AESTRACT GOVEQNMENTAL RELATIONSHIPS BETE *N A MUNICIPALITY AND INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION: A CASE STUDY by William F. Cottrell, Jr. This study is concerned with governmental relationships be- tween two institutions of higher education, one state-supported and one privately endowed, and an Ohio municipality. The study is focused on the institutions as interusts occuo’ing positions in the local power structure, with exphasis on the institutional factors involved in local policy determination and administration. Hypotheses were based on some general theories of interest group and power structure influence on the political process, as well as local attitudes and feelings about the roles which these institutions play in local government. The following summarizes propositions which were formulated: 1. That the administrative organizations of the institutions would attempt to seek a direct voice in.village government in matters of interest by means of persuasion and by working through institutional personnel serving in village government, working in a manner designed to preserve good relations and to keep from appearing to influence government. 2. That the institutions would work together or along paral- lel lines in order to achieve their purposes. ~2- Cottrell 3. That members of institutional staffs involved in local government are aware of institutional needs and attitudes and would react on the basis of this knowledge; those antagonistic towards the institution.might work against institutional ad- ministrators; those sympathetic would work to help attain in— stitutional goals; and all such individuals might find their loyalties in conflict and would find it difficult to reconcile differences. h. That non-academic individuals in local government would be sensitive to institutional power and might attempt to dissipate such power; but, aware of institutional economic influence, would be reluctant to adversely affect the local economic situation. Research methods include use of historical.data, such as books and articles, public records and documents, newspaper ac- counts, and material obtained from interviews. A second approach is use of personal interviews with village and institutional of- ficials and administrators, and others. A third method is that of participant-observer, arising from the fact that the writer has lived in the community most of his life and has been directly and indirectly involved in local government functions in several capacities. The study includes description and analysis factors felt to be important to an understanding of the local governmental- institutional environment: community and institutional growth -3- Cottrell and deveIOpment, "town and gown" relationships, institutional in- fluence on the local economy and social organization, population composition.and growth, local political and governmental organi— zation, governmental services performed by the village, and re— lationships between the university and public schools. Major findings include the following: 1. Institutional administrators do not attempt to di- rectly influence local government, and in fact follow a policy of non-interference. However, many indirect influences do exist and are taken into consideration by local government in policy determination and ad- ministration. 2. The institutions have not attempted to work through staff members in local government. However, the evi- dence seems to indicate that identifications and associations of these individuals with the institu- tions exert an influence. 3. The institutions have not worked together in relation- ships with the village government. h. Institutional personnel in government are aware of institutional goals and needs and do consider them in the governmental process. However, personal conflict has not been a major problem to these individuals. 5. Individuals in local government are aware of insti- tutional power and influence, particularly the eco- nomic, but have never attempted to dissiuate it, and have, if arything, worked to protect and foster it. Two major findings not directly connected with the hypotheses were: 1. The public image of the roles of U16 institutions is greatly at variance with the observed patterns of be- havior. 2. There is a minimal degree of communication and inter- action between the institutions and village govern- ment. GOVERNMENTAL RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN A MUNICIPALITY AED INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER.EDUCATION: A CASE STUDY William F. Cottrell, Jr. A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Political Science 1961 ACKN O'JWVIEN TS It is impossible to acknowledge the assistance given by every individual--the many officials and administrators of the village and of the institutions, newspaper representatives, businessmen, and others--involved with the research reported in this paper. However, I must acknowledge the contributions of several individuals without whose efforts the project would not have been completed. Dr. Charles R. Adrian, Director of the Institute for Commun- ity Development and Services and member of the faculty of the Poli- tical Science Department, Michigan State University, guided the pro- ject from its inception and offered much helpful advice and criticism at every stage. Dr. Geoffrey Cornog, staff editor of the Bublig Administration Review and former member of the political science faculty, also provided much needed constructive criticism. My father, Dr. W} Fred Cottrell, Chairman of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology and Professor of Government at Miami University, offered a great deal of insight into governmental rela- tionships between the institutions and the village, and provided many leads to sources of information. To my wife, Gretchen Bonn Cottrell, I owe a debt of gratitude for encouragement and indulgence during the past three years, to say nothing of her editorial assistance and the actual typing of the final manuscript. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IIQTRODU CTION O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I. THE PROBLEM, HYPOTHESES, AND RESEARCH METHODS . . . . Hypotheses Research Methods Interpretation of Data II. COMMUNITY AND INSTITUTIONAL GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT . The Village and the University Other Institutions Community Growth and Development "Town and Gown" Relationships III. THE COMMUNITY TODAX: CHARACTERISTICS AND RELATIONSHIPS WITH INSTITUTIONS . . . . . . . . . . Village Economic Base and Institutional Influence Village Population Growth and Composition Socio-Economic Level and Community Social Organization The Village and the Educational Institutions: General Relationships IV. LOCAL POLITICS, GovmmmNmL ORGANIZATION, An) PUBLICSEILVICESOOOOOOOQOOO0000000 Political Organization Governmental Organization - iii - Page ii 28 AS 73 TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued) Page Governmental Services Performed by the Village for the Institutions Services Performed by the Institutions for the Village Village Finances and the Influence of the Institutions Miami University and the Public School System V. THE ROLES OF THE UNIVERSITY AND COLLEGE IN VILLAGE GO‘TERJNT’IENT000.0...0...0..0...0 123 Summary, Proposition I Summary, First Corollary to Proposition I Summary, Second Corollary to Proposition I Summary, Proposition II Summary, Proposition III Summary, PrOposition IV and First and Second Corollaries Summary, Third Corollary to Proposition IV Summary, Proposition V Summary, Proposition VI VI. SLTH‘IARYMQDMMYSIS 0............... 222 Summaries of Propositions and Corollaries Analysis BIBLImRAPI-IY . O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 2614 -iv- LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Comparative Rates of Growth for Oxford Village and Oxford Township Outside the Village, by Decades, 1870-1880 to 1950-1960, Excluding Students . . 0 . . . . . 0 . . . . . . . 0 . . . . 53 2. Comparable Rates of Growth: Population of the Village of Oxford and Enrollment at Miami University, by Decades, 1910-1920 to 1950-1960 . . 5h 3. Summary of Selected Population Characteristics for the State, Urban Places, and the Village of OXford, 1950 0 . . 0 0 0 0 . . . 0 . . . . . . . . 56 h. Economic Characteristics of the Population by Sex, for the State and Urban Areas; and Major Occu— pation Group of the Experienced Civilian Labor Force, by Sex, for the State, Urban Places, and OXford, 1950 0 . . . 0 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S7 5. Percentages of Oxford Labor Force, Male and Female, Employed in Selected Major Industrial Categories . 59 6. Summary of Annexations to the Village of Oxford, 1956t0196100000000000000...00 66 7. Distribution of Miami University Students by Type of Approved Housing, Second Semester, 1958-1959, and First Semester, 1959-1960 . . . . . . . . . . 70 8. Sanitary Sewer and Treatment Financing, 1908 to the Present 0 . 0 . . 0 . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 106 9. General Fund Revenue, by Sources, Village of Oxford, for Selected Years, l9h6 through 1958 . . . . . . 111 10. Percentage Distribution of Sources of Income, Village of Oxford General Operating Funds, for Selected Years from 1906 through 1958 . . . . . . 112 LIST OF TABLES (continued) Table Page ll. Payments by the Institutions to the Village of Oxford for Selected Years from l9h6 through 1958, by Purpose for Which Paid, and Percen- tage of Total General Revenue for Each Year . . . 115 12. Assessed Valuation and Tax Rates, Village Of Oxford, for Selected Years, l9h6 through 1958 . . 117 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Reported Contacts between Officials and Adminis- trators of the Village, and Officials and Administrators of the Institutions, Regarding Matters of Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 2. Reported Contacts between Officials and Adminis- trators of the Village, and Officials and Administrators of the Institutions, Regarding Administrative Matters . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16h - vii - LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix Page "A" Schedule of Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 "B" University-Village Relationships Regarding the Sewer System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25h - viii - INTRODUCTION This study is concerned with an investigation and analysis of governmental relationships between two institutions of higher education, one state-supported and one privately endowed, and a creature of the state--a.municipality. The study is focused on the institutions as interests occu- pying positions in the local power structure. ‘we are primarily' concerned with the institutional factors involved in local public policy determination and administration, and not with the idiosyn- cratic aspects of this particular case, the personalities of the in- dividuals involved, or the many relationships of individuals outside the sphere of institutional-village governmental relationships. The institutions under study offer some Opportunity for com- parison. One is a large state-supported co—educational university, while the other is a small privately-endowed liberal arts college for women. No attempt is made to conceal the identity of either institution or the community. The university is Miami University; the college is Western College for WOmen; and the community is the village of Oxford, Ohio, located about thirty-five miles northwest of Cincinnati. This paper is divided into six segments. The first is a statement of the problem, examination of the hypotheses to be tested, and description and analysis of the research methods used. - 1 - - 2 - The second section deals with community and institutional growth and development, considering briefly the history and develop- ment of the village and the institutions, and ”town-and-gown" rela- tionships. The third section is a description and analysis of the com- munity as it exists today, with emphasis on the major characteristics ‘which are important for the purposes of this study. Subdivisions of this segment deal with the influence of the institutions on the local economy, village population growth and composition, description and analysis of the socio-economic status and social organization of the community, and some consideration of general relationships be- tween the institutions and the community. Section four, concerning local government and politics, examines village political and governmental organization, services performed for the institutions by the village government, village finances and influence of the institutions, and a description and analysis of relationships between the university and the local pub- lic school system. Section five presents data obtained to test the hypotheses fommulated on the roles of the institutions in village government. Each proposition and corollary is presented individually, and the pertinent evidence is examined and analyzed. A short summary of the findings concludes consideration of each pr0position. The sixth section is an over-all summary and analysis of the study. It is at this point that final conclusions are drawn as to the validity of each hypothesis, on the basis of analysis of the evidence. I. THE PROBLEM, HYPOTHESES, AND RESEARCH METHODS Hypotheses were formulated to provide a general focus for the study; These were based on general theories of interest group and power structure influence on the political process. It is inter- esting to note in this connection that the modern literature on in- terest group behavior is centered around studies of groups operating at the national and state levels; comparatively little attention has been.paid to the dynamics of interest groups at the local level.1 In.part, the hypotheses were formulated in light of some postulates and hypotheses set down by Hunter in his description of 1For descriptions of the activities of interest groups at the federal level, see Stephen K. Bailey and Howard D. Samuel, Congress at‘Wbrk (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1952), especi- ally Chapter 10, "Pressures and Lobbies," describing activity con- cernin the rent control act of l9h9; James M3 Burns, Congress on Trial New York: Harper and Brothers, l9h9), especially Chapter II, IiThe Pressure Politicians,” in which Burns contends that many con- gressmen are lobbyists who-work for the best interests of groups which are important in their districts; Stephen K. Bailey, Conggess Makes a Law (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), particu» larly Chapter Seven, "Conservative Pressures," in which Bailey des- cribes the pressures brought against passage of the "full employment" act of l9h6; Henry'A. Turner, ed., Politics in the United States (New'York: IMcGraw-Hill Book Company, 1955), Part III, "Pressure Groups,“ Chapters h, 5, 6, 7, and 8, particularly those readings in the section titled "Pressure Grouijethods and Tactics"; V. 0. Key, ‘Eglitigg, Parties and Pressure Grours (Third Edition; New York: Thomas T. Crowell Company, 1952), Chapter Six, "Roles and Techniques of Pressure Groups," in which activities at both the national and state levels of government are described; and Fritz Morstein-Marx, ed., Elgments of Public Administration (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 191,6), Chapter 11, "Interest Groups in Administration,“ in which Avery'Leiserson describes the roles and activities of various special interest groups in federal departments and agencies. - 3 - - h _ the power structure of a large southern city".2 His second postulate of power structure is particularly important: Power is structured socially, in the United States, into a dual relationship between government and economic authority on national, state and local levels. Corollary 1. Both types of authorities may have functional, social and igstitutional power units subsidi- ary to them. Among his list of hypotheses, Hunter lists the following: 3. In a given power unit (organization) a smaller number of individuals will be fOund formulating and extending policy than those exercising power. Corollary 1. All policy makers are "men of power." Corollary 2. All "meg of power" are not, pg; g3, policy makers. . Another important source is David Truman's The Governmental Process, Part Three, "The Tactics of Influence," especially Chapter 11, "The Dynamics of Access in the Legislative Process," and Chap- ter 12, "Techniques of Interest Groups in the Legislative Process."5 It is Truman's contention that the group memberships and identifica- tions of legislators obviate the need of direct pressure on the part of interest groups. Truman says of the legislator: “He is likely to be most accessible to groups and proposals that stem.from.sources comparable to those from.which his own attitudes have been derived."6 Truman also believes that the overlapping and multiplicity 2Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1953). 3Ibid., p. 6. thid., p. 70 SDavid B. Truman, The Governmental Process (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1960). 6Ibid., p. 339. - 5 - of group memberships of decision-makers provides the balance of power which prevents dominance by any one group.7 Truman describes our form of government as having multiple points of access for those seeking a voice in the decision-making process, and says: The institutions of government are centers of interest-based power. . . . In order to make claims, political interest groups will seek accgss to the key'points of decision within these institutions. The influence of these hypotheses may be seen in proposition number one and its second corollary, proposition number four and all three of its corollaries, and proposition number six, all of which are set forth below. The propositions are also based on certain local attitudes and feelings about the roles which the institutions, and the univer- sity in particular, play in local government. These may be summarized as follows: 1. The university "runs the town," and village government is more or less dominated by what the university feels it ought, or ought not, to do in any given situation. 2. The village government is afraid to do anything that the university might be against. 3. The village performs all kinds of public services for the university for which it is not reimbursed; local businesses and homeowners are therefore subsidizing the university, since it pays no taxes. h. Members of the university or college faculty or staff who serve on village governing bodies are there as represen- tatives of the institutions and they look out for the in- terests of the institution. The only evidence of the existence or strength of these 7Ibid0, P. 5070 BIbid0, p. 5060 -6- beliefs is personal knowledge based on discussions over a period of years with various residents. These attitudes do exist, but it is quite possible that they'are representative of only a small, but vocal, minority of local residents. The influence of these local attitudes is seen in proposi- tion number one and its second corollary; proposition number three; proposition number fbur and its second corollary; and proposition number five. The fellowing are the hypotheses and corollaries set forth as a basis for the study: PROPOSITION I: That the administrative organizations of Miami University and of Western College, operating through represen- tatives of these organizations, would attempt to seek a direct voice in both policy formulation and determination and adminis- tration in village government in areas or situations which would be of direct concern and interest to the educational institutions. First Corollary: That such attempts would be made by the essentially rational means of persuasion and exposition of relevant facts, rather than by any overt coercion or direct personal influence. Second Corollary: That in areas deemed of’major concern to the university the administration of that institution might attempt to assure itself of a voice by working through those members of the faculty who occupy positions in local govern- ment, such as mayor, trustee of public affairs, solicitor, village engineer, or member of the planning commission, zoning board, or recreation board; and that in similar cir- cumstances Western College might attempt the same end by working through members of its faculty or staff who were serving as members of village council or as village solici- tor. PROPOSITION II: That the administrators of the institutions would attempt to work toward desired ends in such a manner as to preserve good public relations with the general public and with the village government and to keep from appearing to influence local government. PROPOSITION III: That in areas of mutual interest and concern the institutions, through representatives of their policyemaking or administrative bodies, might seek to work together or along - 7 - parallel lines in order to achieve their purposes of seeking a direct voice in village government. PROPOSITION IV: That members of the faculty or staff of the institutions who occupy offices in local government are aware of the policies and attitudes of the institutional leaders and might react on the basis of this knowledge, in a given situation involving the institution, without direct or overt influence from the policyhmaking body or administrative staff of the in- stitution. First Corollary: That those individuals who occupy positions in both an educational institution and the village govern- ment, and who are antagonistic toward the administration of the institution, might sometimes work at cross-purposes with the institution through the instrumentality of local govern- ment. Second Corollary: That those persons who are sympathetic toward the goals and aims of the administration of the ine stitution would seek to help attain those goals through local government in situations involving the institution. Third Corollagy: That those individuals who occupy positions in both an educational institution and village government might find their loyalties and identifications in conflict and would find it difficult to resolve the conflict and re- concile the differences in goals and objectives of the in- stitution and the village government. PROPOSITION V: That certain non-academic individuals in local government positions would be sensitive to institutional power and influence and might attempt to dissipate such influence. PROPOSITION VI: That certain non-academic individuals in local government positions, particularly local businessmen, would be aware of the economic influence of the institutions and would be reluctant to take any steps which might result in adverse effect on the local economy: Research_Methods The methods employed to obtain evidence to test the hypo- theses are those commonly used in research of this type. Included are the use of historical data, interviews with participants, and some participant-observer data obtained while involved in local government as a participant in several phases of village activities, - 8 - including membership in the volunteer fire department and employment in the office of the clerk-treasurer, in addition to observation of meetings of local agencies. The historical gpproach includes the following categories of material: I. IMaterial dealing with historical aspects of the relation? ships between the village and the institutions, including books, pamphlets, and miscellaneous writings dealing with times beyond the writer's range of personal knowledge. 2. Public records and documents, including minutes of meetings of various public bodies, ordinances and resolutions, regu- lations and agreements, and financial and accounting records. 3. Newspaper accounts of actions concerning the particular sub- ject under consideration. In.some cases, the material pre- dates personal knowledge of the events; in other cases, it is contemporary and either confirms personal knowledge or supplies additional information. hm Material obtained from interviews which concerned historical aspects of various policies, procedures, and relationships. It should be noted that the historical approach is not com- pletely separable from other methods, inasmuch as any act becomes “history" as soon as it has occurred. Other approaches are also historical to a degree. The second general method employed is that of the personal interview. These interviews were conducted with a total of fifty- two individuals during the period beginning in.April of 1958 and exp tending, with only one or two exceptions, until.May of 1959. During this time, a total of sixty interviews were held, in addition to a number of informal discussions. Those interviewed fall into the following categories, based on positions held in local government or educational institutions: -9- V'llage Mayorandfomermayor800000..0.......05 Members and former members of Village Council . . . . . 13 Members Of Board Of PUbliC Affairs. . . . . . . . . 0 . 3 Members of Recreation Board . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Members of Village Planning Commission. . . . . . . . . 3 Members of Zoning Board of Appeals. . . . . . . . . . . 3 Village department heads and other employees. . . . . . 12 Other Agencies Hospital Board and administration . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Board of Education and administration . . . . . . . . . 3 Miami University Officials and department heads. . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Western College OffiCialS..0..0.............0.0.2 Representatives of Press Local publisher and editor; correspondent for out-of-town daily papers . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2 TOTAL 60 This total of sixty actually represents only fifty-two dif- ferent persons but takes into consideration several cases where one individual has filled more than one position, such as the business manager of the college who also served as a member of village coun- cil, and the present mayor who is a former member of council. The total amount of productive time spent in interviewing was about 116.5 hours, or an average of forty-five to fifty productive minutes per interview. The total time involved with the interviews was approximately seventy hours, including time devoted to making arrangements, discussions not pertinent to the questions involved, and so forth. Four of the interviews ran approximately two hours each, and nine lasted about one and one-half hours. The shortest - 10 - interview, which was also the only one conducted by telephone, was of only ten minutes' duration. The material gathered in the interviews was, in the main, recorded in notes taken during the course of discussion and was typed up immediately after the interview, or as soon as possible. In no case did as much as twentyhfour hours elapse between the time of the interview and the typing of the interview from rough notes. The total amount of’material gathered and typed was the equivalent of 110 pages, typed single-spaced. The total time required to trans- cribe the notes was approximately'ninetyatwo hours, making a total time of 138.5 hours for the actual interviews and processing the material into permanent notes, excluding nonpproductive interview time. This total also does not include travel time to and from the village during the course of interviewing. Four of the interviews were recorded on a tape recorder, in- cluding two of the two-hour and two of the one-and-one-half-hour in- terviews, and were then transcribed verbatim. In each case where I used the recorder, the interview was one which I felt would be par- ticularly rewarding because the individual concerned was well-in- formed on the questions involved and had more than average insight. At the same time, I felt that the informant was not likely to feel ill at ease with the recorder, and this proved to be true in these four cases. HOwever, the process proved cumbersome, and the time nec- essary to transcribe the material was a good deal longer than in the case of handwritten notes. {After the three interviews in.April and May of 1958 in which the recorder was used, this technique was - 11 - dropped until the final use in December of 1958. No major difficulty was encountered in conducting the inter- views. Every individual who was asked consented graciously. In part, this was due to personal acquaintance with all but perhaps three or four of the informants. This meant float there was no nec- essity to establish rapport with those interviewed. In the few cases involving individuals who are not personal friends, there was at least a.mutua1 knowledge of friends, or we were known to each other through other associations. In only one case was there a feeling that there was any hesitanoy at all in the answers given. In this case, after the formal interview had ended, the subject said, "well, now that you have put away your pencil and paper, I can tell you the real story,” and he proceeded to fill in with some background material which had- been left out in the interview: However, even here, the original material was not greatly distorted by the omission. By interviewing people from.all sides of the various ques- tions concerned, it was possible to cross-check much of the material. Again, because of personal knowledge of some of the relationships and actions, it was possible to check infbrmation given by others. Here again, almost everything of consequence checked out, except in a few cases to be discussed in detail later, where a lack of knowh ledge on the part of an infOrmant prevented him from.knowing all the essential facts of the case. All of the questions used in the interviews were Openvended or free-response questions. Sometimes it was necessary to change the wording slightly, and sometimes the sequence of questions was altered -12.. because of the course of the informant's narration, but the attempt was made in every case to ask all of the questions of each of the infbrmants in the same manner.9 In a few cases, this was not done, either through oversight or because it became apparent that the questions were not applicable or not within the informant's personal knowledge. Each individual was allowed to make any explanation or comment which he felt was pertinent, or to cite specific examples whenever he desired and in.the manner he preferred. In a few cases, an additional interview was held with an in- formant, in order to obtain further infOrmation or to cover some point of special significance. This procedure was followed in re- gard to the western College annexation process, after several persons had indicated that this was an area in which preferential treatment might be detected. While I had originally'not intended to include the relation- ships between the university and the local schools within the scope of the study, it became apparent during the course of investigation that this aspect might prove to be more fruitful than any other. I therefore scheduled and conducted interviews with members of the board of education and the superintendent of schools, to gain informa- tion on this area of relationship. As noted above, the interviews were conducted on an open- ended basis, and the questions were designed to produce descriptive and narrative answers. This method was chosen because it was felt that such questions, properly directed, would elicit more complete 9See Appendix.A for the complete schedule of questions used in personal interviews. _ 13 - and detailed answers than would "closed" or fixed-response questions, requiring only a simple "yes" or "no” response. It was thus possible to ask informants to qualify their answers. In cases where dogmatic statements were made, it was possible to then ask the individual to cite specifics to support his original statement. This process served to more clearly'define and categorize an original broad gen- eralization. At times it was necessary to ask additional questions or to rephrase or restate a question, in order to present a.better ex- planation of what was wanted. At other times, this was necessary in order to better define a particular act or relationship. However, the continual effort was to keep the line of questioning as nearly identical as possible for all individuals, with allowances fOr dif- ference in relationships or personal knowledge of the informant. All questions asked were related, directly or indirectly, to one or more of the hypotheses or corollaries. In some instances, one question served more than one purpose and provided data fOr more than one hypothesis. The following summary indicates the questions which were designed to elicit information to test particular proposi- tions: Proposition or Corollary Interview Questions Proposition I One, two, and fifteen First Corollary Four, five, ten, eleven, and fourteen Second Corollary Seven PrOposition II Four, five, six, ten, ele- ven, thirteen, fourteen Proposition III Sixteen Proposition IV Eight and twelve First Corollary Eight and nine Second Corollary' Eight and nine Third Corollary Eight and nine Proposition V One, two, three, five, and fourteen Proposition VI One, two, and three In the course of conducting the interviews, much of the material became intermingled. Sometimes a response would serve to answer more than one question; at other times it would not answer the question directly'but would supply information on a related ques- tion. Many times the responses were not really responsive to the question.but were of value nonetheless. Since notes on the inter- views were recorded in chronological sequence, the information in its original form.did not lend itself to useful categorization on any basis. It thus became necessary to reorder the data into categories which were more directly related to the propositions and corollaries to be tested. In this process, data was categorized without regard to the specific question to which it was responsive. This procedure involved re-reading the data from all the interviews and determining meaningful and significant categories into which the material was then divided. It became evident that nine major categories of data could be delineated. These in turn were subdivided into from four to twenty-one sub-categories, representing significant subdivisions within the major groups. The following are the nine major categories - 15 - of data: 1. All data pertaining to direct influence exerted by the in- stitutions on the local government. 2. Data relating to contacts between individuals representing the two institutions, on the one hand, and the village government on the other. 3. Information or evidence of any preferential treatment or privilege granted by the village government to the institu- tions, or vice versa. b. Data pertaining to general relationships between the insti- tutions and the village, particularly the local government. 5. Data concerning the economic influence of Miami and western on the community. 6. Information on the services performed by the village for the institutions. 7. Evidence of influence exerted by the institutions on.members of faculty or staff who were also involved in local govern- ment . 8. Evidence of conflicts of interest felt by those individuals occupying dual roles in an educational institution and local government. 9. Evidence of any effect of acts or policies of the village government on the operation of either or both of the insti- tutions. This re-categorization permitted a more direct application of the data to the hypotheses and reduced the time necessary to sort the material mechanically: The third method utilized, that oprarticipant-Observer, arises from.having lived in the village for the better part of’my life. This has given Opportunity to observe the community and the educational institutions, and to distinguish and analyze many of their relationships. Also a factor has been membership in the vil- lage volunteer fire department, and having worked for the passage of a bond issue for fire equipment in 1956. Another direct association -16.. was employment in the office of the clerk-treasurer, during which period I screened and organized all of the documents, records, and other papers of the village which had accumulated during the past 150 years. This presented an excellent Opportunity to learn much of the background material concerning village-institutional relation- ships. A further direct involvement was employment by the board of public affairs, the controlling body for local public utilities-- water system, sewer system, and refuse collection and disposal--to make a cost study of the operation of the sanitation division, in order to determine the possible need for rate increases. This pro- vided further direct association with one relationship between the board of public affairs and the institutions. In addition, observation of meetings of the village council, board of public affairs, mayor's court, the planning commission, and recreation board have extended over a period of about fifteen years. During this time, many aspects of local government and their rela- tionships with the institutions have been discussed. An additional aspect of this personal involvement is the fact that my father, a member of the university faculty, has served on the board of public affairs for five years and has been involved with university administrative committees dealing indirectly with village agencies. He has also been active as a member of county ad- visory boards for a number of years, including twenty-five years' service as chairman of the county welfare advisory board. He has also been an interested observer and participant in other public and semi-public capacities. It has been possible to draw on this _ 17 - experience as a source of much information, both to corroborate per- sonal knowledge and to gain additional information and insight into many aspects of relationships of which he has personal knowledge. The original intent in handling the data for testing the hypotheses was to concentrate almost exclusively on interview mater- ial and personal knowledge. During the course of conducting inter- views, it became Obvious that much of the data gained would not seem to be complete to an outsider without some explanation of the back- ground. This was particularly true in cases where relationships between the village and the institutions were of long standing, such as sewage contracts. This resulted in devoting further attention to formal agreements and other written documents, such as ordinances, resolutions, and minutes of official meetings of the various bodies. It also appeared, after becoming involved with this written material, that it would be in order to direct more attention to his- torical factors and to broaden background data to provide better documentation. This decision resulted in re-reading much of the written material on the history of the institutions and the village, the relevant sections of which are cited in the body of this paper. Reasons for using these research techniques have been out- lined. However, it is in order to explain that it is recognized that each of these techniques has its merits and shortcomings, and that this knowledge has been taken into consideration in the final analysis of the data. The following summarizes personal evaluations of the research methods used. Historical approach:--This has the advantage of providing a measure of the duration and strength of certain relationships. It -13- provides a perspective with which to gauge short-term observations. It permits a certain amount of analysis of trends and tendencies which cannot be accomplished with short-run data. It allows compar- ison and contrast between different periods of time, social and econ— omic conditions, and legal and political arrangements. The gathering of the data provides an opportunity to gain background information which cannot be learned in any other manner and helps to explain many present relationships. The use of historical data has rather severe limitations. It is generally restricted to material which has been reduced to writing. The researcher is dependent upon the interpretation of the writer in understanding what took place. The information may be dis- torted or biased; this may be difficult or impossible fer the re- searcher to perceive in his reading of the material. Historical material is further restricted in value by the fact that much of it is incomplete in its scope, presenting only one aspect of the total situation. It is also generally limited to the formal or official actions taken and often does not account fer the informal, the unofficial, or the extra-legal or illegal activities which may'have formed a part of the total process involved. History is often concerned only with an act which is the culmination of a whole process of ideas, personalities, opinions, and actions of vari- ous individuals at work; what is written is only a partial recording of what actually took place. Other problems in dealing with such material include gaps and lapses in historical accounts and records, inaccuracies of earlier writers which have been repeated inadvertently and have - 19 - become accepted as fact, difficulty in local historical sources, and the problem of time expended to dig through material to find data directly applicable to the questions involved. However, the advantages of this method outweigh the disad- vantages in this case. Careful use of the approach, including respect for the pitfalls and problems involved, can result in decided bene- fits by providing background and perspective to the actions of the present. This has proved true in gathering data for this case. Interviewing.--The question here is actually one of deciding which of several alternatives to use and which to disregard, since it would not be possible to obtain information to test the hypo- theses without using some form of interview or questionnaire. The open-ended or free-response interview has the advantages of flexibility, of permissiveness, and of allowing pursuit of ques- tions, details, or alternatives not possible when using a.more rigid schedule of questions or fixed-response questionnaire. However, this technique is open to criticism on both general grounds which might be applied to all forms of interviews and specific difficul- ties which arise in using this particular form of interview. In all forms of interviewing, he who is seeking the data must be prepared to accept as fact those things which he is told, providing that the information seems reasonable, that it fits in with other known facts, and that there is no other reason to discount or discredit it. Use of the technique has not been refined to the point of‘permitting absolute reliance on data obtained, without carerI use and consideration. There is no hard and fast rule for deciding what to accept, what to modify, and what to reject outright. - 20 - However, the question is one which must be faced if the technique is to be used. Use of the interviewing technique depends heavily on the ex- perience of the interviewer, his maturity, his ability to perceive what he is hearing, his ability to "read between the lines" and to interpret facial and other expressions, and his ability to choose and ask the proper questions. The process is a highly developed art, much of which is dependent on experience. Thus the technique is Open to criticism.in that much of the result is subjectively influ- enced by the interviewer himself. As with other techniques used in the social sciences, the effectiveness of the interview and the reliability and validity of the results are judged, in part, on the basis of comparison with the results of others using the same technique. The problem of estab- lishing reliability and validity is further complicated by the fact that personal competence and ability in devising questions, and re- cording, interpreting, and analyzing data are of major importance. It is possible for different individuals to reach differing conclu- sions even though they have used the same techniques. Interviews using the directed free-response method are open to other criticisms. One of these is the question of personal bias of the interviewer. Since he leads and directs the discussion, it is possible that he will ask only those questions which will give him data providing the "right" answers, rather than that which he does not want to hear. VThe pOssibility of this error through bias must be weighed against that which arises from use of a technique from the other extreme--use of a fixed schedule of specific questions -21.. which are answered by simple yes or no answers. In the latter case, the difficulty is one of too much rigidity which does not permit ex— planations, expansions, or alternative answers. Here again the competence of the interviewer is of major im- portance. In using the directed free-response technique, he must seek and record all facts and opinions which may have a bearing on the subject. He must be able to ask questions which will get to the heart of the matter and which will elicit fruitful responses. He must exhibit interested objectivity and not seek only information.which will help to "prove" that he knew all the correct answers when he es- tablished his hypotheses. Personal integrity is essential in this process. Another problem is that of comparability of data from dif- ferent sources, gathered by the same interviewer, particularly when the questions and discussion have not covered precisely the same areas. Here again the interviewer must attempt to Operate so as to produce data which is not only correct and complete, but which is comparable. As mentioned earlier, it was found necessary in.some cases to return for additional interviews with informants because the original interview had omitted questions or had not touched on a particularly rewarding area or question, resulting in material which was not completely comparable without the added infOrmation Obtained from subsequent questioning. Another difficulty is that of.manipulating data gathered in such interviews. In the present case, the result of all interviews was a total of more than one hundred pages of single-spaced typewrit- ten.naterial, which needed categorization before it was possible to _ 22 - order the data and make it meaningful. The use of a questionnaire or schedule of fixed-response questions would have reduced this problem greatly. However, it was felt that the results of this might have been less valid because of the rigid compartmentalization of the data, prohibiting further interpretation and refinement after the basic data had been obtained. A special problem in the present case was that of prior per- sonal friendship or acquaintance with those interviewed. Here again the situation is one with both possible advantages and disadvantages. On the whole, the advantages of’previously established rapport, of understanding, of common knowledge, and of prior personal associa- tions more than outweighed the possible disadvantages of personal bias or prejudice. Once again it must be emphasized that the reli- ability of data gathered under such circumstances is dependent to a large degree on the ability of the researcher to make the best use of those elements in the interview environment which are helpful, useful, and legitimate, and to reject or modify, as nearly as pos- sible, those which interfere with or distort the data. Participant-Observer.--The problem.here is often two-fold. If the participant-Observer is not fairly well-accepted and integrated into the situation, he may'not be in a position to see the total configuration of events he is observing. On the other hand, if he is really closely identified with the peOple and events involved, and if he is an integral part of the existing social organization, he may become involved personally to the degree that he loses his objectivity. It is essential that the researcher temper his parti- cipation with intellectual objectivity, and to recognize that his - 23 - participation.makes him.more than a disinterested observer--that he is subject to the influence of identifications and associations with individuals, ideas, and actions involved in the process under study. In the present case, the situation could perhaps be made more difficult because of life-long residence in the community and participation in several aspects of local government, as outlined previously. It is possible that this close identification with those concerned could result in loss of objectivity, as a result of the operation of built-in conceptions and attitudes which prevented an unbiased view of the local situation. The answer to such a possibility is that I have attempted to use the techniques to the best of'my ability, in accordance with commonly accepted practices. A.continual attempt has been.made to operate throughout the entire study as an objective, but interested, participant and observer. At times, in the process of conducting interviews, I have found myself involved as a participant; this was particularly true in the case of the interview with the president of the university, in which my role became one of communicating between the village government and president, regarding facts surrounding the revision of the university's fire contract with the village. However, this involvement has not had any undesirable effect on the outcome of the study. The personal situation again is further complicated by my father's leading role in many of the relationships between the board of public affairs and the university, particularly regarding the sanitation and water rates. However, this has been a decided advan- tage to the course of this study, for several reasons: ~214- 1. He has been intimately involved with many of the situations and relationships and thus is a valuable source of informa- tion. In some cases, he is the only individual who has been continually involved; an example is the village's contracts with the university for use of the landfill. 2. He is not only a practical politician and administrator but is also a professor of social sciences; as such, he is trained in the techniques of the social sciences and thus is able to interpret and analyze many of the relationships and activities within the scope of the study of which he has per- sonal knowledge. 3. He is my father, and is thus perhaps more than just academi— cally interested in the outcome of’the project, and therefore more willing to spend the time necessary to explain.and describe many relationships. At the same time, it must be admitted that it is possible that the interpretations and conclusions of the study are influenced by my father's analysis and conclusions. This may be true; but, if so, it is because his analysis was confirmed by the evidence or by my own personal knowledge. The outcome of this study was greatly helped by'my'previous involvement as a participant in local government. This gave me a great deal of background information, provided personal knowledge of many of the relationships under study, gave me an opportunity to ob- serve directly the process of policy determination and administrae tion, and permitted personal friendships with most of those involved, resulting in access to infbrmation which possibly would not have been obtained as easily otherwise. Interpretation of Data It is proper to discuss at this point the question of in- terpretation of data relating to the testing of the hypotheses. One of the major problems in this regard is judging the validity and re- liability of the interviews and other material. The following general - 25 - assumptions have been.made in interpreting and analyzing the evi- dence: l. 2. 3. h. 5. Material from each source has been taken at face value, except a) where the preponderence of evidence from other sources is contradictory, b) in cases where personal knowledge and information was contradictory, c) where, in a few cases, there were known personal pre- judices or circumstances which distorted or biased the information to a degree that it was not acceptable, and d) where the information did not follow the pattern estab- lished by other sources or personal knoWledge. Quantity of material, or number of similar responses from different sources, has been treated as a rough guide to the reliability of responses. Allowances, of course, are made for incomplete knowledge of the situation or action in ques- tion, and for differences in response from different indi- viduals. A.considerable amount of discretion is involved in this process, in determining what constitutes a "similar" response, in deciding at what point reliability is estab— lished, in determining which, if any, of several responses is the "correct" one, and so forth. Unsupported opinions or statements and broad, unqualified generalizations have not been accepted as reliable informa- tion. In such cases, an attempt was made to gain additional information from the informant by asking additional ques- tions, seeking information on specific cases, and attempting to direct responses to the specific object of the original question. Contradictory or conflicting information from otherwise apparently reliable sources was cross-checked. In such cases, the original source was sometimes requestioned; in this case, he was asked to comment on the contradictory facts, and the second source was asked to comment on the original data. ‘Again, a considerable amount of discretion was necessary to decide what to accept, to reject, or to modify, on the basis of information from several sources. Wherever possible, an attempt has been made to quantify data so that others may judge for themselves on the basis of this criterion, if no other, and the number and/or percentage of similar responses has been indicated. Major positions, as _ 26 - well as shadings of difference between extremes of responses, are delineated by direct quotations which are representative of the responses made by all informants. In only a very few cases was information from informants in direct conflict or markedly different. In those cases, primarily in the area of interpretation of the motivation of others, it appeared that the reason fer much of the difference in responses was a lack of complete knowledge of all factors in the situation. In other cases, differences were of a minor nature and of no importance for the purposes of this study. Some data was rejected because it did not stand up under close scrutiny. The amount of this information was small and con- cerned details not essential for purposes of the study. None of this material affected to any degree the main.body of evidence nor the conclusions drawn therefrom. In the matter of testing the hypotheses, some difficulty arose in that the first major proposition, upon which others were based to some degree--particularly the corollaries to proposition number one and propositions two and three-—was not supported by the evidence. Here it was necessary to interpret the data pertaining to the other propositions in light of the conclusion that the first proposition was false, i.e., that the institutions generally do not attempt to directly influence the functioning of village government. Analysis and interpretation of the data is based on the evi- dence, primarily that from the interviews and from.personal know- ledge and experience. Conclusions about the validity of each hypo- thesis are those which could logically and reasonably be deduced from careful consideration of all the information available. In - 27 - several cases, it was necessary to state conclusions in very tenta- tive terms, since the evidence was not strong enough to permit a conclusion in terms of probability or absolutes. Viewpoints contra- dictory to the bulk of the evidence have been included, even though it was felt that they did not invalidate the conclusion drawn. Little difficulty was encountered in arriving at the con- clusions. In.most cases, the preponderance of evidence was strong, and it was not necessary to closely weigh alternatives. The only places in.which the evidence was not clear in this respect were in the first and second corollaries to preposition number four, and here the major difficulty was one of identification of'motives and interpretation of the actions of those faculty or staff individuals identified as either basically sympathetic with or opposed to the objectives and goals of the leaders of the institutional governing bodies. Even in these cases it was possible to make some tentative evaluation of the propositions in light of the evidence. II. COMMUNITY AND INSTITUTIONAL GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT The Village and the University The histories of Miami University and the village of Oxford are closely connected. The university, in fact, was chartered by the State of Ohio before the village was established; and the latter was created specifically for the purpose of supporting the former. Two purchasers of large tracts of land in the Northwest Territory were directed by the Congress to set aside part of their holdings for the establishment of educational institutions. The first, the Ohio Company, purchased 1,500,000 acres and settled Marietta; from this purchase emerged Ohio University at Athens, Ohio, in 180h.1 The second great purchaser was Judge John Cleves Symmes. In 1788 he arranged to purchase 2,000,000 acres in what is now south- western Ohio. 0n.May 5, 1792, Congress provided for the setting aside of a township within this purchase for the support of educa- tional institutions.2 However, no such township was set aside. 0n.March 3, 1803, two days after Ohio attained statehood, the Congress granted one 1Narka Nelson, The Western College for Women, 1853-1953 (Oxford, Ohio: western College, l95h), p. 17. 2Ralph J. McGinnis, Oxford Town, 1830-1930: The History of Oxford, Ohio, from the Earliest Days to the Present (Oxford, Ohio: The Stewart Press, 1930), flyleaf preceding title page. -28.. _ 29 - township to be located in the Cincinnati area, to be granted to the State of Ohio to be held in trust for the establishment of a college.3 0n.April 15, 1803, the Ohio General Assembly passed an act to pro- vide for the locating of the college township. The land selected was part of a great tract of country ceded to the United States by the Indians at the Treaty of Greenville, in 1795.h And on February 17, 1809, with "An Act to Establish the Miami University," the state legislature gave a name and a charter to the institution.5 A.controversy arose as to the location of the college. Lebanon wanted it; so did Cincinnati, Dayton, Hamilton, and Yellow Springs. Probably as a compromise, the General Assembly on February 6, 1810, directed the trustees to lay off a town to be called Oxford in the college grant and to select a campus site with the college lands 0 Havighurst describes the selection of the site for the town and collegesa The Board of Trustees . . . met on.March 26th in.Hami1ton . . . and appointed a committee of five to select a tract one mile square for the college town. On March 29th, after tramping for two days through the woods along Four Mile Creek . . . the com- mittee chose the site of Oxford, 6h0 acres of forest on a rounded hill crest. ‘With auspicious foresight they reserved fiftyasix acres at its eastern end for the "University Square" and forty acres in the northeast corner for "Botanical Gardens." 7 In the meantime, Butler County had been organized in 1803. 3Walter Havighurst, The Miami Years: 1809-1959 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1958), p. 13. hJames McBride, "A.Sketoh of the Topography, Statistics, and History of'Oxford, and the Miami University," Journal of the Histori- cal and Philosophical Society of Ohio, Vol. I (1838), p. 99. 5Havighurst, op. cit., p. 1h. 6Ibid., p. 15. 7Loc. cit. - 3o - In 1811, the County Commissioners organized and laid off into a sepa- rate township, for civil purposes, the thirty-six square miles in the northwest part of the county containing the platted village, and named the township Oxford.8 In 1810 the college lands were offered for "sale." Techni- cally, the title to the land was not sold but remained vested with the Board of Trustees of the university; what were granted were ninetyhnine year leases, renewable "in perpetuity." Nelson summa- rizes the conditions of the leases: The permanent endowment of Miami University had a curious and interesting origin which later concerned . . . every resident of Oxford. By act of the Ohio legislature in 1809 "the fee simple title in this township of land was vested in the corporation freed of the trust held therein by the state, for the sole use, benefit and support of the university with authority to subdivide and lease the same for a term of ninety-nine years renewable forever, subject to a valuation every fifteen years . . . to be offered at not less than Two Dollars per acre, the lessees being required to pay six per cent per annum on the amount of their purchases during the continuation of this lease." Unfortunately for the University, the endowment thus obtained was reduced to a negligible amount by the Legislature's repeal in 1810 of the clause requiring an evaluation every fifteen years. The lessees were then required to pay their six per cent per annum on the original valuation of the land which was very low. 9 "Owners" of the property still pay an annual land rent to Miami University. The effect of the repeal of the evaluation clause of the act is seen in the revenue produced. In 1835 income was $5,302.88;10 in 1958 it was about $7,000, "hardly enough to pay for its bookkeeping."ll ‘ McGinnis describes the relationship between the university 8McBride, op.cit., p. 101. 9Nelson, op. cit., p. 18. 0 . l McBride, op. ci ., p. 118. 11 Havighurst, op. cit., p. 251. _ 31 - and the village in this passage: The origins of the village are unique. Oxford is one of those rare incidents in.American history-~a planned town. A.decade and more before the first house was built, the Federal government provided for inception in the historic Ordinance of 1787. Later the legislature of the new state of Ohio specifically decreed that plans for a town, contingent with the University, should be included in the plans for that institution. Thus we see how closely Oxford's origin and her entire existence have been re- lated to Miami University. Much the same as towns sprang up around fortified castles in medieval times, Oxford sprang up around the University and has, down through the years, been a subsidiary of that institution, a sort of lay member of Ohio's educational system. 