to you
by saying, ”Throw it."
* * *
4-27: HANDS TOY WHEN REQUESTED TO DO SO
Activities: --Ask your child for a toy. If he does not give it, take
it quickly from his hand and say "Thank you" giving it
back immediately. Continue to do this until your child

will hand you an object upon request.

186

4. Cognitive--B. Intentionality (continued)

4-28: PUTS SMALL OBJECTS INTO A CUP AND REMOVES THEM ALSO

Activities: --When your child has learned to pick up, grasp and hold a
toy, give him some blocks and show him how to drop and
put the toys into a container and how to take them out
again.

--Put a box or basket and several objects in front of your

child. Show him how to fill it up and turn it upside

down to empty it.

187

4. Cognitive—-B. Intentionality (continued)
4—29: WILL RETRIEVE A HIDDEN TOY
Activities: -—While sitting at a table, put a piece of cardboard larger
than a toy in front of the toy blocking it. Have the
child find the toy. He may try going right through the
cardboard at first, to get the toy. Show him how to go
around the cardboard.
--Place a favorite toy in a box that is easy to open. Ask
him "Can you find it?" "Let's look in the box."
--While your child is watching, place a toy in a box and
place that box in another box. Show him how to find it.
Then hide the object and let him find it.
--Wrap your child's favorite toy in a piece of paper while
he is watching. Give the wrapped toy to the child, say
"Get the toy out of the paper."
--While baby is watching, place his favorite toy in a pan.
Cover the pan with a towel. Dump the object out onto the
floor, keeping this operation hidden under the dish
towel. Show the empty pan to the child and observe where

he looks.

188

4. Cognitive--B. Intentionality (continued)

Prior to the following seven activities, provide your child
with rich visual and auditory experiences and many opportunities for
eye-hand coordination. Allow him to play with pots and pans in the
cupboard, tissue paper, clean rags, etc. This will help him learn
about tops and bottoms, insides and outsides, smooth and rough, soft
and hard, big and little, light and heavy, and many other aspects of

his world.

4-30: STACKS 2 OR 3 STACKING TOYS

Activities: --Get three different—sized nest cups, build a pyramid,
encourage your child to try. "See what I'm doing, now
you try." Do not insist that he stack them in order.

--Use different sized cans to stack, blocks, etc. Show
your child how to knock the pyramid down.
* * *
4-31: PLACES RING ON PEG
Activities: —-Show the child how to place a ring on a peg. Guide his
hand in doing it. Slowly reduce your help.
--Encourage your child to place a circular bracelet over
your out-stretched finger or a hoop over your arm.
* * *
4-32: REMOVES ROUND BLOCK FROM PUZZLE
Activities: --Makes a shape puzzle out of foam rubber pieces or a
sponge. Show your child how to put the circular piece
in the hole.

--Use a commercial puzzle.

189

4. Cognitive--B. Intentionality (continued)
4-33: REMOVES PEG FROM PEGBOARD
Activities: --Show your child how to remove a peg from a pegboard.
Guide his hand.
--Place a clothes pin in your closed fist. Ask your child
to pull it out. Grasp it very lightly.
* * *
4-34: PLACES DISCS IN A CAN
Activities: --Take a container like a coffee can, have your child watch
while you drop cubes or chips into the can. Have the
child do it.
--Take a container, cut a hole or slot in the plastic lid
(hole for cubes, slot for disc). Show your child how to
put objects through the holes.
* * *
4-35: BUILDS A TOWER OF TWO
Activities: --Place blocks in a pile in front of child. Build a tower
of two blocks. Ask child to make his tower. Assist him
if he needs help.

--Build a tower of cans.10

 

10See Appendix A.

190

4. Cognitive--B. Intentionality (continued)
4—36: PUSHES A THREE BLOCK TRAIN
Activities: ——Line up the three blocks and push them saying "choo-choo."
Guide the child's hands to push the train.
--Line up three small boxes on a table. Encourage your
child to push them.
—-Line up three larger boxes on the floor. Encourage your

child to push them using his whole body.

191

S. Socialization
S-l: LOOKS AT PERSON MOMENTARILY
Activities: --Stand in front of your baby, wag your head and sing (head
movement and sound are important). Talk to your baby.

—-Smile at your baby, with your face close to him.