12 . In.May of'1810 the first lots were sold; in 1827 and 1831 additional lots were laid off. All of these were within the origi- nal one-mile-square village; the corporate limits remained fixed for more than 135 years. Many obstacles blocked the establishment of the university, and it was not until 182h that the first college students arrived. A local historian describes the village as it was in those years: In the year 1828 Oxford was a village of 500 inhabitants. It contained about sixty dwelling houses, three taverns, one house of entertainment, six stores, a tan-yard, four or five shoe- makers' shOps, three cabinetamakers' shops, a cooper's shop, a wagon-maker's shop, a tobacconist's shop, and shops for the village saddler and the clock and watch-maker. 1 By 1830 the village had existed for twenty years. In that year the first local government was established. McGinnis writes: In 1830 there were 737 souls within the limits of Oxford, and the administration of town affairs could not conveniently be carried on by the county government. Accordingly a group of citizens appeared before the state legislature in Feb., 1830, and petitioned for a charter. This was granted and duly signed 12M0Gmlis, OE. Cite, p. 30 13Ophia.D. Smith, Old Oxford Houses and the People Who Lived in Them.(0xford, Ohio: The Oxford Historical Press, l9hlf:p. 77. - 32 - lb and sealed on February 23, 1830. The charter provided for local government by a.Board of Trus- tees and a President. The charter remained in effect until 1855, when general legislation for villages was adopted by the legislature in accordance with provisions of the state constitution adopted in 1851. Since that date, the village has been governed by'a.mayor and elected council, with the addition of other local bodies in later years. In the meantime, movements on the part of other communities to remove the college from.0xford were under way. Havighurst des- cribes the reaction of Oxford residents to such moves: In Oxford, alarmed at this threat to the town's only enterprise ‘ and its sole future, residents held public meetings; . . . they fermed a committee to publicize the injustice and impolicy of removing Miami University, and they sent Joel Collins for an account of the struggle in the Legislature. To strengthen their defense for the future, the Oxford resi- dents elected doughty James McBride to the House of Representatives. McBride prepared a long speech--nine thousand words on the com- plicated history of the college grant and the establishing of Miami University, fellowed by six thousand words of order , de- tailed, closely-reasoned arguments against its removal. The university remained in operation, under varying circum- stances, until 1873 when it was forced to close because of accumu- lated debts and shrinking enrollment. By 188h the trustees felt that they were in a position to reopen the university. For one thing, they had been able to obtain financial aid from the state. According to Havighurst: The college debts were paid and $50,000 had been accumulated as a permanent endowment; railroad-building Calvin Brice of the lhMcGinnis, op. cit., p. 12. 15Havighurst, op. cit., pp. 30-31. - 33 - class of 1863 had underwritten two professorships; and the State of Ohio had appropriated $26,000 for current expenses and the repair of the university buildings. Except for the previous payment of the few tuition fees for Civil war veterans-~the first G. I. bill-—this was the first state support for'Miami. It was the beginning of an annual appropriation that would grow from $2,250 in 1886 to more than four and a half millions seventy-two years later (the fiscal year 1957-1958). 16 In 1896 the state legislature passed a bill which provided a tax levy to support Ohio and Miami Universities, and in the first year it produced $22,000 in revenue. This act remained in force for ten years, and by 1906 the state's obligation.to Miami University was fully established.17 In 1902 the "Normal College," which is now the School of Education, was established. The School of Business Administration followed in 1928; a School of Fine Arts in 1929; the Graduate School was organized in 19h9; and in 1959 a School of Applied Science was created, offering degree work in the areas of industrial arts, pulp and paper technology, and home economics. On-campus enrollment in 1960-61 was just under 7,000. Other Institutions The university is not the only institution of higher learn- ing located in Oxford. At one time there were five separate insti- tutions in the community'and one of them, western College fbr WOmen, established in 1853, has survived to the present. As early as 1839 certain citizens of the community incorpor- ated The Oxford Female Academy under the laws of Ohio.18 In 18h9 161mm, pp. l39-lho. 17Ibid., pp. 160-61. laOlive Flower, The History of Oxford College for Women, 1830-1928 (Oxford, Ohio: The Miami University Alumni Association, 1959), p. 30 -3h- the Academy was organized as a.stock company and operated the Oxford Female Institute. The rapid growth of the Institute prompted a group of Oxford citizens to found what Dr. Alfred Upham, the president of Miami Uni- versity from.1927 until 19h5, described as: a high-grade college for young women, with all its opportunities and privileges equal to those enjoyed by the boys at Miami. . . . the pioneer quality and deep significance of this project will be realized when we consider that twelve years were then to elapse before Matthew Vassar should even conceive of the college that bears his name. 19 A.company was fermed in 185h which raised the sum of'$60,000, a large amount of money for the period. This new institution was to be under the patronage of the Second Presbyterian Church of Oxford; the In- stitute was connected with the First Presbyterian Church. The new school was chartered as the Oxford Female College. In 1867 the Institute and Female College merged in the In- stitute buildings. During the last two decades of the century, col- lege enrollment was about 150. However, the school was plagued with increasing costs, competition from larger and better endowed schools, and dissension among trustees and supporters. By 1928 it could no longer retain its accreditation, because it was impossible to raise the necessary endowment of $250,000. In December of that year, the College "merged" with Miami University and the College buildings were turned into women's residence halls. The combined Institute-College had occupied the Institute buildings. The original College building was purchased by the l9A1fred H. Upham, Old Miami - The Yale of the Early'west (Oxford, Ohio: The Miami University Alumni Association, l9h77, pp. 89-90. - 35 - Oxford Retreat, a private institution for care of the emotionally disturbed, and operated from 1882 until Miami purchased the building and extensive grounds in 192h. Until recently, this building served as a men's residence hall. The Oxford Theological Seminary was located in Oxford from 1837 until it was moved to Monmouth, Illinois, in 1855 and merged with several other seminaries. Over 100 ministers were trained in Oxford. The seminary was affiliated with Miami from 1850 to 1855.20 The Western Female Seminary was founded in 1853. [Again, as was the case with the other local institutions, it was closely as- sociated with the Presbyterian Church. western was based in.princi- ple on the Mt. Holyoke plan, and all of the original teachers were from.Mt. Holyoke.21 The school was strongly supported from the be- ginning by Oxford residents. It should be remembered that at this same time local Presbyterians and others were supporting three sepa- rate female institutions--the Oxford Female Institute, founded in 18h9; the Oxford Female College, founded in 185h; and the‘Western Female Seminary, founded in 1853. Among the Presbyterians, those of the First, or ”Old School," Church supported the Institute and Col- lege, while those of the Second, or ”New School," Church supported western. - - western'was twice visited by disaster; the college burned to the ground in January of 1860 and again in.April of 1871. In both cases, reSidents of the community sheltered the faculty and students and helped to rebuild the college. The second fire was said to have 2oMcGinnis, op. cit., p. 32. 21Nelson, op. cit., p. 15. -36- caused $175,000 in damage, an enormous sum for the times and the community.22 The following passage from Miss Nelson's book, in reference to the fire of 1871, contains the first written reference to a ser- vice performed for one of the local institutions by village govern- ment: Again all were saved, again there were valiant efforts to save the buildings by means of bucket brigades and water pumped from the cisterns (this time with the help of the Oxford fire depart- ment's single hand pump and a few ladders); again Oxford College and the citizens of Oxford gave refuge to their western friends; and again without delay the trustees began the task of raising funds for the re—building of The western Female Seminary. 2 In 189h the seminary was granted college status by the State of Ohio and at that time began awarding the AtB. degree. A peak en- rollment of 566 was reached in the year 19h? but dropped somewhat afterward. It has now grown to about hOO and is expected to rise to a planned total of 750. Community Growth and Development The village grew slowly but steadily during the early dec- ades of the last century. One of the most important developments was the coming of the railroad from Hamilton and Cincinnati in 1859; in 1860 the line was extended to Indianapolis and west, and rail traffic grew to the point that fourteen passenger trains a day passed through the village. Small local industries, serving an area within a twenty-five 22Ophia.D. Smith, Fair Oxford (Oxford, Ohio: The Oxford Historical Press, 19h9), p. 175. 2 3Nelson, op. cit., p. 71. - 37 _ mile or so radius, developed in the village. One of the most im- portant was the Roots Wholen Mill, which was in Operation from.182h until 1876 when it burned. In the latter decades of the century, the village assumed preeminence over surrounding villages as a trad- ing and marketing center. McGinnis reports on village economics during this period: Business was good and many buildings were constructed, princi- pally of brick, and council bought a new steam fire engine in 1876. The closing of’Miami'University in 1873 seemed to have had little effect as by that time Oxford had achieved a place as the center of a rich farming community. The absence of the few students attending Miami at the closing year and for many years previous was not felt. 2h Another local writer, in describing life in the village dur- ing this period, noted that local farms supplied many of their own necessities and it was not necessary fer farmers to spend much money, adding: . . . nearly all of the farmers in the neighborhood became well- to-do, as the term was understood in those days. Many retired to Oxford at a comparatively early age and lived comforgably on a capital that would seem grotesquely inadequate now. 2 It was during this same period, the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, that local public utilities were estab- lished. First was the electric light plant, built in 1889 as a re- sult of a $25,000 bond issue approved by the electorate in the same year. This was the first alternating current system.west of the Allegheny Mbuntains and was in continuous operation until 1916 when new equipment was installed. The village operated this plant until ZhMCGinniS, OE. Cite, p. 18. 25Carl R. Greer, Old Oxford Days (Oxford, Ohio: The Cullen Printing Company, l9h7), Po no -38- it was purchased in 1925 when the local franchise was granted to what is now the Cincinnati Gas and Electric Company. The original water works were constructed in 1896. This plant has been enlarged several times. The original steam pumps were replaced with electric pumps in 192h. Many other improvements have been.made since, including installation of a Ranney radial water collector in 19h8, and development of a new well field and installa- tion of a second Ranney collector in 1961, primarily due to increased demand from the university. The first telephone service was organized in 1902. A com- pletely new automatic exchange and cable system were installed by the General Telephone Company of Ohio in 1952, and in 1960 a P.B.x. to serve the university was installed by Miami. The sewerage system was started in 1908 and the first sewage plant built the following year. The original plant was abandoned in 1928 and replaced by a new plant, which in turn was modernized and expanded in 1955. In this short summary we can discern several patterns which are of importance in considering the propositions set forth regard- ing institutional behavior in local government: 1. The village was established as an adjunct to the university, and early residents fought attempts to remove the university from the village. 2. There is a long and continuous history of close community- institutional ties in the village; three separate institu- tions, including one still very much in existence, were founded by local residents and supported throughout their lives by members of the community. 3. Late in the last century, the university first received state financial support; today the institution, for all practical purposes, is a state university, governed by a - 39 - twentyhseven.member board of trustees appointed by the gov- ernor and subject to the control of various state agencies. h. Though the village earlier was supported in part by several small institutions and served as a trading area for residents of a considerable area, the chief economic base for the vil- lage is now the university. 5. The village, at a relatively early period, established public utilities which were made available to the institutions. "Town and Gown" Relationships A study of the written history of the community reveals that there have been few continuing problems in general relations between the university and the village. One of these is the problem of liquor and beer sales. Havighurst describes the problem in the early years: A.muddy path, the original "Slant‘walk,” led diagonally from the college buildings toward the distractions of the village. Town and gown were inimical in the early years, and the faculty con- tended with the saloon-keepers of High Street. 26 Students took the muddy path to the village and the High Street bar rooms. Vainly President Bishop pled with the proprietors to close their doors to students, and the trustees petitioned the Ohio Legislature to outlaw the sale of liquor in Oxford. Not till 1882 did Ohio law rovide for local option in a college town, and not till 1905? in President Guy Potter Benton's time, did Oxford banish its saloons. 27 As late as 187k there were fourteen saloons in the village. In that year the WOmen's Temperance Crusade movement reached Oxford, and the ladies succeeded in getting 1,000 pledges of abstinence and in closing the saloons.28 The saloons were soon back in business, however, and attempts were again made in 1888 and 1891 to close them. In February of 1905, 26 28 Havighurst, op.cit., p. 39. 27Ibid., p. 53. Smith, Fair Oxford, p. 66. -140- in a local option election, residents voted hard liquor out and re- tained only the sale of beer. This did not completely end the ques- tion. Prohibition brought other problems, and after repeal it was necessary to decide the question again. In the meantime, the sale of packaged liquors had been made a state monopoly, and a local op- tion election in the early 1930's resulted in the return of only 3.2 per cent beer in the entire township, including the village. It is difficult to state in retrospect, even in this one area, that the question was entirely one of "town" versus "gown." In the early days it was perhaps more clearly so, but the growth and diversification of the community and university and changing values have resulted in a liberalization of attitudes among townspeople and university and college faculty alike. From time to time there have been other differences. It is difficult to determine which of these were personal differences be- tween individuals and which, if any, were indicative of a major dif- ference in basic values and attitudes between academic and non-aca- demic residents of the community. These issues ranged from the right of villagers to use the university commons as a pasture in 18th to the question of abolition of slavery in the 18h0's and '50's; and from.differences in religious philosoPhy among the trustees and faculty in the 1880's to concern in 1910 about the effect of the normal college on the local school system. This latter issue was felt to be of such importance that it resulted in two separate school systems which lasted until the mid-1950's. It is possible to conclude that few if any of these problems have had lasting significance, with the exception of the school ‘141— issue, and that relations between university faculty and staff and non-academic residents on the whole have been, and remain, quite good. During the university's sesqui-centennial celebrations in 1959, this point was made several times. The following is a quota- tion from the university magazine: It would be unrealistic to assume that relations between Oxford and Miami have never undergone periods of tension. Several times the question of whether or not the town has been sacri- ficed in its development for the good of the University has been the focal point of many a heated discussion. Nevertheless, these problems have usually worked themselves out to the satis- faction of both groups. 29 The local weekly newspaper quoted an editorial which had earlier appeared in the Dayton, Ohio, Dailnyews on the subject of villageauniversity relations: It stands to the credit of'Miami University that among the prime celebrants of its sesquicentennial year is the community of Oxford in which it is located. It stands to the credit of the people of Oxford, too . . . The celebration.wi11 be entirely distinct from the several Observances organized by the univer- sity itself, which will take place in 1959. In the words of John Brugaletta, former Chamber of Commerce president and chair- man of the new corporation, "This will be a sort of community birthday present to Miami for what it has meant to the village in the past 150 years." In the history of’universities and their constituent commune ities, town and gown relationships have not always rested on a plane of’mutual appreciation. In Oxfbrd, quite obviously, there has been a realization of mutual interdependence and an atmos- phere of good feeling. A heartening token is the community's plan to go all out for the sesquicentennial. 3O , The university magazine also commented on the village's par- ticipation.in the sesquicentennial and summarized what it felt to be current university-village relations in this passage: 2 9"Oxford: A Tradition of Education,” Dimensions, Vol. V, No. 3 (March, 1959), p. 18. 30Quoted in The Oxford Press, November 27, 1958, Section Two, I). 20 -m- There are constant references made each year concerning the problems of town living with gown, but by and large they are superficial and are limited to the individual, rather than the institution and community. And the celebration in May,.enthusi- astically organized by Oxford's merchants, in commemoration of Miami's Sesquicentennial is one more point disputing the argument that the University stops at the end of Slant walk and the town begins at the edge of Phi Delta Theta's general headquarters. 31 As the year of celebration drew near its close, the local paper commented again on the subject and pointed to a recent example of university cooperation with the village: Contrary to an opinion sometimes expressed most vocally, Miami University is once again showing its willingness to cooperate with the village and to pay its fair share of utilities from which it benefits. Most recently Miami officials have entered into an agreement with Cincinnati Gas and Electric officials for the installation of 88 fluorescent street lights in areas around the campus. Thirty-seven of these locations are currently being provided on the village lighting bill, since the campus and residential areas overlap. The university, however, has agreed to pay for the electric cost and.maintenance fer p11 88 units, and the saving to the village on its monthly street-lighting bill will be $101.60, or $1,219.20 annually. .University officials have likewise been cooperative on vil- lage fire contracts and similar municipal service projects. That Miami and Oxfbrd officials have been seeing, or will always see, eye-to-eye is wishful thinking, but the notion that Miami is out to gouge the village is no more absolute than the oft-expressed student tenet that local businessmen are out to gouge Miamians. Each needs the other. 32 Some further indication of university-community relations came from the interviews. Not one of those with whom.I discussed the matter felt that there was any serious degree of conflict be- tween academic and non-academic residents. However, several did in- dicate that in the area of social relationships differences had been more pronounced in the past. The following comments on this subject 31“Oxford: .A Tradition of Education," 0p. cit., p. 19. 32The Oxford Press, September 3, 1959, Section Two, p. 2. -1,3- were made by a prominent business man who served as mayor for three terms in the 1930's, and who just recently was named to the univer- sity's board of trustees: six Times have changed, and certain things have changed a great deal in those years. Back in 1936 and before that the social situation in.Oxford was a great deal different from what it has been in the past few years. In those days there was a great deal of a split between the university and the town—-a regular town and gown situation. Under President Hughes and President Upham.there was little mixing of the university and the other residents of the village. Both of them had certain ideas about what a university should be and how university faculty should behave. In those days the uni- versity had their functions and the business people had theirs and there was very little mixing between the two groups. There were certain agitators on both sides--we had ours in town and there were those on the university staff who were a little eccentric. I was aware of these things, being in the mayor's office. Today of course it is quite a bit different. When Dr. Hahne came in, I believe he had a lot to do with break- ing down those barriers. The country club had the same effect, and today there is very little of that feeling. However, back during my terms in office it was much in evi- dence. There wasn't any public conflict over it, however, but it was in the background at the same time. It was hard to try to keep the two groups in balance when there were radicals on both sides, each one shooting off his mouth and antagonizing the others. I tried every way possible to try to get the two to- gether. Every possible chance I tried to appoint special come mittees which would consist of both university and townspeOple, and it worked very well. Another former mayor, a university faculty member who served years as mayor, said: I didn't find that there was any of the "traditional" town and gown fight that is supposed to go along with college towns. I think relations between the two are good on the whole and, if anything, are better today than they were ten years ago. There may have been more of an issue some years ago, but I didn't feel it--and I was more connected with the town when I was first mayor than I was with "gown." Two university administrators made comments on general rela- tions between the university and the community: There isn't a whole lot of trouble between the university and townspeople, but there is still not close enough relations ~hh- between the university and the village. Both should be proud to have each other. Some of the problems which do come up are due to the individuals involved, and I think the university is as guilty as the uptown businessmen in human relationships. I think some townspeople are made to feel inferior by some of the faculty, and then those same people buy their groceries in the same stores. Maybe the sesquicentennial year will help to bring off a better relationship. This isn't really a big problem, but it does exist, I think, and it ought to be taken care of. The second said: I think there is probably less "town and gown" conflict here than in many places. Oh, you get some of it from the business- men who don't like the three months' lull in the summer and a few things like that. But there really isn't much of a fight about it. Then there are incidents--such as one of our students going uptown and breaking all of the glass in an outdoor tele- phone booth, for instance-~which give people a bad impression, and make them.mad. There's no question about that. The acts of the few make bad feelings toward the university, to a certain degree. It's a.matter of association. A local newsman made this assessment of the situation: Town-gown problems are almost non-existent, and, from.what I can see, what there is is almost all from the town. Some busi- nessmen complain about one thing and another. And of course there are complaints from faculty members about some things that go on, but these are the same as from other citizens. 'What sur- prises me is not that there lg town and gown friction, but that there is as little as there is. A university faculty member added: There is very little open town-gown difference, but it does crop up once in awhile. For instance, in the case of the hospi- tal auxiliary, no faculty wives were made officers of the or- ganization, although they were welcome to work on the projects that were sponsored. Of course they probably wouldn't admit that this was.sol - The limited evidence available tends to support the proposi- tion that there is, and has been, little genuine town-gown conflict. Two issues which have at times appeared--liquor control and the 10- cal school systems-were probably not entirely a.matter of town versus faculty. There is nothing in the evidence to indicate that there has ever been any lasting issue which has seriously divided the comp munity on a strictly academic versus non-academic basis. III. THE COMMUNITY TODAY: CHARACTERISTICS AND RELATIONSHIPS WITH INSTITUTIONS Villagg Economic Base and Institutional Influence The following excerpt from a planning study prepared by Harland Bartholomew and Associates, presents a good summary of the present economy: Oxford is dominantly a college town. As such, its economy is inextricably linked to the University and College, especially as related to its basic income producing activities. In addition, the Village is a trade center for the surrounding agricultural area. However, the development of retail and service trades in Oxford has been one largely of supplying convenience goods for the area's population. This trade is largely the result, rather than the cause of employment and income. Only to the extent that it serves non-resident populations can it be considered local income producer. However, the volume of local business has increased with the general level of pros- perity and population growth and with this expansion secondary employment has increased and contributed to the general advance of the community. While some further expansion will occur in the retail trades, as a corollary to population growth, the center will continue to serve as a local center. A pamphlet prepared by the Oxford League of WOmen Voters stated: The economic life of Oxford is secured against drastic fluctua- tions by the very nature of its educational institutions. There has, therefore, been little change in this phase of vil- lage life in recent decades, although spasmodic efforts have been made to attract various industries to the village. 1Harland Bartholomew and Associates, A Report Upon Popula- tion, Land Use, and Zoning, prepared for the Oxford Village Planning Commission (St. Louis, Missouri, 195h), p. 6. 2The League of Women Voters, Village of Oxford, Ohio (Oxford: League of'Wbmen Voters, l95h with revisions to 1958), piIh. -15- -hé- The Bartholomew report also dealt with the question of the need or desirability of local industry: Industry is, in the main of the local service type, and should remain so. Their [Sic] is neither the need nor labor to support manufacturing industries in competition with other centers. There is now a labor problem in the community; this would be intensified with the introduction of industry. The economic base of the community, resting as it does on the educational institutions, is stable. Since this is the community's prime function, it should be maintained and protected. 3 There is one major service industry located in the village which serves to create employment and income by bringing trade from other areas. This is the Capitol-Varsity Cleaning Company, whose central offices and main plant are located in Oxford. The company serves about 110 retail outlets in southwestern Ohio and southeastern Indiana. During a recent fiscal year, the OxfOrd plant employed an average of ninety to 100 persons and had an annual payroll of just under $250,000. It has been estimated that ninety per cent of the buniness originates in areas outside Oxford and vicinity, and much of the Oxford business is with university students.h The largest employer, after the educational institutions, is thechCullough-Hyde Memorial Hospital, a quasi-municipal institution established by bequests from three estates. The hospital serves as a local income producer in that it serves a large rural area and several small villages; patients from as far as fifteen to twenty miles distant form a significant portion of the total. The hospital employs about 100 persons, and during 1958 had a payroll which 3Harland Bartholomew and Associates, op. cit., p. 71. hInterview with Mr. Verlin Pulley, President, Capitol- Varsity Cleaning Company, February 23, 1959. - h? - approximated $265,000.5 However, the basic truth of the statement that village econ- omy is closely linked with the institutions can be seen from the following statistics relating to employment and payrolls of the univer- sity and college: Imnwnm anmmwmm mmwusmnm Full-time only EXPENDITURES 1957-195? Miami University Average 1,050-1,100 $5,300,000 Western College Average 115 267,000 TOTAL PAYROLL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $5,567,000 6 Besides this, the largest source of non-local income comes from students attending the institutions. In this area we have the results of research to indicate the extent of spending in the com- munity by university students. The Marketing Department of the School of Business Adminis- tration at Miami conducted a survey of student spending in Oxford during the first two weeks of the fall semester of the 1956-1957 school year. A weighted average of the spending of all students indicated that the average student spent $59.66 during the first two weeks. This amount included only expenditures off campus and excluded such items as tuition charges, room, board, or fees.7 5Data furnished by Mr. Earl Wilkes, Administrator, McCull- ough-Hyde Memorial Hospital, February 21, 1959. 6Information obtained during interviews with Personnel Dir- ector, Miami University, January 17, 1959; Treasurer, Miami Univer- sity, February 7, 1959; and Business Manager, Western College, March.21, 1959. 7Dr. Joseph Seibert, "Expenditures by Miami Students -- Sep- tegibpr, 1956,” Miami Business Review, Vol. HVIII, Number 2 (January, 19 7 ’ p. l. . - h8 - The results of the survey were also translated into "indi- cated market potential” for several categories of purchases. The following is a résumé of these market potentials for the first two weeks of the school year: INDICATED TOTAL ITEM STUDENT EXPENDITURE Books and supplies . . . . . . . $136,536 ClOthing O o o o o o o o o o o o 3h,231 Food and beverages . . . . . . . 25,6h6 Room furnishings . . . . . . . . 15,923 Personal services . . . . . . . 6,709 Drugs and toiletries . . . . . . h,hh8 MOVieS o o o o o o o o o o o o o 3,h0h TObaCCO o o o o o o o o o O o o 2,82h Miscellaneous 0 o o o o o o o o 25,29h On the basis of these figures, the report concluded that "In all, the total spending indicated a market available to those serving the Miami student population of slightly more than a quarter million dollars."8 The study also considered the total spending by students throughout the school year. By removing the non-recurring items and by cutting the miscellaneous expenditures in half, the average ex- penditure per student was reduced to $16.79 biweekly; this was con- sidered "a conservative minimum estimate Of normal expenditure for a two week period." On the basis of a thirty-two-week school year, this represents a yearly outlay of’3268 per student.9 The report concluded with the following: The indicated total market to be served by business firms would therefore be slightly more than a million dollars. In addition to this regular market there would be an additional market rep- resented by the non-recurring student purchases, which during the first two weeks of the school year amounted to almost two 9 8Ibido, p. he LOCO Cit. _ h9 _ hundred thousand dollars. Similar non-recurring periods of purchases would take place at the start of the second semester and to some extent previous to the Christmas holidays. 10 The institutions also contribute directly to the local econ- omy by the purchase of materials and supplies from local businesses. The university maintenance department purchases much of its paint, building materials, and hardware from local hardware and lumber dealers on a competitive basis.ll The university business manager commented on the question of local purchases by saying: I know that some local merchants feel that we don't do right by them. For instance, we have purchased just one piece of auto- motive equipment from a local dealer in the past three years. On cars we get bids from all over the state; I think we had eleven bids last time, and Miller from Hamilton got that one. We use dealer lists from the State Highway Department; in fact, they used to buy the cars for us and then we reimbursed them. I know that this makes local merchants sore, but they've got to realize that we are a state institution, not a local one, and that we have to do the best we can, no matter where it comes from. If we tried to give business to local men, and if they didn't have the best deal, we'd be up against it in two ways: first, from the state auditor's office; and secondly, from the other bidders; pretty soon we'd be in the fix of not getting bids from other dealers. 12 Western College, as a private institution, is not subject to the legal requirements of the state. The college does much local buying. According to the college business manager: We have very good relations with the local merchants. We try to buy as much as we can at home. As long as prices are competitive, we try to buy from or through local merchants. We lOLOC o Cit. 11Interview with the Superintendent of Buildings, Miami University, February 11:, 1959. 12Interview with the Business Manager, Miami University, December 20, 1958. - 50 _ buy a good deal of our supplies through Frank Snyder; we buy most of our books through the DuBois Book Store, and some through the Miami Co-op. ‘We get our drugs either through John Minnis or the Apothecary Shop. The Oxford Hardware Company has the con- tracts for sales and service on all of our washing equipment. And we get a good discount on.material and other things from Zwick's. The Oxford Laundry has the concession for the girls' laundry, as well as our own; and several different local dry cleaners have had the dry cleaning concession at different times. Local printing companies do most of our printing work. we stock items like stationery, soap, and so forth in the college store, and buy from.1ocal merchants. This helps the girls-~after all, it is a.mile to the shopping area--and it helps the mer- chants as well. The store is strictly a service; we don't make anything on it, and don't try to. By buying in bulk through local dealers, it helps them to increase their volume and we get the advantage of the reduced prices. We have had no com- plaints from local merchants on this operation. 13 Two governmental agencies, one state and one national, also contribute nonslocal economic support. Hueston'WOods State Park, about four miles north of the village, attracts large numbers of visitors during the summer months. In 1959 an Army NIKE missile base was established about four miles northwest of town. This has resulted in the addition of about thirty or forty families to the area. The community also receives economic support from businesses and industry in other communities which hire Oxford residents. The 1958 village directory listed 110 persons employed in nearby commun- ities, mainly Hamilton, Middletown, Cincinnati, and Dayton. The Atomic Energy Commission's plant at Fernald, about twenty miles south of the village, accounts for about twenty-five residents. An interesting comment on the university's position in vil- lage economy was made in a newspaper report on the disbanding of the 13Interview with the Business Manager, Western College, March 21, 1959. - 51 - chamber of commerce in late 1960: The Oxford Chamber of Commerce has disbanded for "lack of interest and purpose . . ." The Chamber of Commerce has had its ups and downs since it was organized in 19h7. Interest declined, but the organization was revived in 1955. It maintained an interest until the end of its participation in the town's salute to Miami University in the latter's sesquicentennial last year. Then interest dropped again. Observers point out that one of the incentives of the aver- age Chamber of Commerce is to bring business to a community-- and Oxford businessmen don't have that kind of a worry. Miami University and western College for WOmen do the job for them by bringing more than 7,000 students into the village every year and with them their parents and friends and other patrons of the two colleges. "Their business is just dropped into their laps,” one person said. 111 To summarize this section, we can make the following gener- alizations: 1. The backbone of local economy is the university, with secon- dary support from the college, the hospital, and the cleaning company. Local businesses selling convenience goods also add to the economy through patronage of non-local consumers. 2. In addition to direct institutional spending in the commun- ity, university students spend about $1,200,000 locally during each school year, further adding to the dominance of the institution, in terms of dollar value, in the local ec CHOW o The fact of university preeminence in the economic sphere of community life cannot be overlooked in our consideration of institu- tional behavior in local government. This is especially important in light of community power-structure theory, which holds that econ- omic dominance is likely to mean strong political influence in a community. This point is considered in greater detail at a later point. 1hThe Cincinnati Enquirer, November 5, 1960, p. 36. - 52 - Village Population Growth and Composition The past 150 years have brought generally slow but steady growth to the village. In 1830 the pOpulation was 737; forty years later it had increased by 1,001, making a total of 1,738. The next increase of 1,000 in population took seventy years, and by 19h0 the population had grown to only 2,756. In 1950, excluding college stu- dents who in that year were counted for the first time as residents of the community in which their college or university was located, the population was calculated to be 3,110. There was an increase of almost 1,000 residents between 1950 and 1960, with the total non- student population listed as h,l39 in the latter year. The decision of the Census Bureau to count college students as residents of the college community complicated comparisons with previous census counts and had other repercussions. Bartholomew's report on population was distorted by confusion arising from this change: Since the village population is delimited by the corporate boundary it does not present a true picture of community growth. ‘While the village increased by less than 9 per cent over the last decade, Oxford Township increased by 119 per cent. Much of this growth occurred around Oxford in what may be called the urban area. Here the consultants made the mistake of taking the total population of the township in 1950, including students, and compar- ing that with the 19h0 population which did not include students. As may be seen in Table 1, the actual percentages for the village and the area of the township outside the village from 19h0 to 1950 were 12.8% and 16.2%, respectively. 1 SHarland Bartholomew and Associates, op. cit., p. 10. _ 53 - TABLE 1 CmmmnmdumormmmrmommDHEMEmDmmmTwmmp OUTSIDE THE VILLAGE, BY DECADES, 1870-1880 TO 1950-1960, EXCLUDING STUDENTS % Change % Increase in Population Decade in Village of Township Population outside Village of Oxford 1870-1880 0.2% -1h.t% 1880-1890 10.3% - 7.0% 1890-1900 8.5% - 0.5% 1900-1910 0.h% -26.5% 1910-1920 6.1a! 4-18.65 1920-1930 20.6% +13.1% 1930-19h0 6.5% +11.L% 19h0-1950 12.8% +16.2% 1950-1960 33.9% . . . . Several patterns are discernible here. The first is the almost static nature of village pOpulation from 1870 to 1910, with the exception of the decade 1880 to 1890. At the same time, the population in the township outside the village was actually declin- ing; this trend was not reversed until the decade 1910-1920. Since 1910 village population has spurted twice: 1920-1930, and most noticeably from 1950-1960. This large increase in the past decade is due in part to annexations which have added 800 acres to the village since 1956. At the same time, pOpulation increases have been.made in the area outside the village, an actual increase of 950 - Sh - occurring from.1910 to 1950. 'During three of the decades since 1910 for which figures are available, the township increase has been greater on a percentage basis than the village increase. This has resulted mainly from the development of subdivisions adjacent to the village. During the decades since 1910, the percentage increase in university enrollment has been much greater than the percentage growth of village population. Table 2 indicates the comparative rates of growth since 1910. TABLE 2 COMPARABLE RATES OF GROWTH: POPULATION OF THE VILLAGE OF OXFORD AND ENROLIMENT AT MIAMI UNIVERSITY, BY DECADES, 1910-1920 TO 1950-1960 % In % Increase , crease in Enrollment Decade in Villa go at Miami Population University 1910-1920 6.h% 103.2% 1920-1930 20.6% 117.b% 1930-19h0 6.5% h5.7% 19h0-1950 12.8% 5h.2% 1950-1960 33.9% 38.2% During the fifty-year period, 1910-1960, the actual village population doubled, from about 2,000 to about h,100. During this same period, the university enrollment increased fourteen-fold, from about 500 students to almost 7,000. - 55 - The Bartholomew report gave some indication of anticipated population increase for the community: There is, of course, some correlation between enrollment in the University and the permanent population. Thus, in recent years the larger enrollments have brought additional people to the community and has resulted in a greater increase in the perma- nent population. Among the factors that bear on the increase in Oxford's population the most important is the future expansion of the University--the community's largest economic activity. ‘With increased enrollments, both academic and non-academic personnel are added to the community . . . Indications are that Miami University may, within the scope Of this plan, have an enrollment of about 15,000 students. With this enrollment there would be a collateral increase in academic and non-academic personnel amounting to 2,250 persons. Assuming an average family size of 3.0 this would mean an increase of about 6,750 persons. Natural increase and in-migration stimu- lated by the expansion of retail trade and service activities within the urban area should account for some 1,500 additional persons. The total population of 1980 should approximate 12,500 persons exclusive of students, or an increase of 19h per cent over the present urban population of h,250. 16 The composition of the village's population reflects the nature of the community and the high cOncentration of academic people. Table 3 summarizes some of the population characteristics of the village and makes comparisons with figures for the entire state and for urban areas. The low median age of the population reflects the large num- bers of students in the late 'teens and early twenties, as does the A low percentage of the population over age Sixty-five. The non-white percentage is distorted by the inclusion of university students; the actual percentage of the permanent residents who fall in this cate- 17 . . gory is 10.05. The hlgh median school year completed reflects the léIbid o , pp 0 10"].1 0 17U. 5., Bureau of the Census, Seventeenth Decennial Census, 1950. Population, VOlume II, part 35 (OHIO). Data taken from Table 38, p. 35-127. _ 55 - academic nature of the village, and the extremely low percentage of those employed in.manufacturing is indicative of the essential char- acter of the economic base. 18 TABLE 3 SUMMARY OF SELECTED POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS FOR THE STATE, URBAN PLACES, AND THE VILLAGE OF OXFORD, 1950 % of For thgse For those % Ins % of over 2 : employed: crease, 29d- popula- piggié Median % en- Area l9h0- Aén tion 65 non- school gaged in 1950 go 8: over white year com- manufac- pleted turing State - 15.0% 31.2 8.9% 6.5% 9.9 36.6% 2:2: 114.3% 32.0 8.7% 8.6% 10.2 39.39; OXFORD 12.8% 22.5 5.6% h.h% 13.1 6.1% Table A presents a statistical comparison of distribution among the major occupation groups of the population of the state, urban areas, and the village. Once again we see a reflection of the nature of the community in the statistics. These figures are not distorted by inclusion of students, since very few were counted in the:labor force. Among males in the labor force, the percentage of professional, technical, and kindred workers is more than three times that fer either the state or urban male labor ferce. The percentage of farmers and farm managers is six times that fer urban areas, reflecting the fact that the village 18Ibid., Table 10, p. 35-51, and Table 11, p. 35-5h. - 57 _ TABLEhl9 ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POPULATION BY SEX, FOR THE STATE AND URBAN AREAS; AND MAJOR OCCUPATION GROUP OF THE EXPERIENCED CIVILIAN LABOR FORCE, BY SEX, FOR THE STATE, URBAN AREAS, AND OXFORD, 1950 Percentage Distribution, Experienced Civilian Labor Force, Aged 1h Years and Over Major Occupation Group State Urban OXFORD Males Professional, technical and kindred 7.3 8.5 26.8 Farmers and farm.managers 6.1 0.2 1.2 Managers, officials and proprietors 9.6 10.8 11.0 Clerical and kindred workers 6.8 8.1 9.0 Sales workers 6.2 7.3 8.5 Craftsmen, foremen and kindred workers 21.8 22.8 12.0 Operatives and kindred workers 2h.2 2h.9 8.6 Private household workers 0.1 0.2 0.h Service workers, except private household 5.h 6.5 17.6 Farm laborers and foremen 2.1 0.3 0.3 Laborers, except farm and mine laborers 8.3 8.5 2.9 Occupation not reported 2.0 2.0 1.8 Tbtal 99.9 100.1 100.1 Females Professional, technical and kindred 11.2 11.3 27.3 Farmers and farm managers 0.h 0.1 .... Managers, officials and proprietors 3.7 3.7 5.3 Clerical and kindred workers 28.2 29.8 29.? Sales workers 9.9 10.0 h.8 Craftsmen, foremen and kindred workers 1.8 1.9 0.6 Operatives and kindred workers 19.3 l9.h 3.8 Private household workers 6.7 6.6 3.9 Service workers, except private household 13.6 13.8 20.0 Farm laborers and foremen 1.h 0.1 0.2 Laborers, except farm.and mine laborers 0.9 0.9 0.7 Occupation not reported 2.9 2.6 3.6 Total 100.0 100.2 99.9 19 Ibid., Table 28, p. 35-67 and Table 39, p. 35-135. -58- is a part of the surrounding farm area. The percentage of craftsmen, foremen, and kindred is only about half of that for urban areas; and for operatives and kindred it is only about one-third the urban.and state percentage. However, the percentage of service workers is more than twice that for urban areas and about three times the state average. Included in this category are a large number of service employees of the university. Percentages of females are similar. Those for professional, technical, and kindred; service workers; and managers, officials, and proprietors are all somewhat higher than either the state or urban averages. Those for all other categories, except clerical and kindred, are somewhat lower, with the percentage for operative and kindred workers being only about one-fifth the comparable averages for state and urban areas. All of these statistics reflect the economic base of the community and the local opportunities for em- ployment of women. A breakdown of the local labor force by major industrial groups is presented in Table 5. Here it is shown that almost seve enty per cent of all employed males and almost eighty-five per cent of all employed females in the village are in the three categories shown, indicating the types of employment which are available in the community. . In summary, the following points concerning population should be noted: 1. Village population growth has been slow but generally steady, and to a large degree has reflected the growth of the uni- versity, particularly in the years of rapid expansion since World War II. - 59 - TABLE 5 2° PERCENTAGES OF OXFORD LABOR FORCE, MALE AND FEMALE, EMPLOYED IN SELECTED MAJOR INDUSTRIAL CATEGORIES % of %'of Major Industrial Group Male Female Force Force Wholesale and retail trade 20.h% 12.h% Professional and related 37.9% 60.6% Personal services 10.2% 11.8% Total 68.5% 8h.8% 2. The composition of the village population reflects the academic nature of the community, with a higher proportion of professional, technical, and related workers, as well as service employees. Such characteristics as median age, median school year completed, percentage of the population engaged in manufacturing, and others reflect the presence of the educational institutions. Both of these factors, particularly the second, have impor- tant implications for our purposes. The fact that the community in- cludes a large percentage of professional and managerial people cannot be overlooked in analyzing the operation of local government and the relationships between that government and the institutions. Socio-Economic Level and Community Social Organization It is difficult to measure with much degree of accuracy the socio-economic level of families in the community. In part, this is due to the fact that it is impossible to determine income averages for the village, because of the inclusion of university students in village population totals. It is impossible to arrive at a figure 2OIbid., Table 39, p. 35-135. - 60 - simply by subtracting the number of students, because student income has been included in total reported income for the community. There are, however, other indices which may be used, however rough they may be. As has been previously shown, the average school year completed is higher than either state or urban averages; this may be taken as an indication of higher than average social and economic status. The Bartholomew report on land use reports an- other measure: Oxford is a city of single-family homes. 0f the 527 acres de- veloped for some urban use within the village, 2h.0 per cent is used for single-family dwellings, 2.3 per cent for two-family dwellings, and 6.9 per cent for multiple-family dwellings. Thus 33.2 per cent of the total developed area is devoted to residen- tial purposes. The somewhat higher than average amount of two- family and multiple-family use is characteristic of college towns, where older, large single-family units have been con- verted to a more intensive use, especially to rooming houses.21 In addition to a predominance of single-family units, the lot areas per family are comparatively large: In general, the size of residential lots and the groupings of those of similar areas is good. A.few lot areas per family of less than 2,500 square feet are found in the older central area. This group encircles the central business district and contains a large number of two and multiple dwellings. In the newer areas of the village the prevailing lot sizes range between 5,000 and 10,000 square feet in area. 22 This evidence is far from precise, but it does suggest that the average family in the community enjoys a better-than-average econ- omic status. The social organizations found in the village reflect once more the presence of the educational institutions and the high 21Harland Bartholomew and Associates, op. cit., p. 19. 22Ibid., p. 23. -61- proportion of professional and technical people. Such groups as the League of Women Voters, the American Association of University Women, the University Club, the Women's Faculty Club, the Arts Club, the Music Club, the Newcomers Club, the Oxford Museum Association, the Miami Men's Club, and the Oxford Men's Club are all highly de- pendent on the university and college for membership. There are also a number of professional groups represented in the village: the American Association of University Professors, the National Office Management Association, the Business and Profes- sional Women's Club, and many individuals representing architectural, medical, chemical, and other professional organizations. In addition to organizations which draw heavily from these professionals, there are many organizations commonly found in middle- class residential communities. A survey made by a class of graduate students found that there were at least eighteen semi-private or- ganizations, such as Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, Community Chest, and various church auxiliaries; ten membership agencies, e. g. , Oxford Federation of Clubs, Oxford Farmer's Club, and the A.A.U.W.; thirteen churches ranging in size from seventy-five to 1,200 members; and thirty-one private clubs, including the American Legion, D.A.R., Izaak Walton League, Tallawanda High School Boosters, Masons, Knights of Pythias, Order of the Eastern Star, Odd Fellows, and so on.23 There are also a number of associations cutting across socio- economic, occupational, religious, and racial lines which serve as 23Graduate Students in Physical Education 553, A Survey of Recreation in the Village of Oxford, June, 1958. Unpaged. -52.. integrative forces: the Community Chest, the 650-member Council of Church WCmen, the Hospital WCmen's Auxiliary which has over 1,000 paid memberships, the Oxford Federation of Clubs, and the three lo- cal Parent-Teacher Associations. One agency which has apparently served as a means of bringing together socially members of the academic and business communities is the Oxford Country Club, formed in the post-war period. In summary, we may conclude that the community has a high - proportion of well-educated citizens who occupy better-than-average occupations in the socio-economic hierarchy, particularly at the professional level. This is reflected in the type of housing which predominates in the community, as well as in the types of social and professional organizations to be found. This consideration is imp portant in analyzing the type of political leadership which we find in the local government, particularly as this leadership relates to the educational institutions in their dealings with village govern- ment. The Village and the Educational Institutions: General Relationships The presence of the university and the college influence the community in a number of ways, some of which are direct and obvious and some of which are indirect and more subtle. The following pas- . sage from the League of WOmen Voters pamphlet sets forth the general situation in this regard: The presence of’Miami University within the village, and Western College for WCmen upon its immediate boundary, produces a con- siderable impact upon village affairs. The growth of’Miami Uni- versity, plus its central location and its peculiar position of a fee-simple ownership of all township lands, has resulted in a -53.. number of special problems. It is to the credit of both the University'and the Village that the level of cooperation and understanding between them is high. 2 The League pamphlet describes in more detail some of the problems associated with the presence of the institutions: Within the corporation (and beyond it), Miami'University is con- tinually expanding its plant: increasing university staff is occupying available residential facilities and is overflowing rapidly into new suburban areas; large numbers of visitors for special university affairs such as Commencements, games, artists series, Mother's Day celebrations, Homecomings, et cetera, pro- duce problems not typical of most villages. The tremendous traffic on the streets on these Special occasions, as well as the dayéty-day heavy vehicles required to service the schools, create maintenance and traffic direction problems. Parking facilities are inadequate. Sewage disposal and water to service a school population larger than the permanent population has been worked out on a pro-rated basis. Policing becomes a more sophisticated area of activity than is ordinarily true of vil- lages, not merely because of the presence of large numbers of high-spirited youths, but because of a mobile population, the comings and goings of visitors, and the necessarily open-door habits of fraternity house and dormitory, invite the marauder and the anti-social floater. Both residents d students must be protected against these special hazards. 2 It is appropriate to consider some of these relationships and problems in more detail at this point. Others are covered in later sections dealing with governmental organization and relation- ships with the institutions. Land Relationship§.--As noted earlier, the university holds fee-simple title to most of the land in the township. This situa- tion has produced some difficulties in the past for local residents, particularly in proving clear title of ownership for F.H.A. and other types of loans .And when the federal government erected a new post office in the 1930's, it refused to build until it could get 2”League of WCmen Voters, op. cit., p. 11. ZSIbido, p. 120 - 6h - clear title; the government refused to pay "land rent" to the state for a portion of the land which it had originally given the state in the first place. One local citizen, now deceased, read into the land Situa- tion an implication of far-reaching consequence. She reasoned that the university, as an agency of the state, was taxrexempt; further, all land owned by the university was tax-exempt; therefore, local citizens should pay no general property taxes. The legal cases which developed twice were carried to the United States Supreme Court, which refused to hear them. In the words of one observer: This logical dilemma with its practical implications kept the courts in a mild uproar for two decades, but the facts of life prevailed over lovely legal theory; and property owners in this area-now'merely pgy their other taxes in addition to their quit rent fees. In another case of practical implication, village council recently was presented with a proposal by some local merchants to turn the downtown parks into metered parking areas. Investigation into the matter disclosed that these parks were deeded by the uni- versity to the village in 1810 "for public uses, such as a market house, and the like."27 The question arose as to whether council had the authority to use these areas for commercial purposes, but the project was dropped and, therefore, the question has never been resolved. In order to allow lessees to obtain fee-simple deeds to their 26Ibid., p. 15. 27IreneM. Lindsey, Chairman, Public Relations Committee of Village Council, "Town Report," The Oxford Press, July 10, 1958, Section Two, p. 2. 1 . -55.. land and to reduce the cost of collecting the annual rents, the uni- versity, in 1959, Sponsored legislation.permitting lessees to pay a flat amount by capitalizing the rent now paid. This legislation is permissive and allows individual property holders to continue to pay the annual rent if they so desire. Capitalized funds are placed in a trust fund, from which only the income may be used by the univer- SitYoza Land Use.--The location of the university within the village has an important influence on land use. The fellowing summary from the Bartholomew report on land use indicates the extent to which land is used for public purposes in the village: Oxford has an unusually large amount of land developed fOr pub- lic and semi-public use. Some 163 acres or 31.1 per cent of the village is devoted to this use which includes the University and other schools, churches, public buildings and similar uses. The area occupied by the University is the major reason for this large area and percentage. The uses provide valuable open space in the community particularly since many are park-like in character, are well designed and are pleasing in appearance. In the area outside the city an additional b63 acres are in this use. Of the developed land within the urban area, h8.7 per cent is devoted to public and semi-public uses. 2 Since the publication of this report, a great deal of acti- vity in annexation of contiguous areas has occurred. As noted ear- lier, the original corporation limits established in 1810 encompassed an area of one square mile. This remained unchanged until 19h8, when the village annexed 15.9 acres for use as a dump and, later, a sanitary landfill. This was the size of the village at the time of the Bartholomew studies in l95h. 28The Oxford Press, January 22, 1959, Section Two, p. l. 29Harland Bartholomew and.Associates, op. cit., p. 21. - 66 - Table 6 summarizes the results of annexations which have taken place between April of 1956 and June of 1961. 0 TABLE 6 3 SUMMARY OF ANNEXATIONS TO THE VILLAGE OF OXFORD, 1956 TO 1961 Area.Encompassed Acres Effective Date South of Chestnut Street, between U.S. 27 south and Kehr Road Ao7.ou April 6, 1956 Oxford Heights Subdivision and area north of Fairfield Road and west of Locust Street 121.h9 December 20, 1956 Juniper Hill Subdivision and area south of extended Chestnut Street east of U.S. 27 south 170.75 February 15, 1957 Southern Knolls Subdivision and area south of Brookville Road and east of State Route 732 south 77.62 November 21, 1958 Classic View Subdivision 6.27 May 7, 1959 Wespiser Place and Hill and Hollow Subdivisions, and area between Fairfield Road and U.S. 27 north 258.32 June 2, 1961 Total Acres Annexed l,0hl.h9 Thus, in the span of five years, the area within the corpora- tion limits has almost tripled, from about 656 acres to almost 1,700 acres. However, not all of this area is suitable fer urban uses. Much of the first and third annexations listed in Table 6 consist of a deep ravine containing a creek, two cemeteries, and the village sewage treatment plant. 0 Compiled from records of the village clerk-treasurer. -67- Streets and Parkipg.--When the village was originally plat- ted, streets were established at six "poles," or ninety-nine feet, in width in those areas where in-lots were laid off; alleys were made one pole, or Sixteen and one-half feet wide; and streets in the area of the four-acre out-lots were made four poles,or sixty-six feet, wide. Thus today there is a ninety-nine foot dedication for street purposes north of Spring Street, and a sixty-six foot right-of-way for original streets south of Spring Street. In the area of highest building concentration, there is therefore no difficulty in obtaining adequate right~of~way necessary for the traffic and parking generated by the university. Builders have always been required to adhere to the street dedications. In most cases, streets have a paved roadway of about thirty-six feet, thus leaving about thirty feet of set-back on each side which can be used for Street-widening purposes. Harland Bartholomew says of the traffic situation in Oxford: The relatively small size of Oxford has precluded any serious or major traffic prOblem - although there is some congestion in the downtown business section on Friday evenings when the commercial establishments remain open. Through truck traffic on U.S. Route 27, which passes through the village, is objectionable. These through trucks create noise, odor and potential safety hazards.31 In regard to the parking situation in the business area, the Bartholomew report said: Oxford has no parking problem in the downtown shopping area. Metered curb parking and a limited amount of off-street parking facilities have been sufficient to meet the demand. Only on Friday evenings when the stores remain open is it difficult to find a parking space. As the village and surrounding area grow 31Harland Bartholomew and Associates, A.Report Upon Major Streets, Schools and Parks, prepared for the Oxford Village Planning Commission (St. Louis, Missouri, October 195h), p. l. -68... in.popu1ation and the student body at Miami University and‘Wes- tern College increases, the need of off-street parking will be greatly intensified. 32 One reason for the minor traffic and parking problems is that the university rigidly restricts the keeping and using of auto- mobiles by students. Prior to the second world war, it was abso- lutely forbidden for students to use cars. Policy has been relaxed to a degree to permit certain categories of students to drive: those residing off campus and outside the village, those residing in their parents' homes, married students, those needing to drive in connec- tion with student teaching or part-time employment or for health or physical reasons, and students over twenty-five years of age.33 In announcing minor changes in the regulations, the student newspaper recently said, "Miami has a strict poliey concerning the use of automobiles. In short the policy is 'Students who feel it desirable to bring an automobile to college Should select another institution.'"3h This policy has eased the traffic and parking problem in the community. Housm mg.--It is difficult to gauge the general influence of the institutions on local housing, except to note that there is a continual demand for new housing, which is being met by private de- velOpers and builders. In the area of student housing, it is possible to be much 32Ib1do, p. 150 33 Miami University Official Publication, Documents on Student Government, Student Conduct Regulations, Undepgraduate Academic Regulations (Oxford, Ohio: Miami University, July, 1958), Section 103, pp. 9-10. 3h The Miami Student, May 12, 1959, p. l. _ 59 - more explicit. ‘Western College is entirely residential; in fact, the college accepted day students for the first time in its 105-year history for the fall term of the 1959-1960 academic year. Miami University also is largely residential. As a.matter of basic policy, all women students are required to live in univer- sityhoperated halls or houses, except married students or those stu- dents who reside in their parents‘ homes. The university provides suites of rooms for sororities and does not permit the establishment of sorority houses.35 Regulations for men provide that all freshmen must room and board in university residence halls, except those residing with their families. Upperclass men students may reside in university residence halls, in fraternity houses, or in private residences approved by the dean of men. Men residing in university residence halls are required to board with the university.36 Table 7 summarizes the percentage of’Miami students residing in the various categories of approved housing. AS shown in the Table, the general community is required to house only a very small proportion of the total student population. This situation is dif- ferent from.many college communities where a large percentage of the student body resides in private housing. Cultural and Social Relationship§.--Through various curricu- lar and extra-curricular activities, the university and college pro- vide residents with programs--music, art, drama, lectures--not 3Srouments on Student Government . . ., op. cit., Section 701 , pp .16-17 . 36Ibid., Section 801, p. 18. - 7o - usually available to residents of communities the size of Oxford. There are also a number of university and college facilities which are made available to local residents, academic and non-academic alike. The college chapel is often used for local weddings, the Ernst Nature Theater is the site of the annual Easter sunrise ser- vices, the "frog pond" is used for public ice-skating, and tennis and golf faCilities have been used in connection with village recrea- tion programs. TABLE 7 37 DISTRIBUTION OF MIAMI UNIVERSITY STUDENTS BI TYPE OF APPROVED HOUSING, SECOND SEMESTER, 1958-1959, AND FIRST SEMESTER, 1959-1960 Type of’Residence Stfidgits UniverSity reSidence halls 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o 7105 University married-student housing . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Fraternity hOUSing o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 1107 COMMUterS o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 605 ReSiding in parents' homes 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o 108 93.8% Private housing approved for men students . . . . . 6.2% University facilities also include the 300-acre airfield, which is the only local air facility and also serves as the site of the annual Easter egg hunt; the Sesquicentennial Chapel; the formal gardens; a nine-hole golf course; the intramural athletic field; the library, which until recently was the only local library facility; picnic areas and nature trails; tennis courts; and the University 37Based on figures supplied by the Director of Residence Halls and the Assistant Dean of Men in interviews on April 11, 1959. - 71 - Center, or student union, which is available for private meetings, dinners, and dances. The university also operates an.FM radio station.and an edu- cational television station, and of course these programs are avail- able to local and area residents. University inter-collegiate ath- letic events are Open to the public-~football, basketball, track, baseball, swimming, tennis, and wrestling. Parks and Recreation.--The Bartholomew report on parks and rec- reation facilities deals with both public and university facilities: Recreation areas such as neighborhood parks, playgrounds and playfields are almost nonexistent in the Oxford area . . . The park-like character of the university campus is of great value in enhancing the general appearance of the village. The univer- sity facilities provide many recreational opportunities for the faculty, their fanilies, and university students. 38 A study of land uses in the village revealed that although h8.7% of the land was given.to public and semi-public uses, compared with an average of 13.2% for twenty-eight other communities, only 0.2% of the developed land in Oxford is devoted to park and play- ground areas, compared with more than 5% devoted to such uses in the twenty-eight other communities reported by Bartholomew.39 Bartholomew‘s report on utilities and public buildings also made note of the presence of the university in regard to public buildings: The lack of a local civic center is more than offset by the uni- versity development with its cultural advantages. For example, the availability of the university's library facilities makes it 38Harland Bartholomew and Associates, A.Report Upon Major Streets . . ., p. 26. 39 . Harland Bartholomew and Assocaates, A.Report Upon Pppula— tion 0 o 0, p. 220 - 72 - unnecessary for the Village to separately provhie such services. In like manner the cultural activities and facilities of the university obviate the need for specific provision of building space for these purposes. ho Miscellaneous.-There are many other ways in which the presence of the institutions is manifested. Some of these are ob- vious, while others are not. Many businesses gear their buying, vacations, and redecorating to the academic year. Local schools operate on the university's time-table, because it is necessary to coordinate school bus schedules for the McGuffey School operated by the university. Village waste collection schedules are changed by the opening and closing of fraternity houses. Police schedules are adjusted to cope with traffic created by sports and other special events. All of these relationships are important for our purposes. They not only serve as constant reminders to residents that they are closely associated with the institutions, particularly the uni- versity, but they also indicate that the institutions and the come munity at large enjoy good relations. This is seen particularly in the willingness of the institutions to permit use of their facili- ties-~chapels, library, athletic fields, and so on-—by the general public as well as by the academic community. hoHarland Bartholomew and Associates, A.Report Upon Utili- ties and Public Buildings (St. Louis, Missouri, December 195D), p. 2. IV. LOCAL POLITICS, GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION, AND PUBLIC SERVICES Political Organization National party politics play almost no role on the local scene. In Butler County there is no permanent organization in either party below the level of the county central committees, each of which consists of one member from each ward in the cities of Hamilton, Middletown, and Fairfield, and one from each of the thir- teen townships. Oxford Township is represented on both the Demo- cratic and Republican Central Committees. Nominations for election in Ohio are made either by direct vote of the party members in primary elections in.May, or, in the case of independent candidates, by filing a petition with the county election board ninety days prior to the general election. Local elections in Oxford have never been contested by the two major par- ties; all nominations in recent years have been by petition. In.years past, there was often opposition in the form of a "Citizens'" ticket versus a "People's" ticket. However, recent elec- tion law Changes have made mandatory primary elections for all can- didates of any "party." As a result of this provision, the "slates" of candidates fOrmerly put forward have been abandoned in recent years, and each candidate files an individual petition as an inde- pendent. Both a Young Republican and a Young Democratic club operate -73.. - 7h - on the campus, but they have not become involved in any local elec- tion, although they have been active in congressional, state, and national elections. The village has been predominantly Republican in state and national elections, but in recent years the Democratic vote has increased somewhat and the Republican majority is less than it was formerly. The League of WOmen Voters appraised the local political situation, as it existed in l95h, in the following manner: Unfortunately, in the past, there has been much difficulty in persuading able citizens to stand for local office. Often the voters have had a very limited choice. Lately, however, more interest has been aroused and at the last local election there was an unprecedented number of choices. There has, also in the past, been some attempt to classify candidates for mayor and council into opposing "slates" with some organizations or groups backing each. The recent tendency seems to be towards allowing each candidate to stand on his own merits, although a number of women's organizations have energetically and successfully en- dorsed three women candidates, one each for the last two village councils, and one for the County Board of Education. 1 Since that time, however, interest has waned once more, and at the local election in 1959 there were two candidates fbr mayor but only nine candidates for the six council seats. The incumbent candidate fOr mayor and six of the councilmanic candidates, although filing as independents, ran as a "team" and all were elected. This contest was primarily based on the perSonalities of the individuals, and no issues of importance were involved. A charter commission issue was also on the ballot but had been unanimously approved by all candidates. The League of‘WOmen Voters pamphlet summarized the efforts made in the early 1950's to arouse interest and participation in TLeague of WCmen Voters, op. cit,, p. 31. - 75 - local government: A growing sense of responsibility in the community has produced a number of separate or overlapping efforts to acquaint new citizens with their duties and privileges and to stimulate older citizens to regard them with care. The local newspaper has a wholesome and alert attitude in their regard; the Federation of Clubs has traditionally held an open meeting for candidates and citizens; a get-out-the-vote campaign was sponsored by the ‘Women's Club; the League of WCmen Voters has assumed its Voter's Service activities; and there are lively and interested Young Republicans and Young Democrats on the campus who are enthusi- astically adding their services to the cause. 2 The village only recently took advantage of the home rule provisions of the Ohio constitution, and the electors, in October of 1960, approved a council-manager charter which becomes effective with the election of the first council in November of 1961. Until this time, the village government has been subject to the general statutes providing for local government. The following passage from the League pamphlet describes a situation resulting from this re- quirement, which had serious local consequences and was removed only by a change in the law in 1955: This rather anachronistic situation has not been without its annoyances. The most dramatic example of "Special legislation" which it inherits from the past is a state law, enacted many years ago and still in force, which disqualifies any "state employe” from serving on the village council. It was aimed specifically at Oxford, out of a personal animosity of a state legislator against a member of the Miami University faculty, and its odd and special inequity makes it apply to any state employe -- and this includes all of the Miami staff from President to gardener -- so far as the village council goes. These same excluded people may be, and have been, elected mayor, or may be and do, serve on the Board of Public Affairs. 3 Since the repeal of this section, no member of the univer- sity faculty or staff has run for village council. This might pos- sibly be in.part the result of university regulations concerning 2Ibid., p. 30. 31bid., p. 8. -76- partisan political activity. These regulations provide that: As a citizen every employee is expected and encouraged to take an active interest in his community, to participate in commun- ity groups and activities, and to vote in elections. . . . EHowever] partisan political activity raises certain sensitive issues for state administrative agencies and for state-supported educational institutions. h In general, all members of the administrative staff, includ- ing the president, provost, business manager, treasurer, deans, and heads of major administrative offices are prohibited from any par- tisan political activity. A member of the academic staff proposing to engage in such activity must notify the president in writing of his intention. If the office is local in nature, no other action is necessary, except assurance that the contemplated activity will not interfere with the individual's academic responsibilities. Members of the service staff who engage in partisan politi- cal activity are expected to "make clear that any such activity is not approved or disapproved by Miami University, nor is the name of the University to be associated in any way with such activity." Violations of the policy "may be grounds for initiating the estab- lished procedure for dismissal of an administrative or academic staff member."5 These regulations have had little practical effect to date, since no member of the faculty or staff has run for village council. The prohibition against state employees did not apply to the board of public affairs, and for over twenty-five years there has been at h"Partisan Political Activity," Miami University Informa- tion Bulletin for Faculty and Staff, 1958, pp. 22-23. S LOCO Cite - 77 - least one Miami faculty member on the board, and for most of that period two of the three members have been faculty members. At pres- ent there are two such members; one is a member of the mathematics faculty, who is also a surveyor, who has served since l9h3. The other is both chairman of the department of sociology and anthropo- logy and a professor of government; he has served since he was elec- ted by write-in votes in 1955 to fill the vacancy caused by the with- drawal of another mathematics professor who had served on the board of public affairs for twenty years and who now serves as village engineer. Both incumbent faculty members said that they had never notified the president of their candidacies, and that no issue was ever raised on this point. Composition of the village council has been markedly differ- ent. During the past twenty years, a total of thirty individuals have served on council. The following tabulation summarizes the oc- cupations and total length of service on council of these individuals: Number of Total Years occupatl°n Individuals Served Business proprietors 1h 51 Business employees 7 21 Retired businessmen 2 12 Retired professors 2 6 Other professionals h 13 "Housewife" _1 _6 Totals 30 109 The fourteen preprietors alone account for almost half of the total number of years served by all thirty persons. Inclusion of local business employees makes a total of seventy-two years served by business-oriented individuals; this is about two-thirds of the -78- total number of years served by all individuals during the period. Included in the professional category are an oculist who served three years; a minister, two years; the business manager of the college, four years; and a professor of psychology at the col- lege, five years. The one "housewife" is a former editor Of a nationally-distributed women's magazine. The Six persons who served as mayor during this same period include a retired school teacher, who served four years; an instruc— tor at the university, who is also a lawyer and local businessman, six.years; the oculist, who is now a member of council, four years; a local grocer, two years; and the owner of a wholesale oil distri- buting business, three years. Thus the council has not been representative of the local populatiOn in terms of the occupations of those who have served. Although the village has a high concentration of professional people, the composition of village council has not reflected this, perhaps partly due to the state law mentioned previously. However, two retired professors served on council for a total of six years; and a lecturer in business law at the university has served on sev- eral occasions as village solicitor. Of the twenty-nine individuals who have served on council, twenty-seven have been men. The two women have served a total of ten years. And of the men, a total of three individuals have been Negroes, who have served a total of fourteen years. Governmental Organization Since 1855, Oxford has been governed by a mayor and an elec- ted council which currently numbers six. In addition, locally owned - 79 - public utilities--including water supply and distribution, the sew- age disposal system, and the refuse collection and disposal system-- are managed and operated by the board of trustees of public affairs. There is also an elected clerk-treasurer. All of these officials have been elected for twoeyear terms at the general elections in odd-numbered years. The plan provided for village government in Ohio is the ‘weakamayor form. The mayor is the chief conservator of the peace; he is charged with the enforcement of ordinances and resolutions; he has authority to supervise the officers of the government and to in- quire into and make investigations of complaints against village officials. He has general supervision over the departments of gov- ernment and is required to keep council informed as to the financial condition of the village and to make reports on the general opera- tion of the government. The mayor serves as the presiding officer of council, but has a vote only in the case of a tie vote of council members. He has no veto power. He makes appointments to boards and commissions; most of these require confirmation of council. He is a.member ex- officio of the Butler County General Health District Advisory Coun- cil and the Butler County Civil Defense Council. The mayor also has judicial functions; he has authority to conduct a Mayor's Court which may hear misdemeanor cases arising under village ordinances or state law, including arrests by the State Highway Patrol within the village corporation limits. 6Ohio, Revised Code, Sections 733.2h - 733.39. - 80 - The Six-member council is the legislative body. In addi- tion, it has certain administrative and quasi-judicial authority. The council is empowered to "provide such employees for the village as it determines necessary" and it may remove such appointees.7 Council shares in the general management of government, through powers granted by statute, including control of the finances and prOperty of the village, and authority to fix the salaries of all officers and employees. Council must approve all expenditures, in- cluding those for amounts in excess of $1,000 which may be made only after competitive bid.8 Council must approve most of the mayor's appointments, including department heads, although the chiefs of police and fire have state civil service status. Council has quasi- judicial power in regard to the removal of officers or heads of de- partments, upon filing of charges by the mayor.9 Council fer the past several years has been divided into six standing committees: Police; Fire; Streets; Finance; Parks, Building, and Recreation; and Planning and Public Relations. These committees have both legislative and administrative functions; they review and recommend legislation and also provide general supervision, with the mayor, over those departments within their jurisdiction. The board of public affairs is responsible for the operation of all utilities. The board has general operational control of these services; it appoints the Superintendent of Public Utilities, who supervises the water and sewage systems, and the Superintendent 8 7Ibid., Section 731.10. Ibid., Sections 731.13 and 731.h7. 9Ibid., Sections 733.35 - 733.39. _ 81 - of Sanitation, who is responsible for the refuse collection and dis- posal system. The board also appoints all subordinate employees in these departments.10 The board is empowered to make its own regulations fbr opera- tion of utilities, and has sole power to fix water rates, although council has the authority to set sewer rental rates.11 The board may enter into contracts, except those calling for expenditure of'more than $1,000 which must first be authorized by ordinance passed by council. The village has authority to sell utility products or ser- vices to users outside the corporation limits, and may extend its utility services for a distance of up to five miles beyond the cor- 13 poration limits. Both of these provisions are important in vil- lage contracts with the college and the university. The only other elected official is the clerk-treasurer, who serves as clerk of council and of the board of public affairs. She also keeps all village records and accounts, prepares the annual budget and reports, receives and disburses all money, bills and col- 1ects utility charges, prepares payrolls, keeps all village records and files, and handles correspondence. She is assisted by an appoin- ted assistant clerk. Departments operating under the mayor and council, and the board of public affairs, include the following: 10Ibid., Section 735.29. llIbid., Section 729.h9. lzIbid., Section 729.h9. 1 3Ohio, Constitution (1851), Article XVIII, Section 6; and Ohio, Revised Code, Section 7h3.12. -82- ‘Pplige.--The force consists of a chief, five full-time patrolmen, and two full-time and two part-time police and fire dis- patchers. The department operates two radio-equipped cruisers, a radar traffic control unit, and has riot and tearegas guns and other specialized equipment. .Fipe.--The department is headed by a.part-time salaried chief and assistant chief and consists of a varying number of paid volunteers. Equipment includes a 1957 quintuple-combination ladder truck and pumper, with a sixty-five-foot aerial ladder and 750 gpm pump; a 1952 pumper, also of 750 gpm capacity; a 19h? high-pressure fog pumper; and a 1930 reserve pumper of 500 gpm capacity. The village contracts with Oxfbrd Township to provide fire protection to the rural areas. The department operates for the township a 500 gpm pump installed on a 1,200-gallon tank truck, as well as a portable 350 gpm pump. The department also has a jeep which is used for rural fires. The department provides life squad service within the vil- lage and township and operates a l9h7 ambulance. The village depart- ment is a member of the Butler County Firemen's Association and is united with two professional and twenty-five volunteer fire depart- ments in a countyawide mutual aid program to provide for additional men and equipment in case of'major fires. Streets and Sanitation.--The superintendent and a force of nine men.maintain and clean streets and alleys, operate the waste collection and disposal system, paint traffic lines and erect signs, and perform general maintenance. They are equipped with a bulldozer, Street sweeper, dump trucks, three packer trucks, tractors and mowers, etc. -83- Public Utilities.-eA water works engineer and assistant operate the pumping station and maintain the well field and pumps; a superintendent, sewage plant operator, two part-time technicians who are university chemists, and three maintenance men maintain the water distribution system, operate the sewage plant, make water and sewer Connections, and perform general maintenance on the water and sewer systems. They are equipped with a self-propelled back-hoe, a bulldozer, sewer equipment, tapping machines, etc. In recent years, these men have also built new sewer and water lines in areas which were formerly unserviced. Recreation.-~A half-time director, who works half-time for the board of education, directs the year-round recreation program, assisted by seasonal and part-time employees. Included in the de- partment's programs are operation of the municipal swimming pool, organized summer and winter play programs, teen canteen, Little League baseball, men's softball, and arts and crafts. The director works under the supervision of the Recreation Board. Solicitor.-2A part-time solicitor prepares legislation, gives legal advice to the mayor and department heads and boards, and acts as prosecutor in the mayor's court. Enginee .-eA part-time engineer designs and supervises street and utility projects, establishes lines and grades, and per- forms miscellaneous engineering duties. He also serves as building and zoning administrator. In addition to the operating departments, there are also several semi-autonomous boards and commissions, including the following: -8h- Planning Commission.--This body was created in 1953, but had an antecedent in the Administrative Board created by the origi- nal zoning ordinance adopted in 1931. The present commission con- sists of the mayor serving ex-officio, one member of council elected by the members, and three citizen members appointed by the mayor with the advice and consent of council. In l95h the commission re- tained Harland Bartholomew and Associates to prepare a series of studies, which have served as an unofficial master plan since that date. The commission has been primarily concerned with zone changes, subdivision regulations, and approval of'plats. Zoning Board of'Appeals.--The board was created with the adoption of the amended zoning ordinance in 1955, and consists of five members, all appointed by the mayor with the advice and con- sent of council. One member is a.member of the planning commission, while the others are citizen members. The board hears appeals for exceptions or variances from.the provisions of the zoning ordinance. McCullough-Hyde Memorial Hospital Board of Trustees.--The board is appointed by the mayor and consists of five members, at least three of whom must be practicing physicians or surgeons. The board administers the trust funds left to the village for this pur- pose by the McCullough, Heath, and Hyde estates. The board deter- mines policy and appoints an administrator who supervises all operas tions of the institution. No public monies are involved in its operation. The lOO-bed institution began operations in the spring of 1957. Recreation Board.--The five-member board consists of three citizen members appointed by the mayor and confirmed by council, and -85- two members selected by the local board of education from among its own membership. The board plans programs, recommends the appoint- ment of a director who is appointed by the mayor, prepares the bud- get for the recreation department, recommends policies to the council, and provides general supervision for the functioning of the depart- ment. WOOdside Cemetepy Trustees.--The village and the Oxford Township Board of Trustees jointly operate WCOdside Cemetery, and a three-man board, selected from.among the council and township trus- tees, serves as the cemetery board. They sell cemetery lots and provide limited maintenance. Under state law, several services are performed for village residents by county authorities. The more important of these are welfare, including general relief and all other special programs, except aid for the aged; assessing of real and personal property, performed by the county auditor; collection of village, township, school, and county taxes, by the county treasurer; health services, performed by the county general health district for all areas out- side city health districts; elections, conducted by a bi-partisan county board of elections; library, supported by state-collected, locally shared taxes on financial institutions; and electrical and plumbing inspections, made by the county building commissioner and health department, respectively. In addition, the county board of education exercises general supervision over those school districts outside the limits of the three city school districts in the county. Each local district also elects its own board of education. Another county agency which exercises control over local —86- political subdivisions is the county budget commission, an ex-officio board consisting of the county auditor, county treasurer, and prose- cuting attorney. The commission has the power to adjust rates of taxation and fix the amount of taxes to be levied each year for the county and all political subdivisions within the county. Each sub- division must adopt a tax.budget before the fifteenth of July, each year, and submit it to the budget commission. There are certain levies which the commission.must approve, such as all voted levies in excess of the ten mill limitation; all levies for debt service and bond retirement; a levy for the general health district from each taX'unit or subdivision; and a minimum levy for current expen- ses and operating purposes for each subdivision, within the ten mill limit. The commission must hear the financial requests of each political subdivision, and it furnishes each subdivision with an estimate of the revenue available for the coming year, which serves as a limitation on the amount which may be appropriated by the legis- 1ative authority of the subdivision. The commission is also respon- sible for the distribution of monies from the Local Government Fund; distribution is on the basis of need. The majOr sources of revenue are a.portion of the state sales tax, a tax on intangible personal property, and a tax on public utility companies.1h Real Estate Taxes and the Institutions.--The college and the university, as non-profit educational institutions, are exempt from real and personal property taxes.15 A recent study indicated that 111Ohio, Revised Code, Sections 5705.27 - 5705.37. 15Ibid., Sections 5709.07 - 5709.08. -87- the university owned about 220 acres of the 656 acres within the corporation limits at that time. This means that prior to the an- nexations listed in Table 6 the university accounted for a little more than one-third of the total area of the village. However, with the addition of about 1,0h0 acres of land in recent years through annexation, the percentage drops to less than fifteen per cent. Much of the annexed areas are undeveloped, and much land will not be developed because of the topography, so perhaps twenty to twenty-five per cent of the land which could feasibly be utilized for any urban purpose is not on the tax duplicate because it is part of the university's holdings. A study was recently made of the economic relationships be- tween the University of California and the city of Berkeley. In discussing the situation which has developed there from.university expansion and loss of tax duplicate, the author made this comment: One justification given for the exemption of the University property from local property taxation is that a city in.which a state university is located is presumed to be more than compen- sated for any incidental expense by the benefits it receives in terms of income, employment, cultural, educational and recrea- tional opportunities, special services and higher property values. In other words, even though the city may pay more than its proportionate share of the costs of the state university, it receives more than its proportionate share of the benefits. 16 In Oxford the property situation is somewhat different from many other college communities, primarily for two reasons: 1. The founders of the university created a community specifi- cally for the purpose of supporting the university and, in so doing, allowed room for future expansion, so that it 16James‘W'. Harvey, The University and the City: A Study of Economic Relationships between the University of California and the City of Berkeley (Berkeley, California: Bureau of Public Adminis- tration, University of California, December, 1958), p. 2. -88.. was not necessary to acquire additional land until only recently; 2. The question of land acquisition is not a difficult problem, since the university technically owns all the land in and around the community. Land removed from the tax duplicate has generally been undeveloped property, so the revenue loss has been generally small. AS noted earlier, about 100 acres of the original 6hO acres in the village were set aside for the campus. The university has since acquired about 120 additional acres within the corporation limits. However, the university has adopted a policy of not remov- ing from.the tax duplicate land and buildings which have been.pur- chased for future growth or for uses which are not strictly educa- tional in nature. In 1959 such property on the tax duplicate amoun- ted to $72,1h0 in assessed valuation, or less than one per cent of the total, and accounted for about twelve of the 220 acres inside the corporation limits. The Berkeley study reached this conclusion in analyzing the removal of taxable property by university expansion: The point is sometimes made that, since Berkeley has no possi- bility of expanding its taxable land area, the University's acquisitions of real estate must reduce the city's revenues and its ability to pay for public services. It is, of course, correct that University purchases of private property will im- mediately reduce the revenue from the property tax, which, as this chapter shows, currently brings in slightly less than half the city's revenue. However, at least partially offsetting in- crease in revenue will result from increases in sales tax re- ceipts, increase in fines and penalties, and increase in the assessed valuation of the remaining property resulting in part from.1arge volumes of business and in part from improvements for which the University is directly responsible. 1 University expansion in Oxford has not greatly reduced the amount of taxable real estate, since over 100 acres has never been 171913., pp. hO-hl. —89- on the tax duplicate, and the 120 acres which have been removed were assessed at low rates for unimproved land. However, the general problem of supporting services such as police, fire, storm sewers, street construction, street lighting, and so on, for a population of more than 10,000 on a tax duplicate of only $10,000,000 is a serious one. The physical plant of the university within the corporation limits is probably worth about $50,000,000, and, were it taxable for local purposes, as private property is, the situation would be radically different. In this section we have summarized the formal political and governmental organization in the village. For the purposes of this study, the following points should be emphasized: 1. Partisan politics have never played an important part in Oxford. Elections have principally revolved around person- alities and, at irregular intervals, have been concerned with specific public poliey questions. 2. Statutes controlling state employees have kept university faculty and staff from sitting on village council, but not from.serving as mayor, solicitor, trustee of public affairs, or members of various boards. 3. The membership on village council has been strongly business- oriented. Professional and academic persons have not served in proportion to their numbers in the community. h. Governmental organization has been of the weak-mayor type, with a further diffusion of authority to the board of public affairs and other independent agencies. Both council and the board have policy-making and administrative functions. One of the results of this organization has been the crea- tion of many points of access to the local government-- mayor, members of council, members of the board of'public affairs and other boards and commissions, as well as depart- ment heads. 5. Village departments are fairly well-equipped and staffed to perform at least the basic functions of local government-- protection of life and property and provision of basic utilities such as water, sewer, and sanitation. _ 90 - 6. Several other services and functions are performed by county agencies. The county also exercises broad control over vil- lage appropriations and expenditures through the county bud- get commission and the constitutional ten mill limitation on real estate taxation. 7. Local government does not derive tax revenues from the uni- versity, but must provide several services for the protec- tion of university students and physical plant. However, the village has lost little revenue because of land being withdrawn for university uses; most land acquired has been undeveloped. Further, the university has allowed land and improvements acquired for future use to remain on the tax duplicate. Governmental Services Performed by the Villagp for the Institutions The village performed few functions for the institutionS--or for the general public-~prior to the last decade of the nineteenth century. There was a part-time elected marshal who kept the peace. A volunteer fire company, until 1876 equipped only with buckets and ladders and a small hand pump, provided fire protection. Streets were unpaved, although some had been graded and improved with stone curbing. There was no supply of electricity until the local plant was built in 1889; no public water supply until 1896; no sewers, no sewage treatment, no garbage and refuse disposal, and little street lighting except for a few oil lamps. Swimming pools, playgrounds, and recreation programs were unheard of. The village had erected a public market, however, and this served until the 1880's as the town hall. There is very little recorded evidence that the village gove ernment performed any appreciable service for the institutions until the 1890's. Then the university installed some electric circuits and connected to the village water system. The village also permitted - 91 - the construction of private sewers by the university. In January of 1908, the village fire department was called to a fire in Hepburn Hall, the women's dormitory. By this time, they were equipped with a steam pumper. Legend has it that the firemen were not permitted to enter the building, for fear that their hose streams would destroy the plaster. When the sewerage system and treatment plant were built, the university and college were permitted to use them. Other services were added through the years as the need arose and as the village provided them. The following is a summary of the services which the village presently performs for the institutions, with a brief history of the contractual arrangements for each: 'Pplige.--Since'western College is outside the corporation limits, village police are not responsible for police protection-- this is provided by the sheriff; but until 1956 the village police force was chiefly responsible for general police protection for the university. The university did employ night watchmen, but they had no general police authority and were neither trained nor equipped to deal with intruders nor to act as general safety officers. The uni- versity did not financially support the village police force; this was a point of contention between the council and the university ad- ministration, although it did not develop into a major problem. In 1956 the university, faced with a rapidly expanding phys- ical plant and student population, and having recently experienced 18 Hafighurslt, OE. Cit», p. 17110 -92.. several felonies, established a Security Force consisting of a chief and ten patrolmen. In 1959 the university appointed a Safety Direc- tor, who has as one of his functions the administration of the se- curity force. The village and university have worked out mutually agree- able arrangements for handling problems. For football games, the university employs a number of off-duty policemen from.the city of Hamilton. On these occasions, traffic is controlled by village police, augmented by university security men, sheriff's deputies, and state highway patrolmen. Similar arrangements are made for other special events. The total expenditure by the village for police protection in 1960 was $38,890. The Berkeley study notes the findings of a survey made by the City of Berkeley Planning Department in the spring of 1958 of eighty cities and villages, each containing one or more colleges and universities of 5,000 or more students. 0f the seventy cities which replied, eighty-nine per cent indicated that "some payments had been received from the resident university for a wide variety of ser- vices, mostLy in the nature of utilities and special services." Nine cities, or 12.9%, reported that they received some payment for police protection. However, the questionnaire did not differentiate between those institutions which provided their own police protec- tion and those relying on municipal or other police agencies.19 Fire Protection.--Both the university and college have l9Harvey, op. cit., p. 53. - 93 - contracts with the village for fire protection. The statutory pro- visions for the university's fire contract are that: The superintendent or other administrative head of any state institution . . . may contract with a township or municipal corporation having a fire department . . . for the service of such department . . . in affording fire protection, or addi- tional fire protection in times of emergency, for property located outside the boundaries of such township or municipal corporation belonging to such institution. 20 The Ohio Attorney General has ruled that the university may not legally pay for fire protection for property located within the cor- poration limits. The university pays only for protection for that area of the campus lying outside the village; this includes seven residence halls, a 300-acre airfield, the hOO-acre wildlife preserve, the central maintenance and grounds buildings, the home of the uni- versity provost, greenhouses, stables, and other miscellaneous property. The first provision for fire protection was in January of 1929. Under terms of this agreement, free fire protection was to be provided Miami, western, and the Oxford Retreat.21 In 1931 this was modified to provide that the township trustees would pay $555 an- nually for fire protection, which was to include protection for Miami and western property located in the township. In turn, the college agreed to pay the township trustees a sum of $280 yearly.22 There were no further agreements during the depression and war years, though the village continued to provide the service. In 20Ohio, Revised Code, Section 9.60. 21 Ordinance # 239, adopted January 10, 1929. 22 Resolution # 178, adOpted May 5, 1931. ~9h- the interim, the university agreed to buy for the fire department $250 worth of fire equipment yearly. In 19h? the college agreed to a contract with the village for $150 per year for a term of five years. In February of l95h, a new contract was drawn providing for payment of $300 per year.23 In October of the same year the university agreed to a contract at the rate of $750 per year.2h Miami had bargained for $500, but agreed to the higher figure in return for dropping the agreement to pur- chase equipment for the department. In 1958 the rates for both the university and college were raised. ‘Western's contract was for 3350 per year,25 while the con- tract with Miami called for an annual payment of $1,250.26 The uni- versity agreed to this increase on the following basis: the village had issued $28,000 in general obligation bonds for the purchase of a quintuple-combination fire truck, including a sixty-five-foot aerial ladder. It was estimated that the ladder would account for about $5,000 of the cost. Since it would primarily benefit the university, Miami officials agreed to assume this portion of the cost, indirectly, by increasing their contract by $500. In 1960 the village spent $9,710 for fire protection. The Berkeley survey found that eleven of the seventy cities, or 15.7%, received some form of payment for fire protection. 23Resolution # 796, adopted February 2, 195h. 2hResolution # 807, adopted October 5, l95h. 25 Resolution.# 88h, adapted March 18, 1958. 26Resolution # 891, adopted July 8, 1958. - 95 - Garbage and Refuse Disposal.--Both institutions have con- tracts for use of the village landfill, although each operates its own collection system. Before 1953 the village Operated an incin- erator, which had been constructed in 1938 through a P.W}A. grant in the amount of $10,170 and general obligation bonds in the amount of $12,hh2.77- In.May of 19h0 the village made a contract with the univer- sity for their use of the facility.27 Miami paid $60 per month until l9h6, when the amount was increased to $82.50 per month.28 ‘During this period the college Operated its own.dump. In the late 19h0's, it became apparent that the incinerator was not functioning efficiently. In 1952 it was estimated that renovation would cost between $h0,000 and $50,000. Further, such improvement would not change the problem of the existing village dump, which was used for non-combustible materials. After study, it was decided to abandon the incinerator and establish a sanitary landfill. This move solved the problem of the dump, which had been declared a public nuisance by the county health department. In 1953 the village issued $33,000 in mortgage revenue bonds for a.packer truck, a bulldozer, and other equipment. Since the operation was financed by revenue bonds, it was deemed a utility operation and placed under the board of public affairs. The board then entered into a contract with the university for their use of the landfill. The village agreed to furnish all labor, materials, 27Resolution # 568, adOpted May 7, 191m. 28Resolution # 6h3, adopted July 2, 19h6. -95.. and equipment, and the university agreed to pay at the rate of $2,000 per year for the period from January 1, 1953, to March 31, 1953, and at the rate of $2,700 for the remainder of the year. In the meantime, each party was to keep complete records of the amount of material hauled to the site, and the village was to keep accurate 2 cost records of the operation. Landfill records indicated that the university was accoun- ting for its share of the costs, and the contract was extended by mutual agreement. In 1957, cost figures were reviewed, and the con- tract was revised to provide for an annual payment of $3,000. Para- graph 3 (B) of this agreement provided a more specific basis for cost and rate determination: Payment by Miami University shall bear the same ratio to total cost of Operation of the disposal site as volume of material delivered by Miami University collection system, Village of Oxford collection system, and the collection systems of other institutions and political subdivisions using the disposal site. Cost of operation of the site shall exclude all costs Of Village of Oxford collection system but will include a fair allowance for depreciation and equipment maintenance costs of disposal site equipment, not available from experience records, and all actual disposal site Operating costs as determined by operating experience. 30 In the meantime, western abandoned its private dump and be- gan to use the sanitary landfill. Records on usage of the site by the college were kept, and in June, 1955, an agreement was reached whereby the college would pay $200 per year as their share of the 29Board of Public Affairs Resolution # 66, 1953. 30Paragraph 3 (B) of.An Agreement by and between the Board of Trustees of Public Affairs of Oxford, Ohio and the President and Trustees of The Miami University, signed July 16, 1957. _ 97 - costs of operation.31 By mutual agreement, this contract has been extended and is still in force. Records kept by the village for 1958 indicated that the uni- versity accounted for about thirty-five per cent of the total land- fill usage, and the college accounted for only about three per cent. During 1960 the village spent a total of $50,985 for refuse and garbage collection and disposal, and an additional $2,680 for debt service. The Berkeley study found that seven of the seventy cities, or ten per cent, received some fonm of payment for providing garbage and/or refuse collection and disposal service. There was no common basis for payment; some agreements were based on flat rates, some were based on the number of trucks operated, and others were similar to the agreements between the village of OxfOrd and the institutions.32 Streets and Highways.--For many years there was an unwritten agreement that the university would contribute to the village a.por- tion of the cost of sealing village streets bordering the main uni- versity campus. This arrangement probably grew out of the street assessments which were levied on all property owners for the original sealing of village streets in the 1920's and early 1930's. Both the university and college have built and maintain their own driveways and streets. None of these is maintained by the village, although one university road is part of a state highway which was abandoned when the route was relocated in l9h8. SS 3llBoard of Public Affairs Resolution # 70, adopted June 2, 19 . 32Harvey, op. cit., p. A-5. -98- The formula followed by the university in making payments for street sealing work was usually fifty per cent of the cost of labor and materials, except in cases when university property abut- ted both sides of the street, in which case Miami paid 100% of the costs. These payments never amounted to a great deal Of mOney, as is indicated by the following amounts for the selected years: 19,46 0 o o o o o O O 0 $550 19149 O o o O o o O o 0 $825 1955 o O o O o o O O 0 $885 With the university's construction of several new buildings south of Spring Street in the late 1950's, the need grew for re- building Maple Street from Spring south to Chestnut. Village street funds, derived from.gasoline and motor vehicle license fees collec— ted by the state, were never sufficient fOr more than.maintenance of existing pavements. In 1958 the university indicated that it would be agreeable to some form of assessment for the improvement of Maple Street. During the summer of 1960, the village contracted for the reconstruction of the street for approximately 1,000 feet south from Spring Street, at a cost of just under $30,000. More than ninety- five per cent of the cost was assumed by the university, with the village paying the remainder of the cost in the form of men and equipment used to help construct the underground work-relocation Of sanitary sewers and installation of a storm sewer. The university agreed to this arrangement because of the need for the improvement, which abuts only university property. The remaining 1,200 feet of Maple Street was scheduled to be similarly improved during the summer of 1961. The present village administration discontinued the practice _ 99 - of accepting donations from the university for street sealing work. This was done, according to the mayor, because the village recog- nized that street work was its obligation, and also because of the university's generous agreement regarding Maple Street. Since the entire western College campus is outside the vil- lage, there has been.no similar arrangement with the college. During 1960 the village spent a total of'$50,310 for street maintenance and repair and street cleaning, and $5,h10 for improve- ments. The Berkeley survey found that only three of the seventy cities received payments for street maintenance, but that at least ten cities, or lh.3%, received some form of payment for major imp provements Of streets serving institutions.33 Street Lighting.--There have been several agreements with the university for street lighting in areas adjacent to the campus. In the late 1920's the university installed a campus-wide lighting system. Six of the new standards were located on High Street and Tallawanda Road, replacing lights formerly paid fbr by the village. in agreement in 1927 provided that the village would assume the 3 costs Of lighting and maintaining these new 1amps.’h The arrange- ment was continued by mutual consent until the university installed a new system in.1959. After the second world war, the village installed additional street lights in the area near veterans' housing and new residence 33Ibid., pp. A-5 and A-7. 311Ordinance # 175, passed December 6, 1927. - 100 - halls, at the request of the university. The university agreed to reimburse the village for the cost of lighting and maintaining these lamps. In 1959 the university installed a new fluorescent street lighting system on the parts of Patterson Avenue, High Street, Cam- pus Avenue, and Spring Street which border the main campus; on.Maple and Oak Streets south of Spring Street; on Tallawanda Road north of High Street; and on drives in the Eastern Campus, outside the village limits. The total cost of this project, about $95,000, was assumed entirely by the university, even though thirty—seven of the eighty- eight new standards provide light in areas formerly serviced by the village street lighting system. This has reduced the village's street lighting costs by about $1,200 annually. ‘ During 1960 the village spent $8,225 for street lighting. The Berkeley study indicated that six of the seventy cities received payments in some fbrm for light and power. However, it is not clear from the tabulations whether such payments were for street lighting only, or for general power and light requirements furnished by municipal plants.35 Recreation.-eAlthough the university does not presently make use of any village recreation facilities, they did lease the munici- pal swimming pool during the war for the use of the Navy school then located at Miami. In 19h3 the Navy was granted exclusive use of the pool on Monday, Tuesday, and‘Wednesday of each week for July and August, at a cost of $300. This agreement was continued through 35Harvey, op. cit., p. 59h. - 101 - 6 the year l9hh-3 Several of the university recreation areas have been used on an informal basis for many years by village residents. This usage has been intensified in recent years with increased emphasis on or- ganized baseball for boys of all ages. Many of these games have been played on.university softball fields in the intramural athletic area. In.May of 1960 the university, through the Office Of the president, gave notice that this arrangement could not continue in- definitely. It was announced that university activities would inter- fere with Little League play for certain periods during the summer and that future growth would require preserving the fields for uni- versity students. The newspaper story reporting the move closed with the following: Asserting that "we are sympathetic with this request and would like to be of assistance," the Miami president said he was re- ferring to possible future restrictions on summer use of the playfields "because I believe it is most important fer the Vil- lage of Oxford in planning its very worthwhile recreation pro- gram to realize that the facilities of Miami University will not be available for an indefinite period." 37 During 1960 the village spent $15,390 for recreation.and park purposes. The Berkeley survey did not cover this area of municipal service. water.--The village has supplied water to the institutions for many years with no formal contractual arrangements. The original 36Resolutions # 601 and 607, adopted August 3, l9h3, and April 25, 19th. 37Hamilton (Ohio) Journal News, Thursday, May 19, 1960, p. 8. - 102 - plant and distribution system were installed in the 1890's. Various major improvements have been made since that time, including the following: 1922 . . . . . Installation of 200,000 gallon elevated storage tank. 192h . . . . . Steam.pumps replaced by electrically- powered pumps. 1930's . . . . Extension of distribution system. 19h0 . . . . . Larger high-lift pumps installed. 19h8 . . . . . Installation of one-million—gallon-per-day Ranney radial water collector. 1950‘s . . . . Extension and reinforcement of distribution system. 1961 . . . . . Development of new well field and installa- tion Of 3.3 m.g.p.d. Ranney radial water collector; installation of 2,000-gallon-per- minute high-lift pump in pumping station. The original installations and major improvements carried out in the 1920's were financed with general obligation bonds. The educational institutions did not make direct contributions of capi- tal for these improvements. For the past thirty years or so, im- provements have been carried out with surplus funds accumulated from regular water billings. The Ranney well installed in l9h8, at a cost of about $70,000, was financed in this manner. By early in. 1961, the board had invested about $50,000 in government bonds; a part of this was used to purchase the new well field and for devel- Opment of the new radial collector. The amount Of water pumped has increased greatly in the past thirty-five years, largely due to the growth of the university and resultant residential expansion. In 1955 it was calculated that the - 103 _ university used 61.5% Of all metered water, the college accounted for 6.8%, and the remaining 31.6% was used by business and residen- tial users. The following are the average daily pumping figures for the years indicated: l92h 0 . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 . 0 0 . 385,3h9 gallons l9hl0...000.0.0.0.0 566,269ga110n8 1958 0 0 0 0 . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 . 0 0 1,228,025 gallons water rates were unchanged from l93h until January, 1961. During this twenty-sixsyear period, the rates were as follows: Amounts Consumed Charge per 1,000 Cubic Feet 1,000 to 3,000 cubic feet $1.60, the minimum quarterly bill 3,000 to 51,000 cubic feet $1.30 Over 51,000 cubic feet $0.90 The university received a further rate benefit, since all meter readings were combined by major fund to which they were to be charged. A.flat rate of $22.h0 was charged for the first 17,000 cubic feet, and each additional 1,000 cubic feet was billed at the rate of $0.90. Cost studies in the fall of 1960 showed that operational costs of supplying water were about $0.99 per 1,000 cubic feet, with no allowance made for depreciation of the system, deferred mainten- ance, or capital improvements. This meant that the university pay- ments were not meeting even the costs of operation. At the same time, the board was also faced with the necessity of issuing $105,000 in mortgage revenue bonds for development of the new water collector. Effective April 1, 1961, the board set the water rate for all consumers inside the corporation limits at $2.00 per 1,000 cubic feet, with a minimum quarterly charge of $3.00 for the first 1,000 - 10h - cubic feet. A contract negotiated with the county commissioners at the same time set the rates fer outside residents and other users, except the university and college, at 150% of the rates charged within the corporation limits. A While the university and college have not paid directly for the cost of improving and expanding the supply and transmission.sys- tem, they have generally constructed their own distribution systems. In some cases, such construction has benefited private property, and in several instances university extensions have improved the general distribution and line pressure in that area of the village. During 1960 the village spent a total of $63,160 for water plant and distribution operation, maintenance, and repair, and an additional $28,950 fOr new construction and equipment. The Berkeley survey found that forty-one of the seventy cities, or 58%, received payments for water supplied. Generally, these were based on regular consumer rates, as in Oxford, but in other cases preferential rates applied, or the institutions were billed only for water used in non-educational activities.38 The following points are important for the purposes of this study and should be emphasized: 1. The village has expanded the system several times, mainly as a result of the growth of the university, without asking the institutions for direct contributions to meet the costs. 2. The village has provided more than adequate water for the needs of the institutions and has managed to accumulate a total of more than $100,000 in surplus in the past twenty years, while still Operating on revenues from rates set in l93h. 38Harvey, Op. cit., p. A-3. - 105 - 3. The institutions, particularly the university, have con- structed necessary additions to their distribution systems as their physical plants have expanded. Sewers and Sewage Treatment.--In this area we find a major- ity of the formal agreements which have been entered into by the village and the institutions. These extend back more than sixty years, and cover all major improvements and expansions of the sewer system and treatment plants. Table 8 summarizes these projects and outlines the contributions made by the institutions for payment of the costs involved. Formal agreements between the university and the village date from September of 1896, when council passed an ordinance giving the university the right to construct and maintain a sanitary sewer "along and on High Street from a point 311 feet west of the inter- section of High and East Exterior Streets."39 [See Appendix B for a detailed description of the sewer agreements between the university and the village.] In contrast to the developments in expansion of the water system, the institutions have made direct contributions toward the cost of expanding sewerage facilities, as outlined in Table 8. The village has issued bonds totaling about $2h3,000, while the univer- sity has paid about $250,000 during the fifty-year period. The college is contributing $18,000 as its share of the 195h sewage plant improvements. Sewer rates have been kept to a minimum over the years. The original rates were established in December of 192h at $0.25 per 39Kenneth G. Bernard, Trustee of Public Affairs, "Town Report," The Oxford Press, October 9, 1958, Section II, p. 2. - 106 - TABLE 8 SANITARX SEWER.AHD TREATMENT FINANCING, 1908 TO THE PRESENT Project and Year Bonds Issued by the Village General Obligation Bonds Revenue Bonds Miami Uni- versity Participation ‘Western College Partici- pation 1908 - 1909 Original sewers and treatment plant 1928 - 1929 Construction of new'treatment plant and siphon 1933 Extension of san- itary sewers and installation of pumping station 19h? - 19h8 Construction of relief intercep- tor sewer, siphon and extensions of sewer mains 195h - 1956 Reconstruction and expansion of treatment plant 3 50,000 a 20,000 $ 33,000 $100,000 $h0,000 s 8,867.h0 $ h0,000.00 $ 10,700.00 See below $190,513.01;a $18,000b 8'This figure includes all university payments for sewers and sewage plant improvements made between l9h7 and 1956. bThe college has its own transmission.line to the sewage plant. It has agreed to pay this sum, over a fifteensyear period, as its share of the cost of enlarging and rebuilding the treatment plant. -107... 1,000 cubic feet of water used with a minimum billing of $1.25 per quarter.h0 These rates remained fixed, with the exception Of the rate outside the corporation limits, for thirty years. In July of 111 195h, the rates were set as follows: Inside Corporation.Limits First 5,000 cubic feet per quarter . . . . . . $3.00, minimum billing Each additional 1,000 cubic feet . . . . . . . .60 TfiammldweStem 00.00.00.00... .hOper1,000 cubic feet Outside Corporation Limits First 5,000 cubic feet per quarter . . . $11.25 Each additional 1,000 cubic feet . . . . . . . .60 MiamiandWestern.............. .hOper1,000 cubic feet Because of the extremely low rates in effect until 195h, the board of’public affairs did not accumulate a surplus in the sewer fund. Since l95h a number of smaller sewer extensions have been made to unsewered areas of the village; total sewers installed approximate two miles in length. In 1960 the village spent a total Of’$37,980 in sewer funds. Of this amount, about $25,690 was fOr maintenance and ‘operation, and $12,290 for extensions and improvements to the system. A The Berkeley survey found that sewer charges generally were made on the basis of the amount of water used, as in.Oxford; and that those paying for water service generally pay for sewage treatment. hOOrdinance # 23, adopted December 2, 192k. thrdinance # 769, adopted July 6, 195h. - 108 - Several institutions install their own lines on campus property, as is the case with Miami and Western.h2 In the area of capital im- provements, both the amounts and basis for payment vary widely among cities. Oxford and Miami University were cited specifically as one example in which the institution assumed a major share of the finan- cial burden. Other examples were Purdue and‘West Lafayette, Indiana; Oregon State and Corvallis; University of North Carolina and Chapel Hill; and Michigan State University and East Lansing!“3 The following points are important in considering the rela- tionships between the village and institutions in connection with the sewer and sewage treatment system: 1. The agreements extend back to 1896 and cover all construc- tion, extensions, major improvements, and reconstruction of the system since it was first built in 1908. 2. The university has contributed a portion of the capital costs involved during each of the five major projects since 1908, and the college is contributing towards the most re- cent major improvement. 3. The university apparently was one of the major forces behind the original sewerage scheme, although the importance of its influence is impossible to gauge at this date. h. Agreements concerning the system have always included a pro- vision that the university pay an amount equivalent to its share of the total costs based on its proportion of the water sold to all customers of the water works who were connected to the sewage systen. 5. The board of public affairs and council generally have anti- cipated the need for expanded facilities and have provided fer them prior to actual need. 6. The sewer system and treatment plant have been operated and maintained adequately to provide good service, but costs have'been held down. Sewer rentals were established rela- tively early; the village, in fact, was one of the first in Ohio to establish such a source of revenue. Rates have tharvey, Op. cit., p. A-3. h3Ihid., p. A-6. - 109 - changed only once since they were established thirty-six years ago, and this one change came thirty years later and only as a result of the issuance of revenue bonds to help pay for capital improvements and not through increased op- erating costs. Miscellaneous.--There have been other agreements between the village and the university. Some of the more important were: 1. Permitting the university to construct temporary housing Obtained from the federal government after the second world war, 2. Permitting erection of an FM broadcasting aerial, and 3. Renting the municipal auditorium to the university for tem- porary classroom space immediately after‘WOrld‘War II. None of these agreements was of major importance, and many of them were concerned with matters of short duration. Services Performed by the Institutions fer the Village There are no formal agreements in which either the univer- sity or college agrees to perform any direct service fer the village government. However, there are some areas in.which both institutions have informally granted privileges or have provided facilities which are of direct or indirect benefit to the village government, includ— ing the following: 1. The Recreation Department has used the college tennis courts and golf course fOr instruction in these Sports. 2. The university has permitted recreation programs to be held on university grounds during times when school playgrounds were closed because of construction activities. 3. The university has accelerated its program.0f providing Off- street parking for faculty, staff, and students. The total Of such Spaces in 1959 was 5h2, most of which were developed in the preceding five years. h. The university has loaned equipment to the village and has permitted certain of its facilities to be used by village maintenance crews, as will be described in.m0re detail later. _]_']_O.. 5. The university has taken over street lighting functions on streets adjacent to the university campus, as outlined elsewhere. 6. The university provides a certain amount of street cleaning and traffic stall painting on streets around the campus. 7. Establishment of the university security force has relieved the village of direct responsibility in certain areas of law enforcement. Village Finances and the Influence of the Institutions Village operations are financed from.a number of sources, all of which are regulated by state law, with the exception of miscel- laneous local service charges, rents, etc. The major sources of general fund revenue in Oxford are real and personal property taxes; parking meter revenue; and state-collected locally-shared funds, in- cluding gasoline and motor vehicle license funds and a portion of the state sales tax and a tax on the operations of financial insti- tutions. The three public utilities-~water, sewer, and sanitation-- are selfesupporting. Under provisions of state law, the village may not transfer monies from any of these special funds to the general fund. Utility fees paid by the institutions are excluded from.0ur consideration here. Table 9 indicates the source of general funds for the vil- lage for selected years from l9h6 through 1958. This particular period was chosen because it covers years before the village in- stalled parking meters, before enactment of the admissions tax, and before waste collection was made a revenue-supported utility. It also covers the period during whichtmost of the non-utility agree- ments between the village and the institutions were made. Thus, this span of’years provides a basis for comparison and indicates .poon eoqflenopoe no names on» no scammfiseoo pomesm .mnOdpspHpoeH Hofiondewm :O_Mo¢-opopo one we» modem opopo on» an vopnom .vqsm peoenno>ow Haven one acne soapsbanpmac o.oonHH> onp apnomonmon onswam macho .onoue one on eoesonona more one because once: one» page anon use be one .eonoencsoo tonnes one sonnet ooo.mna no ewes c on come no_son o Eonw ..m.o .noon on noohneonm hHoefis oasdoosdm hone omsmoop onoe poesaona no: onoa .eooooddoo news3_eonm huHHoQaOfiese end menace one nooSPon eonoem new nopooHHoouopovm .moxop oesopanoan .eopooddoo one hon» noes: Eonm moons onp on 090» ea poenspon no eononm nonpao one opwpo on» hn_eopooaaoo one :OH::.MO Had «ocean oncoo IHH noon and .oeesm ”up opponmmwo «meson mop onHHooom woven“ omGoOaH odoazob nopoa nonnaoqa onsmfim oases .nobnosa spasm can no oonnno .noonnno canons no sononpnoasm coarseneooaosH no soonsm on» op nonsmoonsuxnoao owoaafib men he mpnmmwm donned ”oonsom .onnsm nozoo new nopon_..m.o .oomanm Inopso ooa>noo season aonw npaaooon one eoesaoxo Oodd .meqon mo Odom onp.eonm meoooona nausea noepo aonm onomoson» mopsoEpmopqa “moon monsoonoon use opmwooon doom m:HEEHzo mmomnono use «ooflom .moom msoosoaaooofia mamonopsa new meson mopaoemmommo deacon. “oseopon mo moonsom wnaaofldom one opeaoea no: op nonswnm ooozao apnoea one no onus on sonssnnnbnan sane page w on mane nee.men mae.mm -n.~n Hon.e mmm.n o:~.~ mmn.ac men.en ~mn.e~ omen nam.mma cme.mme sen.mn nHo.m emo.a mo~.~ mom.am erm.~n n~m.- mman o-.mm ....... umm.on ma:.~ mmo.m, Ham ma~.ee nm~.m onmawn «man acm.c~ , ....... mme.one an.m. ome.m» mm~.m, men.mm. oon.e omo.ea. mama QMNAQJ fl ......0 0...... mwmnflfi .....0 NOH 0 ngmmw mgqo w NBQMH” 03m.” unnsnom osuobom onopoz owmmo ”MMMB new mom mouse 0 n ononH omsmom wefixnom moefim nodee4 unoowq hvnomonm noow Heron . Hosea. meson condemnannoooq mad honorees sense as. nexus Hosea eopoonnoouoeonn emmmn repose 39H .84”; nonhuman son 58% no meg .8958 no .Bzmsom ass gazed m mnmda -1l2 - .m oases 5” popeomonm monsmfin one no women one homopaoonom a.» mméw mm.o mc.ooa mm.on mm.~ ma.a m~.mm an.m um.en mmmn mm.am mo.mn me.on un.e um.m mm.n ma.~m me.on um.mn mmmn mtg ..... RTE“ «Tm v3.4 m3” mmém and mmém «m3 ea.aa ..... ea.mn an.e mm.e m~.e me.me mm.m u~.- mean m008fi ..... ....0 XN0M 0... RM.O §00m RN.NH Rm.~.N 03mg” its has 3.8 “News ”raw” :3 a a 9:005” ooaom magnum amen-Wm maimed. 180.3 Enononm ndoH Hence fleece unset concominnnoooa moanouwom .845 end moons“. Hosea eoeooanouuososm o on mamas mmmd 5:958 9.3..“ 20mm a gag mom «me/HE GZHBEO Emu 93.53 .mo Hag .8302”... mo mmombom mo ZOHHBHEmHQ mgzmofim -113- several important trends in local general revenue. Table 10 indicates the percentage which each source of rev- enue contributed to the total general fund for each of the selected years. These tables, taken together, indicate the following general trends: 1. Actual funds received from state-collected taxes have doubled during the thirteen-year period. However, they have dropped as a percentage of total general funds; those distributed directly by the state have dropped from.28% to 15% of the total . ~ - 2. Property taxes have more than doubled in.amount, but have dropped from.56% to 39% Of the total general fund revenue. 3. Although local licenses and permits have increased twenty- fold during the period, they still represent a minor source of funds. h. Local admissions have decreased both in terms of actual revenue produced and in percentage of total general fund revenues. This is primarily'due to the amendment to the original tax exempting admissions of’$0.75 or less. This has primarily benefited local theaters but has not affected the university, inasmuch as their prices are higher than this figure. 5. Fines and costs have fluctuated widely over the period and have never accounted for more than about h% of the total. 6. Parking meter funds have increased during the period, mainly due to the enlargement Of the area covered. These funds represent about 10% of the total general fund revenue. 7. Establishment of the waste collection system as a public utility has meant a great increase in total funds available for general fund purposes. Funds formerly used for this function may now be diverted to other uses. In 1958 refuse funds accounted fbr more than 20% of all general revenues received. - Of the various payments made by the university, only the ad- missions tax is not paid for a specific utility product or service performed. This tax was formerly levied by the state, but the legis- lature in 19h? relinquished it to municipalities. Ordinance # 636, -1.1h- providing for a 3% tax on all admissions, was adopted on September 23, l9h7. The tax was made effective on cover charges, as well as on admissions tickets, and was worded to apply to season tickets sold by the university for athletic events. On October 5, l9h8, the ordinance was amended at the request of the university, based on their position that they could not pay admissions tax on student activity fees. The ordinance was amended by council to provide that the tax be levied "on individuals atten- ding Miami University functions, instead of on cash receipts."hh Even after this change, receipts from the university were not forthcoming, and the clerk of council was directed to write to the university inquiring as to the reason. On March 7, 1950, a letter was received from the university vice president advising that Miami would remit to the village all taxes which had been collected on individual admissions to university events since July 1, 19,-19.]4S In 195h the tax was altered at the request of the two local movie theaters. The 3% tax was retained, but the first $0.75 was exempted. This did not affect tax revenues from the university, as may be seen from.the amounts listed from this source in Table 11, which tabulates payments made by the university and college for the same years covered in Tables 9 and 10. Table 11 lists the total revenue received from each institution for the selected year, as well as the percentage of total general revenue which this payment represents. huMinutes of Council, Vol. VI, p. 592. hSIbid0, V010 VII, p. 70 - 115 - TABLE 11 h6 PAYMENTS BY THE INSTITUTIONS TO THE VILLAGE OF OXFORD FOR SELECTED YEARS FROM 19h6 THROUGH 1958, BY PURPOSE FOR WHICH PAID, AND PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL GENERAL REVENUE FOR EACH YEAR Garbage % of Dispos- Street Street Fire Admis- Total Year a1 and Seal- Li hts Protec- sions Other Total Gen- Land- ing g tion Tax eral Fill Funds Miami University 19h6 s 3h2 $5h9 t 36 ...... ....... ..... 3 927 1.9% 19h9 990 825 156 3 500 $1,37h 8h00 h,2h5 5.5% 1952 1,395 .... 156 500 1,269 .... 3,320 3.7% 1955 2,700 885 23h 750 1,5h9 57 6,175 5.0% 1958 3,000 .... .... 1,125 1,890 .... 6,015 3.7% western College 19146 8 69 00.. 0000 00.... 0..... 00.. s 69 19h9 125 0... 0... $ 300 0..... 0... 1125 1952 125 .... .... Y 150 ...... .... 275 1955 ...... .... .... 275 ...... .... 275 1958 200 .... .... 325 ...... .... 525 tutions are a negligible source of revenue for the village. It is Obvious from these figures that payments by the insti- At no time has the total of this revenue exceeded 6%, and this high occurred h60btained from fund ledgers maintained by the clerk- treasurer. - 116 - twelve years ago. The rate for the most recent year is less than h%. Amounts received from western College are too small to be of significance in this study. One reason for the drop in amount received from the univer- sity in 1958 is the village's decision to discontinue two arrange- ments formerly followed: payments by the university for street sealing work around the main campus and for street lighting in the south residence hall area. One indirect source of income is the fines assessed univer- sity students in the mayor's court. There is no way of judging the amount of money involved, but it would not represent a substantial source of income, inasmuch as the total amount of fines and costs has never represented more than h.l% of the total general fund revenue. ' Table 12 indicates the growth in assessed valuation of real property in the village and lists the local real and personal prop- erty tax rates for each of the years covered. The total village levy has dropped consistently fer the past ten years. The levy for debt services has gradually decreased as bonds issued for construction of the swimming pool, incinerator, municipal building, sewage plant, and sewers have been retired. 'Within a period of ten.years, this levy has been more than out in half--from 2.68 to 1.2h mills. During the same period, the operat- ing levy has been increased from 2.80 to 3.65 mills. And, at the same time, the release of general funds formerly used to support the refuse system has made possible larger appropriations for other general fund functions: police, fire, and other general governmental services, such as planning and zoning. - 117 - TABLE 12 h? ASSESSED VALUATION AND TAX RATES, vniAGE OF OXFORD, FOR SELECTED YEARS, 19h6 THROUGH 1959 Village Tax Rates in Mills per Dollar of.Assessed Valuation Tax Assessed Year Valuation bt De , Service Operating Total 19h6 sh,280,000 2.68 2.80 5.h8 1919 5,681,335 2.68 3.36 6.0h 1952 5,873,000 2.53 3.b2 5.95 1955 7,500,000 1.93 3.62 5.55 1959 9,700,000 1.2h 3.65 b.89 The assessed valuation of property in the village has more than doubled during the past thirteen.years. This has resulted from three major factors: (1) complete reassessments ordered by state tax equalization authorities in l9h9 and 1956, (2) annexation to the village since 1956, and (3) growth and expansion of local business and residential areas as the university has expanded. Creation of new tax base as the university has grown is the chief way, although indirect, in which the university has affected local government finances for general purposes. The following should be noted in summary: 1. The revenues available for general purposes have more than tripled in the thirteen-year period-~from about $50,000 to h70btained from annual reports of the clerk-treasurer to the Office of the State Auditor, Bureau of Inspection and Supervision of Public Offices. -118- $163,500. This has come about through increased allotments of state-collected taxes and fees; increased local property taxes resulting from reassessments, annexation, and growth of the tax base; and from.the inclusion of parking meter and refuse collection revenues. 2. While the university and college pay directly for water, sewer, fire protection, and refuse disposal, they do not contribute directly to the general Operating funds of the village. The admissions tax, which is not levied against the university'but against individuals, is the only tax or charge paid by the university which is not for a specific service provided. This source has never produced more than h.5% of the total general revenue. 3. All university payments, excluding water and sewer service charges, have never amounted to more than $6,000 annually, nor more than 5.5%of all village general fund revenues. Of this amount, $h,125 was for use of the landfill and for fire protection outside the corporation limits. h. The university has cooperated with the village by paying full assessments for major street construction in areas ad- jacent to the university campus and has taken over Operation Of certain services formerly provided by the village at its own expense-~particularly street lighting and the police function on the campus. This has released village funds for other purposes and is, indirectly, a subsidization of vil- lage general.funds. Miami University and the Public School System The local school aystem has always been influenced by the presence of the university. In fact, the original grammar school in Oxford was Operated by the university trustees prior to the opening Of the university in 182h. A few years later, Professor William McGuffey began the compilation of his famous readers while at Miami; much of the material prepared for these books was used locally by McGuffey to test his theories. The public school system in the village and township came into being in the 1830's. Eventually, eleven district schools were organized; the village itself formed District Seven. In 187h a high - 119 - school was started, and in 1886 a new building to house the entire twelve grades was erected. In 1910 an addition was made to the building, and in 1929 a new high school constructed. During the 1920's, the district schools in the township were abolished and rural pupils were transported to the village. In the meantime, the state had established a "normal college" at Miami in 1902. From that year until 1910, the local schools were used for practice teaching and Observation by cadet teachers. Partly as a result of some local residents' opposition to this prac- tice, the university, in 1910, established "The William.McGuffey School" to serve as a laboratory school. The elementary division of the school remains in operation to this date. For over forty years the village had two separate school systems-- the McGuffey School Operated by the university, and the local public schools operated by the board of education. During this period Miami was, in effect, subsidizing the local schools, since it was providing school plant and staff for about one-half the local school population. After the second world war, the increase in.pupils forced the public schools to expand, but McGuffey did not. In 1950 a bond issue was approved for a new public elementary school, and the 1886 tmdlding was razed. From.this point, the public schools were pro- viding instruction for almost twice as many children as was McGuffey. Population increase made necessary a further expansion in school plant. However, this was difficult because Of two factors: (1) state law prohibiting indebtedness for school purposes Of more than nine per cent of the assessed valuation of the district, which - 120 - the district had practically reached, and (2) a very low per-pupil valuation, due to the absence of any industrial or commercial devel- opments in the district. At the same time, other school districts in the area were faced with similar problems. This led to discussions of possible consolidation. In 195h Oxford and nearby Hanover Township School District consolidated, and in 1955 they were joined by the Milford Township School District. The new district, known as Talawanda School District, encompasses about 120 square miles and is one of the larger districts in the entire state. In number of pupils, Talawanda is larger than all but six of the seventy-eight exempted village schools in Ohio; it has more pupils than 950 of the 970 rural school districts, and seventy-seven of the 137 school districts in the state. Enrollment has increased from 1,890 in 1951; to 2,570 in 1959. Even with consolidation, however, the per-pupil valuation of the district is only $9,000, while the state average is $lh,300 per pupil.ha The immediate problem after formation of the district was the provision of high school facilities. The consolidated district included both the public high school in 0xford--Stewart High School-- and the Hanover Township High School. A $1,000,000 bond issued for a new high school was approved by the voters in 1955. At the same time, the Miami University School Of Education was approached in connection with a possible consolidation of the McGuffey High School with the new school. The School Of Education hBInterview with Mr. RObert Bogan, Superintendent, Talawanda School District, February 23, 1959. - 121 - was interested in conducting Observations and placing student teach- ers in the new school. After negotiations, the move was approved by the university. An agreement was drawn up between the board of education and the university in November of 1955. Major provisions were: 1. The McGuffey and consolidated high schools would merge upon completion of the new district high school building. 2. Raising of funds for the new building was the responsibil- ity of the school district. 3. The university would pay $100,000 toward the cost of con- struction, in return for use of the facilities for observa- tion and teacher training. h. Because of this contribution, the school district would enter into a separate agreement with the university in regard to operation of the high school. Incorporated in this agreement were provisions for accommo- dating all McGuffey High School pupils; for operation of the high school to provide for student teacher observation.and practice teaching; and for payment by the university, either in the form of teaching staff or lump sum payments, of an amount of not less than $h5,000 annually for operation of the high school. The agreement also provided that the high school was to be Operated by the local school district in cooperation with the univer- sity. To this end, an.Administrative Council was established, con- sisting of the superintendent of schools, the dean of the university's school of education, and the principal of the high school. The superintendent was designated chairman Of the council, which was given power to: formulate administrative policies consistent with the policies of the Board of Education; to recommend staff appointments except as otherwise specified; and to recommend salaries and - 122 - approve curricula, subject to review by the Board of Education. It was also agreed that the superintendent would be appoin- ted only after the board of education had consulted with the uni- versity. Appointments to the positions Of principal, assistant principal, and coordinators of major fields of the curriculum were to be made by the board on recommendation of the administrative council. With the passage of the bond issue and agreement with the university, the board of education constructed a new building and organized the neW'Talawanda High School, a consolidation of the Stewart and McGuffey High Schools from Oxford, and Hanover Township High School. The building was erected in 1955 and 1956. However, construction delays prevented the Opening of the new building at the beginning of the school year, and the university then agreed to per- mit the school district to use the area formerly occupied by'McGuf- fey High School until the new building was Opened. In 1959 the district approved an eight-mill renewal and four-mill additional levy for operating purposes, as well as a bond issue of $750,000 for a new twelve-room elementary school, addition to the high school, and rehabilitation Of the other fbur elementary and junior high school buildings in the district. The submission of this bond issue had been postponed because the university had previously indicated that it was anticipating the construction of a new building for the McGuffey Elementary School h90perating Agreement between the President and Trustees Of the Miami University, Oxford, Ohio, and the Talawanda Local School District, Oxford, Ohio, entered into in November, 1955. - 123 - and expansion of the school. However, the project was deleted from the university's capital expansion plan, and the district found it- self in need of additional classrooms in the immediate future. In connection with the Operation of McGuffey, the Miami president stated: I can't see any possibility at the present time of enlarging our elementary school-~solution to overcrowding of the community's school must, I'm afraid, be worked out by the community rather than by Miami and its School of Education. . . . It is my Opin- ion at this time that Miami University's concern should be with its college problems, and not with expanding an elementary school. I believe the college needs should come first in ex- penditure of such funds as we have. Admittance to McGuffey has always been somewhat selective. Until about ten years ago, all faculty children were enrolled at McGuffey, along with as many children of non-university parents as desired admittance and could be accommodated. 'With the rapid growth of the university in the post-war period, it became impossible to accept all those wishing to enter. At the same time, the public school plant was modernized and improvements were made in the public school curriculum, both of which served to attract more faculty and staff children. In February of 1960, the university board of trustees issued a policy declaration regarding operation of'McGuffey, stating that it was "primarily to provide Opportunities fOr students of education to observe and participate in elementary school teaching." The res- olution also asserted that Operation of the laboratory school was a "contribution to the community and an attraction in the recruitment 50The Oxford Press, January 21, 1960, p. l. -1214... r of University Stafft"’l The policy established by the board set the size of classes at thirty pupils; provided that applications would be filed according to the date received, without restrictions as to race, creed, or color of the applicant; and provided that preference in admission, up to two-thirds of the available class Space, be given to children of families in which one parent is a full-time member of the university staff, and the remainder to be made avail- able to children of families not members Of the Miami staff who re- side in the Oxford community.52 The university is therefore committed to enrollment of only 270 pupils in.MCGuffey school; this is approximately the actual en- rollment for the past several decades. At the same time, enrollment in the district for the same grades has increased from.1,h00 in l95h to 1,750 in 1958. The consolidation of the local high schools and creation of the administrative council has brought a new spirit of cooperation to the relationships between the local school district and the school of education. Some manifestations of this spirit include: the uni- versity's grant of approval for the high school to occupy university classrooms until completion of the new high school, university ap- proval of use of the old McGuffey football field temporarily, and the university's use of the high school gymnasium for basketball practice when the university facilities were not available. The university has also allowed the high school to continue the use of its industrial arts department shops--woodworking, graphic arts, 51Ibid., February 11, 1960, p. 1. 52Loc. cit. -125- metal work, photography, and automotives--a practice followed by the old McGuffey High School. And the school of education has provided the local school board and administration with professional advice in the areas of curriculmm, teacher recruitment, and school adminis- tration.’ The following points should be noted in summary of this section: 1. The local school system has long been affected by the pres- ence of the university: (a) the first school in the commun- ity was operated by the university, and Dr. McGuffey began his series of readers while at Miami; (b) since 1902, the university's school of education has used the local schools for practice teaching and observation; (c) the lack of in- dustrial base in a university'community has resulted in low per-pupil tax value in the school district; (d) the univer- sity has operated a laboratory school since 1910, and since 1956 has participated in operation of the Talawanda High School. 2. The university's representation on the administrative coun- cil is the only direct involvement of the university on any local governmental body. It should also be noted that Miami has only one vote on the council and that its actions are subject to review and approval by the local board of educa- tion. 3. The cooperation of the university and school board in opera- tion of the high school has resulted in much closer ties and a spirit of c00peration which had not previously existed. 53Interviews with the Superintendent of Schools and two members of the Talawanda Board of Education, February 23, April 25, and May 2, 1959. V. THE ROLES OF THE UNIVERSITY AND COLLEGE IN VILLAGE GOVERNMENT In the course of describing the services performed by the village, this study has touched on the roles played by the educa- ional institutions, acting through representatives of their policy- making or administrative bodies, in the local governmental process. It is now necessary to more closely scrutinize these roles, in order to properly test the hypotheses. The material in this section relies heavily on the evidence derived from interviews conducted with vil- lage and institutional personnel who are and have been involved in the governmental relationships concerned. PROPOSITION I: That the administrative organizations of Miami University and of western College, operating through represen- tatives of these organizations, would attempt to seek a direct voice in both policy formulation and determination and adminis- tration in village government in areas or situations which would be of direct concern and interest to the educational institutions. Question number one was directed to this proposition.1 A total of thirty village officials and administrators, four university officials, and all three local representatives of the press who were asked this question indicated that the university and college do not directly attempt to influence local government in the performance of its functions. Some of the responses and comments to this question fOllOWo 1See Appendix "A" for complete schedule of questions. - 126 - - 127 - An ex-mayor: Oh, no, I don't think so. I've never found them to be de— manding in anything. I've never had them come up and say "well, it has to be done this way," or "it has to be done that way." Never has anything like that happened . . . with either the uni- versity or the college. Everything has been . . . well, I know a couple of occasions maybe some official in town would offend some university personnel or would do something that they didn't think was done right, they would come in and ask for a confer- ence, and they might be a little hot under the collar, but . . . I know on one occasion I told them, "well, now look, this is our problem as much as it is yours, and it's yours as much as it is ours, and we should be able to work out the thing between us." In response to the same question, the incumbent mayor replied: No, I don't. Contrary to popular opinion, I believe they don't do any more than any other businessman or any individual in trying to get what they want. In my experience on council, on the planning commission, and as mayor, I have never known anyone from either institution to try to influence any decision any more than any other citizen. An interview with another ex-official provided the following exchange: Q: would you say that the university had any more influence or effect on the council . . . for instance, the ordinances that were passed . . . than any business or social group . . . A: None at all. I wouldn't say so. Q: Do they attempt to operate in that way, in any way? A: No, never. To my knowledge, they‘ve never used any undue influence on anyone that's in there. Oh, maybe in the past someone would come out and say, "well, I think it ought to be this way,” but so far as any sort of a threat, or intimida- tion, or bribe, or in any way, by inference or anything else, I've never, never known of anything like that. An ex-councilman: No, I don't think so. A lot of people around town say that the university is out for itself, that they are "out to get the town," and so forth, but it just isn't so. I don't know where people get that idea . . . and I still hear it around even now. But the people who say that just don't know what they are talk- ing about . . . they don't know from.A to Z about it. I never felt that the university, especially, tried to influence what we on council did. I never felt that they were trying to pressure - 128 - us into anything. we presented our case, and they presented theirs . . . and we went on from there. I never felt that they didn't try to cooperate 100% of the time. We got along fine in all of our dealing with them.. . . the whole council did. An ex-councilwoman.and member of the planning commission: From my own personal experience, I've had no indication whatsoever that the university made any attempt to influence policy or action on the part of the legislative body of the village. A local businessman and ex-councilman made a somewhat dif- ferent interpretation of the question and answered it thus: well, it depends on what you mean by that. Now, of course the university is the most important industry around here . . . and it's a hell of a big industryt In that sense, of course they influence what goes on. Now as far as influencing the council or the local government, I wouldn't say that they tried to ram.anything down our throats or anything like that. I be- lieve we had only one meeting with them while I was on council, and that was concerned with the sewers and the disposal plant. Everything was very'amicable and all that. But they didn't try to tell us what to do or how to do it; if they had, it wouldn't have done much good, because I don't take to that very'welll Another ex-councilman was quite definite in his reply to the question: No, I don't think so at all . . . none whatsoever. I know that a lot of people around town believe it's true, but, damn it, they just don't know! I've argued myself blue to try to con- vince some of 'em that it "just ain't so,” but it doesn't seem to do much good with some of those hard-heads. Anybody that has worked with the university knows better. A present member of council who is also a professor at the college replied as follows: well, I think, first of all, that undoubtedly the presence of these institutions makes a big difference in the kind of gov- ernment we have and the things we do as a governmental body, but I don't think there's any pressure or an organized lobby in that sense that exists. I think perhaps that the so-called "man in the street" may feel that there's a personal influence exerted through certain people who serve village governmental bodies, but I don't think there's any active lobbying pressure. You can't ignore the fact that they're here, and it makes a differ- ence in the kind of town, but there's no pressure at all . . . - 129 - at least, I'm not aware of any. As far as I personally am con- cerned, there's been no individual or group of individuals con- nected with either institution who have approached me with the idea that I should do something for the institution through the town. A professor at the university who has served on one of the village bodies for a number of years stated: My impression is that the university has much less influence, exerts less influence than any private corporation might do in a one-industry town. It is rather afraid, I think . . . maybe that's not the right term. But it doesn't want any more "town versus gown" difference than it has to put up with. A former village solicitor who is also a lecturer at the university was emphatic in his denial of direct pressure or influence: That's nothing but old wives' talest Of course the univer- sity was.looking out for themselves, just as the village was, when it came to contracts for services, such as water, sewers, garbage disposal, or fire protection. But they weren't in any way trying to dictate to the village or tell them what to do. Reaction to the same question from representatives of the press was much the same as from individuals connected with village government. The editor of the local paper said: In the first place, I don't think the university has as much influence-~direct influence-~as it may be given credit for. For instance, in regard to beer permits, the general assumption has been that the university is against it, or "won't allow it." They have no real control over the use of liquor and beer, ex- cept in regard to their own premises. The democratic procedure is for local option, and this is what takes place. No spokesman for the university ever went on record, to my knowledge, either for or against liquor in town. Another press representative indicated her feelings in the following terms: I don't think there has been too much trouble between the town and the university. When I first came here in the early '30's, people used to say that the university was "robbing the town." I don't think that was true. I think the main problem, for a long time, was that the village didn't have the facts, and the university wasn't willing to pay when they didn't know what it was costing the village. When they got the facts, as on the -130- cost of running the landfill, the university went along. Fiddle- sticksl I don't think Miami makes amy effort at all to control the village. The third press representative replied: I have never found any evidence to back up that. If any- thing, village officials don't want to do anything to hurt either Miami or'Western. There is still a "tinge" of cap-and- gown versus town, but that's all--just a tinge. The university certainly hasn't pushed anyone, and you might take this as evi- dence that they aren't too displeased with the way things have been operated in relation to the university. I think that co- operation always has been good, but it has been affected by the fact that for years all members of council were non-academic. The question of direct university influence was discussed with university officials. The president, who is a nationally rec- ognized authority on public administration, frankly stated his posi- tion in these terms: As a matter of fact, I have been extremely reluctant to have any joint meetings on issues such as planning, just because I didn't want the university to be in the position of appearing to control the village council or anything of that nature. As far as meeting with them, or with the planning commission, we would certainly be happy to appear if we were to receive an invitation . . . but we have not, and we have certainly not appeared on our own, or initiated any action for such a meeting, fbr the reason I have just stated. In other words, we have waited for the vil- lage to ask us, but we have never wanted to appear to be telling the village how to do its job. An indication of the fact that certain people do believe the university to have certain power over the village is evident in the following, which was related by the president of the university: Of course, I didn't have anything to do with the selection of the present police chief, but a funny thing happened. One of the candidates for chief came to see me to get my endorsement. He said, "I know that you will have a veto over who is made chief, so I want to get your approval." I told him.that he was all wrong, that I had nothing at all to do with who was chosen. In fact, I wasn't consulted at all, and I told him I didn't expect to be consulted; I told him.he was wasting his time and my time in asking me to back him. I certainly wasn't in on the selec- tion of the chief, and I didn't expect to be consulted on or advised of the candidates. - 131 - Another university administrator answered question fifteen in regard to direct influence by the university by saying: No, not at all. The only area in.which the university has even recognized that a problem exists is in the field of partisan politics. This came up several years ago when a professor was running for some office. As far as local elections and so forth go, I'm sure there's no university policy on it. The idea that the university controls local government, or tells them what to do, is a complete myth as far as I can see. In the first place, there is no such thing as Vthg university" or chg administra- tion.“ we aren't that closely knit that anyone could speak for everyone. The whole thing is not that closely coordinated. I have never heard any pleas or concerted effort to get anyone into office, or out of office, or to do anything one way or the other. In discussing the notion that the university does have con- trol over the village government, another highlyeplaced official said: ‘Well, the only thing I can say about that is that they don't realize all that is involved. These people-~and I'm sure that they are a very small group--just don't realize all that is in- volved in one of these things. ‘When people learn the facts, they realize that there is a good relationship between the village and the university. Many people just don't know the facts. I wonder, for instance, how many local people know that we keep every piece of non-academic property on the tax duplicate? Now, I don't believe we would have to do that, but we have followed that policy. As far as influence on the village is concerned, my own answer would be very categorical: it makes no effort to enter into discussion.with the village on any matter, except as re- quested by the village. Again,as individuals, all of us may talk about village affairs, or discuss things with village of- ficials; in this we are also local citizens and taxpayers as well as officials of Miami University. I would say, however, that as far as Miami University is concerned, it's a "hands off" policyw Several of the individuals interviewed felt that the univer- sity actively attempted to avoid any situation which might put them in a position of appearing to compromise the processes of local gov- ernment. As noted in the above quotation, this has been the policy of the incumbent president of the university. A former councilwoman said in this regard: - 132 - I feel that the university officials . . . as far as I know . . . they have bent over backwards to keep from.being in the position of seeming to seek for special favors. Several of those interviewed felt that it might have been true "in the past" that the university took an active role in local government. In one interview the following exchange took place in connection with this theme: Q: The point I'm getting at here again is this old problem of . . . I suppose the consensus of opinion among many people in the village generally is that, "well, the university is the uni- versity, and they can do whatever they want, and whatever they say goes, and the poor old village just has to take it . . ." A: I don't agree with that point of view at all. There may have been, maybe twenty-five or thirty years ago, but over the span of the last ten years, which is the span of my personal knowledge, there certainly hasn't been. I feel if the village continues to present what seem to be problems with which the university is concerned, in a business-like way, that we can expect a reasonable degree of cooperation. A councilman: Yes, I've heard people say, "Time was when there was a good bit of hostility." Well, that law that they just repealed pro- hibiting Miami people from serving on council seems to be evi- dence of it, at least as it existed in the hearts of a few people. But I haven't found anything to support it now, as I mentioned before. In trying to determine the validity of claims of influence in times past, I found it difficult to arrive at any kind of conclu- sion. Nobody could cite a specific instance to support the charge, except in the case of the local schools, about which more is said later. Several respondents felt that not only did the university not interfere, but that it was really more a case of indifference on the part of university officials. One village officer, who is res- ponsible to one of the boards, said: -133- I don't think the university has tried to control the board in the past; I don't think most of them were interested enough to really work at itl In response to a question on influence, a former councilman is also a university professor emeritus replied: No, I never thought so. If anything, I would say the uni- versity has been more indifferent than anything else. I think the university ought to take more interest in what the village does; I have always thought that. I know that before I was elected to council, I didn't take the interest that I might have. Most of the university people just don't take any inter- est in what the village does. But as far as any pressure or ~anything of the sort is concerned, I never thought there was anything of the kind. Oh, they voted, of course, but that was all, as far as I ever knew. Another university professor: Altogether, I think the relationship between the university and the village has been one of indifference, until the univer- sity was directly involved, and this hasn't occurred very often. Of course there have been a few problems of student rowdyism and things of that sort, but all in all Miami has been lucky in this respect; we haven't really had much trouble. One of the local press representatives commented on the apparent conflict between the university's attitude as to its offi- cial role in participation in local affairs and its position in regard to faculty and staff: The university's policy, that is to say the provost's policy, in the main, has been to keep out of local affairs entirely. At the same time, they encourage faculty people to be "civic minded" and to participate in local affairs. I think it is wrong for the university to take this attitude; it has been an entirely hands-off attitude--and too much so. I think they are afraid that anything they say or do will be misconstrued by some— body, so they take the attitude that they can't say or do any3 thing in that line. A former village solicitor commented on university relation- ships with the village by saying: Generally speaking, they have been very cooperative when we have asked them for something; but, at the same time, they have gone ahead when they wanted to, hoping we wouldn't object. An -1314- example of that is the Miami Manor project, married student housing. That area isn't zoned for multiple dwellings, but they went ahead and put them.in there. They have been a little high-handed about it. Not that they are flaunting it, they just don't pay any attention, as if the village government didn't exist. Several interviewees took recognition of the fact that the university is a creature of the state, and as such that it is bound by various statutory and administrative provisions concerning many of its areas of activity. One former member of council stated: I feel that if the village presents problems in which the university has an interest, and goes about it in a business- like way, that we can expect a reasonable degree of cooperation within the limitations which are imposed on the university it- Self by state law. I feel that the way to attack the type of financial problems that we have is by talking with our represen- tatives in the legislature, who after all control the purse strings for the university, and see if we can't arrive at some equitable solution. In discussing problems which arose during his administra- tion, a former mayor reported that: Most of the "conflict" we had was over money matters. It was really tight then . .-. we didn't have income from.parking meters; garbage collection came from the general fund, too, and the university didn't have their own police, so our force had to do it all--protect the dormitories, and everything. we tried to get more from the university for fire protection, for one thing. Of course, they were restricted by law then, as we were required to give them protection within the corporation limits. we did try to get them to do more for their property outside the town, and they did go along on buying hose and equipment fer the fire department. At least three of those interviewed expressed the opinion that it wasn't necessary for the university to intervene on its own behalf, because its interests were adequately protected by the vari- ous village agencies with which it might be involved. One council- man said: Things have been run pretty well around here, so that they didn't have to take a hand in getting things done. 'we've had -13S - people on the board of public affairs who were interested in getting things done and who weren't afraid to spend some money. They were progressives, but some people thought they were radi- calsL-—and they went ahead and expanded the water and sewer systems and facilities so that the university didn't have to worry about it. If they hadn't, well, maybe the university peOple would have stepped in and taken a more active part in the village affairs. A member of the board of public affairs, who is also a member of the university faculty, related the following in describ- ing his attitude regarding the interests of the university in local government: I think that they have taken it for granted that there would be water, and there would be sewerage; and that we would Operate a landfill. Therefore, they don't need to make any preparation for these things. Now, if we had been remiss, and it was clear to them that one of these days we weren't going to have a big enough sewage system, or we were going to run out of water, then I think they might very well-~and legitimately-~insist on some kind of planning on our part that would get us in some sort of position to do our share when the time came. But gain, as a personal relationship, I think that they would make some esti- mate of whether we knew what we were doing, by just looking at what we were doing, and assume that when the time came we were going to be ready to do what it was necessary to do. Several of the above quotations refer to influence in speci- fic areas, such as the matter of local option on the sale of hard liquor in the village, local elections, and the area of relation- ships between the university and the local board of education. These were explored by additional questioning of interviewees who referred to them. In the matter of local elections, a number of individuals had feelings on the subject. However, of the ten individuals who expressed opinions, only one definitely felt that the university, as an institution, attempted to directly participate in local elections. In discussing the matter with a former mayor, the following exchange occurred: -136- There was a time when they pretty much controlled the voting in the municipal elections here. They could say, if there was someone to whom.they were particularly partial . . . if they wanted to pass the word out, and they did, often. It was pretty much established that that particular individual would be elec- ted. They did influence it some in that way. Q: Now the part you were talking about, where the univer- sity was "getting the word out" about who they wanted elected, was this what you heard before you got involved in local govern- ment, or do you think this has gone on . . . A: Oh, that's gone on in past years. I don't think it determines too much now, because I think it's got out of hand. Q: How do you.mean "it's got out of hand."? A: well, I think the faculty's too large, they're too much spread around, and of course the bigger crowd you have, the less control you have over them, you see. And I just don't think that anyone would have the influence with the people now.- Now, if there were some particular controversial problem.that would come out, I think definitely that they could control the elections. I think it's possible now, if it was a strong enough controver- sial subject that would affect all of the university people. Q: well, do you think that they have done this in the last... A: Oh, now, not because of any particular controversial subject . . . but merely because they felt it to be to their own benefit to have somebody in there who they know and who they could work with, and who was maybe a little more level- headed and who maybe had a little more common sense than some of the other candidates did. Then they would push that parti- cular individual. Q: Do you have any idea how they attempted to do this . . . how they attempted to get the word around . . . or who . . . A: Oh, no, just by word of mouth. I don't know of any direct campaigning or anything . . . just by word of mouth, and that's the reason that I say now that having grown as large as it has and the community growing, too, along with it, it's harder to get that kind of control now over as many people. Q: You mean because there's so many outside people in the community now, or because the university itself has gotten so large . . . A: The university itself has gotten so large; there's so much difference of opinion amongst themselves. You take some- thing that might be a very controversial topic between the - 137 - village and the university and you'd find a good many of the college people who'd be against it themselves . . . affecting the college. So, even in the one case where an informant alleged direct influence on local elections, it was not possible for him to cite anything concrete in the way of evidence. And, in the final analy- sis, he stated that it was no longer possible for the university to do this. This is one instance of a number to be cited where the local folklore about the behavior and attitudes of "the university" appears to be contradicted by the evidence. 