***

5-2: QUIETED WHEN PICKED UP

Activities: --Hold your baby, rock him, sing to him.
*‘k'k

5-3: SMILES IN RESPONSE TO ATTENTION
Activities: --Handle your baby, hold him close, pet him by kissing his
neck and tummy and stroking his body.
--As your baby is being fed, held and diapered, talk and
smile often to him.
--When your baby smiles, respond by smiling.
--Make a sound while moving back and forth over your baby.
--Hide your face behind a towel and reappear.
* * *
5-4: ANTICIPATES FEEDING UPON SIGHT OF THE BOTTLE WITH ACTIVITY
CHANGE OR MOVEMENTS OF MOUTH
Activities: --Encourage your baby to reach for his bottle in front of
him.

--Place his hands on the bottle, bring it up to his mouth.

192

S. Socialization (continued)
S-S: VOCALIZES WHEN TALKED TO
Activities: --Talk to your child about what you/he is doing. Stress
important words such as names of objects or the action
taking place. "We are putting on your shirts”
--Imitate the baby's own sounds when they occur and try to

keep a dialogue going as long as possible by imitating

the baby.
* * '1:
5-6: FRIENDLY TO STRANGERS
Activities: --Provide "stranger" with a toy to entice the child.

—-Have the stranger wag his head and sing to your baby,

talk to your baby.

5-7: RESISTS ADULT WHO TRIES PLAYFULLY TO TAKE TOYS
Activities: --Put finger into infant's hand and gently pull away with
it.
--P1ace small objects in infant's hand, attempt to remove

it.

5-8: IMITATE SMILING AND LAUGHS ALOUD

Activities: --Play peek-a-boo games with smiling first yourself.

193

5. Socialization (continued)
5-9: SELECTIVE SMILING
Activities: --Respond with affection and smiling when baby smiles.
--There is no specific program for this behavior. The
behavior is used as a measure of social responsiveness,
and the awareness of the activities of others.
* * *
S-lO: STOPS CRYING WHEN TALKED TO
Activities: --Place a music box near the head of the infant.
-—Make various sounds to your infant, talk to him, sing to
him. Let your voice become very familiar and soothing to

him.

S-ll: ANTICIPATORY MOVEMENTS WHEN ABOUT TO BELIFTED

Activities: --Encourage your baby to raise his arms when about to be
lifted.

--Ask your baby "Do you want to come?” Encourage some type
of response before you pick him up.
* * *

5-12: HOLD A SPOON

Activities: --Let your baby hold an empty Spoon while you are feeding
him. This is to ready him for the time when he will

begin to feed himself.

194

S. Socialization (continued)
5-13: STRETCHES TO BE TAKEN
Activities: --Encourage your baby to reach out his arms as you hold out
yours to him and ask him if he wants to come to you.

***

5-14: RESPONDS TO IMAGE IN MIRROR
(change in activity and/or vocalization)

Activities: —-Place your baby on your lap, have him look in a mirror so
that he can see himself. Talk to him about what he sees.

--Fasten a mirror to the inside of your baby's crib so that
he can see himself while lying in his crib.

—-Hold a mirror so that your baby can see himself. Point
to his reflection "I see Tommy." Pick up an object, move
it behind the baby's head so that he can see it in the
mirror along with himself. Name the object.

* * *
S-lS: DRINKS FROM A CUP WITH HELP
Activities: —-Place your hands around your baby's hands on a cup. Help
him raise the cup to his mouth. Slowly reduce your help
as he is able to do it himself.
* * *
5-16: DIFFERENTIATES STRANGERS FROM FAMILY
Activities: --If your child greets you with a smile, return his smile.
If he shows displeasure to a given situation, comfort
him, talk to him, sing to him, tickle him or give him a

toy to play with.

195

5. Socialization (continued)
5—17: PLAYS UNATTENDED TEN MINUTES
Activities: --Place your baby within sight of you with several toys.
--Place your baby near a window so he can look out.
--Use many ”kitchen toys” e.g., spoons, plastic cups,
bowls, etc. for him to play with.
* * *
5-18: DISPLEASED IF TOY IS TAKEN AWAY
Activities: ——Play with your child several times taking a toy and
giving it back so that he learns he will get it back.
* * *
5-19: PLAYS INTERPERSONAL GAMES: PEEK-A—BOO AND PAT-A-CAKE IMPERFECTLY
Activities: --P1ay games with your baby: ”Peek-a-boo," "Pat-a-cake,"
"bye-bye," "this little piggy," "where is baby's nose,"
"so big."11 Move his arms until he is ready to make the
gestures by himself.
-—Play ”Peek-a-boo” behind a blanket or around a chair.
* * *
5-20: WAVES "BYE-BYE”
Activities: --Take your baby's hand and wave "bye-bye" for him when

someone else waves. Gradually withdraw your help.

 

11See Appendix C for games.