2 When the matter of university influence in elections was discussed with the university business manager, he responded with the following: As far as elections go, there's nothing to it. Now, of course, the university'does "control" a number of votes in the sense that a lot of the peOple who are eligible to vote are em- ployed by the university. ‘What is the potential voting popula- tion in Oxford? About 1,800? ‘well, then, say that maybe 800 of these are connected with the university in some way . . . and I'm.including professors, janitors, dishwashers, administration, maintenance men, and so forth. Just take the faculty; do you think the administration controls THEIR votes? Of course they are divided, just like any other group of voters-~predominantly Republican, in this case. They, and all the other university people, vote the way they feel like voting. Sure, the univer- sity has an influence, but not the way people mean when they talk about the university "controlling" the village or running the village. It's on the basis of their own thinking. Take my own case. Why, I've never been to a council meeting in my life. I've never even voted in village elections, because my home happens to be a few hundred feet outside the corporation limit. But to get back to your question about influencing elections and running the village, never in my thirty-five years here have I known anything like that. There has never been any election- backing, officially. Now, that doesn't mean that individuals don't quote their preferences in a bull session over a cup of coffee or anything like that; of course they do, just like every- one else does. But there's never been any official line on any election, especially local. I'd say that all of the candidates we've had locally have been good men in their own rights. Any- way, the university is above that; what the hell makes the ..]_38. difference to the university? There's just no reason to get involved in politics. . Other discussions with various individuals elicited the general opinion that the university was certainly, at the very least, neutral, and probably almost completely disinterested, in local politics. The following are representative responses to the question: A professor of government at the university: As far as the university's role in local elections--well, it's a minus quantity. Although it is true that some people may have something to say as individuals, I'm sure that the univer- sity, as an institution, stays out of elections entirely. I worked in Precinct E at the last primary election, and of 300 eligible voters we had a total of twentybtwo Democrats and twenty-eight Republicans at the polls. Of course, this is not only an indictment of the many faculty people who reside in that area, but of the voters in general. A university faculty and board of public affairs member: Q: Some people say, "Oh, well, in order to get elected, you have to have the backing of the university." A: I don't think that's true at all. I don't know who they‘d be meaning by "the university." Most of the time, as far as I know, the "university" doesn't even know who's running! They just deal with whoever is elected. I've never seen any evidence that they tried to get "their man“ on council or to use the influence of the university with reference to the fact that somebody who was on the faculty was also on the council or board. Q: ‘weil, then you don't think the university . . . any member of the university, acting as such, has used any influence on university people to vote someone in or out? A: No, not at all. Never have. Former councilwoman: Q: Have you felt that the university ever involved itself, as an institution, in local elections? A: I think the closest the university ever came to influ« encing an election was when the A.A.UJw. got busy and backed a candidate, but that was before the statute was repealed and they -139- could have members of their own. Q: What occasion was that? I've forgotten . . . A: That was when I was first elected to council. It was largely due to the efforts of the A.A.U.w. through their Status of women Committee. They felt that there should be a woman on council, and they got together with various women's organiza- tions in town to join in a cooperative effort to back a single candidate, instead of permitting the ticket to be split. Q: Did you have any feeling that this was a university move, or that it was just the A.A.U.w.? A: No, it was strictly‘A.A.U.we, but the membership is largely made up of university wives-~I'd judge BO%--and univer- sity faculty people; so, as I say, that's the closest they've come to having any influence. No, in fact I think we ought to welcome any move on the part of the university to suggest can- didates, because every filing date that comes around there's this awful scratch and scramble to try to find enough people to run for the various offices, and if the university would suggest some of their own people I feel that the suggestions would be welcomed. A college professor and member of council: Q: 'What about elections . . . local elections? 'were you approached by anybody to run, or . .. ? - A: No, this was of my own volition. The first time, it was a matter of-dwell, I read in the paper that there wasn't a full slate filed, and it got to be two days before the deadline and it still wasn't a full slate, and I had always thought I'd be interested innit, but I had no intention of running then . . . because I hadn't lived here long . . . I wasn't even a regis- tered voter! So I hustled around and found out what you had to do to file-~and register. I filed . . . and I "sneaked" in. The next time I felt sort of obligated, since I regarded the first two years as just sort of catching on to what was going on, so I thought it was only fair to serve-~or at least run-- and it was just a personal matter. Another area in which the university is sometimes alleged to have had a direct influence is the operation of the local school sys- As was pointed out earlier, the school of education, since 1956, has had an indirect influence on the operation of the high school. However, it was difficult to find concrete evidence in -1140- support of the allegation that "the university wanted to run the schools." One source, who has been associated with the university for over thirty years and whose children attended the McGuffey School, commented on the operation of the school, as it related to the question of university influence: Now, the stories that I was told about the problems that arose around the school-~this is a place where the university did take some definite action, and I think that the result of the administration of the McGuffey School was constantly "pol- itical" in character. Who got in or didn't get into McGuffey was a form of influence that the university could use, and whether they ever used it or not, the threat that your kids wouldn't get to go to McGuffey if you were too antagonistic toward the university was probably always a part of what was in the back of the minds of those people who thought it was pres- tigious to go to McGuffey rather than Stewart School. It was impossible to find substantial evidence that the uni- versity, as a matter of policy, attempted to exert influence on the public schools. One difficulty encountered here was that the indi- viduals involved in earlier school controversies are dead, and much of what is circulated as fact is probably as much hearsay and rumor as anything else. Again it appears that the local folklore about the university's actions is not substantiated by the evidence. The university president cited an example to illustrate his position and the poliey of the university regarding the schools: ‘working relations with the school board and administration have been good. 'We did have a case this fall that aroused quite a discussion in the Council of Deans, and that was regarding the use of Bunger Field by the Talawanda football team.as a practice field. I say it is important only because it was indicative of two things which I thought should not be misconstrued: (l) the assumption that the school was a part of Miami University and could just come and use the facilities of the university without prior permission or approval, and (2) more importantly, the as- sumption on the part of citizens that the university was exercis- ing control over the school board. Here again is an area where we have mutual interests, and we need mutual understanding and relationships. I certainly don't want people saying that Miami - 1hl - runs the school district. It is run by the citizens, the tax- payers, and we certainly don't want to appear to be dictating to the school board. I called the superintendent of schools and told him I thought it would be a good thing if he would get per- mission first, and he wasn't aware that it hadn't been asked for. I asked him to write a letter, requesting the use of the field, and he said he would. It wasn't the use, as such, that bothered me, but the inference that Miami was controlling in any way the school or the board of education. The response of the superintendent of schools to the ques- tion of university influence was: As far as direct influence on the school board is concerned, from the university--no, I don't think so. There were many mixed emotions when the consolidation took place and the univer- sity got into local school board matters. There were rather strong feelings in the schools, the university, and the town about the operation of McGuffey and Stewart Schools. Miami felt that the local board didn't want to make the school into a lab- oratory school; this had been the feeling for about fifty years, and was at least one of the causes of the earlier school con- flict. On the other hand, the board didn't want the school to become as much under the direct control of’Miami as McGuffey was. However, the university has bent over backwards; they have been.most cooperative. And I'm sure they have sometimes wondered what they were getting for their moneyl A member of the board of education, who has served for more than ten years, commented on the relationship between the schools and the school of education: 'We were agreed, when we made the arrangements in the first place, that we were a county school, and we would still be a county school after consolidating, and that Miami couldn't ex- pect to "dictate" anything to us. I think it was about the second or third meeting we had with them on it, and we put it just like that. The dean was surprised that anyone would even think of such a thing; they were very embarrassed and made it clear that they weren't trying in any way to do anything like that. And we haven't had one hard word with the university, not one disagreement. And the school of education has really helped us all the way along. Whenever we feel that we need help, we go to them, just as you'd go to any other specialist if you needed him. They've helped us with the program at Talawanda ever since we started in planning for it. Now, they don't tell us what to do, or how to do it, but just give us their advice and Opinions. I know there are still those who will try to tell you that Miami dictates to us, but they just don't know the "in" story. They don't know -lh2- what really goes on. I'm sure there's nobody on the board who feels that they are trying to dictate to us and run our affairs. Another specific area of concern regarding university in- fluence is the operation of the mayor's court--the local justice of the peace court. I talked to the incumbent mayor and three previous holders of the office, the police chief, two former solicitors, a newsman, and the then dean of men at the university. All were in agreement that the university did not intervene or attempt to influ- ence the decision of the court in cases involving students. Some comments from those interviewed follow. The police chief: Dean Knox comes in whenever we have a student up on some charge, but he has never asked to have us go easy on them. In fact, when we had that fellow in for climbing the water tower, he said we ought to throw the book at him, so that other students wouldn't get any ideas like that. A former mayor: Q: Then you wouldn't say that the university tried to get students off the hook . . . A: Never did they ever do that. I never had an occasion where they didn't say, "You go ahead and do what you think is right first." Q: And if they felt there was something else they could handle it through the men's disciplinary board . .. ? A: That's right. They said, "You do whatever you think is right, and we'll pick it up from there." And I'll say one thing, that was one of the most enjoyable and pleasurable phases of the office of mayor that I came in contact with; I mean I really enjoyed doing that.. Not enjoying punishing somebody, but of being of service to somebody, so that it wouldn't be too much of a handicap in his future, which it could be. And Dean Knox was a wonderfhl person, and he had the welfare of the students in his heart as much as anybody possibly could. Both of us were called out in the middle of the night plenty of times, to work out some scrape that some kid had gotten into. But they never asked for special favors on anything that came up like that. Never had one occasion where they came and said, "Now, look here . . ." I've had some of the boys who thought that they ~1h3- were big enough shots that they could pull some pull for some special treatment or something like that, but it never worked. The university never asked for anything like that. Dean of men: well, I would say that it has been very good; very satisfy- ing, the way it has been carried out. Some people are of the opinion that we ought to be lenient with these kids--young adults-~but my idea is that just because they are university students, this does not give them some special consideration outside the law, or above everyone else. Q: well, then, you wouldn't say that you have intervened with the mayor or tried to get a charge reduced or thrown . . . A: No, no, no . . . nothing like that at all. Of course, I'm called in by the police, as I've already indicated to you, and I appear in court usually; I do appear in court as an "interested friend,“ but I am no lawyer, and I don't try to set myself up as a legal advisor. And I certainly have not tried to get the court to "go light" on a student just because he is a student. My experience has been that the court has been fair and just in cases involving students. I will say that, on one or two occasions, I have tried to keep a student from getting a record when it wasn't necessary, or when it looked as though the charge was not justified, as when a student was charged with indecent exposure for urinating on the town hall lawn. I did intervene in these cases, because I didn't want a student, who otherwise had been in no trouble, to get a court record out of it. But this was the only time I have interjected myself into the situation. A newspaper reporter: In the mayor's court there have been students tried, and the college students take their lumps just like anyone else. The university has always cooperated with the village in that res- pect-~notifying and turning over to local authorities those students who had violated the law. ,And they have never asked to have anyone's name kept out of the paper, or that any incident be played down or omitted. They have always had an attitude of "all cards on the table" as long as I've been here. One informant felt that the university had directly influ- enced the village government in backing the adoption of the original zoning ordinance in 1931. He felt that the university was responsi- ble, along with a few businessmen, for its adoption, recalling that "there was really very little opposition to it, except from one local -lhh- attorney." I could not discover much about this, except that the major purpose was to keep business from encroaching in the area im- mediately adjacent to the university campus. I was unable to dis- cover who actively supported the move and whether or not representa- tives of the university were in any way directly involved. In the area of local option and liquor licensing, the uni- versity is felt by some local residents to have played the deciding role in determining the question of local sale of liquor. One local businessman, a former councilman, related the following, in discus- sing the question: Of course, you always know that in the background there is the fact that the university has a lot of power. I found that out once . . . and it was the best thing that ever happened to me. It was in '33 or '3h, and I was going to take a liquor agency; the only reason I did was because of the competition. The presi- dent found out about it on Sunday, and by Mbnday he had it stopped. It was a good thing for me that he did, too. But it shows that they have a lot of power, but I don't think that they attempt to influence local government with it., It was impossible to check on the authenticity of this re- port. However, one professor felt that the university had exerted influence of some sort at the time of the local election after the repeal of prohibition: There was some talk that they had something to do with the local option election after prohibition, in keeping liquor out of the village. I'm.sure that they have used their influence to keep a liquor store out of the village. I think that the liquor election was discussed in faculty at the time; many were worried that even 3.2% beer would be voted out, but these same people voted against allowing hard liquor in the village. Definite evidence was impossible to find. The last local option election was held more than twenty-five years ago. There is also conflicting opinion as to whether university'personnel were involved other than as citizens. One local businessman and - 1h; - councilman said: "Some of the students say that the university uses its influence with enough faculty people to keep liquor out of town, but to my thinking some of the 'old guard' around town would be much more interested in defeating a move like that than the university professors." Another area in.which it is said that the university has been directly involved is that of local industry. Several informants remarked that the university was "against industry." Two business- men, both ex-councilmen, made similar statements and probably ex- pressed the feelings of many local residents. One said: I have heard that the university has always fought against any industry or commercial big business coming in, because they would have to meet the competition, as far as their staff was concerned. I heard that they were against a biscuit company that wanted to put up an office building here-~not a factory, but just the offices--but the university was against it, because they felt it would tend to create competition that they couldn't meet-~for office people, I suppose they meant. But I can't pin- point that down to anyone. You hear these things, but you don't know how much there is to it. The other remarked: I think it might be true that the university has tried to keep any industry out of town; but there again, maybe it's only rumor. Who knows? HOW'dO you find out? That's the kind of thing we ought to know, but how are you to know? Personally, I think it would be a very good thing, whether the university was in favor of it or not. The publisher of the local newspaper, after commenting that the university ”has always been against it, because they felt that it would be a source of competition for cheap labor," added what is probably a significant commenton the local desire for industrial tax base: "we wouldn't want something that would bring in a lot of un- skilled labor anyway, but skilled labor." Other infermants felt that spreading the tax.base by bringing -lb,6- to town some sort of large business or industry might also have an effect on the nature of the community. The superintendent of schools made this comment: we could use some industrial base in the district. However, I think the feeling is that the university has never been in favor of this, and I can see their point. It would almost cer- tainly change the nature of the town, to some extent, at least. On the other hand, there would be decided advantages from.the tax4base point of view. Up to this point, this section has been concerned only with the question of university influence. One situation in which the college was involved was mentioned several times as a possible case of college influence on the council. This was the annexation of college land to the village, in accordance with village policy, in order to be eligible for extension of village water service. This was desired in order to permit the college to develop a residential subdivision in the area, consisting of a portion of the old college farm. Only one person interviewed, a village official, was very ex- plicit about this feeling, but even here no evidence was presented to substantiate the opinion: About the only case of direct influence was the annexation of Juniper Hill subdivision. I always felt that there was some- thing a little funny about that-~since there were three western officials involved in it. Nothing illegal, but . . . well, I don't know. They took in all that land, and a lot of people didn't think it was a very good place for a subdivision in the first place. Everyone went along with it, though. The officials referred to included a professor and the busi- ness manager of the college, both of whom were members of council at the time. The third was a local attorney who was a member of the college board of trustees and its legal advisor as well. He later became the village solicitor and served for two years, during the - 1h? - first term of the incumbent mayor. Another village official responded as follows, in answer to a question about direct influence by the university or college: As far as western goes, they have even less to do with us, except maybe for the annexation. Even there, I don't think they tried to do anything that anyone else, other local subdividers, wouldn't do. Of course, their business:manager and a professor were sitting on council, but their attorney came in to council just like anyone else would when they wanted the same thing. Some people said that the college put one over on the village, but I really don't think so; anyway, they didn't do anything underhanded. A former mayor replied in the following manner, when ques- tioned about direct pressure by anyone connected with the college in this matter: I think that was normal, and I don't think any pressure was brought by anyone on that. Of course, they make their liveli- hood there, and they're out to protect it, but thinking in all probability that no damage would be done to the village, and the possibility of it being a benefit. But so far as direct influ- ence . . . other than to ask for it like anyone else would, I don't think anyone . . . Q: Then they asked for it on its merits like any other similar proposition? A: I think so; yes, so far as I know, it was strictly on its merits, just as any other proposed annexation or subdivision is considered. A member of council who was serving at the time of the an- nexation made this reply to a question about it: well, that's a good question! I've heard it said that the whole deal actually came about because western had two members on council. A couple of council members said privately that they thought it was a little fishy, but everyone voted for it. Of course, their business manager was not only on council but was on the planning commission, and they had to approve it first. They came into council with a recommendation that it be approved, so we approved it. Actually, in one way it didn't hurt anything. we had a pol- icy on water that it wouldn't be granted unless the area desiring service would agree to annexation; well, they asked for annexa- tion, so what else could we do? Actually, it probably would have -1h8 - been better for the village to just give them the water rights and not annex. On the other hand, annexing the whole area with the Bull Run valley will give the village some added "green," since it won't be practical to sub-divide that area. I don't know if all of council felt like that, but there was some who felt that there was a little something--nothing illegal-- but something not quite right about the deal. Actually, though, it wouldnit hurt anything and didn't cost the village anything. There may not be enough added to the tax duplicate to cover the cost of added expense, but, on the other hand, if we get some rich people out there and they die, the inheritance tax might make a big difference! Another member of the council which approved the annexation and, later, the plat of the subdivision which the college developed, also felt that no pressure was exerted: well, I think that was handled just the same as everything else. They came in one night and laid it out on the table. I think a member of the board of public affairs pushed it and sold it; he pointed out that the water was already there, and also the sewage plant. There was no great problem.involved. I do think that maybe it went a little faster than the other annexa- tions, but they had to go through the same legal proceedings and do all of the things that anybody else would have to do. But there was no danger to the village in that subdivision. In the first place, it is restricted by the price of the lots, and there's going to be no shacks built out therel The only obligation that the village took on was that stretch of highway, but you can't stop progress, and you can't hold back. You have to give something to get something. But, as far as influence or pressure goes, well, there wasn't any that I knew of. A representative of the local press was emphatic in denying that anything out of the ordinary occurred in the processing of this transaction: As far as western is concerned, their influence is even less than that of'Miami. The annexation proceeded as it would have for any other group; it was a logical move, as the area was con- tiguous, was of a nature that it could be develOped for housing, it was close to the sewage plant and landfill, was right next to the water main out Route 27, and so forth. I don't think they got any special privilege there. And it hasn't cost the village a red cent so far, but has added to the tadeuplicate. This question was discussed with both the business manager of the college and the Western professor, both of whom were members -119- of council at the time the proposal came up. The business manager said: The only occasion when I felt there was any possible conflict in the two--western and the village-~was in the case of the an- nexation of the college farm land for the purpose of developing a subdivision. I felt that I represented Western, too, as well as the village in that case. I didn't feel the squeeze very much. For one thing, there was no Opposition, either before the planning commission or council. The college trustees didn't 0p- pose it; in fact, they were very much in favor of it, because it meant they could develop the subdivision. And they didn't oppose the plan, which was advanced at one time, to annex the whole col- lege. The campus is not on the tax duplicate, so it wouldn't have made any real difference to the college, in either case. But, in any case, the college didn't ask me to represent them with council, although they razzed me about it. It had already been approved by the planning commission, and I could see no opposition to it before council. There wasn't much pres- sure; there wasn't much need for it. If there had been any op- position to it, then that would probably have made a difference. Then I would have brought the attorney for the college in and let him be the college spokesman. In fact, I believe that one time I asked the president to come to a meeting, and then nothing came up about it. As quoted earlier, the professor involved felt that there was nothing different about the annexation and indicated that he had been under no pressure in regard to it, from the college or other- wise. The only aspect of the annexation question which can be traced with any degree of objective certainty is the written record of the formal proceedings and actions taken. The following is a summary of these: May 1, 1956: The attorney for the college appeared at a meet- ing of the village council to explain western's proposal to build a subdivision on part of the former college farm. No action was requested by the college on this occasion. 2Minutes of Council, Vol. VII, 0 . cit., p. 251. August 7, 1956: December 28, 1956: January 15, 1957: February 19, 1957: - 150 - The college attorney appeared at council meeting and asked that the council consider western's petition for annexation of the land in question. He said that the petition had been signed by the college and by the only resident freeholder in the area. After discussion, a motion was made by the business manager of the college, and sec- onded, that tentative approval be granted to the petition. Motion carried. 'Western's petition for annexation, approved by the County Commissioners in accordance with law, was received by council. After discussion, it was referred to the street committee, who were to contact the state highway department in re- gard to possible anticipated improvements in the area on U.S. Route 27, and what effect annexa- tion wofild have on the village's portion of the costs. The attorney for the college appeared again be- fore council and reported that he had contacted the state highway division engineer, for the chairman of council's street committee. The division engineer had reported that the state planned no improvements in that area of U.S. 27, with the exception of guard rail improvement, which cost would be borne by the village, if the area were annexed prior to the improvements being made. After discussion, a motion was made and seconded that council proceed with the considera- tion of the annexation petition. The ordinance was read in its entirety the first time. It was moved and seconded that the rules be suspended and that the ordinance be read the second and third times by title only and placed on final passage. The vote on the motion to suspend the rules was five ayes, one absent. The ordinance was then read the second and third time by title only, and, on a roll-call vote, the result was five ayes, one absent, and th ordinance was de- clared approved unanimously. The plat of Juniper Hill Subdivision was presen- ted to council, with a recommendation from the planning commission and the board of public af- fairs that it be approved. The plat was unani- mously accepted. 31135130, p0 26h. hTDidu p0 2830 SIbido, p0 2850 6 Ibid., p. 289. -151- March 5, 1957: Council accepted the performance bond for the construction of streets and storm drainage in Juniper Hill Subdivision. 7 Thus, about ten months elapsed from the time the subject was first brought before council until the final step of approval had been granted. All of the steps required by state law and local ordinances were taken, including a required delay of two months by the county and two months by the village, in the formal annexation process. Up to this point, we have considered only cases of alleged direct influence by the educational institutions on local government. Here we have looked at the question in general, and more particularly at specific areas: schools, local courts, zoning, an annexation proceeding, elections, and so fOrth. However, we have not considered indirect influences. At least three of my informants felt that, while there is little or no evidence 0f.913223 influence by the institutions, there is evidence that indirect influence plays an important part in matters up for consideration by local governmental agencies. The following discussion with a member of the university faculty, who is also a member of the board of public affairs, emphasizes the importance of these indirect influences on the decisions and actions of the village government: Q: ‘Well, then would you go so far as to say that the uni- versity has no influence on the . . . on either village policyb making or administration? A: No, I think that would be going too far. The question was direct influence. Now, I think the fact of the existence of the university and what they are prepared to undertake to do and what they will, shall we say, put up with, is always a part of 7Ibido, p0 2920 -152- what any administration has to deal with. But this is a matter of simply dealing with a set of people who didn't have anything to do, necessarily, with your getting into office, but who are a part of your concern or what you take into account when you make a decision. And, in this respect, this would be no different than anybody else in the village, except that they are involved in a great many more places and in a much more extensive and im- portant degree. Q3 Well, What 0 o 0 = A: ‘Well, for instance, we don't protect anywhere near like as much property, in the way of fire protection, as we do for the university; we don't provide as much water for anybody else, we don't provide as much sewerage. And there aren't as many places that the police department is likely to come into contact with any one person as with, say, the dean of men as he represents the university in dealing with disciplinary cases. But these are facts, and I think they unavoidably influence decisions, whether anybody wants them to or not. Then, in the nature of specific relations between specific segments of the university and the village, of course you have the problem, for instance, if you are going to police the garbage situation, regardless of whether it's picked up by the university When it's on the village prOp- erty, like the fraternity houses. ‘Well, we had to make some kind of definite commitment as to who would be responsible for po- licing of the thing. Another professor and member of the board of public affairs alluded to the indirect influence of the institutions in their size and demand for utility products: The university has no direct influence at all, except that they are a big user, and we have to take account of that; but their influence comes from the fact that they are a large user, not frdm the fact that it is the university. For one thing, our present well field may not be adequate; we may have to go to some other source of supply, and that would really become exp pensive. In that case, we would have to ask the university to help pay the capital costs of expanding the water plant. The local newspaper editar also felt that the university and college were indirectly influential on the decisions of the council: As far as representatives of the university are concerned, I don't recall ever seeing any at council meetings, except in con- nection with the sewer expansion project, perhaps. But certainly the president, the business manager, the treasurer, and other university administrators don't appear at council meetings except once in a long time. But council takes them into consideration; -153- after all, you can't ignore the fact that the university is here. The village is trying to annex territory, because there are families who need homes and are building them; and they are building them for families of university people, as the univer- sity expands. Other examples might be the influence of home- coming on the police schedules, when all policemen are on duty. There are many other little things like that that are influenced by the fact that the university is here. But all these are in- direct influences. So, you might say this influence is subtle and indirect, rather than obvious and direct. University officials have res- pect for democratic procedures. Thus, there is no conflict be- tween the two. Other informants felt that whatever influence the institu- tions might have had--and, as we have seen almost nobody felt that they had much direct influence-~they were entitled to exert it on the basis of the fact that they are the backbone of the village econ- omy and occupy important places in all spheres of community life. The incumbent mayor made these remarks in discussing the question of influence and the propriety of its use: In my experience on council, on the planning commission, and as mayor, I have never known anyone from either institution to try to influence any decision any more than any other citizen. Of course, they have a program to sell, and they try to sell it-- just like any business. But they never try to do anything other than what anyone else does. I think they have as much right as any other group or individual to protect their own interests. After all--let's face it—-if the university wasn't here, Oxford would have no right to be anything more than College Corner, nothing more than a village of less than 1,000 people. A businessman and former member of council supported the position that the institutions did not exert unusual influence, but defended their right to act in their own best interests: As far as the university "running the town government," well, they don't have much influence. Of course, they do have some, but no more than anyone else as far as I ever knew anything about. As far as they do influence things, I don't think it's any more than you would expect. After all, if it was an industry or a factory or anything, you would expect the same thing. I don't think the university does any more than it should. ~194- A university professor with whom the question was discussed indicated that he felt that the university did not act in any way different from private business interests, in regard to village util- ities, and that they probably could do much more, with or without village sanction, if they so wished: Nothing irregular. Just matters of normal growth, of issues that had to be resolved that they had particular interest in. They came to ask us if we would or wouldn't go along with them on it. But nothing like pressure of any sort. It was the same kind of request that any businessman might make of council con- cerning problems that come up. Q: Now, was that concerned with utilities? A: Yes, mainly . . . and various village services, police and fire. Q: well, how would you characterize, in general, the in- fluence of the university and the college as far as the council goes, speaking in broad terms? hbuld you say that they had no influence, or influence in problems in which they were inter- ested, or equal to the amount of influence that any other group would have, or . . . A: Yes, I think they have about as much influence as is prOportional to their place in the total village economy, and geographical set~up. If anything, they are under-represented in village planning and policy. Of course, part of the problem is due to the fact that they are independent of the village; but I think they are extremely cooperative, considering that they could do about anything they wanted to without asking the vil- lage about it. Q: Do you feel that the influence that the university and western have is proper in respect to, say, the amount of influ- ence that any other groups or individuals in the village have? A: Yes. I don't think that there's any evidence that coun- cil sacrificed any legitimate concern of any group in Oxford more than that which would almost be in therature of things required of them to do. Now, I think, of course, that Western has taken advantage of the village in allowing its debts to ac- cumulate. But, again, this is in the nature of facts, rather than any intent on their part. But I do think the fact does represent a kind of exploitation. At least four individuals interviewed felt that the institu- tions could probably legitimately go even further than they have in -1SS- influencing local governmental actions. The following is represen- tative of those who expressed such views: University professor and member of board of public affairs: Q: well, then, your general attitude would be that the uni- versity doesn't attempt to "dictate" or control the work of the villa ge governmai t? A: Yes. I'd go much further, and say that they do much less than they legitimately could do, and still be within the limits of legitimacy. I think the university has been at fault at times in not pushing for certain things. I don't think they would be out of line if they did insist that the village dogmore with streets, lighting, and certain other things. In this, the university has been at fault. I would also think they could legitimately take an active interest in, if not a part in, local politics. They may say, "What difference does it make if one is elected over another?" but it does make a difference, and the difference is extremely important to them in their dealings with the village, and for the services performed by the village. There was an indication in talking with the president of the university that he felt that the university could, on the one hand, do more on its own behalf, and, on the other hand, may have gone too far in certain areas: Summing up, I would say that, even though we have had no major battles with the village, I feel that the local government is very inadequate. we just aren't doing with village govern- ment what we should be doing. On the other hand, maybe the uni- versity has leaned over backwards too far. For instance, when we became involved with the costs of revamping our lighting, I found that the village has been paying $1,100 annually for the cost of lighting the periphery of the campus. I said, ”Oh, I'm not going to get involved with the village for only a matter of $1,100. Let them use it for improvements elsewhere." Now, that is the type of thing where perhaps we have gone too far. Summary, Proposition I In summary, it appears from all the evidence that the insti- tutions do not directly attempt to influence local government agen- cies; that, in fact, the university follows a strict policy of non- interference, to a point of bending over backward not to so appear. -156- In addition to considering the proposition as one of general application, we have reviewed the evidence in regard to specific areas, including local elections, schools, the mayor's court, zoning, local option and liquor control, certain annexation proceedings, and the question of bringing into the community additional business or industrial interests. In each case, the evidence has not been suf- ficient to show that the university, as a matter of institutional policy, has attempted to directly influence any local government function; nor has it, or the college, taken an official public stand on local governmental issues. The only agency of local government in which either the university or college has an official voice is the operation of the district high school, and even here the influence is indirect, in that the administrative council can only recommend to the district board of education. The evidence does indicate that there are indirect influ- ences which, in a given situation, may be given much consideration by local government officials. One of these of major importance is the economic influence of the university on the community. Another is that the university and college, as the largest single conswmers of village utilities and services, must be taken into consideration in any question concerning supply, finances, or expansion of the systems. Several manifestations of these considerations were cited, such as enlargement of the water and sewer facilities to meet the needs of the institutions, provision of fire-fighting equipment ade- quate to serve the institutions, and annexation of contiguous areas for additional home sites for university and other peOple attracted to the village by institutional growth. -157- Several informants also felt that perhaps it had not been necessary for the institutions to inject themselves directly into local government activities, because their interests were well-rep- resented by local governmental agencies who were aware of and res- ponsive to these needs. Of major interest, in the analysis of the data,is the obvi- ous difference between local folklore about the roles of the univer- sity in village government and the evidence. Many of those inter- viewed were aware of these local attitudes and feelings, which hold that the university controls or strongly influences village govern- ment. This was particularly true in the area of elections, where the feeling of several was that the university did influence elec- tions, while the evidence was that the university was at the very least neutral, and probably more nearly disinterested or uninterested in the results. FIRST COROLLARY TO PROPOSITION I: That such attempts would be made by the essentially rational means of persuasion and exposi- tion of relevant facts, rather than by any overt coercion or direct personal influence. Although the first proposition did not generally meet the test of the evidence, it appeared possible that the corollary prop- ositions might prove otherwise; two sets of questions were directed toward gaining evidence to test the first corollary. The first of these sets--comprising questions four, ten, and e1even8--dealing with contacts between individuals, was designed to discover whether or not certain officials or administrators of the ———v See Appendix "A" for the complete schedule of questions. - 158 - institutions might have regular contact with village officials or officers, which could serve as a means of entree for the university or college in local government matters affecting them. The evidence obtained from interviews did not support this supposition. A total of thirty-seven individuals were asked whether or not they had regular contact with officials or employees of the university or college, or with officials or administrators of the village government, as the case might be. This total included eight- een officials or exeofficials of the village-~mayors, members of council and the board of public affairs; ten village administrators, including the hospital administrator; and nine university and college officials and administrators. Of this number, only two individuals indicated that they had regular contacts: (1) the superintendent of schools, through con- tact with the dean of the school of education on the administrative council for the high school; and (2) the dean of men of the univer- sity, with the village police chief. In the latter case, the con- tacts were regular only in the sense that the chief was the only person with whom the dean of men had contact, except on rare occa- sions. However, all thirty-seven individuals reported that they had some contact, when the need arose or when some particular problem needed to be solved. Figure 1 shows the pattern of contacts between individuals representing the village and the institutions, in regard to policy matters. For the village, most contacts originate with, or are dir- ected toward, either the mayor or the board of public affairs. For -1S9- the university, most contacts with the village are centered on the office of vice president, or business manager since 1956. For the college, all matters of policy with the village are dealt with by the president and the board of trustees. Institutions ‘University/College President / or College Trustees University/College Business Mgr. ’ or University Vice President University Treasurer University Dean of Men University Director of’Personnel Village Mayor p mm \ Members “§S§Ei'l Board of l? ’. . AAQI‘. 223:. W21 Members “!ii"' Solicitor Engineer , .University Sup't of Grounds Fig. l.--Reported contacts between officials and admins istrators of the village, and officials and administrators of the institutions, regarding.matters of policy. The following is a summary of items which are, or have been, a matter of policy discussion between the various officials and ad- ministrators: Individuals Involved Mayor and University President Mayor and Vice Pres- ident or Business Manager Policy Matter Discussed Street construction Street lighting Police services Parking problems Sewage plant expan- sion Incinerator usage Fire protection Same as above, often at same time Frequency of.All Contacts Very infrequent; probably'once a year or less. More often than with president; once or twice a year. Individuals Involved Mayor and Treasurer Mayor and Dean of Men Mayor and Director of Personnel Mayor and Superin- tendent of Grounds Council and Vice President or Business Mana- ger Board of Public Affairs and University President Board and College Board of Trustees Board and University Vice President or Business Manager - 160 - Policy'Matter Discussed Street construction Sanitary landfill Municipal court cases involving students Employment policies Incinerator usage Establishment of sanitary'landfill Establishment of sanitary'landfill Street construction Fire contracts Street lighting Police services Establishment of planning commission Sewage plant expan- sion Sewage plant expan— sion Sewage plant expan- sion and interceptor sewers Sanitary landfill Installation of water lines for university Frequency of.All Contacts "Several" meetings in 1958, 1959. One or two meetings in 1953. Several times a year. Once or twice in 1956. "Occasionally" from 19no to 1953.. Two or three meetings in 1953. Two or three meetings in 1953. Two or three meetings in 1958,1959. Periodically, every two or three years since late l9h0's. One or two meetings since 1958. One or two meetings in late l9h0's; again in mid-1950's. One or two meetings in 19Sh, 1955. One or two meetings in late l9h0's. Two meetings in l95h and 19550 Possibly six or eight meetings beginning in l9h0 and extending to l95ho Every two or three years since 1953. One or two meetings in 19560 Individuals Involved Board and University Treasurer Board andeean of Men Board and University Superintendent of Grounds Solicitor and College Board of Trustees Solicitor and Uni- versity'Business Manager Engineer and Univer- sity Vice Presi- dent or Business Manager -161- Policy'Matter Discussed Sanitary landfill contract Sanitary conditions at fraternity houses Sanitary landfill contract Sale of additional land to village for sewage treatment site Discussion of street construction Sewage plant expan- sion Street construction Frequency of All Contacts At expiration of contracts. Two or three times in 1956 and 1957. Two or three meetings during establishment of landfill in 1953 and in l9§ho Two meetings in 1958 and 19590 One or two meetings in 1958 and 1959. Several meetings during the period l9h0-l95h. One or two meetings in 1958 or 1959. It thus appears that, in policy matters, there have been relatively few contacts between representatives of the institutions and the village. One member of the board of public affairs, who has served for about twenty years, estimated that he had had only two contacts with western College on policy matters during that entire period of time, and only about six contacts with university offici- als on any matter of policy; Practically all meetings and discussions mentioned by - 162 - informants were initiated by the village, rather than by the insti- tutions. A former mayor described the background of one set of discussions, which ultimately resulted in the formation of a univer- sity security force: I think actually that the working out of the security system that they have now was fundamentally started by Chief Decker and myself. 'we first had to begin having conferences with the pres- ident, as to the necessity and need for some such sort of a security set-up of their own over there whereby-~well, you know there was tw0 or three things happened on the campus, and it made it almost a necessity, and the village police were not able to cope with all that problem, and we were not being reimbursed for having to have extra police force on and take care of that type work. This security force they have now came out of those first talks that we had with the president. At that time, he was absolutely unaware of any necessity or need, or what existed on the campus. Q: well, did the university come to the village and ask for that, 01‘ c o o A: No . . . went to the university'and asked for that. Chief Decker and I, after that one case happened in the dormi- tory down there, and then there was a couple of other things happened on the campus, and there was a mix-up because the town police were maybe a little too active in it . . . well, what were you going to do? There were a couple of cases where felony was committed. You can't overlook those type of things. Possi- bly'a lot that type of thing could have been avoided if they had had some type of security force. And the thing was growing so fast and mushrooming that it was just absolutely necessary. A member of the board of public affairs responded similarly when questioned as to the regularity or frequency of contacts. He replied: well, it's been a matter of going when the need arose. I went to see the treasurer about that garbage disposal contract; I went to see the dean of men when we had trouble with the fra- ternities, and we worked out a scheme where we could talk to the fraternity heads and not have this continual pressure. And I went to the superintendent of grounds when we had the difficulty over the operation of the landfill. I never had had any occa- sion to talk to anybody regularly, other than that. A former member of council summed up the matter of frequency of contacts on policy matters when she said: -153- On the basis of what limited experience I've had, I would say that there have been relatively few opportunities created for mutual discussion of problems that affect us. we wait until there is something like a fire contract or a landfill contract, and I think that it would be healthy for both the university and the village if there were more opportunities where we could sit down and discuss problems of mutual interest. Everybody goes his own separate way, and unless somebody takes the initiative in setting up a meeting time and meeting place, it's just not likely to happen. In none of these cases was there any pattern of regularity-- none as to individuals involved, frequency, topics of discussion, or initiation. When the village bodies had something which required a meeting with university or college personnel, they met with them, and vice versa. However, it is obvious from the above summary of policy contacts that these have been neither frequent nor numerous. At the level of administrative contacts, much the same pattern prevails. None of the administrative people involved felt that they had regular contacts, but again all indicated that they had had some sort of contact at one time or another in the course of events, as indicated in Figure 2 and the summary which follows it. At the administrative level, contacts are somewhat more diffuse. Where there were only eleven individuals or bodies in- volved in policy-oriented contacts, a total of eighteen individuals or groups were involved in administrative contacts, as indicated in the figure. Once again, the evidence, as shown in the figure and its summary, does not appear to support the supposition that the insti- tutions, through their representatives, would attempt to seek regular contacts with village officials and employees as a means of entree to village government. Village Mayor Board of Pub- lic Affairs Members \ En ‘ er glne \ l‘ ‘ *6 A‘ v Village Clerk my ‘i;V‘INS§$%|L. WV :ni‘versfty :rSOTel :irec:or Superintendent fi§é§ n1 eraliy ecu 1ve ecre ary Police Chief Fire Chief / of water and “‘I' Sewers Superintendent of Streets and Sanitation ix '\\ ’04, 4 V f“ _ 16h - Institutions I 1/ \ University Vice President or Business Manager College Business Manager ‘ University Dean of Men University Treasurer —-{University Security Chief 'University.Director of Buildings 1 \\ \\ University Superintendent of Grounds University'Maintenance Supervisor Fig. 2.--Reported contacts between officials and admin- istrators of the village, and officials and administrators of the institutions, regarding administrative matters. The following summarizes subjects of contacts indicated in Figure 2: Individuals Mayor and University Vice President or Business Manager Mayor andeean of Men Board of Public Affairs and University Vice President or Business Mgr. Activity Involved Street repairs Street lighting Parking problems Municipal court cases involving uni- versity students Installation of water services for university Sewer taps for new buildings Frequency of All Contacts Once every three or four months, or less. Three or four times a.year, on average. Once or twice a year. Individuals Board and Dean of Men Board and Director of Buildings Board and Superinten- dent of'Grounds Engineer and Univer- sity Vice Presi- dent or Business Manager Engineer and Direc- tor of Buildings Engineer and Super- intendent of Grounds Village Clerk and University Vice President or Business Mgr. Village Clerk and College Business Manager Village Clerk and Treasurer — 165 - Activity;Involved Sanitary conditions of fraternity houses 'Water services to university'buildings Installation of water mains on uni- versity campus University use of sanitary landfill water taps for non- building uses Installation of'water services and taps for university'buildings Storm sewers Street and road prob- lems in university area Problems relating to utility services to existing buildings Street improvements, changes in elevation and grade, affecting university areas Payment of univer- sity costs of street sealing College payments for utilities, fire pro- tection, sewage plant expansion Matters relating to university utility, landfill, and fire protection.payments Frequency of All Contacts One or two meetings in 1956 and 1957. Two or three times a year, on average. Perhaps once a year or SO. Probably three or four times a year. Possibly once or twice a year. Once or twice a year; more often lately. Once or twice "several years ago." Once or twice a year. Once or twice every two or three months. Individuals ~166 - Activity Involved Village Clerk and Executive Secretary Village Clerk and Superintendent of Grounds Police Chief and University Security Chief Police Chief and Personnel Director Police Chief and Superintendent of Grounds Fire Chief and College Busi- ness Manager Fire Chief and Director of Buildings Fire Chief and Superintendent of Grounds University land rent payments Street sealing cost computations and payments Parking and traffic matters Bicycle problems Stolen and recovered goods Police record checks on applicants for university jobs Traffic control dur- ing university par- ades, freshman week, other times when there is large volume of university traffic Inspection of fire hazards, extinguish- ers, standpipes, etc. Checks on gas leaks Inspections of uni- versity buildings Orders for elimina- tion of hazards Burning permits Building fires Burning and fireworks permits Fire protection for university and outly- ing university lands Frequency of All Contacts Once or twice in past. Once or twice during summers of years when streets in uni- versity areas have been sealed. Once a month or so. Continually'by'mail; three or four times a year. Three or four times a year. Once a year or so, on average. Once a year or so, on average. Once a year, or so. Individuals Fire Chief and Maintenance Supervisor Sup't of water and Sewers, and College Business Manager Sup't of water and Sewers, and Director of Buildings Sup't of water and Sewers, and Sup't of Grounds Sup't of water and Sewers , and Maintenance Supervisor Sup't of Streets and Sanitation, and University Vice President or Business Mgr. Sup't of Streets and Sanitation, and Personnel Director Sup't of Streets and Sanitation, and Sup't of Grounds - 167 _ Activity Involved Loan of fire hose and valves to supply water when university services out of order Locating and repair- ing water services Problems relating to water and sewer ser- vices to university buildings Repair of fire hydrants Flushing hydrants Locating services other than buildings Repairing utilities services to univer- sity buildings Repairing university hydrants and water meters Taps for new services Street sealing and maintenance problems Hiring of village em- ployees by university Problems relating to university use of landfill Street sealing and cleaning in univer- sity areas Storm drainage problems Frequency of All Contacts Two or three times in the past. Once a year, or less. Maybe two or three times a year. Once or twice a year. Three or four times a year. Once or twice a year. Two or three times in past. Once every two months or SO. - 168 - Frequency of All Individuals Activity Involved Contacts Sup't of Streets and Street cuts for water Once or twice a year. Sanitation, and main or sewer repairs Maintenance Supervisor Many of the contacts summarized above are recurring contacts which are repeated year after year. These include such things as arrangements for parking and traffic control during freshman week, providing fire protection during the Homecoming bonfire, providing police traffic control during football game parades, and controlling parking and traffic problens during Commencement week. In between times, there is little necessity for the university and village ad- ministrators to have much contact. Then, too, in areas where contacts seem to be relatively frequent, as in the case of the village engineer and university bus- iness manager, the reason may be other than that which seems most obvious. In this case, for instance, the village engineer is a member of the university's mathematics department and teaches sur- veying courses; for almost ferty years he has done much of the sur- veying and engineering work for the university. Consequently, he is often in a situation where he is representing both the village and the university in contacts with university officials. Further, in this area, most of the contacts are between ad- ministrators of the village and the institutions, most of whom have little or no direct voice in.policy'formulation or determination; they are concerned mainly with maintenance functions. -169... The following quotations are evidence of this situation. The university treasurer reported: Most of the university's business contacts with the village are handled by the business manager. However, on buildings I do have some contact with the village clerk . . . on water and sewer rates, and on the garbage contract. Then I have had some- thing to do with the fire contract, as well. In all cases, ex- cept the fire contract, these contacts are mostly procedural; in the case of the fire contract, and possibly the landfill contract, there was some policy involvement, too. As an example of the procedural contacts with the village, there was the case of the eastern campus meter readings, where we were being charged for the flow through a master meter, as well as individual meters for some buildings. However, this is just one of those things . . . it's not really a.problem, just something that is a.matter of getting it straightened out. The superintendent of grounds for the university made a similar statement. In referring to his personal role in contacts with the village, he said: Most of these contacts are administrative, rather than de- cisionemaking or poliey-making. The business manager and the president are involved in most of the policy-making concerning things with which we would be concerned. There might be an exception or two to that . . . I've been in on the street seal- ing directly, and the time before last I was directly involved on the sanitation contract. Another characteristic of these relationships, particularly at the policy-making level, is that they have been, in almost all cases, very informal. This is in part a function of the fact that, in several cases, policy discussions have been held between village officials who are university faculty or staff members who have dis- cussed village business in connection with visits to university of- ficials on university business. Several of those interviewed coma mented on the informality of most village—university contacts. One councilman said: Oh, we got along pretty well. The main trouble was we had so many groups involved. On the garbage contract the first time, - 170 - for instance, we had the university . . . the vice president, director of grounds, and purchasing agent. Then there was the mayor, and the sanitation committee of council, and the board of public affairs. ‘With all those groups and people involved, it usually worked out that the mayor and the vice president went over for a cup of coffee and finally settled it that way. The university business manager said: we've had meetings with the mayor and so forth on this street problem in the area south of Spring Street; mostly informal . . . over a cup of coffee or something like that. Our relations with the village are pretty good, and they have been except that, of course, we run into snags over just such things as Maple Avenue. The university treasurer remarked about the degree of in- formality when discussing the various contracts and administrative problems on which he has worked: In the case of the fire contract, the business manager and I had a discussion with the mayor on the latest increase, from $1,000 a year to $1,200. On the contract before that, when we raised it to $1,000 from $750, I believe the discussion was held with the chairman of the fire committee. I need not tell you how informal our operations are, in many ways. In this case, as I recall it, we met with a councilman one day at lunch and worked out the arrangements then. The village engineer reported that "we would get together one way or another and dicker back and forth." Often this took place when he was conferring with university officials on problems in which he was involved as the university's engineer, as well as the village's. The evidence presented thus far fails to support the supposi- tion that university and college personnel would attempt to seek entree to village government through contacts with village officials and administrators. However, questions five and fourteen are con- cerned with the heart of the matter of direct personal influence.9 9See Appendix."A" for schedule of questions. - 171 - Both questions are concerned with the matter of requests for, or granting of, special treatment or privileges, either sought or of- fered, as a means of attempting to gain influence in local govern- ment. Questioning of informants on this matter produced virtually unanimous agreement that there had never been any such attempt, re- quest, or offer made, nor had any special consideration or privilege ever been granted. A total of five mayors, eleven members of council, two board of public affairs members, eight village department heads and other administrators, and five university officials and adminis- trators reported that they had no knowledge whatsoever of any such request or suggestion. The following replies are representative of answers received to these questions: Street superintendent: No, never once. Now, that doesn't mean some others around town haven't tried it . . . a contractor or two . . . a gravel man that used to be around here. But I've never had t0'worry about being asked for favors . . . I've never owed anyone any favors, so they can't come and tell me I have to do anything. Anything I do for anyone, I do for free, and that includes any— body, and it doesn't get done if it isn't in line. But never once, in the twenty—odd years I've been here, has anybody from Miami or western tried to pull anything like that! I've never even heard of anybody asking fer anything . . . except like Miami swapping things back and forth with us . . . tools and equipment and such as that. Village clerk: No, never as far as I'm.aware of. At least, nobody has ever asked me for anythingk 'wa have good cooperation, I think, but nobody has ever gone beyond that . . . I can't think of a thing like that at all. Chief of police: No, there has never been a single thing like that. Once or twice we've had different professors come in and give us a hard time about parking tickets, or something like that, but in the end they had to pay just like anyone else. I've never had anyone ask me to fix a ticket down there or anything . . . never once. - 172 - Former councilman: Never anyone representing the university . . . the adminis- tration . . . but of course individuals did; we all do that, I suppose. we tried to go along on requests, but we never granted anything to anyone just because he was connected with the uni- versity, or to anyone that we wouldn't give to anybody else in town. But I personally never had any individual representing the university attempt to get or give any special favors or privileges for the university. Dean of men: No, nothing of any sort. “What kind of special treatment would I be in a position to give . . . or to receive, for that matter? There has never been anything of that nature. The strong consensus of opinion voiced by all informants was that the institutions, working through their representative, have never attempted to seek a voice in village government by means of coercion or by the granting of special favors. Questions six and thirteen deal, in part, with the matter of the manner in which village and university and college officials have worked out solutions to their mutual problems, and these ques- tions produced evidence directly applicable to the proposition under discussion. Again, the consensus of opinion was practically unanimous that such mutual prOblems had been resolved with a minimum of effort, and that both the village and the institutions had supported their positions with facts and opinions of a reasonable and proper nature. The following quotations are representative of a large number of similar responses as to the behavior of the institutions in these matters. Former councilman: I would say that our relations were excellent. As I say, they never tried to pressure us into anything; we both presented our cases on their own.merits on any problems that came up, and we went on from there. There was never, ever any real friction - 173 - that amounted to anything. I found the officials reasonable and easy to work with. Former councilwoman: I think we did have an awareness of their limited financial resources in dealing with these sanitation problems. They‘re not a profitemaking organization, and they are also subject to the limitations of appropriations, but we found that when we submitted facts and figures to them to buttress any plea that we might make, then they were quite willing to accept them. Superintendent of grounds: I would say relationships have been good. For instance, since your father has been on the board and has been working on the landfill situation, things have gone much smoother. He has helped to coordinate things and get some things straightened out. Like anything else, it's a question of sitting down to analyze, give and take, and come up with a solution that's fair to both sides. Summary, First Corollary to Proposition I It appears that the first corollary to proposition one is supported both by the positive evidence that institutional represen- tatives have supported their positions by rational and logical pres- entations, and by the negative evidence related to the supposition that institutional representatives would attempt to coerce or other- wise directly intervene with local government representatives. It must be emphasized, however, that this is true only to the extent that the institutions do attempt to seek a voice in local government, and the evidence indicates that this has not occurred often. An important point, and one which should be emphasized, is that there is very little contact between representatives of the in- stitutions and of the village. In fact, there is very little commun— ication of any sort, even on matters which might be considered of a routine administrative or procedural nature. This has important impli- cations for this study and is discussed more fully in the final section. -17h- SECOND COROLLARY TO PROPOSITION I: That, in areas deemed of major concern to the university, the administration of that institution might attempt to assure itself of a voice by work- ing through those members of the faculty who occupy positions in local government, such as mayor, trustee of public affairs, solicitor, village engineer, or member of the planning commis- sion, zoning board, or recreation board; and that, in similar circumstances,'Western College might attempt the same end by working through members of its faculty or staff who were serve ing as members of village council or as village solicitor. Question number seven was directed particularly to this point. Since this question is rather long and complicated, it is quoted in its entirety at this point: Has the university, or college, ever directly approached you in an attempt to influence your thinking and acting on.any matter which has come up in council, board of public affairs, or other agency, which might affect the university or college? If so, what was the issue? When did it arise? Who approached you from the administration? ‘was the attempt to directly influence you successful? Did you think this influence was proper? If not, why not? There was unanimous agreement among the eleven living indi- viduals who are or were connected with the university or college and who have served in local government posts that institutional repre- sentatives have not attempted to influence their thinking or actions on issues affecting the institutions. All living individuals, with one exception, who have served in the past twenty years, were contacted. The roster includes one former mayor, three members of council, three members of the board of public affairs, two former solicitors, one member of the recrea- tion board, one member of the zoning board, and the village engineer. The following quotations are representative of responses to the question. Former mayor and professor of business law at the university: I never found any pressure from university officials. From -175- individuals, yes; some faculty peOple thought that they ought to be exempt from village traffic regulations, for instance. One man even told me that the fact he went through a traffic stop Sign ought to be overlooked because he was on the faculty. But they were very much in the minority. And I think that this min- ority is getting smaller all the time. Some of the faculty looked down on me because I was the mayor; they seemed to think it was all a joke or something. But this was a very, very small segment of the faculty. But I was never approached by any official; it was never mentioned, never intimated. I think they bent over backwards not to appear to be intervening; anyway, they left me free. There was never any mention, or anything at all. member of council, professor at the college: As far as I personally am concerned, there's been no indi- vidual or group of individuals connected with either institution who have approached me with the idea that I should do something for the institution through the town. Q: Of course, in your case, particularly last year, this talk was abroad that you were on council, and the college busi- ness manager was, too, so western College didn't have anything to worry about as far as annexation . . . A: 'Well, if the college didn't have, it was an incidental thingt 'We weren't there to talk for the college directly or indirectly. Q: Then.you would say that, as far as direct influence or direct pressure from either Miami or Western was concerned .. . if it exists, you haven't been made aware of it? A: That's right. I haven't been subjected to it . . . to my knowledgel Q: Then, in a case like this, the president didn't come to you and say, "Will you use your influence to keep . . ." A: No, there wasn't anything like that at all. In fact, I never discussed it with him. But I knew which properties the college held and which they were going to get rid of, and so on. But it wasn't a matter of pressure or special help of any sort. Member of board of public affairs, university professor: No; none whatever. Never once have I been approached by anyone connected with Miami. The only contact we've had with university officials in that way was as members of the board, and as university officials. Of course, we deal with them as members of the faculty, too, but that hasn't anything to do with village affairs. -l76- Former member of zoning board, professor at university: AS far as the old zoning board, or the zoning board of ap- peals is concerned, the university has taken no public position. 'We proposed that the business district be extended east to Campus Avenue, and there was no university complaint--at least to us, or to me individually; Most of the opposition--in fact, all of it--we got to extending the business district to walnut and Church streets came from residents of those areas, and for the most part these were non-faculty people. Former member of council, college business manager: No. The college didn't ask me to represent them with coun- cil, although they razzed me about it during the annexation pro- ceedings. It had already been approved by the planning commis- sion, and I could see no Opposition to it before council. There wasn't much pressure; there wasn't much need for it. There was no pressure from the college on.me, as far as I was ever aware. Of course, there was some kidding about it from the president, but no pressure of any sort. Village engineer and former member of the board of public affairs, university professor of mathematics: the No. The only comment I ever had at all was one day when the vice president told me that he thought I leaned over backwards against them; as far as the university was concerned, and he felt I didn't need to do that. I said to him, "We've got to run this the way we see fit, and let the chips fall where they may." As far as being approached, definitely not; lands, not _ Former solicitor, attorney for the college, and member of college board: No, I was never approached. But I was in rather an awkward position, inasmuch as I was a member of the college board, legal counsel for the college, and later legal counsel for the village. A member of the board of public affairs who is a professor at the university discussed the question at length, and his response indicates the multiplicity of roles in which faculty members find themselves when dealing with both university and village adminis- trative matters: I've never seen any evidence that they tried to use the in- fluence of the university with reference to the fact that - 177 - somebody who was on the faculty was also on the council. I‘m sure this has never been done with reference to either of two faculty members who served on the board, because their attitude, I'm pretty sure, would be slightly antagonistic to the univer- sity in its relation to the village and its operations, rather than favorable. Q: Now, as far as your relationship as a.member of the faculty of the university and also as a part-time official of the village, has the university ever directly approached you in an attempt to influence your thinking on.any decisions or any matter that may have been up before the board? Either policy or administration of existing policy? A: No; of course, when.you say, "Has the university ap- proached me . . . " Q: well, has a representative of the university administra- tion, in his role as a.member of the university . . . A: No; that, when I was talking to the university treasurer about those contracts, he was in his role as a.member of the university, and I was in my role as a member of the board of public affairs. But this was preceded by discussion in which he and I were members jointLy of the university athletic board of control, or where he was a member of the university administra- tion and I was a member of the university faculty and we were concerned about relations in the university senate. So you couldn't call this a matter of undue influence or . . . it's simply a matter of confused roles, or differentiated roles, or whatever you want to call it. But it did not represent an effort to say, "Look, I help pay for your salary, and you'd better look out for the universityl" Q: So, then, you would say that whatever communication there was was in the Sphere of . . . A: It was legitimately related to my role as a member of the board of public affairs, and not illegitimately related to me as a member of the faculty. They were not saying, "As a member of the faculty, you should extend special privileges." They were saying, "Here, as a member of the board of public affairs, are the legitimate reasons why the university is wil- ling to do this, or unwilling to do that," and these were pres- ented to me as arguments that I might just as well have heard from a building contractor in his behalf, or a businessman in his behalf, or a subdivider in his behalf, or somebody else in his behalf. Summary, Second Corollary to Proposition I The evidence does not support this proposition-~at least, - 178 — not as it refers to direct influence on those persons connected with the institutions who were also serving in posts in local government. However, there were several inferences that there were in— direct influences, or what might be called "felt" influences, in the situations described by informants. Examples would include the "razzing" of the college business manager by the president, the col- lege professor's knowledge of what properties involved in street im- provements were owned by the college, the feeling of the college attorney that he was in an awkward position in representing the in- terests of both the college and the village, the statement by the vice president of the university to a member of the board of public affairs that he felt the member was bending over backward away from the university, and the multiplicity of roles in which another mem- ber of the board found himself when dealing with university officials as a member of the board. It is important, also, to recognize that these individuals are generally aware of the needs and goals of the institutions. Part of this awareness may well be a result of their dual roles in the institutions and the village government. It is not unreasonable to assume that knowledge of these needs is one factor considered in reaching decisions affecting the institutions. However, it should be emphasized again that there is no evidence that these indirect influences are the result of direct, overt activity on the part of institutional representatives to attain a voice in local government by directly influencing these individuals. - 179 - PROPOSITION II: That the administrators of the institutions would attempt to work toward desired ends in such a manner as to preserve good public relations with the general public and with the village government, and to keep from appearing to influence local government. we have seen that there is little feeling on the part of those persons serving in local government that representatives of the institutions have tried to directly influence local government. At the same time, there have been situations where village and in- stitutional representatives have met to work out solutions to joint problems. The main consideration here, under proposition two, is the manner in.which this has been carried out. Questions number six and thirteen were designed to probe areas of possible conflict or strained relations between the village and institutions, and to discover the patterns of behavior of institu- tional representatives in such situations.10 The general opinion expressed by almost all informants was that meetings and negotiations connected with the solution of mutual problems had been conducted in a manner in which neither side was antagonized, and each side generally understood and respected the viewpoint of the other side. The following quotations indicate the general acceptance and approval of the way in which such negotiations have been carried out. ‘ Incumbent mayor: I've found them wonderful to get along with, and when I first came on council I had only the other side of it. I loaded the shotgun, and soon found out that they were the easiest people to get along with . . . they approach the thing intelli- gently. I suppose I may have a little different view of it since I've been in business, and everything there is rougher. 0 See Appendix "A" for schedule of questions. - 180 - Compared to that, dealing with the university is like shooting fish in a barrel. Former mayor: we found that, contrary to expectations, the vice president was very fair and understanding in his thinking, providing you could show him.figures and facts, and you can't blame him for that. well, we worked those things out on a very amicable basis, and we were always very well pleased. I would say that the re- lationship between the village and the university has been very, very close . . . and very amicable, at least in the past six or eight years. Here again we see difference between the local folklore about the actions of the university and the results when university administrators actually met with village officials. Former councilwoman: I have never witnessed any real disagreement between the university officials and village. It was a matter of working out the agreement and doing it on a business-like basis and knowing what you're talking about. As I say, I was just amazed at the ease with which we arrived at an agreement when we had something tangible to talk about. If you go into a meeting totally unprepared and expect the university officials to not only buttress their position but to also supply figures from.the village point of view, why of course you're licked before you start. But I found them to be reasonable and understanding at all times. A former councilman: I thought they were very fair; they presented their facts, their case, and we tried to go along with them and they went along with us on it. There has never been any knock-down drag- out affair that I ever knew about with 'em. If anything, I believe that the business manager would bend over backwards to help the village. Like I say, I've always fbund them easy to get along with. If you have the facts and figures to show, well, they go along as far as they can. Another former councilman: Our association was mutually beneficial. Very considerate. I'd say we got along extremely well. Of course, we didn't get what we wanted completely in the way of increased payments for fire protection, but they went along well on their share of the sewage plant, as you probably know. All in all, I don't think we had any complaint about how we were treated, or got along. - 181 - In the course of describing negotiations with the university for expansion of the sewage treatment plant, a member of the board of public affairs said: Never had any trouble at all. Oh, there were the usual things, but that was mostly individual conflicts. They never argued about the principle of paying their share of the costs. Relations, other than those little things, have been on the up- and-up. When the vice president was bargaining for the univer- sity, he wasn't trying to talk the town out of anything. And he created a lot of good will for Miami by working the way he did, even if some of the work didn't get out as soon as it could have or should have. These opinions were substantiated by responses of others not directly involved in village-institutional relationships. One of the local newspaper representatives remarked: As far as the university is concerned, it has been willing to pay its share of the costs of public utilities, most of the time without a quibble. In fact, there has been little quib- bling over anything. All in all, I think the relations between the village and Miami are a mutual thing. A professor of government at the university said: From what I've seen in the thirty years we've been here, there has never been any major disagreement or difference be- tween the university and the village, even on the original zoning plan. Of course, it's hard to say how'much of this was due to the individuals involved. The vice president had a great deal of influence in keeping things smooth. He had lived in the village so long and was so identified with it and interested in it that pe0ple had confidence in him. I'm sure there were a great many more complaints from the faculty about some of the things he did than there ever were from village residents. The statement of the president of the university, quoted earlier, should be repeated at this point to emphasize the official policy of the university, at least during the tenure of the incump bent president: I don't want the university to be in the position of appear- ing to control the village council or anything like that. As far as meeting with them, or with the planning commission, the business manager and I would certainly be happy to appear if we - 182 - were to receive an invitation-~but we have not, and we have cer- tainly not appeared on our own, or initiated any action for such a meeting, for the reason I have just stated. In other words, we have waited for the village to ask us, but we have never wanted to appear to be telling the village how to do its jdb. The president continued the discussion by commenting that he felt the question of village-university relations was difficult to judge: The biggest difficulty of the matter is that relations be- tween the university and the village are very subtle; it's hard to pin down evidence one way or the other. I suspect that where there has been any conflict it has been pretty carefully con- cealed and held in the background. No one wants a knock-down, drag-out battle. And in the five and one—half'years I have been here we haven't had any; there was no major issue as far as I was concerned, or aware. In fact, there hasu't been a major conflict of any sort; everything that has come up has been set- tled amicably. However, the president said this didn't indicate that he was perfectly satisfied with relations with the village. He indicated at least one area in which he was not at all satisfied: The one big problem we have had is in regard to roads, and curbs, gutters, and sidewalks. I am personally rather unhappy over this situation. I understand that in the past there has been a good working relationship between the village and the university on this matter. Spring Street and other streets abutting the university have been resurfaced, and we have paid a portion of the cost, one-half in some cases. On other streets we have had to carry the whole burden, and I personally don't think that this is fair. 0n through thoroughfares like that, it is the village's responsibility to maintain the street. I don't think it should be ours. Since the time this statement was made, the village and the university have cooperated in the rebuilding of Maple Avenue for several blocks south of Spring Street. On the general question of services performed by the village, the president indicated that he was not satisfied that the village was doing all it might, or all it should: -183- I have felt very restive about village government in Oxford. In many ways, I think it has been backward in helping the uni- versity in areas where it could, and should. On the other hand, the university has no power at all to change the village, and vice versa, of course. There are many areas in which we both have an interest and we must have "mutual toleration," if not always good will. One can't get along without the other; surely if the university weren't here, there would be no village--not as we know it today-~and, on the other hand, if there were no village, the university couldn't get along either. Returning to the discussion of responsibility for street work, the president indicated that he had taken into consideration one means of action, which he had rejected without using: I have been very, very unhappy on.Maple Avenue in front of our new Fine Arts building. It seems to me that the village has the obligation to rebuild that street. ‘We feel that the village should assess the property owners down there to fix that street the way it should be, and Miami University would certainly be willing to pay its share of the costs involved. However, we have never had any assurance from the village that, if we put in our own curb and gutter, anything would be done to have the other property owners do likewise. we have never been able to settle this. I have thought of making a public blast on it, but I don't suppose that would do any good. The village has shown little indication of concern about road and street problems which we are faced with. Here is one example where consideration of possible adverse reaction on the part of the public may have played a part in the president's decision not to follow a particular course of action. The president stated that he felt that the university was doing its share in mutual responsibilities with the village, by pro- viding services for itself in areas where the university could feas- ibly operate its own service: The university's attitude has been to pay for services in a fair amount, according to our proportion of the use, in those areas of mutual concern to both the village and the university. But, on the other hand, we have tried to operate our own services where we can. water, sewers, and fire protection come in the first category; it would not be economically feasible for the university to have its own utilities or fire protection. But, in the areas of refuse collection, lighting, and police protection, -18h- we have provided our own services. Maybe we will have to come to this in roads, but I sincerely feel that this is the responsi- bility of the village. What we are working for in all of this is a determination of a fair and equitable solution for all. I'm not sure that we are getting this in the area of roads, but I think it has been reached in water and sanitation facilities. Other university officials responded to the question of re- lationships with the village as follows: Business manager: I would say good. I wouldn't say that everyone in town thinks they are good, but all of the officials concerned do, I'm quite sure. The only way to handle something like this is to be fair and try to work problems out to mutual advantage. Of course, you always are going to have personalities in the picture, and you get flare—ups when they clash sometimes, but it is never any- thing serious. The university treasurer commented as follows, indicating that he might also have private views on the subject as well: well, for myself, I would say most friendly. I have never thought of it as otherwise. There are no great problems. When reasonable people reach reasonable solutions, well, that's all there is to it. Now that's not to say that I, as a private citizen, may not think the village is doing all it should-~such as providing money for streets--but as far as relations between the university and the village are concerned, I don't think they could be much better. A.university professor, long involved with local zoning and planning, commented on university policy under the incumbent presi- dent and contrasted it with that of a former president: My impression is that the university has much less influ- ence--exerts less influence--than any private corporation might do in a one-industry town. It doesn't want any more "town versus gown" difference than it has to put up with. President Upham was so afraid of adverse publicity that he wouldn't make .any pronouncement on anything unless or until he had to. Thus, the evidence available seems to indicate that the uni- versity has operated at the policy-making or decision-making level in such a manner as to preserve good public relations and not to -185- appear to be influencing local government. Members of local govern- ment agencies, almost entirely without exception, feel that the university has been fair, reasonable, and understanding in its dealings with the village. In addition, there have been no public squabbles or quarrels concerning matters of'mutual concern and interest, and the university has, as a matter of policy, refrained from doing anything which might cast it in an unfavorable light in the eyes of the local government. Again the matter of difference between the popular conception of the university's role and the actual role it has played is in evidence. Several informants commented that, "contrary to expecta- tions," they had found the university easy to deal with and under- standing of village problems. A university official noted that, although relations were good, "I wouldn't say that everyone in town thinks they are good." In.many cases, relationships between the village and the university'have not been given wide publicity. The general public is probably unaware that many of these agreements exist. One in- formant, a former member of council, discussed this situation and commented: In publishing the annual municipal report, of course I did have to find out about the extent of the cooperation between the university and the village, and learned that the help which the university extends is far greater than the citizens up and down the street realize, through paying their share of street paving costs, and street lighting costs, and purchasing equipment for the fire department. But those things apparently had not been publicized by either side in the past, and perhaps for good reasons . . . perhaps the university was doing more than it legally was supposed to do, under state law, so they just did it quietly'and without a big "foo-fer-ah" about it. The situation at the Operating level appears to be similar - 186 - to that described above. All operating personnel--university, college, village, and board of education-~were in general agreement that relationships were good and that there was no influence or pressure of any sort exerted. The following comments and descriptions of working arrange- ments between various administrative departments are representative of a large number of similar responses. Village superintendent of streets and sanitation: we get along fine. I go to see the university grounds superintendent, or he comes and sees me about something. we swap back and forth on equipment, but I myself try to keep away from that; you get yourself too involved with that sometimes. we have traded with him though--we've used their compressor, seeders, fertilizer Spreaders, and their bulldozer once or twice. And he has given the village a few shrubs and trees for the parks and some grass seed, but that's under your hat. Then he comes to us for stuff . . . the tar wagon, patching material, and we've helped out a time or two with hauling. He gives us Cinders . . . but then if they didn't give them to us, they'd give 'em away to somebody else just to keep from piling up. ‘we have had a few words a time or two-mostly about the landfill-~and he's blown his stack about that. But, in general, I will have to say that I can't complain about it. There's a few trifling things that I get hot about, too. University director of buildings: I've had close dealings with the fire department, and we used to have some contact with the police department, but now that we have our own security force, most of it is with the fire department., The way I look at it, you've got to have good will. Think what shape we would be in without the fire department. Any time I can do anything to help the police or fire depart- ments, I'll do it. ‘we usually work with the superintendent of utilities. He has given us the best of cooperation. Any time anything happens, he's down here right now. And it works both ways, too; if he gets in an emergency situation, I'll give him all the men I can spare, and when we need help he comes and helps us out. we'll loan the village pumps, for instance, if they need them in times of heavy water. The way I look at it, we've got to work together; it'll average out. -187- University security force chief: The police chief and I get along all right. we've never had any trouble to speak of. There has been some times when we haven't notified him about something or other-~like buses park- ing, or tearing up a street; that was our fault, we should let him know about those things, because he has the responsibility for it. But we have gotten along very well, except for one com- plaint about our men stopping a Speeder one night. On the other hand, he is supposed to have his man on the desk call us if there is a fire in a university building, or anything like that. He has forgotten to do that the last couple of times, like the fire in Symmes Hall at Homecoming, so I'll have to remind him of it. we should call each other on cases like that. Village fire chief: In everything I've had to do with them, they have been pretty reasonable. They try to cooperate as best as they can. That was especially true when the vice president was alive; everything we asked for, we got. They don't tell you.you have to do something they want you to do; they don't tell you.you have to do it their way. we haven't had too much contact with folks down there, but when we've gone to them, they have always cooperated. Mostly it has been with the director of buildings; you know how fast he got Harrison Hall fixed up after we wrote 'em up after that fire. we've loaned them things a time or two, and I know that when we want something all we have to do is ask them, and we get it. we've loaned them hose, and fittings, when water lines broke, and they loaned us scaffolding when the fire house was painted. I would say that the advantages are more than the disadvantages. All you have to do is ask for it. Member of the board of education: The relationships between the dean, McGuffey School, and the public schools are ever so much better now than they were before consolidation. It used to be, as you know, that a lot of the "McGuffey people" looked down on the Stewart School and didn't want their kids to go there. If someone got thrown out of'McGuf- fey, Stewart had to take them. There isn't that kind of "dump- ing" of kids now; if McGuffey gets a problem, they let the public schools know about it, and try to work something out together on it. In fact, our relations with.Miami and McGuffey just couldn't be much better, I think. Of course, most of our contacts are with the school of education, rather than McGuffey, but the su- perintendent does have contacts with the principal over there. - 188 - Summary, Proposition II The evidence is that institutional administrators have worked, both at policy and secondary administrative levels, in a manner which will promote good relations with the village and the general public. There is no evidence of any kind of pressure or in- fluence exerted from any source. It appears from the evidence that the proposition is supported, at least insofar as it pertains to good relations with village government. However, it must be emphasized again that there is little evidence that the institutions have attempted to directly influence local government, and, to this extent, the prOposition is not sup- ported. The evidence as to attitudes of the public toward the in- stitutions, particularly the university, is somewhat conflicting. On the one hand, there are the attitudes enumerated earlier, i.e., that the university attempts to control local government, village govern- ment is afraid to do anything contrary to the wishes of the univer- sity, etc. On the other hand, there is some evidence, in the form of editorial comment from local and other newspapers, which indi- cates that the university enjoys good relations with the local public. Therefore, it is difficult to assess the validity of the proposition, insofar as it pertains to the general public. PROPOSITION III: That in areas of mutual interest and concern the institutions, through representatives of their policy- making or administrative bodies, might seek to work together or along parallel lines, in order to achieve their purposes of seeking a direct voice in village government. -189... Apparently there has been no contact between the two insti- tutions concerning mutual interests or problems with the village. All of the university and college officials and administrators with whom this was discussed denied that any such arrangement exists, or has existed. The following are representative of comments on the question. University business manager: Nothing that I ever knew about. we do have some contact with them from time to time, especially when one of our boys gets to running around out theret I don't even know what their relations with the village could amount to; I suppose they pay the regular sewage rental, but we haven't had any occasion to go into that with them. University treasurer: There have been no contacts that I know of. we do, of course, have some relations with them. For instance, where they feel that they can make relationships with us which will be of value to their students, we cooperate with western, as, for instance, football tickets at reduced rates, privilege of using the University Center facilities, etc. But in all of these relationships, they come to us; I'm sure it would be uni- versity policy never to approach them, for fear of appearing in any way to be interfering or influencing the operation or ex- istence of the college. we had no meetings with them in regard to the sewage expansion program, that I know of. In regard to western, it's another case of "hands off." As far as the recent land purchase was concerned, they came to us and said they were ready to sell, and we bought. I think there has probably been a long-standing agreement on that, though; they agreed that they wouldn't sell unless and until they gave the university the opportunity to purchase it first. we paid them $150,000 for the land west of Patterson Avenue; it was a "cash deal." College business manager: No, we have never had a meeting, not during my time. 'We do have contacts with Miami, of course, but never in relation to village services. we do have good working relations with the university, however. Although there is no evidence to support the proposition that the institutions have worked together, there have been cases - 190 - - when the institutions have adopted similar agreements in regard to village services. A member of the board of public affairs commented on one such set of agreements: The most important thing with the university was the expan- sion of the sewerage system and the treatment plant. 'We worked out with them their share of the capital costs on the basis of their usage of water. It was pretty complicated, because dif- ferent categories of users were to share in different costs. For instance, we didn't include outside users in the costs of the interceptor; mainly this applied to western College. They have their own main to the plant, so they wouldn't benefit from the new sewers. Then we had to take into account parts of the uni- versity water consumption not entering the sewers, and so forth. As for western, they paid for their share of the expansion of the plant based on their usage of water; but not for any share of anything but the plant. The village engineer, who at the time was also a member of the board of public affairs, as well, remarked on this same agree- ment in these terms: ‘With western, we got them to go along on a pro-rated basis, too, on the plant expansion, but not on the trunk sewers or other improvements that didn't benefit them. we tried to be as liberal as possible with them, because it was a tight financial position for them. There was no reluctance on the part of’Miami, or western, for that matter, to go along; they wanted to do their part. It was a matter of getting the funds in both cases, especially with western. There was no reluctance to pay their share. I think that Western went along on the pro-rating idea because that's what the vice president of the university thought.Miami ought to (100 In this case, both the college and the university adopted the same policy in regard to the method of determining the pro-rats shares of costs of expansion of the sewage treatment plant. However, there is no indication that the institutions did this as a result of mutual agreements. In analyzing this situation, it is important to keep two facts in mind: - 191 - l. The university is primarily located within the corporation limits of the village, while the college is located entirely outside. The university is thus involved with the village in such problems as street maintenance, curb and gutter and sidewalk repair, street lighting, policing, parking, sanita- tion, as well as public utilities and fire protection. The college is involved only with fire protection, water, sewage treatment, and use of the sanitary landfill. There are many areas, therefore, where the institutions would not be work- ing together in any event. 2. There have been relatively few occasions when it has been necessary for the village to deal with either of the insti- tutions on matters of policy or major improvement projects. The basic water rates, for instance, had not been increased between 193h and 1961. It has been necessary to meet with institutional representatives on only three or four occasions in regard to sewage treatment problems in the past thirty years. And the question of sanitation rates has existed only since the landfill was established in 1953. Summary, Proposition III It appears that there has been no collaboration between the institutions in matters concerning village government. No evidence was found to support the proposition, and, to that extent, it appears to be invalid. In at least one instance, that of the formula for distribu- tion of capital expansion costs in the sewerage system, the college agreed to the same formula as the university. There is no evidence, however, that this was based on a prior agreement between the insti- tutions. PROPOSITION IV: That members of the faculty or staff of the institutions who occupy offices in local government are aware of the policies and attitudes of the institutional leaders and might react on the basis of this knowledge, in a given situation involving the institution, without direct or overt influence from the policy-making body or administrative staff of the in- Stitutiono Question eight was designed to provide data on this - 192 - subject.11 It was asked of eight individuals who had served or are serving as members of council, of the board of public affairs, or as solicitor or mayor. There was general agreement among these in- formants that they were aware of institutional policy in regard to questions which might be of concern to the village. The fellowing is illustrative of a situation in which an individual connected with the college became aware of a developing situation which he felt was not in the best interest of the college and took what he felt to be appropriate action: Q: Is it true, then, that the contacts you have had with representatives of the institutions have been in regard to specific problems? Either something that they brought up . . . A: I think the only formal dealings we had in regard to them-~well, I think I had three: one was in regard to the sub- division that Western opened up; we were approached then-the whole council was-~by the college, as to how council would feel about it, whether or not they'd go along with it and grant water rights, and so on. And again the fire contract. Now, this is an instance of personal connection, I suppose. I became aware of the fact that western was delinquent in its payments for water and fire and sewer and so on and were quite far behind, and I called that to the attention of the president, and I told him that if it were at all possible--it would be extremely un- fortunate for the fact to become widely known, and if they could find the money they ought to pay it in, well . . . and within a week I think they paid half of what they owed. But that's one instance in which I did look out for the good name of the college. I think those three occasions are the only connection we on coun- cil had with Western. Q: In the instance that you spoke of, your knowledge of 'western's financial status with the village, then you did this on.your own? A: Yes. I thought this was an easy way of handling the situation without embarrassment. It seemed to me that the vil- lage had been a little too understanding about western's situa- tion by not ever pressing them about it. I thought that this could really . . . well, give some validity to statements about the college getting preferential treatment and so forth, which 1 See Appendix "A" for schedule of questions. --193- could be quite harmful to the general patterns of relationships. I really don't know if the college had received preferential treatment, or if the thing had just accumulated and nobody had said anything about it, or what. Further on in the discussion, I raised a question as to whether he was generally aware of college policies in areas which might mean contacts with the village government. His reply was: 'well, I'd say that the way the college is organized a very considerable amount of responsibility resides in various faculty committees. The committee which would be most in on these poli- cies is the administrative council. I'm not on that council, so I'm not in on the weekly meetings. But, with a small college, you're not completely unaware of what they have in mind for future years. And I think that perhaps because I'm on council the president takes pains to tell me about things like that that might be important. The question about knowledge of institutional policy was asked of one of the members of the board of public affairs who is a member of the university faculty. His reply was: Yes, to the degree that the university has poliqy in some of these areas. I think that they have taken it for granted that there would be water, and there would be sewerage; and that we would operate a landfill. Therefore, they don't need to make any preparation for these things. Q: well, what role do you personally think western and the university should take as far as their interests are involved? Do you think they are . . . . A: I think they are adequately protected. Most of the time, the people who are in the employ of the village or who are vil- lage officials are as aware of the needs of the university as are the people who represent the university. For that reason, there isn't any reason to have somebody to represent the university's point of view in dealing with me. I already represent the uni- versity, in a sense. I know what their problems are, and I think that I am as aware of what would be in their interest, as far as the village services are concerned as the treasurer is or the business manager is or the president is. The following case was cited by this informant as an example of his knowledge and awareness of the effects of village policy on the institution: -19h- Now, when it comes to specific instances, we had this situa- tion where the board, prior to my getting on it, had simply de- cided arbitrarily to change the water rates to something that amounted to about h0%. The idea was to make a uniform water charge, regardless of the amount used, except for the mintmwn, so they would have been able to reduce the water rate for all users except the university, and they would have increased it by the amount of the difference between what they now charge people who use more than a million gallons, and everybody else. I don't know whether anybody else would have been in that situa- tion--possibly the laundry. Their argument was it cost just as much to pump one gallon, regardless of the amount used; my ar- gument was that there was at least some offset in this connec- tion, because we didn't have to read as many meters to sell that much water. 'We were going to make a time study on that. I just said, "Well, you fellows have the votes." I thought at that time that the third member of the board would vote with the pres- ident, but he said, "I'm not sure I want it either," and the president said, "well, let's just forget it." And that was the size of it. Q: 'Well, was this . . . A: It was already on the books as a proposal from the pre- vious board. The three previous members had decided it. It was passed by the board, but it was never presented to council. Then I went to see the university treasurer about the amount the university would be willing to pay for garbage disposal. After that discussion, I said to him, "I understand that the board is recommending this change." And he said, "well, I don't see how they can do this. 'We don't have any way of increasing these charges; the state legislature has made its appropriations fer two years, and I would think if they were going to do anything about water rates they would talk to us." And I said I thought it was quite unreasonable, too, and at the next meeting I ar- gued that way, and it has never come up since. we dropped it, and that was the size of it; it's never been proposed since. But the village engineer still ribs me about it; he thinks that the university should pay proportional to the gallonage, and not on the basis of lower costs. 'well, I argued further, after I got into it, that the university builds its own water mains, and, therefore, we don't have any capital costs included in their part of costs, but there are capital costs in what we charge them. In discussion of the same question with a university faculty member who also serves on the board of'public affairs, the following interesting concept of the situation was outlined: This thinking of "The University" as some kind of entity—- I have no such feeling, because, so far as I'm concerned, these are peOple with specific jobs to do, just like I am, and their -:L9S- connection with the university is just part of their life, as it is mine. I don't have the feeling that they regard it as any- thing except a kind of business relationship that they would have with anybody else; that when they need something they ask for it, and when we need something we'd ask for it, and if we've got some questions to raise, we'll come in with them. There's no finagling about it, or anybody attempting to exert undue pressure. When I have some reason to go to somebody, I just go, the same as I would anybody else in town. And if there's no particular reason to go, I don't see any reason to go to the university and ask them how policy would be likely to influence them, because as I said earlier I have the feeling that I can judge about as well as they can how anything that we're doing is likely to affect them. If I can't judge it, I go talk to the guy who would be involved, like the superintendent of grounds or the treasurer or the business manager or the dean of men, or whoever it is, directly, and ask them. It was evident that, although this individual wasn't at all sure that there is any such thing as "the university policy," he was very much aware of the effects of village policy on the institution, and presumably took this into account as one factor in fermulating and making decisions on village policy, such as the water rate change mentioned earlier. He is also aware that "institutional policy" exists as the separate policies of individuals; and in cases where he was not aware of the particular problems involved in a university operation affected by village policy, he went to the individual con- cerned to find out for himself. This individual, then,reacted to proposals for change in village policy on the basis of his antici- pation of the effects on the institution; and, in cases where he could not judge what these might be, he went to the agency concerned and attempted to find out. Since the first and second corollaries to this proposition are intimately connected with the general proposition, it is appro- priate to consider them jointly at this point. - 196 - FIRST COROLLARY T0 PROPOSITION IV: That these individuals who occupy positions in both an educational institution and the village government, and who are antagonistic toward the admin- istration of the institution, might sometimes work at cross- purposes with the institution, through the instrumentality of local government. SECOND COROLLARY T0 PROPOSITION IV: That those persons who are sympathetic towards the goals and aims of the administration of the institution would seek to help attain those goals through local government, in situations involving the institution. The most difficult feature with both of these corollary prepositions is identification of those persons who fall in the two categories. This is possible only through inference, and, in the case at hand, inference based mainly on personal knowledge of past performances of those persons involved. In connection with the first corollary, we have previously mentioned a case where it may be inferred that an antagonistic atti- tude toward the university played a part in the decision-making process of the board of public affairs. Reference here is to the case of the proposed increase in water rates. The recorded actions of the board of public affairs are as follows: November 1, 1955: A motion was made and seconded that the board of public affairs recommend to village council that the water rates be set at $1.30 per 1,000 cubic feet of water, with a.minimum bill of $1.30 for both monthly and quarterly billings. Motion carried unanimously. 12 This action would have had two major implications: 1. Minimum rates would have been dropped from $1.60 per quarter or month to $1.30, thus benefitting smaller water users. 12Proceedings of the Board of Trustees of Public Affairs, current volume, p. 267. - 197 - 2. Larger users would not have had the benefit of lower unit rates of $1.30 and $0.90 per 1,000 cubic feet which they had previously enjoyed. The recommendation apparently was never made to council. It might be noted here that this requirement would not have been nec- essary, since state law gives the board power to set water rates. The member of the board who made the motion to change the rates, who was and is a university professor, did not run for re- election to the board at the general election held that same month. Both of the other members did run again and were re-elected. A write-in campaign for another member of the university faculty re- sulted in his election to the third seat, and he took office in January of 1956. Part of what took place after that date has been related earlier. The next recorded action was the following: March 20, 1956: A discussion was held concerning the effect of making the water rate a flat amount. No further action was taken at this time. 13 May 15, 1956: A motion was made by the new member of the board, seconded, and unanimously approved, that the action taken by the previous board on November 1, 1955, regarding the change in water rates, be rescinded and that the present rates be retained for another year. 1 Here, again, it appears that a member of the university faculty took into consideration the effect upon the university in deciding upon a course of action. At the same time, the previous member had acted in a manner which might be interpreted as antagonis- tic to the best interests of the university. The implication here is not that this was the only 13Ibid., p. 277. thoc. cit. - 198 - consideration, in either case. But it does appear that, insofar as concern for the university did enter into the picture, one univer- sity faculty member acted in such a way as to appear to be acting contrary to the best interests of the institution, while the other acted in a manner which he felt was proper and, at the same time, was an advantage to the university. The situation has been discussed earlier in which a member of the college faculty found that the college was in arrears in pay- ments to the village and took it upon himself to see that the college administration was made aware of the fact, because "this could really -—well, give some validity to statements about the college getting preferential treatment, and so forth, which could really be quite harmful to the general patterns of relationships." It appears that in this case he was sympathetic to the goals and policies of the in- stitution and, in a situation which might potentially reflect unfav- orably on the college, took action which he thought to be in the best interests of the college, as well as the village. In discussing the question of village-university relations with a former member of the board, who is a member of the university faculty and the village engineer, as well, the following comments resulted: The university has never really paid its fair share of a lot of the things that the village does for them. On streets, they have paid only a "contribution" toward the maintenance of streets immediately adjacent to the campus. They don't pay nearly on the basis of usage, as they would if they were a private citizen and were taxed for it. They never paid for the use of the in- cinerator on a usage basis; they paid a flat rate, and it was way below what they should have paid. It finally got to the point where we just couldn't do it anymore. After the estab- lishment of the landfill, we did get a contract with them, based on their share of usage. As far as major improvement of streets - 199 - goes, their position is that they could and would go along on an assessment basis, but this puts the village on the spot, as they feel they would have to assess all benefiting property owners, which they have not done on other street improvement work. In the case of other individuals, including university fac- ulty who have served as mayor and solicitor, and college faculty and staff members who have served as solicitor and members of council, it was not as easy to identify and delineate basic attitudes toward the institutions. However, there is no evidence that any of these persons were basically antagonistic toward the institutions and no evidence that they ever acted in a way which could be so interpreted. Summary, Proposition IV and First and Second Corollaries It appears from the evidence that members of policy-making bodies of village government who are also connected with the insti- tutions have generally been aware of institutional policies, and/or have reacted to proposed changes in village policy on the basis of anticipated effects on the institutions. It is impossible to deter- mine from the evidence what influence this has played in decisions reached, other than to note again that direct university or college influence has not been brought to bear on these individuals. To this extent, the proposition is supported and affirmed by the evidence. In spite of the basic difficulties involved with the gather- ing and analyzing of data to test these hypotheses, it seems possible to conclude from the evidence and personal knowledge that both cor- ollary hypotheses seem to be substantiated and are probably generally valid. However, such conclusions must be made only as broad gener- alizations and stated as tentative conclusions, because of the meager - 200 - amount of data available and the difficulty of identifying and in- terpreting the motivations of those involved. THIRD COROLLARY T0 PROPOSITION IV: That those individuals who occupy positions in both an educational institution and village government might find their loyalties and identifications in conflict and would find it difficult to resolve the conflict and reconcile the differences in goals and objectives of the institution and the village government. There was somewhat of a division of opinion in the responses to this question. 