196

5. Socialization (continued)
5-21: FINGER FEEDS
Activities: --Place a piece of "acceptable” food on a tray in front of
your child. Encourage him to imitate you as you pick up
a piece of food and eat it.
--Guide your child's hand to pick up the food and put it

into his mouth. Gradually withdraw your help.

***

5-22: GIVES AFFECTION
Activities: --Give your child a hug, let his arms be free so that they
can hug in return.

--Show your child that you like his affection, by responding

to it.

5-23: OBEYS SIMPLE REQUESTS: ”GIVE ME THE CUP"
Activities: --Place a few objects, familiar to the child near him. Ask
him to ”Give me the dolly.” "Get the bell,” etc.

—-When the child brings the object, thank him.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

TOYS FOR VERY YOUNG CHILDREN

APPENDIX A

TOYS FOR VERY YOUNG CHILDREN

Toys for the young infant should be designed to stimulate the
sensory experiences of the infant. Such toys should be colorful so
that they attract the baby's vision as soon as he is able to see and
focus his eyes. They should stimulate the baby to want to reach. Some
toys should be ”noisey" to stimulate the sense of hearing. They should
excite and stimulate curiosity.

A variety of crib toys should be available. The toys should be
changed frequently so that they are not commonplace to sight, touch,
and hearing. Their use is to make the crib a more responsive and
stimulative environment. Variety of color, shape, sound and functional
response must be provided.

By the time a child has attained the capacity to creep, he has
also gained in the ability to reach, grasp, listen, focus his eyes
imitate and respond to various kinds of stimulation. Homemade and
purchased toys should stimulate the curiosity of the child and sharpen

his perception.

197

198

Toys for young children:

A.

Toys that move (vision)

mobiles

bubbles

balloons with string

dangling toys for crib

wind up toys

Musical toys (hearing)

bells

rattles

squeeze toys with sound (rubber, plastic)
music boxes

small bells sewed on a piece of elastic
bottle with several pellets in it
band-aid can with corn in it

set of keys

Roly-Poly

Jack-in-the—box

xylophone

records

Cuddly toys (feeling)

teddy bear

wooly animals

teething rings

texture ball

soft rag doll

variety of textures and temperatures

199

Household items (exploration)
pots and pans

plastic cups, metal cups
plastic bowls

spoons

aluminum pie tins

oat meal boxes

margarine tubs

tin cans (carefully checked for rough edges)
Manipulative toys

cradle gym

unbreakable mirror

balls

beanbag

blocks

one inch cube blocks
children's book with large, clear, simple pictures
"feelie" book

nesting toys

stacking toys

floating bath toys

large plastic beads

pop beads

small ball attached with string or rubber

200

F. Equipment parents can use
hand puppet
paint brush (for stroking baby's skin)
feathers
flashlight
pieces of different textured materials (satin, velvet, fur,
felt, burlap, etc.)
G. Items for mobiles
small stuffed animals
yarn pom-poms
clothes pins
bells
balls
spools
colored cubes
colored foam rubber or styrafoam forms
styrofoam forms covered with aluminum foil, figured materials,

glitter, etc.

Instructions for Making Some Toys

 

Mobiles

Create moving objects for your baby to see. You may use
painted wooden forms, cover forms with colored plain or flowered
fabrics, wrap aluminum foil around some objects. Tie each object
separately with pieces of string--each varying in length, attach to
a bar or plastic clothes line across the crib. Change the moving

objects frequently so that visual stimulation will be sustained.

201

Coat hangers may be used as the bar. Attach the hanger to the
ceiling or some other high point. Attach mobile objects to the hanger

by means of a string.

Crib Attachments

 

Make little cloth pouches. Fill with rocks, bells, macarroni,
foam rubber, nuts and bolts, etc. Attach a string to one cornor of the

pouch. Attach the other end of the string to the side of the crib.

Rattles

Fill empty salt shakers with different colored beans. Make
sure that the top is securely fastened.

Fill an empty plastic bottle with beans, corn, jelly beans,
etc. Secure the lid.

Fill a band-aid can with beans, secure the lid.

Cradle Gym

 

String old spools on a string, hang over your baby's crib.

Also use karum beads, ring bracelets, jingle bells.

\m‘mfl/ WW

Blocks

Cut blocks out of a strip of foam rubber. Vary the size and

Q Q 4%

Make larger blocks from old milk cartons. Cut the top off two

the form.