0f the ten individuals queried, six felt that there definitely had not been any situation where they felt a con- flict between village and institutional interests. However, three of the six made some minor qualifications in their responses. Four of the informants felt that they had been placed in positions in which they could see the possibility of a conflict of interests. 0f the four, however, only one felt that a real conflict had existed. The following comments are representative of those from per- sons who reported that they felt no conflict of interests or loyal- ties. Former councilman and retired university professor: I never felt that there was any conflict between the unie versity and the village. Of course, I thought that the univer- sity wasn't paying their share of the water, but after I found out that they lay their own mains, I guess I was wrong. I was a little tougher with the university than some of the other members of council were. Of course, maybe they were holding back, but I spoke out on several occasions. However, if there had been any conflict between the university interests and those of the village as a whole, I would not have hesitated to stand with the village position. Former board member, university professor: There was never any conflict that I felt. The only thing that really raised a question was the garbage rates at the - 201 - incinerator; they just didn't want to.pay enough, but of course that was in the hands of council and not the board, at that time. I never felt any conflict; hell's bells, we had perfect reason for every move we made, so we had no reason to discount it. Member of council, college professor: well, I can't think of anything. It seems to me that west- ern is in a little different position than Miami, since we are on the fringe of the town and not a part of it. Really, we are pretty isolated from village affairs. Up until recent annexa- tion south of Chestnut Street, most of the college faculty didn't even live in the village. But the only conflict of in- terest that I can even visualize is in the area of utilities, and Western doesn't make a big enough drain on the water supply or tax the sewer service so that it is really an important prob- lem at all. Personally, I don't know of any conflict of interest. Among those who qualified their answers in the negative was a member of the board of public affairs, who interpreted the question and responded in a manner somewhat different from others. The fol- lowing is the exchange which took place. Q: Has there ever been a time when you felt there was a conflict between the interests of Miami and the village, in some area of mutual interest or concern? A: ‘well, there's always a conflict in the sense that if they pay for it we don't have to, and if we pay for it they don't have tot The question of who is going to pay for it is a matter of who can exert influence on the people that they have to exert influence on. I think that always the vice president was concerned about the fact that he could only get so much for the university, and if he could avoid paying for some things, he would then have the money to spend on something else. I think that, in the case of the village, most of the time the council has taken the position that they wouldn't pay for anything if they-~if it meant raising taxes. They had to be forced into it, by situations that simply get so bad that . . . Q: What are you thinking of . . . ? A: I'm thinking of the sewage system and the waste disposal system. ‘When Mayor Pulley came along, there wasn't anyplace to put the damned garbage. well, so there was a WRP.A., so he went out and did it. But he would not have been able to get the people of the town to pay for it if they had had to pay 100 cents on the dollar. And the same thing apparently happened with the sewage system, earlier. It wasn't until the sewage system they - 202 - had was totally inadequate that pressure came on from the uni- versity and pressure from the state to make the people of the town do something. Q: You mean this in reference to when they built the present sewage plant? A: That's right. And this has been the history of the thing, with reference to the fire department-~to simply wait and wait and wait, until finally some kind of pressure made by some group of interested citizens results in overcoming apathy for long enough to get something done, and then it drops right back down to that level. Q: would you say, then, that you don't feel that you, as a member of both the faculty and the board of public affairs, have been put into a bind between conflicting interests that couldn't be resolved? A: No. The bind has been, as I say, of getting the money. If we didn't have it, we went out and got it; we moved as far as we could. Council wouldn't let us raise the sanitary rates for residents, so we pushed it on the businessman and we pushed it on the university. Now, this was a consequence of the simple fact that there were just a few retired people on the council who felt that more than $1.30 a month was too much; and so we, like most politicians, give to the pressure and push it where it will go. Now, if the state legislature failed to come through, and we had to have a new sewer, we would still have to go ahead and move with reference to it, and then any reluctance of the university to move would induce us to add costs on to other peo- ple that we wouldn't add on if we could avoid it. But the bind is simply that--we11, you just do the best with what you have, and the university's attitudes, as far as I can see, have been such that they have been willing to and have paid their way. I don't think they've been generous, and I don't think they have any right to be generous. The people of the state aren't inter- ested in subsidizing people who are as well off as they are, who are living in the village and won't provide their own facilities. Others felt that, while there wasn't any basic conflict in their relationships, there were circumstances or cases where it was possible to see the problem of potential conflict. Village engineer, university professor, former member of the board: we have had some arguments, or discussions, with the univer- sity engineers, Fosdick & Hilmer, but it never amounted to any- thing serious, because they always went along. I have done most - 203 - of the civil engineering and surveying work for the university since 1923, so naturally they have leaned on my advice on a lot of this. But talk about carrying water on both shoulders! A lot of the time, I'm in it three ways: as engineer for the uni- versity, village engineer, and when I was a board member, that, too. But there's never been any basic conflict between what the university wanted to do, and village policy or plans. I don't give a damn whose toes are being stepped on, if it's not the best way--no, that sounds too conceited--if it's not the way I see as the best way, and if it isn't good engineering, I'll give them an argument on it, at least. Member of council, college professor: Q: Do you feel, then, that you serve in a kind of unique position, since you are on the village council? From what you have said about the actions of the president in informing you on what is going on . . . how do you perceive this role? . . . or hasn't anything come up directly which would put you in . . . A: No, there hasn't been any problem or unsomfortable positions there at all, because none of these things enter in at all. But I was thinking of things like the future size . . . what the board of trustees think about the future size and growth of the institution, and property development and sale-~property which they're going to get rid of and which they are going to retain, and things like that. It's really not been a problem, just a matter of information, really. Q: But none of these things fall directly into governmental relations . . . where there's any conflict or questions as to loyalties or anything of that nature? A: 'ell, the closest thing to it, and maybe it's an example of the kind of thing you're looking for, was when we were talk- ing about putting sidewalks on Chestnut Street. I realized that 'Western had quite a bit of frontage on Chestnut Street and that this was going to cost them quite a bit of money, in that they were hard up at the time. But that's really about as close to a conflict of interest as there was, and I was all for putting the sidewalks in and supported it. A former member of council, the business manager of the col- lege, discussed the question of the college annexation in dealing with the question of conflict: The only occasion when I felt there was any possible conflict in the two-4Western and the village--was in the case of the an- nexation of the college farm land for the purpose of developing a subdivision. I felt that I represented western, too, as well as the village, in that case. I didn't feel the squeeze very - 20h - much. For one thing, there was no Opposition, either before the planning commission or council. The college trustees didn't oppose it; in fact, they were very much in favor of it, because it meant they could develop the subdivision. But, in any case, the college didn't ask me to represent them with council, although they razzed me about it. Ithad al- ready been approved by the planning commission, and I could see no opposition to it before council. There wasn't much pressure; there wasn't much need for it. If there had been any opposition to it, then that would probably have made a difference. Then I would have brought the college attorney in and let him be the college Spokesman. As long as you are on council, you have to consider the vil- lage first. At least, that was the way I felt about it. There was no pressure from the college on me, as far as I was ever aware. Of course, there was some kidding about it, from the president and our legal advisor, but no pressure of any sort. And there never was any conflict. There was no opposition to the proposal, and council seemed to feel it was the wise thing to do. I kept still until I feund out what the others wanted to do. I certainly didn't have to do any campaigning or electioneering on it. Again, in this case, the individual didn't feel that there was any basic conflict between the best interests of the college and those of the village, although aware that such could have been the case. Had there been conflict, so she stated, she would have re- solved it in favor of the village, because, "As long as you are on council, you have to consider the village first." The only individual who reported that he felt a real conflict was the legal counsel for the college, who also served as a member of the executive committee of the college board of trustees, as well as village solicitor for two years. In commenting on the problem, he first mentioned situations where he felt there had been no con- flict: I think the only formal contact the village has had with the university was with the fire contract, and that had already been agreed to before I came along. we did have a fire contract with Western during this same period, however, and there I was in on both ends of it . . . as solicitor and as a member of the execu— tive committee of the board of trustees. we approved it first as -205- a committee, and then it was approved by the full board. There was no discussion or objection; I believe it was for only $50 more than they had been paying. » 0n the other hand, there was a situation which he felt at the time was definitely one in which he was "caught in the middle": Yes, there is a conflict just now on the terms of sale to the board of public affairs on the land adjacent to the sewage disposal plant. I'm in the middle on it, and it is very embar- rassing. It might be better if someone else were in on it . . . someone from outside. As well as being the village's legal counsel, I'm a member of Western's board and their legal counsel, and, in addition, I'm interested personally because I live in the area. I can't recommend to the college board that they ac- cept the terms proposed by the board of public affairs, because they propose only to follow the regulations of the department of health, and those are only minimal requirements, and they should be the maximum, the most modern techniques of controlling the operation of the sewage plant. I don't know; the college board may accept their terms. But I can't really advise them to do so. . In this case, the conflict was removed when he resigned as village solicitor. At the same time, the board of public affairs did not press for purchase of the land, and since that time the question has remained dormant. Summary, Third Corollary to Proposition IV It appears from the evidence that only in a few cases, none of major importance, have individuals associated with one of the in- stitutions and the village government felt that they were caught in a conflict of "best interests." In those cases where such a personal conflict develOped, it was resolved either by removal from the scene, or, as reported by one informant, by deciding "to follow the course which was in the best interests of the village and the public." The chief point of possible conflict seems to have been in the area of financing. Here the problem was latent, in the main, -206- and did not work to place institutional faculty and staff members in a position of conflicting loyalties and identifications between their private and public roles. It appears from the evidence that the proposition, in gener- al, is not supported by the evidence, since (1) there appear to have been few cases where individuals fbund themselves in such positions, and (2) those cases which did arise did not result in major problems for the individuals. PROPOSITION V: That certain non-academic individuals in local government positions would be sensitive to institutional power and influence, and might attempt to dissipate such influence. This proposition assumes that there is institutional power and influence brought to bear on local government; that it is Ob- served and known to exist by local government officials and adminis- trators; and that certain Of these officials, more particularly those not identified with the institutions, might attempt to dissipate or mitigate such institutional influence. As we have seen from.the data presented earlier, there is little evidence of direct influence over village government opera- tions. Little power or pressure has been brought to bear on local agencies by representatives of either of the institutions. There are, of course, certain feelings and Opinions expressed as to the influence of the university. As has been shown earlier, much of this appears to be unsubstantiated local folklore. However, the reaction of an individual on the basis of his own perceptions of a situation may be just as strong-~in fact, stronger in many cases-- than it would be to the "actual" facts. It is for this reason that - 207 - it is necessary to explore once again some aspects of local feelings about institutional power and influence. The following comments are representative of those made in discussions of the question of institutional influence, particularly by the university. Mayor: I have never heard of a single incident, either before I was on council or since I've been on council, the planning commis- sion, or as mayor. Of course, some of the Older people around town talk about things that the university is supposed to have done, but, as far as I know, there is nothing that I know of personally, at all. It may have been true forty years ago or so, but nothing in recent years. Of course, the university may just have been trying to get some of these old gays Off their dead-center, and they may have resented it and put it down to pressure. Once more, the sentiment has been expressed that something Of this nature may have existed in the past, a recurring theme in the local folklore about the university's position. Again, too, nothing concrete is Offered in evidence. Zoning board of appeals member: As far as the university itself is concerned, several of us have wondered just what jurisdiction the planning commission has over the university. They have gone ahead with their own long- range plans and have built new buildings, as you know, in most cases with no off-street parking. we have wondered whether the planning commission could require them to provide Off-street parking, the same as for other commercial and office buildings which are built. It would be an interesting case, but I'm glad it hasn't come up--and I hope it doesn't while I'm on the board of appeals! It is particularly interesting in our particular case, since the state owns all the land anyway and just leases it to the individuals who occupy it. If it came to a case Of "state versus village," I'm sure the state would come out on top. Village engineer: we have had some discussions with the university on various questions that came up, where we didn't see eye to eye. But there was never any pressure to give favors, let's put it that ‘way. But the university does go ahead and do some things with- out consulting or coordinating with the village. It's not - 208 - intentional, I don't suppose, but they just don't think. But then we all do that, so I suppose we shouldn't blame them too MUCho Most of those interviewed felt very much aware of the econo- mic power and influence of the university. As has been shown earlier, there is no doubt that the university is the chief source of economic support in the community, with annual payrolls of something like $5,300,000. Many comments reflect the general awareness of this great economic power, as shown in the following examples. Street superintendent: In general, we get along all right. After all, this is a university town, and you have to live with them . . . but it's not too hard. This is just a little one-horse town, and they do own a lot of property, so I suppose we shouldn't kick. I really don't have any real complaints to speak of . . . just trifling things. Former mayor: Of course, they create problems . .. the fact that the uni— versity is here creates problems, but it wouldn't make any dif- ference if it was a big industrial plant, they would create the same problems that the university does traffic-wise, that do, of course, require more work by the police department and street department. Still you can't say it's a concession to them or giving them anything, because it isn't; it's just our biggest industry, and we have to put up with it as an industry, that's all there is. It doesn't make any difference . . . an industrial plant would be the same thing. Former councilman and local businessman: Of course, anything that was bad for the university would be bad for the town. Take my business, fer example . . . 90% of what we do is dependent on the university and university people. Of course the town is dependent on the university, and that's why I think we ought to have something in the way of offices or light industry--something to take up the slack and to help ease the tax load. I think the village should do anything it can to help the university. All these towns with industries are always looking for something to do to attract factories or to keep the ones they have. I feel the same way about the university--I think it is worth a great deal to have such a stable economic base. When G.M. or G.E. lays Off in a town, it hurts; now, they might have - 209 - a drop in enrollment around here, but it wouldn't hurt too much. I think it's worth the extra taxes--and they don't seem to be too much out Of line anyway--just to live in a university town. Not so much because of the environment or anything like that, but the economic base is pretty stable, and that should be worth something. Former councilman: well, I know I wouldn't want to try to do without them! Of course, the university is an influence on the town in general-- not so much because of the students, but because Of the faculty and staff and on down to the common laborers; we are really de- pendent on them. Some people say that the university runs the town, and it is true in a way. But, as far as the university running the town government, well, they don't have much influ- ence. I know what the university means to this town . . . the book stores, barber shops, some of the shoe stores and plices like that. well, they just wouldn't exist anymore. They really know when summer rolls around--the cash registers just don't jingle then! Council member and college professor: I think perhaps the so-called "man in the street" may feel that there's a personal influence exerted through certain people who serve village governmental bodies, but I don't think there's any active lobbying pressure. You can't ignore the fact that they're here, and it makes a difference in the kind of town, but there's no pressure at all-~at least, I'm not aware of any. A member of the zoning board of appeals who is a university professor commented on the influence of the university, by making a comparison with cities where government is the major "industry": As far as payments go, I suppose that the university might argue that the local property owners benefit from the university being here, so they should pay the costs of providing the ser- vice. It is something like washington, D.C.--what would it be without the government? The editor of the local newspaper commented on the indirect influences of the institutions, as well as economic influences: The university, of course, has a large indirect influence. Large numbers of people work for the university. The proportion of university people to non-university people in town is growing rapidly. In regard to the liquor problem again, many people probably voted against the sale of liquor in town because it is - 210 - a university town. In this sense, then, Miami does have an in- direct influence. But the university doesn't have to take an Open position on the subject, and it hasn't. As far as the university influencing village government, I don't recall ever seeing any at council meetings-~except in con- nection with the sewer expansion, perhaps. But council takes them into consideration; after all, you can't ignore the fact that the university is here. The village is trying to annex.ter- ritory, because there are families who need homes and are build- ing them; and they are building them for families of university people, as the university expands. But these are all indirect influences. In discussing the policy of the university under a previous university administration, a member Of the board of public affairs described some of the actions of the university which directly af- fected local business and the local economy: well, his whole relation, or his whole set-up was based on the idea that the village was bound to meet the demands of the university, but the university was not bound to meet the demands Of the village. This was the president's conception of the thing. SO that if the university wanted to change something that might very definitely involve the town--a change in the boarding rates, or a change in conditions under which the uni- versity did business, or entering into a new business like its bakery or its ice cream factory--when it did these things, af- fecting businessmen who had an expectation that they would be doing these things, or when it insisted that all freshmen go into dormitories, although for years there had been widows in town that had made their living by boarding and rooming people, his feeling was that he had no obligation to consider any of these people, or to undertake to announce what was being under- taken. This was a one-way street. But, on the other hand, if the village had failed to provide water or had failed to provide sewerage, or had failed to provide fire protection, or something Of this sort, his feeling was very much the same as a big em- ployer in.most towns, where he feels that he, after all, provides the jobs and that everyone ought to accept that. This same individual made the following insightful analysis Of the general effect of the university on the community: There are few communities that could look to as regular a demand for services as the university and western provide. Now, it's true that in the summer there are some services--like par- ticularly the barber shops--that suffer. But, on the other hand, they don't have unemployment created by business; they don't have shifting of business demands from one part of town to the other, - 211 - nor deterioration of business properties which might very well take place in an industrialized community. SO, by and large, I think that the village would have . . . it would be difficult to find a political subdivision that was as well situated by rela- tion to its major industry as this village is. Q: well, then, you would say that the greatest amount of influence . . . if you want to call it that . . . is economic, rather than political or administrative? A: well, yes; I've used the example of regularity of em- ployment. That's an important economic fact, but it's also a very important social fact; and it's a very important political fact. The kind of population you can hold onto; the social problems that you get involved with, such as the raising of children, recreational facilities of the village, a great many other things are involved in the idea that you have a hold on the economy through the taxing process and through the fact that middle-class parents will make great sacrifices to send their children to school, that's hardly paralleled by any other acti- vity in American life. People stop buying automobiles, they stop going to the dentist, they stop eating steak, they do all kinds of things--but they keep on paying taxes for education. This, I think, is very important; much more important to these businessmen than they realize. They can see the disadvantage of having the students gone in the summertime, or something of that sort. But they don't realize that they get vacations, that they're free from pres- sures, and that they are free of some of the insecurities that businessmen in a town of this size could expect as a matter of course, particularly the shifting of demands and the relocation of populations. If we had almost any other industry, we could almost expect it to go through tremendous ups and downs. Now, of course, there is also a great deal of regularity in the only other employer of any size--the cleaning plant. Again, the American.people stay clean even though . . . so that there is continuous employment there, too, which is not usual. Thus the evidence Obtained from interviews seems to indicate that the individuals who have served in policy—making and some ad- ministrative positions in the village government have been aware of the influences of the university, particularly those affecting the local econOmy. The second part of the proposition assumes that such indi- viduals would attempt to dissipate institutional power and influence. One question designed to provide information on the subject was - 212 - question number three.15 This question was asked because one possi- ble means by which the village government could counteract or dissi- pate university Or college-based influence was the establishment of fees, charges, or regulations which would restrict or control insti- tutional activities felt to be not in the best interests of the community. A total of twenty-four of the individuals interviewed were asked question three. All but two of these, a former village sol- icitor and the president of the university, felt that the village had in no way taken advantage of either institution, or attempted to make any harsh or exceptional regulations or impose unreasonable fees. The following are representative of the answers received from village policy-making and administrative personnel. Mayor: No, I don't think we require anything exceptional of them. In a way, the university doesn't carry its share of the load, but this is something much larger than Oxford, Ohio; it's out of the hands of either them or us. Being a state institution puts them in this position, and I suppose the only way we can get anything done is to go to the state. Police chief: Not anything that I know Of. I think we don't ask anything of them that they wouldn't ask of us, as far as the police de- partment goes. 'We do things for the security force, and we sometimes ask them to do things for us when we get in a pinch. But we don't ask anything Of them that we don't expect of anyone else. In discussing the question with a former mayor, the follow- ing exchange took place: See Appendix."A" for schedule of questions. - 213 - Q: Do you feel that the village makes any undue requests or demands of either the university or Western--that the village requests anything in the way of fees or anything at all that isn't required of anyone else? A: Oh, no. The only fees that are required are fees or payments for services-~water, disposal of garbage and waste mat- erial, fire protection for outside the corporation. Outside of that, there aren't any special fees or anything that's charged to the university. Q: In other words, they're not discriminated against be- cause they are the university? A: No. Not at all. Ex-member of council: well, I don't know exactly how the village could restrict the university, really. ‘What could we do that would hurt them or restrict them? I know how much the university means to this town and wouldn't want to do anything of that sort at all. At the same time, seven of the eight university Officials and administrators interviewed reported similar feelings. The following are some of the comments received in response to the ques- tions. University business manager: No, nothing at all. The only thing at all along that line is the tunnel under Patterson Avenue; they wanted us to tunnel and not disturb the sub-grade and pavement, and we would have, except that the contractor wanted to stick us, so we pleaded with the village to let us dig, which they eventually did. But there's never been any unreasonable demand or regulation from the village. University treasurer: No, not at all. I don't think the village tries to beat the university. I do think they try to get what the town is entitled to, which is absolutely right. And we try to do what we think is right for the university, which again is natural, as it is our responsibility so to do. As far as I personally am concerned, I would say that there is complete understanding between the university and village officials, on all matters with which I had anything to do. I think that we have had very good rela- tions. I feel that we always lean over backwards; we don't stamp on anybody, and they don't on us. If it's reasonable, -21h- we go along; if not, we don't . . . that's all. It's a give and take relationship. Superintendent of grounds: No, nothing that I know of. There are a few things I think they could do better on. Mind you, I'm not complaining or ob- jecting, as I haven't approached them on it, and I know there are problems. But I think they could do a little more on street sweeping around the campus, so that we would make a better im- pression than we do. One village administrator felt that the village was afraid to ask the university to do their fair share. He cited one specific case with which he was familiar: In the past, the council has been afraid of offending the university. When they had their dump on the creek, the Izaak walton League got on council for polluting the water, and they formed a committee to work with council to get a new site. I was on it, and I remember we went to see the university vice president, and he said the university could go 50% of the cost. well, it was to be $150 a year, as I recall, but the village was afraid to ask them for 50%, so they just billed them for $50, and of course that was all the university'paidl I don't think the council members we have now are so afraid of them, though. One university administrator not only felt that the village did not require anything unreasonable, but felt that the village could legitimately ask more of the university. He mentioned one specific example: we louse up the whole damn countryside with dirt from our construction projects. Of course, this is mostly the contrac- tors, and we are constantly on them about it. I think the vil- lage could justifiably take offense at this, and could enforce more rigidly regulations about littering the streets. But they don't, and this shows the good relations that exist. In many places, they would really pour it on us in this kind of a situa- tion. Of all those interviewed, only two felt that the village had taken advantage of either institution. One of these was a former village solicitor, who felt that the village hadn't always given credit where it was due the university: - 215 - At times, I think the village hasn't taken into account a lot that the university has done. For instance, when they have acquired property for expansion purposes, they have left it on the tax duplicate, although they wouldn't be required to do so legally. Then there was a lot of equipment which Miami got through war surplus and gave to the village, such as that aerial ladder and, I believe, some fire hose. And a lot of people never knew that the university paid their share of resurfacing in the areas around the campus. I would say that the village has taken "legal advantage" of the university, if anything. The university hasn't taken advan- tage of the village. What I mean is this: the university can't, by statute, pay fbr fire protection within the village limits, but they can contract for protection outside. Now, when the township trustees came along and made a contract for protection in the township, the university continued to pay, too, even though the township had a contract. The president of the university similarly felt that the uni- versity had been taken advantage of in regard to the latest fire contract. In part, it developed, this feeling was due to a lack of complete information regarding the terms of the contract and previous university commitments: There is one case--pure subterfuge--in the fire department. Now, the statute says that we are to pay the village for fire- fighting services performed outside the corporation limits; it doesn't say anything at all about what happens inside. The in- crease in rates last May, from $750 per year to $1,250 per year fbr fire protection outside the village, was certainly not in proportion to our prOperty there. At this point, I asked whether or not he was aware that the corporation limits on the east ran only to Patterson Avenue, and that three new dormitories built east of Patterson in recent years were, therefore, outside of the village. I also pointed out that the university had previously agreed, through the business manager, to pay an additional $500 per year for a period of ten years to amortize the additional cost of an aerial ladder, which would be of primary benefit to the university. The president here remarked that he wasn't aware of the -216- exact corporation limits and continued: I didn't know that the increase was in connection with any piece of equipment. Oh, well, that's a different slant on it, then. I wasn't aware that increase was in connection with the new truck. And I think relations with the fire department have been quite cordial. Thus, one of the two individuals who felt that the village had acted in a manner not completely justifiable towards the univer- sity reversed himself, at least in part, when he learned more about the transaction in question. Summary, Proposition V In connection with the first proposition, we concluded that very little political power or influence had been brought to bear on the village by the institutions, particularly the university. 'We have emphasized this fact in connection with other propositions, but it should be re-emphasized at this point. Therefore, the first part of the proposition is not substantiated, insofar as it applies to direct, overt political power and influence. However, almost all of those with whom the question of gen- eral university influence was discussed agreed that the university is a powerful influence, though not in a political sense. The evidence presented here indicates that those persons involved in local govern- ment are very much aware of these influences, particularly those primarily economic in nature. Thus, the proposition is supported to this extent, since non-academic persons, as well as those connected with the institutions, are aware of and selsitive to institutional power and influence of this nature. However, there is no evidence that there has been any effort _ 217 - on the part of any agency of local government to dissipate or reduce any of these influences. On the contrary, as has been mentioned by several informants, there seems to be a feeling of desire to promote, rather than restrict in any way, the activities of the institutions. There is also the question of the ability of any agency of local government to seriously interfere or restrict any legitimate activity of the institutions, even were that felt desirable. As several in- dividuals said, "What could we do that would hurt them or restrict them?" Further, there is no evidence that any agency of local gov- ernment has imposed any restrictive legislation, regulations, or fees for services performed. Again we see the discrepancies between local folklore and actualities, in the area of university influence. An interesting comment on this phenomenon was made by the incumbent mayor: "Of course, the university may just have been trying to get some of these old guys off their dead-center, and they may have resented it and put it down to pressure." Once again we are reminded offthe number and diversity of indirect influences of the institutions on the community. These were particularly well understood and developed by a member of the board of public affairs, as well as the local newspaper editor. we will discuss them more fully in the final section of the paper. Here again, too, are seen examples of the manifestations of difficulties in communication, an example being the university pres- ident's lack of knowledge about the university's fire contract with the village. This problem in the area of communications is important to this study and will be discussed further. - 218 - PROPOSITION VI: That certain non-academic individuals in local government positions, particularly local businessmen, would be aware of the economic influence of the institutions and would be reluctant to take any steps which might result in adverse effects on the local economy. Much of the evidence to test this hypothesis has already been presented, particularly in connection with the previous hypothesis. Therefore, it is not necessary to repeat the evidence at this point to show that those involved in local government are very much aware of the economic influences of the university, and to a lesser degree the college. As far as taking steps which might adversely affect the in- stitutions, and, in turn, the local economy, there is no evidence that any such step has ever been taken. As noted in connection with the previous proposition, there is no evidence available to indicate that the village has ever attempted to place any extra burden or undue hardship on either of the institutions. The evidence also shows that, with onLy a few exceptions, there is no feeling on the part of the institutions that they have been discriminated against. It is interesting to consider the methods by which the vil- lage government might have acted to restrict institutional activities and to analyze each of these possible lines of action: 1. Imposition of additional taxes:--This has no direct bearing on either of the institutions, since both of them are exempt from all forms of taxation. 2. Failure togprovide services:-—Although the village might have refused to provide essential services, this has not been the case. The following are services which.the village has performed, as indicated in detail earlier. a. b. C. d. e. f. g. Police: Fire: water: Sewer: Streets: Lighting: Sanitation: -219... For many years, the village police were also responsible, in the main, for protec- tion of preperty of the institutions. Although the university has established its own security force, the village police are still responsible for maintaining law and order and protecting life and property of residents, including institutional. Until recent years, the village furnished free fire protection to both institutions. Protection for the major portion of the uni- versity, inside the corporation limits, is still provided at no cost, and property outside is protected with modern equipment and well-trained men, at minimal cost. The village has supplied water to both in- stitutions for sixty years at low rates, and has never asked for direct contributions for capital expansion. ‘water service charges have remained low, and were not changed between l93h and 1961, when a new schedule was adopted. Until the latter date, the institutions received benefit of decliningéblock rates. Sewers and sewage treatment have been available to the institutions for more than fifty years, at relatively low rates which were not increased between l92h and l95h, and then only as the result of plant expan- sion. Major improvements have been fin- anced in part by contributions of capital by both institutions, based on proportionate usage of the facilities. Limited street maintenance has been per- formed by the village, until recent years with voluntary contributions from the uni- versity for streets bordering the campus. All gravel streets were sealed by the late 19110. S 0 Street lighting has been provided in the vicinity of the university campus by the village, until 1960 when a new university lighting system replaced some of the village system. The village has provided facilities for disposal of refuse and garbage for many years--prior to 1938, dump sites; from 1938 - 220 - to 1953, incineration; and since 1953, sanitary landfill. Until 1953 payments were token; since then, based on propor- tionate usage. 3. Land use and_planning regulations:--These have in no way directly affected either institution. The village has not attempted to impose planning or land use jurisdiction on the university and has not required building permits for university projects. In the case of the college, village policy and regulations actually helped in the development of a residential subdivision. h. Other types of regulations:--The village has not adopted other types of regulatory measures or restrictions which would affect any operation of either institution. It is difficult to imagine a situation in which the refusal to perform any of the above services, except perhaps water and sewer services, would have had any lasting, permanent effect on the opera- tion of the institutions. It is also difficult to see how any other type of action could work to the detriment of the institutions, with the possible exception of imposing a heavy financial burden on the college. As noted earlier, there is some evidence that the village has not pressed the college to meet all of its financial obligations on time. The village also permitted the college to make its capital contributions toward sewage plant expansion costs over a fifteen-year period, while the university made lump-sum payments during a short period of time. In addition, the village accepted the annexation of college- owned land, so that it might be developed for subdivision purposes and waived the requirement that sanitary sewers be installed, per- mitting instead the use of individual septic tanks. In these - 221 - instances, there is at least some evidence that the financial posi- tion of the college was a factor which was considered in the deci- sion-making process. Here, then, the village government was Operat- ing in such a manner as to protect and support the institution, if anything, rather than insisting that it meet its obligations in the same manner as the university. Summary, Proposition VI we have discovered no evidence to support the assumption that anyone connected with village government would be interested in taking any action which might result in adverse effect on the local economy. Thus, there is no way of indicating that local businessmen might be BREE reluctant to take these steps, since apparently such has never been the case, and any discussion on this subject seems to be merely academic. In direct support of five preposition, there is evidence that business-oriented individuals in local government are aware of the economic influence of the university on the community; several indi- viduals have been so quoted at various points earlier. The proposition is supported by the evidence, at least to the extent that (1) businessmen involved in local government are very much aware of the importance of the university, and (2) the village government has not acted in any way that might have resulted in ad- verse effect on the local economy. The village government has, in fact, operated in a positive manner to promote the interests of the institutions by providing essential services at reasonable cost, and, in the case of the college, perhaps has leaned over backward to pre- vent any possible adverse effect. VI. SUMMARX AND ANALYSIS The village and the institutions have been closely associated since the early days of the university, when the village was cre- ated by the legislature as a seat for the institution. Residents fought several attempts to relocate Miami University in other com- munities. Local citizens helped to found other educational institutions in the community, including western College. For more than 100 years, there have been at least two institutions of higher education in operation in the village at any given time. Local citizens, therefore, have been veny much identified with the institutions and very much aware of their place in the community. Late in the last century, the university received its first direct financial support from the state. This has increased to the point where the institution is, for all intents and purposes, a state institution. Furthermore, the university has come to be by far the chief source of local employment and the mainstay of the local economy. Relations between the university and the community have been mutually satisfactory, in general. While there have been a few minor problems from time to time, nothing of major importance has worked to create a basic schism between "town" and "gown." Rela- tions have, if anything, generally improved over the years, - 222 - -223- particularly since the second world war, while, at the same time, the institution has grown rapidly, and university-oriented indivi- duals have come to form a larger proportion of the total community. The village has provided general public services and utili- ties at reasonable cost and with a very minimum.of difficulties. Electricity and water have been provided since the last years of the nineteenth century, sewers and sewage treatment since the first dec- ade of the twentieth. Limited police service was and is available, and fire protection has been afforded both institutions for about eighty years, at no cost to either institution until about fifteen years ago. The community today is very much influenced by the presence of the two institutions. Its economy is inextricably linked to the university and the college. The composition of the local pOpulation reflects the academic nature of the community; such indices as median age, school year completed, percentage of those in the labor force engaged in manufacturing, and the major occupation groupings of local residents all clearly point up the presence of the university and college. In the area of local government, it has been noted that local politics have not been partisan but have tended to revolve around personalities. Questions of public policy have not resulted in basic conflict between segments of the community. For many years, university employees were prohibited by state law from serving on village council, but couki and did serve as mayor and members of the board of public affairs. Council membership has been heavily weighted toward individuals identified with local business, while _ 22h - professional and academic peOple have not served in proportion to their numbers in the community. Governmental organization has been of the weakemayor type, with further division of authority and responsibility among an elected council and utility board, and appointed recreation and planning groups. These agencies, along with appointed department heads, have provided a multitude of points of access to the village government. The university and village have cooperated to a large degree in many public service Operations, particularly in the area of util- ities and streets. Cooperation has been particularly noticeable at the Operating level. Both the university and college have paid their proportionate shares of the cost of expanding and improving the sewage treatment system. However, the institutions, particularly the university, have not paid anywhere near the amounts of taxes which they would have were they not established as tax-exempt corporations. University payments to the village for general fund purposes have never amounted to more than 5%% of village general fund revenues, and two-thirds of this amount was for landfill use and fire protection outside the village. The village has been handicapped by the loss of a lrge part of potential property tax revenue because a fairly klrge portion of the incorporated area is held by the university. No payments in lieu of taxes have been made for police, street, street lighting, or other general fund purposes, although the university has provided its own security forces and street lighting system. Payments fer -225- fire and sanitation services have increased proportionately in recent years, but, in the case of fire protection, do not begin to cover proportionate costs in light of the value of institutional property protected. For more than fifty years, the university has operated a laboratory school, providing instruction from kindergarten through high school, thus relieving local taxpayers of the direct costs in- volved in educating a significant number of local school children. Recently the university has cooperated with the school district to establish a consolidated high school, and makes payments toward the cost of its operations. Summaries of Propositions and Corollaries The following is a brief summarization of the propositions and corollaries tested and conclusions as to their validity, based on the evidence presented in the previous section. PROPOSITION I: That the administrative organizations of Miami University and of western College, operating through represen- tatives of these organizations, would attempt to seek a direct voice in both policy formulation and determination and adminis- tration in village government, in areas or situations which would be of direct concern and interest to the educational institutions 0 The evidence does not support this proposition. It appears that the institutions do not attempt to directly influence local government agencies; and that, in fact, the university follows a strict policy of non-interference , to a point of bending over back- ward not to so appear. The evidence does indicate that there are indirect influences which, in any given situation, may be given much consideration by - 226 - local government officials. One of these is the economic influence of the institutions, particularly the university, on the community. FIRST COROLLARY TO PROPOSITION I: That such attempts would be made by the essentially rational means of persuasion and exposi- tion of relevant facts, rather than by any overt coercion or direct personal influence. This corollary is supported by the evidence, to the extent that the positive evidence indicates that representatives of the in- stitutions have supported their positions in negotiations by rational and logical presentations of fact, and by the negative evidence re- lated to the supposition that such representatives would attempt to coerce or otherwise directly intervene with local government repre- sentatives. The corollary, however, is true only to the extent that the institutions do directly attempt to seek a voice, and the evi- dence indicates that this has not occurred often. SECOND COROLLARY TO PROPOSITION I: That, in areas deemed of major concern to the university, the administration of that institution might attempt to assure itself of a voice by working through those members of the faculty of the university who occupy positions in local government, such as mayor, trus- tee of public affairs, solicitor, village engineer, or member of the planning commission, zoning board, or recreation board; and that, in similar circumstances, western College might attempt the same end by working through members of its staff or faculty who were serving as members of village council or as village solicitor. The evidence does not support this proposition. There is no evidence that any institutional representative has ever attempted to directly influence those persons connected with the university or the college, who were also serving in posts in the local government. The evidence did indicate, however, indirect influences. The major of these is the identification and association of these individuals with the institutions of which they are a part. - 227 - PROPOSITION II: That the administrators of the institutions would attempt to work toward desired ends in such a manner as to preserve good public relations with the general public and with the village government, and to keep from appearing to influence local government. The evidence is that institutional administrators have worked, both at the policy and administrative levels, in a manner which has promoted good relations with the village government and the general public. There is no evidence of any kind of direct pressure or in- fluence exerted from any source. Thus, it appears that the proposi- tion is supported, at least to the extent that it pertains to good relations with the village government. It is difficult to assess the validity of the prOposition as it pertains to the general public, since the limited evidence on this part of the proposition is somewhat conflicting. PROPOSITION III: That, in areas of mutual interest and concern, the institutions, through representatives of their policy-making or administrative bodies, might seek to work together or along parallel lines, in order to achieve their purposes of seeking a direct voice in village government. The evidence does not support this proposition. There appears to have been no collaboration between representatives of the two institutions in dealing with the village. And again it must be noted that the proposition is completely invalid insofar as it re- lates to the question of attempting to obtain a direct voice in village government. PROPOSITION IV: That members of'the faculty or’staff of the in- stitutions who occupy offices in local government are aware of the policies and attitudes of the institutional leaders and might react on the basis of this knowledge, in a given situation involving the institution, without direct or overt influence from the policy-making body or administrative staff of the institu- tion. -228- FIRST COROLLARY TO PROPOSITION IV: That those individualswho occupy positions in both an educational institution and the vilhage government, and who are antagonistic toward the admin- istration of the institution, might sometimes work at cross- purposes with the institution through the instrumentality of local government. SECOND COROLLARY TO PROPOSITION IV: That those persons who are sympathetic toward the goals and aims of the administration of the institution would seek to help attain those goals through local government, in situations involving the institution. This proposition and the first two corollaries were con- sidered together, since they and the evidence are intimately related to one another. It appears from the evidence that proposition four is sup- ported. Institutional personnel serving on village bodies have generally been aware of institutional policies, and, perhaps more importantly, are aware of the effects of village policy on the in- stitutions. It is reasonable to infer that this knowledge is taken into consideration by such individuals, when considering problems affecting the institution. However, there is no direct corrobora- tion for such an inference. It akso seems reasonable to conclude from personal know- ledge, and some evidence obtained from interviews, that both corol- laries are probably valid. However, such a conclusion can be made only as a broad generalization and must be stated tentatively, be- cause of the lack of more complete data on the motivations of the individuals involved . THIRD COROLLARY TO PROPOSITION IV: That those individuals who occupy positions in both an educational institution and village government might find their loyalties and identifications in conflict and would find it difficult to resolve the conflict and reconcile the differences in goals and objectives of the institution and the village government. It appears that the corollary is not supported by the evi- dence, since there do not appear to have been any cases in which individuals found themselves in such a position of conflict, except to a very minor degree in one or two cases. However, informants were aware of the possibility of con- flict, and one or two incidents where there had been anticipation of such were cited by several informants. One possible conflict, sur- rounding the question of financing public services fer the institu- tions, appears to have been a latent problem, but one which has not usually resulted in conflicts for institutional personnel involved in local government. PROPOSITION V: That certain non-academic individuals in local government positions would be sensitive to institutional power and influence, and might attempt to dissipate such influence. The first part of the proposition is not substantiated, insofar as it pertains to direct political influence, since it is based on the false premise that the educational institutions dir- ectly and overtly influence the local political processes. However, the first part of the proposition ig substantiated, insofar as it applies to other types of power and influence, parti- cularly economic. The evidence indicates very strongly that such individuals are very much aware of the economic influence of the institutions, particularly the university, on the wellbeing of the community. The second part of the proposition is not substantiated. There is no indication that there has been any effort on the part of any agency of local government to dissipate or reduce the influence -230- of economic or other factors associated with the presence of the institutions. On the contrary, there appears to be a desire to pro- mote, rather than restrict in any way, the activities of the insti- tutions. PROPOSITION VI: That certain non-academic individuals in local government positions, particularly local businessmen, would be aware of the economic influence of the institutions and would be reluctant to take any steps which might result in adverse effect on the local economy. The evidence appears to support this proposition, at least to the extent that (1) such individuals are aware of the economic influence of the institutions, and (2) local government agencies have taken no steps which might in any way be considered as restric- tive on the activities of the institutions and, therefore, possibly injurious to the local economy. There is also some evidence that the village government has, in fact, operated in a positive manner to promote the interests of the institutions, by providing necessary services at reasonable costs, and, in the case of the college, per- haps has leaned over backward to prevent any possible adverse effect on that institution. However, there is no evidence that such individuals have any stronger feelings in this area of concern than do individuals who are associated with one of fine institutions and also involved in village government. It appears from the weight of evidence that institutional representatives have not sought direct influence upon the course of local government, either in the area of policy formulation and - 231 - determination or in the administration of local government functions. Thus, the keystone of the prepositions and corollaries, upon which several others were based, does not hold up in light of the evidence. Analysis of the evidence does not produce a single explana- tion or answer to explain this fact. There are, however, a number of factors which emerge from study of the relationships between the village and the institutions which have developed over the course of the years. One major conclusion is that it has not been necessary for representatives of the institutions, primarily the university, to seek to directly influence village government. The following factors lead to this conclusion: 1. Rany local government_powers do not apply to the institu- tions, as nonfprofit educational institutions. Neither Miami nor 'Western are affected by several village functions, and they there- fore have no reason to seek influence in these areas. The following is a summary of these powers of local government which are not of concern to the institutions. a. Taxation of real and personal property:--This power has no direct bearing on either the university or the col- lege, since both are tax-exempt. The only application which comes even close to the institutions is the ad- missions tax, which is levied not on the institutions but on those patronizing athletic events, concerts, and the like. b. Exercise of the police power:--Individuals and many private organizations are subject to various licenses, regulations, and inspections. These do not apply to the institutions, since they are not engaged in businesses or enterprises which are subject to licensing or regula- tion by the village. County health department inspec- tions are the only function of this nature performed by any local government agency. _ 232 _ 0. Planning and zoning regulations:--The issue has never really been raised by the village as to whether it has authority to control the land use and development of the university. The subject has generally been treated as though a problem does not exist, and no attempt has been made to subject the university to village zoning regula- tions or building permit regulations. In addition, the university has removed itself from depen- dence on the village for some services, particularly police and street lighting. In these areas, village control has been removed to a large degree. Further, there are other public functions to which the insti- tutions might be subject, but the question is academic at this point, inasmuch as the village does not currently perform them. Some of these are building, electrical, and plumbing regulations and inspec- tions; general health regulations, including control of private housing for university students; fire prevention regulations and inspections; and enforcement of the off-street parking provisions of the zoning regulations. In these areas, then, the institutions, especially the uni- versity, are not involved and, therefore, would have no need to seek a direct voice in the local political process as it applies to these particular matters. 