 

 

 

 

 

 

milk cartons (quart or pint). Push the two cartons together--one

202

fitting inside the other. This makes a sturdy block with double

thickness.
//y // L_;::::::i:]
. i
, , s:

Tin Can Toy§_
Cans with plastic lids of various sizes can be used for

 

 

 

 

 

 

HUN

 

 

I‘m

 

 

 

mm

 

 

 

 

xuu

 

 

(Coffee cans, orange juice cans, margarine tubs, etc.)

&.

Cans with plastic covers make containers for blocks, clothes-

stacking.

 

 

pins, etc. Cut a hole in the plastic lid a little larger than the
object put into it. (Make sure that can has no sharp edges.)

   

Place clothes pins (those without Springs) on the edge of tin

iii?

Nesting toys can be made from graduated cans, boxes, plastic

cans.

 

bowls, cups.

 

(5%»

 

 

 

203

Washcloth Doll

 

Roll a washcloth from opposite sides towards the middle.

Fold

Tie to form a head

Spread to make arms and cape

Embroider face and hair if desired

 

Stuffed Animals

 

Use any type of pattern. Make in various sizes and textures.
Use different kinds of material when making the animals (cotton, wool,
flannel, velvet, terry cloth, corduroy, silk, satan, fur pieces, yarn,

foam rubber, vinyl, burlap, ric rac, etc.)

Texture Ball

 

Make a texture ball out of the different fabrics mentioned

above . ‘3

"Feelie" Book

 

Paste different textures of materials onto pages to form a
book. Use pieces of cardboard for your book. Punch holes in the side
and string together with string or cord.

Ideas for pages in the book:

various textures of material

feathers

204

sand paper
pieces of plastic, tile, carpet, wood,
small twig from a tree.
When using the "Feelie" book, sit with your child. Talk about
what is on the page. Encourage your child to "feel" the object. Tell
your child what the object feels like. "This is soft, so soft.” ”This

is rough, oh!"

Form Board

 

Make a form board by cutting a form out of the middle of a

sponge or piece of foam rubber.

O

Boxes of many different sizes and shapes can be used for so

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Boxes

many things. See what you can make out of an oatmeal box, a salt box,

shoe boxes or a cigar box.

APPENDIX B

RULES FOR THE USE OF HOUSEHOLD OBJECTS

10.

APPENDIX B

RULES FOR THE USE OF HOUSEHOLD OBJECTS

When making rattles and noise makers, be sure the beans, corn,
bell or whatever is fastened or enclosed is securely inside the
container.

Be sure your baby is playing with objects too large for him to
swallow.

All containers previously used should be washed thoroughly,
remaining particles may be harmful if swallowed.

String should be tied tightly to objects so it cannot be pulled
off and put into the mouth.

Your baby should be in a safe place with safe toys when left
alone for play.

Be sure to examine the rim of cans for sharp edges.

Check boxes for loose staples.

Bleach bottles when cut in half, have sharp edges. Cover the
edges with masking tape.

Plastic bags are VERY dangerous. Keep them out of the reach of
your baby at ALL times.

When making wooden materials, be sure edges are not splintery

or rough.

20$

11.

12.

13.

206

Glass and breakable objects should not be given to your baby
as play toys.

When using a mirror with your baby, use an unbreakable mirror
made of aluminum with a hardwood frame.

Eliminate lamp cords, percolator cords, safely pins, beans

and buttoms from your child's immediate environment.

APPENDIX C

GAMES FOR YOUNG CHILDREN

APPENDIX C

GAMES FOR YOUNG CHILDREN

Pat-a-cake

 

Pat-a-cake, pat—a-cake, baker's man
Roll 'em and roll 'em as fast as you can.
Prick them and pat them and mark them with a (baby's initial)

Put them in the oven for (baby's name) and me.

 

(Clap your baby's hands together.
Roll baby's hands around each other.

Make baby's initial.)

This Little Piggy

 

This little piggy went to market.

This little piggy stayed home.

This little piggy had roast beef.

This little piggy had none.

This little piggy cried wee, wee, wee all the way home.
(Wiggle each little toe of your baby for a little piggy.

Start with the big toe, ending with the little toe.)

207

208

So Big

Stretch your baby's hands up over his head as you say "50 big."

Let his hands fall and do it again saying "So Big.”

Peek—a-boo

 

Hide your face behind your hands or a blanket or towel. Then
pop your face out saying "peek-a-boo." Do it again. Your baby will

enjoy this.

Where is .

 

As you say ”Where is baby's nose" touch your baby's nose and
say "There is baby's nose," or take your baby's hand and help him touch
his nose. If your baby can do it without help just say "Where is
baby's nose" and let him touch it. Use phrases such as; "Where is

baby's toe," "Where are baby's eyes," "Where is baby's tummy," etc.

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