2. The village government in general, and certain individuals in particular,gare aware of the interests and attitudes of the insti- tutions and have taken these into consideration in_providing_public services. Village agencies have generally provided essential ser- vices and utility products to the institutions, in most cases of an acceptable nature, at low cost, and with a minimum of involvement on the part of the institutions. Services, by general consensus, have _ 233“- been performed economically and in a satisfactory manner. Where service fees and charges have been levied, they have been reasonable and generally lower than comparable charges in similar communities. This has been particularly true of the board of public affairs. This agency has anticipated university needs well in ad- vance of the physical need, and has so acted to provide adequate water and sewer service when it was called upon to do so. This is probably at least in part due to the fact that for twentyafive years one or two of the members of the board have been university faculty members who were aware of plans for development of university plant. 3. Both the community in general and the village government in particular are very'much aware of the economic and other influences of the institutions and have generally acted on the basis of doing nothing which would interfere with or restrict their activities and have, in fact, worked to promote the interests of both the univer- sity and college, without necessarily giving them preferential treatment. The very close ties and associations of the community and the institutions have been emphasized in several places. There can be little doubt that most residents are very much aware that the com- munity is primarily dependent on the university for its existence, at least as it is presently constituted. Local citizens sitting in council, board of public affairs, and other governmental agencies are no different in this respect. It can reasonably be inferred that the realization of this relation- ship is one consideration of the many which have been involved in the development of basic village policies over the years. _ 23h _ Recognition of the importance of the institutions and of village responsibilities to them can be seen in the expansion of public utilities noted above; the provision of adequate equipment and well-trained men to provide fire protection; and the general willingness of the village to cooperate with the institutions in numerous small ways, such as permitting tunneling under village streets, permitting erection of overhead steam lines and the con- struction of temporary housing, overlooking violations of traffic regulations on special occasions, failure to press for overdue pay- ments from the college, and approval and support of the college's subdivision development plan. At the same time, the village has done nothing to restrict any university or college activity. There have been no special regulations or restrictions imposed; no unusual requirements; no conflicts of authority over control of student behavior; nor has the village attempted to impose local zoning or building regulations on the university. h. Members of the university and college faculty and staffs who have served on local_governmental bodies have indirectly "represen- ted" the institutions and have considered the interests of the in- stitutions in reaching policy decisions. This form of representation has not come about as the result of intervention or pressure from institutional representatives. It has resulted, rather, from the identifications and associations of the individuals themselves with the college or the university. In the case of those associated with the college, represen— tatives have been aware of the financial condition of the school -23S- and the effect of village-imposed requirements or charges on the college's financial structure. Individuals associated with the institutions have further served as liaison between village government and the institutions in many cases. xamples are the college professor who served on council, and the university faculty members who have served on the board of public affairs. They have been able to present to institu- tional administrators village policies, and vice versa, resulting in at least a minimal line of communication between institutions and local government. It is difficult to judge just what effect such identifica- tions and associations have had. However, it is reasonable to assume that identification with an institution has been one in the complex of factors taken into consideration in making decisions which have affected the university and college. In a minority of cases, it appears that the reverse of this generalization may have been true; that is, individuals connected with an institution who were antagonistic toward the institution may have transferred this feeling into their roles in local government, and may actually have worked in a manner not completely consistent with the interests of the institution. However, such cases have been rather rare and, with perhaps one exception, have not resulted in major changes in policy which would seriously affect either the college or the university. 5. Village government has not suffered the consequences of any basic split or conflict between factions of the community based on -236- social, economic, political, or other differences,_and the institu- tions in turn have not so suffered. The village has been a comparatively homogeneous community. A rather large number of families are involved directly or indirectly with the basic community function of providing support for the edu- cational institutions. A large percentage of the population is com- posed of middle- and upper-middle-class professional and business people. There is no basic division of the community which might lead to political activity in which the interests of the institutions were overlooked or specifically ignored. There is no basic schism between labor and management, or old and new families, or Catholics and Protestants, or whites and Negroes, or "town and gown," or any of the other differences in beliefs, attitudes, or values which may lead to basic differences in the political sphere. Local political activity has not been concerned with these things, but has tended to center around personalities and, to a lesser degree, public policy in the areas of public services and utilities. Institutional interests have not been the basis for, nor suffered as a result of, local politics. There are many other factors to be considered, of course, in assessing the patterns of relationships which have developed between the institutions and the village government. Analysis of some of these other considerations leads to further conclusions. 6. Both the village government and the university are creatures of the state and, as such, are governed to a certain degree by statutes, administrative rules and regulations, legal opinions, and - 237 - court decisions, all of which serve to restrict and prescribe the activities which may be carried out and the manner of so doing. The result is that any formal, contractual relationship between the uni- versity and the village is subject to control and regulation by the state. Many possible areas of agreement are therefore precluded, and others are limited and restricted in scope. The following are some examples of ways in which the university and village are subject to control by the state: a. On the basis of an attorney general‘s opinion, the vil- lage is required to provide free fire protection to university property within the corporation limits. The university, within certain limits, may contract for such protection for that portion of its property located outside the corporation limits. b. Approval for expenditures in excess of $1,000 must be sought from the State Board of Control by the university, while the village can approve of similar expenditures by action of council. c. University construction costing in excess of $3,000 must be approved by, and is administered through, the office of the State Architect and Engineer and the State Depart- ment of Public works. Village construction can be ad- ministered locally. d. University security officers do not have general police powers and, therefore, do not have complete police authority, unless they are deputized as special police officers of the village or special deputies of the county sheriff. e. The attorney general has ruled that the university may be assessed for capital improvements on the basis of benefits received, but may not make payments in lieu of taxes for services which cannot be assessed. f. The university is dependent on action of the state leg- islature for appropriations for capital improvements to academic buildings and service installations, while the village generally has control over its revenue, within limitations imposed by the state. g. Both the village and the university may spend money only for approved purposes and may exercise only those powers -238- specifically granted to them by the state. Both are subject to regular inspection by the Bureau of Super- vision and Inspection of the State Auditor's Department. h. From the turn of the century until the 1957 session of the state legislature, it was impossible for university faculty or staff members to serve on village council, although the law did not prohibit them from filling other local offices. Thus, in these areas, it is neither necessary nor possible for the university to seek a direct voice at the local level, since its powers and authority, as well as those of the village, are limited to fairly restricted patterns. A broader implication of the university's role is that the university must constantly consider the consequences of its acts in the eyes of state legislators and administrative officials. As a state-supported institution, it is dependent on the recommendations and actions of officials and members of the legislature. The uni- versity must justify their confidence, in order to obtain the funds necessary to carry out its major function of higher education. Such considerations enter into patterns of agreements with the village government and the local board of education. They have an important bearing on what the university feels it can do, for instance, in the area of financial contributions toward the operation of the high school; or what it should or should not do in the area of utilization of its facilities for local recreation programs; or what is a proper contribution for capital improvements in the local public utilities systems; or what is a just and reasonable payment for such services as fire protection and sanitation disposal. In short, the university must consider in all of its local agreements and commitments the effect these will have at the state level 0 -239... 7. The institutions, particularly the university,Ahave taken op new functions and expanded others in recent years, with the result that they are less dependent on the village forgperformance of these services. In several areas the institutions, particularly the univer- sity, have set about to provide their own services which were either formerly provided by the village or were not previously available. Examples of these are: a. C0 d. (30 f. The university has established its own security force and is no longer dependent on the village police force for protection of life and property in university areas proper. The university has constructed a new street lighting system around the major campus areas, thus relieving the village of the cost of construction and operation and, at the same time, making the university less dependent on the village for provision of this service. The university has expanded its refuse collection system to include married student housing and all university facilities, leaving the university dependent on the vil- lage only for Operation of the disposal site. Incinera- tors have been installed in new university'buildings, thus further reducing the total volume of waste materials to be disposed of by the village. The college refuse collection system includes faculty housing located on the periphery of the village; this relieves the village of the responsibility of making collections here. The college is dependent on the vil- lage only for the Operation of the landfill site. The college has its own transmission line to the sewage treatment plant and, therefore, is not dependent on the village for sewer maintenance. University grounds crews have taken over the responsi- bility for marking parking Spaces on village streets adjacent to the university, used primarily for university parking. The net result of these changes is that the institutions now are dependent on the village only for water, sewage treatment, fire - zho _ protection, and maintenance of streets servicing campus areas. 8. Both institutions, in_general, have adopted thegprinciple that they should help pay the costs of capital improvements to public utilities which serve them,fland that they should pay for public utilities in proportion to their use of such services. The following of this policy, first adopted by the univer- sity in its contributions toward the original sewer and treatment system in 1908 and 1909, has resulted in a narrowing of the field of possible conflict between the institutions and the village. This policy has been carried over into other areas. Examples of the ap- plication of this policy include university payments for storm sewers, sanitary sewers, sewage treatment facilities, and water, and contributions toward the cost of seal-coating streets; college pay- ments for sewage treatment plant expansion and water; and payments by both institutions for sewage plant operation and maintenance, and for use of the sanitary landfill. Had the university or college adopted the philosophy that it was the duty of the village to supply such facilities and ser- vices without charge, then perhaps the pattern of relationships and the type of agreements and commitments would be different from that which has developed. 9. Neither institution has asked for additional, gpecial services nor for preferential treatment or privileges not afforded other organizations or individuals. This, too, has reduced the area of possible conflict between the village government and the insti- tutions. This is not to say that the village has not, perhaps, granted some minor forms of Special treatment or that it has treated - 2hl - the institutions in exactly the same manner as it has treated other interests or private citizens. The village has not pressed the col- lege for payment of overdue bills, and has combined university water meter readings, resulting in savings in water charges. However, neither institution has acted as if it were en- titled to special privileges or services. Again, had this attitude been different, then the relations between the village government and the institutions might well have developed along different patterns. Two major observations, not directly related to the hypo- theses, result from analysis of the data. These are important in assessing the behavior of village government personnel and represen- tatives of the institutions. The first of these is as follows: 1. Thegpublic image of the institutions, particularly the university, is at variance with the observable gpatterns of behavior in the area of influence on or control over local governmmt. we have seen evidence of this in several areas, and examples were presented to point up the difference between the local folklore and actual practices. This is particularly true in the area of university payments, which contradict what is at best a half-truth-- the belief by many local residents that the university does not pay for any of the services or utilities provided by the village. Other beliefs which do not stand up in light of the evidence are those to the effect that the university controls local elections, that it controls or strongly influences the actions of local government, that it has used influence to keep the village dry, except for 3.2% ~2h2- beer, and that both institutions have put their own representatives on village council and other bodies to directly represent them. There are probably mahy factors which have contributed to the images which have been created in the minds of some local citi- zens. One is the tendency to ascribe power to organizations or in- dividuals who possess potential or Latent power, whether such power is ever overtly expressed or not. There is no doubt but that the university is powerful, though perhaps not in the way in which these individuals believe. Another factor is the possibility that some of these atti- tudes are based, at least in part, on conditions which existed at some prior time. A third is the fact that little publicity has been given to actual university agreements with the village, although this is not quite so true now as it was prior to the advent of the present university administration. 2. There is a minimal degree of communication or inter- action between the institutions and the village government, in some cases resulting in an almost complete lack of common knowledge in areas of mutual concern. This is particularly interesting in a situation where the two organizations exist in close proximity to each other; where there are overlapping memberships and roles; where the individuals involved are fairly sophisticated and knowledgeable; and where relations are primary, face—to-face contacts, not secondary relationships carried out by extensive communication over long distances. Cases were found where personnel were ignorant of some of -2h3- the arrangements affecting their own particular operations, or of activities which would be of interest to them in conjunction with the performance of their own duties. Village officials, it devel- oped, did not know the details Of university plans for expansion in specific areas, while the university in some instances was unaware of village plans and activities. It was found that little machinery or administrative pro- cedure has been established; contacts and communication have been, in many cases, dependent on informal "grapevine" knowledge or in- formation obtained incidentally in connection with some other rela- tionship between specific individuals, such as contacts between the university treasurer and one member Of the board of public affairs. Again the interplay of several factors must be considered, in order to accalnt for this condition. One factor is that of de- centralization Of authority and responsibility in the village gov- ernment, among the council, board of public affairs, department heads, and other village boards and commissions, with no full-time central administrative organization to provide continuity, or to establish and carry out systems and methods of coordinating and controlling activities. Much of the liaison between the university and village organizations has been provided by the part-time members of the board of public affairs, with no full-time professionally trained administrator to carry on the day-to-day Operations. Another factor is the reluctance of the university to appear to be interfering in the Operation Of village government. The uni- versity president, for instance, felt that it would help a great deal for university and village planning to be better coordinated, -2hlL- but he would not approach the village planning commission, waiting instead to receive an invitation from the village organization. A third factor is the greater degree of professionalization found in the university administrative structure. MOst village officials, at least at the secondary or Operating level, are not professionals in their fields of specialty. The same is true of their counterparts at the same level in the university hierarchy. However, these village officials must also deal with top university Officials, since the village structure has no central administrative authority. The difficulty of communications appears to have presented more problems at the policy-determination level than in routine Operations. There have been no major breakdowns in service caused by failure of Operating personnel to get together, one way or an- other, tO solve mutual problems. Contacts at this level are more common and occur more often than do those between top—level officials. It can also be argued that there is not much need for com- munication, once a policy has been established and an agreement entered into, except perhaps in cases of emergencies or other spec- ial problems. This is probably true at the Operating level. However, it is at the level of policy fermulation and determination that the communications problem is most acute. In considering this case, it is interesting to note the con- trasts between findings in this case and those in cases cited at the national level, upon which certain hypotheses here tested were based in part. In the present case, the contacts were all primary, - 2h5 _ face-to-face contacts between individuals who knew, or were at least known to, each other. This is very different from the type of con— tact used by interests operating at the national and state levels. Many of the latter were cases of secondary contacts between persons who did not have prior friendship or associations, and, except in their one relationship involving the matter Of mutual interest, may have had very little in common. In the present case, very little evidence of direct pressure or influence being brought to bear on council or board members was found. Such tactics were cited often in cases at the state and national levels.1 In the present case, contacts were found to be informal, Often in connection with some other relationship between the indivi- duals involved. Sometimes this occurred in the course of social interaction. Such contacts, informal as they may have been, were visible, since they were between officials authorized and responsible for performing functions in specific areas. At the national level, contacts were often between representatives Of private interests and government officials, and were often "invisible" in the sense that they were completely unofficial, extra-legal, behind-the-scenes ac- tivities, and sometimes were carried out by individuals who were 1For examples, see Stephen K. Bailey, Congress Makes a Law, op. cit., Chapter Seven, "Conservative Pressures," pp. 129-lh9; Bailey and Samuel, Congress at‘WOrk, op. cit., Chapter 10, "Pressures and Lobbies,n pp. 268-292; V. 0. Key, Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups, pp. cit., particularly Chapter Six, "Roles and Techniques of Pressure Groups"; and David B. Truman, The Governmental Process, op. cit., especially Chapter 11, "The Dynamics of Access in the Leg- islative Process," pp. 321-351, and Chapter 12, "Techniques of In- terest Groups in the Legislative Process," pp. 352-39h. -2146- not directly responsible for the administration of the matter involved. Interesting to note at this point is the applicability of certain hypotheses concerning power structure and interest group behavior to the case at hand. In the first segment of this paper are found hypotheses and postulates upon which much of the present study is based, including the following: Hunter's second postulate of power structure--"Power is structured socially, in the United States, into a dual relationship between government and economic authority on national, state, and local levels." Corollary 1 adds, "Both types of authorities may have functional, social, and institutional power units subsidiary to them."2 Although this question was not central to the present study, the limited evidence would appear to support this postulate. There is certainly evidence in Oxford of the power Of economic influence, not only as it relates directly to commerce in the community, but as it is involved with the economic influence of the largest industry-- the university. This, however, is not a typical situation, since the major source of economic influence is also a governmental agency. This works to diminish the economic power of the local businesses in the private sector of the economy. Hunter lists as his third hypothesis the following: In a given power unit (organizatiOn) a smaller number of individuals will be found formulating and extending policy than those exercising power. 2Hunter, op. cit., p. 6. _ 2h7 - Corollary 1. All policy makers are "men of power." Corollary 2. All "men of'power" are not, pgp'gg, policy makers. 3 Again, the focus of the present study was not directly aimed at testing of this hypothesis. However, it would again appear that the limited evidence in the present case would tend to support this hypothesis and its two corollaries. It is true that in the village government, particularly council and the board of public affairs, a smaller number of individuals were found to be formulating policy than those exercising power--at least in the sense of administrative power. The same was found true in the university administration; several operating officials, who no doubt have a great deal of authority within the organization, were quoted to the effect that they were not directly involved in the formulation and determination of basic policy. More directly related to the present case are the hypotheses set forth by Truman. He contends that the group memberships and identifications of legislators obviate the need for direct pressure on the part of special interests seeking support for their views. Truman says of the legislator: "He is likely to be most accessible to groups and proposals that stem from.sources comparable to those from which his own attitudes have been derived.“4 Evidence in the present case would tend to support such a contention. The question of accessibility has not been tested in this case, but it does appear to be true that members of council and the board of public affairs who are also associated with the 3Ibid., p. 7. hTI'uman, op. cit., p. 339. -2h8- institutions have not disregarded or overlooked the interests of the institutions. However, it is not necessarily true that they have behaved in this manner to a greater degree than have non-academic persons in local government. There was no attempt in this study to make any such comparison. At the same time, we have evidence that those members of council associated with business enterprises are aware of the impli- cations Of their policy decisions on the local economy, and have not acted in any way which would be detrimental to the economic base of the community. Truman also states that the overlapping and multiplicity of group memberships of decision-makers provides a balance which pre- vents dominance by any one group. Some evidence in the present case indicates that this is true of local decision-makers on council and the board of public affairs. These individuals are not only associated with an insti- tution, but are also identified with the general community, a church, perhaps one or more fraternal organizations, a particular neighbor- hood, and so on. In different situations, any one or a combination of these identifications and associations may work to strongly in- fluence the action of the individual. This multiplicity seems to preclude the possibility that those individuals who are associated with an institution would always support the interests of the insti- tution in every case, no matter what the consequence might be to him personally as a Presbyterian, a Kiwanian, a Mason, a Negro, a leader SIbid., p. 507. _ 2L9 - in Little League activities, or as a resident of Bishop Street. The same can be said for non-academic individuals. Truman describes our form of government as having multiple points of access for those seeking a voice in the decision-making process. He says: The institutions of government are centers of interest-based power. . . . In order to make claims, political interest groups will seek access to the key points of decision within these institutions. 6 The evidence on this in the present case is mixed. There is no doubt but that there are multiple points of access-~the mayor, members of council, board of public affairs, and so on. And, as has been shown in Figures 1 and 2, there are many points of contact be- tween Officials of the institutions and the village. However, it is not true that those seeking access to the key points of decision have done so by using the techniques described at the state and national levels. As noted previously, it has not been necessary for the institutions to seek to directly influence government. In many cases, government has anticipated institutional needs and supplied them prior to the time the physical need developed. Hence, it cannot be said that the evidence in the present case fully supports this contention. Another conclusion from the case is that the personal in- fluence and leadership of certain individuals, particularly univer- sity presidents and the late vice president, have had much to do with the attitudes of the university toward the village, and the resultant policy and patterns of relationships which have developed 61bido, p0 5060 —250- over the years. The same is true of certain menbers of the board of public affairs and, to a lesser degree, some of the mayors of the village. A further conclusion is that in many cases the question of institutional "policy" is one which is difficult to define and to differentiate from administration of previously determined policy. In several instances, what was represented to be "university policy" was, in fact, what the speaker felt it should be, and in some cases it was questionable as to whether this would be the formal policy expounded by the president or board of trustees, were they called upon to take a formal position. In other cases, it developed that there was no one single policy in a given area, but several policies; or there was no real policy at all, in the usual sense, but only specific decisions made by individuals when specific problems arose, and perhaps not repeated again, even under similar circumstances. The end result of this study is the conclusion that analysis of the interplay of various factors involved indicates that the village government has generally anticipated and provided for the needs of the institutions, particularly the university and, above all, in the area of public utilities, without direct influence from the institutions, but with the general cooperation of the institu- tions. It might be speculated that this result is little different from what might have developed had the institutions sought and found direct voices in the area of policy determination and administration of the affairs of the village government. APPENDIX "A" SCHEDULE OF QUESTIONS The following is the general schedule of questions which were asked of all those persons interviewed, except university and college Officials and administrators: l. 2. 6. DO you feel that the university and/or the college attempt directly to influence village policy or the operation of the village government? If so, how? On what occasions? By whom was the attempt made? When? ‘With what effect? If more than once, how often? If not, why do you believe that direct influence has not been used? If you feel that the institutions do attempt to directly in- fluence local government, either policy or administration, do you consider this to be proper? If not, why not? If so, why? ‘What do you think should be the roles of the univer- sity and/or the college where their interests are involved? CAsked only of university and college ersonnel. See sec- tion dealing with other such questionsE] DO you have regular contact with any official or employee of Miami? Of western? ‘Who? How Often do you have contact? What kinds Of contacts are they--decision-making contacts or concerned with carrying out decisions already'made? Has any university or college official or employee ever attempted to get any special privilege or treatment for the university or college? If so, who? When? What privilege or favor? ‘Was it granted? By whom? If not, why not? How do you get along with.Miami or western officials with whom.you have contacts? If there are problems, what are they? The following additional questions were asked of village of- ficials and administrators who were, or are, either faculty or staff members at either of the two educational institutions: -251- 7. 8. 9. ~252- Has the university or college ever directly approached you in an attempt to influence your thinking and acting on any matter which has come up in council, board of public affairs, or other agency, which might affect the university or col- lege? If so, what was the issue? When did it arise? Who approached you from the administration? Was the attempt to directly influence you successful? Did you think it was correct behavior on the part Of the individual approaching you? If not, why not? Are you generally aware of university, or college, policies in regard to any questions which might have come up in council, board of public affairs, etc., which might affect the institution? DO you think these policies are, or were, in conflict with the best interests of the village? If so, why? In what way? In the event of a conflict between the interests of the in- stitution and the village, how did you make a decision on which position to support? ‘What cases have arisen in which you felt there was such a conflict? What was the final de- cision of the council, board, etc.? Did you feel that the final decision was a fair one for the village? For the college or university? 1 The following general questions were asked when interviewing university and college Officials and administrators: 3. 10. ll. 12. 13. Do you feel that the village makes undue demands on the university, or college, in any respect? If so, in what areas? - Do you have regular contacts with any official or employee of the village? Who? How often do you have contact? What kinds of contacts are involved-—decision-making, or concerned with carrying out decisions already made? If you have no regular contacts, what cases have arisen where you did have contacts with village personnel? With whom? What was the occasion? What was the result of such contacts? What is university, or college, policy in regard to rela- tionships with the village? Have you been instructed or advised by Officials of the university, or college, in re- gard to such policies? What areas do these cover? How would you describe your relationship with village Offi- cials with whom you have contacts? If there are problems, what are they? Has any official or employee of the village ever attempted to get any special privilege or treatment for the village? 16. -253- For himself? If so, who? On what occasion? ‘When? Was the request granted? By whom? Do you think this was right? If not, why not? a How would you characterize the university's, or college's, relationships with the village? Do you think the institu- tion attempts to directly influence village policy decisions or administration? If so, in what areas? On what occasions? With what effect? Have you ever had, or known about, contacts with western, or with Miami, in regard to relationships with the village? Do you personally know of areas in which the two institutions worked together, or are working together, in a joint or parallel endeavor in regard to a mutual problem connected with the village? If so, what issue? When? ‘What personnel were involved? What was the goal? What tactics or strategy were used? ‘What was the result? .4 APPENDIX "B" UNIVERSITY-VILLAGE RELATIONSHIPS REGARDING THE SEWER SYSTEM In the late 1890's, several citizens complained to council of the unsanitary conditions in the village. Several permits for private sewers were granted.1 One of these was approved in April of l90h for a sewer from Church Street to gravel beds in the Botanical Gardens. Others didn't run that far; they emptied directly into the streets.2 There were several attempts on the part of various citizens' groups to have the village install sewers and a treatment plant. Bernard says of activity in this regard: Miami University appears to have taken the lead in pressing for an adequate sewerage system. But ten years passed from the time the University president and trustees first approached Council on the matter until completion of the systen. The following quotation is from.the Council minutes for Oct. 25, 1900: “A communication from the President of Miami University requesting Council to adopt and carry out a system of sewerage for the village, the university'agreeing to share part of the expense, was received and on motion, Messrs. King, Semler and Schlenck were appointed a committee to consult with the university Trus- tees and report to Council." Two months later on Jan. 1, 1901, the Committee reported that it had met with the University Trustees and "came to no decision." 3 1Kenneth G. Bernard, Trustee of Public Affairs, "Town Report," The Oxford Press, October 9, 1958, Section II, p. 2. 2Ibid., November 6, 1958, Section II, p. 2. 3Loc. cit. -2Sh- -255- On November 10, 1903, a petition bearing 20h signatures asked council to "call an election and submit the question of issu- ing bonds in the sum of not exceeding $32,000 to be expended in the construction of a system of sewerage in the village." The petition was tabled, however. Pressure apparently continued for a solution to the problem. Council minutes for June 5, 1906, record that: Iessrs. Sloane and Shera, representing the citizens of the village, spoke in relation to advisability of calling special election for the purpose of voting for the issue of bonds for sewerage for the village. On motion Mayor King and Dr. Alex- ander were appointed a committee to confer with a committee of citizens to wait 0? the Trustees of'Miami University in rela- tion to sewerage. And on June 19, 1906: A petition was received from citizens of the village requesting Council to call a special election for the purpose of issuing bonds for sewers for the village. On motion, petition was re- ceived, request granted and Committee appointed consisting of all the members of Council to get the legal points necessary and 6 employ sanitary engineer to give estimate as to cost of the work. Hearings were held in February and March of 1907; the amount determined to be necessary was $50,000. A special election was called for May 16, 1907, at which time the bond issue lost by only six votes. Although 25? voted in favor and only 138 against the issue, a two-thirds majority was then necessary. The following year the issue was again proposed, and on July 6, 1908, the necessary majority was obtained and the bond issue authorized.7 With the village‘s share assured, council reached an agree- ment with the university for their share of the cost, based on hLoc. cit. SLoc. cit. 6Bernard, op. cit., October 29, 1958. 7Loc. cit. - 256 - benefits received from the improvements. On February 11, 1909, an ordinance was adopted authorizing the mayor and council to enter into a contract with the university, under the terms of which the university agreed to pay $8,867.h0. The university also agreed to pay a fee of $100 per year for maintenance and operation of the system. This arrangement remained in ferce until December of l92h, at which time sewer rental rates were established: 25¢ per 1,000 cubic feet of water used, with a minimum quarter billing of $1.25.9 These rates remained in force for thirty years. At about this time, it became apparent that the original plant was no longer adequate to serve the growing village and insti- tutions. An ordinance adopted in August of 1926 provided that the university would turn over to the village the $20,000 "recently ap- propriated by the State Legislature" as the university's share of the cost of expanding the sewage plant.lo Under the terms of this agreement, the university would assume no more than h0% of the cost, or no more than $20,000, whichever was the lower amount; Miami also agreed to pay a pro rata share of the cost of construction and main- tenance of sewers which were of "direct or indirect" benefit to the university, such payments to be based on the university's percentage usage of water. Apparently this plan was later discarded in favor of 8LOC. Cit. 90rdinance # 23, adopted December 2, 192k. 10Ordinance # 109, adopted August 3, 1926. - 257 - constructing an entirely new plant. In December of 1927, council passed legislation to accept from the university $h0,000, or not more than h0% of the cost of the new plant, whichever figure was the lower of the two.11 In this agreement, the university agreed to pay the entire cost of constructing sewers to connect buildings which were located outside the corporation limits. Again the university also agreed to pay a portion of the cost of new sewers which were directly or indirectly connected to university buildings. The following week, council passed legislation permitting the college to tap into the sewage line running across college prop- erty to the sewage plant, at no charge to the college.12 .And in February of 1928, council agreed to pay the college $5,000 for the new plant site, in return for which the college granted an easement to the village for a road and for the sewage transmission lines. The village, as a part of this agreement, consented to completely abandon the old treatment plant.13 The next major expansion of the sewerage system came during the depression years, when federal funds were available for public works projects. In 1933, the village entered into an agreement with the N.I.R.A. to extend the sanitary sewer system. The federal agency agreed to grant funds to cover 30% of the cost, and the village agreed to issue bonds in the amount of $33,000. In June of 1933, legislation was passed to enter into an agreement with Miami llOrdinance # 172, adopted December 1, 1927. 120rdinance # 173, adopted December 6, 1927. lBOrdinance # 182, adopted February 7, 1928. - 258 - University, whereby the latter would pay approximately 25% of the total cost of the expansion, since the institution would receive approximately that percentage of the total benefits.lh The univer- sity agreed to pay $10,700 into the village sinking fund, to retire the bonds when they became due. The village then issued $33,000 in general obligation bonds, which were purchased by the federal gov- ernment. The village entered into a like agreement with the N.I.R.A. for the installation of storm sewers in the southern portion of the village. Again the federal agency agreed to grant funds equal to 30% of the cost; and the village agreed to issue bonds in the amount of $h2,000, which would be purchased by the federal government. And again it was determined that Miami would receive a direct benefit from the improvement, and, therefore, the university agreed to pay 20% of the cost of the project.15 I Apparently the university felt it should not pay toward the cost of servicing the bonds issued by the village. In December of 1935, Ordinance # h3l was adopted, changing the schedule of sewer rates, insofar as they pertained to the university. The new provi- sion was that Miami's share of the sewer rents was not to include that institution's proportionate share of the costs of bonds issued by the village, nor the university's share of the cost of expansion. Accordingly, the university's rate was to be reduced "by the percen- tage that funds paid from the sewer rental fund for the payment of 1hOrdinance # 368, adopted June 26, 1933. lsOrdinance # 372, adopted June 29, 1933. -259- interest and principal of bonds in the preceding year bears to the total income from said sewer rentals in said preceding year."16 It was determined, in the late 1930's and early l9h0's, that the disposal plant was inadequate to handle the increasing volume of wastes. An engineering study was made, but before agreement could be reached on financing, the war began and plans were laid aside. Immediately after the war, plans were completed and the problem of financing was faced. In November of 19h6, village voters approved the issuance of $100,000 in general obligation bonds, for the purpose of constructing trunk interceptor sewers and a new in- verted siphon to the sewage plant and enlarging and reconstructing the plant. The first stage was the construction of interceptor sewers; these were built in 19h7, while the question of university financial participation was still being discussed. On November h, 19h7, the board of public affairs authorized the clerk to write a letter permitting the university to tap into the new sewers.l7 In April of 19h8, council changed the sewer rentals for services to property outside the corporation limits. For such users, the rate was made double the regular charge for village residents. However, the properties of the university and college were specifi- cally excluded from these provisions.1 In the meantime, the village and the university continued to discuss the university's share of the costs of the improvements 16Ordinance # h31, adopted Decenber 30, 1935. 17Proceedings of the Board of Trustees of Public Affairs, current volume, p. 139. lBOrdinance # 6h3, adopted April 6, 191:8. - 260 - already added, as well as the improvement of the treatment plant. Most of these discussions were not recorded, but it appears that there was general agreement to follow the principle which had been laid down with the construction of the first facilities and followed since: i.e., that the university should pay for its share of the cost of improvements. For reasons which are not now clear, the university had some difficulty in obtaining its share of the funds needed. On Septem- ber 18, 1951, the board directed the clerk to write to the president, the president of the board of trustees, and the vice president in charge of finance for the university, regarding their share of the costs. At the meeting on October 16, 1951, the clerk read a letter from the president of the board of trustees of'the university stat- ing that the latter was attempting to work out its share of the costs and would make payments as soon as the state provided adequate funds.19 In the meanwhile, the board had authorized consulting en- gineers to proceed with final detailed plans for the plant enlarge- ment. Completion of the plans revealed that the village would need to seek further financing to meet its share of the costs. Council and the board jointly decided to issue mortgage revenue bonds, rather than seek voter approval of a further issue of general obli- 20 gation bonds. On June 2, l95h, the contract was awarded for expansion of l9Proceedings . . ., 9p. cit., pp. 203-0h. ZQMinutes of the Council, Oxford, Ohio, Vol. VII, p. 126. - 261 - the treatment plant. On June 21, the board discussed the necessity for increasing the sewage rates to meet the costs of servicing and retiring the revenue bonds.21 On July 6, council passed legislation increasing the sewer rental rates as follows: Inside the corporation 1imits--$3.00 per quarter, minimum, including 5,000 cubic feet; $0.60 for each additional 1,000 cubic feet per quarter. Outside corporation 1imits-- $h.25 per quarter, minimum, including 5,000 cubic feet; $0.60 for each additional 1,000 cubic feet per quarter. Miami University-- $0.h0 per 1,000 cubic feet of water. western College-- $0.60 per 1,000 cubic feet of water.22 On July 7, l95h, legislation was adopted to authorize the issuance of $h0,000 in mortgage revenue bonds.23 On October 1h, the board met with several officials from Miami and reached tentative agreement on the university's share of the costs. The university agreed to pay 61.5% of the total cost of enlarging and rebuilding the plant, this amount having been arrived at on the basis that the university used this percentage of the total water consumed which was returned to the sewerage system.2h On January 7, 1955, the board wrote to western College, set- ting forth statistics on the usage of water by both institutions. 21Proceedings . . ., op. cit., p. Zhh. 22Ordinance # 769, adopted July 6, l95h. 23Ordinance # 770, adopted July 7, l95h. 2hProceedings . . ., 9p; cit., p. 2h8. - 262 - It was indicated that the following was the percentage of usage: Miami University . . 61.5% western College . . . . 6.8% All others . . . . . . °.él;é§ Total . . . . . . . 99.9% The following distribution Of costs for work completed in 19h9 and paid for as of January, 1955, was also listed: Sewer Treatment System Plant TOTAL Miami University 86h,0h2.h0 $3,h57.78 8 65,500.18 western College uh9.02 383.20 832.22 Village of Oxford 32,879.30 1,775.21 3h,65h.51 TOTALS $97,370.72 $5,616.19 $102,986.91 It was estimated that the total cost of treatment plant work? anticipated for l95h and 1955 would be $209,301.98. western Col- lege's share of this would be $1h,280.58, based on percentage usage of water returned to the sewerage system. The letter concluded as follows: The Village of Oxford issued bonds for $35,000 to pay part of their cost. These bonds earn 2.8636% and are to be retired in 15 years. If western College's share is amortized at 3% for 15 years, the yearly cost to western College would be $1,196.2h. Since certain of these costs are estimated, we suggest that Western College pay $1,200.00 per year for 15 years and adjust the final payment to conform to the actual cost of the project.25 On January 18, the board received a letter from the college president agreeing to these terms.26 On February 8, council passed 25Letter from members of the board of public affairs to western College, dated January 7, 1955. 26 Proceedings 0 o 0, 3E. Cite, p. 251.. _ 263 - the necessary legislation to enter into formal agreements with both institutions. western College was permitted to use the sewage treat- ment plant facilities, and its rental was set at $O.LO per 1,000 cubic feet Of water used quarterly. In addition, the college agreed to pay $1,200 per year for a period of fifteen years.27 At the same time, council entered into an agreement with the university at the same rate of $0.L0 per 1,000 cubic feet of water, for a like period of fifteen.years. On February 15, contracts were signed with each of the in- stitutions. Each provided that the village might at any time increase the rates, should revenues prove insufficient to pay the operating and maintenance expenses of the plant and sewer system, provided that an equal increase in rates was made to all other users of the sew- erage system. It is estimated that with these improvements, the sewage treatment plant will provide for complete treatment of sewage wastes produced by a population of 13,000, and should be adequate until about 1965.29 27Resolution # 819, adopted February 8, 1955. 28Resolution # 820, adopted February 8, 1955. 2 9Harland Bartholomew and Associates, A Report Upon Util- ities . . ., p. 10. BIBLIOGRAPHY Public Documents State of Ohio. Constitution, 1851. Article XVIII. State of Ohio. Revised Code, 1953. Title I - State Government - Chapter 9, "Miscellaneous"; Title VII - Municipal Corpora- tions - Chapter 715, "General Powers," Chapter 717, "Specific Powers," Chapter 729, "Assessments," Chapter 731, "Organiza- tion, Powers and Duties of Legislative Authority," Chapter 733, "Officers, Executive Powers," Chapter 735, "Public Service," and Chapter 7h3, "Utilities: Electricity, Gas, water"; Title LVII - Taxation - Chapter 5705, "Uniform Tax Levy Law," and Chapter 5709, "Taxable Property; Exemptions." U.S. Bureau of the Census. Seventeenth Decennial Census, 1950. Village Village Village Village Village Bailey, Bailey, Population, Vol. II, Part 35, OHIO. of Oxford, Ohio. Annual Reports, to Office of the Bureau of Inspection and Supervision of Public Offices, Office of the State Auditor, 19h6, 19h9, 1952, 1955, and 1959. of Oxford, Ohio. Minutes Of Council, Vols. I - VII. of Oxford, Ohio. Ordinances and Resolutiong. Vols. I - V. of Oxford, Ohio. Proceedings of the Board of Trustees of Public Affairs, current volume. of Oxford, Ohio. Resolutions of the Board of Trustees of Public Affairs. Books Stephen K., and Samuel, Howard D. Congress at werk. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1952. Stephen K. Congress Makes a Law. New York: Columbia University Press, 1950. Burns, James M. Congress on Trial. New York: Harper and Brothers, 19L9. -261,- - 265 - Flower, Olive. The History of Oxford College for WOmen, 1830 - 1928. Oxford, Ohio: The Miami University Alumni Association, 19E9. Greer, Carl R. Old Oxford Days. Oxford, Ohio: The Cullen Printing Company, 19h7. Havighurst, waiter. The Miami Years - 1809-1959. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1958. Hunter, Floyd. Community Power Structure. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1953. Key, V. 0. Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups. 3rd ed. revised. New York: Thomas I. Crowell Company, 1952. McGinniS, Ralph J. Oxford Town, 1830-1930: The History of Oxford, Ohio from the Earliest Days to the Present. Oxford, Ohio: The Stewart Press, 1930. Morstein—Marx, Fritz (ed.). Elements Of Public Administration. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 19h61 Nelson, Narka. The Western College fer WOmen, 1853-1953. Oxford, Ohio: western College for WOmen, l95h. Smith, Ophia D. Fair Oxford. Oxford, Ohio: Oxford Historical Press, l9h7. . 01d Oxford Houses and the People Who Lived in Them. Oxford, Ohio: Oxford Historical Press, 19Ll. Stewart, Arthur C. Oxford Town. Oxford, Ohio: The Stewart Press, 1921. Truman, David B. The Governmental Process. New'York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1960. Turner, Henry A. (ed.). Politics in the United States. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1955. Upham, Alfred H. Old Miami - The Yale of the Early west. Oxford, Ohio: The Miami University Alumni Association, l9h7. Articles and Periodicals Beneke, Herman H. "Miami University of 1901 and 1959," Miami Dimensions, V (March, 1959), pp. 6, 2h-26. Cincinnati Enquirer, November 5, 1960, p. 36. Hamilton, Ohio,_Journal-News, May 19, 1960, p. 8. - 266 - McBride, James. "A Sketch of the Topography, Statistics, and His- tory of Oxford, and the Miami University," Journal of the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, No. 1, 1838, pp. 98-121. Miami Alumnus. V01. XII, NO. 6 (February, 1959). "Oxford: A Tradition of Education," Miami Dimensions, V (March, 1959)) pp. 1.8-l9. Oxford Press. Various issues, 1958-1961. Seibertg Joseph C. "Expenditures by Miami Students, September, 1956," Miami Business Review, XXVIII (January, 1957), pp. 1, h. Published Reports, Studies, and Regulations Bartholomew, Harland, and Associates. Amended Zoning Ordinance. Prepared for the Oxford Planning Commission. St. Louis: Harland Bartholomew and Associates, 195D. (Mimeographed). . A Report Upon Major Streets, Schools and Parks. Prepared for the Oxford Planning Commission. St. Louis: Harland Bartholomew and Associates, October, 195h. (Mimeographed). . A Report Upon Population, Land Use, and Zoning. Prepared for the Oxford Planning Commission. St. Louis: Harland Bartholomew and Associates, l95h. (Mimeographed). . A Report Upon Utilities and Public Buildingg. Prepared for the Oxford Planning Commission. St. Louis: Harland Bartholomew and Associates, December, 195h. (Mimeographed). Harvey, James'w. The University and the City: A Study of Economic Relationships between the Universigy of California and the City of Berkeley. Berkeley, California: Bureau of Public Administration, University of California, December, 1958. Miami University. Information Bulletin for Faculty and Staff, 1958. Miami University Official Publication. Documents on Student Govern- ment, Student Conduct Regulations, Undergraduate Academic Regulations. May, 1958. Unpublished Material Board Of Public Affairs, Oxford, Ohio. Letter to Officials Of western College, Oxford, Ohio, dated January 7, 1955, dealing with financing of sewage treatment plant enlargement. (Typewritten). -267- City of Columbia, Missouri. "Institutional Payments for City Services." Results of a survey pertaining to payments by educational institutions to municipalities in the United States. 1957. (Mimeographed). Graduate Students in Physical Education 553, Miami University. "A Survey of Recreation in the Village of Oxford." June, 1958. (Mimeographed). League of WOmen Voters. "Village of Oxford, Ohio." Pamphlet pre- pared by the Oxford chapter, League of WOmen Voters, describing the village and its government. 195k, with supplements to 1958. Students in Municipal Government Class, Miami University. "A Study of the Changes Involved in Oxford's Municipal Government." A study made in 1950, when it appeared that the village would become a city by virtue Of its pOpulation passing the 5,000 mark. (Mimeographed). Miami University. "An Agreement by and between the President and Board of Trustees of The Miami University and the Board of Trustees Of Public Affairs of the Village of Oxford, Ohio." A contract signed on July'l6, 1957, pertaining to use by the university of the village landfill. Miami University. "An Agreement by and between the President and Board Of Trustees of The Miami University and the Talawanda Local School District." A contract signed in November, 1955, establishing relationships between the university and school district, regarding operation of the Talawanda District High School. Village of Oxford, Ohio. Account ledgers, financial reports, and miscellaneous records maintained by the Village Clerk- Treasurer. Other Sources McCullough-Hyde Memorial Hospital, Oxford, Ohio. Personal interviews with the administrator and a member of the board of trustees. February, 1959. Miami University, Oxford, Ohio. Personal interviews with nine Of- ficials and administrators. 1958-1959. Press representatives, Oxford, Ohio. Personal interviews with three local representatives of the daily and weekly press. 1958. Talawanda School District, Oxford, Ohio. Personal interviews with the superintendent of schools and two members of the board of education. May, 1959. - 268 - Village of Oxford, Ohio. Forty-one personal interviews with village councilman, trustees of public affairs, officials and employees. 1958—1959. Western College, Oxford, Ohio. Personal interviews with two offi- cials of Western College. 1958. * 92:9? W“ Ewan Lat 8 PM}: 9.03 3."? EH. ~¢__.. ‘,